a'^ ^^ "^^ o > • - 3^ X - >..^ >*"%, ^^^'^!'% ; •- ** *^.< V • • • •- O. -= .^-=x .*^=- 0' »LVL'. ^ -. c^' •*^^-. ^-^ A^ . V .0' ^^ v^"°- '-..= -V "v ,0' '*<». C.V ■J»«:- -ST. •••. -^o <> *' .-7s^ .-v ^/.^ V> aV -»-. ^ i. • ^- - - .>^;fs;. "-o ^^^ . - • ' ^ ^-r^ -OV.* ^>>^.'. "^. >..* .0* >, 'r. ^-i. '/;^''.-6^ • • s , <%. .■V* -7 .^^^- "--o^ <^°^ 4^- f>' - I • » . .«> ,A,- ■&.- - j^r >5^-, t!^' />%!S'. ^»" *:, * • - ^^ r=-^- . -^ - 1^ ?..•■ .c>' O"" . r • » v^x »v ^■^' - C . I • r . ^o i"^ * ;^- "r^ - vv^v %'"' .\^ >'. v .•;\'. ^ 3^ »" a.-^ ^^.i^S^-. " - r • r . A^ ■.V ^^ H.^^%;^S^'' .-i'" .^" THE DIAGNOSIS OF THE GERMAN OBSESSION WILLIAM ARMSTRONG FAIRBURN The Nation Press, Inc. New York ^\ Copyright, 1918 By William Armstrong Fairburn All rights reserved DEC 26 iSiS ©CI.A5 08 6 0,> '♦^« ( This book is dedicated To the Torchbearers of Freedom Everywhere CONTENTS PAGE I The Chosen People ... 1 II Atavistic Kultur .... 28 III The Hohenzollern Curse . . 50 IV The Dynastic Religion of War . 86 V German State Morality . . .112 VI German Antagonism to Arbitration 132 VII Germany Willed the War (First Part) . . . . 144 VII Germany Willed the War (Cont'd) (Second Part) .... 168 VIII The Belgian Outrage . . .190 IX The Freedom of Dynastic Slaves . 218 X The Social Democrats' Apostasy . 234 XI The Hohenzollern Debt to Bismarck 267 XII The People's Share in the Crime „ 276 XIII Despotism and Democracy . . 293 XIV The Black Eagle and the White Dove 313 XV German War Aims .... 324 XVI Germany's Antagonism to America 334 XVII America's Entry into the War . 345 PREFACE THIS book represents the development of a chapter (written in Dec., 1917) on "Ger- many — an Illustration of Pernicious Na- tionalism," which the author originally outlined as a section on "National Loyalty" to be incorporated in a larger work on "Loyalty." The first three essays have already appeared in pamphlet form under the title of "The German Obsession." The remaining chapters were written during the Summer of 1918, from notes gathered since the Fall of 1914. There is nothing new in this book; it merely represents an attempt to unbiasedly portray truth and record history, and it therefore deals solely with evidence and fact. The presentation of the German case has been made by representative Germans, and their state- ments and arguments repeated before the tribunal of humanity have been considered in most cases so self-condemnatory and perniciously immoral that any counter-arguments would be superfluous and only reflect upon the intelligence, culture and spirit- uality of democratic peoples, who believe in that Universal Religion which demands individual lib- erty coupled with social obligations, and claims as its basic creed the Brotherhood of Man and the Fatherhood of God. For such a work as this it is impossible to present a satisfactory bibliography. The author has drawn PREFACE almost exclusively from official documents anjd the writings of German scholars, and generally accepted German authorities. He is, however, deeply indebted to many British and American scholars for their admirable and extremely valuable research work and translations of German writings and records. The four most valuable German works of recent date from which the writer has drawn, and which represent the finest thought of real, and there- fore repudiated or exiled, German patriots are: The Coming Democracy, by Hermann Fernau; J' Accuse, by "A German;" The Vandal of Europe, by Wilhelm Miihlon, and the Memorandum of Prince Lichnowsky, the German Ambassador to London prior to the commencement of hostilities. Acknowledgment should also be made of the fol- lowing admirable works: The Evidence of the Case, by James M. Beck; The Peril of Prussian- ism, by Douglas W. Johnson; Gems of German Thought, compiled by Wilham Archer; Conquest and Kultur, by Professors Wallace Notestein and Elmer Stoll and German Plots and Intrigues, by Prof. Earl E. S perry — the last two issued by the Committee on Public Information; British and German Ideals — The Round Table, etc. If, in the arranging of hastily prepared notes and the development of these essays, written under most unfavorable conditions, proper credit has not been given to the original writer of any quotation, the omission is quite unintentional and is regretted. It is to be hoped that the horrible world war will be at an end by the time this book reaches the hands of my friends. But unless the war ends with the overwhelming military defeat of the Germans PREFACE and their Allies, the moral regeneration of the Teu- tonic people, with their repudiation of the Hohen- zollern and Hapsburg absolute dynasties, and the formation of a League of Nations along practical lines, the future peace of the world will still be menaced. No peace of negotiation and compro- mise will justify the sacrifices of the noble heroes who have bled for liberty, justice, truth and democracy. W. A. F. Great Barrington, Mass. September 14, 1918. I. "The Chosen People^^ THE nationalism of Germany has shaken the entire world and plunged hmnanity into hor- ror and despair. Germany stands forth as a hideous example of an irrehgious loyalty which deifies country, rulers and people, and in doing so, damns himianity and the soul of the world. It would be unfair to study the case of Germany as a pernicious example of exclusive and extreme nation- alism, if the evidence considered emanated from bitter enemies or malicious adversaries in the coun- tries with which she is at war. In such times as these, justice demands that Germany be given an opportunity to explain her attitude and ideals, her motives and actuating beliefs, and if Germans are placed on the witness stand to give testimony in a judicial consideration of the worth, nature and sub- stance of German nationalistic loyalty, we shall err on the side of the accused, whose actions have brought Teutonia before the bar of the peoples of the world and the tribunal of Humanity's God. Much of the testimony to be presented for con- sideration is the written word of Germans penned for the eyes of Germans and not for foreign circula- tion, for it is fairer to the German "loyalist" to per- mit him to explain his psychological attitude in his own way, and as we read we see Germany's soul in the mirror of Germany's own making. The Israelites in the early Old Testament days 2 THE GERMAN OBSESSION worshipped Yahweh, a tribal God, who fought with them in battle, harassed their enemies and advocated savage cruelty and a ruthless warfare of extermina- tion against all other peoples. The Jews have ad- vanced in their knowledge of God, but the concep- tion that they long since discarded the Germans have taken up, and thus we see the barbarities of millenniums past enacted in modern Europe and sanctioned by the "religious" leaders of a people cursed by their depraved and essentially inhuman nationalism. Prof. Werner Sombart in Hucksters and Heroes has said, "Now we understand why the other na- tions pursue us with their hatred ; they do not under- stand us, but they are sensible of our enormous spir- tual superiority. So the Jews were hated in an- tiquity because they were representatives of God on earth," and again, "A good Providence watches over the fate of the German people which is destined to the highest things on this earth." Pastor Rump in War Devotions declares that the Germans "have become heirs of Israel, the people of the Old Testa- ment covenant. We shall be the bearers of God's promises" and "Verily the Bible is our Book. It was given and assigned to us, and we read in it the original text of our destiny, which proclaims to man- kind salvation or disaster according as we will it." Pastor Tobzien in My German Fatherland says, "As was Israel among the heathen, so is Germany among the modern nations — the pious heart of Eu- rope." The Israelites, however, advanced beyond this crude, primitive conception of Yahweh, a tribal God, and their ethical prophets taught that there is only one God and He, a universal God of righteous- ness. The Germans still worship Odin, their tribal THE GERMAN OBSESSION 3 god of war, and to them in their egoistic hypocrisy, applies with pecuhar emphasis the admonition of the real Judaic and Christian God of love. "When ye spread forth your hands, I will hide mine eyes from you: yea, when ye make many prayers, I will not hear: Your hands are full of blood." (Isaiah 1 :15.) Dr. Preuss, the theologian, has written "The Ger- man people are the spiritual, the religious parallel of the people of Israel, they are 'the true Israel be- gotten of the spirit.' " And again, "It was the hid- den meaning of God that He made Israel the fore- runner of the Messiah, and in the same way He has, by His hidden intent, designated the German peo- ple to be His successor." What diabolical sacrilege! What insufferable national conceit and psycholog- ical viciousness! But to prove that the sentiment is general, one has only to consult the German press, clerical and state utterances and Reichstag delib- erations. Francke said, "German craving for truth and German strength of faith working along Bib- lical paths have attained to the true faith, the pure religiousness . . . The Germans are the very nearest to the Lord and may claim that they have 'continued His Word.' " Hauptmann, near the beginning of the war, averred that the "cultured" German soldier carried Nietzsche and the Bible in his knapsack, and Hen- ning states that in war time the Old Testament be- comes "the book for everj^ day reading." Ernst V. Lasaulx in Philosophy of History (1856) tells us "It is no mere chance that the earliest piece of poe- try, the oldest three distiches of the Old Testament, the Song of Lamech, is a song of triumph over the invention of the sword (Gen. 4:22-24)." Thus in the middle of the nineteenth century we see for- 4 THE GERMAN OBSESSION saken the humane, ethical and spiritual teachings of Fichte, that great and loyal German nationalist, and the sword — which he used in defense of his beloved land, but nevertheless hated — becoming dei- fied in heu of brotherhood and the spirit of the peaceful, loving Christ, — the sublime democrat of all ages. Fichte scathingly condemned the militaristic mania of Napoleonism, with its deification of brute force and physical might, and he urged his country- men to build a nationalism of culture upon a firm and lasting foundation of reality and spirit, with its universal truth, loyalty and world-wide humanity. Germany claims that her nationalism has been built upon the philosophical teachings of the noble Fichte, but materialistic Teutonism is diametrically opposed to the spiritual teachings of Fichte, who, in that period of national humiliation, when Berlin was occupied by the troops of Napoleon, sought to arouse his shaclded and despoiled countrymen from their despair, and "replace what they had lost in physical resources, by moral strength." Fichte told the down-trodden and discouraged Germans that they must arise again, strong after their defeat ; and to inspire and encourage them to reconstructive action, he affirmed that it was "they on whom the future of the world depended." He also admonished his fellow countrymen to ''Seek not to conquer with bodily weapons, but stand firm and erect in spiritual dignity. Yours is the greater des- tiny — to found an empire of mind and reason, to destroy the dominion of rude, physical power as the ruler of the world" Napoleon sought to conquer the world, and in the reaction to such mihtaristic domination, the Germany of today was born. Fichte struggled to place the rock of spiritual understand- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 5 ing beneath the feet of the nation, and the Tugend- hund or "League of Virtue" was formed; but broth- erhood was soon restricted to one's fellow country- men, and a German God supplanted the Universal God of Humanity. Kuhn acknowledges the perversion of German ambitions from the more spiritual ideals of Fichte, when he says, "History has made us Germans the inheritors of the Napoleonic idea." Treitschke tells us "The Bible distinctly says that the ruler shall rule by the sword," and "A nation's military efficiency is the exact coefficient of a nation's idealism." Bern- hardi makes the bold statement, deplorably true in practice but absolutely false in the idealistic sense in which it is used, that "There never was a religion which was more combative than Christianity." This may be true of the German brand of Christianity, but there are many people in the world who found their conception of Christianity on the teachings of Christ, and who worship the Universal God of Christ, the Pleavenly Father of all men, and not a tribal or national god. Germany has abandoned Christianity for a pagan tribal god, and Odin, "the mad and raging one," has come back to his own ; Valhalla with its boastf ulness, banquets and brawls has displaced the heaven of peace and righteousness, and only German heroes, slain in physical combat, will be transported by the Valkyries to the life beyond. Prof. Cramb in Germany and England com- pletely changes the Christ spirit as expressed in the Beatitudes of The Sermon on the Mount, and in the New Imperative, gives to the world a definite expression of the real German spirit of barbaric mil- itarism: — "Ye have heard how in old times it was 6 THE GERMAN OBSESSION said, 'Blessed are the meek for they shall inherit the earth,' but I say unto you. Blessed are the valiant, for they shall make the earth their throne. And ye have heard men say, 'Blessed are the poor in spirit ;' but I say unto you. Blessed are the great in soul and free in spirit, for they shall enter into Valhalla. And ye have heard men say, 'Blessed are the peace- makers;' but I say unto you. Blessed are the war- makers, for they shall be called, if not the children of the Judaic-Christian God, the children of Odin (the ancient German god of war) who is greater than the Judaic-Christian God." In the realm of religion. Prof. Cramb has proved as honest as Maximihan Harden in the field of poli- tics. Harden urged his countrymen to stop lying and admit that Germany deliberately planned and willed the war, and that for them the war was one of aggression and conquest. Prof. Cramb drops the hypocrisy of claiming Christian sanction for Prus- sian brutality, and among German religionists he stands as solitary a figure as does Harden in the field of politics. German militarists, professors and philosophers for decades have preached the doctrine of aggressive force, but when Germany expressed this doctrine by action, they all hypocritically and completely changed their front, and under Imperial direction, urged that the war — forced upon the world by the HohenzoUern and Hapsburg dynas- ties — was a justifiable war of defense. We are told by the Germans that "This war is a world ordeal arranged by God." Those who have read and compared the White, Blue, Red, Gray, Yellow and Orange books prepared by the govern- ments of the various belligerent nations, know that Germany and Austria forced this world-war upon THE GERMAN OBSESSION 7 peace-loving peoples. If God decreed this war, then the Teutons are assuredly His chosen people, for no other people could be found in the whole world wicked enough to undertake it. A people's concep- tion of God is an index of their culture and morality. The God of a people is a reflection of those qualities which the people value the most highly and consider the most potent. The German God, like Yahweh of Old, is an intolerant, exclusive tribal God of War, jealous and passionate, capricious and re- vengeful. There is truth in the bitter and ironical saying of Voltaire, "Since God created man in His own image, how often has man endeavored to render a similar service to God?" Luigi Luzzatti, protest- ing against the Teuton abuse of the name of God, has said, "Let us save God from such profanation! Let us leave in peace the Father of all mankind who punishes guilt and rewards virtue, and who gives no one the right to represent Him on earth and to claim for himself His omnipotence in this 'tragedy of war.' " Pastor Lehmann in On the German God says, "The German soul is the world's soul; God and Ger- many belong to one another. . . . The German soul is God's soul; it shall and will rule over man- kind. . . . Germany is the center of God's plans for the world," and again he says that Germans, the "ultimate purpose" of God, must defend "God against the world." Karl Engelbrecht tells us that God will help the Germans, "for He is German," and "there lurks in our people something of that God- consciousness which inspired the Old Testament prophets." The Kaiser, in his speech at Bremen on March 22nd, 1905, proclaimed to his people, "We are the 8 THE GERMAN OBSESSION salt of the earth." And in Protestantenhlatt (1915) we read, "If you ask me 'How shall I build up the Kingdom of God?' my answer is 'Be a good Ger- man.' . . . Seek to submerge yourself in German spirit, in German mind. Help as best you can toward our victory; help to make our fatherland grow and wax mighty." In one of a series of pamphlets published by the professors of Berlin University, we read these words by Prof. Deissmann, "The German God is not only the theme of some of our poets and prophets, but also a historian like Max Lenz has with fiery tongue and in deep thankfulness borne witness to the reve- lation of the German God in our Holy War. The German, the national God! . . . This (war) is no relapse to a lower level, but a mounting up to God Himself," and again he says, "In the age of the most tremendous mobilization of physical and spiritual forces the world has ever seen, we proclaim . — no, we do not proclaim it, but it reveals itself — the Religion of Strength." In this elective alhance with God, the Germans are purely selfish ; they are not actuated by any spirit of idealism beyond their o^n temporal benefit; Naumann, a member of the Reichstag, brazenly said that Germans "hold the alliance between Provi- dence and our people to be a matter of necessity." It was probably for the same reason that Germany, feeling that the German God would not be powerful enough to conquer the Triple Entente, made an alli- ance with the god of the Turkish Mohammedans. Francke in War Sermons says, "We fight them (the Allies) for Christianity as against degenera- tion and barbarism. . . . God must be with us and victory ours. This is guaranteed us by the truth THE GERMAN OBSESSION 9 of our nature, which is as German as it is Christian," but Dr. Huber wrote, "We look for the most valu- able aid from Pan-Islamism, from the living sense of solidarity between ail Moslems of the whole world, dependent on their common religion. . . . If all accounts be true, the whole Moslem world is flocking round the Sultan-Kalif and regards this war as a 'Holy War.' " Much that is said by Teutonic pas- tors of Christ could be more fittingly said of Mo- hammed, and what they please to term "Christian- ity" is a form of Islamism robbed of its spiritual nature. It is, therefore, amusing to read the follow- ing which emanated from Dr. Preuss, "The thief who expiated a sinful past by his repentance in the last hour and was outwardly subjected to the same suffering as our Lord, is the type of Turkish nation which now puts Christianity (outside of Germany) to shame." Wilhelm Miihlon wrote in his diary under date of September 1st, 1914, "Appeals to God and praise to Him never cease. There is no despatch or bulle- tin in which the Kaiser does not say : 'God has helped us. May He help us further. He will help us further, the Christian's God, the German God, the God of Battles, who never deserts the righteous (German) cause." And again on November 10th, 1914, "The Turkish Government, just like the rest of us, calls loudly in its proclamations and war bulletins on God, who recognizes the justice of the Turkish cause and protects that cause. The Tm-kish Government also describes itself as the attacked and persecuted party, forced to enter the war by implacable enemies of the Turkish Empire. This hypocritical croak- ing on the part of accomplices in crime must be a 10 THE GERMAN OBSESSION pleasing concert for the ears of the Ruler of the world." German nationalism is made superior to religion, and its demand upon the human soul greater than that of any other loyalty, no matter how real, hu- mane and essentially spirtual it may be. Germany mobilizes all organized religions as well as the inher- ent spiritual natures of her people for her own material, nationalistic ends ; thus the innate religious sense of a people is deadened, and this atrophy of the spirit is accompanied by an arrogant egoism — the antithesis of that universal loyalty which ema- nates from the soul of the world. Heinrich Leo has said, "The Celtic race has always been moved by an animal instinct, while we Germans only act under the influence of a holy and sacred thought." It is interesting to note that two millenniums ago Caesar distinguished the Gaul and Celt from the German in their basic conceptions of religion, and in the influence of religion upon their hves and thought. He noticed that the Germans put no trust in unseen gods or in the learned and spiritually-minded Druids, but worshipped "those alone whom they see and by whom they are benefited — the sun, fire and the moon," — a truly Teutonic characteristic. Valleius Paterculus (19 B. C.