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 Through Europe on the Eve of War 
 
 A Record of Personal Experiences; Including 
 an Account of the First World Conference 
 of The Churches for International Peace 
 
 FREDERICK LYNCH. DJ 
 
 S'jcretarv ot TV'-' Charcli I'eace L'n 
 
Through Europe on the Eve of War 
 
 A Record of Personal Experiences; Including 
 an Account of the First World Conference 
 ■of The Churches for International Peace 
 
 FREDERICK LYNCH, D.D. 
 
 Secretary of The Church Peace Union 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE CHURCH PEACE UNION 
 
 70 Fifth Avenue, New York 
 
 1914 
 
DS2,| 
 
 "By Tranaffei' 
 
 FEB 20!-' ^5 
 

 DEDICATED TO ANDREW CARNEGIE 
 
 Whose Munificence and Whose Unfailing Certitude that 
 
 Religion and Goodwill Are One 
 
 Made Possible 
 
 The First World Conference of the Churches 
 
 for International Peace 
 
Through Europe on the Eve of War 
 
 A Record of Personal Experiences ; Including an Account 
 
 of the First World Conference of The Churches 
 
 for International Peace 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 THE FIRST FRUITS OF THE WAR 
 
 On Saturday morning, August 1st, at three o'clock. Dr. 
 Charles S. Macfarland, Secretary of the Federal Council 
 of Churches, and I were sleeping soundly in one of the 
 comfortable compartments of the cars belonging to the 
 International Sleeping Car Company, when we were 
 suddenly seized by the shoulders by the guard and shaken 
 out of our deep slumbers. "Get out as fast as you can," 
 he said. "The Germans have blown up the track on the 
 frontier just ahead of us and seized three French engines, 
 and the quicker we get out of this the better." This 
 was our first taste of war! 
 
 Not altogether our first personal touch with it, though. 
 For on the preceding evening we had witnessed heart- 
 breaking scenes, and we had been in Paris three days and 
 had observed conditions on the streets and in the cafes. 
 But the most pathetic scene of all was that in the Care 
 de I'Est. Our train was to leave at 9:15 Friday evening 
 for Basel. We imagined that there would be a crowd, 
 for the German Government had sent out an order that 
 day for every German to get out of Paris immediately. 
 This was one of those ominous things that made all 
 Europe begin to distrust Germany, even when she was 
 
2 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 talking peace. When we reached the station, an hour 
 before train time, the scene was most pitiable. The 
 whole place was packed and jammed with a great mob 
 of poor Germans fleeing from Paris. One could hardly 
 pick his way through the confused mass of men, women, 
 children and baggage. There were no porters to help, 
 and the fathers and mothers were trying to carry all 
 their baggage and babies together, while the poor little 
 tots who could barely creep had to get on as best they 
 could. 
 
 After we had found our compartment we had three- 
 quarters of an hour to spare. We walked back to the 
 station to see and to help — and to learn how horrible 
 even the preludes of war are. We helped where *we 
 could. It was a fine sight to see Dr. Macfarland lugging 
 little, fat, screaming German babies under his arms and 
 dumping them through car windows into their mothers' 
 laps. Each mother had probably carried the babies and 
 several pieces of baggage as well. It should be said at 
 just this point that, contrary to the attitude of the 
 soldiers later on, the French porters and guards showed 
 every kindness to these fleeing Germans. They had prob- 
 ably never before in all their lives worked so hard, nor 
 amid such confusion, but they were patient, and gentle 
 toward the women and children, carried piles of baggage 
 to the compartments, with no hope of the inevitable fee, 
 and in several instances I saw these Frenchmen patting 
 the little German boys on the head when they were 
 screaming with fright at the confused and strange pro- 
 ceedings. 
 
 This was the first fruits of war. In this great mob 
 • — many of whom had to sit on their baggage all night 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 3 
 
 long as train after train was made up, while the children 
 slept on the cold stone floors — were mothers who had 
 to get up from beds of child-birth and carry babies one 
 and two weeks old. There were many mothers carrying 
 little children who were ill with all sorts of diseases, 
 and to whom that night's exposure meant certain death. 
 There were many invalids who were — it was a pitiable 
 sight — trying to drag themselves along to their cars with 
 canes and crutches. There were old men and women 
 who could hardly crawl trying to reach the train and 
 take some little treasures from their homes. Those who 
 could not walk at all had to be carried, as the babies and 
 baggage were carried, in whatever arms could be found. 
 They were dumped into trains so crowded that there 
 was no chance for either the sick or the children to lie 
 down. 
 
 Most of these families had nice little homes in Paris, 
 and were on the friendliest terms with their neighbors. 
 The men were, for the most part, artisans and skilled 
 workmen. We talked with one of these men, who was 
 afterwards dumped out with us at Petit Croix at three 
 o'clock the following morning. He was very fond of his 
 French fellow-workingmen, and was evidently popular 
 with them. He belonged to the same union. When the 
 telegram came for him to flee from Paris immediately, he 
 took his two tow-headed boys of five and two, got to- 
 gether what few belongings he and his wife could carry 
 in their hands, and turned over the res: of their propei'ty 
 to the care of a French fellow-zvorkingman, who shed 
 tears when they left and promised to take all care of their 
 possessions. "And in a few weeks you will be trying to 
 kill each other?" we asked. He simply shrugged his 
 
4 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 shoulders in reply. Perhaps right here lies the chief 
 hope for ultimate eradication of war in Europe. 
 These two men had no quarrel. They were fellow- 
 workingmen, comrades, warmest friends. They had one 
 common interest in life. They sipped their coffee to- 
 gether in each other's homes ; they went together to the 
 same meetings of the Social Democracy; they and their 
 wives and children went picnicking together at St. Ger- 
 main on Sunday afternoons. But at a command from 
 some one they have never seen ; from a government 
 that has probably done nothing but oppress them; for 
 a cause of which they have never heard, they must take 
 positions on opposite sides of a frontier and begin shoot- 
 ing at each other. Generally, as in the present awful 
 cataclysm, there is no cause at first — simply a stubborn 
 insistence on revenge by one power, and the wicked sup- 
 port of her by another, when she would not yield tt) 
 arbitration, even at the request of her supporting ally. 
 We Americans all came to feel, I think, that the chief 
 hope was in the workingmen of Germany, Russia and 
 France, awaking to the fact that they were simply dupes, 
 fools, pawns in the hands of avaricious and unscrupulous 
 governments. The military cliques at the capitals play 
 games and use the masses as pawns ; it would be more 
 exact to say as footballs. Or the capitalists desire more 
 territory, and they breed a war, and send out the poor 
 workingmen, whom they have already been bleeding all 
 their lives, to kill their brother workingmen in order to 
 gain this new territory. And they go, thinking it is duty, 
 patriotism, what-not. But, poor fools, they will come to 
 their senses some day and will not go. This present col- 
 lapse of Europe was brought on entirely by a little clique 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 5 
 
 of crazy Servians, high up in the government, killing an 
 Austrian prince, and the Austrian court seeking revenge 
 on this clique. Neither group has ever given the great 
 masses of the people any thought, except how to use 
 them for carrying out intrigues and aggressions. The 
 workingmen of neither country know anything of what 
 is going on at court. But suddenly they are arrayed 
 against each other, and soon all the workingmen of 
 Europe (it is practically only the workingmen who are 
 sent to war) are drawn up in battle array just because 
 of a quarrel of two cliques of which they know nothing 
 and which never cared anything for them. 
 
 On the night of August 3d we came through Liege. 
 Two days afterwards the German Government committed 
 the unpardonable crime of violating the treaty of neu- 
 trality with Belgium and ordered her soldiers to attack 
 Liege, the beautiful frontier town of this happy little 
 nation, safe, as it supposed, in its neutrality. 
 
 It was this unpardonable crime on Germany's part that 
 drew England into the war. But here is my point : 
 Those twenty-iive thousand poor German soldiers zvho 
 were killed or wounded in that awful battle thought they 
 were -fighting Frenchmen zvho were trying to get int&i 
 Germany. As a matter of fact, the French had made no 
 move up to this time and were still trying to secure peace 
 by negotiations with the other powers. 
 
 There are some signs that the workingmen of Europe 
 are awaking to the hollowness and sham of all this war 
 business, and perhaps one of the outcomes of this conflict 
 may be a clearer vision and a more courageous following 
 of the ideals they are already holding. I happened to 
 attend some of the sessions of the Social Democrats 
 
6 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 held at Stuttgart six or seven years ago. One of the 
 great debates was on the question or whether or not, when 
 a general European war should be called, the German 
 and French workingmen, both in the shop and on the rail- 
 roads, should strike. This general strike would of 
 course paralyze all activity. The time had not come to 
 carry such a measure, although a surprisingly large num- 
 ber were ready to vote it. But we recall with' what en- 
 thusiasm Germans and French clasped hands that day 
 and said : "We German and French workingmen will 
 not bear arms against each other, except to defend our 
 country if attacked." Poor fellows, they meant well, but 
 they lost courage when the crisis came, and were caught 
 up in the great, mad war preparation. Many tried 
 to hold out, however, in Germany, as well as in France, 
 and remained true to their vows. In Berlin meetings of 
 workingmen were held to protest against the position the 
 government was taking and against the plunging of 
 Europe into war. Some brave speeches were made. 
 Then the Kaiser suddenly forbade the holding of assem- 
 blies anywhere in Germany as a wholesale method of 
 checking the agitation of the democracy. After this the 
 poor workingman had to take up arms or be shot. 
 
 In Paris, where there is more freedom of speech than 
 anywhere else in the world, I witnessed several proces- 
 sions of workingmen passing through the streets of Paris 
 crying "A Bas la Guerre' ("To Hell with War"). Of 
 course there were groups on the sidewalks who cried in 
 opposition "Vive la Patrie," "Vive la France," but the 
 striking thing was that such numbers could walk through 
 the streets of Paris crying out against war, and not be 
 molested. Indeed, at this time, five davs before the war 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 7 
 
 broke out, we found the feeling in Paris was one 
 of sadness rather than of war fever. This changed two 
 days after we left when France found, that in spite of 
 all the efforts for peace she was making, in company 
 with England, Germany was bound to drag her into the 
 war. But every French workingman with whom we 
 talked shook his head and said: "It is all very sad." 
 Again let me say, I think the chief hope is with the work- 
 ingman and I think he will see this ever more clearly 
 after this war. 
 
 I hope also that the Church will have her eyes opened 
 as a result of the Purgatory through which she must 
 now pass. She was just awaking to her duty when this 
 war came. For five years the Churches of Great Britain 
 and Germany have been doing splendid work. For five 
 years the Churches of America, through the Federal 
 Council of Churches, have been speaking boldly on this 
 subject. Last year The Church Peace Union was founded, 
 and it held its World Conference of the Churches in 
 Germany right in the teeth of war. The story of this 
 conference and the experience of its delegates in cross- 
 ing Germany to England will be told in the succeeding 
 chapters of this book. But I believe this catastrophic 
 collapse of the nations will at last convince the Church 
 that Jesus Christ has no part with a civilization that can 
 bring forth nothing better than Hell for all Europe. 
 
CHAPTER II. 
 
 FROM PARIS TO BASEL: AN INTERRUPTED 
 SLEEP 
 
 The cause of our being on the train from Paris to 
 Basel was the Conference of the Churches of the United 
 States and Europe to be held at Constance, Germany, 
 to consider how the churches might together help on the 
 cause of international goodwill, and persuade the nations 
 to raise their dealings with each other to that high ethical 
 plane already reached by all good and even respectable 
 men. In February of this year Andrew Carnegie, Esq., 
 created a corporation of twenty-eight trustees chosen 
 from the highest dignitaries of the churches and most 
 eminent leaders in religious and social progress of 
 all denominations in America, and endowed it with 
 $2,000,000 under the name of "The Church Peace 
 Union." The trustees immediately elected me as the 
 Secretary of the new foundation, and I was glad to 
 accept, because of the great opportunities this munificent 
 gift offered to enlist the churches more directly in the 
 growing movement to Christianize our international rela- 
 tionships. These relationships linger far behind our 
 personal relationships in their ethical character, yes, are 
 even Pagan. One of the men whom Mr. Carnegie had 
 taken into his confidence while planning his new gift was 
 J. Allen Baker, M. P., of London, a man of rare qualities, 
 who had built up the remarkable organization of the 
 English churches for peace, called "The British Council 
 of Churches for Fostering Friendly Relations between 
 Great Britain and Germany." 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 9 
 
 Mr. Baker was in New York for a while before Mr. 
 Carnegie made his gift, and we saw Mr. Carnegie almost 
 daily. When Mr. Carnegie intimated to us his decision, 
 one of the things we all three rejoiced in was that now 
 we could bring all the churches of Europe and America 
 together for a conference on the Church and international 
 goodwill. Mr. Carnegie made his gift on February 10th, 
 and at the first meeting of the Executive Committee of 
 the Union I asked for an appropriation of $10,000 to 
 bring about this thing of which I had dreamed for years. 
 If I remember rightly it was the first appropriation made 
 by the Union. 
 
 An Advisory Committee of six trustees, consisting of 
 Doctors Charles S. Macfarland, John R. Mott, William 
 I. Hull and James J. Walsh and Mr. Edwin D. Mead, 
 was appointed to act with the Secretary in taking imme- 
 diate steps to call such a conference. We at once got into 
 correspondence with Mr. Baker of London and Dr. F. 
 Siegmund-Schultze of Berlin, Secretary of the German 
 Councils of the Churches. Berne, the capital of Switzer- 
 land, and also the center of many international move- 
 ments, was first fixed upon as the best place to hold the 
 conference, but was abandoned when it was learned that 
 the Swiss National Exposition was to be held there. 
 Zurich was then suggested, but Constance was eventually 
 chosen, as it was thought by the German and British 
 secretaries that it would both please Germany to call the 
 conference on German soil and attract the attention of 
 the German press, which was not much given to reporting 
 peace meetings. The date was fixed for August 2d to 
 5th, and nothing remained to be done but to secure the 
 delegates wanted. M^*. Carnegie invited the trustees of 
 
10 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR ' 
 
 The Church Peace Union to go as his personal guests, 
 and the committee, acting in co-operation with the Fed- 
 eral Council of Churches, selected fifty other delegates 
 from among the churches. This selection was made on 
 a double basis of denominational representation and 
 leadership in the peace movement. Great Britain, Ger- 
 many, and other European nations selected delegates at 
 the same time, and, as will appear later, in spite of all 
 the difficulties in the way, two-thirds of these delegates 
 from the various countries reached Constance and held 
 their conference. 
 
 This explains why Dr. Macfarland and I were on this 
 particular train from Paris to Basel. We had left New 
 York together for the conference on July 21st, sailing 
 by the Aquitania for Liverpool. On the same steamer 
 were four other delegates. Doctors Ernest H. Abbott of 
 the Outlook, Walter Laidlaw, Rivington D. Lord and 
 William P. Merrill. Mrs. Merrill was also with us. 
 When we sailed from New York there was no slightest 
 sign or rumor of war. We, and the sixty other delegates 
 sailing by other steamers, were looking forward to a 
 meeting that should both mark and make history. It was 
 the first time that the churches of all the nations had 
 assembled to talk over the reign of justice, law and peace. 
 No one dreamed of war even between Austria and Servia. 
 The wicked and foolish assassination o£ the Austrian 
 Grand Duke and his wife had shaken Europe; but Aus- 
 tria had remained remarkably cool and it looked as if 
 war were not to be the outcome of it. It was on the third 
 day out that the daily paper published by the ship con- 
 tained the announcement that Austria had declared war 
 against Servia. Even then we thought it must be a 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 11 
 
 rumor, or simply a representation to Servia demanding 
 certain reparations. It was not until we landed and read 
 the impossible note which had been sent by Austria to 
 Servia on July 23d that we realized the danger that 
 threatened Europe. 
 
 We reached London Monday night, July 27th. London 
 was calm, and, although the nations on the Continent 
 were getting frightened, Sir Edward Grey was corre- 
 sponding with the powers, and hope was everywhere ex- 
 pressed that Austria would stay active warfare until 
 there could be a conversation of representatives of the 
 powers at London or elsewhere to see if there could not 
 be some method of satisfying the Austrian demands with- 
 out resort to war. We hastened on to Paris, and there, 
 Wednesday evening, it became apparent that Europe 
 was getting nervous. Russia, fearing that Austria would 
 not be satisfied with simply punishing Servia, but would 
 annex her, or destroy her independence, was beginning 
 to mobilize her forces. Everyone felt sure that Germany 
 would begin to mobilize if Russia did. If Germany 
 mobilized, then France would feel bound to follow, out 
 of fear of Germany. Rumors also began to spread that 
 Sir Edward Grey was not meeting with success in his 
 negotiations with Germany and Austria. 
 
 We remained in Paris three days and the air was 
 charged with electricity. The city was calm, but every- 
 • thing was tense. On July 27th Servia had replied to 
 the Austrian note. The reply practically acquiesced in 
 all of Austria's demands, but it was evident that Austria 
 was bound to go to war no matter what the reply of 
 Servia might have been. On July 27th the British Am- 
 bassador at Vienna wrote Sir Edward Grey : 
 
12 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 "I have had conversations with all my colleagues rep- 
 resenting the Great Powers. The impression left on my 
 mind is that the Austro-Hungarian note was so drawn 
 up as to make war inevitable ; that the Austro-Hungarian 
 government are fully resolved to have war with Servia ; 
 that they consider their position as a Great Power to be 
 at stake, and that until punishment has been adminis- 
 tered to Servia it is unlikely that they will listen to pro- 
 posals of mediation. This country has gone wild with 
 joy at the prospect of war with Servia, and its post- 
 ponement or prevention would undoubtedly be a great 
 disappointment." 
 
 In Paris there was more sadness than jubilation. I 
 have already referred to the demonstrations against the 
 war. On the other hand, the cinemas were everywhere 
 displaying moving pictures of President Poincare's visit 
 to Russia and these were witnessed with great enthusi- 
 asm. The police had taken the precaution to clear the 
 streets of chairs on the Boulevard des Italiens, where 
 usually thousands sit during the evenings drinking their 
 coffee. Great swarms of people were on the streets 
 watching the bulletin boards of the various journals. 
 Every edition of the evening papers was snatched up 
 immediately. Everywhere men were selling charts show- 
 ing the relative strength of the armies of Europe. Every- 
 body knew war was imminent, but the majority were 
 hoping that something would happen to avert it. France 
 acted nobly to the last and, as appears from the diplo-' 
 matic correspondence which has been printed in the 
 famous "White Book" and which Dr. Macfarland has 
 reviewed in Appendix V, strained every nerve to pre- 
 serve the peace of Europe, even to keeping her soldiers 
 back several miles from the frontier durins the mobiliza- 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 13 
 
 tion forced upon her, to avoid any indiscreet act against 
 Germans by an irritated soldiery. When Friday night 
 came things looked ominous. All the nations were be- 
 ginning to mobilize. The German government had de- 
 clared the nation in a state of preparation for war. But 
 we felt it our duty to proceed to Constance, because we, 
 the organizers of the conference, must go there if one 
 other soul should put in an appearance. 
 
 I have described the sights at the station. Our train 
 was the regular express which runs from Paris to Basel 
 via Belfort and Muelhausen. This route would carry 
 us through a little edge of German territory, where 
 Alsace-Lorraine juts doAvn between France and Switzer- 
 land. It was here that the trouble came. That very 
 night, while we were sleeping on the train, Germany 
 closed her frontiers to all foreigners. We had gone on 
 beyond Belfort and had reached the little station at 
 Petit Croix, a few miles from the frontier, when the 
 train was held up by the station master and the news 
 imparted that Germany had closed the frontier and torn 
 up the tracks. A great, sleepy, shivering crowd was 
 dumped down on the platform, and no one knew what 
 awaited us. For some unaccountable reason the train 
 backed out toward Belfort without taking us back. I 
 imagine the crew were so frightened that they did not 
 know just what they were doing, except that they were 
 getting far away from the German frontier as fast as 
 they could. For three long hours, from three to six 
 o'clock, we stood shivering and staring at this small 
 country station. Little sleepy boys and girls were cry- 
 ing and mothers were trying to keep their babies warm. 
 
 At last a train was made up and we were all bundled 
 
14 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 in, but no one knew where we were to go, except that 
 they had been ordered to carry us back to Belfort, the 
 garrison town, and the junction where a road runs off to 
 the south into Switzerland. It would be possible to 
 reach Basel that way by a long detour through Switzer- 
 land without crossing German territory. But no one 
 knew whether we were to be carried that way or carried 
 back to Paris. In time we reached Belfort, and here 
 everything was "confusion worse confounded." Train 
 after train kept pouring in from all parts of France with 
 passengers bound for Switzerland and the German 
 town of Muelhausen. When the passengers for Muel- 
 hausen learned that the tracks were torn up they were 
 filled with blank dismay. They were mostly Germans 
 hurrying out of France. To remain in France longer was 
 dangerous, for the war fever was spreading, and that 
 meant that friendly men would soon become beasts and 
 no German's life would be secure. If they could get into 
 Switzerland their lives would be safe, but it meant a 
 long delay and detour and many of them had no money. 
 Their distress was pitiable. I found one German woman 
 with three children, all under six, trying to get along 
 with them and several pieces of baggage and no porter 
 to help her. Later I had the satisfaction of carrying 
 the chubby boys to the train, while others helped her 
 with the baggage. The French had been kindly the 
 night before, but now news had spread all over France 
 that Germany had madly decided to wage war on France 
 and this had changed the kindliness into a wild rage 
 against Germans. It began to be noticeable at Belfort, 
 and even German women and babies were liable to 
 violence and insult. War in our days knows no manners, 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 15 
 
 no humanity and no religion. All talk about humaniz- 
 ing war is pure buncombe, as the recent struggles in 
 the Balkans showed and as this war will also soon 
 reveal. The majority of the people being emptied out of 
 the trains were from Calais and Paris, bound for Switzer- 
 land. We remained in our car not knowing whether we 
 were to go to Basel, back to Paris, or to remain right 
 there. The officials knew nothing more than we. For three 
 hours we sat there, except for a few moments when at 
 seven o'clock the station restaurant opened and the mob 
 rushed for coffee and rolls. Here again we had a chance 
 to render service in getting something to eat for the 
 German women and children, although it is doubtful if 
 the attendants would have sold us the bread had they 
 known it was for little German boys and girls. It was 
 only the day before in a cafe in Paris that I heard a 
 Frenchman say that he would like to have the job of 
 splitting every German baby in two with a sword. 
 
 While we were waiting there the train came in from 
 Calais and our hearts leaped with joy when we saw J- 
 Allen Baker, M. P., the Rt. Hon. W. H. Dickinson, M. P., 
 and a dozen more of the English delegates alighting from 
 the train. Their train was also billed to go through by 
 way of Muelhausen, and here they were stranded with 
 us. Finally I managed to get hold of the stationmaster 
 for a moment and told him that we had to get to Basel 
 somehow, and he intimated that the cars we were in 
 would be sent through by a southern route. The guard 
 of our sleeping car was a nice fellow and made every 
 effort to get our car put through. Soon he came and 
 told us that the cars which had been sent back from 
 Petit Croix would be put through to Basel. Thereupon, 
 
16 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 the English delegates were all packed into our already 
 overcrowded car, and sitting on satchels and standing 
 in aisles we were eventually started for Basel. 
 
 The ride to Basel was eventful, for we got our first 
 glimpses of a nation mobilizing its army. We had about 
 two hours to ride through France before reaching the 
 Swiss border. Belfort is a garrison town, and in every 
 village we saw the soldiers gathering to be hurried there. 
 Over every hilltop we saw companies of soldiers marching 
 in long lines, with hurried steps, to join the regiments. 
 At every station we saw crowds of men and boys who 
 had been taken right off the farms and out of the factories 
 and" shops, and were corralled in the station awaiting 
 transportation to Belfort. These were the reservists,, 
 and the moment we saw that they were being mobilized 
 we knew the situation was serious. We had had no news^ 
 but rumors were everywhere rife that Germany was 
 mobilizing all her forces. Every man who knew the 
 temper of Germany knew that this meant war. These 
 crowds were mostly drunk with much brandy and were 
 hoarse with singing the Marseillaise and yelling: "To 
 hell with Germany." At one station, as several hundreds 
 of these poor French boys, more intoxicated than the 
 rest, caught sight of the German with his wife and 
 babies, who were still with us, at a window of the train, 
 they nearly frightened the life out of him and his wife 
 hv cursing him and shaking fists at him. At last they 
 threatened to pull him out of the window and pound hint 
 to pieces, but an officer came along and pounded them 
 over the heads with his sword and drove them, as if 
 they were pigs, into a pen, and passed them several 
 more buckets full of liquor. At every station were 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 17 
 
 swarms of women and children bidding good-b3^e to 
 dear ones, and there was much weeping. Poor things, 
 they had much cause to weep, for it was just this crowd 
 which was, within ten days, sent up from Belfort to 
 Muelhausen to fight the first big battle between the 
 French and Germans. Most of them now lie dead in 
 the fields around that beautiful city. 
 
 It was a great relief to get into Switzerland. While 
 the nation was mobilizing a few of its troops for policing 
 its frontiers, on the whole it was calm, and at the station 
 both railroad men and soldiers were rendering every 
 assistance to travelers, regardless of nationality. 
 Especially did the Germans appreciate the reaching of 
 this haven. For as yet Switzerland supposed that 
 Germany would be true to the treaties of neutrality, and 
 was as friendly to Germans as to all others. Poor 
 Switzerland, too, has now been forced to mobilize her 
 whole army and expects to have to fight Germany. For 
 when she saw Germany deliberately violate the most 
 holy treaties in existence — those of neutrality — all her 
 confidence in Germany disappeared. 
 
 At last we reached Basel, and found that to get to 
 Constance we must go away up to Schaffhausen first 
 and then east to the beautiful city on the lake. It 
 was impossible to believe, as the train followed the 
 edge of the Rhine from Basel to Schaffhausen, with the 
 exquisite scenes of peace and beauty unfolding before 
 us, one after another, with the prosperous, happy villages, 
 some old, with quaint, red-roofed houses, clothed in vines 
 and flowers, others new, with factories and shops betoken- 
 ing the new industrial development, that soon all this 
 would be devastated by fire and pillage, or else be left 
 
18 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 to decay by the withdrawal of all the. men to go and kill 
 some other working men in equally happy towns. Every- 
 where the green fields and red-roofed villages were 
 bathed in peace and evening sunlight. As we approached 
 Constance the train ran for miles along the wondrous 
 lake, where again all was calm and twilight beauty. 
 Across the waters slept the old town, with the towers 
 of the cathedral outlined against the pink sky. Only in 
 the heart of man was there tumult, passion, enmity, and 
 revenge. Nature was in tune with God. Man was 
 getting in tune with the Devil. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 IN THE UPPER CHAMBER AT CONSTANCE 
 
 We reached Constance at 7:30 Saturday evening, 
 August 1st. We had not heard any definite news since 
 the night before, but everything looked ominous in the 
 ancient city. We found about thirty of our American 
 delegates already there, all in a state of some nervousness. 
 which was greatly relieved when we appeared. They 
 were afraid we were not going to be able to get through, 
 as the German government was everywhere mobilizing 
 troops and the trains were becoming uncertain. Further- 
 more, Germany was beginning to exclude foreigners. 
 Just as we got there an order went out from Berlin that 
 no Frenchmen should be allowed to enter Germany, and, 
 had it not been that especial exception was made for 
 the Frenchmen at our Conference, the French delegates 
 would have had to remain in Switzerland. Many of the 
 delegates whom we found there had come down through 
 Germany the day before. Their experiences with the 
 news of the evening had made them timorous, and when 
 I arrived they surrounded me and put the question: 
 "Shall we hold the Conference or make for England 
 immediately before Germany and France close their doors 
 absolutely and seize all trains for mobilizing troops?" 
 It was finally decided that the business committee of the 
 Conference, the American members of which were Bishop 
 E. R. Hendrix, Edwin D. Mead, Rev. William P. Merrill, 
 D.D., and myself, should meet immediately after dinner 
 and decide upon the next step after full conference with 
 
 19 
 
20 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 Dr. Friedrich Siegmund-Schultze of Berlin, who not 
 only knew something of the German situation, bi.it who 
 had that day been in touch with the Kaiser, and with 
 the Grand Duchess of Baden, between whom and him 
 there exists a peculiar and intimate friendship. 
 
 We all ate dinner in the garden on the edge of the Lake. 
 Constance is one of the quaintest of German towns. It 
 is also historically famous, for it ' was here that John 
 Huss was tried and condemned by the great Council of 
 Constance, which met here in 1414 and sat for three and 
 one-half years. The old church remains the same as 
 when he was unfrocked in it and sent forth to execution. 
 A stone set in the center of the great floor marks the 
 spot where he stood. A monument has been erected 
 where he and Jerome of Prague were burned at the stake. 
 The Insel Hotel, where we were staying and where the 
 Conference was to be held, was the old Dominican mon- 
 astery where he was imprisoned. The monastery re- 
 mains practically the same, except that the furnishings 
 have been modernized. The great refectory with its mas- 
 sive high columns and arches has been left untouched 
 and is now the hotel dining room. The wonderful 
 cloisters are there just as when the monks walked round 
 and round them years ago. The walls of the cloisters 
 have been painted with famous scenes in the history of 
 the monastery and hotel. The monastery was built on 
 an island and is approached by a bridge from the rear. 
 When one walks through the hotel by the, North cloister 
 and reading room one steps out on a terrace to see the 
 great Baden See or Lake of Constance spread out in 
 the deep blue of evening or the emerald green of noon, 
 with the snow-clad Alps towering towards the heavens 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 21 
 
 forty miles across the waters. It is an id3'llic spot either 
 for rest or conference of high-minded men together. 
 The whole island is covered with a profuse growth of 
 trees and flowering shrubs, among which winding paths 
 of gravel have been laid. To the south of the hotel there 
 is a large space which has been reserved for tables, and 
 on warm evenings dinner is served there. 
 