-31 A. D.), the Roman historian who served for eight years as Prae- fect of cavalry and Legatus in Germany, wrote, "The character of the Germans presents a terrible blend of ferocity and trickery ; they are a people of born liars." What a stubborn, persistent thing type is ! Nineteen centuries have rolled by since Valleius Paterculus penned his description of the Germans, yet the picture is as pertinent today in the twenti- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 11 eth century as it was at the dawn of the Christian era. The "religion" of Germany has in reality thor- oughly repudiated Christ and the teachings of the New Testament. But Germany calls herself a "Christian" nation, and the German Emperor a Christian ecclesiastic, the head of the Protestant United Church of Prussia ; for, while Pan-German- ism professes to find justification for its ruthless na- tionahsm in the Old Testament and in the ancient writings or Bible of Judaism, it cannot afford to openly and officially adopt an anti-Christ policy. The words of Christ and the teachings of the apos- tles are therefore perverted, profaned and mobilized in the interest of German nationalism ; Christ is pic- tured as the patron Saint of Germany ; and the Ger- man nation, with its cruel, pitiless heart and hands wallowing in human blood, is likened to the compas- sionate Christ. Hofpradikant Stipberger has said "A hard and steep via Cruets lies before the great benefactor and magnanimous liberator of the kultur-world, the Ger- man people. Although it looks beyond the gloom of Good Friday to the dawn of Easter Morn, beyond the dark days of war to the beacons of triumph — yet the Cross still rests on its shoulders, and the Gol- gotha of the hardest decision still awaits it." Teu- tonic "pastors" seem to particularly revel in that devilish hypocrisy that likens the German nation to Christ. Francke in War Sermons has said, "As Jesus was treated, so also have the German people been treated," and Miinch goes still further and elaborates on this pernicious theme, — "Is not Ger- many itself transformed into a suffering Christ? We, too, have gone through our hour of trial on the 12 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Mount of Olives when, with our Kaiser, we prayed that the cup of sufering might pass from us; and we, too, obeying the unfathomable will of God, have begun to drain it. . . . We, too, were betrayed by those to whom we had shown nothing but justice and kindness ; and around us, too, resounded in ac- cents of hatred and envy, the cry of 'Crucify Him!' " Many people in Germany, as in other lands, undoubtedly prayed during the last week in July, 1914, that the world might be saved from the horrors of war, but they most assuredly did not pray "with our Kaiser." He and his ministers with "Ems Telegrams" were proving to the world that even Bismarck, the unscrupulous nationalist and the man of "blood and iron," who successfully willed and inaugurated the Franco-Prussian war by fraud and deliberate lies, was an amateur as compared with the present ruling power of Germany, in the pro- duction of false telegrams and forged, mutilated and fictitious official documents. Dr. Preuss, the German theologian, says, "Our people are experiencing a repetition of the Passion of Christ," and Pastor Rump in War Devotions writes, "A Jesus-less horde, a crowd of the Godless are in the field against us. . . . May God sur- round us with His protection . . . since our defeat would also mean the defeat of His Son in human- ity," and again, "We are fighting for the cause of Jesus within mankind." Pastor Erdmann in The Christianity of the Belligerent Nations says that "The German people, bearing forward in victory the Evangel of the Cross of Christ, is the great Christophorus in the world of nations." William Archer, commenting on this assertion, remarked that the particular injunction of the Evangel of THE GERMAN OBSESSION 13 Christ which inspired the sinking of the Lusitania was no doubt "suffer Httle children to come unto me." And we might fittingly ask if the Zeppelins and Gothas, which bombed unprotected homes and schools and atrociously murdered seven hundred and fifty-seven innocent English children and three hundred and forty-two women, — up to the end of March, 1918 — carried forward on their diabolical flight of death the "Evangel of the Cross of Christ?" Dr. Deissmann, Professor of New Testament Exegesis at Berlin, and a man who has obtained honorable degrees at Aberdeen, St. Andrews and Manchester, well illustrates how the subtle Pan- German poison has completely deadened the finer discriminating, rational faculties of even the most worthy Teuton citizens: — "Christianity is possessed of potent spiritual energies, since it inspires our minds, not only with patience, but also with digni- fied pride. 'Blessed are ye when men shall reproach you and persecute you and say all manner of evil against you falsely for my sake !' I quite understand Friedrich Naimiann's declaration that this text has meant much to him in these days." As an illustration of the complete obsession of a supposedly discriminating, rational, human mind by a pernicious nationalism, we cannot do better than refer to letters wi'itten in September, 1914, by Adolf Lasson, Professor of Philosophy in the Uni- versity of Berlin, in which he says, "We are morally and intellectually superior to all — without peers. It is the same with our organizations and with our institutions. . . . We are truthful, our character- istics are humanity, gentleness, conscientiousness — the virtues of Christ. In a world of wickedness we 14 THE GERMAN OBSESSION represent love, and God is with us." Pastor Leh- mann in Von Deufschen Gott (1915) said, "The German nation leads in the domains of kiiltur, sci- ence, intelligence, morahty, art and religion, and in the entire domain of the inner life. . . . The world shall ... be healed by the German spirit. . . . Germany is the leader in the entire domain of intellect, character and soul. . . . This war is a war of envy and jealousy of Germany's leadership. It is a fight of hounds against a noble quarry." Dr. Paul Conrad, Pastor of the Kaiser Wilhelm Me- morial Church in Berlin, in Stark in dem Herrn (1915), said, "We Germans feel ourselves to be the bearers of a superior kultur. We have no doubt that a defeat of our people would retard, by many centuries, the development of mankind. On the other hand, we hope, by the victory of our arms, to bring about a new efflorescence of humanity through the German nature, which will prove itself fruitful of blessings to other peoples." The same general thought is taught in German schools and universi- ties, by the "authoritative" press, and is preached from the pulpits. Pastor Francke merely ex- pressed the prevailing Teutonic sentiment decreed by the Prussian dynasty when he said, "Germany is precisely the representative of the highest moral- ity, of the purest humanity, of the most chastened Christianity." Such egoism could only consort with wickedness. The Germans calling themselves, in their colos- sal self-glorification, "Children of the future," have gravitated back to a morahty below that of the Stone Age, and made their warfare of lust the more hideous through the devices of modern science. Goethe (1749-1832) wrote, "Germans are of yes- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 15 terday — a few centuries must still elapse before it will be said of them 'It is long since they were bar- barians.' National hatred is a peculiar thing, you will always find it strongest and most violent where there is the lowest degree of culture," and again, "The Prussians are cruel by nature; civilization will make them ferocious." Schiller, the cosmopoli- tan Professor of History at Jena, is another of those "damned literary fellows" who in their day were denounced by the Hohenzollerns and their subsidized Intellectuals. In 1789, he said that a man who wi'ote exclusively for one people or one nation — as demanded by the dynasty — had a low aim and was unworthy of his calling. "A philo- sophic spirit cannot tolerate such limits, cannot bound its views to a form of nature so arbitrary, so fluctuating and so accidental." Schopenhauer, one of the greatest of German philosophers, and one who refused to sell his soul to the Prussian dynastic interests, said, just before he died in 1860, "In an- ticipation of death, I make this confession, that I despise the German nation on account of its infinite stupidity, and that I blush to belong to it." Ignor- ance and vice, stupidity and crime generally go to- gether, and Prussian "sabre rattlers" are no ex- ception to the rule. Among the first recorded words of Nietzsche (1844-1900) are those uttered in his Bale lectures in 1873, in criticism of German educational insti- tutions. He asked if education, the great civilizing force in the world, was to be the servant of human- ity or merely a German-state instrument? It should be the former, but he affirmed that it was the latter, for the Prusso-German system compelled it "to renounce its highest and most independent 16 THE GERMAN OBSESSION claims in order to subordinate itself to the service of the state." Nietzsche compared the dissemination of hultur under the Prussianized and Bismarckian German-state to a reeling, torch-lit and self-ab- sorbed procession of worshippers, intoxicated by the mysteries of some pagan cult. "The state as- sumes the attitude of a mystagogue of kultur, and, while it promotes its own ends, it obliges every one of its servants not to appear in its presence without the torch of universal state education in his hands, by the flickering light of which he may recognize the state as the highest goal, as the reward of all his striving after education;" and again, "This purpose of state is at war with the real German spirit and the education derived therefrom . . . with that spirit which speaks to us so wondrously from the inner heart of the German reformation, German music and German philosophy, and which, like a noble exile, is regarded with such indifference and scorn by the much-vaunted education afforded by the state." Almost the last words of. Nietzsche were, like the first, devoted to this same general theme. "Not only have the Germans entirely lost the breadth of v^ision which enables one to gi'asp the course of cul- ture and the values of culture; not only are they one and all political puppets, but they have actually put a ban upon this very breadth of vision. A man must first and foremost be 'German,' he must be- long to 'the race;' then only can he pass judgment upon all values and lack of values in history; then only can he establish them. To be German is in itself an argument; Deutschland ilber alles is a principle; the Germans stand for 'the moral order of the universe' in history. Compared with the Ro- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 17 man Empire, they are upholders of freedom; com- pared with the eighteenth century, they are restor- ers of morality, of the categorical imperative. There is such a thing as the writing of history ac- cording to the lights of Imperial Germany. . . . There is also history written with an eye to the court, and Herr von Treitschke is not ashamed of himself." Heinrich Heine (1797-1856) said of his people, "Nature has made them (the Prussians) stupid; science has made them wicked." Concerning the progressive atrophy of intellect and conscience, Heine said, "Luther shook Germany to its founda- tions, but Francis Drake pacified Germany's intel- lect by giving us the potato, and a Miinchen brewer pacified our conscience by giving us beer." Sar- casm can go no further. Some time ago Kaiser Wilhelm II boasted that his army had already de- stroyed seventy - three Gothic cathedrals and churches. Sixty years before this war began, Heine foretold most of its crimes, for he knew that bitter springs of hatred and cruelty must ^ve forth pois- oned waters of death. He wrote in regard to archi- tecture that by some queer, unexplainable chance, Gothic builders erected the magnificent Cathedral of Cologne on the edge of Germany. "What a calam- ity! It is only a question of time when the old sav- age German impulses will assert themselves and the Germans will turn that cathedral into a heap of ruins." Rheims Cathedral has been repeatedly and de- liberately shelled by the Germans on the false ex- cuse that there was an observation post on the tower. Other cathedrals, churches and magnificent edifices have been wantonly destroyed, including the 18 THE GERMAN OBSESSION University Library at Louvain, with its archives and collections of unpublished manuscripts. None of these splendid structures were used for military purposes, but their destruction is universally ap- proved in Germany; Major General von Disfurth expressed the prevailing German thought and ex- cuse when, after a few months of war, he said, "The meanest grave of one of our soldiers" (wan- tonly attacking the homeland of a foreign people) "is more venerable than all the cathedrals and all the art treasures of the world." Gen. von Disfurth quite completely expressed the doctrine of the hideous and morally repellent Prus- sian Religion of War and the horrors of the Prusso- German "philosophy" of Brute Power and Immor- alism, when in the Hamburger Nachrichten he said, "No object whatever is served by taking any notice of the accusations of barbarity leveled against Ger- many by our foreign critics. Frankly, we are and must be barbarians, if by this we understand those who wage war relentlessly and to the uttermost de- gree. . . . We owe no explanation to any one. There is nothing for us to justify and nothing to explain away. Every act of whatever nature com- mitted by our troops for the purpose of discourag- ing, defeating and destroying our enemies is a brave act and a good deed, and is fully justified. . . . Germany stands as the supreme arbiter of her own methods, which in the time of war must be dictated to the world. . . . They call us barbar- ians. What of it? We scorn them and their abuse. For my part I hope that in the war we have merited the title of barbarians. Let neutral peoples and our enemies cease their empty chatter, which may well be compared to the twitter of birds. Let them THE GERMAN OBSESSION 19 cease their talk of the Cathedral of Rheims, and of all the churches, and all the castles in France which have shared its fate. These things do not interest us. Our troops must achieve victory. What else matters?" Prof. Wilhelm Kahl of Berlin in Deutsche Reden in Schwerer Zeit says, "When German soldiers had to seize the incendiary torch or proceed to the slaugh- ter of citizens, it was only in pursuance of the rights of war and for protection in need." Yet Kahl with nationalistic self-righteousness and with pride and fervor remarks, "We thank our German army that it has kept spotless the shield of humanity and chiv- alry" but with true Prussian inconsistency he sig- nificantly adds, "It is true we beheve that every bone of a German soldier, with his heroic heart and immortal soul, is worth more than a cathedral," and he implies, "or any foreign thing." It is the Ger- man belief that human obligations, if any, apply only to one's own — Teutonic — countrymen. The world-famous scientist. Prof. Ernst Haeckel of Jena, has the audacity in Ewigkeit Weltkriegsge- danken (1915) to say, "One single highly cultured German warrior, of those who are, alas! falling in thousands, represents a higher intellectual and moral life-value than hundreds of the raw children of nature whom Britain and France, Russia and Italy, oppose to them." All the product of state- controlled German schools, with their compulsory education under the direction of the militaristic and "divine right" dynasty are, of course, "highly cul- tured," and all foreigners are "raw children of na- ture" (naturmenschen) no matter what their in- herent wisdom, developed character or mind and soul-culture may be. 20 THE GERMAN OBSESSION The "religious" ideal in Germany with regard to atrocities is as devilishly pernicious as the so- called "philosophical" ideal. Pastor Traub says, "Our troops . . . recognize . . . that the truest compassion lies in taking the sternest measures;" and Pastor Baumgarten, the champion "spiritual" defender of the Lusitania outrage, says, "We are . . . compelled to carry on this war with a cruelty, a ruthlessness, and the employment of every imaginable device and measure unknown in any previous war." Dr. W. Fuchs, a literary physician of Germany, says that the "Holiest raptures of homage" of the German people "are paid to Titans of the Blood- deed." Fuchs speaks disparagingly of the value to Germany of geniuses such as Goethe, Schiller and Wagner, and says that Germans "cherish with the most ardent love" men like Barbarossa, the great Frederick, Bliicher and Bismarck, "the hard men of blood;" it is to the men who sacrificed and slaughtered the thousands and hundreds of thou- sands of human beings "that the soul of the German people goes out with tenderest affection and positively adoring gratitude." Again he says, that the thing most needed in Germany today is "Education to hate. Education to the estimation of hatred. Organization of hatred. Education to the desire for hatred. Let us abolish unripe and false shame before brutality and fanaticism. We must not hesitate to announce: 'To us is given faith, hope and hatred, but hatred is the greatest among them.' " Barbarian kultur that cannot appreciate the demands of humanity, cannot be expected to revere the glorious monuments of man's art and the prod- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 21 net of his inspiration. That which Germans are not in sympathy with, they cannot enjoy; that which Prussianism did not produce, is of no im- portance and should be destroyed. The psycho- logical attitude is essentially barbaric; it is a com- bination of extreme tribal egoism with a subtle, unacknowledged feeling of angiy resentment and "sour grapes." It is interesting, at this time, to i-ecall the great Heine's prophecy concerning Russia. "The time will come when Russia will lean upon Germany — will lean with her hand on the club with which her brains have been beaten out." That unadulterated Prussianism exists in all its hideousness among the officers of the German army is well illustrated by the remarks of a captured Prussian officer, reported by the British under date of July 1st, 1917. This officer maintained that in Germany the aristocracy governed the masses (whom he termed "the fools"), whereas in Britain, France, America and democratic lands, the masses ("the fools") governed the aristocracy, i. e., the born leaders and nobility. He affirmed that the talk in Germany about "the guilt of beginning the war" was for the German masses. "The published official statements are for German fools." The nobility, leaders and the army officers of Germany do not talk of guilt; "It was a glory and I claim it for Germany . . . The Prussian purpose is God. There is no other. Prussia will rend the veil of the temple, but she will destroy to create. Against Prussian might the world as it exists today will fall in ruins, but Prussia will build a better and more virile world in its place. Strength only will survive. The life of man is naturally a 22 THE GERMAN OBSESSION fight. The strongest in force and cunning will live . . . The old virtue was womanish; the new virtue is strength . . . Life is war — all of life that is healthy. Peace is only striving for mastery with immoral weapons. That is the law of nature. . . . The weakest must go under. They are the disease. The stronger will live ; and after that the stronger and stronger until there is perfect health . . . Those who do not care to fight in order that they may rule, are by their nature slaves, and they will be enslaved." In regard to the dynastically-controlled mihtary system of Prussia, with its Junker officers and the serfdom of the people through "authoritative" education, press and pulpits, Heine wrote in scornful disgiist, "The German is a slave who obeys his Kaiser without chains or lash — yea, even at a sign from his lord he falls upon his knees. For the terrible thing about the German's slavery is that it is his soul that is enslaved. The Germans wear spiritual chains forged by their lord and master, while black men wear only iron chains . . . The servility of the men of Berlin is in their souls . . . The Germans have no self-respect. They are the only men in the world who, as private soldiers, will stand still while an officer kicks them or bespatters them with mud. They receive the mud with smiles and stand expectantly, hat in hand." Contrast this picture with the words of the Brunswick (German) soldier who had been fight- ing for the mad German King, George III of England, against the colonists in America, "America is a fine, free country, it is worth fighting for; I know the difference by knowing my own; in my country, if the King says 'eat straw,' we eat THE GERMAN OBSESSION 23 straw." Thomas Paine, who recorded this observa- tion, remarked, "Government with insolence is despotism, but when contempt is added it becomes worse; and to pay for contempt (i. e., support the King, pay his bills and keep him on his throne) is the excess of slavery . . . God help that country . . . whose liberties are to be pro- tected by German principles of government." Baron Stein (1757-1831), called the feudal land- lords of Prussia — the Junkers — "heartless, wooden, half-educated people, fit only to be turned into corporals or calculating machines," but for all that, these men were the very backbone of the traditional Prussian monarchy. Bismarck, him- self a Brandenburg Junker, knew his fellow-Prus- sians well, and both classes, nobles and peasants, responded to his methods with the historic energy of Prussia under discipline. Bismarck once ob- served that the real Prussian "goes to meet certain death in the service with the simple words, 'At your orders,' but if he has to act on his own responsi- bility, dreads the criticism of his superior officer or of the world more than death, even to the extent of allowing his energy and correct judgment to be impaired by the fear of blame and reproof." The Prussian enjoys having some one else think for him and outline his actions, hence we see in Ger- many a form of official government, revolting to free men and all individuals who by nature feel and desire to enjoy some independence of thought and action. The self -adoration and infallibility of the Ger- man people, coupled with ambition, ferocity and hate, stand unequaled in the history of the world. Under a dominating dynasty of absolutism, which 24 THE GERMAN OBSESSION military success has created and developed, Ger- man patriotism has degenerated to a Pan-Ger- manism which is a debased, intolerant and restric- tive nationalism with world-wide ambitions, and the belief that the German people is a peculiar race, chosen by God, who has definitely associated Him- self with the German people to the exclusion of all other peoples. The belief is analogous to that of the old Arabian nomads of the desert — the primi- tive tribes of Israel; but only the earliest, unspiri- tual Yahwehism of tradition and the crude thoughts of a barbarous people have anything in common with Germanism. The ethical prophets of Judaism, upon whose inspired words the real religion of the Jews is based, vigorously denounced all those crude beliefs which form the foundation of the arrogant, tribal egoism and hateful intolerance of Teutonism. The "rehgion" of Germany is that of national advantage; in it there is no place for the spiritual, the idealistic or the philosophical. It has been said that Germany's depravity must be attributed to its repudiation of religion and the substitution of philosophy. This cannot be, for re- ligion is man's relation to liis God, and philosophy is the search after truth; God is truth, and the mind that searches for truth seeks God. The philosophers of Germany, like the philoso- phers of other countries, have always been essential- ly spiritual men, free from dwarfing and enslaving dogmatic beliefs, and possessing appetency for Cosmic truth. But Germany has repudiated her spiritual philosophers and adopted in her creed of nationalistic religion, not the truth as revealed by her greatest sons, but the opinions of her subsi- dized scholars, who, preferring honors and mate- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 25 rial success to bitter persecution and exile, have sold their souls to the dynasty. Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), the Scotch- German philosopher of Konigsberg, whose book on Perpetual Peace is a classic, was humihated bj^ the Prussian King, and his philosophy has been bitterly and persistently condemned by the High Priests of Prussian militarism. Prof. Sombart has said, "We have no knowledge of pacifist utterances of representative Germans at any time. The wretched book of the aged Kant on Perpetual Peace ... is the only inglorious exception. Such utterances would indeed amount to a sin against the holy spirit of Germanism, which, from the depths of its heroism, cannot possibly arrive at any other view than a high appreciation of war." This well expresses the prevaihng Teutonic estima- tion of the great world-philosopher. Prince von Moltke said, "Eternal peace is only a dream and not even a beautiful dream," and Dr. Friedrich Lange, in Pure Germanisni, adds the real modern, Teutonic touch when he says, "No, certainly not beautiful, for a peace which could no longer look for- ward to war . . . would poison and rot away our inmost heart until we became loathsome to our- selves." Kant, who has influenced the thinkers of all lands, clashed fiercely with Frederick Wil- helm II, King of Prussia. After the first half of his book on Religion Within the Limits of Reason Alone had been published in Berlin, the printing of the second half was prohibited by the Government. Kant succeeded later in having the entire work pubhshed in Konigsberg; for this he was forbidden to write or lecture on any religious 26 THE GERMAN OBSESSION subject, and for years the expression of his thought was handicapped by German despotism. In his work on Perpetual Peace, the philoso- pher's first definitive article, covering the essentials which must be realized before permanent interna- tional peace can be obtained, — reads, "The civil Constitution of each state shall be repubhcan;" his second is, "The law of nations shall be founded on a federation of free states," and his third, "The rights of men, as citizens of the world, shall be limited to the conditions of universal hospitality." Kant denounced in vigorous terms all treaties that merely afforded a temporary suspension of hostil- ities and all that could be considered by any participant as a mere "scrap of paper;" he stood unflinchingly for the protection of weak states, for the abolition of large standing armies and con- traction of national debts in connection with foreign affairs ; he maintained that no state has the right to violently interfere with the Constitution of another, and he denounced international treach- ery, dishonest and secret diplomacy, spying, assas- sination and unscrupulous strategems in the affairs of nations. In substance, Kant denounced Prusso- German methods and Prusso-German ideals thor- oughly and completely. With these facts in mind, and knowing that Kant represented the very antithesis of all that the HohenzoUern dynasty, Pan-Germanism and militarism stand for today, the following hypo- critical statement of Wilhelm II, recently trans- mitted to the East Prussian Diet, is significant of the Machiavellianism of the German Emperor in relation to his own people: "The province of East Prussia is especially dear to my heart." (He THE GERMAN OBSESSION 27 permitted it to be overrun by the Russians early in the war and dehberately sacrificed the people "dear to his heart" on the altar of his egoistic vanity — for he must enter Paris before the end of September, 1914). "In this war it has made great sacrifices, and, therefore, it will gladly acknowledge the hand of God as now shown in the East" (the internal disruption of Russia with anarchy rampant). ''We owe our victory largely to the moral and spiritual treasures which the great philosopher of Konigsherg (Kant) he- stowed upon our people/' What contemptible sacrilege to liken the spiritual and pacifistic teach- ings of Kant to the diabolical treachery of the Germans in Russia! The chaotic internal condi- tions and the Reign of Terrorism in Russia, primarily caused by German treachery and Bol- sheviki disloyalty and gullibility, are described by Kaiser Wilhelm in a message to the Vice President of the Reichstag as "one of those greatest moments in which we (Germans) can reverently admire God's hand in history;" and he adds, "The German sword is our best protection," after having disinte- grated Russia by false hopes and promises, by the spreading of the gospel of "no annexation; no indemnity," only to repudiate it when he had succeeded in starting the Russian revolution and dividing the people among themselves. II Atavistic Kultur THE tyranny of Prussianism is perhaps best exemplified by the cruel treatment Germany has accorded her sons of genius, most of whom have suffered exile. Hoffmann ( 1798-1874 ) , the writer of the famous war song Deutschland iiher Alles, which modern Germans sing as they march into battle, was dismissed from a Professor- ship at Breslau, and branded a "degenerate son of the fatherland." For six years this loyal German patriot was hunted from one German state to another, because he had published a volume of songs which were not altogether pleasing to the Prussian dynasty. Ludwig Jahn (1778-1852), one of the most notable of German patriots during the Napoleonic period, founded in 1811 the Turn- verein, or Athletic Association. During the period of political reaction following the successful out- come of the Prussian Wars of Liberation, every popular, democratic and voluntary organization came under the ban of the Hohenzollerns ; and Jahn was arrested in 1819, subjected to humilia- tion, and kept in prison for six years, on the grounds of being a dangerous democrat, because he had sought to benefit his people by the develop- ment of their physical bodies, and instil in their minds through competitive athletics, that spirit of chivalry which has tended to make the Anglo- Saxon peoples so great. Ernst Moritz Arndt THE GERMAN OBSESSION 29 (1769-1860) was a co-worker with the famous Fichte and, hke him, a pattern of true patriotism. He held the chair of history at Bonn University and was the author of much inspiring verse and song written in the cause of freedom, when Prussia was being humihated in the struggle with Napo- leon. Arndt was arrested by order of the Crown in 1820 because of his democratic views; he was forbidden to write or lecture, and was deprived of his professorship. Karl Gutzkow (1811-1878), the brilliant Ger- man author, was held by the Hohenzollerns and their satellites to have "too liberal ideas." In 1835 his works were banned and he himself ignomin- iously thrown into prison. Fritz Renter (1810- 1874), one of Germany's greatest literary geniuses of the nineteenth century, was even sentenced to death because of his democratic views and for his activities in the German Students' Association. The indignation of the people, however, was so intense and so freely expressed, that the sentence was commuted to thirty years' imprisonment; but after seven years in jail, he was restored to freedom. Borne, Laube, Freiligrath and Herwegh were the most gifted of many liberal or democratic Germans, who, during the political struggle of the people against the dynasty in the period of 1815- 1848, had to endure exile and the banning in Germany of all their wTitings. In 1848 Rich- ard Wagner, because of his democratic beliefs, had to flee the country. Heinrich Heine after championing the cause of democracy and "Young Germany," had to leave his native land in 1831, and spend the remainder of his life in Paris. Kant, Fichte and many other brilHant North Germans 30 THE GERMAN OBSESSION resided among their countrymen for years in a condition of virtual mental imprisonment, resem- bling the church's incarceration of Galileo Galilei (1594) at his Villa in Italy, under the supervision of the Inquisition. In this connection it is interest- ing to recall the similarity of HohenzoUern (Prus- sian) and Hapsburg (Austrian) methods of com- batting democracy. The Viennese police under the regime of Metternich (1773-1859), once distin- guished themselves in phenomenal stupidity by their frenzied anti-democratic zeal, when they confiscated a new edition of Copernicus, because the title of his work — which was on Astronomy and not on polit- ical matters — began with the words ''De Revolu- tionibusf — the movement of the heavenly bodies being the "revolutions" referred to. Conditions in Teutonia under Prussian despot- ism have changed only in degi'ee — ^and then only under compulsion, — but not in substance, since the days of tyranny following the Wars of Liberation. Hauptmann, Germany's greatest living poet, was brutally reproached by the Crown Prince Wilhelm in 1913, and branded as "a degenerate son of the fatherland." Hauptmann had been commissioned to write a commemorative drama or Festspiel, to be performed at Breslau on the centenary of the battle of Leipzig — Napoleon's first overthrow. The play as produced dealt with the popular upris- ing of 1813 following Napoleon's retreat from Moscow, but as it apparently emphasized the peo- ples' thoughts, aspirations and acts, and did not sufficiently extol the HohenzoUerns and the Prus- sian Princes and Generals, the Crown Prince demanded that it be withdrawn as a democratic, and, therefore, pernicious and unpatriotic play. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 31 Even Nietzsche hated his country and railed at her from over the Swiss border. Schopenhauer ridiculed her, but there has been no lack of scholars who could be bought, and the old depraved teaching of Machiavelli, coupled with the "philosophy" of Hegel and Max S timer, prepared the ground for the more modern exponents of kultur, the leitmotif of whose doctrine is Glorification of Violent Passion, Hegel (1770-1831) was a champion of war. He would have nothing to do with Kant's idea of a federation of nations formed in the interests of peace. The welfare of a state, he held, is its own highest law; and he refused to believe that this welfare was to be sought in an international peace. Hegel was contaminated with Napoleonism; he lived in an age when all power and order seemed to lie with the sword, and he became an ardent Prussian opportunist. Like Moltke, Hegel pro- fessed to see in war an educative instrument which developed virtues in nations and made the sep- arate interests cohesive and conscious of the benefits and obligations of citizenship. War, he maintained, left a nation always stronger than it was before, buried deep the causes of internal dissension and consolidated the internal power of the state. Hegel's panegyric of the state as "an absolutely complete, ethical organism, the be-all and the end- all of every one's education" gradually predomi- nated over the struggling, German, democratic spirit, and finally became the cornerstone of Ger- man belief and kultur, when Bismarck, in the inter- ests of the Hohenzollerns, effectively throttled indi- vidual liberty in Prussia. The predominating Teutonic "ideals" respon- 32 THE GERMAN OBSESSION sible for German self-laudation and contempt for the rest of the world, are found in the Trinity of German worship: super-king, super-state and super-race. It has been said that the major prophets of this German spirit of unrestrained and unashamed arrogance and exclusiveness, are "Treitschke, the prophet of tribalism, Nietzsche of ruthlessness, and Bernhardi of ambition." But Machiavelli, Hegel and S timer sowed the seed of the rank weed of German "immoralism" which seems to have killed the religious, ethical and hu- mane spirit of the land. Max Stirner, the German philosopher of arro- gant egoism (1806-1856; real name Kaspar Schmidt), wrote "What does right matter to me? I have no need of it. What I can acquire by force, that I possess and enjoy; what I cannot obtain I renounce, and I set up no pretensions to indefeasible right. I have the right to do what I have the power to do." More recently Bern- hardi has vigorously championed the Prussian doctrine that "Might is Right," for in Germany and the Next War (1912) we read, "Might is the supreme right, and the dispute as to what is right is decided by the arbitrament of war. War gives a biologically just decision. . . . The law of the strong holds good everywhere. . . . Right is rejected so far only as it is compatible with advantage." Adolf Grabowsky, a modern Ger- man writer on political subjects, has said, "The will to world-power has no limit." Germany will take all that she has the physical, i. e., militaristic, power to take, and will hold all that she has the physical power to hold. Every increase of power is an increased menace to the peace-loving world. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 33 Right does not enter into the consideration. Ger- man "immoralism" deifies brute force, and urges an unhmited ambition with no restriction on avarice and lust; there can, therefore, be no re- straint placed on that cruel, Satanic brute power which seeks to acquire at the expense of the physi- cally weaker, the more ethical, the more human and the more spiritual. Dr. Carl Peters, one of the founders of the Pan- German League, recently said, "Not to live and let live, but to live and direct the lives of others, that is power," and after this definition of power, which is despotic, dynastic and positively anti-democratic, he refers to "refined power" as that which pro- duces the subjugation of nations and peoples — pro- vided, of course, that Germany is the conqueror. Power, according to Peters, is physical or brute power, and when actuated by avarice on the part of the leaders and expressed by stupid ignorance on the part of the masses, is "refined power," and the expression of the divine will, provided that it be victoriously exercised by God's exclusive and only enlightened race — the Germans. The Bernhardi-Reventlow-Keim cult of modern Pan-Germanism, under the militant patronage of the Crown Prince, has spread its malignant poison throughout the length and breadth of Germany. It is not based merely on the policy of the Prussian militant triumvirate of Bismarck, Moltke and Roon, which founded the Prussian-dominated German Empire, but it goes far back to the military and un- scrupulous, grasping Hohenzollerns of the Mark of Brandenburg, whose policy, expressed in the per- son of Frederick II (the Great), made the arro- gant, lustful kingdom of Prussia a European men- 34 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ace. Mirabeau expressed the opinion of his century when he said, "War is Prussia's national industry." Bernhardi (born 1849) is a General of Cavalry, and has been a Departmental Chief of the General Staff; Keim (born 1845) is also a German Gen- eral, and Reventlow (born 1869) is a wi'iter on military and naval matters, and is very close to Grand Admiral von Tirpitz. This trio give definite expression to the yearnings and aspirations of the military and Pan-Germanists of Teutonia, and their thoughts, arguments and general beliefs are founded upon Prussian military tradition and Na- poleonism, — the Corsican upstart himself being indebted to Germans, such as Frederick the Great, and Attila the Hun, for most of his basic ideas of conquest and European domination. Within the last few decades Germany has devel- oped what is virtually a religion of war. The Intel- lectuals have built a "philosophy" to explain it, and the militarists have clearly stated in a practical, understandable way what it stands for, and what it aspires to attain. The prophet of the plain-spoken Bernhardi-Reventlow-Keim cult was Karl von Clausewitz (1780-1831), the Prussian General and military writer; he was the pupil of Scharnhorst, fought against Napoleon, was captured at Jena in 1806 and held as a prisoner of war for two years. Clausewitz was a true Prussian and regarded Na- poleonic methods as the basis, not merely of suc- cessful war, but of all sound statesmanship. To Clausewitz, war was merely "a continuation of pol- icy" to be invoked whenever expedient, and this absolutely without regard to honor, justice, moral right or legitimate cause. To covet and abstain from acquiring, when one has physical power to THE GERMAN OBSESSION 35 take, was in the affairs of nations, not virtue, but contemptible weakness. The mihtant and Machiavellian methods by which the Prussian power was developed and Ger- man union achieved between 1864 and 1871, coupled with the unprecedented prosperity enjoyed by the nation since that time, have caused many modern Germans to believe in the ancient Prussian and Napoleonic principles of physical force and treach- ery, and to establish the readily understandable "wisdom" of Clausewitz, the Prussian soldier, above all other wisdoms. Under Hohenzollern direction, the Prussian-Napoleonic-Clausewitz idea has been once more thoroughly Prussianized and national- ized; it has been developed and fortified by histor- ical, scientific and pseudo-philosophical arguments, and the entire intellectual life of Germany has been impregnated with its teachings. An investigator has found that during recent years an annual aver- age of seven hundred books, dealing with war, have been published in Germany. While the Anglo-Saxon and Latin peoples have been working toward peace and international arbitration, Germany has been teaching the religion of war and physical force, and the thoughts and aspirations of the people, under the direction of the dynasty, have been turned toward a world-conquest through military power. The effect of the devilish Prussian-militaristic teachings has told decisively upon the masses of the German nation, and there has been growing a strong popular approval of the doctrine that if neighbor- nations do not peaceably admit the paramountcy of Germany in Europe, they must be compelled to do so by force. How much this pernicious and es- sentially dynastic, Hohenzollern doctrine has spread 36 THE GERMAN OBSESSION of late years may be gathered from Prof. Otfried Nippold's Der Deutsche Chauvinismus (1913): "Hand in hand with outspoken hostihty to foreign countries are enjoined a one-sided exaltation of war and a war mania . . . there is much irre- sponsible agitation against other states . . . and much frivolous incitement to war. . . . War is pictured, not as a possibility that may occur, but as a necessity that must come, and the sooner the bet- ter. The quintessence of the teachings of the organ- izations of Prusso-German Chauvinism ... is always the same; — A European war is not merely an eventuality for which we must prepare, but a necessity for which we should, in the interest of the German nation, rejoice. From this dogma it is only a step to the next maxim, which is so dear to the hearts of the belligerent, political generals — the maxim of . . . so-called preventive war. If war has to come (and it must positively come) , then let it come at the moment most favorable to us. In other words, do not let us wait until a formal cause for war occurs, but let us strike when it best suits us, and above all let us strike soon." The name of Nietzsche (1844-1900) is so closely associated with the aggressive Prusso-German spirit of brutal force, that the present war has even been termed "The Euro-Nietzschean War." Nietzsche was a wild, unbalanced seer, who went mad in 1888. He was an extremist, but the totality of his teach- ings was not the Machiavellian-Prussianism as ex- pressed today by the Hohenzollern-driven Germans. Nietzsche was a passionate and unsparing critic of the Prusso-Germans, and he denounced the hultur of modern Germany as the arch-enemy of a new aristocracy which he foreshadowed in the visions THE GERMAN OBSESSION 37 of the superman. Nietzsche, strange as it may- seem, was not interested in physical wars, but in a sort of distorted "spiritual" struggle. He was wont to call himself, not a good German, but "a good European," and his idea of kultur, with all its limi- tations and error, he claimed transcended national boundaries, and looked only to the production of the superman — the highest type among all peoples. Nietzsche's "philosophy" at times is crude read- ing, barbaric and inhuman, but his works in toto give one an entirely different impression of his views and beliefs, than isolated extracts. It is, how- ever, a fact that the Prussian spirit has, to a great extent, been crystalized around certain sweeping statements of Nietzsche, although the wild and pas- sionate seer would turn in his grave at the claims which German kultur, in gross ignorance, is parad- ing with such fierce and intense conviction before the civilized world today. Nietzsche, who has tra- vestied Darwinism, is known by his admiring Teu- tonic disciples as "The Philosopher of the Will to Power, and of Immoralism." Nietzsche was no lover of despotic Prussia and its ways, yet hating as he did her policy of mental serfdom and dynastic tyranny, he became her "prophet of the mailed fist," and one of her greatest apostles to preach the Gos- pel of Pride and Might; and by so doing, he fed fuel to the consuming militaristic flame, so destruc- tive of morals and the finer attributes of humanity. According to Nietzsche, good is whatever con- duces to the increase of one's power, evil is what- ever tends to diminish it. "Him whom ye do not teach to fly, teach — how to fall quicker." There is no room in life for the frail; the weak must be crushed and the sooner the better. The following 38 THE GERMAN OBSESSION quotation from Nietzsche's work on A Genealogy of Morals is a German classic. "These men (Teu- tonic supermen) who are strictly kept within bounds by good manners . . . who, in their be- havior to one another, show themselves so inventive in consideration, self-control, delicacy, loyalty, pride and friendship — these very men are, to the outside world, to things foreign and to foreign countries, little better than so many uncaged beasts of prey. Here they enjoy liberty from all social restraint . . . . and become rejoicing monsters, who go their way, after a hideous sequence of murder, con- flagi'ation, violation, torture, with as much gaiety and equanimity as if they had merelj^ taken part in some student gambols . . . Deep in the nature of these noble races there lurks unmistakably the beast of prey, the blond beast, lustfully roving in search of booty and victory." In Beyond Good and Evil, Nietzsche says, "We . . . believe that (man's) will to life had to be intensified into unconditional will to power; we hold that hardness, slaverj^ danger in the street and in the heart, secrecy, stoicism, arts of temptation and deviltry of all kinds; that everything evil, terrible, tyrannical, wild-beast-like and serpent-hke in man, contributes to the elevation of a species, just as much as its opposite — and in saying this we do not even say enough." That which is admittedly evil must therefore be nurtured and even deified; that which is animal passion, — avarice, lust and hatred, — contribute as much to the elevation of man as altruism, self-sacrifice, human love and spiritual loyalty. Nietzsche also says in The Joyous Wisdom "Hatred delights in mischief, rapacity and ambi- tion, and whatever else is called evil, belongs to the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 39 marvelous economy of the conservation of the race. . . . In reality the evil impulses are just in as high a degree expedient, indispensable and conserv- ative of the species as the good," and in Zarathustra — Of Manly Prudence — he says, "Verily, ye good and just, much in you is laughable. ... I guess that you will call my superman 'devil.' " Professor Sombart expresses the profane thought of Pan-Germanism with a sacrilege that could never be encountered outside the realm of Teutonia, "Nietzsche was but the last of the . . . seers who, coming down from the heights of heaven, brought to us the tidings that there should be born from us the Son of God, whom in his language he called the Superman." The "Blond Beast"— The "Superman"— The "Son of God"— The Savior of the World. This illustration of German psychol- ogy is the acme of irreligious blasphemy and mental depravity. According to Nietzsche, pity is merely the cow- ard's acknowledgment of his weakness. For only inasmuch as man is devoid of fortitude in bearing his own sufferings, is he unable to contemplate with equanimity the sufferings of his fellow creatures. Since religion enjoins compassion with all forms of human misery, Germanism must make war on re- ligion. "Be hard," says Nietzsche, "the noblest only is perfectly hard," and he compares the charcoal with the diamond. If you have learned calmly to see others sufJ'er, you are yourself able to endure distress with manly composure. "I warn you against pity ; for it will one day arise a heavy cloud for men." It is only a step from indifference to the sufferings of others, to a desire to exploit them and even inflict pain and sorrow upon one's neighbors 40 THE GERMAN OBSESSION for the sake of personal or national gain. "Ye would perchance abolish suffering," exclaims Nietz- sche, "and we, — it seems that we would rather have it even greater and worse than it has ever been." Germany's territorial ambitions and her conduct as a conqueror are now well known. In 1905, in A Pan-German Germany, Reimer stated the Teu- tonic attitude, "Do small nations stand in the way of our expansion or do they not? In the latter case, let them develop as their nature prescribes; in the former case, it would be folly to spare them, for they would be like a wedge in our flesh, which we refrain from extracting only for their own sake. If we find ourselves forced to break up the historical form of a nation, we ought not to have any moral scruples or to think ourselves inhuman." In another chapter of the same book on the subject of Humanity, this apostle of Teutonic ruthlessness endeavors to prove that, whereas humanity may be all very well for inferior races, Germanism cannot be hampered by its restraints. In Grossdeutscliland, Tannenberg says, "A policy of sentiment is folly. Enthusiasm for humanity is idiocy . . . riglit and wrong are notions needed in civil life only." And Carl Peters says, "It is foolish to talk of the rights of others; it is foolish to speak of a justice that should hinder us from doing to others what we do not ourselves wish to suffer from them." The intolerance and self-sufficient bigotry of the Germans in regard to a "prisoner province" is well illustrated by Treitschke's comment in regard to the forcibly annexed people of Alsace-Lorraine, "We Germans, who know both Germany and France, know what suits the Alsatians far better than that miserable people know themselves . . . We wish THE GERMAN OBSESSION 41 to restore to them, against their will, their own real self." How different is this intolerant and inhu- man spirit from that expressed in the report that Carnot laid before the French Government in re- gard to the incorporation of Monaco: — "It is the inalienable right of every nation to live apart from others, if it so pleases, or, for the vindication of their common interests, to unite with others, if such be its desire. We, French, who know no other sov- ereigns save the people themselves, have fraternity and not lordship as our sj^stem. We worship the principle that every nation, be the territory it occu- pies ever so small, is absolute master in its own house, and must, as regards its rights, be treated as equal with the greatest; and that nobody can justi- fiably violate its independence, unless its own is manifestly imperiled." This is a forecast of what international law will be, when djmasties are over- thrown and governments are truly democratic. It is founded on the fundamental principle of univer- sal justice and universal loyalty. Today it seems like a hazy ideal; before long it will be an accom- plished fact, and Germany is unconsciously and certainly unintentionally, hastening the advent of international justice and international peace. We read in the Hebrew scriptures (Joshua 9) that the chosen people of Yahweh who had made peace with certain peoples, instead of annihilating them, as was their usual custom, reluctantlj^ honored their peace agreement, the princes of Israel saying, "Let them live; but let them be hewers of wood and drawers of water unto all the congregation," i. e., slaves to the Israelites, whose militarism had awed the hearts of pacifistic peoples. Professor Rudolph Huch in Tdgliche Rundschau shows the psycholog- 42 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ical similarity between the modern German "Intel- lectual Bodyguard" of the dynasty, and that of the primitive Israelites in their era of barbarism, prior to the advent of the ethical prophets: — "There are races which are incapable of attaining a high hu- manity, incapable of influencing the world. Such nations are destined to hew wood and draw water for dominant nations. If they cannot fill this in- ferior office, they must perish." In other words, Belgium, Poland, Servia, etc., and before long Hol- land, Denmark, etc., must choose between serfdom and extermination. But the German conception of peoples destined to be "hewers of wood and draw- ers of water" is not limited to small or relatively weak nations. Professor Huch denoimces Anglo- Saxon and Latin peoples. He calls the British "false, cruel and criminal," and says that the French have proven themselves to be barbarians. "I, for my part, am convinced that the French are doomed to perdition" (i. e., to become a subject-race — hew- ers of wood and drawers of water — )"and I feel myself free of everj^ emotion of regret." Lud^vig Woltmann said, "The German race is called to bind the earth under its control, to exploit the nat- ural resources and the physical powers of man, to use the passive races in subordinate capacity for the development of its kultur," and an East Prussian educator boldly said, (July, 1917) "The whole his- tory of the world is neither more nor less than a preparation for the time when it shall please God to allow the affairs of the universe to be in German hands." Treitschke, one of the most influential of Ger- many's historical and political thinkers and named by Kaiser Wilhelm II "Our greatest national his- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 43 torian," in Politics wrote of the necessity of Ger- manizing certain territories, but in regard to other lands to be subjugated he says, "No other course is open to us but to keep the subject-race in as un- civihzed a condition as possible, and thus prevent them from becoming a danger to their conquerors." Reimer ridicules the idea of a people deserving peace and developing a spirit of love and sympathy for mankind; all such talk, he affirms, "must re- main nothing but chatter." Vierordt gives the mes- sage of nationahstic Germany to the world in the following hateful words, void of all religion and humanity: — "O Germany, hate now! Arm thyself in steel and pierce with thy bayonet the heart of every foe; no prisoners! Lock all their lips in silence; turn our neighbors' lands into desert." Could anything be more diabolical, or more pro- phetic, or more peculiarly German ? Pastor Lahusen said, "We will fight without scruple and employ all means of destruction however terrible they may be," and Pastor Baumgarten, in an address on The Ser- mon on the Mount, shows the hopelessness of the German national mind in the realm of ethics, when he said, "Whoever cannot prevail upon himself to approve from the bottom of his heart the sinking of the Lusitania . . . and give himself up to hon- est delight at this victorious exploit of German de- fensive power, — him we judge to be no true Ger- man." We have become a nation of wrath ; we think only of the war. 45. * * We execute God Almighty's will, and the edicts of His justice, We will fulfil, imbued with holy rage, in vengeance upon the ungodly. 44 THE GERMAN OBSESSION God calls us to murderous battles, even if worlds should thereby fall to ruins. * * * We are woven together like the chastening lash of war; we flame aloft like the lightning; Like gardens of roses our wounds blossom at the Gate of Heaven. We thank thee, Lord God. Thy wrathful call obliterates our sinful nature; With thine iron rod we smite all our enemies in the face." — F. Philippi. The effect of German "immoralism" expressed by Pan- Germanism has nmnbed the soul of a great people, jDerverted their national and individualistic conscience and plunged the empire into a condition of moral anarchy. German statesmen have shown themselves as diabolically ruthless as the military leaders and the soldiery. German policy has de- generated to a maze of contradictions, absolutely void of either consistency or good faith. German officialdom has now openly and completely accepted the pernicious doctrine that the state is above all law, and is therefore free from all moral restraints. One of the few Germans who has had sufficient intelligence and courage to oppose Prussian meth- ods, is Dr. Wilhelm Miihlon, a scholar and success- ful business man, and, for several years prior to 1915, a Director of Krupps. Commenting, soon after the outbreak of the war, on the perversion of moral values to which the German mind has become so hardened, Miihlon wrote, "Today some artifice must be resorted to in order that the sheep herded within the German fold shall contentedly be converted into an army of elephants, whose feet are to trample down every living thing beyond our bor- ders. This training is administered in many ways. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 45 They tell the people that state morahty and private morality operate and must operate in two entirely different spheres. At the same time an example of the greatest piety is set. From the balconies of palaces, from all the offices of ministries, from all army quarters and camps, we have in the past few weeks been continually admonished to stream into the churches, to throw ourselves on our knees, and to invoke a righteous God, who guides our cause and protects us, the attacked and the persecuted ; to praise the German God who will lead us victori- ously over the entire world, because He can find no better use for the garden of His creation than that we should fill it with our military camp-fires. I hope there are many who do not kneel and who do not pray — at least to such a God and for such things. Better to sit quietly and meditate, and to manifest later in self-deliberation the power and the faith which we now manifest in slavery. Dis- gusting hypocrisy and deceit, contempt for the peo- ple and an uneasy criminal conscience manifest them- selves in this official piety. It has no other purpose than the sanctification of falsehood, the adoration of brutality, the deification of Wilhelm II." Immoralism, the pseudo-philosophy of the Ger- man leaders of today, is naturally void of both honor and intellectual self-respect, and the whole structure of Prussian-inspired Pan-Germanism is based on guile, falsehood and perfidy, void of all real loyalty and is therefore doomed to destruction. Miihlon wrote in his diary on August 29th, 1914, that Prussia can never bring peace to Europe. "The Prussia of today can only sow a deeper hate among the European peoples and aggravate that hate into an obsession. She will steal everything — everything 46 THE GERMAN OBSESSION she can lay her hands on — and will hold fast to it. She will give away only what she attaches no im- portance to, and will make such gifts only at the expense of others. She will never take her foot off the neck of the conquered. She will force every alien civilization to reverence her barbarity. She believes only in the strong fist at home and abroad. She recognizes no power on earth but the power of compulsion." Under date of August 25th, 1914, Miihlon wrote, "The Germans have faith in their numerical superiority and their better military equipment. They do not believe, in fact, that they will win through bravery, strength, skill, or any other special moral quality. They are satisfied as soon as thejr may hope to have superior numbers ... It does not occur to them to be ashamed of their great superiority in numbers, when they use it to crush a weak opponent like Belgium. They cele- brate their achievements the more loudly and joy- ously, the greater their assurance is of overwhelm- ing strength. They are like barbarians who become intoxicated with victory, even if it has been achieved at the expense of defenseless opponents. With wild hurrahs they are already distributing in their tents the treasures and the captives taken as booty. But if a strong, courageous enemy of whose approach in their hour of victory they had had no warning, should surprise them, they would again take hasty flight to their swamps and forests and would be as content with these as they were formerly eager to roam all over the earth, mere vagrants, without any understanding of distances or world-relationship." And again, "With these raging barbarians (Prusso- Germans) progress and humanity count for noth- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 47 ing any more. Brutal force, not intellect; men (quantity), not quality are the deciding factors." Under date of August 31st, 1914, Miihlon wrote, "As long as the aims and ends of politics are not at one with the plain fundamentals of general human morals, so long will statesmanship remain a crimi- nal trade. Today the dogma obtains with all the servants of the state that their highest duty is to be useful to the state. This obligation sanctifies all means. Perfidy, lying, forgery, deception, treach- ery, corruption and murder are no longer loathed where the state is concerned. But whence do we derive the right to set the state to which we belong above other states and peoples, and to consider its interests superior to the clearest moral com- mands? Are we first of all human beings? Have we not the same duty to perform to all men? The state idea in its present-day form separates men artificially from one another and creates all sorts of hateful distinctions between them. The modern state wishes its subjects to be, in relation to other peoples, brutal, covetous, envious, obtuse and big- oted. . . . If we want to restore to mankind its most essential basis — which is mutual confidence — we must, above all things, combat the idea that there may be a different morality for different individuals or for different human institutions. Equality in this respect must be the rule. If states lose thereby in sharpness and individuality of outline, it will be all the better for the world. . . . You cannot ap- peal to the sense of justice of the people when you ask it to defend the unrighteous conduct of the state." William L. McPherson well says that Miihlon, a real German patriot, in his diary written July- 48 THE GERMAN OBSESSION November, 1914, has indicted the whole pohtical, social and moral structure of modern Germany. "He has arraigned its governmental system repres- sive of individualism, of freedom of speech and inde- pendence of thought ; its abhorrent conception of a state superior to human feelings and moral laws; its deliberate policj^ of military aggrandizement ; its paganism ; the greed and arrogance of German in- dustrialism ; the sterility of German intellectualism ; the degradation of the German press; the servility and hypocrisy of German social life — 'in short, the many-sided degeneration of the German character." Germany is cursed today by its intolerant and exclusive nationalism. Its people are patriotic, but their loyalty is restricted to country, and their Pan- German ideals have been forced into their minds and kept there by the state through every conceiv- able means of education and propaganda. The case of Germany is a case for an alienist, for the minds of the people have been guided, guarded and forced by external authority into an irresponsible condi- tion. They are not an uncivilized people, but are obsessed with a "philosophy" of scientific savagery; in their personal relations they are as human as many other great peoples, but collectively, acting as a state, they suffer with a tragic mania analogous to those mental epidemics of the Middle Ages when fanaticism, usually religious, sent entire communi- ties into various forms of madness. It has been well said, "Prussia puts its uniform not only on German bodies but on their brains. China built a stone wall ; Germany a wall of the mind." The German Intellectuals — professors, teachers, writers and pastors, glibly repeat with the unvarj- ing monotony of enfettered and benumbed minds. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 49 the creeds and confessions of faith of Hohenzollern- ism. Prussianism is analogous in the secular sphere to the sacerdotalism of the days of irreligious super- stition, and the written or spoken words of Prusso- German Intellectuals are merely the incantations of a mentally stupefied corps of dynastic serfs who blindly obey their lord and master, and with atro- phied minds or with time-serving unscrupulousness, repeat in their sphere of influence as "authorities," the messages which they have received from their Emperor — the anointed of God. The German writer of J' Accuse! has well said, "As the dervishes in the East, for hours at a time, utter the same formulae of prayer and go through the same contortions . . . until at last they fall down foaming at the mouth and overpowered, so now we have seen the learned men of Germany re- peating for months (years) past the same patriotic litanies, the same unproved assertions — assertions of which the contrary is proved. . . . They over- power themselves with their own phrases, until they foam at the mouth from sheer patriotism, and fall down in adoration of themselves. But they will in time awake from their stupefaction and the wild in- toxication will be followed by the terrible discom- fort of returning sobriety." The Utopia of Prussianism lies on the sea of death ; if a nation devoted to the false ideal does not save itself by the promptings of the soul of its peo- ple, it is doomed to utter extinction. The German people alone can save themselves; the steady driv- ing and subtle application of authoritative thought for many decades, have made a people so politically docile and amazingly credulous that it will take a severe mental shock to arouse them from their ob- session and convince them of their folly. III. The Hohenzollern Curse PRINCE VON BULOW well defined the aspirations of HohenzoUernism when he said, "The Kaiser first in Prussia, Prussia first in Germany, and Germany first in the world." This is the sort of subtle, authoritative suggestion that has obsessed and poisoned German minds. A na- tionalism founded upon militarism and supported by the army, has created an autocracy of the sword that makes the despot possible. National arrogance and intolerance, the result of a religion of national- ism and a philosophy of force, have numbed the soul of a people and entrusted the well-being of a great nation to a fanatical advocate of blood and iron, who stands for "War, conquest, and world dominion" and claims the "divine right" to rule and kill. Pan-Germanism has made militaristic Germany possible, and the army keeps the Kaiser on his bloody throne. When Wilhelm II ascended the throne (July 15th, 1888) he first addressed a proc- lamation to his army in which he said, "We belong together, I and my army, so we were born together, and so will we firmly and inseparably hold fast to one another, whether it is God's will to give us peace or storm." In Germany everything is mobil- ized, even religion, so the Kaiser becomes the mouth- piece and instrument of God. "We Hohenzollerns take our crown from God alone. . . . The spirit THE GERMAN OBSESSION 51 of the Lord has descended upon me because I am Emperor of the Germans. I am the instrument of the Almighty ! I am His sword, His agent. . . . Woe and death to all those who shall oppose my will! Woe and death to those who do not believe in my mission! . . . Let them perish, all the enemies of the German people! God demands their destruction! God, who by my mouth, bids you (the army) do His will." Thus speaks the guiding spirit in the most monstrous crime of all ages. Thus speaks the despot whose bloody hands are reaching for the throat of democracy, and who has the effrontery and depravity to connect God's name with the unrestrained passion and ambition of the Blond Beast of Prussia. This bombastic monarch of a warrior dynasty, breathing fire and threatening with blood and iron, is the latest of a line of militaristic emperors, every one of whom, since Frederick Wilhelm (1640-1688) first organized the army, has died in his comfortable bed. Since the days of Frederick the Great, these Hohenzollerns, who have caused the death of mil- lions of innocent men — victims of their ruthless avarice and diabolical ambitions, have fought by proxy and in positions of absolute safety, for, where- as the lives of all other men are of no importance, their own lives are sacred — to themselves. The German Crown Prince, Wilhelm, who talks of "a place in the sun" and urges as a motto pro patria et glotia, said in an address to his Danzig Hussars, "It is possible for me to be separated from you, but my heart and my spirit remain yours. If, some day, the Emperor calls and the bugle sounds the 'charge,' then I ask you to think of him whose most ardent wish it has always been to be allowed to share at 52 THE GERMAN OBSESSION your side this supreme moment of a soldier's happi- ness." The bugle sounded. At last donnerwetter! it became the real thing, — the fight that the fire- eating Crown Prince, the undisputed leader of the German Chauvinists, desired above all things in the world. The Deathshead Hussars charged into death and were mown down like stalks of corn. "But where," a German writer has asked, "was the gallant royal Colonel of cavalry? Why did he, who still today wears the effective uniform of his hussars, not put himself at their head with a 'hur- rah,' against the enemy? Why did he allow to pass ungarnered the 'supreme moment of a soldier's happiness?' " Prince Wilhelm has not only kept himself in a place of safety, far in the rear, but with peculiarly dynastic egoism, has handicapped the German armies by his bad generalship. If he had not been the Emperor's son, he would long ago have been humiliated and removed from his command for incompetency. The Hohenzollerns are medieval in their ideas of war, with this exception, that in medieval times kings led their armies, — Noblesse oblige! History gives a long and impressive list of kings slain in bat- tle: Hardrada, of Norway, at Stamford bridge, 1066; Harold of England, at Hastings, 1066; Rich- ard I, of England, besieging the castle of Chalus- Chabrol, 1199; John, of Bohemia, at Crecy in Picardy, 1346; Richard III, of England, at Bos- worth Field, 1485; James IV, of Scotland, at Flod- den Field, 1513; Gustavus Adolphus, of Sweden, at Liitzen, 1632; Charles XII, of Sweden, at the siege of the Fortress of Friedrichshall, 1718; etc., etc. The Hohenzollerns must be credited with that degree of Prusso-German modernity which moves THE GERMAN OBSESSION 53 them to exercise their royal prerogative and stay- behind in battle in a place of safety, while urging their men forward to death. The HohenzoUern doctrine of self-preservation is followed by the Prus- sian Junkers, and, therefore, by officers of the Im- perial German Army; whereas the officers of most national armies lead their men to battle, German officers keep in the rear of their forces and drive their men to fight ; the difference is significant. Pastor Drysander wired from Switzerland asking the German Emperor for a statement of the casual- ties sustained by the members of the Imperial fam- ily in the great war ; he stated that practically every family in Germany had lost some or many of their men and youths, and he would like to know in com- parison, how the ruling house of the land, and par- ticularly the Kaiser and his immediate family of six sons had fared. Of course Pastor Drysander is still waiting for a reply. An American wag has said that, for actual fighting purposes, all dynasties are drafted in Class 23Z. Let the record stand and mark the rating hereafter, not only in military but in political life. If dynasties continue to maintain their thrones, and if at some future time "their su- perior blueblood should boil red in a combat," then it is to be hoped that the people will have the wis- dom to appreciate the philosophy of the old poem, "If Kings would show their might Let those who make the quarrel Be the only ones to fight." With psychological subtlety. Kaiser Wilhelm uses the possessive pronoun of the first person whenever he refers to any of the armed forces of Germany, and he reiterates on every possible occa- 54 THE GERMAN OBSESSION sion that the prime quahty of a German soldier, or sailor of the fleet, must be loyalty to his "sacred" person, with unconditional, blind and unfaltering obedience ; and this not only in war but in times of peace, and not only in matters pertaining to the foreigner but also in the event of internal emer- gencies. The German army is a royal and imperial body-guard, an instrument to safeguard the dynasty of the Hohenzollerns, and a weapon to be used in their self-interest. Prior to the French Revolution, all armies were dynastic, and the soldiers fought not so much for love of country as from a sense of duty, and because they were recruited and paid to fight by their royal lords and masters. Armies were generally a hetero- geneous lot of mercenaries and adventurers, and, at times, were rented out by kings to fight in an in- ternational quarrel on the side of the highest bidder. The Revolution resulted in the nationalizing of the French army; the dynastic army of Louis XVI, which was composed of mere royal hirelings who fought for pay and from a sense of duty to their master, was replaced by an army of Frenchmen who loved their country and swore fealty, not to a mon- arch, but to their land and its Constitution. A national army is in reality an army of citizens, armed for the defense of their country; they not only have the duty and responsibility of defending their country, but they also jmssess as citizens the right to express their part in the government of their country. The French Constitution of 1791 ex- presses the most worthy ideal of the first real Na- tional Army. "The French nation expressly de- clares that it renounces any idea of waging war with the intent of making conquests, and will never em- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 55 ploy its power against the liberty of another peo- ple." Napoleon found an immense army raised upon the basic idea of universal military service and ani- mated more by love of country than thought of pay or adventure. He perceived its power, abused the principle and intrinsic purpose that led to its for- mation, and betrayed the people. With devilish am- bition he proceeded to plans of conquest, and was soon waging dynastic wars of subjugation with an army made powerful by the cohesive and patriotic spirit of nationalism, grown fanatical and arrogant in power and military success. Napoleon took a citizen-army who beheved, in their ignorance, that they were fighting for democracy, and with it built a dynasty. The first Prussian King, Frederick Wilhelm I, founded the standing dynastic army with which his grandson, Frederick the Great, constantly menaced Europe, and plunged most of the civiHzed world into a seven-year war. Napoleon's national army triumphed over all the dynastic armies it encoun- tered in its continental campaigns, and it was not until Stein, Scharnhorst and Gneisenau had organ- ized for Prussia its first National Army, copied somewhat after the French pattern, that the victory of Prussia and her allies over Napoleon was ren- dered possible. The citizen army of France degenerated in na- tional idealism under Napoleon I ; until, under Na- poleon III, it unsuccessfully fought for positive dynastic interests. The Prussian Army was nation- alized in regard to its fighting spirit and permeated with a fervid devotion of the soldiers to their coun- try; it was not a real citizen army but a deceiving 56 THE GERMAN OBSESSION imitation of one, and its members were obsessed with the idea of Prussian supremacy and glorifica- tion. WiUiam I of Prussia defeated Austria in 1866, and France under Napoleon III in 1870- 1871; he entered Paris, obtained territorial gains and a large war indemnity, overthrew the Napo- leonic dynasty, and by so doing made France a real democracy with spirit and ideals, and for himself a powerful dynasty, built and sustained by an army carried away with a perverted sense of loyalty. It is this dynasty, with its despotic absolutism, that is trying to dam up the streams of human progress and must, therefore, be overthrown, like every other obstruction to true civilization that has had to be removed to make the path clear for the onward march of the people. The army of Germany is in reality feudal, not national; it is dynastic, not democratic. Delbriick in Regierung und Vulkswille writes "Where lies, after all, the true power? It lies in arms. The ques- tion by which to decide the inner character of a state is, accordingly, always whom does the army obey?" Hermann Fernau has rightly said that the army is the basis and the most indispensable bulwark of a dynasty; every dynasty that has been brought into being by means of an army can only raise itself to power and prestige by the aid of an army, and cannot endure without a military protecting force. "The Prusso-German soldiers, as in bygone days, swear their oaths to the Colors, not upon the Con- stitution of their country, hut to the King and Em- peror, as their War Lord. They swear according to Article 64 of the German Imperial Constitution, 'to render unconditional obedience to the orders of the Emperor/ " And, in order to put the matter THE GERMAN OBSESSION 57 beyond doubt, paragi*aph 108 of the Prussian Con- stitution expressly adds: ''A swearing-in of the army upon the Constitution of the country does not take place." That the world has generally advanced in its ap- preciation and acknowledgment of the rights of man, is evidenced by the existing democratic forms of government in progressive states ; but that Teu- tonia is still living in the despotic atmosphere of the dark ages is evidenced by the Prussian Kaiser's dynastic and medieval attitude toward the German army. The contrast of these two view points is well illustrated by comparing a letter ordered to he writ- ten by Kaiser Wilhelm II to a German mother who has lost nine sons in the war, with the personal let- ter written by our President Lincoln to Mrs. Bixby, who had lost five sons in the civil war. The German letter ordered to be written by "God's anointed" reads: "His Majesty, the Kaiser hears that you have sacrificed nine sons in defense of the father- land in the present war. His Majesty is immensely gratified at the fact, and in recognition is pleased to send you his photograph with frame and auto- graph signature." When Lincoln was shown in the files of the War Department a statement of the Adjutant General of Massachusetts that a Mrs. Bixby had lost five sons on the field of battle, with a heart full of sorrow and real human sympathy, he wrote to her: "I feel how weak and fruitless must be any words of mine which should attempt to be- guile you from the grief of a loss so overwhelming. But I cannot refrain from tendering to you the consolation that may be found in the thanks of the Republic they died to save. I pray that our Heav- enly Father may assuage the anguish of your be- 58 THE GERMAN OBSESSION reavement and leave you only the cherished mem- ory of the loved and lost, and the solemn pride that must be yours to have laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar of freedom." The great potentate who rules by "divine right" could not sacrifice his dignity for