 At eight that evening, under quiet stars, with no noise 
 except the lapping of little waves, we ate our evening 
 meal. Most of us were silent, for we felt that around 
 that peaceful haven the tumult of the world was gather- 
 ing into a great storm. 
 
 At nine o'clock the business committee met and for an 
 hour deliberated over the steps to be taken. Here were 
 thirty-five Americans, sixteen Englishmen and some rep- 
 resentatives of eleven other nations.* It would be a pity 
 if we should run away right when our word was most 
 needed by the nations. Actual war had not been de- 
 clared. Dr. Siegmund-Schultze informed us that the 
 Kaiser knew all about our Conference and had given it his 
 sanction although all public meetings had been forbidden 
 in Germany,** and had telegraphed the authorities at 
 Constance to grant us every privilege and protection. We 
 were in no danger there. The only question was whether 
 or not we ought to leave by the first train before war 
 actually broke out. The status of things at that moment, 
 so far as we could learn, was that every nation except 
 
 * Since this Conference will be historic, it seems only proper 
 to print the full list of those present. (See Appendix I.) 
 
 ** This decree to the police to forbid all public assemblies had 
 been issued to prevent the Socialists holding anti-war demon- 
 strations. 
 
22 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 England was mobilizing as fast as possible ; that ne- 
 gotiations between Germany and France had been broken 
 off ; that Germany had sent her arbitrary ultimatum to 
 Russia and that England was straining every nerve to 
 bring the representatives of the nations together, even 
 at the last moment, for a conference. (As was after- 
 wards revealed when the official correspondence was 
 published, at that last moment Austria yielded and ex- 
 pressed willingness to treat with Russia, but Germany 
 would not withdraw her ultimatum and enter the con- 
 ference of the powers.) The advice of the braver mem- 
 bers prevailed and it was voted to proceed with the meet- 
 ings of the Conference, await the turn of events, and 
 not run away. In view of the fact that practically all 
 the delegates were there, and that those who were due on 
 Monday could not possibly reach there it was also voted 
 to begin the sessions on Sunday morning instead of 
 waiting until Monday. 
 
 Sunday, August 2nd, will remain one of the most 
 memorable Sundays in the lives of all the delegates. In 
 view of the awful catastrophe hanging over Europe it 
 seemed no time for debate. Only prayer was fitting in 
 the gathering darkness. It was a sweet and beautiful 
 Sabbath morning, but in our hearts we heard all over 
 Europe the roll of war drums, the tread of marching 
 feet, the hoarse cries of soldiers for the blood of their 
 fellow-men. Even while we were gathering for prayer 
 the stillness was broken by the sounds of soldiers march- 
 ing and drunken men in the village still yelling for war 
 after the whole night's debauch. (I would not give the 
 impression that all the people of Constance were yelling 
 for war. It was only the soldiers and the poor thought- 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 23 
 
 less youth. The majority of the people were sad and 
 knew not why their nation was going to war, knew not 
 the necessity of Germany bringing the Hell of 1870 and 
 the Napoleonic days upon the people.) At 10 a. m. the 
 whole body had assembled in the little hall above the 
 dining room — the room where five hundred years ago the 
 famous Council of Constance had often met to discuss 
 the grave problems of heresy and the problems of the 
 Reformation. There were about eighty of us present 
 and there was no desire of one to speak to another. 
 
 A solemn hush brooded over the assembly. Every 
 heart was aching. The burden of a world about to be 
 plunged into purgatory weighed heavily on every heart. 
 Everyone knew that on that Sunday the fate of Europe, 
 of civilization, perhaps of Christianity itself was to be 
 decided. Russia had not answered. France as well as 
 Germany was mobilizing. Only England as yet had not 
 begun preparations for immediate war. As we after- 
 wards learned England was that day straining every 
 nerve to keep Germany from plunging recklessly into 
 the strife. There was nothing to do but pray. 
 
 Mr. Baker was in the chair, and with tears in his eyes 
 told of the remarkable work that had been accomplished 
 by the British and German churches to establish good- 
 will between the two nations. A group of men of good- 
 will existed in each nation whose friendship no wars 
 could break. It looked as if this were all to go for nought 
 — to be wasted in a moment. But we must not believe 
 that. Such work could never be in vain. If war came, 
 after it was over there would be this foundation on 
 which to build anew. Even then it was not too late. It 
 seemed incredible to him that all Europe should go to 
 
24 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 war even considering the steps toward war that had 
 already been taken. Let us all pray to God with all our 
 hearts that He avert this dire catastrophe. 
 
 Before the prayers Bishop E. R. Hendrix of Kansas 
 City, Missouri, and Bishop John L. Nuelsen of Zurich, 
 Switzerland, were asked to say a few words that our 
 hearts might be attuned to our high purposes and our 
 faith sustained as the Kingdom of God seemed ready to 
 fall all about us. Their remarks were of that prophetic 
 nature that lifted them into prayer and, like prayer, would 
 lose their high character in print. Bishop Hendrix's 
 words were a call to cling to God with renewed fervor, to 
 keep our faith that even above a sinful, confused world 
 His hand ruled ; that out of men's blindness and passion 
 He would bring some ultimate good. He believed that 
 if this awful war came, out of it the world might learn 
 that their trust in brute power and force was vain. Here 
 was the result of it. At last they might see that there 
 was no lasting security, justice, peace, except as they put 
 their trust in God. The peacemakers would go home 
 with this message for all the world. Perhaps the world 
 would now be prepared to listen. 
 
 Bishop Nuelsen of Zurich reminded the delegates that 
 they were not praying alone that morning. That in 
 thousands of churches and from millions of hearts of 
 men and women, prayers were now ascending to the 
 throne of God that this conflict of the nations might be 
 avoided. Let us remember that these wars were not 
 begun by the people — but by ruthless monarchs and the 
 cliques about them. He had just come from two great 
 international gatherings where members of ail nations 
 had been sitting about the Lord's table together. These 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 25 
 
 were not the men who made war. They with us were 
 lamenting these dark days. Even though this war came, 
 and lasted long, after it was over the real Christians of 
 all lands would again get together and plan for a time 
 when Christian brotherhood should supplant war. 
 
 Then came the time of prayer. If ever the meeting 
 in the Upper Room has been repeated in history, it was 
 in that hour. Outside Germans, French and English 
 were going out to fight one another; here Germans, 
 French and English were kneeling in prayer. Outside 
 the people were calling for blood ; here representatives of 
 twelve peoples were praying for increased love for one 
 another. Outside the Germans, French and English were 
 hurling epithets of hatred and revenge at each other; 
 here they were pledging themselves in new ties of brother- 
 hood in Christ's Kingdom of goodwill. Representatives 
 of five nations were called upon for prayer. First I 
 was asked to pray as representing America. I have 
 prayed for public gatherings perhaps five thousand times 
 in my life, but never before this morning did I realize 
 what it was to ^ voice the cry of the people before me, 
 and of the world. I had no conception of what I should 
 say when I arose — I have no idea now of what I said. 
 I only know that my heart was bleeding for the sins of 
 the world and I saw a vision of millions of little children 
 who were soon to roam the devastated cities hungry, cold, 
 fatherless, all because of the sin of a few men. I saw 
 the mad orgy of lust, vice, drunkenness, hatred, cruelty 
 that was to be loosed, and I felt for once something of 
 what Christ felt in Gethsemane. I could only beseech God 
 over and over again to spare us this thing, and to teach 
 
26 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 men that Christ's test of discipleship was that they should 
 love one another. 
 
 After I had finished praying, Dr. Siegmund-Schultze, 
 as representing Germany, prayed, and Dr. John Qifford 
 from England. Then Dr. Marius Dumesnil from France, 
 and Dr. K. Bohringen from Switzerland. It is too bad 
 these great prayers could not have been printed and 
 distributed by the millions among" the nations. It is too 
 bad the governments who were waging war against each 
 other could not have heard Germans praying for God's 
 blessings on France and England; English and French 
 praying for God's blessing upon Germany. Still kneel- 
 ing we remained a time in silence. Then those who had 
 sufficient control of themselves to utter words continued 
 to lift our hearts unto the Lord. As I sat there it came 
 over me when the peace of the world should come. It 
 would be when the peoples of the various nations felt 
 toward one another as we in that room felt toward one 
 another. I looked up once and there before me I saw 
 a German, a Frenchman, and an Englishman kneeling 
 so close together that their arms touched. Nothing in 
 heaven or earth could have made those kneeling disciples 
 of the Lord fight one another. Were the heads of the 
 nations — of even three nations of Europe — Christians as 
 those three men were Christians— no power in heaven 
 or earth could plunge their nations into war. I believe 
 there are many people in every nation who have reached 
 this stage of real Christianity. I believe this feeling 
 is spreading among the people. I find it among working 
 men in Europe. It found expression in the streets of 
 Paris. It would have found considerable expression 
 among the working men of Germany had not the Kaiser 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 27 
 
 prohibited all assemblies of the people. I have increas- 
 ingly found it among the pastors of the churches, 
 especially in America and England. It is growing every- 
 where. The pity of it is that it has not reached the 
 dignitaries of either state or church in two or three 
 nations. Had every Protestant pastor in Germany 
 reached the point of real Christianity that those Germans 
 kneeling beside the English at Constance had reached, 
 and had the Roman Catholic priests in Austria reached 
 the point that those priests of the various nations have 
 reached who were to have knelt side by side in prayer 
 the week after our Constance meeting — in that very 
 city of Liege which now lies in dust and ashes — in a con- 
 ference similar to ours, this war would not have been. 
 This is all there is to the peace movement — to bring the 
 leaders of the church, the nation, the Trades-Unions, the 
 Social Democracy, to the point of Christian brotherhood 
 those kneeling disciples had reached in that quiet Chamber 
 of the Lord at Constance. It is all so simple, so easy, so 
 near, but so seemingly impossible, so hard, so far oflf, be- 
 cause of our stubbornness, our blindness, most of all, our 
 sin. The meeting closed with a word from Dr. George U. 
 Wenner, the eminent Lutheran pastor of New York, who 
 had been to the morning service of that church in the city. 
 The people in the great congregation were in tears, he told 
 us. Yes, all over Germany and France and England the 
 people — the Christian people — were in tears, but they 
 had no word to say or knew not how to say it, while the 
 governments were plunging them into calamity and ruin, 
 over nothing but the desire of a few men in Austria to 
 get revenge in their own perverse way. How long must 
 this last? How long must the people of Germany and 
 
28 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 Austria remain dumb under the rods of the heartless 
 and the oppressors? Again, is not here a great hope for 
 peace, that before long the people of Germany and 
 Austria and Russia will insist on democracy, on having 
 a voice as well as feelings ? It is worthy of careful notice 
 that the two democracies of Europe, England and France, 
 did all within their power to fend off the war, using 
 every resource until the last moment. Let us have 
 democracies for another reason. It "is easy to educate 
 democracies. Pastors and teachers are freer to speak 
 their views and the people can discuss great problems 
 free from censorship. Again perhaps democracy and 
 peace must come together. 
 
 It seemed like sacrilege to transact any business at 
 the close of that sacramental meeting. But it was the 
 Lord's business and had to be done. First of all the 
 following petition was unanimously adopted and ordered 
 telegraphed to every ruler of Europe, and to the Presi- 
 dent of the United States : 
 
 "The Conference of members of Christian churches 
 representing twelve countries and thirty confessions 
 assembled at Constance to promote friendly rela- 
 tions between nations, solemnly appeals to Christian 
 rulers to avert a war between millions of men amongst 
 whom friendship and common interests have been steadily 
 growing, and thereby to save from disaster Christian 
 civilization and assert the power of the Christian spirit 
 in human affairs." 
 
 Then the question of continuing the Conference had 
 to be settled. There was considerable nervousness among 
 the delegates. Some had imperative duties at home and 
 some had little children who needed them, so that the 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 29 
 
 probability of being shut up in Constance for several 
 weeks or months, even though they might be safe, some- 
 what alarmed them. But when I put to our American 
 delegates the point that here was a great opportunity of 
 history to show the world that instead of silencing us, 
 the nations going to war would only make us bolder, 
 and that if they were going to fight we were going to 
 talk peace all the more earnestly; that this would be a 
 spectacle ^vhich neither our own nation nor Europe would 
 ever forget, almost with one voice they voted to go on 
 with the conference. The English and other delegates 
 took the same brave attitude, and the first session of the 
 Conference to take up the regular business was set for 
 that afternoon at 4 o'clock. The significant events of 
 this second remarkable gathering will be rehearsed in 
 the next chapter. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 PREPARATION. FOR WAR AND PREPARATION 
 FOR PEACE GO ON TOGETHER 
 
 When the time for luncheon arrived on Sunday we 
 found that so malny of the waiters and cooks of the Insel 
 Hotel had enlisted the night before that it was impossible 
 to serve m.eals in the garden and we must all have our 
 luncheon together, at one hour, taking the same courses, 
 so at 12 :30 we sat down in the great refectory where five 
 hundred years before the monks had sat together eating 
 while some brother read passages from the Bible or some 
 other holy book. It was also in this room that John 
 FIuss had been tried. As a matter of fact the Reforma- 
 tion may be said to have begun in this room. I think 
 that we all felt that perhaps the seeds of another 
 Reformation were being sown that day as we sat down 
 fresh from the Upper Chamber and planned together 
 how the church might purge herself of trifles and what 
 she must do to prevent such utter collapse of Christianity 
 as we were witnessing in Europe. These feelings were 
 voiced in the sessions of the afternoon ; for after an 
 hour's intermission the Conference reassembled. Even 
 at that hour it was believed that we could go on with 
 our regular Monday and Tuesday sessions. Those of 
 our party close to the Kaiser and to the British govern- 
 ment even yet could not believe but what, at the last 
 moment, the unbelievable crisis would be avoided. So, 
 instead of taking up the regular program, the meeting 
 became one of general discussion of what the churches 
 
 30 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 31 
 
 had already accomplished in enlisting their leaders and 
 people in the new order of substituting law for war, 
 justice by courts for force, goodwill for hatred, the 
 rivalry of brain and commerce for that of arms and 
 militarism, humanity for a narrow nationalism, patriot- 
 ism for the Kingdom of God for the older patriotism 
 bounded by race and nationality. But of even more 
 importance than this was the discussion of the great 
 task before the church : Where must the new Reforma- 
 tion begin? What must the new Reformation give birth 
 to? What could the awakened church do to extend the 
 rule of Christ over the nations? How could the church 
 be brought to speak the word that should end wars 
 forever? 
 
 I doubt if any group ever assembled with a weightier 
 responsibility resting on them than that company felt that 
 afternoon. The time was so short that it was felt best 
 that those who had speeches which had already been 
 printed should simply sum them up and then give them 
 out to be read by the delegates. Mr. Baker then offered 
 his to the assembly. It bore the title: "The Churches 
 and International Friendship." It called attention to the 
 fact that we were meeting on the same spot where five 
 hundred years ago, in 1414, the Council of Constance 
 met. That council was presided over by the Norman 
 Emperor Sigismund and attended by twenty-six princes, 
 one hundred and forty counts, twenty Cardinals, twenty 
 Archbishops, six hundred Prelates, and four thousand 
 Priests. Its deliberations lasted three and one-half years. 
 This was the second Council of Constance and he hoped 
 that those gathered here might lay the foundation of a 
 work among the churches of Christendom that, under 
 
32 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 divine blessing, might promote the peace of the world 
 and Christian brotherhood among the nations. "The 
 Conference of 1414 was concerned with reconciling the 
 warring factions of a single church, with deciding who 
 should be its earthly head, and with establishing unity 
 and harmony where division and dissension had prevailed. 
 We are concerned in finding among the many sections 
 of the church in all Christian countries a basis of agree- 
 ment which, under the guidance and leadership of our 
 Eternal Head, the Prince of Peace, will enable us to 
 co-operate in bringing nearer the unity and harmony of 
 His Kingdom of Righteousness and Peace." Mr. Baker 
 then dwelt upon the fact that the churches must do the 
 foundation work in the peace movement. They must 
 create that disposition and temper which is the soil in 
 which peace may grow; they must educate the people 
 "to look to the moral law rather than to physical force, to 
 right rather than might, for the solution of differences 
 and disputes which from time to time arise." Further- 
 more Mr. Baker believed that both the rulers and the 
 people look to the church for this leadership. He then 
 surveyed the growth of the movement among the 
 churches of Europe which led to the creation of the 
 British and German Councils. Mr. Baker then called 
 attention to the intolerable condition of Europe groaning 
 under armaments, even though no war should come — 
 but they were always a menace and a provocation to war. 
 (It was only one day after this address was made that 
 Mr. Baker's words were verified. It was because all the 
 nations were armed to the teeth that the whole cataclysm 
 came on In a week's time and no diplomacy could check 
 it. Men trained to fight, with pistols in each hand. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 33 
 
 will use them under very slight provocation.) He then 
 showed the various agencies at work — Peace Societies, 
 the Norman Angell group and others — but came back to 
 the final fact, that it will be on moral and spiritual grounds 
 that war will ultimately be stopped. "We believe with 
 Lord Haldane that, 'It is not brute force, but moral 
 power that commands predominance in the world,' and 
 we are here to see if it be not possible to unite these 
 moral forces, as we know them to exist in our Christian 
 lands, and to create such an attitude in our respective 
 countries and among the nations of the world as will, 
 in due time, render wars between them an impossible 
 contingency." 
 
 Dr. Macfarland, Secretary of the Federal Council of 
 the Churches of Christ in America, then offered his 
 paper, printed both in English and German, to the people. 
 It made a great impression upon the European delegates 
 as they read it, for I think that none of them had realized 
 how far the churches in America had gone. Dr. 
 Macfarland showed how at the preparatory meeting in 
 Carnegie Hall, New York, 1905, the Hon. David J. 
 Brewer had set forth International Peace as one of the 
 objectives of the proposed Federation of the Churches, 
 and, at the ultimate organization of the Federal Council 
 in Philadelphia, 1908, a committee on International 
 Relations, of which the Hon. Henry Wade Rogers was 
 Chairman, had presented a statesman-like report, the 
 larger ^part of which Dr. Macfarland quoted in his 
 address. It proposed a world-vnde movement of the 
 churches, endorsed the Hague Conference and submitted 
 a definite program for the new Federal Council of 
 Churches. 
 
34 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 In the summer of 1911 Dr. Macfarland had conferred 
 with leaders of the Church Peace Movement at London 
 and Berlin, and in the follov/ing autumn the Federal 
 Council Commission on Peace and Arbitration was 
 appointed, with Rev. J. B. Remensnyder as Chairman and 
 Rev. Frederick Ljmch as Secretary. 
 
 The Report of this Commission for 1912 was presented 
 to the Conference by Dr. Macfarland. It set forth plans 
 for a peace campaign which since that time has been 
 persistently carried on. At the quadrennial meeting of 
 the Federal Council in Chicago in 1912, James A. 
 MacDonald of Toronto had set the work of International 
 Peace before the Federal Council as its great objective. 
 
 When the United States was perilously near 
 war with Mexico, the Federal Council Commission on 
 Peace and Arbitration called upon the churches of 
 America to speak, and their protest against war with 
 Mexico had a decided effect at Washington and greatly 
 upheld the hands of those who counseled arbitration and 
 mediation. In the same way the Federal Council had 
 brought to bear the support by the Protestant Churches 
 of America of President Taft in his splendid effort to 
 secure absolute arbitration treaties between the United 
 States and the European nations. The most recent action 
 of the Council in international affairs had been the 
 appointment of a Commission on Relations with Japan, 
 composed of fifteen of the most eminent leaders of the 
 churches. The services of Rev. Sidney L. Gulick, D.D., 
 of Japan — missionary and statesman — had been secured 
 to guide the work of this Commission, which is to make 
 a thorough study of the whole American- Japanese 
 problem and bring to bear upon it the light of the Chris- 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 35 
 
 tian Gospel. The President of the Federal Council, Prof. 
 Shailer Mathews, has been selected to go to Japan, as 
 an ambassador of the churches to the people of Japan, 
 accompanied by Dr. Gulick and other representatives of 
 the churches. 
 
 Another Committee of One Hundred is making plans 
 for the celebration of the Treaty of Ghent, of which 
 Associate-Secretary Henry K. Carroll of the Federal 
 Council is Chairman and Rev. Frederick Lynch, Secre- 
 tary, said Dr. Macfarland. This committee represents 
 thirty denominations and is working in connection with 
 The Church Peace Union. Besides this the Council was 
 educating the pastors in international questions through 
 its Commissioners on Social Service, Missions and Relig- 
 ious Education. It was securing splendid resolutions on 
 International Peace at all the national meetings of the 
 denominations, and was having the subject presented to 
 theological seminaries. It was working in heartiest co- 
 operation with The Church Peace Union and had paved 
 the way for its work among the churches. The Council 
 would now devote more attention than ever to this great 
 cause and would work to make the churches of America 
 take that same stand on peace and goodwill that Christ 
 himself took. 
 
 I had also prepared an address for the Conference but 
 I could not give it in view of what was happening all 
 about me. All I could think of was the collapse of 
 civilization, the din of whose falling walls was then 
 and there in our ears, the failure of our Christianity to 
 prevent such a reign of darkness coming upon the earth 
 in the twentieth century of the Prince of Peace, the 
 great primary and elemental work which the church 
 
36 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 must do after the havoc and destruction were over; even 
 half felt that perhaps a new and different church must 
 be born, just as out of the first Reformation a new church 
 was born. This was so constantly on my mind that 
 every time I spoke, as American Secretary of the Con- 
 ference, I gave voice to these thoughts. I said that the 
 church had concerned itself too much with trifles and 
 had neglected the weightier matters of the law. It had 
 been attacking petty sins, but had ~ not been attacking 
 hatred, revenge, excessive race consciousness, narrow 
 patriotism, and that nationalism which contradicts the 
 Kingdom of God. It had been splendidly demanding that 
 individuals love each other (in their own nation), but 
 had not preached that it is just as obligatory that nations 
 love each other. It had preached that it was a crime 
 for one man to kill another, but not that it was equally 
 criminal in God's eyes for one nation to destroy another. 
 It had led its people in the weekly commandment, "Thou 
 shalt not steal," but had not led the nations in repeating 
 this universal law of God. It had said to its members, 
 "No Christian will fight his brother with fists," but it 
 had not said, "No Christian nation will fight another 
 nation with iron and powder." It had taught its children 
 that that man was great who loved and served and gave all 
 he had to his fellow-men, but it had not taught themi that 
 that alone made a nation great. Indeed, had it not even 
 taught that that nation was greatest which destroyed 
 and subdued weak people, and added empires to its rule? 
 All this will be changed in the church of the second 
 Reformation, the church to be born out of this purging 
 of the nations. Clear and strong its voice v/ill ring out: 
 "There can be but one religion, one law, one standard 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR Zl 
 
 of conduct in the whole Kingdom of God. Nations must 
 come under the same Gospel as that by which the people 
 live; nations must adjust all their relationships by the 
 same laws that bind good men to each other; nations 
 must come up to that same high plane to which the 
 Gospel calls all souls. The Kingdom of this world must 
 become the Kingdom of our Lord and of His Christ, 
 while at the same time the people become His also." 
 
 Hardly had this afternoon meeting closed when Dr. 
 Siegmund-Schultze received intimations from the local 
 authorities that mobilization was going on fast and the 
 train service becoming more and more irregular. In 
 view of this it was decided to take up at the evening 
 session the most important part of the program, the 
 passing of the four resolutions that had been prepared 
 with a view to determining the future co-operative work 
 of the churches of Europe and America and to making 
 the Conference permanent. 
 
 In the hour that intervened before dinner several of 
 us strolled through the ancient city. We had been 
 assured of protection and had been warned only in 
 regard to cameras. That very morning we had received 
 a telegram from Doctors Walter Laidlaw and Rivington 
 D. Lord that they had been arrested and detained at 
 Oos, a hundred miles north of Constance, because they 
 had a picture of an airship on their films. We learned 
 next day that they had been liberated, although their 
 camera had been confiscated and deposited in the war 
 museum. Constance was one of the recruiting stations 
 and it was interesting to note the methods the govern- 
 ment was taking to stir up the war fever. A big band 
 was stationed in the public square playing "Germany 
 
38 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 Forever," "The Watch on the Rhine," and other national 
 airs. Officers were strutting about in gorgeous uniforms. 
 Posters were displa3'ed to the effect that Germany was 
 being menaced on every side by her foes. It worked with 
 the young men and boys, but the older men were very 
 grave and sober. No one seemed to have any conception 
 of why the country was being plunged into war. As 
 we walked home we saw the soldiers stopping wagons 
 in the streets and taking out the horses for military uses. 
 Som.e of the young men were singing, but as evening 
 came a very solemn hush settled over the city, broken 
 only by the sound of one company of poor fellows after 
 another being marched off to kill they knew not whom, 
 nor for what reason. All along the streets women were 
 crying as their sons and husbands were driven off to be 
 shot. 
 
 We little realized as we re-entered the sheltered Hotel 
 Insel the exciting hour that lay before us. Dr. Sieg- 
 m_und-Schultze had been sent for by the president of the 
 city and informed that all the railroads of Germany were 
 to be handed over to the military authorities the follow- 
 ing night (Monday) at twelve for mobilization purposes, 
 and that the only train on which he could offer a certain 
 and safe convoy through Germany would leave the 
 following morning at nine o'clock; that he could get us 
 two- special cars on that train which would go to Cologne 
 at least, and perhaps to Holland, under supervision of 
 the government ; and that he advised us to take them as 
 there was no telling when there would be another train 
 across Germany. This announcement was made to the 
 delegates as soon as they ywere assembled and was 
 received with mixed feelings. Some had so set their 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 39 
 
 hearts on carrying out the program of the Conference 
 that they demanded that we stay and take the risks of 
 being kept there for any length of time. Others who 
 had famihes needing them at home and work which 
 could not be left long insisted on going. But discussion 
 was soon stopped by the sudden announcement sent to 
 me from the hotel office that the bank had closed, that 
 the hotel not only could not advance any of us money 
 but must also close its own doors. There we were, 
 eighty people, hundreds of miles from England, with no 
 tickets across Germany and no place to cash our checks. 
 I had letters of credit in my pocket of ample size to get 
 the whole eighty to London, but they were of no use with 
 closed banks and a bankrupt hotel. What could we do? 
 Then occurred one of the most interesting events of 
 the Conference. I arose and said : "There are some 
 here who have enough money in gold (the only kind 
 worth anything outside of German paper) to buy their 
 tickets and have some left over. There are others who 
 have not nearly enough. There is only one way to get 
 our whole party safely to London and that is for every- 
 body to put all the gold he has into a common pot. 
 Furthermore this is wise, for the only way in which 
 any one can get safely through Germany is for all to go 
 together. The response was instantaneous. A hat was 
 placed on the table and one by one the delegates came 
 up and put in their gold, the amount being entered 
 against each one's name. (This money was afterward 
 refunded in London.) By thus owning all things in 
 common enough was secured not only to buy tickets 
 for eighty people to London but to distribute half a 
 pound to each for food upon the way. There came home 
 
40 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 to everybody, as perhaps never before, the meaning of 
 the great word community. 
 
 It was then voted to proceed with the evening session. 
 The first half hour was devoted to prayer and two or 
 three general addresses. Rev. W. P. Merrill, D.D., of 
 New York City was in the Chair and greatly encouraged 
 us all by reminding us that it might be almost providential 
 that we who had been commissioned to lead the churches 
 in the fight against war had been permitted to share 
 those experiences through which Europe was passing. 
 Also we should remember that it was God's world still 
 although many of His children had forgotten His ways. 
 We were led in prayer by the Bishop of Lichfield and 
 others, and then we listened to three or four addresses 
 from the representatives of different nations. There was 
 a universal desire to hear from Professor Sidney L. 
 Gulick of Japan, and he consequently spoke at this time. 
 His address on "Constructive Methods for Promoting 
 International Peace" made such an impression that I am 
 printing it as an appendix to this story.* The Confer- 
 ence then proceeded to adopt the following four reso- 
 lutions : 
 
 I. "That, inasmuch as the work of conciliation and 
 the promotion of amity is essentially a Christian task, 
 it is expedient that the churches in all lands should use 
 their influence with the Peoples, Parliaments and the 
 Governments of the world to bring about good and 
 friendly relationships between the nations, so that, along 
 the path of peaceful civilization, they may reach that 
 
 * See Appendix H. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 41 
 
 universal goodwill which Christianity has taught man- 
 kind to aspire after." 
 
 II. "That, inasmuch as all sections of the Church of 
 Christ are equally concerned in the maintenance of peace 
 and the promotion of good feeling among all the races 
 of the world, it is advisable for them to act in concert 
 in their efforts to carry the foregoing resolution into 
 effect." 
 
 III. "That in order to enable the different churches 
 to be brought into touch with one another, steps should 
 be taken to form in every country councils of either a 
 denominational or interdenominational character (as the 
 circumstances of each case require) whose object it will 
 be to enlist the churches, in their corporate capacity, in 
 a joint endeavor to achieve the promotion of international 
 friendship and the avoidance of war, and that for this 
 purpose a central bureau should be established for 
 facilitating correspondence between such councils, collect- 
 ing and distributing information and generally co-or- 
 dinating the work connected with the movement." 
 
 IV. "That the duty of carrying into effect the resolu- 
 tions arrived at by the Conference be entrusted to a 
 committee consisting of the following members: Mr. 
 J. Allen Baker, M. P., London; Rt. Hon. W. H. 
 Dickinson, Ml. P., London; Monsieur Jacques Dumas, 
 Paris ; Monsieur le Prof esseur Louis Emery, Lausanne ; 
 Monsieur le Pasteur Elie Gounelle, Paris; Rev. E. R. 
 Hendrix, D.D., LL.D., New York; Herr Hofprediger 
 Kessler, Dresden; Herr Konsistorialrat Liittgert, Berlin; 
 Rev. Frederick Lynch, D.D., New York; Edwin D. 
 Mead, Esq., M.A., Boston; Rev. W. P. Merrill, D.D., 
 New York ; Monsieur le Pasteur Jacques Pannier, Paris ; 
 
42 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 Monsieur le Senateur E. Reveillaud, Versailles ; Herr 
 Professor Dr. Richter, Berlin; Rev. J. H. Rushbrooke, 
 M.A., London; Herr Pastor Dr. Siegmund-Schultze, 
 Berlin ; Very Rev. the Dean of Worcester ; with power 
 to add to their numbers, and that the committee do 
 arrange for a further conference to be held at a later 
 date, at which they shall report the result of the work 
 done, and bring forward recommendations for further 
 action." This committee met in -London Thursday, 
 August 6th, and organized with J. Allen Baker, M. P., 
 Chairman; Rev. William P. Merrill, D.D,, Vice-Chair- 
 man; Rev. Frederick Lynch, D.D., and the Rt. Hon. 
 W. H. Dickinson, M. P., Secretaries. 
 
 The Conference then adjourned to meet at the West- 
 minster Palace Hotel, London, Wednesday, August 5th, 
 at 4 p. m. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 FROM CONSTANCE TO LONDON— AN EVENT- 
 FUL JOURNEY 
 
 Monday morning, at 9 o'clock, eighty delegates, includ- 
 ing Americans, English, Germans, Norwegians, Swedes, 
 Danes, Dutch and Bulgarians, were at the station at 
 Constance to take the train for Cologne. The French 
 and Swiss delegates had been allowed to cross the frontier 
 into Switzerland. The Scandinavians had voted to go on 
 to London to the adjourned meeting of the Conference. 
 There were two special cars provided for us by the 
 courtesy of the German government, and they were billed 
 to go clear through to Flushing. At the station the 
 confusion was such that it was with difficulty that the 
 cars could be reached. Hundreds of families besides our- 
 selves were trying to get home to England. The station 
 was piled mountain high with baggage and the officials 
 could promise nothing except to stick the label Cologne 
 on it, which was as far the train itself was to go. There 
 was no time to weigh it, so we paid a lump sum of six 
 hundred marks to the stationmaster and he promised 
 to send it on the second section of the train. The 
 proprietor of the Insel Hotel had been most obliging to 
 us. He trusted us to pay the big hotel bill sometime in 
 the future, when cheques could again be collected in 
 Germany. He put up eighty lunches in four great 
 hampers, with eighty bottles of apollinaris water. We 
 saw those hampers put into the luggage van, but when 
 we were to get them in Ofifenburg, they had disappeared. 
 The train to which this car had been hitched was full 
 
 43 
 
44 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 of soldiers being transported to Cologne, so that it did 
 not require much mental exercise to imagine where those 
 eighty lunches had gone. Our party just about filled 
 the two special cars comfortably, but the crowds of 
 travelers and soldiers striving to secure seats was so 
 great that in five minutes they had boarded our cars and 
 filled the aisles as full as the compartments, and at every 
 station more poured in. 
 
 The experience of English and" Americans crossing 
 Germany on this eventful day were varied and, in many 
 instances quite opposite, and led to much discussion in 
 the English papers. One man would report his treat- 
 ment as most brutal, while another received only kindest 
 treatment. Mr. William Cleveland-Stevens of London, 
 who crossed Germany from Bayreuth, where he had been 
 attending the Wagner Festival, states that about 9 o'clock 
 on Sunday morning his party, consisting of three ladies, 
 the chaufifeur, and himself, set out by motor car from 
 Bayreuth. He continues : 
 
 "It struck me that an extraordinary change had already 
 taken place in the attitude of the people in Bayreuth 
 toward us, and the impression gained on us very strongly 
 as we passed through the various villages on our way. 
 Groups of reservists and their admirers were collected 
 in every village, and the friendly nods and greetings we 
 had hitherto met with were ominously lacking. Thanks 
 to a number of false directions, which we subsequently 
 realized had been given on purpose, our progress was 
 slow, and when we had got about twenty-five miles, in 
 accordance with directions given at a previous village, 
 we came to a place in Saxe-Coburg-Gotha called 
 Weidhausen. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 45 
 
 "The telephone had evidently prepared the people 
 for an arrival, for as we slowed down to examine a sign- 
 post five or six men, most of them drunk and all with 
 the most evil and forbidding faces, their leader a drunken 
 uniformed official, came out from a small beerhouse in 
 a state of great excitement. Before we could realize 
 that anything was the matter they demanded with shouts 
 and menaces what right we had to be there. A large 
 crowd had already gathered round the car. We were 
 compelled to turn and drive at a walking pace through 
 the village. By this time at least 300 people had collected 
 round us, and we came to a halt just in front of the 
 Burgomaster's house. Amid excited exclamations of 
 'foreigners' and 'spies' large tree trunks were rolled up 
 against the wheels of the car, and a revolver was held 
 at the chauffeur's head to compel him to switch off the 
 engine. Two Russian spies had been caught in the 
 neighborhood on the previous day, and our position was 
 not improved by the discovery that our front tires were 
 of Russian make. 
 
 "Two or three scoundrels clambered into the car and 
 roughly held up the ladies' arms and searched them. 
 The chauffeur and I were powerless to help them, for 
 the least resistance would, I feel certain, have cost us 
 all our lives. When the mob had sufficiently calmed 
 down to look at our papers the discovery that we were 
 English and not Russians caused their fury to break out 
 afresh. It was only the timely arrival of the district 
 Chief of Police that saved us. After spending some 
 minutes in quieting the crowd he removed his helmet 
 and sword and proceeded (rather I think to pacify the 
 mob than to satisy himself) to subject the car and every 
 article in it to the most searching examination." 
 
 On the other hand Lady Barlow, who was in our party 
 from Constance, sent the following letter to the London 
 pan<:>rs fH- ^dv after the above letter appeared: 
 
46 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 To the Editor, Daily Chronicle: 
 
 Sir — I have just returned from a visit to Germany, 
 where I received as usual the kindness and consideration 
 which I have always found there. 
 
 The Emperor was holding back a declaration of war 
 in order that every other means might be tried of con- 
 ciliation. The German Conservative papers were rest- 
 less under the delay, but his Majest}^ was firm. 
 
 The feeling was one of dread of the great foe from the 
 East — Russia — and the cry was : "We beg of England 
 to remain neutral to both ourselves and France in face 
 of this threatened invasion of the Slavs." I had the 
 opportunity of speaking more than once with a member 
 of the Imperial Family, and found no trace whatever 
 of the supposed arrogant claims of Germany. At the 
 Protestant Stadt Church of Konstanz on Sunday, men and 
 women sat with tears running down their cheeks at the 
 thought of what the future had in store. I do not know 
 what they will feel when they find England added to 
 their list of enemies. 
 
 The kindness of the people is best indicated by the 
 conduct of the proprietor of my hotel, who, when I 
 went to tell him I was penniless, as most of us were, 
 begged me not to be troubled, and added : "I know that 
 you will pay me some day." 
 
 The popular impression I find here regarding Germany 
 is quite incomprehensible to those of us who know her. 
 
 Believe me, yours truly, 
 
 Anna Barlow, 
 Torkington Lodge, Hazel Grove, Cheshire. 
 • August 5, 1914. 
 
 In this narrative I propose to confine myself strictly 
 to what the members of our owm party saw. The con- 
 clusion we came to at the end of the day was that the 
 German people as a whole were kindly disposed toward 
 even the English, but that the soldiers were brutal in 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 47 
 
 their treatment of everybody with whom they came in 
 contact. Indeed, the soldier is necessarily brutal from 
 his training. He is taught from childhood that Russia, 
 England and France are his deadly enemies and are only 
 waiting the opportunity to subdue his fatherland. He is 
 taught that war is the highest expression of which human 
 nature is capable. Treitschke, whose teachings are the 
 Bible of the German soldier, says that of all sins the sin 
 of feebleness is the most contemptible. "It is the political 
 sin against the Holy Ghost." Again he says that "the 
 devotion of the members of a community is nowhere so 
 splendidly conspicuous as in war." For years General 
 Von Bernhardi has been informing the German youth 
 that increase of armaments is not an inevitable evil, but 
 the necessary condition of national health, and that efforts 
 directed toward the abolition of war are not only foolish 
 but positively immoral and unworthy of the human race. 
 Such efforts, he said, threatened to poison the soul of 
 the German people. What Germany wanted "must be 
 fought for and won against superior forces of hostile 
 interests and powers." As to England, a pacific agree- 
 ment with her was a will-o'-the-wisp. At this particular 
 time news had been sent to all the German soldiers that 
 Russia, France and England had all played false against 
 Germany and surprised her when she was desiring peace. 
 This had made them bitter and furthermore most of 
 them were drunk, which is the common condition of the 
 European soldier when he is not actually on the field of 
 battle. 
 
 At every station there were trains being filled with 
 soldiers, with reserves, and with young men from the 
 fields and shops. Great crowds of women with their 
 
48 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 babies and children were at the stations to see the soldiers 
 off. They tried to cheer, but they mostly wept, while 
 the innocent children ignorantly cheered their fathers 
 off to death. At one station we saw one young man 
 suddenly go crazy as he was torn from his wife and 
 little baby, so that he had to be pitched into a freight 
 car by half a dozen men and held firm by strong arms. 
 We are told that this was a frequent occurrence and that 
 these men would simply be taken out of the regiment 
 and put to menial tasks. As the train rolled along we 
 saw columns of soldiers winding over the hills, the 
 line looking like a great snake in the distance. The rail- 
 road was ever}^where patrolled by soldiers and the 
 tunnels carefully guarded to prevent spies or some enemy 
 blowing up the track or wrecking a train. For half an 
 hour before approaching a station and for half an hour 
 after leaving we were ordered to close every window. 
 We never knew whether that was for our own protection 
 or a matter of precaution taken by the military authorities. 
 But some of the soldiers at the stations eyed all foreigners 
 v/ith ugly glances, evidently suspecting spies on every 
 train. Indeed, the further we got into Germany the 
 more evident it was she had lost her head, had got into 
 a panic, and was fast becoming irresponsible. This was 
 borne out by the news when we reached London, where 
 we found that she had recklessly drawn every great 
 nation of Europe into war against her, and shut off her 
 food supply on every side. The immediate violation of 
 the neutrality of Belgium was a sure sign that she had 
 lost her head, for she knew that England, which up to 
 this time had remained neutral, must then take up arms 
 against her. The signs of this frenzy were everywhere. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 49 
 
 There happened to be a Russian on the train with us 
 who was endeavoring to get his wife and little baby 
 safely through Germany into Holland or England. At 
 Mayence he was discovered by some German soldiers who 
 immediately suspected a "spy," and they pulled him out 
 of the train and at the point of several bayonets he was 
 carefully searched for papers. Not satisfied with this 
 they then roughly jerked his wife out of the train and 
 searched her. She was so frightened that, although they 
 were reluctantly permitted to go on, her milk ceased 
 flowing, and the poor little baby got nothing to eat for 
 twenty-four hours. The next day, on the boat from 
 Flushing to England, Lady Barlow found an English 
 mother with a nursing baby who shared her bounteous 
 breasts with the little Russian baby. It was pathetic to 
 hear the scream of delight with which the little thing 
 leaped to his dinner. These are they who suffer most 
 in war and only few wars are worth the suffering of a 
 dozen of them. But men seem to care not at all how 
 much they make these millions of babies and children suf- 
 fer, how much they orphan their own children, if they 
 can only gratify their lust for killing somebody of another 
 land. * 
 
 As we went down the wonderful Rhine at evening time 
 it seemed hard to believe that those beautiful hillsides 
 would soon again be devastated and bathed in blood ; that 
 the pretty villages would soon be burned and laid in 
 ruins. At every station trains were being filled with 
 soldiers and horses, often the men and horses jammed 
 into the same car. Many of those being packed into the 
 cars seemed nothing but boys. At one station I saw 
 three young men, flushed with drink, leap from the car 
 
50 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 standing on a side track and try to pull three young girls 
 into the car onto the straw. An officer heard their 
 screams and drove the soldiers into the car, amid much 
 laughter from the others. The violation of women by 
 soldiers will amount up into the thousands during this 
 year, as it is sort of taken for granted that this is a special 
 privilege condoned in those who "defend their country's 
 honor." 
 
 It was impossible to get any lunch on the train 
 and it was difficult to get auA^thing to eat at the stations, 
 so great was the rush for food. I managed to subsist 
 on an occasional sausage, some grapes, pieces of chocolate 
 and bottled waters. Many had to stand from nine in 
 the morning until we reached Cologne at nine in the 
 evening. 
 
 At Cologne there was less confusion, as the military 
 authorities had cleared the station and were already 
 seizing all the trains for soldiers. We would probably 
 have been dumped there had it not been for the passport 
 Dr. Siegmimd-Schultze had secured, and the special 
 protection we had received. After much debating Dr. 
 Siegmund-Schultze and the conductor, who had accom- 
 panied us from Constance, persuaded the authorities to 
 let our cars go through to the Dutch border town of 
 Goch, while they telegraphed to the Dutch railroad to 
 meet the train, as it contained two carloads of the most 
 distinguished men of England and America. Here we 
 began to see further signs of war, for on every side we 
 could discern searchlights sweeping the heavens for air- 
 ships, and that very night two ships had been shot at by 
 the German guns, especially constructed for this purpose. 
 Here Dr. Sieg^mund-Schultze said farewell to us. I think 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 51 
 
 he would have gone on with us to Fkishing could he 
 have followed his inclinations, but no German could get 
 out of Germany that night. His parting with the English- 
 men, Mr. Baker, Mr. Dickinson and the others, with 
 whom he had been working intimately for five years to 
 bring about good feeling between Germany and Great 
 Britain, was pathetic. They had become the warmest 
 friends and deep affection existed between them. They 
 had lived in each others' homes. Together they had 
 striven for the good of humanity, and nothing makes such 
 close and abiding friendships as these friendships that 
 reach far above those based upon nationality. And now 
 they had to part, not knowing if ever they should meet 
 again ; not knowing what the future might bring forth. 
 But they were hopeful in their parting and did not lose 
 faith. Their work had not been in vain. While their 
 governments are fighting each other, there is a group of 
 churchmen in each country who have risen above this 
 sort of thing, and when the war is over they will still be 
 fast friends and ready to take the work up again where it 
 has been rudely broken off. As for me, knowing the 
 fine sensitiveness of this noble young German, and know- 
 ing the great wound this sudden outburst of strife and 
 passion had inflicted in his heart, I could say nothing 
 as we parted, only tears would come. Finally I said: 
 "We shall meet again next summer unless the world 
 comes to an end before that time." He left us with his 
 beautiful and gentle little wife, to hurry to his babies in 
 Berlin. No greater commentary on the irony, farcical- 
 ness, absurdity, yes, childishness of war could well be 
 found than in the parting of Mr. Baker and Dr. Sieg- 
 mund-Schultze. Here they were, ardent followers or 
 
52 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 the same Master, consecrated servants of the same cause 
 and humanity's devoted friends, esteeming each other 
 much more highly than each esteemed many of his own 
 selfish, ignoble countrymen , and now, because one 
 happened to be English and one German, they must each 
 hasten home and prepare to kill one another ! But how 
 about refusing to bear arms against one's brother of 
 another land in an unjust cause? Well, on the day fol- 
 lowing this a friend of mine was in a little town in Europe 
 where four men refused to bear arms against their broth- 
 ers in another land. In my friend's sight they were stood 
 up against the side of a house and four bullets put 
 through them without any words. 
 
 The run from Cologne to Flushing was begun with 
 considerable anxiety. Rumors reached us that Germany 
 had decided to break the treaty insuring the neutrality 
 of Belgium. We could not at first believe it, for this 
 is the greatest crime of which nations are capable. If 
 the neutrality of Switzerland, Holland and Belgium is 
 to be violated at the opening of any war, or at the con- 
 venience of any nation that so chooses, there is no faith 
 left between nations. Furthermore, only a nation that 
 had gone crazy would do such a thing, for it meant that 
 every nation party to the treaty must defend its integrity. 
 If the rumors were true it meant that England, up to 
 that evening neutral, must wage war against Germany 
 for breaking her holy vows. Unfortunately it was only 
 too true, and our train that night passed through the 
 very territory where only two nights later the first great 
 battle of the war was raging. For it was at Liege this 
 first great battle was fought. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 53 
 
 We had hoped that our cars would be carried through 
 to Flushing. But it drew on toward midnight when we 
 reached Goch, the little frontier town of Holland, a few 
 miles south of Antwerp, and every car in Germany was 
 to pass into the hands of the army at midnight. We at 
 least hoped we might not have to do what others we 
 afterwards met in London were forced to do — get out 
 eight miles from Goch and then reach the frontier as 
 best we could. But here our imperial patronage and 
 the telegram which had been sent ahead helped us. We 
 were carried into Goch and there transferred to a Dutch 
 train awaiting us. After an hour we started through the 
 sleeping country of Holland. It was about 1 a. m. and 
 most of us had had no sleep. We were about to disperse 
 ourselves for a few hours' nap, when one of our party 
 who had been through the cars came to me and said : 
 "Bishop Hendrix and Dr. Spencer are missing." A 
 search was instituted and surely enough, they were 
 not there. The next day we learned that they had fallen 
 «o fast asleep on the way from Cologne that they had 
 not heard the orders to change cars. The cars they were 
 in had gone off to the south while they were innocently 
 sleeping. The next day they somehow got back to 
 Flushing and got the evening boat to London, arriving 
 twelve hours after the rest of the party. A little way 
 out of Goch we came to the Dutch customs office. They 
 paid no attention to our baggage, but they scanned every 
 passenger carefully to discover his nationality and to 
 see that no Dutch youths were leaving Holland. 
 For even then Holland was getting frightened, fearing 
 that Germany, if she paid no attention to the neutrality 
 of Belgium, might gobble up Holland next. Con- 
 
54 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 sequently, Holland was mobilizing to protect herself from 
 Germany, as was Switzerland far off to the south. At 
 last our party, tired, hungry, sleepy, reached Flushing. 
 It was about 7 a. m., and as the boat did not sail until 
 eleven o'clock we had time to get the first real meal in 
 twenty-four hours. How refreshing a big cup of hot 
 Java coffee was ! And our party ate all the rolls and eggs 
 there were in Flushing. It was now that the smokers 
 began to bewail their lack of money. For the Java 
 cigars are so cheap in Holland that one of our party 
 said : "It is a waste of money not to smoke." Cigars 
 equal to fine Habanas sell in Holland for three or four 
 cents each. It was a question of conscience with me 
 whether to let these eminent divines have money enough 
 to buy a box or two each to carry to England, where, so 
 they told me, the cigars were vile and expensive. But 
 finally I decided I could not act as conscience for these 
 men, but would charge them interest on the loan. I am 
 afraid I shall never get the interest. 
 
 The boat from Flushing to Queenborough, at the 
 mouth of the Thames, was so crowded with people and 
 baggage that there was hardly room to step. Yet every- 
 body was kindly, for everybody recognized that we were 
 "all in the same boat" in more senses than one. Some of 
 us made ourselves helpful by assisting mothers who had 
 three or four children as well "as three or four pieces of 
 baggage. I made the acquaintance of babies of all na- 
 tionalities if not of all tongues. (For French, English and 
 Russian babies cry in the same language, and a baby's 
 yell is the original Esperanto.) Fortunately we had a 
 smooth sea and did not have the added wrestle with sea 
 sickness. That would have been the last straw. But 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 55 
 
 the tensest moment of all the journey was before us. 
 When we reached the mouth of the Thames we were 
 stopped by a British cruiser and informed that mines 
 had been laid in the channel in anticipation of a German 
 attack and that a naval pilot would have to steer us 
 through. We all had implicit confidence in that 
 pilot, nevertheless we all held our breath and a great sigh 
 of relief came when we were safely through. One of 
 our eminent divines — I will not say whether it was one 
 of the Bishops or not — remarked that he hoped to go to 
 heaven when he died, but he did not want to be blown 
 into it. I suppose it affected his sense of a dignified 
 approach. If we could not have laughed once in a 
 while our hearts would have broken over what we saw 
 awaiting poor Europe. At Queenborough the English 
 government made one great mistake, pardonable perhaps 
 in view of the great strain upon it and the imminence of 
 greater things. Here were hundreds of poor, tired 
 refugees, most of them England's own people, fleeing to 
 her arms, mothers and sick, crying babies. It was then 
 night and everybody was anxious to get to London. And 
 yet that exhausted, fleeing crowd was made to carry all 
 its hand luggage to the customs office and have it 
 submitted to examination. Many did not get away for 
 an hour or more because of this, for they had to wait for 
 new trains to be made up. One indignant Englishman 
 exclaimed to the chief customs officer: "Is this the 
 welcome England gives to those who are rushing home 
 to fight for her?" It made no impression. It was much 
 more important that one box of cigars should not get 
 into England free of sixpence duty that night than that 
 a thousand people phould be spared the discomfort of 
 
56 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 that hard hour. One who passes through custom 
 houses often soon realizes that nations are childish in 
 more ways than one. By midnight all our eighty dele- 
 gates were asleep somewhere in London. Although the 
 hotels were crowded they somehow managed to accommo- 
 date all Americans. In closing the record of this event- 
 ful journey let me bear witness to the kindness of the 
 London hotel proprietors to Americans. They lodged 
 and fed many who had no money, and in many cases 
 even lent money to those who could not get their checks 
 and letters of credit cashed immediately. 
 
 In the next chapter I shall tell the story of the ad- 
 journed meeting of the Conference in London, during 
 one of the greatest moments in England's history. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 ENGLAND'S SOLEMN HOUR 
 
 We awoke from a long and refreshing slumber 
 Wednesday morning to find all England plunged in 
 deepest gloom. Up to this Wednesday, August 5th, it 
 had been hoped that England would have remained 
 neutral. I am inclined to think that the widespread 
 sentiment for neutrality would have prevailed had not 
 news come that Germany had attacked Belgium. Not 
 only the regular peace workers but many in parliament 
 and elsewhere were urging neutrality. 
 
 In all churches on the previous Sunday there had been 
 prayers for the maintenance of peace and sermon 
 references to the menace of a world war. At West- 
 minster Abbey in the afternoon, the Archbishop of 
 Canterbury said that what was happening was fearful 
 beyond all words. What did it all mean? Did it mean 
 that the hopes once cherished of the battle flag being 
 furled were a crazy delusion, and that war was so 
 inveterate and essential a habit of the peoples of the 
 earth that to look for peace was a fanatical and baseless 
 dream? To think so would, as it seemed to him, be to 
 belie the Christian faith, Christian promises, Christian 
 hope. The thing which was now astir in Europe was 
 not the work of God but of the Devil. It was not the 
 development of God's purposes, it was the marring of 
 them by the self-will, the sheer wrongness of man. They 
 had got to set themselves, slowly it might be, but 
 determinedly, as the generations passed, to eradicating and 
 
 57 
 
58 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 making unendurable the temper among men from which 
 such things spring, to "shrivel the falsehood from the 
 souls of men" in the name of the Prince of Peace. The 
 Archbishop of York, in the Minster, said good might 
 come out of the evil if it drew them together and bade 
 them, when it was past, look back with shame upon those 
 voices that had sought to divide class against class and 
 people against people. The officials of the Brotherhood 
 and Adult Schools Movements united in a request to all 
 Brotherhoods and Adult Schools to pass resolutions and 
 use all other means of influence on Members of Parlia- 
 ment and the Government to localize the area of the war 
 and to maintain, if at all possible, British neutrality. 
 The Bishop of Hereford, in a notice to his clergy, asked 
 them "to do everything possible in the name of our 
 church to strengthen the Government in maintaining 
 a policy of strict neutrality and laboring for peace." 
 
 Our own British delegates, immediately upon reaching 
 London, published the following urgent appeal to the 
 nation in the cause of peace and neutrality : 
 
 "We have just returned from Germany, where we 
 have been attending the first international conference 
 of the churches for the promotion of friendship among 
 the nations. We have seen with our own eyes the 
 amazing rapidity of the growth of the war fever and 
 the widespread misery caused by the mere generation 
 for warfare. 
 
 "There is, however, clear evidence that the serious 
 part of the German nation has entered only with the 
 utmost reluctance on the present war, and deplores the 
 possibility of a fresh outbreak of bitterness and misunder- 
 standing with Great Britain. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 59 
 
 "We are dismayed beyond measure at the thought that 
 England may be involved in the cataclysm of the present 
 conflict. In the original quarrel we, as a nation, have 
 no lot or part. We have ties of warm friendship with 
 the peoples both of Germany and France, and no hostility 
 to any people in Europe. If we can, even now, maintain 
 this position, we still have a wonderful opportunity of 
 acting as peacemakers and the friends of all. If this 
 opportunity is not to be lost, the conscience of our land 
 must speak more speedily than the spirit of the hate and 
 international ill-feeling, propagated by the voices which 
 call for war. 
 
 "For the sake of the land we love and our brethren 
 of other lands, in the name of the God of our common 
 worship, we appeal to our fellow-countrymen not to 
 despair, even at this hour, of discovering a just and 
 peaceful solution, and that to this end we lift up our 
 prayers as with one voice to Almighty God." 
 
 The appeal bears the following signatures : J. A. 
 Kempthorne (Bishop of Lichfield), John Clifford, J. 
 Allen Baker, W. H. Dickinson, W. Moore Ede (Dean of 
 Worcester), W. Leighton Grane (Prebend of Chichester 
 Cathedral), Anna Barlow, Joan Mary Fry, Meriel L. 
 Talbot, David Brook, J. Morgan Gibbon, R. C. Gillie, 
 J. A. McKeigan, J. G. Tasker, Henry T. Hodgkin, and 
 V. D. Davis. 
 
 Many even went so far as to urge England to observe 
 neutrality after it was plain that Germany intended to 
 invade Belgium. 
 
 Protests against British intervention were backed by 
 The Manchester Guardian and The Daily Neivs. A 
 British Neutrality Committee was formed. In a mani- 
 
60 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 festo signed by Lord Courtney of Pen with, Mr. J. 
 Ramsay MacDonald, Mr. G. M. Trevelyan, Mr. Gilbert 
 Murray, Mr. J. A. Hobson and others, it was urged that 
 England was not bound by her engagements and her vital 
 interests to give armed support to France and Russia, 
 and that it would be disastrous both to domestic and 
 Imperial interests to engage at this crisis in a great 
 Continental war. Mr. Joseph King voiced opinions 
 largely held by those in favor of strict neutrality in a 
 letter to the press on the neutrality of Belgium. He 
 admitted that Britain equally with France and Germany 
 had recognized the neutrality of Belgium, but held that 
 though England was interested in the neutrality of 
 Belgium, she was in no way pledged to defend that 
 neutrality with the forces of the Crown. Rev. J. E. 
 Roberts, M. A., B. D., Dr. A. S. Peake, and other Free 
 Church leaders supported the neutrality demand. On 
 Saturday a "Protest of Scholars" was issued in which 
 they said: "We regard Germany as a nation leading 
 the way in the arts and sciences, and we have all learned 
 and are learning from German scholars. War upon her 
 in the interest of Servia and Russia will be a sin against 
 civilization." The Socialists held a demonstration in 
 favor of neutrality in Trafalgar Square as late a.= 
 Saturday. 
 
 .As late as Wednesday The Daily News contained an 
 announcement of "The Neutrality League," printed in 
 big black-faced type and covering a whole page of the 
 paper.* But after the news came that the Germans had 
 actually entered Belgium all talk of neutrality, except 
 
 * See Appendix IV. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 61 
 
 on the part of a few, was blown to the winds. Mr. 
 Carnegie, in a telegram sent in reply to a request to urge 
 neutrality after Germany had acted, voiced the feeling 
 of the nation. He said : 
 
 "Protest to-day is useless. German Emperor refused 
 Britain's friendly invitation to peaceful conference of the 
 Powers, signed by no less able and peaceful statesman 
 than Sir Edward Grey, and proposed in return that 
 Britain agree Germany be permitted to march through 
 Belgium to attack France, thus placing Belgium, Holland, 
 Sweden and Norway open to her fleets and armies. Her 
 Emperor, hitherto for twenty-five years the world's fore- 
 most peace potentate, has to-day become chief destroyer 
 — a 'War Lord' of Europe. 
 
 "We advocates of heavenly peace and foes of hellish 
 war must not fail to expose and denounce the guilty 
 originators thereof. The German Emperor's refusal to 
 attend Britain's peaceful conference was followed by the 
 present alarming upheaval of the demons of war. I be- 
 lieve the Emperor knew not what he did when he refused 
 Britain's olive branch of peace, and now mourns over 
 his error. But this is already of the past — the looms of 
 the gods weave no erasures. 
 
 "We men of peace feel that of all crimes the killing 
 of men by their fellow-men is the 'foulest fiend ever 
 loosed from hell,' the deepest disgrace to so-called civili- 
 zation, and we must not fail to call to account guilty 
 Emperor, King, President, or Statesman. 
 