a moment; he could not write personally to a humble subject, but he orders that a letter be written. The Emperor "by the grace of God" does not express sorrow or sympathy with a heart-broken widow in her over- whelming bereavement, but is "immensely grati- fied," and poor Frau Meter, destitute and alone in the world, and an object of charity in Delmenliors- Oldenburg, receives from the greatest egoist of all time neither sjnmpathy nor pecuniary rehef, — only "his photograph." Lincoln was not "immensely gratified," he was deeply and sincerely grieved, and it never occurred to him that his "photograph with autograph signature" would relieve the desolation of Mrs. Bixby. The German army is not an instrument represen- tative of the will of the people and created for their use ; it is of the people but it does not exist for the people, and is assuredly not controlled by the peo- ple. It is a powerful tool of the Emperor whose control of the army is absolute ; those who compose the army and defray its cost — the German citizens — have no voice whatsoever either in its organiza- tion, or in its employment. On November 23rd, 1891, Kaiser Wilhelm II, in addressing newly-sworn recruits, said, "More than ever before, unbelief and dissatisfaction lift their heads in the fatherland, and the occasion may arise when you will have to shoot or bayonet your own brothers and relatives. Then seal your allegi- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 59 ance with the sacrifice of your heart's blood." Here we have a brazen and diabohcal advocacy of fidehty to King being placed far above loyalty to country, to ideals, to humanity, to one's fellows, to one's flesh and blood, and to one's loved ones. In ad- dressing the army, the Emperor insists primarily on the duty of obedience and unfaltering loyalty to himself. On one occasion, in addressing recruits, he remarked, "Your duty is not easy; it demands of you self-control and self-denial — the two highest qualities of the Christian, also unlimited obedience and submission to the will of your superiors. As I, Emperor and ruler, devote the whole of my action and ambitions to the fatherland, so you 7?iust devote your whole life to me;" and again, "There is but one law and that is my will." At Breslau, on December 2nd, 1896, the German Kaiser declared to his soldiers, "The more people shelter themselves behind catch-words and party- considerations, the more firmly and securely do I count upon my army, and the more confidently do I hope that 7ny army, either without or within 7}iy realm, will wait upon my wishes and my behests," and again, in addressing the troops at Berlin on November 16th, 1893, he said, "You have the honor to belong to my guard and to stand in and about my residence and my capital. You are called upon, in the first place, to protect me against internal and external foes," and again on June 15th, 1898, at Potsdam, "I assumed the crown with a heavy heart; my capacity was everywhere doubted, and every- where I was wrongly judged. Only one had confi- dence in me, only one believed in me, and that was the army ; and, with its support, and trusting in our old God, I undertook my responsible office, knowing 60 THE GERMAN OBSESSION full well that the army is the mainstay of my coun- try and the chief pillar of the Prussian throne, to which God in His wisdom has summoned me." The people have no right in the choice of a ruler, the Kaiser rules despotically by God's will ; the peo- ple have no voice in military matters, for the army is the means which God uses to enforce His decrees and keep His divine representative on earth upon the German throne. "The soldiers and the army," said Wilhelm II, in Berlin, April 18th, 1891, "and not parliamentary majorities and resolutions have welded together the German empire. My trust I place in my army." And on October 11th, 1894, he remarked, "Just as at that time" (the reign of his grandfather, Wilhelm I) "so now, too, distrust and discord are rife among the people. The only pillar on which our empire rested then was the army. So it is today." No living monarch has said or done more to revive the medieval fetish of the "divine right" of kings than Wilhelm II of Germany. To his soldiers he recently said: "You think each day of your Emperor. Do not forget God," — a lesser, but still rather important potentate. In a speech at Konigsberg, on August 25th, 1910, Wilhelm II boldly and intolerantly asserted that his grandfather had "placed by his own right the crown of the kings of Prussia upon his head, once again laying stress upon the fact that it was con- ferred upon him by the grace of God alone, and not by parliaments, popular assemblies, or popular reso- lutions, and that he considered himself the chosen instrument of Heaven, and as such, performed his duties as regent and as ruler." This reminds one of the declaration of Louis XIV of France, who, Dulaure tells us, once interrupted a judge who used THE GERMAN OBSESSION 61 the expression "The King and the State," by pas- sionately saying, "The State! I am the state" This pohcy of despotic absolutism later led to the over- throw of the French dynasty which, like the Hohen- zollerns, had sought to enslave a great people. Gustav Freytag, in referring especially to the Hohenzollern dynasty, said, "To stand above oth- ers as the God of Battles and as the earthly Fate of hundreds of thousands, renders the best and noblest man at last susceptible to the hateful idea : I am the State!" Bethmann-HoUweg defended Emperor Wilhelm II against attacks in the Reichstag regarding his Konigsberg speech on divine right, and boldly said that "The Emperor's declarations as to the rights and duties of Prussian sovereigns were in no way incompatible with the Prussian Constitution, which did not recognize the sovereignty of the people." The Chancellor also said that "Prussia could not allow herself to be towed into the waters of Parlia- mentary government, while the power of the mon- archy remained unbroken. That power of the mon- archy which had always made it its proud tradition to be a kingdom for all, would not be tampered with." Prince von Biilow, the predecessor of Bethmann-HoUweg in office, in November, 1906, clearly stated his master's views, when he announced in the Reichstag that ministerial responsibility to the people or their elected representatives was im- possible in Germany. "The Ministers are not the organs of Parliament and its temporary majority. They are the men who possess the confidence of the crown, and the legislative ordinances are the ordi- nances of the government and the monarch." King Frederick Wilhelm IV of Prussia, (who 62 THE GERMAN OBSESSION reigned from 1840 to 1861 and went mad in 1857), was elected "Hereditary Emperor of the Germans" by the Frankfort Diet in 1849. He refused the honor, which would have been quite nominal, on the ground that he could not accept it from the people — ^whom he also accused of being revolutionary in their democratic ideas, — but only from his peers, i. e., from princes of noble birth. This mental atti- tude is peculiarly HohenzoUern ; the masses of hu- manity and the common people are subjects and vassals, and as such have no rights in the choice of masters or of government. Kings acquire serfs by conquest and barter, and the slaves of dynasties, or the people who inhabit the territory of a king, can- not elect their masters or choose whom they will serve ; property cannot select its owner. The ruler of a people is determined by God, not by the popu- lar will of the people themselves. If states wish to consolidate or become federated in order to increase their power, then the decision in regard to the com- bination must be made only by the princes or rulers of the individual states, for such federation is some- thing in which, dynasties insist, the people should have absolutely no voice. The Prussian Kings always aspired to be Ger- man or Teuton Emperors, but they insisted on Im- perial power with the office ; an honorary title with nominal power was not appealing. Bismarck founded the German Empire for the Hohenzollerns on Machiavellian diplomacy and the Prussian sword. King Wilhelrn IV refused the title of Em- peror at the hands of the people in 1849; in 1871 King Wilhelm I, sword in hand, crowned himself German Emperor, not on German soil and not amid, or with the consent of the German people, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 63 but surrounded by his army in the land of a foreign power, and amidst the acclamation of German Princes. The militarism and the unscrupulous des- potic autocracy of Prussianism were fastened upon the rest of Germany by the sword, — by blood and iron ; and Prussian deference to authority, Prussian capacity for discipline, and Prussian concentration on material aims, supplanted the idealism and inde- pendence of Southern Germany, and became the leading principles and characteristics of the Ger- man Empire-State. The German Kaiser says he rules "by the grace of God alone, and not by Parliaments, popular as- semblies and popular resolutions." This statement is purely dynastic and is the spirit of an era long since past. There is a striking similarity in spirit between this saying and the famous words of Bis- marck uttered on his ascension to power in 1862, in which he described dynastic methods and fore- shadowed the future policy of the Hohenzollerns — (whom he alone lifted from humiliation to power) — "The great questions are to be settled not by speeches and majority resolutions, but by blood and iron," i. e., the great questions will not be presented at all to the Reichstag for discussion or action, but will be settled by the dynasty and the government, — or Ministers personally responsible to the dy- nasty, — and this by the threat of force or by the use of the army. The army is the instrument of the dynasty, not of the people ; it is the tool of the King and Emperor, and will be used at home or abroad to enforce his will. It is interesting to learn more or less authorita- tively that the German God is today opposed to de- mocracy and universal suffrage in Prusso-Germany. 64 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Pastor Bohmerle in the Reichs-Gottes-Boten (which might be translated as ''God's Imperial Pri- vate Wire") rejoicing over the defeat in the Prus- sian Landtag of the proposal for equal suffrage says, "We cannot regard it as anything less than a saving act of God. In this matter we have no parti- san interests, nor even political viewpoints, but only the interests of faith. We believe that it is in oppo- sition to every divine order to value all men upon an equal basis, and that such an act of irreligion would be bound to bring a curse upon us." Thus the Prus- sian church and state are centuries behind the lead- ing and progressive thought of the world, and far from the great American conception that "All men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." In 1890, Wilhelm II arrogantly declared, "The Kaiser's will is the highest law." Ten years later he said, "Looking upon myself as the instrument of the Lord, without regard to the opinions or inten- tions of the day, I go my way." And again at Ber- lin in March, 1890, "One only is master within the Empire and I will tolerate no other. ... I heartily welcome those who wish to aid me in my endeavors, whoever they may be" (provided they become my serfs), "but those who oppose me in my work I wiU crush." These words were particularly significant as they were uttered immediately after the young Emperor had humiliated Bismarck, the Iron Chancellor, and the people's idol, and obtained his resignation from office, because Bismarck had a mind of his own and had frowned upon Wilhelm's foreign territorial ambitions, protested against his erratic talkative- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 65 ness and dramatic actions, and finally insisted on the Emperor's conformity to well-established rules and precedents. The final break came when, upon Willielm's return from a visit to the Turkish Sultan, Abdul-Hamid, which was the beginning of a con- nection that lead to the German domination of Tur- key, the Berlin-Bagdad railroad scheme and the Mittel-europa idea — the Emperor not only declared, in conversation with Bismarck, that there could only be one autocrat in Germany and he was determined to be that person, but even had the effrontery to question Bismarck's good taste and Imperial loy- alty in receiving democrats in his home. This was the last straw; Bismarck retorted that not even a German Emperor could dictate to him or his wife whom they should receive as guests in their draw- ing-room. Bismarck lived for several years to see how the Constitution, which he had himself created, worked in the hands of an impulsive and ambitious Emperor — more noted for indiscretion than for wis- dom — who was determined to be the absolute auto- crat of the realm. Bismarck saw that awful despotic power, for which he himself was responsible, pass into incom- petent, erratic and vainglorious hands, and he feared the inevitable outcome upon Germany and the rest of the world. "Not only military equipment," he wrote, in Reflections and Reminiscences, "but also a correct political eye will be required to guide the German ship of state through the currents of coali- tion to which we are exposed iri consequence of our geographical position and our previous history. . . . Former rulers looked more to the capacity than the obedience of their advisers/' (Bismarck's constitution really made the Minister and Chan- 66 THE GERMAN OBSESSION cellor, i. e., himself, the real despot) "if obedience alone is the criterion, then demands will be made upon the general ability of the monarch which even Frederick the Great himself would not satisfy, al- though in his time politics both in war and peace were less difficult than they are today." In his old age, realizing the dangers of the tyrannous system for which he was responsible, Bismarck made the remarkable avowal, "If I were not a Christian, I would be a Republican." After the dismissal of Bismarck, the Emperor announced that he was going to abandon the Bis- marckian traditions and inaugurate a world-policy instead of a European policy. "My course," he said, "is the right one and I shall follow it." Providence and the German God, he declared, had decreed that the German people under his guidance should lead the world, therefore he was determined that Ger- many must assert her power and must exercise her influence in every part of the globe. "We are the salt of the earth;" "I will lead you to glorious times." The German foreign policy since 1890 was expressed by the Emperor himself, "Nothing must henceforth be settled in the world without the inter- vention of Germany and the German Emperor. . . . I shall not rest until I have brought my fleet to the same standard as mj^ army;" "The tri- dent ought to be in our fist." And again, "With- out Germany and the German Emperor no great decision dare henceforth be taken" in any part of the world. "To this end it is my duty and my finest privilege to use the proper and, if necessary, the most drastic means without fear of consequences." To the soldiers in reserve behind the battle front the Kaiser declared: "We are fighting the fight of light THE GERMAN OBSESSION 67 against darkness. . . . Our will is bent toward the good, and to the upright of spirit — the Germans — God will surely allot success," and Karl von Win- terstetten (Dr. Albrecht Ritter) writes (1914), "When the German Emperor is crowned with vic- tory, then what he promised us in his youthful days will stand forth as a great accomplished fact. 'I am leading you to days of glory.' Let us forget all our discontent of former times, and let us thank our fate, which has guided us through darkness into light. Henceforth the German shall be the proud- est and greatest man on earth." The German Kaiser places the army in relative importance far above the people, and this is but natural since his throne depends upon the army. The people might become so bold as to question and reason with him ; they might claim the ordinary and political and moral rights to which all peoples are entitled, but the army has been trained to obey, and is officered by a privileged military class to enforce obedience. When Wilhelm II ascended the throne, he first addressed his army, then his navy, and last of all — three days later — "my peo- ple." At Kiel, on December 3rd, 1894, he declared to his soldiers, "You wear the Emperor's coat, therefore you are raised above other men." And upon the occasion of addressing the Royal Guard in 1898, the German Kaiser said, "The most im- portant heritage which my noble grandfather and father left me is the army, and I received it with pride and joy. To it I addressed the first decree when I mounted the throne. . . . And upon leaving it, trusting our old God, I took up my heavy charge, knowing well that the army was the main support of my country, the main support 68 THE GERMAN OBSESSION of the Prussian throne, to which the decision of God has called me." At Berlin, on March 5th, 1890, Wilhehn II said that he saw "in the people and the country which I have inherited, a talent entrusted to me by God, which — as it is written in the Bible — it is my duty to increase." On April 21st, at Bremen, he remarked that what Germany had achieved was primarily due to the fact that "in our house we regard ourselves as appointed by God to reign over the peoples whom we have been called to rule, and to guide them in accordance with their welfare and the furtherance of their material and spiritual interests." At Berhn, on February 20th, 1891, Kaiser Wilhelm reiterated his divine mission and responsibility, "I regard my whole position and my mission as one entrusted to me by God, and I am called to execute the mandates of a Higher Being to whom I shall hereafter have to render account." To rule by "divine right" is to govern arbitrarily and oppose the real will of the people, by super- stition, and, if needs be, — by force. He who claims to rule as God's anointed or appointed rep- resentative is beyond the moral law of mortal man ; he enjoys intercourse with the Divine and can claim for himself peculiar guidance and a separate, lofty ethical code. It has been well said that the dynasty by God's grace is lawlessness reduced to legal form, and that dynasties endued with divine preogatives are adventurers ; their conception of the world and of humanity is primitive and pagan. "The purely instinctive impulse of dynasties is for self-preservation and self-aggrandizement." At Konigsberg, on September 6th, 1894, Wil- helm II said, "The descendant of him, who by his THE GERMAN OBSESSION 69 own right became sovereign duke in Prussia, will pursue the same paths as his immortal ancestor; just as the first king said, 'My crown, I have myself created,' and his illustrious son established his authority as a 'rock of bronze,' so do I, like my Imperial grandfather, represent the monarchy by divine right." Ever since the German Emperor dismissed Bismarck he has been the undisputed, absolute ruler of the realm, making and discarding his Ministers, as their policy diverged from his or became too unpopular. At every crisis, the will of the Kaiser is supreme, and he it is who makes the final decision, and outlines or approves of every policy and important act. He firmly believes not only that he is the ruler of Germany, but that all Germans are his vassals, and that it is their reli- gious duty to micomplainingly and blindly, without comment or even individual thought, obey his every wish. "The King is King by God's grace and he is responsible only to the Lord." At Frankfort, in 1896, the Emperor said, "I call to mind the moment when my grandfather, as King by the grace of God, took the crown in one hand and the Imperial sword in the other, and gave honor to God alone, and from Him alone took the crown." And at Coblenz, on August 31st, 1897, the German Kaiser, talking of his grandfather, Wilhelm I, said, "He came forth from Coblenz on ascending the throne, as a chosen vessel of the Lord, and as such he regarded himself. For us all, and especially for us Princes, he has once more lifted on high a jewel and endowed it with gi'eater brilliancy, a jewel that we must keep high and holy; I mean the monarchy by God's grace. The mon- archy with its heavy