 "Her Peace Conference having been rejected by Ger- 
 many, I feel that Britain only did her duty when she 
 promptly refused Germany's counter-proposal to be per- 
 mitted to invade Belgium to attack France, and declared 
 she would protect Belgium by land and sea. In doing 
 so she points out that Holland, Norway and Sweden 
 were equally endangered by Germany's request. Britain 
 offered Germany the olive branch of peace; this rejected, 
 she has resolved to protect Belgium, and probably the 
 
62 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 smaller countries named, if necessary, from invasion by 
 Germany, which I for one cannot disapprove. On the 
 contrary, I feel that Britain was in honor bound to pro- 
 tect Belgium. 
 
 "Andrew Carnegie." 
 
 After this it became dangerous to urge neutrality, 
 although some peace people held out to the last. By 
 Wednesday all hope of neutrality was gone and our 
 Conference assembled at the Westminster Palace Hotel, 
 with England drawn into the war. 
 
 The answer to the ultimatum sent to Germany regard- 
 ing Belgium was unsatisfactory, and at 12:15 Wednesday 
 morning the Foreign Office had issued the statement : 
 
 Ozving to the summary rejection by the German 
 Government of the request made by his Majesty's 
 Government for assurances that the neutrality of Belgium 
 will be respected, his Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin 
 has received his passports and his Majesty's Government 
 has declared to the German Government that a state of 
 zvar exists betzveen Great Britain and Germany as from 
 II p. m. on Avgust 4th. 
 
 War had come and the English delegates who entered 
 the conference room at 4 p. m. were bowed with great 
 burdens and wore sad faces. It was impossible to tran- 
 sact routine business at such an hour. A motion that 
 the Conference should prepare a statement to be issued 
 to the world was debated for a time, but at last it was 
 thought best to forego any public utterance. It was 
 too late to stop the universal war. Any other message 
 would not have been listened to at this time. The 
 English had been drawn in against their will, and all the 
 world knew it. At no previous time in history had a nation 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 63 
 
 made so fine and brave a stand for peace — even to the 
 last hour — as had England. It was then five o'clock. 
 I arose and said that first of all I wanted to voice the 
 sympathy of the Americans for our brothers now drawn 
 into the deep floods. It was our burden as well as theirs. 
 We would suffer with them and we were glad so long as 
 this calamity had to come upon them that we were there 
 to share it with them and uphold them. To this Mr. 
 Baker responded although it was hard for him to speak, 
 for no man in England, unless it had been Dr. Dickin- 
 son, had worked so hard for goodwill among the nations 
 as had he. Great gains had seemingly been won, and 
 the future looked brighter than ever. This First Church 
 Conference for Peace was going to give still greater 
 impulse, when lo ! in only a week all had seemingly been 
 swept away, proved useless, of no avail. Mr. Baker, 
 speaking with great difficulty, told us what the presence 
 of Americans had meant to them all in these hard hours. 
 He refused to believe the work had been in vain. He 
 felt that this calamity was a call of God to us all to 
 work with a passion and devotion that should conquer 
 the world. Perhaps out of this conflagration the churches 
 would rise purified and say to the world : "This must 
 happen never again forever." 
 
 After Mr. Baker had uttered these heartfelt words, I 
 suggested that in the hour that remained Dr. Clifford, 
 Mr. Mead, and others should tell us what in their mind 
 should be the duty of the churches in the immediate 
 future. What should we who were there say to our 
 hearers and our readers when we had returned home? 
 Should we feel that our efforts were useless, or should 
 this be a call to renewed consecration, to a greater effort 
 
64 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 than we had ever before made? I said I would Hke to 
 know what those present were going to say to the hun- 
 dreds of people who would greet them with, "Where now 
 is your peace movement?" as of old they taunted the 
 Psalmist with, "Where now is thy God ?" These questions 
 called forth the most remarkable utterances of the Con- 
 ference, from such men as Dr. John Clifford, Edwin D. 
 Mead, Dr. J. Morgan Gibbon, Dr.- Philip S. Moxom (who 
 was acting chairman), the Bishop of Lichfield, George 
 W. Nasmyth, and Dr. Charles S. Macfarland. Among 
 others who spoke was Lady Barlow. I am sorry I have 
 no record of these addresses — confessions rather, for each 
 one spoke from the heart, from deepest feeling and con- 
 viction. But I can sum up the three or four impressions 
 that have remained with me from the truly great utter- 
 ances of these men. As one man remarked, it was worth 
 coming to Europe to hear these words alone. 
 
 First, there was the deep conviction that Jesus Christ 
 meant His Kingdom to be peace, and a brotherhood that 
 surpassed any national boundaries. He did not intend 
 that men should kill each other in His Kingdom. It was 
 the duty of His ministers to work for that Kingdom 
 and to preach that Kingdom regardless of immediate suc- 
 cess, even though all men preferred evil. 
 
 Secondly, we must not look upon this war as the 
 failure of the Peace Movement. Great gains had been 
 made in spite of everything. Two of the great nations 
 of the world, England and France, had done everything 
 in their power to prevent it, speaking boldly for lasting 
 peace, and had gone into it only at the last moment 
 when dragged in. In every country there Avas a larger 
 group than any previous year had found who had been 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 65 
 
 outspoken against their nation going to war. Also this 
 movement among the churches had created groups in 
 every land whose friendship no war could break. The 
 moment this war ceased the representatives of these 
 groups would get together and take up the work just 
 where it had been interrupted. Meantime the American 
 group could keep up correspondence with the groups in 
 the warring lands, looking to the speedy restoration of 
 peace. 
 
 Thirdly, it might be that this war would be such an 
 object lesson to the churches of the complete failure and 
 break-down of the present political order, of militarism 
 as a means of preserving peace, of force as a method of 
 settling international disputes, that they would be ready 
 to turn to the new order with an eagerness not yet 
 evinced and listen to our gospel with an attention never 
 yet betrayed. 
 
 Fourthly, we who had been through such scenes had 
 so seen at first hand how war breaks every high human 
 tie, had had its iniquity, its abnormality, its utter con- 
 tradiction to Christianity so burned into our soul that our 
 message would have a new intensity, our soul a deeper 
 passion, and our voice a power and pathos that might 
 move men mightily. 
 
 The regular Conference adjourned after a moment of 
 solemn prayer, and a meeting of the American delegates 
 was called for 4 p. m. the following day. This meeting 
 of the American delegates had been called especially to 
 adopt a declaration to the Federal Council of the Churches 
 of Christ in America, which a committee of Federal 
 Council delegates, consisting of Bishop E. R. Hendrix, 
 Bishop Luther B. Wilson, Rev. William P. Merrill, D.D., 
 
66 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 Canon Georg-e William Douglas, D.D., Rev. Charles S. 
 Macfarland, Ph.D., and Rev. Frederick Lynch, D.D., had 
 been asked to prepare. This declaration is printed in 
 full in the Appendix.* 
 
 It is a document worthy of careful study. I would 
 call special attention to one phrase, because I heard 
 almost every one of the eighty delegates, sooner or later, 
 express this sentiment, it being the one impression burned 
 into every soul : 
 
 "We are witnessing the reductio ad absurdum of un- 
 christian civilization ; for peace is not to be secured by 
 preparation for war (even if unchristian men compel 
 their brothers in self-defense, and for the sake of sacred 
 treaties, to make war) ." The declaration was unanimously 
 adopted, and the representatives of religious bodies in 
 America not in the Federal Council asked permission to 
 add their endorsements and so make it a declaration to 
 all the Protestant Churches of America. 
 
 Resolutions of thanks to Mr. Carnegie were also passed 
 at this meeting. For when the Americans reached Lon- 
 don they found all banks closed for three days, and 
 many of them were short of money. Others had no 
 money at all, the extra expenses having exhausted all 
 they had brought. Others had to buy new steamship 
 tickets at high rates, the old ones on continental lines 
 having become useless. The cable to America was un- 
 certain. I at once telegraphed Mr. Carnegie at Skibo, 
 and he telegraphed back to the London Branch of the 
 Royal Bank of Scotland to let us have all the money 
 we needed on his account. It came as a godsend to 
 
 * See Appendix HI. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 67 
 
 our 'Stranded delegates. We immediately opened an 
 office in Mr. Dickinson's rooms, where, every day, Mr. 
 Nasmyth advanced money to the members of our party 
 and their friends. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 LONDON IN WARTIME 
 
 Our last four days were spent in London, with Eng- 
 land at war with Germany. It was an unique experience. 
 As will be seen from the correspondence between Sir 
 Edward Grey and the different powers, an analysis of 
 which appears in the x\ppendix,* England devoted all her 
 energies to making peace up to the night that Gennany 
 entered Belgium. Dragged out of her position at the last 
 moment, she declared herself in a state of war with 
 German)^ on the very evening we reached London. C'ur 
 train from. Flushing landed us about 8 p. m. Dr. Mac- 
 farland and I had telegraphed ahead to several hotels 
 for accommodations and finally secured a room at the 
 Cecil. After dinner we went out on the streets. London 
 was getting excited. As we strolled down toward the 
 Parliament buildings the crowd grew denser and denser 
 and more demonstrative. It was then about 10 p. m., and 
 the Commons was awaiting Germany's answer to the 
 Piritish ultimatum concerning Belgium. The time limit 
 expired at midnight and no answer had come. While 
 we were on the streets the unsatisfactory answer came. 
 
 The whole city had been at fever heat ever since Mr. 
 Asquith's declaration, m.ade in the afternoon, that in view 
 of Germany's continued refusal to make the same promise 
 France had made, to respect Belgian neutrality, he had 
 
 * See Appendix V, "Some Sidelights on the Collapse of 
 European Policies," by Rev. Charles S. Macfarland, Ph.D., 
 Editor. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 69 
 
 sent an ultimatum to Germany to respect the neutrality 
 of Belgium and that the tim.e limit had been set at mid- 
 night. Mjy readers will be interested in seeing the exact 
 words which Mr. Asquith used in his memorable speecii 
 — a speech which set all England on fire and whidi 
 assured all Europe that England, whose attitude had 
 hitherto been uncertain, was now committed to the gen- 
 eral war. It was as follows : 
 
 In conformity with the statemicnt of policy made by 
 m}'- Right Hon. Friend, the Foreign Secretary, yesterday, 
 here, a telegram was sent early this morning by him to 
 our Ambassador in Berlin, and it was to this effect : 
 
 The King of the Belgians has made an appeal to his 
 Majesty's government for diplomatic intervention on 
 behalf of Belgium. 
 
 His Majesty's government are also informed that the 
 German government has delivered to the Belgian govern- 
 ment a note proposing friendly neutrality pending a free 
 passage through Belgian territory, and promising to 
 maintain the independence and integrity of the Kingdom 
 and its possessions on the conclusion of peace, and threat- 
 ening, in case of refusal, to treat Belgium as an enemy. 
 
 An answer was required within twelve hours. 
 
 We also understand that Belgium has categorically 
 refused this flagrant violation of the law of nations. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 His Majesty's government are bound to protest against 
 this violation of a treaty to which Germany is a party 
 in common with ourselves, and must request an assur- 
 ance that the demand made upon Belgium will not be 
 proceeded with and that their neutrality will be respected 
 by Germany. We asked for an immediate reply. (Loud 
 cheers.) 
 
 We received this morning from our Minister at Brus- 
 sels the following telegram : 
 
 "The German Minister has this morning addressed a 
 note to the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, stating 
 
70 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 that, as the Belgian government .has declined the well- 
 intentioned proposal submitted to them by the Imperial 
 Government, the latter, deeply to their regret, will be 
 compelled to carry out, if necessary by force of arms, 
 the measures considered indispensable in view of the 
 French menace." 
 
 Simultaneously we received from the Belgian Legation 
 here the following telegram from the Belgian Minister 
 for Foreign Affairs : 
 
 "The general staff announce that territory has been 
 violated at Verviers, near Aix-La-Chapelle." 
 
 Subsequent information tends to show that the German 
 force has penetrated still further into Belgian territory. 
 
 We also received this morning from the German Am- 
 bassador here a telegram sent to him from the German 
 Foreign Secretary and communicated by the Ambassador 
 to us. 
 
 It is in these words: 
 
 "Please dispel any distrust that may subsist on the part 
 of the British government with regard to our intentions 
 by repeating most positively the formal assurance that, 
 even in the case of an armed conflict with Belgium, Ger- 
 many will not under any pretence whatever annex Belgian 
 territory. (Cries of "Oh! Oh!" and laughter.) 
 
 The sincerity of this declaration is borne out by the 
 fact that we solemnly pledged our word to Holland 
 strictly to respect their neutrality. 
 
 It is obvious that we could not profitably annex 
 Belgian territory without making a territorial acquisition 
 at the expense of Holland. 
 
 Please impress upon Sir E. Grey that the German 
 army could not be exposed to French attack across Bel- 
 gium, which was planned according to absolutely unim- 
 peachable information. Germany has in consequence 
 disregarded Belgian neutrality to prevent what means 
 to her a question of life and death, the French advance 
 through Beleium." 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 71 
 
 1 have to add this on behalf of H. M. government 
 — we cannot regard this as in any sense a satisfactory 
 communication. 
 
 We have in reply to it repeated the request made last 
 week to the German government that they should give 
 us the same assurance with regard to Belgian neutrality 
 as was given to us and to Belgium by France last week, 
 and we have asked that a reply to that request and a 
 satisfactory answer to the telegram of this morning, 
 which I have read to the House, should be given before 
 midnight. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) 
 
 This announcement of the Premier was received with 
 sadness in spite of the cheers, but with practically unani- 
 mous assent by the House. Men cried and cheered at the 
 same time. It was the answer to the request in the last 
 paragraph that all England was awaiting. Demonstrations 
 were beginning as it drew on towards midnight and no 
 answer came. Then, while all England was waiting, the 
 news venders rushed down the streets shouting, "Germany 
 has entered Belgium." That was the answer of Germany 
 to the ultimatum. For the first time in my life I saw a 
 mob go wild. The papers were snatched up by the surg- 
 ing crowd and in a moment all were gone. It drew on 
 towards midnight and again the mob grew quiet. There 
 was a hush that was terrible as the big clock struck 
 twelve. At ten minutes past midnight some one rushed 
 out of Commons and shouted : "War has been declared 
 with Germany," and again the mob broke loose. Great 
 hordes fell into line and marched through the streets 
 shouting and singing, but the more serious portion shook 
 their heads, for they knew what it meant — all Europe 
 at war. One man turned to me and exclaimed : "It is 
 the end of the world." I must confess I felt at that 
 
72 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 moment that he was not far off in his estimate. But 
 since then I have gained more hope. It was an awful 
 hour, however, when one learned that every great nation 
 of Europe was involved in a universal war. 
 
 Wednesday morning dawned on a nation at war. The 
 whole aspect of London had changed. The German 
 steamship companies were boarding up all their office 
 windows, the German shopkeepers were closing all their 
 Siores, and the German Ambassador was preparing to 
 leave. The screams of news vendors filled the air. Mer- 
 chants and business men wore serious faces. Little boys 
 were marching through the streets in companies, carry- 
 ing British flags and beating tin pans for drums. Be- 
 fore the war offices great crowds of young men were 
 waiting to enlist. The King was reading the official 
 proclamation from the steps of the War Office. The 
 banks had all been ordered closed until Friday, to avoid 
 panic and a sudden rush upon them by depositors. This 
 last act greatly inconvenienced the Americans who had 
 landed from the Continent with no English money or 
 gold. The American Express Company opened their 
 offices mornings and cashed checks up to $40.00. One 
 of the finest things of all was the act of the Great Eastern 
 Railroad, which opened an office at its station and cashed 
 any kind of checks for Americans up to $50.00 in gold. 
 (The superintendent of this railroad is an z^merican, 
 Mr. H. W. Thornton, and this truly philanthropic act 
 was probably due to him.) At the American Embassy 
 great crowds of Americans were gathered. These were 
 referred to the American Relief Committee, which had 
 opened headquarters at the Savoy and was working in 
 harmony with the Embassy. It was here I met Mr. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 73 
 
 Oscar S. Straus, who told me something of what the 
 committee was doing. He afterwards gave out a state- 
 ment to the London papers, which greatly relieved the 
 Americans in London, although, unfortunately, it could 
 not reach the 30,000 Americans left on the Continent. 
 I went straight from the Embassy to the Savoy and got 
 in touch with the American committee, which was doing 
 remarkable work. 
 
 They informed me that the American cruiser Tennessee 
 was about to sail with a great sum of money in gold to 
 assist the Americans to get home. A banking office was 
 opened, with Mr. F. I. Kent, Vice-President of the Bank- 
 ers' Trust Company of New York, at the head, which 
 cashed many checks and helped any who were in imme- 
 diate distress. By Friday the financial situation was 
 relieved ; the banks were opened, and it was possible 
 to draw money on Letters of Credit. Also on this day 
 the government issued notes for one pound and others 
 for ten shillings. Then the American Committee turned 
 its attention to securing passage to America for stranded 
 tourists. All the German and French boats had been 
 called ofT and only a few of the boats of the Dutch and 
 English lines were sailing. The tickets on the Conti- 
 nental lines were valueless, although they will probably 
 be redeemed in New York. On Friday news came that 
 the Cunard line had fitted up the steerage of the Laconia 
 for first-class passengers, and some of the men who had 
 tickets for the Aquitania got passage on the Laconia. In 
 this way some of the men of our party, myself among 
 them, who had urgent family reasons for getting home 
 immediately, got berths. (We sailed the next Saturday, 
 sleeping in the steerage, but in all other regards traveling 
 
74 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 first cabin. Our rooms were very satisfactory and 
 clean and well ventilated.) The American Committee 
 assured all that they would be cared for and returned 
 home sooner or later. It was also announced that the 
 United States would soon be sending transports for those 
 who could not get passage on the regular lines. 
 
 Wednesday was one of the most memorable days in 
 the House of Commons that English history has seen. 
 It was the day of the great debate on the first appropria- 
 tion for the war — an appropriation of $500,000,000. 
 Some of our party, through the kindness of our English 
 delegates who were members, were privileged to hear 
 Mr. Asquith's memorable speech to the following 
 motion : 
 
 "That a sum, not exceeding £100,000,000, be granted 
 to His Majesty, beyond the ordinary grants of Parlia- 
 ment, towards defraying expenses that may be incurred 
 during the year ending March 31st, 1915, for all meas- 
 ures which may be taken for the security of the country, 
 for the conduct of naval and military operations, for 
 assisting the food supply, for promoting the continuance 
 of trade, industry, and business communications, whether 
 by means of insurance or indemnity against risk, or 
 otherwise for the relief of distress, and generally for all 
 expenses arising out of the existence of a state of war." 
 
 This speech will be one of the great documents of 
 history, and represents the English point of view on this 
 whole matter so fairly that I will quote the most impor- 
 tant sections of it here. It shows conclusively how Eng- 
 land strove to the bitter end not only to preserve peace 
 between Germany and Russia and Germany and France, 
 but even assured Germany that, would she refrain from 
 aggression and keep calm, England would do everything 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 75 
 
 to insure her against attack from Russia and France. 
 Even after the bid of Germany to England to betray 
 France, England still stood for peace. The following 
 extracts from the speech make these things plain: 
 
 "In asking the House to agree to the resolution which 
 Mr. Speaker has just read from the Chair, I do not pro- 
 pose, because I do not think it is in any way necessary, 
 to traverse the ground again which was covered by my 
 Right Hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary* two or three 
 nights ago. He stated — and I do not think any of the 
 statements he made are capable of answer and certainly 
 have not yet been answered — ^the grounds upon which, 
 with the utmost reluctance and with infinite regret, Flis 
 Majesty's government have been compelled to put this 
 country in a state of war with what for many years, and 
 indeed, generations past, has been a friendly power. But, 
 Sir, the papers which have since been presented to Par- 
 liam.ent, and which are now in the hands of the hon. 
 Members, will, I think, show how strenuous, how unre- 
 mitting, how persistent, even when the last glimmer of 
 hope seemed to have faded away, were the efforts of 
 my right hon. Friend to secure for Europe an honor- 
 able and a lasting peace. Every one knows in the great 
 crisis which occurred last year in the east of Europe, it 
 was largely if not mainly, by the acknowledgment of 
 all Europe due to the steps taken by my right hon. 
 Friend that the area of the conflict was limited, and that 
 so far as the great Powers are concerned, peace was 
 maintained. If his efforts upon this occasion have, un- 
 happily, been less successful, I am certain this House 
 and the country, and I will add posterity and history, will 
 accord to him what is, after all, the best tribute that can 
 be paid to any statesman : that, never derogating for an 
 instant or by an inch from the honor and interests of his 
 own country, he has striven, as few men have striven, to 
 
 * Sir Edward Grey. 
 
76 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 maintain and preserve the greatest interest of all coun- 
 tries — universal peace. These papers, which are now in 
 the hands of hon. Members, show something more 
 than that. They show what were the terms which were 
 offered to us in exchange for our neutrality. I trust that 
 not only the Members of this House, but all our fellow- 
 subjects everywhere, will read the communications, will 
 read, learn and mark the communications which passed 
 only a week ago to-day between Berlin and London in 
 this matter. The terms by which it was sought to buy 
 our neutrality are contained in the communication made 
 by the Gernian Chancellor to Sir Edward Goschen on 
 the 29th of July, No. 85 of the published Paper. I think 
 I must refer to them for a moment. After referring to 
 the state of things as between Austria and Russia, Sir 
 Edward Goschen goes on: — 
 
 'He then proceeded to make the following strong bid 
 for British neutrality. He said that it was clear, so far 
 as he was able to judge the main principle which gov- 
 erned British policy, that Great Britain would never 
 stand by and allow France to be crushed in any conflict 
 there might be. That, however, was not the object at 
 which Germany aimed. Provided that neutrality of Great 
 Britain were certain, every assurance would be given to 
 the British government that the Imperial government' — 
 let the House observe these words — 'aimed at no terri- 
 torial acquisition at the expense of France, should they 
 prove victorious in any war that might ensue.' 
 
 Sir Edward Goschen proceeded to put a very perti- 
 nent question : — 
 
 T questioned his Excellency about the French colo- 
 nies'— 
 
 What are the French colonies ? They mean every part 
 of the dominions and possessions of France outside the 
 geographical area of Europe — 
 
 — 'and he said that he was unable to give a similar 
 undertaking in that respect.' 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 11 
 
 Let me come to what, in my mind, personally, has 
 always been the crucial and almost the governing con- 
 sideration, namely, the position of the small States: 
 
 'As regards Holland, however. His Excellency said 
 that so long as Germany's adversaries respected the 
 integrity and neutrality of the Netherlands, Germany 
 was ready to give His Majesty's government an assur- 
 ance that she would do likewise.' 
 
 Then we come to Belgium : 
 
 Tt depended upon the action of France what opera- 
 tions Germany might be forced to enter upon in Belgium, 
 but, when the war was over, Belgian integrity would 
 be respected if she had not sided against Germany.' 
 
 Let the House observe the distinction between those 
 two cases. In regard to Holland it was not only inde- 
 pendence and integrity but also neutrality; but in regard 
 to Belgium, there was no mention of neutrality at all, 
 nothing but an assurance that after the war came to an 
 end the integrity of Belgium would be respected. Then 
 His Excellency added : — 
 
 'Ever since he had been Chancellor the object of his 
 policy had been to bring about an understanding with 
 England. He trusted these assurances' — the assurances 
 I have read out to the House — 'might form the basis 
 of that understanding which he so much desired.' 
 
 What does that amount to ? Let me just ask the House. 
 I do so, not with the object of inflaming passion, cer- 
 tainly not with the object of exciting feeling against 
 Germany, but I do so to vindicate and make clear the 
 position of the British government in this matter. What 
 did that proposal amount to ? In the first place, it meant 
 this : That behind the back of France — they were not 
 made a party to these communications — we should have 
 given, if we had assented to that, a free license to Ger- 
 many to annex, in the event of a successful war, the 
 whole of the extra European dominions and possessions 
 of France. What did it mean as regards Belgium ? When 
 she addressed, as she has addressed in these last few days, 
 
78 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 her moving appeal to us to fulfill our solemn guarantee 
 of her neutrality, what reply should we have given? 
 What reply should we have given to that Belgian appeal ? 
 We should have been obliged to say that, without her 
 knowledge, we had bartered away to the power threaten- 
 ing her our obligation to keep our plighted word. The 
 House has read, and the country has read, of course, in 
 the last few hours, the most pathetic appeal addressed 
 by the King of Belgium, and I do not envy the man who 
 can read that appeal with an unmoved heart. Belgium 
 are fighting and losing their lives. What would have 
 been the position of Great Britain to-day in the face 
 of that spectacle if we had assented to this infamous 
 proposal? Yes, and what are we to get in return for 
 the betrayal of our friends and the dishonor of our obli- 
 gations? What are we to get in return? A promise — 
 nothing more ; a promise as to what Germany would do 
 in certain eventualities ; a promise, be it observed---! am 
 sorry to have to say it, but it must be put upon record — 
 given by a power which was at that very moment an- 
 nouncing its intention to violate its own treaty and invit- 
 ing us to do the same. I can only say, if we had dallied 
 or temporized, we, as a government, should have covered 
 ourselves with dishonor, and we should have betrayed 
 the interests of this country, of which we are trustees, 
 and I am glad, I think the country will be glad, to turn to 
 the reply which my right hon. Friend made, and of which 
 I will read to the House two of the more salient pas- 
 sages. This document. No. 101 of my Paper, puts on 
 record a week ago the attitude of the British government, 
 and, as I believe, of the British people. My right hon. 
 Friend says : — 
 
 'His Majesty's government cannot for a moment enter- 
 tain the Chancellor's proposal that they should bind 
 themselves to neutrality on such terms. What he asks 
 us in eflfect is to engage to stand by while French colonies 
 are taken if France is beaten, so long as Germany does 
 not take French territory as distinct from the colonies. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 79 
 
 From the material point of view' — my right hon. 
 Friend, as he always does, used very temperate language 
 — 'such a proposal is unacceptable, for France, without 
 further territory in Europe being taken from her, could 
 be so crushed as to lose her position as a great Power, 
 and become subordinate to German policy.' 
 
 That is the material aspect. But he proceeded : 
 
 'Altogether apart from that, it would be a disgrace 
 for us to make this bargain with Germany at the expense 
 of France, a disgrace from which the good name of this 
 country would never recover. The Chancellor also in 
 effect asks us to bargain away whatever obligation or 
 interest we have as regards the neutrality of Belgium. 
 We could not entertain that bargain either.' 
 
 He then says : 
 
 'We must preserve our full freedom to act as cir- 
 cumstances may seem to us to require.' 
 
 And he added, I think, in sentences which the House 
 will appreciate: 
 
 'You should . . . add most earnestly that the one 
 way of maintaining the good relations between England 
 and Germany is that they should continue to work to- 
 gether to preserve the peace of Europe. . . . For 
 that object this government will work in that way with 
 all sincerity and good will. 
 
 'If the peace of Europe can be presented and the pres- 
 ent crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will be to pro- 
 mote some arrangement to whirh Germany could be a 
 party, bv which she could be assured that no aggressive 
 or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her 
 allies by France, Russia, and ourselves, jointly or 
 separately. I have desired this and worked for it' — the 
 ?tatem,ent was never more true — 'as far as I could, 
 through the last Balkan crisis, and Germany having a 
 corresponding object, our relations sensibly imioroved. 
 The idea has hitherto been too TTtonian to form the sub- 
 ject of definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so 
 
80 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 much more acute than any that Europe has gone through 
 for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that 
 the relief and reaction which will follow may make pos- 
 sible some more definite rapprochement between the 
 Powers than has been possible hitherto.' 
 
 That document, in my opinion, states clearly, in tem- 
 perate and convincing language, the attitude of this 
 government. Can any one who reads it fail to appreciate 
 the tone of obvious sincerity and earnestness which 
 underlies it; can any one honestly doubt that the govern- 
 ment of this country in spite of great provocation — and 
 I regard the proposals made to us as proposals which we 
 might have thrown aside without consideration and al- 
 most without answer — can any one doubt that in spite 
 of great provocation the right hon. Gentleman, who 
 had already earned the title— and no one ever more 
 deserved it — of Peace Maker of Europe, persisted to 
 the very last moment of the last hour in that beneficent 
 but unhappily frustrated purpose. I am entitled to 
 say, and I do so on behalf of this country — I speak not 
 for a party, I speak for the country as a whole — that we 
 made every effort any government could possibly make 
 for peace. But this war has been forced upon us. What 
 is it we are fighting for? Everyone knows, and no one 
 knows better than the government the terrible incal- 
 culable suffering, economic, social, personal and political, 
 which war, and especially a war between the Great Pow- 
 ers of the World must entail. There is no man amongst 
 us sitting upon this bench in these trying days — more 
 trying perhaps than any body of statesmen for a hundred 
 years have had to pass through — there is not a man 
 amongst us who has not, during the whole of that time, 
 had clearly before his vision the almost unequalled suffer- 
 ing which war, even in a just cause, must bring about, 
 not only to the people who are for the moment living 
 in this country and in the other countries of the world, 
 but to posterity and to the whole prospects of European 
 civilization. Every step we took we took with that vision 
 before our eyes, and with a sense of responsibility which 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 81 
 
 it is impossible to describe. Unhappily, if in spite of all 
 our efforts to keep the peace, and with that full and over- 
 powering consciousness of the result, if the issue be de- 
 cided in favor of war, we have nevertheless thought it to 
 be the duty as well as the interest of this country to go 
 to war, the House may be well assured it was because 
 we believe, and I am certain the country will believe, we 
 are unsheathing our sword in a just cause. 
 
 If I am asked what we are fighting for I reply in two 
 sentences. In the first place, to fulfill a solemn inter- 
 national obligation, an obligation which, if it had been 
 entered into between private persons in the ordinary con- 
 cerns of life, would have been regarded as an obligation 
 not only of law, but of honor, which no self-respecting 
 man could possibly have repudiated. I say, secondly, we 
 are fighting to vindicate the principle which, in these days, 
 when force, material force, sometimes seems to be the 
 dominant influence and factor in the development of man- 
 kind, we are fighting to vindicate the principle that small 
 nationalities are not to be crushed, in defiance of inter- 
 national good faith, by the arbitrary will of a strong 
 and over-mastering Power. I do not believe any nation 
 ever entered into a great controversy — and this is one 
 of the greatest history will ever know — with a clearer 
 conscience and stronger conviction that it is fighting, not 
 for aggression, not for the maintenance even of its own 
 selfish interest, but that it is fighting in defence of prin- 
 ciples, the maintenance of which is vital to the civilization 
 of the world. With a full convicton, not only of the 
 wisdom and justice, but of the obligations which lay upon 
 us to challenge this great issue, we are entering into the 
 struggle. Let us now make sure that all the resources, not 
 only of. this United Kingdom, but of the vast Empire of 
 which it is the center, shall be thrown into the scale, 
 and it is that that object may be adequately secured, 
 that I am now about to ask this committee — to make the 
 very unusual demand upon it — to give the government a 
 Vote of Credit of £100,000,000." 
 
82 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 It is needless to say that this speech was received with 
 great enthusiasm ; so great was the enthusiasm that some 
 of the peace advocates in ParHament felt saddened at the 
 seeming joy at going to war with Germany. These men 
 had been working with Germans for years in establishing 
 goodwill between the two nations. They believed that 
 there was no quarrel between the Germans and the Eng- 
 lish people, that the German people had been plunged 
 into this war by a military caste; that we ought to be 
 sad at having to fight them rather than joyful. The 
 speeches made to this efifect by our own friends, the Eng- 
 lish Chairman and the English Secretary of the Confer- 
 ence, Mr. J. Allen Baker, and Rt. Hon. W. H. Dick- 
 inson were so brave and put this feeling so splendidly 
 that I quote them here. I quote them from the Blue 
 Book just as they were given, retaining the interruptions 
 and all, that my readers may see how they were received : 
 
 "Mr. Dickinson : I hope that the House will allow 
 me to .say a few words on this occasion, and for this 
 reason, that for many years I have worked with other 
 friends of mine for friendship between ourselves and 
 the German nation, and I happened only last week to be 
 sitting at the table with French and German and other 
 individuals whose object was to assist in the promotion 
 of friendship between nations. But I do not rise to refer 
 to that now, nor do I rise in order to criticize the govern- 
 ment. I believe myself, from reasons and facts which 
 came to my knowledge in Germany, that this war will 
 be handed down to history as having been caused in the 
 same way as every other war has been caused, by a 
 mutual misunderstanding. (Hon. Members: 'Divide.') 
 But I do not want to raise that question at the present 
 moment; I only rise because I hope that the House will 
 give me the opportunity to say a few words upon the 
 present situation. (Hon. Members: 'No!' and 'Order!') 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 83 
 
 This is not the time — (Hon. Members: 'Hear, hear!') — 
 for criticism or recrimination ; we are in war, and we 
 have to go forward with that war, and, personally, as 
 is the case with every man here, my vote and my voice, 
 and every action of which I would be capable, will be 
 given to the support of our soldiers and sailors in this 
 conflict. It is for this reason that I ask to be allowed to 
 sa}^ a few words upon this occasion. Many of us have 
 been laboring for years to bring about an extended 
 friendship between the English and German people, and 
 with great respect I venture to think that we have suc- 
 ceeded. The sentiment of the mass of the German people 
 towards us has improved enormously. (Hon Members: 
 'Agreed.') 
 
 The Chairman (Mr. Whitley) : Hon. Member 
 should listen to the Hon. Member. He is entitled to be 
 heard. 
 
 Mr. Dickinson : But the great obstacle that we have 
 experienced has been the existence of a great and power- 
 ful military caste. A weapon which was formed for the 
 purpose of defence has become an uncontrolled instrument 
 of offence now in that country. It is a class that lives 
 for war, that battens on the lust of aggrandizement, and 
 is always aiming at and preparing for war. It has no 
 regard for men's rights, and no respect for international 
 rules, and its motto is that 'Might is right' ! That caste 
 has acquired such strength that it controls not only the 
 feelings and thoughts of the people, but even has too 
 great an influence upon the wishes of its sovereign, and 
 Europe is now witnessing the results of the curse of 
 conscription. This war has been, of course, foreseen, not 
 only by hon. Gentlem.en opposite, but by those who 
 have been working for peace as between Germany 
 and ourselves, and it is for that very reason that we 
 have labored to achieve some success in that direction. 
 Our efforts have not altogether failed. They have not 
 failed forever, and later on we think we may still be able 
 to establish that friendship between the two peoples. That 
 
84 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 is one of the reasons why I believe that Germany will 
 be beaten in this great conflict, because it will ring the 
 knell of the great military supremacy of those who rule 
 in that country. We are fighting that military caste, and 
 not the people of Germany. The people of Germany have 
 had nothing to do with this war. Of course, it is true 
 that they are enthusiastic for it. I have traveled through 
 the towns of Germany, and have seen enthusiasm similar 
 to that which is to be seen in our streets now, due to 
 war fever, and also to the still more laudable sentiment 
 of sympathy with the men who are going out to fight 
 for their country. But the people of Germany have no 
 knowledge of why they are fighting this war, and in 
 particular why they are fighting against Great Britain. 
 They will, I am sorry to say, not read these debates. 
 They will be told thai it is all our fault. 
 
 But I do think that, as far as we possibly can, we 
 ought to tell them what is the true reason why Great 
 Britain has interfered in this war, and we may hope 
 that, if we can win, we may lay down such conditions as 
 will destroy that military supremacy which has brought 
 Europe to the brink of destruction. (Interruption.) I 
 want, with great respect to the House — I do not know 
 why they do not listen — to make three suggestions. For 
 one thing, I would urge very strongly that we should not 
 lose our heads and lose all feelings of consideration for 
 the Germans who are among us, many of whom have 
 nothing but loyal and friendly feelings toward us. In 
 the second place, I wish to ask that we shall watch every 
 opportunity of bringing about a satisfactory termination 
 to the war. It will be a war involving great suffering 
 and causing a torrent of blood in Europe, and 
 therefore we should take every possible opportunity 
 of seeing whether some arrangement cannot be 
 arrived at not to carry it further than necessary. 
 And lastly, we ought to be prepared with some 
 plan of settlement. We ought to know exactly, and 
 we ought to let Germany feel that we know exactly, 
 what we are really fighting for. We are fighting for the 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 85 
 
 status quo. We are not fighting for any territorial- 
 changes in Europe, one way or the other. I know the 
 feehngs of Germany. I know that their one fear is the 
 possibility of a strong combination over the Teutonic 
 nations, and we should do our utmost to see that that 
 result does not accrue from the war. I wish to say these 
 few words to the House, because I feel that we are enter- 
 ing upon a terrible war. When that war comes to an 
 end, the problem will be only just begun. We have a 
 task during the war, and at the end of the war it should 
 be understood that our objects and intentions are as 
 honest as those which we entertain at the present moment. 
 
 Mjii. Allen Baker : I should like to say that I heartily 
 endorse the remarks which have been made by the last 
 two or three speakers. My hon. Friend, the Member 
 for York (Mr. Rowntree), has raised a point of very 
 great importance, and it is one which came under my 
 notice little more than an hour ago, when I was address- 
 ing a number of workmen whom I employ. I said to 
 them in regard to reservists who had already gone to do 
 what they believed to be their duty, that they would have 
 their positions safeguarded till they returned from per- 
 forming that duty. Any of them who may be required 
 by the government for service as engineers, as well as 
 others, I stated, would be treated in the same way. I 
 want entirely and heartily to endorse the words of my 
 hon. Friend, the Member for Cockermouth (Sir 
 Wilfrid Lawson). He has deplored, as I am sure we 
 must all deplore, that the country has been, I suppose, 
 dragged into or forced into this unhappy position, and 
 that we are now at war. I do believe that had we had a 
 different policy in the past we might have prevented this 
 war. We have had offers and offers, again and again, 
 from the great nation of Germany, saying that they want 
 to be close friends with us, that thev wanted to cultivate 
 our friendship. In supportin)? the ideas and sentiments 
 expressed by mv hon. Friend, the Member for North 
 St. Pancras (Mr. Dickinson), I believe heartily, from 
 
86 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 intimate knowledge of the people of Germany, that the 
 mass of them, including many in high station and posi- 
 tions, have been entirely against this war. They have 
 been, and are, friendly to us in this country, but they 
 have been overborne by the military class who are domi- 
 nating the position, and who have caused this war. They 
 fear, and they fear not without reason, the great Slav 
 population, who are double the number of the Germans, 
 and who have been arming and preparing for this con- 
 flict for years. To Germany, with enemies right and left, 
 east and west, it is a matter of life atid death. They feel 
 that they are in a desperate position, and, if you could 
 realize their position, I think you would see that there 
 is very much to be said for the hasty action they have 
 taken. (Hon. Members: 'No, no!') They felt that the 
 only opportunity they possessed was by striking quickly. 
 (Hon. Members: 'Oh, oh!') I say that they have been 
 forced into this position. (Hon. Members: 'No!') I 
 believe they are entering into this war with deep regret, 
 and certainly, on the part of the masses of the people, 
 with great friendship towards us. I have been pained, 
 most deeply pained, to hear the almost laudatory cheers, 
 and to hear sentiments of gladness — ^almost of joy — 
 that have been expressed by different Members on both 
 sides of the House — (Hon. Members: 'No, no!') — 
 
 The Chairman : I am sure the hon. Member 
 would not like to make any reflection on the motives of 
 his colleagues in this House. 
 
 Mr. a. Baker: If the House will permit me to say so, 
 the impression I gathered was — (Hon. Members: 'With- 
 draw!') I certainly withdraw any imputation against 
 any individual member, but I gathered from the cheers 
 that went up, and they also gave me the impression that 
 many in this House were going into this awful business 
 with a satisfaction. (An Hon. Member: 'We are as 
 sorry as you are!') 
 
 The Chairman : If aspersions of that kind were 
 made, they might have to be made from two points of 
 view, and that is most undesirable. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 87 
 
 Mr. a. Baker: Perhaps T may be permitted to put 
 it this way. In the enthusiasm of loyalty there are ex- 
 pressions often used that make one almost weep with 
 sadness to see with what alacrity we are ready to go and 
 sla}^ — (Hon. Members: 'No, no!' and 'Sit down!') 
 
 The Chairman : I must appeal to the Hon. Member 
 to give other Members of the House the same credit for 
 sincerity which the whole House has always accorded 
 to him. 
 
 Mr. a. Baker : I entirely withdraw anything against 
 any hon. Member, but, having just passed during the last 
 thirty hours through the country where war is about to 
 be waged, and then coming to this country and finding 
 the same thing in our streets, and already almost we see 
 the spirit of 'Mafficking.' (Hon. Members: 'No, no!' 
 'Withdraw!' 'Sit down!') That is the impression which 
 I have gained, and the point I wish to make is this, that 
 we are entering on one of the most horrible acts in this 
 and other countries of Europe that will have effects and 
 results that we can in no way at the present moment 
 estimate, war is of such a horrible character with the 
 present weapons and with the machinery of slaughter to 
 mow down men. I do not intend to Vote against this 
 Vote. In entering on this war it should be with feelings 
 of the deepest sadness, and with the prayer that it may 
 soon come to an end, and with the desire that a gener- 
 ous and lasting peace may soon be agreed to." 
 
 It was interesting to note the fact that, at the very 
 moment when England was entering upon the war, 
 from many sources came the appeal to Englishmen to be 
 both calm and just. 
 
 A specially convened meeting of the General Com- 
 mittee 'of the National Council of Evangelical Free 
 Churches, held at the Memorial Hall August 5th, adopted 
 the following resolution : 
 
88 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 "The crime and horror of a universal war has fallen 
 upon European civilization. It is useless to seek nicely 
 to apportion blame. Our first duty is to humble our- 
 selves before God and to wait upon Him. 
 
 "It is a matter for thankfulness that the efforts of 
 Britain, though unhappily unsuccessful, were put forth 
 strenuously and to the last moment on behalf of peace, 
 and that our intervention has been determined by regard 
 for weaker nations, and for the sanctity of the treaties 
 which safeguard them. 
 
 "In these conditions the Council "appeals to the Free 
 Churches of this country to realize their high responsi- 
 bilities and to discharge them faithfully. 
 
 "The Churches should arrange a service of daily united 
 prayer that the nation may be Divinely guided, and that 
 peace may speedily be restored. 
 
 "The duty rests upon the Churches steadily to foster 
 those more generous and humane sentiments which war 
 so ruthlessly destroys. 
 
 "The Churches should steadily inculcate the duties of 
 self-restraint and mutual consideration. In particular, 
 they must denounce all endeavors to snatch selfish advan- 
 tages through either greed or panic, and, above all, must 
 emphasize the importance of general self-sacrifice in the 
 interests of the poor, upon whom the worst hardships 
 of the war threaten to fall. 
 
 "The Churches must be prepared to co-operate at once 
 v/ith the Government and with the civic authorities in 
 administering to any distress that may arise. 
 
 "They must be continually on the watch in order that 
 they may ofifer, as occasion may arise, counsels of wis- 
 dom and moderation." 
 
 The following directions for Englishmen appeared in 
 the London papers of August 6th and attracted much 
 attention : 
 
 First and foremost. — Keep your heads. Be calm. Go 
 about your ordinary business quietly and soberly. Do 
 not indulge in excitement or foolish demonstrations. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 89 
 
 Secondly. — Think of others more than you are wont 
 to do. Think of your duty to your neighbor. Think of 
 the common weal. 
 
 Try to contribute your share by doing your duty in 
 your own place and your own sphere. Be abstemious 
 and economical. Avoid waste. 
 
 Do not store goods and create an artificial scarcity to 
 the hurt of others. Remember that is an act of mean 
 and selfish cowardice. 
 
 Do not hoard gold. Let it circulate. Try to make 
 things easier, not more difficult. 
 
 Remember those who are worse off than yourself. Pay 
 punctually what you owe, especially to your poorest 
 creditors, such as washerwomen and charwomen. 
 
 If you are an employer think of your employed. Give 
 them work and wages as long as you can, and work 
 short time rather than close down. 
 
 If you are employed remember the difficulties of your 
 employer. Instead of dwelling on your own privations 
 think of the infinitely worse state of those who live at 
 the seat of war and are not only thrown out of work 
 but deprived of all they possess. 
 
 Do what you can to cheer and encourage our soldiers. 
 Gladly help any organization for their comfort and wel- 
 fare. 
 
 Explain to the young and the ignorant what war is, 
 and why we have been forced to wage it. 
 
 One of the finest utterances on peace we have ever 
 seen was the Message of the Friends "to men and women 
 of goodwill," which was sent out on the evening of 
 August 7th. It is printed in full in the Appendix. * 
 
 * See Appendix VH. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 THE COLLAPSE OF CIVILIZATION 
 
 Has civilization collapsed in Europe? Has Christianity 
 been thrown to the dogs, and have the nations gone mad ? 
 In a moment, almost without premonition, millions of men 
 on the Continent have become frenzied, and with wild 
 eyes, with bestial thirst for blood, and with savage yells 
 are rushing to rip their brothers' bowels out. Women 
 are rushing from besieged and burning cities with tiny 
 babies in their arms, and little, cold, hungry, tired boys 
 and girls, hardly old enough to walk, trying to keep up. 
 Poverty stares millions in the face — poverty not only dur- 
 ing this war, but during long years to come. Thousands 
 of women are to be widowed, millions of little children 
 are to be left fatherless. Natural affections are even now 
 blotted out and their places being taken by strange, cruel 
 lusts and passions. The virtue of women will be a free 
 commodity for all soldiers. Drunkenness has already 
 spread throughout these lands in a mad orgy. All indus- 
 try will be ruined. Thousands of farms and villages will 
 be laid waste. Thousands of schools and churches will 
 be blown up. Hatreds will be engendered which will 
 keep Europe irritated fifty years after the peace of ex- 
 haustion shall have come. The commerce of the world 
 will be upset. The general morality of Europe will be 
 lowered to a point where the churches will have to begin 
 all over again and work a hundred years to restore it. 
 Already thousands of atheists have been made. Almost 
 every other man we have met in Europe this last week 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 91 
 
 has shook his head with sadness and said : "What's the 
 good of Christianity if it cannot stop this sort of thing." 
 It is as if the Devil and all his angels had taken complete 
 possession of Europe. 
 
 And what is it all about? Nobody knows. The Ger- 
 man people do not know why they are fighting the French 
 and English and Russians. The French people do not 
 know why, suddenly, without a week's warning, they 
 were fighting the Germans. The English people had no 
 more desire to go to war with Germans than have we in 
 America, and yet with hardly a week's notice they are 
 crossing the Channel to shoot their brothers, with whom, 
 only five days before, they had been assembled in a medi- 
 cal conference and a peace conference, brothers knowing 
 no nationality, only kindly comradeship, com^mon good- 
 will toward all men. Who started it ? No one knows who 
 originally started it, for no one knows what despicable 
 intrigues have been going on in one of two governments 
 for years. All one knov/s is that Austria, most cowardly 
 and reckless of nations, knowing she would plunge all 
 Europe into arms, to get revenge for a crime committed 
 by an individual, who should have been punished as an 
 individual, attacks a weak, impoverished nation, and Ger- 
 many, instead of rebuking her, evidently stands behind; 
 while, of course, Russia, friend of Servia, begins to 
 mobilize her troops to befriend Servia. Then Germany 
 has to mobilize. Then, of course, France gets frightened 
 and mobilizes her army. England tries to bring the 
 nations together for friendly conference, but Austria 
 will net listen. England remains neutral to the last. 
 Then Germany goes crazy and begins recklessly to violate 
 all treaties of neutrality, and seemingly is anxious to drag 
 
92 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 England into the war against her. And here we have the 
 sight in the twentieth century of Christ's Churches of 
 eight nations doing their best to annihilate one another, 
 while at the same time the good people in every one of 
 these nations, previous to the sudden spread of the war 
 fever, bore no illwill to the good people of the other 
 nations — indeed, had much goodwill. 
 
 We have just come through it all and know whereof 
 we speak. Right on the eve of conflict, while all Europe 
 was mobilizing its troops, with the sound of German 
 soldiers marching off to war, eighty men, including Ger- 
 mans, English, French, Swiss, Scandinavians, Bulgarians 
 and Americans, sat together in the parlors of the Insel 
 Hotel at Constance, Germany, praying, while the other 
 citizens of these countries were preparing to fight. There 
 was no reason in the world why all the rest of the Ger- 
 mans, French and English should not have been praying 
 instead of fighting, except that they who began the fight- 
 ing were not Christians, while those who were at Con- 
 stance were. No power in heaven or earth could have 
 involved the French and German delegates at Constance 
 in a war. They had passed beyond the war stage into 
 the kingdom of God. The sessions of this Peace Con- 
 ference of the Churches went right on while the war 
 clouds gathered, the war only giving intensity to their 
 purpose to work harder to persuade the nations of their 
 folly. (And there was considerable feeling that it would 
 be easy to do this after this awful cataclysm was over.) 
 German, French and English delegates all pledged last- 
 ing friendship to one another, and declared that when 
 this nightmare of the nations should pass they would 
 come together in the same old bonds. Perhaps the only 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 93 
 
 solution of this awful curse of nations is the increase of 
 these men of goodwill to be the majority in each nation 
 and to have the power of government in their hands. 
 
 These Christians, these men of goodwill, these men 
 who put Christ and brotherly love above revenge and 
 chauvenistic nationalism, found they must leave Con- 
 stance early in the morning of the day when they had 
 hoped to continue their conference. It was the last day 
 on which the German government could guarantee the 
 safe passage of the English and American delegates 
 across Germany. Wiith not one dissenting vote the 
 Conference voted not to dissolve, not to stop crying good- 
 ivill amidst the clamor for revenge, not to cease saying 
 Christ must ultimately pre7'ail although all Europe seemed 
 deserting Him. It was resolved that the congress con- 
 tinue its sessions in London two days after. The Ger- 
 mans and French could not go, having been forbidden 
 to leave their countries by this time. But the Scandi- 
 navians and others went along with the English and 
 American delegates. 
 
 This trip across Germany on the eve of war was so 
 remarkable and so full of indication of what real war 
 would soon be that I may be pardoned if I refer to it 
 here, although I have described our experiences at 
 length in previous chapters. We were under the special 
 protection of the Kaiser and had two special cars put at 
 our disposal. After a long journey lasting all day and all 
 night we were dropped at the Dutch border (Goch) on the 
 way to Flushing. But what a day ! How it wrung one's 
 heart! How it made our American delegates sick of the 
 very thought of war forever ! We saw all the young men 
 and boys being driven like sheep into pens to be sent 
 
94 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 off to kill men they did not know and with whom 
 they had no quarrel. We saw mothers and wives weep- 
 ing at the departure of the men, and little children crying, 
 although they knew nothing of what it was all about. 
 We saw men go crazy at this parting and have to be put 
 in cords and held. We saw great crowds drunk with 
 brandy, and howling "To Hell with Germany" or "To 
 Hell with France." We saw French soldiers try to pull a 
 German out of a train window, while he clung to his two 
 little babies that he was trying to get into Switzerland, 
 We saw Germans yank a Russian and his wife out of a 
 train, and so frighten the wife that her little baby could 
 not nurse for two days. We saw swarms of Germans try- 
 ing to get out of France with their poor wives and babies, 
 with no one to help and with French soldiers jeering at 
 them and threatening them. Some of our party saw the 
 Germans stand four Servians up against a wall and shoot 
 them right down because they refused to assume German 
 arms. We saw industry stopped, and carts full of mere 
 boys packed into freight cars with horses, and bundled of^ 
 to the frontier. It was all prophetic of the awful sufifer- 
 ing v/bich was to come. But what we saw, in the complete 
 degradation of all the finer human. Christian instincts 
 on every hand, made our hearts bleed. It was impossible 
 to believe. Even now that we are back in America, with 
 the newsboys shouting every hour the news of many 
 thousands slain, it is almost impossible to believe it is 
 not all a dream. 
 
 What does it all mean? It means many things. First 
 of all it means that there is something the matter with 
 our Christianity, or else that we are not presenting it 
 truly. For it seems to have no power whatever over men 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 95 
 
 or nations when any real provocative of men's passions 
 comes. Most of these millions of men who are now 
 drunk with lust of killing, and hoarsely shouting for 
 their brothers' blood, have been calling themselves 
 Christians and have been taught in Christian schools 
 and churches. And in a day it, is all forgotten, and 
 if one who remembers dares suggest, as a few did 
 suggest in the various parliaments and in the press, that 
 we remember our religion, he is hooted down. Is it that 
 the human heart is too desperately wicked for even 
 Christianity to control it v/hen the deepest passions of all, 
 revenge and lust of blood, are aroused? Is it that it can 
 find only a few in each community — which is all it has 
 yet done — whom it can fully regenerate? Or is it that 
 we have been concerned too much with dealing with 
 those sins which are more easily uprooted and controlled, 
 and have neglected to uproot those awful, fiendish, de- 
 moniacal passions that burst forth at such a time as this? 
 Or have we in our endeavor to inculcate righteousness 
 in our personal dealing with our brother of our own land 
 neglected altogether to eradicate from men the beast 
 which such a crisis as this reveals as only slumbering. 
 For the thousands of men we saw howling in all the cities 
 of Europe were not men any longer. They had becom.e 
 beasts. The beast could even be seen in their eyes. They 
 howled for only three things : drink, women, and blood 
 of their brothers. Perhaps there has got to be a wholly 
 new presentation of Christianity before these things can 
 be stopped. Perhaps we have got really to teach what 
 Christ himself taught, namely, that love of all Christians 
 for each other, all men of goodwill for one another, 
 must transcend race, nationality and every other bond. 
 
96 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 We have never dared preach this,, although it was con- 
 tinually on Christ's lips. He even went further, and said 
 it must transcend family ties. It would be as impossible 
 for one Christian to kill another, did we really believe in 
 Christ and accept His Gospel, as it would be for a man 
 to kill his mother. Another thing which we think every 
 American of the fifty who got this first sight of war has 
 come to feel is that our religion has broken down in its 
 psychology, that our Gospel has been addressed to a 
 man who does not exist, that our sermons have been 
 preached to an imaginary man. We have been preach- 
 ing to men as highly respectable, on the whole good, 
 some of them saintly, while as a matter of fact this has 
 been only seeming. They have seemed this because great 
 temptations have not roused them from their sleep. No 
 one who came across Europe within the last month can 
 ever hold this easy faith again. Men are beasts; cruel, 
 lustful, revengeful, ravening, just as the Gospel repre- 
 sents them. There are exceptions, but in most of us 
 the beast lies just below the surface, and nothing but a 
 regeneration which shall sweep through men's souls as a 
 wind from heaven can make them clean. There is no 
 hope for Europe until it is seen that men's souls need 
 a power to cleanse them from the dominion of the beast, 
 far greater than either the church or ethical culture is at 
 present providing. 
 
 In the second place it means the complete collapse of 
 the present political order. Whatever may be the out- 
 come of this terrible Armageddon, one thing is settled 
 forever — that the present political and international order 
 is utterly inadequate to either secure justice or preserve 
 the peace. For years these nations have been piling up 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 97 
 
 vast armaments, Germany, Austria, France, Eng- 
 land and Russia, "to preserve the peace." This is what 
 they all have said — -and, we have no doubt, said it sin- 
 cerely. So each one has armed, each one in a mad rush 
 to outdo the other. None have wanted war — but war 
 was inevitable as an outcome. It will be always so. 
 Many have foreseen it. Only a year ago two of the best 
 known Englishmen, Canon Henson and Alfred Noyes, 
 told Americans that if this arming went on the universal 
 slaughter was sure to come. It has come. It is the only 
 logical thing that could come. Nations that are bristling 
 with arms are always going to fight. All Europe is learn- 
 ing this lesson to-day through an awful experience, but 
 perhaps it is the only way men without insight could be 
 taught. Never again can any man say "the way to get 
 peace is to prepare for war." He can say "the way to 
 protect yourself is to arm," perhaps, for it is impossible 
 to see how any one nation in Europe can cease to arm 
 so long as others do. Neither Germany nor Austria can 
 any longer be trusted, both of them having broken the 
 most sacred treaties without a qualm. But that the way 
 to get justice or peace is to prepare for war has been 
 dissipated forever. Armaments mean zvar. That is now 
 settled forever, and is no longer worth debating. On the 
 ■other hand, any disarmament must be simultaneous. We 
 found many statesmen, with whom we talked in Europe, 
 feeling that Europe will have her faith in arms, and 
 iron, and powder as the basis of civiHzation, justice and 
 peace, so rudely shattered, that they will be willing to 
 come together and consider whether it is not time to go on 
 to the new basis of law, justice, international co-operation 
 and armaments reduced to a police basis. This is the 
 
98 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 point every American should urge upon Europe in this 
 hour when she will be impressionable to this gospel. 
 
 In the third place, the kind of patriotism the nations of 
 Europe have been cherishing is discredited also, and 
 proved a source of infinite misery even to the country 
 toward which it is directed. This whole miserable busi- 
 ness has arisen out of a perverted patriotism, a race con- 
 sciousness raised to the power of madness. It was a 
 Servian "patriot," a devotee of "Greater Servia," who 
 threw the bomb that stirred Austria to revenge. All 
 through Europe there is this patriotism which makes a 
 god of one's country and declares there is no other god, 
 which is forever imputing intrigues and schemes to other 
 countries, which goes into fervors about one's own coun- 
 try that exasperates other countries, which would clamor 
 for little rights for one's own country and bring on a 
 war, regardless of the effect it would have upon six or 
 eight innocent countries, which puts love of country- 
 above love of one's country being right, and which talks 
 more about love of country than it does about love of God 
 and all His children. This awful tragedy, beyond any- 
 thing since Napoleon's day, is the result of this sort of 
 patriotism. The time has come to lift this quality up 
 into something high, noble and universal. We are glad 
 the report of the Federal Council delegates at Constance 
 to the churches of America emphasizes this need of Chris- 
 tianizing patriotism. 
 
 Finally, one thing even the blind can see lies at the 
 root of all this calamity of the nations, and that is our 
 neglect to preach the one truth on which any lasting 
 order of justice or peace can be reared, nam.ely, that 
 nations must be amenable to the same Christian ethics 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 99 
 
 that govern the relationships of men. There can be no 
 double standard of ethics in the kingdom of God. Right 
 must be right and wrong be wrong throughout the whole 
 universe of men. If it is wrong for men to steal, it is 
 just as criminal for big nations to seize little ones. If 
 it is wrong for men to murder, it is wrong for nations 
 to kill and destroy weaker nations, or men in any nation. 
 If it is unchristian for men to settle their disputes with 
 their fists, it is wrong for nations to adjust their quarrels 
 by iron fists on sea or land. If it is Christian for a man 
 to negotiate on all questions with his brother in the svx^eet 
 Christian spirit of forbearance, charity, even forgiveness, 
 what else can be Christian for nations? We have not 
 believed this, we have not preached it in our pulpits, 
 nor taught it in our schools. We are going to learn it now 
 in this year of agony. Every pulpit should reiterate it 
 every week. 
 
 We heard many saying, "This is God's way of accom- 
 plishing some great thing." Let us be very careful how 
 we say that. Man's wickedness is too apparent in it all. 
 We are always too ready to impute our crimes and sins 
 to God. It is much more likely that God is weeping in 
 the heavens because we are killing the mem.bers of His 
 family, His little babies, His sons and daughters — and all 
 over nothing. That is the pity of it — all over nothing. 
 No great principle at stake (except as England entered 
 in to help the neutral nations), no holy cause to defend, 
 no issue that can be of any value to the world, no gain 
 that can come to any nation commensurate to the loss 
 all will sustain. Conceived in intrigue and revenge, being 
 waged in lust and furious hatreds — let us not impute 
 any of it to the Father who loves all His children equally. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 WHO IS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE WAR? 
 