duties, its never-ending, ever- 70 THE GERMAN OBSESSION continuing toil and labor, with its fearful responsi- bility to the Creator alone, from which no man, no minister, no house of deputies and no people can relieve its prince/' Kaiser Wilhelm II, on January 1st, 1900, expressed to the world his ambition for conquest by the power of might when he said, "You must in ceaseless labor offer all the powers of body and soul to the building up and development of our troops," and after speaking of the need of an effec- tive navy as well as army, if they are to be a domi- nant world-power, he adds that when both branches of the service are ready, "I hope to be in a position, firmly trusting in the leadership of God, to carry into effect the saying of Frederick Wilhelm I, 'If one wishes to decide anything in the world it cannot be done with the pen, unless the pen is supported by the force of the sword.' " Who are the Hohenzollerns who claim to be appointed by God to rule the world? They them- selves claim descent from a Count Thassilo — an obscure baron — who is said to have lived in the ninth century in a castle near Hechingen on the Zollern Heights. Ignoring all genealogical myths and unsubstantiated claims prompted by egoism, they are first definitely placed in history when they became connected with the land which is now part of Prussia. In 1415, Frederick Hohenzollern, the Burgrave (burg-graf, i. e., the governor of a castle or fortified town) of Nuremburg, and a man of good business abihty, received from the Emperor Sigis- mund, of Germanj^ and the Holy Roman Empire, for cash and in payment for services rendered, the sandy tract of land lying between the Middle Elbe and Lower Oder and stretching across their THE GERMAN OBSESSION 71 banks. This land was known as the Mark of Bran- denburg, — a Mark being a strip of land on the border of a country or frontier where, for national safety, the military power had to be maintained. Frederick Hohenzollern, the Governor of a town where he had little chance to further realize his ambition for power, therefore became a Margrave (Mark-graf, i. e., military governor of a part of the border) on the outskirts of the Empire where he could expand his domain at the expense of neighbors and foreigners, without directly antago- nizing his liege lord, the Emperor. With the aid of a family statute which made primogeniture the rule of succession for Brandenburg, the Hohenzol- lerns refused to follow the German custom of equal inheritance. Imbued with the idea of family great- ness and power, and by careful watching of opportunities, by purchases, covenants and mar- riage, in two centuries the domain of Brandenburg was quadrupled. When the Thirty -year War broke out and the modern history of Prussia began, the head of the Hohenzollern family, because of the business ability, thrift, far-sightedness and ambi- tions of his forefathers, and their success in poHtics, had become one of the seven Electors of the Em- pire, and held sway over an area almost as large as the state of Maine. After the war, Frederick Wilhelm (1640-1688), the great-grandfather of Frederick the Great, succeeded his father, the Elector George Wilhelm (1619-1640), a deplorably weak man; and vigor- ously pursuing the old Hohenzollern policy of family aggi'andizement, earned for himself the title of the "Great Elector" and the place of the first hero of the Prussian state. Frederick Wilhelm 72 THE GERMAN OBSESSION is described as "coarse by nature, heartless in destroying opponents, treacherous in diplomatic negotiations, and entirely devoid of refinement." He organized the Prussian army and commenced to acquire territory and power by might, rather than follow the poHcy of his ancestors who had grown strong by thrift, politics and the use of their scheming brains. He took East Prussia from Poland and drove the Swedes out of the land. The son of the Great Elector was Frederick, weak and vain, who ruled from 1688 to 1713, and as a result of services rendered by his army to the Emperor, he prevailed upon him to make him King of Prussia in 1701. Frederick I crowned himself at Konigsburg, and Austria soon had cause to regret the means she adopted of paying a foolish, feeble and pompous noble for the use of his army. From the first the Crown aggrandized the Hohen- zollern dynasty. It concentrated their ambitions, enlarged their horizon and gave them, as the "Lord's anointed," a new claim upon the fidelity of their subjects. The son of Frederick I was Frederick Wilhehn I (1713-1740), who finally established the royal power. He was a cruel bully, violent, rough and arrogant, and was determined to build up an in- vincible Military Machine for further conquest. He scoui'ed all Europe in search of tall men for his armies, even selling the royal jewels and turn- ing the family plate into money in order to defray the cost. Frederick Wilhehn increased the Prus- sian army until it consisted of 83,000 well-trained men, which was in those days a tremendous force for a country of two and a half milhon people. His son, Frederick II — the Great, — who ruled from 1740 to THE GERMAN OBSESSION 73 1786, inherited the army, still further developed it, and used it to acquire territory by force and as a constant menace to the peace of the world. Frederick II brutally wrenched Silesia from Maria Theresa, the helpless young Empress of Austria, without the pretense of an excuse, and the shameful partition of Poland was successfully begun. Mili- tarism, a forceful tool of unbridled ambition, prac- tically doubled the size of Prussia during the life- time of the powerful, much-talking but unprinci- pled, Frederick. The present Kaiser, his methods and aspirations have their prototype in Frederick II, five generations back, and the sixth king before him. It is true that "History repeats itself," but the civilized world of the twentieth century will not tolerate the high-handed, brutal methods of 1740- 1763, and Wilhelm II will not succeed in bullying Europe as did his illustrious predecessor over a century and a half ago. "All the world knows what value to attach to the King of Prussia and his word," said Maria Theresa in 1742, "There is no sovereign in Europe who has not suffered from his perfidy. Under a despotism which repudiates every principle^, the Prussian monarchy will one day he the source of infinite calamity, not only to Germany hut to the whole of Europe." Was ever prophecy more literally fulfilled! But today it is not only the whole of Europe but the entire world that is involved in the calamity of the Prussian curse. Five centuries ago, the "divine right" Hohen- zollerns were thrifty and successful burghers; today, they affirm that they are chosen by God to dominate their fellows. The territory they ac- quired by purchase and shrewdness was a nucleus 74 THE GERMAN OBSESSION of an empire acquired by the sword, but to the mind of a Hohenzollern, the German Empire is their physical property, just as much as was the sandy tract originally acquired by Frederick Hohenzollern, the Burgrave of Nm-emburg; and the German people are the slaves that go with the territory. "Why should I serve the Hohenzol- lerns?" Bismarck once exclaimed in wrath, after suffering deep humiliation at the hands of the young Emperor Wilhelm II, "My family is as good as theirs. We have been here longer than they have." This is undoubtedly true. The Bis- marcks were pure Brandenburgers and are known to have been prominent in the old Mark for at least two centuries before the first Hohenzollern became Margrave and lord of the territory, and Prince Bismarck's ancestors stood out against the rule of the Great Elector. The chief difference, however, arises from the fact that one yeoman was more shrewd in business deals than the other; he saved his money and bought the lordship of a manor; and because of this thrift, business judg- ment and inordinate ambition that later made everything in life subordinate to the passion for power, the Hohenzollerns — bourgeois ennobled in the Middle Ages, — fought the Hapsburgs in the eighteenth century, rivaled and humiliated them in the nineteenth, and made them their vassals as they sought to subjugate all the free people of the world, in the twentieth. The German Kaiser, Wilhelm II, has been likened to Attila the Hun, Genseric the Vandal, and Alaric the Visigoth, — all Germans. His aspi- rations and methods are also analagous to those of Temujin (1155-1227), who changed his name at THE GERMAN OBSESSION 75 the suggestion of "The Son of Heaven" to Genghis Khan, or Khan of Khans — the ruler over the whole earth. Genghis became world-famous for three things: (1) He was a conqueror with insatiable ambitions for territory and power. (2) His con- quests were always accompanied with acts of appalling, revolting and unequaled barbarity; — toward the end of his life it was his proud boast that he had destroyed six million human beings. (3) He was a religious man, and a stern believer in his Tribal and exclusive God. But Attila, the barbarian, "The Scourge of God," and in his era the most formidable foe to the civilization of Europe, (who by a strange coinci- dence was beaten at the Marne, 451 A. D., in his campaign for European dominion), Alaric and Genseric who sacked and pillaged Rome and gave Christendom, in the fifth century, a taste of what we now know as Prussianism, and Genghis Khan the unspeakable Mongol-Tartar-Hun, have all been eclipsed in devilish depravity by Wilhelm Hohen- zollern. King of Prussia by the grace of God, and Emperor of Germany by the iron will and treach- ery of Bismarck and the military prowess of Moltke. When Wilhelm II, soon after his accession visited Oscar II of Sweden, that shrewd and obser- vant King remarked, "The young German Kaiser is another Nero." This was no mere epithet; it was a character study in a phrase. Renan, in his Antichrist, describes Nero as "the vainest and most ridiculous sovereign whom ever the hazard of events has brought into the foreground of history. . . . In Nero there was something at once terrifying and grotesque, grandiose and absurd. . . . 76 THE GERMAN OBSESSION The fantasies of all centuries . . . were jostled chaotically together in his brain, the feeble brain of a mediocre but self-sufficient artist, to whom chance had granted the power to realize all his wildest dreams. . . . Imagine a man . . . a mixture of lunatic, lackey and actor invested with universal power, and charged with the task of governing the world! ... It was assured beforehand that a nature which was vain, cunning, filled with desire for the immense, the infinite, but lacking all judgment, would meet with deplorable shipwreck. . . . It is one of the glories of Gaul that the downfall of such a tyrant should have been her work;" It is another of the glories of Gaul that the modern reincarnation of Nero should also fall by her hand. The mad Roman Emperor died by his own hand (68 A. D.), after being outlawed and declared by the Senate "an enemy of the Roman state and people;" and there was a popular legend that a moment before his death "the earth trembled as if it were rent open, and the souls of all those whom he had slain came and hurled themselves upon him. . . . When the hfe that parallels his in many respects shall come to its end, what an endless procession of ghosts will arise, if that last parallel should be maintained!" The German Kaiser is an ecclesiastic, being the Head of the United Church of Prussia (Protes- tant) founded in 1614. King Frederick Wilhelm III of Prussia, under date of Sept. 27th, 1817, published an appeal to his people, recommending a union of the Reformed (Calvinistic) and Luth- eran churches. It met with much opposition, but what did the protest amount to, when ministers THE GERMAN OBSESSION 77 were cast into prison or forced into exile, and churches were opened and pastors placed over the people with the aid of the military? After the Revolution of 1848, the Constitution of Prussia declared, "Each religious community administers its own affairs independently;" the Roman Catho- lics and the separated Lutherans obtained some freedom, but the State Church, i. e., the original Reformed (Calvinistic) church of the Elector of Brandenburg and the Hohenzollerns, which had by force, bribe and fear absorbed the original Luth- erans, still remained fettered and controlled by the state. The German Protestant church, as well as the educational establishments, have been Prussian- ized, while the dynasty plays politics with the Cath- olics or clericals. It is significant that the incum- bent of the Roman Holy See today is a political Pope and not a spiritual Pope like his sublime pre- decessor, who was sickened unto death by this horrible war that has cursed the whole of Chris- tendom. The German Emperor who once stood in Pales- tine within sight of the Mount of Olives and preached a sermon breathing of Christian humility, did not hesitate, in order to advance the Pan- German Mittel-europa idea, to clasp in fraternal greeting the bloody hand of the unspeakable Turk, who has reveled in Armenian outrages and massa- cres. The Kaiser of "Christian" Germany trained and officered the Turkish army, ignored the Turk's persistent atrocities, and secured from him con- cessions for the Berlin to Bagdad railroad. Wilhelm II surpassed himself, however, when as a "Christian" monarch he addressed his soldiers on "the Yellow Peril" before they set out for China 78 THE GERMAN OBSESSION on a punitive expedition. "When you encounter the enemy you will defeat him. No quarter shall be given, no prisoners shall be taken. Let all who fall into your hands be at your mercy. Just as the Huns a thousand years ago, under the leader- ship of Attila, gained a reputation because of which they still live in history, so may the name of Ger- many become known in such manner in China that no Chinaman will ever again dare to look askance at a German." After suffering much humiliation, China had finally used force against Occidental interference with her religion, customs and mode of life, hence this campaign of extermination that only a savage could conceive. James M. Beck has said that the campaign "was planned against the most pacific and unagressive race, the Chinese, for it is sadly true that the one nation which has more than any other been inspired for two thousand years by the spirit of 'peace on earth' is the hermit nation into which, until the nineteenth century, the light of Christianity never shone." The German Emperor's address to the troops to be despatched to punish "The Heathen Chinese" is peculiarly Prussian, and the same general spirit is constantly in evidence in Prussian military cam- paigns. The Intellectuals of Germany, in 1914, announced to the world that "the German troops, with their iron discipline, will respect the personal property and liberty of the individual in Belgium," but the record of unspeakable atrocities of the modern Huns will never be effaced from the minds of men. In this connection, it is of interest to mention the Order of the day issued by Gen. Sten- ger, Commander of the 38th Brigade, Aug. 26th, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 79 1914: "Beginning with today, no more prisoners are to be taken. All prisoners are to be put to death. The wounded, whether armed or not, are to be put to death; prisoners even when they are organized in large units are to be put to death. No living man is to remain behind us." This order clearly indicates that the German army is officered by men who obey "their master's voice." Today, wherever the German flag flies, the Hohenzollen dynasty, as far as human power can reach, is practically omnipotent. A German may be an atheist, think and express what he pleases of God, advocate the most depraved morals and unethical conduct, but he must respect the Kaiser and revere his name ; he can believe what he pleases about any matter except the dynasty, state and Constitution, but if he desires to live in Germany as a "free" man and a respected citizen, he must maintain that the dynasty is appointed by God, that the state is a model to all the peoples of the world, and that the Constitution is an ideal one, perfect in its conception and wonderfully practical and successful in its operation. There is no room for any individual, unfet- tered mind in Germany; after the paroxysms which shook Europe with the spirit of democracy, there was a general exodus of genius from the land when the dynasty, with devilish subtlety, false promises and a hypocritical guile — hiding from vulgar gaze a malicious mailed fist, — mentally and positively enslaved a people and placed a nation firmly under the absolute and tyrannous domina- tion of a despotic dynasty. The great Kant, who had republican ideas and abhorred war, was severely reprimanded, humiliated and silenced by 80 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the King. Fichte, who gave to the German people, when in adversity and under French domination, much of the fine spirit that gave them victory in the Wars of Liberation, was made to hold his peace as Napoleonism waned. The dynasty would not tolerate the doctrines of individual rights and democracy to be preached within the realm. They affirmed that the state is everything and the indi- vidual nothing, and the dynasty is the state. The philosophers who maintained that the state exists for the individual, not the individual for the state, and that political freedom is the foundation of all true culture, were hounded and banished. Hegel's doctrine that the state is a divine entity and that man is a mere stone in the structure, and cannot know what is good for him, pleased the dynasty; Hegel was loaded with honors and his so-called philosophy became the intellectual foun- dation on which Prussianism, as it exists today, was firmly built. Bismarck well illustrated the Hegel idea in political action. Leibnitz, Kant, Less- ing, Fichte and Humboldt had expressed the essentially democratic belief that the state should stand for liberty and justice. Hegel's watchword was "State and Politics," and his successor, Treit- schke, went further still, threw away all semblance of a mask, and boldly taught "The State is Power," and "Power is the Might of the Sword." The dynasty persecuted the unfettered and free-think- ing, individualistic minds of Germany, and created an "intellectual terrorism;" but Hegel, Treitschke, Stirner, Nietzsche and others gave the dynasty the philosopliical and scientific justification it needed to serve its selfish ends, and German professors and German writers and leaders of thought in the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 81 Empire sold their souls and birthrights for a miser- able "mess of pottage" to become the subsidized intellectual body-guard of the Hohenzollerns. College professors and leading educators of Ger- many are state-appointed officials: Schopenliauer ironically observed that a government can never be expected to place in teachers' positions those who teach the opposite of that which forms the founda- tion of their governing authority. Such philoso- phers as Hegel and Schelling, he affirmed, do not live for philosophy, but by it, and therefore such men can never be seriously regarded by fair-minded men as unprejudiced searchers for truth. Hermann Fernau, a banished German, speaks of the Teutonic "Champion of Culture," the "intellec- tual lieutenant in theHohenzoUern Guard, ready to obey at the word of command," and he writes, "German culture in the German Empire? No! A Ptolemic Cosmic system and superstitious theories which circle around the stationary level of their dynasty ; a graciously tolerated cloak of militarism ; a puerile phantom machine with 'energetic impera- tives' and thousands of empty phrases; a Ptolemic religion of fawning mandarins ; at the best, a mus- ing on pious sentiments and a splendid naivete of prophetic souls; here and there, perchance, a sub- servient attempt to curb the war-thirsty beast. Nothing more. . . . Among a hundred there is hardly one who dares to play the man; slaves, who carry their master's whips: pedants who belaud as liberty what all the rest of the world has long felt to be serfdom; acrobats and court jesters who are permitted by their guard lords to present all manner of burlesque of freedom to the people; . . . Learning without character, 82 THE GERMAN OBSESSION knowledge without conscience, organization