 It is easy to say who is directly responsible. Anyone 
 who will read "The White Book," published in London, 
 August 8th,* and containing the full correspondence be- 
 tween Sir Edward Grey and the European powers can see 
 in a moment who brought on the war. The mad Servian 
 boy who killed the Austrian Archduke lit the fire. 
 Austria, by taking revenge with arms instead of laying 
 the matter before a tribunal, fanned the flames. Then 
 Russia began to mobilize, and that frightened Germany 
 out of her wits and she began to mobilize. But all this 
 time England was doing her best, through Sir Edward 
 Grey, to restrain both Russia and Germany from mobiliz- 
 ing and to persuade Germany to use her influence to bring 
 Austria and Russia together for a conversation. Then 
 France began to mobilize from fear of Germany. But 
 France joined with England in talking peace to the end, 
 and at no time was anxious for war. Just when Sir 
 Edward Grey's extraordinary efforts to bring Austria 
 and Russia together for a conversation with regard to 
 Servia had some promise of success, Germany issued her 
 arbitrary ultimatum to Russia, without consulting other 
 nations, setting an impossible time limit. Then, when at 
 last Sir Edward Grey's heroic efforts seemed about to 
 be crowned with success, inasmuch as Austria and 
 Russia agreed to meet in conference with the other 
 powers — which would certainly have averted the terrible 
 
 * Printed in full in the New York Times of August 23d. 
 
 100 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 101 
 
 war and filled all Europe with joy — lo! impossible to 
 believe, Germany refused to enter this conference of 
 the nations. There is no other conclusion to be drawn, 
 as much as we regret to draw it, than this, that Germany 
 not only precipitated the war, but desired it. There are 
 many other things in "The White Book" which lead to 
 this same conclusion, and we advise everyone who wants 
 to see just exactly how this war originated to read this 
 book. 
 
 It was this refusal of Germany to enter the conference 
 that dismayed Great Britain and first led the British 
 people to believe that war was inevitable. It was also 
 this refusal that called out the now famous message of 
 ■ Mr. Carnegie to the Neutrality League of London, which 
 has been quoted on page sixty-one. 
 
 But, although Germany is directly responsible for the 
 war, all the nations must bear their share of the blame, 
 and all people, even we in the United States. 
 
 Every man in Europe who has urged armament, guns, 
 militarism, the mailed fist, and force as the basis of civili- 
 zation and as assurance of peace is to blame for this war. 
 It has proved the great fallacy of the day, and the world 
 is now seeing it. But it has been the fallacy of history, 
 and intelligent people should have known this long ago 
 and have put it in the junk heap of outworn things a 
 hundred years ago. Every intelligent man in Europe has 
 known since boyhood that the whole system was accursed 
 of Satan and utterly contradictory to the sweet spirit of 
 goodwill and love taught by his Christian religion, and 
 he should have been getting his government on to this 
 basis long ago. There is absolutely no hope for permanent 
 peace in Europe under this present system of bristling 
 
102 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 armament. Did every man in America go about waving 
 a great pistol in each hand, and with a dagger between 
 his teeth in addition, our streets would be full of perpetual 
 brawls. The same thing is true of nations. Every wise 
 rran knew this thing must come sooner or later as he saw 
 Germany, Russia, France and England arming, arming 
 and arming! (Just as every wise man knew there was 
 no danger of war between Canada and the United States 
 beca-/se there were no arms upon the three thousand mile 
 border line.) We say, every wise man knew that war 
 would sooner or later come if this went on. And every 
 man who urged it is to blame for this war. But the 
 people of England, Russia and France have been equally 
 guilty with Germany in trusting force instead of God, 
 and in looking to guns for keeping the peace instead of 
 seeking justice, charity, law, brotherhood, as guarantee 
 of peace. 
 
 Every man in Europe who has not been working for 
 the creation of an international court and urging the 
 nations to commit themselves to submitting their disputes 
 to it has been helping on this war. Armaments were 
 piling up and up ; the nations were groaning in their 
 endeavor to surpass one another in powder, guns and 
 knives. There was nothing under the heavens could 
 stop it and save Europe from a war except the perfecting 
 of this court. A good start was made. Two con- 
 ferences had been held. Even the Kaiser — with many 
 German sympathizers — had shown interest in it, and 
 taken part in it, in spite of the protests of the Bernhardis 
 and the rest of the military clique and believers in war. 
 Real enthusiasm on the part of the leaders and people 
 of England, France, Germany and the United States 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 103 
 
 would have so perfected this machinery by this time that 
 the war could have been averted. But the people lay 
 supinely back on guns and powder — and now these very 
 things have blown them all to pieces. Even in peace- 
 loving England it has been hard to stir up any enthusiasm 
 over a Third Hague Conference. Neither is the United 
 States free from blame here. Everywhere in Europe we 
 heard men saying : "Ah, if we only had our Hague Court 
 and the nations committed to it, this thing might not have 
 happened." "Yes," we always answered, "but what have 
 you and your countrymen been doing to establish this 
 court?" What have we in the United States been doing 
 to thus prevent these wars? 
 
 Among the things that keep the military system alive 
 in Europe and make nations go on arming and arming 
 are the suspicions one people have of another. There is 
 one nation in Europe which by book and paper and 
 even by official proclamation has been deliberately nur- 
 turing this attitude of suspicion. One of these vile books 
 inculcates the doctrine that every other nation is the 
 enemy of the one to which it is addressed and is only 
 waiting to invade it. It even puts the United States 
 down among those to be distrusted, and says : "Beware 
 of its peace talk. It is all buncombe." This book is a 
 sort of Bible in the army of this particular country. This 
 suspicion exists in a lesser degree in all European nations. 
 Its end is what we are now witnessing in Europe. It was 
 more directly responsible for the failure of Sir Edward 
 Grey's efforts than anything else. There are those in 
 the United States who would arouse it here toward 
 Japan. These are the warmakers. Everyone, both here 
 and in Europe, who encourages this suspicion — yes, even 
 
104 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 does not fight it and try to substitute that mutual trust 
 between decent men of all nations, which is the essence 
 of Christianity — is an abettor of this war and a breeder 
 of wars yet to come. 
 
 Who is responsible for the war? Just as the war was 
 beginning to rage all over Europe, the news was received 
 that Pope Pius X had died of grief brought on by the 
 war. The thought of it overwhelmed him. During his 
 last hours he brooded over it continually and bemoaned 
 the impotence of the Church to prevent the cruel delug- 
 ing of Europe with blood, pain, poverty, hatred and 
 atheism. As I write the Cardinals are assemblying for 
 the solemn Conclave in Rome, at which a successor to 
 Pius X will be elected. They are also talking of send- 
 ing out a plea to the rulers to cease from warring 
 and to pursue peace again. It will have no force, 
 but it is well that they should send it. The Right 
 should always speak, even though it do so while 
 bemg crucified. The resurrection is sure to come 
 out of every Calvary. But here is our point: the 
 poor Pope dies crying for peace ; the Cardinals are pray- 
 ing for peace ; the Protestant churches are likewise rebuk- 
 ing the nations, and in our own land are urging the 
 President of the United States to offer mediation to the 
 warring powers. But if the churches of Austria, France, 
 Germany, Great Britain, Italy, and the United States 
 had begun, say, only fifty years ago proclaiming the gospel 
 of goodwill am.ong nations as a fundamental doctrine of 
 Christianity, calling nations to account before the same 
 bar of judgment as that to which they brought individ- 
 uals, approving and rebuking them by the same stand- 
 ards, war would probably have become impossible by 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 105 
 
 this time. If the Church had universally begun preach- 
 ing fifty years ago, that war has no more in common 
 with Christianity than have drunkenness, adultery, 
 murder, and lying, war would have, by this time, been 
 held in something of that same horror in which good 
 people hold these other things. If the Catholic Church 
 had announced fifty years ago that any man who took 
 the sword, be he Emperor or peasant, excepting in de- 
 fense of his invaded country, or in defense of justice, 
 would be excommunicated, there would be a great dif- 
 ference in the attitude of men toward this foulest crime 
 earth knows. If the Protestant churches had unani- 
 mously taught that when man became a member of 
 Christ's Church he arose into citizenship in a kingdom 
 which knew no national or racial bonds, neither Greek, 
 barbarian, nor Scythian, but his chief allegiance was to 
 Jesus Christ and his closest tie was with all Christians 
 — his real brothers — there would to-day be a sense of 
 kinship among all Christians that would make war of 
 Christian against Christian abhorrent. (Yet this is what 
 we are witnessing to-day — Christians ripping Christians 
 to pieces.) If the whole Church had stood as a rock 
 against this entire business of armament and militarism 
 — stood as those few stood in Switzerland last January 
 when the "Conference of the Evangelical Churches" 
 issued its remarkable appeal to the Christian churches 
 of Europe — then there would have been none of this 
 making every nation a huge, menacing powder factory 
 ready to go off at the dropping of one match. If our 
 churches had for fifty years been everywhere teaching 
 their children the heroism of peace instead of the heroism 
 of war, teaching that the good, great men were not the 
 
106 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 generals, the conquerors, the devastators, the ambitious, 
 the destroyers, the warriors, but the good, great men were 
 the saviors of the world, who, with Jesus Christ, were 
 great in moral power, warriors in the realm of the spirit, 
 while gentle, lovable, humane, mild, were the men who 
 saved, gave, loved, blessed, cherished their fellow-men — 
 if the Church had taught that the heroes of the spirit 
 were the real heroes — their children would have looked 
 on the men who slaughtered each other on fields of battle 
 as now they look upon m.en who kill each other in brawls 
 upon the street. 
 
 But how has it been? Is this passage from the "Ap- 
 peal to the Christian Churches" by the Swiss pastors 
 too severe an indictment of the churches? 
 
 "We are well av/are of all the moral and social prog- 
 ress that has been made under the influence of that Gos- 
 pel which is being preached more or less faithfully by 
 all the churches. We recognize the action of the spirit 
 of Christ in the international lavv^s designed to mitigate 
 the horrors of war, in the recourse to arbitration made 
 by some powers, and in those international congresses 
 held in favor of peace. But what the churches have 
 done during these last centuries, by indirect rather than 
 by direct action, against war and in favor of peace, is 
 little or nothing in comparison with what they could and 
 ought to have done in order to maintain faithful to the 
 soirit of their divine Master, or even simply to follow 
 the example of the Church of the Middle Ages in its 
 efforts towards the establishm.ent of the Truce of God. 
 We ought, in this respect, to humble ourselves before 
 God, and humbly to recognize that in the war on war, 
 in the efforts made hitherto to burst the barriers which 
 sin has raised between the nations, and to lead these to 
 thoughts of peace, the churches have not taken the place 
 and the position which was their duty and their right. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 107 
 
 "This neglect — this, so to speak, official neglect — of our 
 Christian duty cannot longer continue without scandaliz- 
 ing the world and without covering with opprobrium 
 the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. It is absolutely 
 essential that all the churches which have at heart the 
 glory of their Master and the advancement of the King- 
 dom of God shall understand and undertake, without 
 delay, the task which thrusts itself upon their attention. 
 It is absolutely essential that in this Europe of ours, 
 armed to the teeth, the churches shall uplift their voices 
 with all their strength and cry: 'Peace on earth, good- 
 will to men !' It is absolutely essential that they strive 
 with all their might against prejudice, selfish interest and 
 that false patriotism which sows jealousy and hatred 
 among the nations. It is absolutely essential that they 
 work together for the substitution of right for brute 
 force — of arbitration for war. It is absolutely essential 
 that they rouse the nations, not to a ruinous competition 
 in armaments, but to a fruitful emulation in the arts of 
 peace." 
 
 Have the churches been doing the things we have 
 mentioned above, which our friends have held before 
 them in their appeal? The poor Pope dies because he 
 cannot prevent the war. If we remember rightly, the 
 Pope lent his sanction to one of those wars which had 
 no slightest shred of moral justification — the war of 
 Italy in Tripoli — and the Church blessed the troops. We 
 ourselves remember seeing a mason carving on the walls 
 of a great cathedral in England the names of the men 
 who lost their lives shooting Boers. 
 
 The churches of Russia sang Te Dennis over the 
 Russo-Japanese war. There has never yet come from 
 the Roman Catholic Church, or the Greek Church, or the 
 Anglican Church, any official condemnation of the whole 
 system of militarism, or the basing of European civiliza- 
 
108 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 tion upon force, so far as we know. Neither do we recall 
 any official condemnation of any war. Who is to blame 
 for this war? The Church is to blame. Perhaps this 
 war will bring this truth home to her. 
 
 But in vindication of certain men within the Church, 
 and of certain churches within the Universal Church, we 
 want to say that this war came just as large sections 
 of the Church were awaking to their responsibility in 
 this matter. For ten years now, the Federal Council of 
 the Churches of Christ in America has been speaking 
 out boldly against war and militarism. It has stood 
 behind all efforts of our Presidents and Secretaries of 
 State for arbitration. Various denominaitons in recent 
 years have passed strong peace resolutions at their na- 
 tional assemblies. The Church Peace Union, endowed by 
 Mr. Carnegie in February of 1914, has representatives 
 of all the great denominations on its Board and has acted 
 vigorously and boldly, and had just brought all leaders 
 of the Protestant churches of the world together for this 
 Conference at Constance, as the war broke out. The 
 Catholics were to have held a similar Conference at 
 Liege, Belgium, the following week, with the co-operation 
 of the Union. The churches of Great Britain and Ger- 
 many, under the inclusive title of "The Associated 
 Councils of Churches in the British and German Em- 
 pires for Fostering Friendly Relations Between the Two 
 Peoples," have been doing splendid work for the last 
 five years. This work, though interrupted, will not be 
 lost. When this war is over, we believe the churches 
 will speak with a new conviction, to the effect that war 
 is the "foulest fiend ever loosed from hell." 
 
Appendix I 
 
 Those English delegates who were present at the Conference 
 are as follows : J. Allen Baker, Esq., M. P., London, N. W., 
 Member of the British Parliament, Chairman of the British 
 Council of the Associated Councils of Churches in the British 
 and German Empires for Fostering Friendly Relations Between 
 the Two Peoples, Society of Friends ; the Hon. Lady Barlow, 
 London, W., Society of Friends ; G. Blum, Esq., London, Secre- 
 tary to the British Council of the Associated Councils of 
 Churches in the British and German Empires for Fostering 
 Friendly Relations Between the Two Peoples, Society of Friends; 
 Rev. Dr. John Clifford, London, W., Minister of Westbourne 
 Park Church, Baptist ; Rev. V. D. Davis, B. A., Bournemouth, 
 Hampshire, Minister of Bournemouth Unitarian Church ; Rt. 
 Hon. W. H. Dickinson, M. P., London, S. W., Member of His 
 Majesty's Most Honorable Privy Council, Member of the British 
 Parliament, Church of England ; Miss J. M. Fry, Guildford, So- 
 ciety of Friends ; Rev. J. Morgan Gibbon, London, N. E., Ex-Chair- 
 man of the Congregational Union of England and Wales; Rev. 
 R. C. Gillie, M. A., London, W., Minister of Mar34ebone Pres- 
 byterian Church ; Rev. Canon W. L. Grane, M. A., Cobham, 
 Surrey, Canon of Chichester Cathedral, Hulsean Lecturer, 1913- 
 1914, Church of England; Henry T. Hodgkin, Esq., M. A., 
 M. B., London, N., Secretary of the Friends' Foreign Mission 
 Association; Rt. Rev. The Bishop of Lichfield (Dr. J. A. 
 Kempthorne), Lichfield, Church of England: Rev. J. A. Mac- 
 keigan, B. A., St. John, New Brunswick (Canada), Presbyterian 
 Church of Canada; Rev. J. H. Rushbrooke, M. A., London, 
 N. W., Minister of the Hempstead Garden Suburb Free Church, 
 Editor of the Peacemaker, Baptist ; Miss Meriel Talbot, Lon- 
 don, S. W., Secretary of the Victoria League, Church of Eng- 
 land; Rev. J. G. Tasker, D. D., Handsworth, Birmingham, 
 Principal of Handsworth Wesleyan College; Very Rev. The 
 Dean of Worcester (Dr. William Moore Ede), Worcester, 
 Church of England. 
 
 The Swedish delegates numbered two, namely: Rev. Principal 
 
 109 
 
110 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 Benander, D.D., Stockholm, Principal of the Bethel Seminary, 
 Baptist ; Rev. Albert Wickman, Lund, Baptist. The Norwegians, 
 one : Rev. Ole Olsen, Christiania, Methodist Episcopal Church. 
 The delegates from America were : Rev. Ernest Hamlin Ab- 
 bott, New York, an editor of The Outlook, Member of the 
 Social Service Commission of the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America; Rev. David Baines-Griffiths, 
 M. A., New York, Pastor of Edgehill Church, New York, 
 on the Literary Staff of the New York Tribune; Rev. W. C. 
 Bitting, D.D., St. Louis, Mo., Pastor of the Second Baptist 
 Church, St. Louis, Mo., Corresponding Secretary of the Northern 
 Baptist Convention, Member of the Commission on Peace and 
 Arbitration of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ 
 in America ; Rev. William Adams Brown, D.D., LL.D., New 
 York, Professor of Systematic Theology, Union Theological 
 Seminary, New York ; Rev. Jonathan Day, D;.D., New 
 York City, Superintendent of the Labor Temple, New York 
 City, Member of the Social Service Commission of the Federal 
 Council of the Churches of Christ in America ; Rev. Samuel 
 Dickie, LL.D., Albion, Mich., President of Albion College, 
 Albion, Mich., Ex-Mayor of Albion; Rev. George William 
 Douglas, D.D., New York, Canon of the Cathedral of St. John 
 the Divine, Director of The Churchman, Chairman of the Execu- 
 tive Committee of the Christian Unity Foundation, New York; 
 Rev. Paul Revere Frothingham, D.D., Boston, Pastor of the 
 Arlington Street Church (Unitarian), Boston; Robert H. Gardi- 
 ner, Esq., Secretary of the Commission of the Protestant Episco- 
 pal Church on World Conference on Faith and Order; Rev. 
 Sidney L. Gulick, D.D., Representative on International Rela- 
 tionships for the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in 
 America, Professor in Doshisha University and The Imperial 
 University, Kyoto, Japan ; Rev. James J. Hall, D.D., Director of 
 the American Peace Society for the South Atlantic States ; Rev. 
 Thomas C. Hall, D.D., New York, Professor of Christian Ethics, 
 Union Theological Seminary, New York ; Rev. E. R. Hendrix, 
 D.D., LL.D., Senior Bishop Methodist Episcopal Church, South; 
 Ex-President of the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in 
 America, Trustee of the Church Peace Union ; William I. Hull, 
 Esq., Ph.D., Swarthmore, Penn., Professor of History and Inter- 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 111 
 
 national Relationships, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Penn., 
 Trustee of The Church Peace Union ; Rev. Frederick Lynch, 
 D.D., Trustee and Secretary of The Church Peace Union, Editor 
 of The Christian Work, Director of the New York Peace Society, 
 President of the American-Scandinavian Foundation ; D. Willard 
 Lyon, Esq., Secretary of the Committee to Promote Friendly 
 Relations among Foreign Students of the World Student Chris- 
 tian Federation ; Rev. Henry M. MacCracken, D.D., LL.D., Ex- 
 Chancellor of New York University ; Rev. Charles S. Macf ar- 
 land, Ph.D., Secretary of the Federal Council of the Churches 
 of Christ in America, Secretary of the Commission on Peace 
 and Arbitration of the Federal Council of the Churches of 
 Christ in America, Trustee of The Church Peace Union ; Edwhi 
 D. Mead, Esq., M. A., Boston, Mass., Chief Director of the 
 World Peace Foundation, Boston, Mass., Member of the Berne 
 Bureau, Director of the American Peace Society, Trustee of 
 The Church Peace Union ; Rev. William Pierson Merrill, D.D., 
 New York, Pastor of the Brick Presbyterian Church, New York, 
 Trustee of The Church Peace Union ; Rev. Philip S. Moxom, 
 D.D., Springfield, Mass., Pastor of the South Congregational 
 Church, Springfield, Mass., Director of the American Peace So- 
 ciety, Member of the Commission on Peace and Arbitration of 
 the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America ; 
 George W. Nasmyth, Esq., Director of the International Bureau 
 of Students; Rev. T. T. Richards, Scranton, Pa., Biaptist 
 Church ; Rev. Claudius B. Spencer, D.D., LL.D., Kansas City, 
 Mo., Editor of The Central Christian Advocate, Kansas City, 
 Mo., Ex-Associate Secretary of the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America ; Rev. Charles L. Thompson, 
 D.D., LL.D., Representative of the Presbyterian Board of Home 
 Missions, Member of the Social Service Commission of the 
 Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, Ex- 
 Moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church 
 in the United States; Rev. Ezra Squire Tipple, D.D., LL.D., 
 President of the Drew Theological Seminary, Trustee of Syra- 
 cuse University, Recording Secretary of the Board of Education 
 of the Methodist Episcopal Church ; Rev. James L. Tryon, Ph.D., 
 Director of the New England Department of the American 
 Peace Society ; Rev. George U. Wenner, D.D., New York, Pastor 
 
112 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 of Christ Church (Lutheran), New York, Ex-President of the 
 Synod of New York and New Jersey; Frank F. Williams, Esq., 
 New York, Secretary of the Peace and Arbitration Society, 
 Buffalo, New York; Rev. Luther B. Wilson, D.D., LL.D., New 
 York, Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church of New York, 
 Member of the Commission on Peace and Arbitration of the 
 Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America, Trustee 
 of The Church Peace Union; Rev. Cornelius Woelfkin, D.D., 
 LL.D., New York, Pastor of the Fifth Avenue Baptist Church, 
 New York, Professor in Rochester Theological Seminary, Ex- 
 President of the American Foreign Missionary Society; Mrs. 
 Lucia Ames Mead ; Mrs. Frank F. Williams ; Rev. Anson D. 
 Atterbury, Pastor Presbyterian Church, New York City. 
 
 The German delegate was Herr Pastor Lie. F. Siegmund- 
 Schultze, Berlin, Secretary of the Associated Councils of 
 Churches and Editor of Die Eiche* 
 
 * Owing to the fact that the roll-call of the Conference is in 
 the hands of Mr. Blum, who is detained in Germany, it is im- 
 possible to give the names of the French and Swiss delegates 
 present. Several French delegates came, including M. Marius 
 Dumesnil, Editor of L'Universelle, and were immediately called 
 home. The list will be perfected as soon as possible. — Editor. 
 
Appendix II 
 
 Constructive Methods for Promoting International 
 
 Peace 
 
 By Professor Sidney L. Gulick, D.D. 
 
 Representative of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ In America 
 
 (Abstract of an address delivered before the Church Peace 
 Conference at Constance, August 2, 1914.) 
 
 I approach this subject from the standpoint of twenty-six 
 years of missionary service in Japan. My brain has become 
 saturated with the Oriental view-point. The tragedy that is being 
 enacted around us, and this enormous problem of the relations of 
 the nations and the promotion of peace, I look at with eyes 
 orientalized. But this is no disadvantage. Rather the reverse. 
 It helps me to see things in a perspective impossible to those 
 immersed in the Occident. 
 
 For the background of my remarks let me recall the impressive 
 service of the morning, with that ninth chapter of Daniel 
 and its confession of sin. How truly it describes our present 
 condition! Should it not also express our contrition of heart? 
 I would first note: 
 
 I. FOUR SIGNIFICANT FACTORS 
 
 in the present world situation, which must be taken into account 
 by those who would promote in efifective and constructive ways 
 permanent peace among the nations. 
 
 1. The New Era. Mankind has entered upon a new era 
 in the history of its development. The modern mastery 
 of the secrets of Nature with the control it gives of 
 titanic forces has advanced to such a stage of practical 
 efficiency that all the nations are equipped for destructive 
 warfare as was never before even dreamed. With this 
 control of power has come also the practical collapse 
 of space. The thoughts and decisions of peoples far 
 removed — even on opposite sides of the globe — are de- 
 
 113 
 
114 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 clared to all the world in a few hours. Railroads and 
 steamers make possible the transportation of foodstuffs 
 and manufactures not only, but of vast armies, with 
 incredible speed from land to land. 
 
 This is producing a new contact of races. The impact 
 of diverse cultures and civilizations is causing mighty 
 changes. Ideas, ideals, ambitions are communicated from 
 people to people and from race to race. Even Asia, so 
 long dorm-ant, is awaking. The unity of each land and 
 people is being compacted, and race consciousness de- 
 veloped; sense of wrong and injustice is growing in each 
 land subjected to aggression and alien exploitation; 
 resentm.ent and demands for revenge are gaining head- 
 way. 
 
 New races are thus pushing to the front, demanding 
 liberty and unity, sovereignty and recognition of their 
 rights by others. Old supremacies are threatened. But 
 the old powers are unwilling to relax their grasp and 
 special privilege. 
 2. Armaments for Preserving the Peace. A second signifi- 
 cant factor of the present situation is the enormous 
 armament developed by each of the nations of Christen- 
 dom. The combined armJes of the six principal nations 
 amount to 5,811,000 on a peace footing and to 13,091,000 
 on a war footing. Each people insists that its own 
 armamients are intended only for self defence ; that they 
 are necessary for safety from powerful and treacherous 
 neighbors ; that readiness for war is the best way to 
 promote peace. Has not the fallacy of this peace pro- 
 gram exploded like a bomb? Is not the European con- 
 flict, now breaking out all around us so suddenly and 
 terrifically, due exactly to the readiness for war? Each 
 nation is so prepared for action that it has really acted 
 upon rumors and even upon suspicions as to the plants 
 of the foe. Readiness for war has been exactly the most 
 potent cause of the present awful situation. The gov- 
 ernments have plunged the nations into war without giv- 
 ing cool diplomacy a moment's time for exchange of 
 views, for the clearing up of misunderstandings, and for 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 115 
 
 the proposals of solutions other than the appeal to arms. 
 It has been possible to inflame the passions of the people 
 by mere rumors, largely false, and impossible to quiet 
 them by truth. 
 
 The Peace Movement. A third important factor of the 
 times is the widespread movement in many lands urging 
 the need of specific plans for peace. They propose arbi- 
 tration treaties, international laws and an Arbitral Court 
 of Justice at The Hague. This movement has sprung 
 up and made considerable headway quite outside of the 
 churches. 
 
 We who are members of this Church Peace Congress 
 cannot but rejoice in all that this Peace Movement has 
 accomplished — the treaties made and the international 
 difficulties already settled by arbitration. Yet is not the 
 entire movement open to the criticism that its program is 
 not in the deepest sense constructive? It would provide 
 methods for solving international difficulties when they 
 arise — by appealing to good sense and arbitrators instead 
 of rushing to arms. While this movement, therefore, 
 must be highly approved, must we not also insist that 
 it fails to go to the root of the problem? Its peace 
 program deals with superficial symptoms, not with the 
 disease itself from which all wars spring. It would find 
 m.ethods of solving difficulties after they have arisen. 
 But what we need is a method for preventing difficulties 
 from arising and becoming acute. 
 
 The Indifference and Inactiinty Hitherto of the Churches. 
 The fourth factor in the modern situation demanding 
 our attention is the amazing fact that in spite of the 
 ominous armaments and rising international jealousies and 
 prophesies of a speedy and overwhelming war of the 
 nations, the churches of Christendom are both indifferent 
 and inactive. They seem to regard the matter as no 
 concern of theirs. Such movements as have taken place 
 for the promotion of international peace are the work 
 of men in many instances indifferent to religion and 
 scornful of Christianity. And are they not largely justi- 
 fied in that attitude when we consider the apathy of the 
 
116 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 churches as such to all the pressing social, industrial and 
 military problems of the times. 
 
 Just think of it! Here we are on the very brink of a 
 vast and frightful war. Prodigious military preparations 
 have been under way for a generation, and almost un- 
 limited expenses have been incurred. Yet this is the first 
 time that Christians of different nations have come to- 
 gether as Christians to consult as to the possibility of 
 some better way of solving international difficulties ! 
 
 How are we to account for this apathy and inactivity 
 of modern Christianity? 
 
 (1) The Individualistic Interpretation of Christianity 
 is no doubt one important cause of the present Christian 
 attitude to war preparation. Christianity is widely con- 
 ceived as a means of salvation for the individual soul — 
 a means for peace of mind here and perpetual peace 
 hereafter — in heaven. The Church is supposed to have 
 accomplished its duty if the individual soul is set right in 
 inner feelings toward God. 
 
 (2) The Kingdom of God is conceived as a future 
 state, not in this world here and now. Christian preach- 
 ers have failed to understand and to teach this central 
 truth in the teaching of Jesus, that the Kingdom of which 
 He spoke is here and now, and concerns all the relations 
 of man with man. The Church accordingly has not felt 
 called to face and solve the pressing problems of industry, 
 of labor and capital. It has not made love to man a test 
 of love to God; nor honesty in business and politics 
 a condition of church membership. The Church has 
 failed to teach the duty of Christians to make their con- 
 duct Christian as well as their professed thinking. In- 
 tellectual orthodoxy — even though entirely formal and 
 oftentimes hypocritical — has been and still is widely 
 accepted by the churches of Christendom as adequate 
 evidence of qualification for heaven. How far all this 
 is from the moral demands and the moral fervor of 
 Jesus, whom the Church professes to revere and obey! 
 
 The Church, moreover, has lost two vital truths of 
 primitive Christianity. The first of these is 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 117 
 
 (3) The Real Brotherhood of Man and Equality of 
 Races. A special revelation was needed, even after the 
 full teaching of Jesus, to convince the leaders of the 
 Apostolic Church that the Gentiles and Samaritans are 
 "co-heirs" of the Kingdom. Not until those proud Jews 
 learned to sit and eat with Samaritans whom they hated 
 and Gentiles whom they despised, was the Apostolic 
 Church ready for its wide missionary work and able to 
 enter upon it. The problem of the races was the rock on 
 which the early church well-nigh made shipwreck. Only 
 they who accepted the revelation — which Paul designated 
 as the great mystery of the ages — were able to share in 
 the founding of the Church Universal. A new testing- 
 time has come to the Church of Christendom on this 
 very question. What think ye of the heathen? — of 
 Asiatics? — of members of other nations? Do you accept 
 them as your brothers in fact as well as in abstract^ 
 theory? To-day the Church has largely taken the attitude 
 of the Pharasees and Saducees whom Christ condemned. 
 The neighboring nation are Samaritans to us and the 
 heathen are Gentiles. Can the modern Church regain 
 the ancient revelation of the real brotherhood of man? 
 
 (4) To love one's enemies was the superlative teach- 
 ing of Jesus and a marked characteristic of early Chris- 
 tians. Is not this a teaching and a practice largely lost 
 from the modern Church? In any case, so far as it is 
 thought to apply, it is limited to individuals and not to 
 peoples and nations. But even in this narrow sense, how 
 widely is it actually practiced? 
 
 If now it is true that modern Christianity fails at the four 
 points thus briefly described, is it strange that it is apathetic 
 and impotent in these threatening times of hatred, bloodshed 
 and destruction on a scale unprecedented? 
 
 II. PRACTICAL SUGGESTIONS FOR A CONSTRUCTIVE 
 PEACE PROGRAM FOR CHRISTIANS 
 
 If the conditions have been accurately diagnosed in the pre- 
 ceding paragraphs, is it not clear what this Conference should 
 
118 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 stress in its appeal to the Churches of Christendom in behalf 
 of peace? 
 
 1. Instead of surrendering the leadership in international 
 peace movements to statesmen, economists and jurists, 
 whose view-point is almost of a necessity utilitarian, 
 political and legal, the churches should assume the leader- 
 ship by providing the high ,altruistic inspiration of 
 Christian ideals and motives. The churches may well 
 leave to experienced statesmen and international jurists 
 the determination of practical and technical details, the 
 construction of the social machinery' essential for the deep- 
 ening and widening relations of nations and races. We 
 may be certain, however, that this movement can never 
 succeed so long as its inspiring motive is selfish national 
 aggrandizement and blank utilitarian and materialistic, 
 political and social economy. 
 
 2. Let us, accordingly, not fancy that statesmen and jurists 
 can do all that is needed. We must recognize that they 
 deal with matters of method and organization, and not 
 with the deeper forces of life and passion. They cannot 
 provide, therefore, the constructive, vital force, the heal- 
 ing life for the disease of the world. What the world 
 needs is some power that will transform the feelings, 
 ambitions, jealousies, passions of the races and nations. 
 Hatred must be turned into love, desire for revenge into 
 desire to help. Ambitions must be made holy and unself- 
 ish. The temptation of Satan to give victory through 
 brute force and by fraud must be seen as false. Real and 
 permanent world-power cannot be given by anything less 
 than truth, justice and good-will. Where else shall we 
 look for this teaching and this power than to the Church 
 of the Christ who saw through and rejected the falacies 
 of Satan's tempting suggestions? 
 
 3. But in order that the Church may do its work, what is 
 more needful than the recovery of that vision of the 
 early Church that all men are brothers and co-heirs in 
 the Kingdom of God? God is no respector of persons, 
 nor of peoples. God has no pet race. Neither the white 
 race as a whole, nor any particular section of it, has any 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 119 
 
 special claim on God's favors, nor does it possess divine 
 sanctions for special privilege. Can we of this Confer- 
 ence persuade the Churches of Christendom to accept 
 this vision and apply it to life? Can we make Christen- 
 dom believe in the equal rights with us even of Asiatics 
 and Africans? If all professed Christians should become 
 real Christians, the practical problems of the relations of 
 the races of the world would soon be solved, and with it 
 the problems of peace and war. For these are problems 
 and serious ones. But their solution lies first of all m 
 the realm of the heart and after that of the head. Not 
 till the equal rights of every race are fully recogmzed 
 will wars cease and rumors of wars. 
 4. Finally, professed Christians must recover the deepest 
 of all Christian truths, the truth revealed on the cross by 
 the death of the Redeemer of the world, that only suf- 
 fering love, the voluntary suffering of the innocent and 
 the righteous in loyalty to truth and good-will to all of 
 every race and nation, can redeem the world from tts 
 sin and error, and thus from its turmoil and its wars. 
 We must learn to do good to our enemies, to pray for 
 them and actually help them. Instead of struggling for 
 national and race supremacy established and maintained 
 by brute force and wholesale murder, the Church must 
 teach the nations that true greatness, national and racial 
 as well as individual, comes only from service, and can 
 be maintained only by service. To overcome enmity m 
 hostile peoples, let us seek to do them good, even at 
 great cost. If by good deeds we make enemies our 
 friends, genuinely grateful for real help, how can we 
 possibly fear them or they us? How can we possibly 
 begrudge each other's prosperity and progress? How 
 can they possibly desire to injure us? If the nations of 
 Europe had been spending one-tenth of their war budgets 
 on programs of international helpfulness, would war 
 between them be conceivable? 
 
 But the Church herself must lead in this most profound and 
 effective of all the methods for promoting univernl peace. We 
 
120 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 may not say to the world "go" — but "come." Let us first show 
 the reality of our faith and the efficacy of our method, by actually 
 doing what we preach, practicing what we profess. 
 
 Nor let the churches or nations fancy that the peace problem 
 is a question merely for the nations of Christendom in their 
 home relations. It is a world problem. Europe's armaments 
 have been developed, not exclusively for defence of Fatherland, 
 but rather for possession of colonies in distant lands and ambi- 
 tions for world-controling power. All peace programs will prove 
 futile that do not include provision for justice and good-wilh 
 for Asia and Africa voluntarily granted. 
 
 "Woe to them that say 'Peace, Peace,' when there is no peace," 
 because injustice and brute force still reign and might alone 
 makes right. 
 
 "Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with good." 
 And above all, 
 
 "LOVE YOUR ENEMIES." 
 
Appendix III 
 
 Report and Declaration of the American Delegates at 
 
 the International Conference of The Church Peace 
 
 Union to the Federal Council of Churches of 
 
 Christ in America, and its Commission 
 
 on Peace and Arbitration 
 
 In behalf of the delegates from the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America, the undersigned were appointed 
 as a Special Committee to prepare and publish to our brethren 
 at home a declaration and summary concerning the recent 
 momentous Conference of The Church Peace Union, which Con- 
 ference, begun at Constance on Sunday, August 2nd, was con- 
 tinued in London on Wednesday, August Sth. In so doing 
 we are following the example of the English delegates to the 
 Conference, whose terse and weighty utterance to the brethren 
 in England was published in the London Times, Daily Chronicle, 
 and other newspapers on August Sth. 
 
 In making this report we are authorized to speak substantially 
 for the entire body of American delegates to the Church Peace 
 Conference. 
 
 AN HOUR FOR CALMNESS AND VISION 
 
 It is significant that this first International Conference of the 
 Churches for the promotion of friendship and peace between 
 the nations of the world occurred at a moment when we were 
 all obliged to witness an amazing development of the war fever, 
 and the widespread misery caused on all sides by the mere 
 preparations for battle ; and we have had a unique opportunity 
 to witness the sincere and profound reluctance with which 
 the sober and serious element in every nation concerned has 
 
 121 
 
122 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 found itself involved in the imminent cataclysm. Whatever the 
 im.mediate outcome may be, we are more than ever confident 
 and convinced that this sober and serious element of every 
 Christian nation is now, as always, moving under the guidance 
 and blessing of Almighty God our Father. Our dismay is not 
 despair. No note of pessimism has been heard at any of the 
 four Sessions of our Conference; there is a general conscious- 
 ness that now more than ever we are called to co-operate in 
 the spirit of Jesus Christ, so that no, self-will or bitterness or 
 impatience on our part shall cloud our vision, or hinder us from 
 seizing the opportunity which God is giving us to do his will in 
 the world — waiting upon the Lord. 
 
 OUR CHRISTIAN IDEALISM CONFIRMED 
 
 This war, so far from indicating the futility of our plans 
 and endeavors, or the foolishness of Christian Idealism, is 
 demonstrating that the methods of brute force, and of incon- 
 siderate egotism, are as unintelligent and inefficient as they are 
 unchristian. We are witnessing the reductio ad absurdum of 
 unchristian civilization ; for peace is not to be secured by prep- 
 arations for war (even if unchristian men compel their brothers 
 in self-defence, and for the sake of sacred treaties, to make ready 
 for war.) Not that it is in the interests of peace to belittle 
 the spirit of patriotism, but to Christianize it. Like our laws 
 and our culture, our education and commerce and industrialism, 
 so too our very patriotism must be pervaded by the mind of 
 Christ and ready for the discipline of the Cross — the sign and 
 symbol, not merely of brotherly love, but of international love, 
 over against the short-sightedness and selfishness of individuals 
 and peoples. As we disperse to our homes and fatherland that 
 is the message we are bringing from this Conference ; and it is 
 first and foremost to call to international humiliation and prayer 
 in the name and confidence of Christ. The time for men to 
 prevent war is not when the events are culminating, but far, 
 far back at the springs of human conduct, individual, national 
 and international. Let us see to it that henceforth "all our 
 fresh springs are in God." 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 123 
 
 THE HARDER TASK OF THE CHURCHES OF EUROPE 
 
 This is not the moment to dwell on the practical steps which 
 may be taken by us all in common to promote peace among the 
 nations. Some such steps will appear in the four resolutions 
 which are to be published in due time by the International Com- 
 mittee of our Conference. Others will be afterwards disclosed. 
 Meanwhile we desire to emphasize the fact that has been borne 
 in on us by contact with the workers of the Peace Movement in 
 England and Europe generally — that more problems than we 
 Americans were aware of are on the shoulders of those who, 
 under God, are now leading the churches of Europe ; and we 
 are grateful to our Heavenly Father for the skill and wisdom 
 and self-control which, in this trying ordeal, have been vouch- 
 safed to them. For five years previous to the formation of our 
 Church Peace Union, these our brethren on this side of the 
 Atlantic have been paving the way for what is now our common 
 task, and it is their actual knowledge of men and means in the 
 different nations of Europe which made it possible for our first 
 International Church Conference for the Promotion of Peace 
 to be so widely and thoroughly representative. 
 
 THE HOUR OF OUR OPPORTUNITY 
 
 We in America have much to contribute henceforth to the 
 common cause, and by our freedom from entangling alliances, 
 and from some traditions which in Europe are an inheritance, 
 we may, if we are properly considerate, be able to do and say 
 some things which Europeans cannot ; but after our present 
 privilege of communion with the delegates over here, we know 
 and feel that there is a vast deal for them to do which would 
 be beyond our power. Therefore the determination of our Con- 
 ference to rely on the International Committee for guidance, 
 and for ultimate decisions from time to time — the resolution to 
 "move all together when we move at all" — is a determination 
 ■which we are sure will commend itself to our brethren in the 
 United States. In the very midst of this internecine conflict of 
 the leading nations of Europe, there will be henceforth from 
 each of them well-chosen and skillful delegates to our Inter- 
 
124 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 national Council, ready and able to contribute of their special 
 experience and prayers to our common endeavors for the peace 
 of the world and the Christianization of all mankind. 
 
 Submitted to the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America and its 
 Commission on Peace and Arbitration by 
 Instruction of the American Delegates. 
 
 E. R. Hendrix, Chairman 
 
 Luther B. Wilson 
 
 Wm. Pierson Merrill 
 
 Geo. William Douglas 
 
 Frederick Lynch 
 
 Chas. S. MacfarlanDj Secretary 
 
 Committee appointed by the delegates rep- 
 resenting the Federal Council of the 
 Churches of Christ in America. 
 
 Constance, Germany, August 2, 1914. 
 London, England, August 5, 1914. 
 
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Appendix IV 
 
 ENGLISHMEN, DO YOUR DUTY 
 
 And Keep Your Country Out of a 
 WICKED A ND STU PID WAR. 
 
 Small but powerful cliques are trying to rush you into it You must 
 
 DESTROY THE PLOT TO-DAY 
 
 or it will be to o late. 
 
 Ask Yourselves: 
 WHY SHOULD WE GO TO WAR? 
 
 THE WAR PARTY say we must maintain the Balance of Power, 
 because if Germany were to annex Holland or Belgium, she would be 
 so powerful as to threaten us ; or because we are bound by Treaty to fight 
 for the neutrality of Belgium, or because we are bound by our agreements 
 with France to fight for her. 
 
 these reasons are false. 
 THE WAR PARTY DOES NOT TELL THE TRUTH. 
 
 The FACTS are these: 
 
 1. U we took sides with Russia and France the Balance of Power would be upset as it has never been before. It would make the military Russian 
 Empire of 1 60.000.000 the dominant power of Europe You know the kind of country Russia is 
 
 2. We are not boand to join in » general Eoropean war to defend the neutrality of Belgium. Our treaties expressly sbpulate that our obligations 
 under them shall not compel us to take part in a genera] European war in order to fulfil them. And if we are to fight for the neutrality of Belgium, we 
 must be prepared to fight France as well as Germany 
 
 3. The Prime Minister and Sir Edward Grey have both emphatically and solemnly declared in the House of Gimmons that we have no undertaking 
 whatever, written or spoken to go to war for France We discharged our obLgations in the Morocco affair. The Entente &)rdialc was a pact of peace 
 and not an alhance for war 
 
 4. If Germany did attempt to annex any part of Belgium. Holland or Normandv— and there is no reason to suppose that she would attempt iu<Ji a 
 thing— she would lie weaker than she is now. for she would have to use all her forces for holdmg her conquests down. She would have so many diihculties 
 like those arising out of Alsace that she would have to leave other nations alone as much as possible. But we do not know in the least that she would do 
 these things It would be monstrous to drag this country into war on so vague a suspiaoa 
 
 It is Your Duty to Save Your Country from tliis Disaster. 
 
 Act TO-DAY, on it may be Too Late, 
 
 Write your Member thai you will try to turn him out at the next election if he does not use his influence with the Government on the side of peace. 
 Get your local notables to hold meetings of protest against England taking part b the war. Make vour Trade Union, your LLP., or B.S.P. 
 branch pass strong resolutions Persuade your clergyman or minister to urge the need for standmg clear. Send letters to your newspapers. 
 
 There are a thousand thhigs you can do if you reaUy love your country. 
 Distribute the Leaflets of the NEUTHALITY LEAGUE. 
 
 We Want Thousands of Helpers I 
 
 Write or Call at our Temporary Offices : 
 
 D. ROBERTSON. IZ St Bride Street Rort Sueet, E.C ! Mi« TALIMM>GE. 37, Evelyo M»im<,n* C<irfiJ. Hk.. S. . 
 
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Appendix V 
 
 Some Sidelights on the Collapse of European 
 
 Policies* 
 
 By Rev. Charles S. Macfarland, D.D. 
 
 Secretary of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America 
 
 To one who has had some opportunity of witnessing at 
 close hand, the negotiations and events culminating in 
 the European conflagration, certain prophecies are seen to 
 be in process of fulfillment, and some interpretations seem 
 clear. 
 
 THE MILITARIST PROGRAM 
 
 In the latter part of 1912 a book appeared in Germany, 
 entitled "Germany and the Next War," which excited 
 both consternation and fear in England and other Euro- 
 pean nations. It was written by General Friedrich von 
 Bernhardi of the Militarist Party in Germany. Its fore- 
 cast of events now being consummated was based on 
 previous treatises on German history and politics by 
 Germany's historian and philosopher. Prof. Treitschke, 
 who averred that "God will see to it that war always 
 recurs as a drastic medicine for the human race." 
 
 It also bears the marks of the influence of Friedrich 
 Nietzsche on German thought and policy and of his 
 relentless philosophy of the survival of the fittest. 
 
 * This article contains both an analysis of the correspondence 
 of Sir Edward Grey with the powers and a review of General 
 von Bernhardi's "Germany and the Next War." — Editor. 
 
 125 
 
126 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 The reading of Bernhardi's book is sufficient however, 
 for he has set forth in concrete program the philosophy 
 of Nietzsche and the historico-poHtical system of 
 Treitschke and now becomes both prophet and interpreter 
 of many of the events of the present moment. 
 
 The Germans, Bernhardi asserts, have proved them- 
 selves the ruling people by two characteristics : The 
 power of their arms and the loftiness of their ideas. 
 They are now, however, in danger of decadence as to 
 the latter because they have relinquished the former. 
 They are deteriorating because they are too fond of 
 peace. 
 
 The political world about them is ruled solely by 
 "interests" and never by good-will. Germany is just; 
 but the nations about her have no such aim. Moreover, 
 Germany is under moral obligation to keep by war what 
 she has won by war, and not only that, but to increase 
 her winnings. War indeed is "the greatest factor in 
 the furtherance of culture as well as power." The 
 spiritual duties and moral obligations of Germany can- 
 not be fulfilled without the drawing of the sword. 
 
 She is beset on all sides by deceitful powers, and the 
 treaty proposals of the United States are only for the 
 sinister purpose of political aggrandisement and not an 
 expression of good-will. Those who saw any other 
 meaning in President Taft's treaties are "theorists and 
 fanatics." 
 
 Indeed, "war is a biological necessity of the first 
 importance," or in the words of Heraclitus, "war is the 
 father of all things." A state is ultimate and "no power 
 exists which can judge between states." 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 127 
 
 Increase of population necessitates "new territory" 
 and it can only be secured by conquest. "Might gives 
 the right ; it is at once the supreme right, and the dispute 
 as to what is right is decided only by the arbitrament 
 of war." 
 
 Bernhardi evokes moral idealism on the basis of his 
 biological as against the social basis of interracial and 
 international relations. War not only follows biological 
 law, but it is a moral obligation. And throughout he 
 is speaking not of defensive but of offensive warfare 
 and aggression. 
 
 Indeed, the peace spirit is bald materialism and the 
 war spirit is the highest moral and spiritual idealism. 
 How about the Christian law of love ! It applies solely 
 between individuals (of the same state) and has "no 
 significance for the relations of one country to another." 
 As a matter of fact, the leaders of peace (the United 
 States specifically included) are concerned solely with 
 the gross material prosperities and not with spiritual 
 things. 
 
 Nietzsche appears in Bernhardi's frank avowal : "The 
 idea that a weak nation has the same right to live as a 
 powerful and vigorous nation is subversive of human 
 development." 
 
 Thus the ultimate conclusion is that war is a nation's 
 duty, and "zmrs ivhich have been deliberately provoked 
 by far-seeing statesmen have had the happiest results." 
 
 Individual ethics are reversed in the duties of states. 
 "The end-all and the be-all of a state is pozver." The 
 Christian duty of sacrifice is limited. It can have no 
 higher object than a state. A sacrifice to an alien nation 
 is immoral, because "self-preservation is the highest 
 
128 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 ideal of a state." Therefore all relations between states 
 are "latent war" and the higher the idealism of the state 
 the less latent is the war. 
 
 Only one open question remains. Hesitancy is morally 
 justified only if there be no "reasonable prospect of 
 success." 
 
 Apply this to Germany. We (the Germans) have 
 always been the divinely ordained custodians of spiritual 
 ideals. Germany is losing these through peace. Mean- 
 while England has built an empire, not by spiritual 
 weapons, but "by the power of money." The United 
 States has "unscrupulously" done the same. Germany, 
 the custodian of intellectual development, science and 
 culture, has fallen behind, and frustrated God's plans 
 because of her contentment in peace. She has been 
 robbed, has lost her people, and has no colonial territory 
 in which to dispose her new population. 
 
 The possessor of the highest things in the moral realm, 
 she has failed in her moral obligation to spread her 
 culture, which in the nature of things could only be con- 
 veyed and distributed to the spiritually needy world by 
 arms, force and conquest. Sadly enough, she is 
 surrounded by nations, who, so wretchedly in need of 
 Germany's spiritual gifts, are thus deprived of them, but 
 are also in danger of imposing their own sordid and 
 decadent life on Germany. Such will be the fruits of 
 peace. It is especially true of the surrounding Slavs. 
 Therefore, "an expansion of German power is a political 
 necessity" in the interest of a waiting humanity, and 
 "what is to be thus attained must be fought for and won 
 against a superior force of hostile interests and powers." 
 
 The weakness of the Triple Alliance is its limitation 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 129 
 
 to defensive warfare, for "Pan-slavism is hard at work." 
 
 Our author treats the nations like chess on the board, 
 showing the possible alliances and counter alliances in 
 "the next war." The varying- disposition of the nations 
 is either for or against Germany and "the idea of a 
 pacific agreement with England is a will-o'-the-wisp." 
 
 Germany faces her alternatives. It is either "World 
 Power or Downfall." Her victory is the triumph of 
 spiritual culture in the order of the world ; her downfall 
 is the decadence of human civilization. Only war can 
 decide the issue. And in order that an impoverished 
 humanity may thus receive its rightful inheritance of 
 culture "France must be so completely crushed that she 
 can never again cross our path." Incidentally, "a crash 
 in Portugal might give us possession of Portuguese 
 colonies," and Belgium must not be allowed to become 
 the ground on which France and England can unite 
 forces. 
 
 "Thus shall we discharge our great duties of the 
 future, grow into a World Power, and stamp a great 
 part of humanity with the impress of the German spirit." 
 
 It is either this or disaster and degradation for 
 Germany, and forget it not — therefore for a great part 
 of humanity. 
 
 Now then, her path of progress being threatened by 
 formidable enemies, not only her future, but also her 
 present position, call for the appeal to arms. The 
 hostility of England may be assumed, but Russia would 
 be hampered by Japan or China. In this "next war" 
 Belgian neutrality will become a "paper bulwark.' 
 Germany "will stand isolated in a great war of the 
 
130 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 nations." Her attitude must be offensive and aggressive 
 at the start. 
 
 Let Germany- (1911) plan for it by training and educa- 
 tion. To be fit for it her people must be at their highest ; 
 alcoholism must be fought and religion (in terms of the 
 state) must be taught the young. 
 
 THIS PROGRAM IN ACTION 
 
 In Bernhardi's book we have a clear commentary on 
 the German attitude in the present crisis, and it is signifi- 
 cant that our prophet gives as the date when Germany 
 must be ready as 1914. 
 
 Our author and his colleagues were ready, and when a 
 political complication in Austria offered the chance they 
 sprang into the saddle at Berlin. The German attitude 
 is apparently as relentless as the haggard philosophy of 
 Nietzsche. It has the same morale. Humanity is to 
 become the eternal debtor to Germany, and even though 
 it be an unwilling recipient of German culture and spirit. 
 To this holy end, materialism (industry, commerce, 
 happiness, individual and family welfare) must yield to 
 a spiritual power wielding the sword (bomb, mine and 
 torpedo) in its hand. 
 
 COULD IT HAVE BEEN AVERTED? 
 
 That "Imperial Germany" (not the German people) 
 was prepared for this war is clear, as also that it was 
 in a state of mind ready to glide from hesitation into 
 action. Bernhardi, however, declares that, "England 
 could never be drawn into a war unwillingly or without 
 her consent." 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 131 
 
 COULD ENGLAND AND THE OTHER POWERS 
 HAVE AVERTED THIS WAR? 
 
 The nearest to an answer may be found in the corre- 
 spondence between Sir Edward Grey and the various 
 British ambassadors and the conferences between the 
 latter and the German, Russian, Austrian, French and 
 ItaHan heads of state, just pubHshed by parHament. 
 
 This document shows clearly that the lamentable 
 failure to avert calamity was largely due to the delays 
 of an intricate and confused diplomacy. For the pacific 
 party in Germany co-operating with Prince Lichnowsky 
 in London was strong enough in conjunction with those 
 in Germany who did not believe her hour had yet come 
 and who were at least reluctant, to have restrained 
 Germany (and consequently Austria) had the powers 
 been able to move with immediateness and in concert. 
 
 It is, morever, seriously to be doubted that the Kaiser 
 personally precipitated the war. His professions need 
 not be counted as false. He has probably felt that the 
 mailing of the fist would preclude the necessity for using 
 "the mailed fist." Only a few days ago he conveyed to 
 the International Church Peace Conference at Constance 
 (August 2d) his good wishes, through one of the assistant 
 Court preachers, had advised German clerical delegates 
 to attend it, and at the last moment conveyed word to 
 the delegates that a message from the churches urging 
 peace would be received by him with gratification. 
 
 In the negotiations conducted by Sir Edward Grey, 
 each act is taken and each letter arrives, again and again 
 just too late. The time is always a little too short. 
 
 Austria gave Servia only twenty-four short hours to 
 meet an ultimatum, and no statesman was able to act and 
 
132 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 think quickly enough to interpose between these two 
 irresponsible agents. 
 
 Beginning July 20, with the request of Sir Edward 
 that the case between Austria and Servia be given full 
 time for consideration, the negotiators are constantly 
 pleading for time. At first Gerrhany declines to interfere 
 on the ground that Austria-Hungary has been sufficiently 
 forbearing with Servia, although Great Britain urges 
 that Austria's demands are too peremptory. 
 
 Germany continues to justify Austria, until her 
 modification is too late to avail. 
 
 Sir Edward then turns to Servia with the hope that 
 she will answer "as favorably as possible" and consult 
 with Russia and France before replying. 
 
 Then begins a series of communications between 
 London, Berlin, Vienna, St. Petersburg, Paris, Rome 
 and Belgrade, each important one coming just a little 
 too late to secure result and thus necessitating another 
 with a dififerent proposal, likewise too tardy. 
 
 Russia could secure some moderation at Belgrade were 
 not Austria's time limit so short. Germany thinks 
 Austria must be allowed to chastise Servia anyway, but 
 agrees to localization. Meanwhile Austria-Hungary 
 demands unconditional acceptance of her demands by 
 Servia ; so Sir Edward Grey pleads for a conciliatory 
 reply from Servia to save the peace, it being tacitly 
 acknowledged now that any war means general war, all 
 the powers holding this opinion except Germany, who 
 still urges localization. 
 
 Mediation between Servia and Austria abandoned, the 
 next step is mediation between Russia and Austria, and 
 Russia asks an extension of time for Austria's ultimatum 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 133 
 
 to Servia. Again too late, for Servia's reply comes. 
 England, backed all along by all the powers but Germany, 
 asks Austria to receive it favorably, but are rebuffed. 
 Germany is willing simply to act as a conveyor of 
 England's hope to Austria and will simply "pass it on" 
 without comment. 
 
 England now urged suspension of military action, 
 pending a conference of French, German, Italian and 
 English representatives ; but Russia decides she must 
 take preventive measures against an attack in Servia. 
 The German Secretary of State opposes the proposed 
 conference and would substitute direct "conversations" 
 between Vienna and St. Petersburg. Again too late, for 
 Austria has declared war (the 28th) on Servia. 
 
 Up to this time Germany has made no restraining 
 effort and the other powers all urge that "the key to the 
 situation is at Berlin," whence word is conveyed, as late 
 as July 28th, that Servia might accept the whole of the 
 Austrian note, through the powers, if accompanied by 
 "explanations." 
 
 The German Secretary of State, having objected to 
 the method of conference suggested by the other powers, 
 is asked to suggest one, but to this he does not respond, 
 except by giving various reasons for objection to the 
 method suggested. On the 29th the German Chancellor 
 is of the opinion that it is now too late for proposals to 
 Austria and that for him to press her now would not 
 deter but be more likely to precipitate action. 
 
 During this delay Russia mobilizes against Austria, and 
 almost simultaneously, in answer to a repeated request 
 for a suggestion as to method, Germany makes the 
 surprising suggestion that if Great Britain remains 
 
134 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 neutral, Germany will agree to acquire no territory at 
 the expense of France other than colonial, and observes 
 that German operations in Belgium will depend upon 
 France. Sir Edward Grey's reply is that the only way to 
 assure good relations is "to work together for peace." 
 
 The other powers now urge upon England that the 
 best way to restrain German action is to intimate Great 
 Britain's participation in case of. war. Sir Edward, 
 however, steadfastly refuses to do or say anything except 
 to urge peace. 
 
 Austria now must mobilize because of Russia's pre- 
 ventive measures, and on the 30th Austria declines further 
 "conversations" with St. Petersburg. And now, strangely 
 enough, Germany takes a positive stand and advises 
 moderation at Vienna — again too late. But at the same 
 moment the German Chancellor announces that because 
 Russia is arming Germany must act, and on the next 
 day, the 31st, "Kriegsgefahr" is declared in Germany. 
 
 So the checkers are played and Russia makes the next 
 move by ordering general mobilization. Germany, her- 
 self, at least preparing for the same action, calls on 
 Russia to demobilize and asks France for a statement of 
 her intentions. 
 
 Russia offers to assume a waiting attitude, pending 
 new arrangements, and on August 1st it appears that 
 Russia and Austria (due probably to Germany) will con- 
 verse again. But again it is too late, for Germany is 
 already mobilizing. (I found the printed posters of 
 full directions posted in Constance, Sunday morning, 
 August 2nd.) 
 
 Too late again, Austria-Hungary will accept mediation, 
 but meanwhile France has begun mobilizing, Germany 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 135 
 
 has gone too far, and each train, itself too late, has made 
 all the following ones too late, and now the last one is 
 too late. Could not one have been omitted from the 
 schedule? No, not with the methods of European diplo- 
 macy. On the 4th of August, Germany violates the 
 neutrality of Belgium and England herself is at war. 
 Such was the outcome of bungling diplomatic procedure, 
 with its belated proposals and with each proposed action 
 precluded by some interposing hasty act or utterance. 
 
 Can the blame be located? All the powers seem to 
 have sought mediation except Germany and Austria. 
 Germany was in favor of it aside from Austrio-Servian 
 matters. German co-operation was essential to success. 
 She was constantly urged. Russia offers to restrain 
 Servia, but Germany cannot do so with Austria. 
 Germany objects to the proposed mode of conference 
 but suggests no other. 
 
 Austria opposes every pacific plan until too late, and 
 then offers to do what, if done earlier, would have saved 
 the peace of Europe. That the spirit of war in more 
 than one direction was vital, even in the movements for 
 peace, is made sadly evident by the repeated unheeded 
 request for suspension of military action to Austria, 
 Russia and Germany. 
 
 Who then is the real aggressor ? Quite clearly Austria 
 in point of time. For the sins of commission Germany 
 is culpable. But for the sins of omission, the other 
 powers must all assume their proportionate share, as we 
 shall see in a moment. For the powers could have turned 
 the tide had they not had the weights of diplomatic 
 amenity tied to their feet. Formality secured the fate- 
 ful delays. Tf only one voice had really spoken to all 
 
136 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 the rest, at once, with directness and frankness! But 
 bureaucracy and autocracy do not create prophets in 
 politics. 
 
 And our own President's belated suggestion was a 
 sadly appropriate conclusion to the tenderly introduced 
 delays and defeats of European diplomatic ethics. The 
 representatives of the powers meant well, but they did 
 it feebly. To this, exception should very likely be made 
 of the German ambassador at Vienna and the German 
 Chancellor, who are under the suspicion of having used 
 some duplicity. 
 
 Was the Kaiser personally responsible, or was he 
 carried along by militant advisers? If his intimate 
 friend and counselor. Von Biilow, reflects the Kaiser 
 in his recent book "Imperial Germany," it would seem 
 probable that the German ruler had been misled by the 
 popular fallacy that the possession of the sword would 
 make way for the power of intellect and spirit, without 
 the use of the sword, and that he saw his error all 
 too late. 
 
 LET US PREVENT WAR BY READINESS FOR IT 
 
 Why did pacific effort fail? Simply because the 
 machinery of European diplomacy was geared up for 
 war negotiations and not for peace. Diplomatic restraint 
 was slow because unprepared. Hostile action was speedy 
 because diplomacy was adapted to it. 
 
 Our semi-peace advocates have urged upon their 
 foolish peace-fellows that Preparation for war is a Pre- 
 ventative procedure. That fallacy has at least shown 
 its shallowness. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 137 
 
 It was the readiness of the nations for war that made 
 their action so much speedier than the telegraph could 
 convey their messages of peace. When I left London on 
 Friday there was little public apprehension beyond that 
 of conflict between Austria and Servia and gold was 
 circulating freely. But in Paris that very day the banks 
 were without a twenty-franc piece for distribution. In 
 the middle of the same night I was hastily ejected from 
 my sleeping berth at Belfort because the Germans had 
 already blown up the tracks upon the frontier, and on 
 Saturday morning French troops were in preparation 
 all about us. On Sunday morning printed plans were 
 posted all over Germany, containing detailed plans for 
 complete mobilization, and it was learned that French 
 troops were on the border of Alsace on Friday night. 
 
 Leaving Germany on the last train on Monday we 
 passed from Constance to Cologne through rows of 
 German bayonets by day, while reluctant conscripts were 
 shot at station platforms before our eyes, and when 
 evening came we were in the lurid glare of searchlights 
 sweeping the heavens for hostile airships, and that not 
 vainly. 
 
 Soldiers, guns, cannons sprang from the ground ! On 
 Tuesday we entered the Thames, guided over mines, and 
 before we were out of sight of Flushing the advance of 
 the German fleet was there, and we reached London, 
 which we had left four days ago, to find England at war 
 with Germany. 
 
 This readiness for spontaneous action was what pre- 
 vented the pacific efforts of diplomacy. And yet, our 
 demi-peace friends told us that to prepare for war was 
 to induce peace. 
 
138 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 At this point misunderstanding enters upon the trail 
 of a confused and bewildered diplomacy. The Kaiser 
 says he pressed the button of mobilization only because 
 Russia was arming in his direction. Russia says she 
 did not, but only directed a defense toward Austria. The 
 Kaiser had not been so informed however, and now it 
 is too late. Military action is automatic. Pacification 
 enters each time too late. Put it either way you choose; 
 every message comes just too late — or — every act is 
 taken just too soon. It began that way; Austria did not 
 give Servia time enough and thereafter each movement 
 was made just about a day too soon. 
 
 AN INSECURE POLITICAL ORDER 
 
 This failure of a perplexed and circuitous diplomacy, 
 with its misunderstandings and blunders, is but one 
 element in a political order which has now broken down, 
 because based on suspicion, pride and human blindness, 
 instead of assuming good-will, mutual confidence and 
 moral vision. 
 
 Bernhardi's book gives in bald form a picture of that 
 political order. He assumes as a postulate, a relationship 
 between nations which they would have repudiated, but 
 which, in varying degree, they continued to assume. 
 
 The people of these nations do not, or at least did 
 not, want war. They only think they do. The Austrian 
 Emperor's call to "his people" was feigned and specious. 
 The Kaiser's manifesto tried to state facts in such a way 
 as not to tell the truth, and it probably succeeded with 
 his deluded people. Even Sir Edward Grey hesitated 
 to utter the full content of the British people's real 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 139 
 
 thought and will at its best. It bore the veil of diplomacy. 
 
 Europe at this moment has just one hope: That the 
 United States may utter a persuasive voice that will call 
 the peoples — no, not the peoples — but the blind and head- 
 strong leaders of Europe to their senses before they go 
 deeper into a conflict that will leave liabilities that cannot 
 be computed, without one single asset in sight for any 
 nation. 
 
 And, least of all, can we, by taking from our own 
 people the necessities of life, aid and abet and prolong 
 the carnage, and the suffering by the supplying of either 
 goods or gold to the mad contestants, without involving 
 our own nation in the most criminal, unnecessary war in 
 all the annals of history. 
 
 No vision or voice was there in Europe. Her churches 
 were not ready. The poor socialists tried to speak for 
 humanity and to protest against being drafted to kill 
 their brothers. And it is still possible that revolution 
 within the nations may do a holy work. But so far these 
 poor voices have been stifled, and no other voice has 
 spoken. 
 
 Does the United States of America live for this 
 moment? Can we speak in the clear vocabulary of 
 politics the word of spiritual persuasion? Can we see 
 with ethical lucidity? Have we the courage to refuse 
 explicitly to impoverish ourselves to feed the flames of 
 war? Have we any message to send in behalf of millions 
 of sons, husbands, fathers, who do not know what they 
 are killing their brothers for, and whose political leaders 
 are equally dumb to speak and blind to discern? 
 
 Let the United States create a new status, something 
 that shall be the opposite extreme to "hostility," that shall 
 
140 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 have more than the negative position of "neutrahty," 
 that shall express good-will to all the peoples, and the 
 sincere purpose, unveiled by political diplomacy, to 
 become the common ground for the establishment of 
 both justice and peace among them. Let us create a 
 new international status of "reconciliation." 
 S. S. Laconia, August 16, 1914. 
 
Appendix VI 
 
 The Famous Austro- Hungarian Ultimatum to 
 Servia and Servia's Reply 
 
 (Inasmuch as this ultimatum of Austria-Hungary may be said 
 to have been the real cause of the great European war and has 
 great historic significance it is printed here in full, with Servia's 
 reply. — Editor. ) 
 
 On March 31, 1909, the Royal Servian Minister in Vienna, on 
 the instructions of the Servian Government, made the follow- 
 ing statements to the Imperial and Royal Government: 
 
 "Servia recognizes that the fait accompli regarding Bosnia 
 has not affected her rights, and consequently she will conform 
 to the decisions that the powers will take in conformity with 
 Article XXV. of the Treaty of Berlin. At the same time that 
 Servia submits to the advice of the powers she undertakes to 
 renounce the attitude of protest and opposition which she has 
 adopted since October last. She undertakes on the other hand 
 to modify the direction of her policy with regard to Austria- 
 Hungary and to live in future on good neighborly terms with 
 the latter." 
 
 The history of recent years, and in particular the painful 
 events of June 28 last, have shown the existence in Servia of 
 a subversive movement with the object of detaching a part of 
 Austria-Hungary from the monarchy. The movement, which 
 had its birth under the eyes of the Servian Government, has 
 had consequences on both sides of the Servian frontier in the 
 shape of acts of terrorism and a series of outrages and murders. 
 
 Far from carrying out the formal undertakings contained 
 in the declaration of March 31, 1909, the Royal Servian Govern- 
 ment has done nothing to repress these movements. It has 
 permitted the criminal machinations of various societies and 
 associations, and has tolerated unrestrained language on the 
 part of the press, apologies for the perpetrators of outrages, and 
 
 141 
 
142 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 the participation of officers and functionaries in subversive agita- 
 tion. It has permitted an unwholesome jpropaganda in public 
 instruction. In short, it has permitted all the manifestations 
 which have incited the Servian population to hatred of the 
 monarchy and contempt of its institutions. 
 
 This culpable tolerance of the Roj^al Servian Government 
 bad not ceased at the moment when the events of June 28 last 
 proved its fatal consequences to the whole world. 
 
 It results from the depositions and confessions of the 
 criminal perpetrators of the outrage of Jime 28 that the Sarajevo 
 assassinations were hatched in Belgrade, that the arms and 
 explosives with which the murderers were provided had been 
 given to them by Servian officers and functionaries belonging to 
 the Narodna Odbrana, and, finally, that the passage of the 
 criminals and their arms into Bosnia was organized and effected 
 by the chiefs of the Servian frontier service. 
 
 The above-m.entioned results of the magisterial investiga- 
 tion do not permit the Austro-Hungarian Government to pursue 
 any longer the attitude of expectant forebearance which it has 
 maintained for years in face of the machinations hatched in 
 Belgrade and thence propagated in the territory of the 
 monarchy. These results, on the contrary, impose on it the 
 duty of putting an end to intrigues which form a perpetual 
 menace to the tranquillity of the monarchy. 
 
 To achieve this end, the Imperial and Royal Government 
 sees itself compelled to dem.and from the Servian Government 
 a formal assurance that it condemns this dangerous propaganda 
 against the monarchy and the territories belonging to it, and 
 that the Royal Servian Government shall no longer permit these 
 machinations and this criminal and perverse propaganda. 
 
 In order to give a formal character to this undertaking the 
 Royal Servian Government shall publish on the front page of 
 its official journal for July 26 the following declaration: 
 
 "The Royal Government of Servia condemns the propaganda 
 directed against Austria-Hungary, i. e., the ensemble of tendencies 
 of which the final aim is to detach from the Austro-Hungarian 
 Monarchy territories belonging to it, and it sincerely deplores 
 the fatal consequences of these criminal proceedings. 
 
 "The Royal Government regrets that Servian officers and 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 143 
 
 functionaries participated in the above-mentioned propaganda 
 and thus compromised the good, neighborly relations to which 
 the Royal Government was solemnly pledged by its declaration 
 of March 31, 1909. The Royal Government, which disapproves 
 and repudiates all idea of interfering or attempt to interfere 
 with the destinies of the inhabitants of any part whatsoever of 
 Austria-Hungary, considers it its duty formally to warn officers 
 and functionaries, and the whole population of the kingdom, 
 that henceforth it will proceed with the utmost rigor against 
 persons who may be guilty of such machinations, which it will 
 use all its efforts to anticipate and suppress." 
 
 This declaration shall simultaneously be communicated to 
 the Royal Army as an order of the day by his Majesty the 
 King, and shall be published in the official bulletin of the army. 
 
 The Royai Servian Government further undertakes : 
 
 1. To suppress any publications which incite to hatred and 
 contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the general 
 tendency of which is directed against its territorial integrity. 
 
 2. To dissolve immediately the society styled Narodna 
 Odbrana, to confiscate all its means of propaganda, and to pro- 
 ceed in the same manner against other societies and their 
 branches in Servia which are addicted to propaganda against the 
 Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The Royal Government shall 
 take the necessary measures to prevent the societies dissolved 
 from continuing their activity under another name and form. 
 
 3. To eliminate without delay from public instruction in 
 Servia, not only as regards the teaching body, but also as regards 
 the methods of instruction, everything that serves or might 
 serve to foment the propaganda against Austria-Hungary. 
 
 4. To remove from the military service and from the 
 administration in general, all officers and functionaries guilty of 
 propaganda against the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, whose 
 names and deeds the Austro-Hungarian Government reserves 
 to itself the right of communicating to the Royal Government. 
 
 5. To accept the collaboration in Servia of representatives 
 of the Austro-Hungarian Government in the suppression of the 
 subversive movement directed against the territorial integrity 
 of the monarchy. 
 
 6. To take judicial proceedings against accessories to the 
 
144 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 plot on June 28 who are on Servian territory. Delegates of 
 the Austro-Hungarian Government will take part in the investiga- 
 tion relating thereto. 
 
 7. To proceed without delay to the arrest of Major Voiija 
 Tankositch and of the individual named Milan Ciganovitch, a 
 Servian State .employe, who have been compromised by the 
 results of the Magisterial inquiry at Sarajevo. 
 
 8. To prevent by effective measures the co-operation of 
 the Servian authorities in the illicit traffic in arms and explosives 
 across the frontier, to dismiss and punish severely officials of 
 the frontier service at Achabatz and Loznica guilty of having 
 assisted the perpetrators of the Sarajevo crime by facilitating 
 the passage of the frontier for them. 
 
 9. To furnish the Austro-Hungarian Government with 
 explanations regarding the unjustifiable utterances of high 
 Servian officials, both in Servia and abroad, who, notwithstand- 
 ing their official position, did not hesitate after the crime of 
 June 28 to express themselves in interviews in terms of hostility 
 to the Austro-Hungarian Government ; and finally : 
 
 10. To notify the Austro-Hungarian Government without 
 delay of the execution of the measures comprised under the 
 preceding heads. 
 
 The Austro-Hungarian Government expects the reply of the 
 Servian Government at the latest by six o'clock on Saturday 
 evening, the twenty-fifth of July. 
 
 SERVIA'S REPLY 
 
 Servia's reply to the Austrian ultimatum of July 12th was 
 issued July 25ih, and embraced the following terms: 
 
 The Royal Servian Government has received the com- 
 munication of the Imperial and Royal Austro-Hungarian Govern- 
 ment of the tenth of this month, and it is persuaded that its 
 reply will remove all misunderstandings tending to threaten 
 or to prejudice the friendly and neighborly relations between 
 the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the Kingdom of Servia. 
 
 The Royal Government is aware that the protests made both 
 at the tribune of the National Skupshtina and in the declara- 
 tions and the acts of responsible representatives of the State — 
 protests which were cut short by the declaration of the Servian 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 145 
 
 Government made on March 18th — have not been renewed toward 
 the great neighboring monarchy on any occasion, and that since 
 this time, both on the part of the Royal Government which 
 have followed on one another, and on the part of their organs, 
 no attempt has been made with the purpose of changing the 
 political and judicial state of things in this respect. 
 
 The Imperial and Royal Government has made no repre- 
 sentations save concerning a scholastic book regarding which 
 the Imperial and Royal Government has received an entirely 
 satisfactory explanation. Servia has repeatedly given proofs of 
 her pacific and moderate policy during the Balkan crisis, and 
 it is thanks to Servia and the sacrifice she made exclusively in 
 the interest of the peace of Europe that this peace has been 
 preserved. The Royal Government cannot be held responsible 
 for manifestations of a private nature, such as newspaper 
 articles and the peaceful work of societies — manifestations which 
 occur in almost all countries as a matter of course, and which, 
 as a general rule, escape official control — all the less in that the 
 Royal Government, when solving a whole series of questions 
 which came up between Servia and Austria-Hungary, has dis- 
 played a great readiness to treat (prevenance), and in this way 
 succeeded in settling the greater number to the advantage of 
 the progress of the two neighboring countries. 
 
 It is for this reason that the Royal Government has been 
 painfully surprised by the statements, according to which persons 
 of the kingdom of Servia are said to have taken part in the 
 preparation of the outrage committed at Serajevo. It expected 
 that it would be invited to collaborate in the investigation of 
 everything bearing on this crime, and it was ready to prove by 
 its actions its entire correctness to take steps against all persons 
 with regard to whom communications had been made to it, 
 thus acquiescing in the desire of the Imperial and Royal 
 Government. 
 
 The Royal Government is disposed to hand over to the courts 
 any Servian subject, without regard to his situation and rank, 
 for whose complicity in the crime of Serajevo it shall have been 
 furnished with proofs, and especially it engages itself to have 
 published on ihe front page of the Official Journal of July 
 13-26, the following announcement : 
 
146 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 "The Royal Servian Government condemns all propaganda 
 directed against Austria-Hungary, that is to say, all tendencies 
 as a whole of which the ultimate object is to detach from the 
 Austro-Hungarian Monarchy territories which form part of 
 it, and it sincerely deplores the fatal consequence of these 
 criminal actions. The Royal Government regrets that Servian 
 officers and officials should, according to the com.munication 
 of the Imperial and Royal Government, have participated in the 
 above-mentioned propaganda, thereby compromising the good 
 neighborly relations to which the Royal Government solemnly 
 pledged itself by its declaration of the thirty-first of March, 1909. 
 The Government, which disapproves and repudiates any idea or 
 attempt to interfere in the destinies of the inhabitants of any 
 part of Austria-Hungary whatsoever, considers jt its duty 
 to utter a formal warning to the officers, the officials, and the 
 whole population of the kingdom that henceforth it will proceed 
 with the utmost rigor against persons who render themselves 
 guilty of such actions, which it will use all its efforts to prevent 
 and repress." 
 
 This announcement shall be brought to the cognizance of 
 the Royal Army by an order of the day issued in the name of 
 his Majesty the King by H. R. H. the Crown Prince Alexander, 
 and shall be published in the next official bulletin of the army. 
 
 1. The Royal Government engages itself, furthermore, to 
 lay before the next regular meeting of the Skupshtina an amend- 
 ment to the press law, punishing in the severest manner incite- 
 ments to hate and contempt of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, 
 and also all publications of which the general tendency is 
 directed against the territorial integrity of the monarchy. It 
 undertakes at the forthcoming revision of the Constitution to 
 introduce in Article XXII. of the Constitution an amendment 
 whereby the above publications may be confiscated, which is at 
 present categorically forbidden by the terms of Article XXII. 
 of the Constitution. 
 
 2. The Government does not possess any proof, nor does 
 the note of the Imperial and Royal Government furnish such, 
 that the society Narodna Odbrana and other similar societies 
 have up to the present committed any crimJn^l acts of this 
 kind through the instrum.;entality of one of their members. 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 147 
 
 Nevertheless, the Royal Government will accept the demand of 
 the Im.perial and Royal Government and will dissolve the 
 Narodna Odbrana Society and any other society which shall 
 agitate against Austria-Hungary. 
 
 3. The Royal Servian Government engages itself to elimi- 
 nate without delay for public instruction in Servia everything 
 which aids or might aid in fomenting the propaganda against 
 Austria-Hungary when the Imperial and Royal Government 
 furnishes facts and proofs of this propaganda. 
 
 4. The Royal Government also agrees to remove from the 
 military service (all persons) whom the judicial inquiry proves 
 to have been guilty of acts directed against the integrity of 
 the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and it expects 
 the Imperial and Royal Government to communicate at an 
 ulterior date the names and the deeds of these officers and 
 officials, for the purposes of the proceedings which will have 
 to be taken. 
 
 5. The Royal Government must confess that it is not quite 
 clear as to the sense and object of the demands of the Imperial 
 and Royal Government that Servia should undertake to accept 
 on her territory the collaboration of delegates of the Imperial 
 and Royal Government, but it declares that it will admit what- 
 ever collaboration which may be in accord with the principles 
 of international law and criminal procedure, as well as with 
 good neighborly relations. 
 
 6. The Royal Government, as goes without saying, con- 
 siders it to be its duty to open an inquiry against all those who 
 are, or shall eventually prove to have been, involved in the 
 plot of June 28, and who are in Servian territory. As to the 
 participation at this investigation of agents of the Austro- 
 Hungarian authorities, delegated for this purpose by the 
 Imperial and Royal Government, the Royal Government cannot 
 accept this demand, for it would be a violation of the Constitu- 
 tion and of the law of criminal procedure. Nevertheless, in 
 concrete cases it might be found possible to communicate the 
 results of the investigation in question to the Austro-Hungarian 
 representatives. 
 
 7. On the very evening that the note was handed in the 
 Royal Government arrested Major Voiija Tankositch. As for 
 
148 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 Milan Ciganovitch, who is a subject of the Austro-Hungarian 
 Monarchy, and who, until June 15th, was employed as a beginner 
 in the administration of the railways, it has not yet been possible 
 to arrest him. In view of the ultimate inquiry the Imperial and 
 Royal Government is requested to have the goodness to com- 
 municate in the usual form, as soon as possible, the presump- 
 tions of guilt as well as the eventual proofs of guilt against 
 these persons which have been collected up to the present in 
 the investigations at Sarajevo. 
 
 8. The Servian Government will strengthen and extend the 
 measures taken to prevent the illicit traffic of arms and explosives 
 across the frontier. It goes without saying that it will immedi- 
 ately order an investigation, and will severely punish the frontier 
 officials along the line Schabatz-Losnitza who have been lacking 
 in their duties and who allowed the authors of the crime of 
 Sarajevo to pass. 
 
 9. The Royal Government will willingly give explanations 
 regarding the remarks made in interviews by its officials, both 
 in Servia and abroad, after the attempt, and which, according 
 to the statement of the Imperial and Royal Government, were 
 hostile toward the monarchy, as soon as the Imperial and Royal 
 Government has (forwarded) it the passages in question of these 
 remarks and as soon as it has shown that the remarks made 
 were in reality made by the officials regarding whom the Royal 
 Government itself will see about collecting proofs. 
 
 10. The Royal Government will inform the Imperial and 
 Royal Government of the execution of the measures comprised 
 in the preceding points, in as far as that has not already been 
 done by the present note, as soon as each measure has been 
 ordered and executed. 
 
 In the event of the Imperial and Royal Government not 
 being satisfied with this reply, the Royal Servian Government, 
 considering that it is to the common interest not to precipitate 
 the solution of this question, is ready, as always, to accept a 
 pacific understanding, either by referring this question to the 
 decision of The Hague International Tribunal or to the great 
 powers which took part in the drawing up of the declaration 
 made by the Servian Government on the 18-31, March, 1909. 
 
Appendix VII 
 
 To Men and Women of Goodwill in the British 
 Empire 
 
 A Message from the Religious Society of Friends 
 
 We find ourselves to-day in the midst of what may prove to 
 be the fiercest conflict in the history of the human race. 
 Whatever may be our view of the processes which have led to 
 its inception, we have now to face the fact that war is proceed- 
 ing upon a terrific scale and that our own country is involved 
 in it. 
 
 We recognize that our Government has made most strenuous 
 efforts to preserve peace, and has entered into the war under a 
 grave sense of duty to a smaller state towards which we had moral 
 and treaty obligations. While, as a Society, we stand firmly to 
 the belief that the method of force is no solution of any ques- 
 tion, we hold that the present moment is not one for criticism, 
 but for devoted service to our nation. 
 
 What is to be the attitude of Christian men and women and 
 of all who believe in the brotherhood of humanity? In the 
 distress and perplexity of this new situation, many are so 
 stunned as scarcely to be able to discern the path of duty. 
 In the sight of God we should seek to get back to first principles, 
 and to determine on a course of action which shall prove us to 
 be worthy citizens of His Kingdom. In making this effort let us 
 remember those groups of men and women, in all the other 
 nations concerned, who will be animated by a similar spirit, and 
 who believe with us that the fundamental unity of men in the 
 family of God, is the one enduring reality, even when we are 
 forced into an apparent denial of it. 
 
 Although it would be premature to make any pronouncement 
 upon many aspects of the situation on which we have no suffi- 
 cient data for a reliable judgment, we can, and do, call ourselves 
 and you to a consideration of certain principles which may 
 safely be enunciated. 
 
 149 
 
ISO THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 1. — The conditions which have made this catastrophe possible 
 must be regarded by us as essentially unchristian. This war spells 
 the bankruptcy of much that we too lightly call Christian. No 
 nation, no Church, no individual can be wholly exonerated. We 
 have all participated to some extent in these conditions. We 
 have been content, or too little discontented, with them. If we 
 apportion blame, let us not fail first to blame ourselves, and do 
 seek the forgiveness of Almighty God. 
 
 2. — In the hour of darkest night it is not for us to lose heart. 
 Never was there greater need for men of faith. To many will 
 come the temptation to deny God, and to turn away with despair 
 from the Christianity which seems to be identified with blood- 
 shed on so gigantic a scale. Christ is crucified afresh to-day. If 
 some forsake Him and flee, let it be more clear that there are 
 others who take their stand with Him, com.e what may. 
 
 3. — This we m.ay do by continuing to show the spirit of love 
 to all. For those whose conscience forbids them to take up arms 
 there are other ways of serving, and definite plans are already 
 being made to enable them to take their full share in helping 
 their country at this crisis. In pity and helpfulness towards the 
 suffering and stricken in our country we shall all share. If we 
 stop at this, "what do we more than others?" Our Master bids us 
 pray for and love our enemies. May we be saved from forgetting 
 that they too are the children of our Father. May we think of 
 them with love and pity. May we banish thoughts of bitterness, 
 harsh judgments, the revengeful spirit. To do this is in no 
 sense unpatriotic. We may find ourselves the subjects of mis- 
 understanding. But our duty is clear — to be courageous in the 
 cause of love and in the hate of hate. May we prepare our- 
 selves even now for the day when once more we shall stand 
 shoulder to shoulder with those with whom we are now at war, 
 in seeking to bring in the Kingdom of God. 
 
 4. — It is not too soon to begin to think out the new situation 
 which will arise at the close of the war. We are being com- 
 pelled to face the fact that the human race has been guilty of a 
 gigantic folly. We have built up a culture, a civilization, and 
 even a religious life, surpassing in many respects that of any 
 previous age, and we have been content to rest it all upon a 
 foundation of sand. Such a state of society cannot endure, so 
 
THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 151 
 
 long as the last word in human afifairs is brute force. Sooner 
 or later it was bound to crumble. At the close of this war we 
 shall be faced with a stupendous task of reconstruction. In 
 some ways it will be rendered supremely difficult by the legacy 
 of ill-will, by the destruction of human life, by the tax upon all 
 in meeting the barest wants of the millions who will have suf- 
 fered through the war. But in other ways it will be easier. 
 We shall be able to make a new start and make it all together. 
 From this point of view we may even see a ground of comfort 
 in the fact that our nation is involved. No country will be in a 
 position which will compel others to struggle again to achieve 
 the inflated standard of military power existing before the war. 
 We shall have an opportunity of reconstructing European culture 
 upon the only possible permanent foundation — mutual trust and 
 goodwill. Such a reconstruction would not only secure the 
 future of European civilization, but would save the world from 
 the threatened catastrophe of seeing the great nations of the 
 East building their new social order also upon sand, and thus 
 turning the thought and wealth needed for their education and 
 development into that which could only be a fetter to them- 
 selves and a menace to the West. Is it too much to hope for 
 that we shall, when this time comes, be able as brethren together 
 to lay down far-reaching principles for the future of mankind, 
 such as will insure us forever against a repetition of this gigantic 
 folly? If this is to be accomplished it will need the united and 
 persistent pressure of all who believe in such a future for man- 
 kind. There will still be m.ultitudes who can see no good in the 
 culture of other nations, and who are unable to believe in any 
 genuine brotherhood among those of different races. Already 
 those, who think otherwise, must begin to think and plan for such 
 a future if the supreme opportunity of the final peace is not to 
 be lost, and if we are to be saved from being again sucked down 
 into the whirlpool of military aggrandisement and rivalry. In 
 time of peace all the nations have been preparing for war. In 
 the time of war let all men of goodwill prepare for peace. The 
 Christian conscience must be awakened to the magnitude of the 
 issues. The great friendly democracies in each country must 
 be ready to make their influences felt. Now is the time to speak 
 of this thing, to work for it, to pray for it. 
 
152 THROUGH EUROPE ON THE EVE OF WAR 
 
 5. — If this is to happen it seems to us of vital importance that 
 the war should not be carried on in any vindictive spirit, and 
 that it should be brought to a close at the earliest possible 
 moment. We should have it clearly before our minds from 
 the beginning that we are not going into it in order to crush and 
 humiliate any nation. The conduct of negotiations has taught 
 us the necessity of prompt action in international affairs. Should 
 the opportunity offer, we, in this nation, should be ready to act 
 with promptitude in demanding that the terms suggested are of 
 a kind which it will be possible for all parties to accept, and 
 that the negotiations be entered upon in the right spirit. 
 
 6. — We believe in God. Human freewill gives us power to 
 hinder the fulfilment of His loving purposes. It also means 
 that we may actively co-operate with Him. If it is given to us 
 to see something of a glorious possible future, after all the 
 desolation and sorrow that lie before us, let us be sure that 
 sight has been given us by Him. No day should close without 
 our putting up our prayer to Him that He will lead His family 
 into a new and better day. At a time when so severe a blow is 
 being struck at the great causes of moral, social, and religious 
 reform for which so many have struggled, we need to look with 
 expectation and confidence to Him, whose cause they are, and 
 find a fresh inspiration in the certainty of His victory. 
 
 August 7, 1914. 
 
LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 
 
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