with- out humanity, disciphne without liberty, ideal without dignity; such is the result of a mental development that, commencing with the disappear- ance of Weimar Germanism and politically trained by Metternich, Bismarck and Wilhelm II, and, intellectually, by Hegel, Treitschke and their dis- ciples, could only play its part as a protecting power of the dynasty. It has shown the culmina- tion of this development in a complete victory of Potsdam over Weimar." And what has the German people to say of this Emperor who places the military before the civil population, who boldly asserts that the army is his own exclusive property and the "chief pillar of the Prussian throne," who perpetually reiterates in the swearing of recruits, "You have sworn me the oath of allegiance," and who gives as a watch- word, "With God for Kaiser and Empire." We read in the speeches of his ministers — whom, by the way, he himself appoints — such nauseating comments as "The German people must deem it an honor to wear the Kaiser's uniform and pro- tect the Kaiser's house." Or as an example of the invirile mentality of the obsessed people and the lackeyism of German ministers, we may cite the speech of the President of the Reichstag, Count von Ballestren, delivered on January 27th, 1900: "The Emperor understood his time; he said 'I live in the days of publicity and free speech and I will not be a so-called constitutional monarch who reigns and does not rule.' I am convinced that it would not be agreeable to our glorious Emperor if he were asked to accept such a role. Gentlemen, this ought to fill us with admiration, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 83 and we ought to thank Providence that we have in these times such an Emperor ; this should stimu- late us to the best of our abihty, and, so far as our conviction allows it, to anticipate and further the great intentions of our Emperor." The German fatherland does not belong to the German people but to the German Emperor. The dynasty is all-powerful, and through the mihtary caste and the army, the nobility, the domination of institutions and the tempting subsidizing bait of- fered to the genius and talented bourgeois, the Ger- man mind is subdued and enfettered. "Universal suffrage in Prusso- Germany," it has been well said, "is not a fact, but a pious fraud." The Reich- stag is not truly representative of the people, and even if Bismarck's Electoral Law and Regula- tions were changed so that every commimity would be represented in accordance with its actual popu- lation now, and not as it was half a century ago, yet this elected body of men would not be a ruling body, — it would be, as now, absolutely impotent. The Reichstag is continually being bulldozed, abused and ignored by the dynasty; it is in reality nothing but a mere debating society and "a will- fully bungled imitation of other Parliaments with a constantly menaced and circumscribed existence." The Reichstag is not a monument of democracy, but a false advertisement of a modernity of gov- ernment that does not exist. Whenever the Reich- staff has dared to act counter to the dictates of the dynasty, such as in 1878, with the Socialists' Law; in 1887, when it propounded the question of Im- perial or Parliamentary Ai*my; in 1893, when it protested against persistent increase of armaments ; in 1907, when it objected to the German colonial 84 THE GERMAN OBSESSION and world-policy; in all such cases it has been dis- solved and its ring-leaders censured by the dynasty in ways that have had a pronounced psychological effect on all who participated in the deliberation of the representative body. The Reichstag, in December, 1913, protested vigorously in regard to the Zabern incident, that the military should brutally overrule the civil authorities. A vote of censure was passed, but the guilty soldiery, instead of being disgraced, were decorated and congratulated by the dynasty. What justice in such a case could be expected in a country where the army is placed ahead of the civil popu- lation, where an officer is a superman, not subject to bourgeois laws and regulations, where a iniiform and sabre command not only respect but homage, and where a rogue of a cobbler, by name Wilhelm Voigt, simply because he appeared in the stolen uniform of an army captain, could in 1906 so over- awe the Burgomaster of Kopenick (a small town near Berlin) and his secretary, that they handed over to the rascal the contents of the town treasury ? Germany is ruled by a despot and a tyrant, and the Reichstag as it exists today is the wraith of an outrageous joke played on the German people by their Iron Chancellor. The subsidized writers of Germany are extremely careful to negative the idea that the German people have ever obtained any rights from their rulers by insisting upon them. Prof. Delbriick says, "In Germany, popu- lar representation arose because the government summoned it, and placed it side by side with itself," and Prof. Lamprecht adds, "The intention was to win by this means the support of the multitude of enthusiasts from German unity on behalf of a I*russianized central administration." The Reich- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 85 stag exists in name as a representative body; it is said to cooperate with government. In reality it has no sovereign power and is the mere tool and the despised slave of the government, — which is the dynasty. The German Reichstag is the dynasty camouflaged; — a democratic mask of an absolute despotism. Occasionally a German writer openly says that the German people have as much voice in government as they are capable of exercising with wisdom, and Prince von Biilow in Imperial Germany writes, "It is an old mistake to want to gauge the concern of the nation in political affairs solely by the rights granted to the representatives of the people." The German Emperor is the Empire in inter- national matters; he has been given the right as President of the German "Eternal League" to declare "defensive" war and conclude peace, to enter into alliances and treaties and to accredit and appoint envoys. Such power goes only with a dynasty and makes for international discord and the enslaving of a people. The German Emperor is also empowered at any time, within any part of the Federal domain, to extinguish the civil authori- ties, the liberty of the press and free speech, pro- hibit meetings and travel, and entrust the military authorities (i. e., himself and his army), with the entire political life of the nation. This state of internal restriction and military domination, Burg- frieden, has existed in Germany since July 31st, 1914. Hermann Fernau, commenting on the abso- lutism of the German Emperor, has fittingly said that the first nineteen articles of the German Im- perial Constitution could be replaced by a single sentence, "The German Emperor is the God- appointed absolute Lord of Germany." IV. The Dynastic Religion of War PAN-GERMANISM is a dynastic idea, which needs militarism for its realization; but the twentieth century represents an era of world progress that has outgrown and developed beyond dynasties; therefore the present bitter war is be- tween the democracies of the present and the future, and the feudal despotisms of the past. The peoples of the civilized world are by nature democratic, and the rallying cry of the citizens of the Great Repub- lics of the United States and France, "Liberty, Equality and Fraternity," appeals to every think- ing, rational mind and human heart. The spirit of democracy with its sovereignty in the people is the antithesis of the usurped power of a dynasty with its absolutism, its despotism and its tyrannous egoism. Dynasties war against democracy, and democracy against dj^nasties. In such a war of the egoistic one against the higher interests of the many, it is indeed surprising that there are coun- tries where the one still despotically rules over the masses, notwithstanding the fact that the masses, when they think and reason for themselves and are given an atmosphere of freedom in which to express their thoughts, are positively democratic and anti- dynastic. The HohenzoUern and Hapsburg dynasties are maintained in power by armies, and the armies are officered by Junkers, the nobility and upper classes THE GERMAN OBSESSION 87 — men who are in every respect satisfactory to the ruling dynasties. Pan-Germanism is the world conquest creed of the Prussian dynasty. It is "world power or downfall" which, properly inter- preted, means world power for Germany, or down- fall of the dynasty. It is a triumphant despotism or the coming of democracy born of mihtary defeat; it is a world-conquering dynasty occupying the peo- ple's thoughts and expending their energies in foreign wars, with the glitter, pride and glory of victory and national aggrandizement, or the birth of a democracy which by revolution would over- throw the dynasty at home; it is world power for the dynasty with the enslavement of the people, or human power and freedom for the people, with the downfall of the dynasty. The dynasty of Prussia — saved by Bismarck from abdication during the democratic awakening of Europe — mounted to power by three aggressive Prussian wars, and warring Prussia became the dominant power in Central Europe, with her King crowned as German Emperor — the potential lord over all the Teuton peoples. The dynasty stands for hereditary rights; it is defended by Junkers, nobles and the older ruling classes, for if the hereditary privilege, power, political and social standing and "divine right" of the dynasty were successfully attacked, their own exclusiveness and hereditary ruling power in the smaller field would not only be challenged, but would be inevitably overthrown. The French Revolution was primarily aimed at the Junkers and ruHng aristocracy of France, rather than against a weak King, but Louis XVI preferred to stand by the nobles instead of with the 88 THE GERMAN OBSESSION people, and the contemplated change from an abso- lute despotism, i. e., a tyrannous dynasty to a Limited Monarchy under a Constitution, ended in the creation of a democracy with the dynasty over- thrown, the King and Queen murdered, and the sovereignty abiding absolutely in the people. In Germany the dynasty is supported by the lesser dynastic, privileged classes — by the Junkers who deify might, worship the sword and who look to the Kaiser as their leader in the upholding of hereditary privilege. Germany, to the Prussian Junkers and nobles, is primarily a military state, and they are feudal barons who, for their own selfish ends, express allegiance to their feudal lord. Prussian Junkers are opposed to commerce, trade and industry that raise up men of wealth to com- pete with them in national power; they are also antagonistic to genius unless it can be controlled or subsidized to uphold their special interests which depend upon the dynasty for their existence. Prussianism has corrupted Germany with its essential militarism and Machiavellianism; and as Prussia has become the dominant power of the Teuton people, it now seeks a vaster territory of influence; it rallies the German people by false teachings under its banner, and seeks to attain to world dominion by a ruthless war of aggression. Every German is taught through the dynasti- cally -controlled state channels of school, church and press that war is necessary and beautiful. In the Jnng-Deutschland, the official organ of Young Germany (1913), we read the sort of doctrine that is taught German boys of our Boy Scout age, "War is the noblest and holiest expression of human activity. . . . For us, too, the gi'eat joyful THE GERMAN OBSESSION 89 hour of battle will strike. . . . Still and deep in the German heart must live the joy of battle and the longing for it. Let us ridicule to the utmost the old women in trousers who fear war and deplore it as cruel and hideous. No; war is beautiful. Its august sublimity elevates the human heart beyond the earthly and the commonplace. In the Heavenly Palace above sit the heroes, Frederick the Great, and Bliicher, and all the men of action — the great Emperor William I, Moltke, Roon, Bismarck are there as well, but not the old women who would take away our joy in war. When here on earth a battle is won by German arms and the faithful dead ascend to heaven, a Potsdam lance corporal will call the guard to the door and 'Old Fritz' (Frederick the Great), springing from his golden throne will give the command to present arms. This is the heaven of Young Germany." This is a typical Teuton picture of the realm beyond. It shows that the real underlying religion of Germany is the worship of Odin, not of Christ, and that the here- after is still the Valhalla of the primitive, barbaric and blood-thirsty Teuton tribes of the North. Nietzsche, in Thus Spake Zarathustra, says, "Ye shall love peace as a means of new wars, and the short peace better than the long. I do not advise you to work, but to fight. I do not advise you to compromise and make peace, but to conquer. . . . Let your labor be fighting and j^our peace victory. You say that a good cause will sanctify even war! I tell you that a good war will sanctify any cause!" This is Nietzscheism, and Germans have the effrontery to call it philosophy (which means the search after and love of truth) ; it is primarily fundamental indifference to the truth of first 90 THE GERMAN OBSESSION premises, which, Fernau says, "no logical straight- forwardness and superimposed bulk of intellectual- ism can conceal," and he adds, "The result of such thinking is the invasion of Belgium." In The Joyous Wisdom, Neitzsche says, "We children of the future ... do not by any means think it desirable that the kingdom of righteousness and peace should be established on the earth." (Here is positive and unmistakable repudiation of the teachings of Christ.) "We rejoice in all men who, like ourselves, love danger of war and adventure. . . . We count our- selves among the conquerors; we ponder over the need of a new order of things, even of a new slavery — for every strengthening and elevation of the type man also involves a new form of slavery." Every step of additional strengthening of the brute power of a man means, according to Prussian immoralism, with its physical deification, a corresponding sub- ordination of a weaker fellow being ; every triumph of a militaristic Prussia means the humiliation and enslaving of a Belgium or a Poland, or a Roumania, or a Serbia. According to the Prussian conception of Nietzsche's doctrine of survival there would ulti- mately be only one nation, and that "the noble race" of Teutonic supermen in which "there lurks unmis- takably the beast of prey, the blond beast, lustfully roving in search of booty and victory" (Genealogy of Morals). This race of perfected beasts would, in turn, be ruled by a super-brute, so the ideal of Prussianism is not only serfdom for the world out- side Germany, but the enslavement by the dynasty of all "supermen" within the victorious realm. Prussianism is, therefore, human slavery, Nietzsche admits the great debt that modern THE GERMAN OBSESSION 91 Prussianism of the HohenzoUern-Bismarck type owes to the mihtaristic and unscrupulous upstart, Napoleon I: "We owe it to Napoleon . . . that several warlike centuries, which have not had their like in past history, may now follow one an- other — in short, that we have entered upon the classical Age of War, at the same time scientific and popular, on the grandest scale" (as regards means, talents and discipline) "to which all coming millenniums will look back with envy and awe as a work of perfection, for the national movement, out of which this martial glory springs, is only the Napoleonic reaction and would not have existed without him;" and again in speaking of Napoleon's reestablishment of oligarchy, Nietzsche says, "Was the greatest of all antitheses of ideals thereby rele- gated at acta for all time? Or only postponed — postponed for a long time? May there not take place at some time or other a much more awful, much more carefully prepared flaring up of the old conflagration? Further: Should not one wish that consummation with all one's strength — 'will it one's self — demand it one's self?" In Human, All Too Human, Nietzsche says, "Kultur can by no means dispense with passions, vice and mahgnities. . . . It is nothing but fanaticism to expect very much from humanity when it has forgotten how to wage war," and he goes on to say that "the rough energy of the camp, the deep, impersonal hatred, the cold-bloodedness of murder" are necessary to make a great people. In the same work Nietzsche unconsciously utters an anti-dynastic truth when he says, "Much that is dreadful and inhuman in history, much that one hardly likes to believe, is mitigated by the reflection 92 THE GERMAN OBSESSION that the one who commands and the one who carries out are different persons — the former does not behold the sight, therefore does not experience the strong impression on the imagination; the latter obeys a superior and therefore feels no responsi- bihty." In Beyond Good and Evil, Nietzsche feels that even if the rulers and leading powers in Ger- man ruthlessness do not come directly in contact with their inhuman atrocities, which inevitably accompany the application of the doctrines of im- moralism and animahsm, there must needs be, in the case of commanders and philosophers (the thinkers and explainers), a transvaluation of values under the new pressure and hammer of which a conscience should be steeled and a heart trans- formed to brass so as to bear the weight of such responsibility." Treitschke, the politico-historian and panegj^rist of the Hohenzollern dynasty, was in his lifetime (1834-1896) as blind to the light of truth as he was physically deaf. In Politics he said, "The appeal to arms will be valid until the end of his- tory, and therein lies the sacredness of war . . . without war there could be no state;" "war is the greatest factor in the furtherance of culture;" "war is both justifiable and moral . . . the ideal of perpetual peace is not only impossible but immoral as well;" "God above us will see to it that war shall always recur as a terrible medicine for a diseased humanity" — war, the medicine, but Prussianized- Germany, the only doctor. Treitschke maintained that Germany should forcibly acquire Holland and Belgium, that Germany should become Europe and dominate the seas into the bargain, that Germany's THE GERMAN OBSESSION 93 "Ministry of colonization must make up for lost time." Treitschke gloried in the fact that Germany is Prussian, and when he says that the Germans let the primitive tribes decide whether they should be put to the sword or thoroughly Germanized, he is really describing, not so much the attitude of the blond conquering Northmen in regard to the more ancient inhabitants of Germany, as that of Prussia with respect to other German peoples, and of Prus- sianized-Germany in regard to foreign nations, Prussia with Machiavellian subtlety offered the independent states, such as Saxony, Hanover, Bavaria, etc., peace or war, union with harmony or union by force ; but in any event, under the glove of Bismarck was a cruel, arrogant, mailed fist, con- trolled by a mind that thought only of Prussia and Prussia's Hohenzollern dynastj?-, and that was determined to make of the German states a United Empire which would be absolutely dominated by Prussia, by the Prussian dynasty, by the Prussian Junkers and by the Prussian army. "Cruel as these processes of transformation may be," said Treitschke, "they are a blessing for hu- manity. It makes for health that the nobler races" (the Prussians or the Prussianized Germans) "should absorb the inferior stock" (first the non- Prussian Germans and then the foreigners). And again, "The German is a hero born, and believes that he can hack and hew his way through life." This is the Prussian ideal, to "hack and hew." The expression is crude and primitive and the senti- ment even more so. There is nothing heroic unless the actuating motive is worthy; there can be no hiS?i>ic qualities in a brutal barbarian who, in a 94 THE GERMAN OBSESSION spirit of lust, cruelly "hacks and hews" his way through life, destroying all that is most human, cultured and real, and combatting all that is most spiritual in life. Count von Moltke in his letter to Bluntschli, December 11th, 1880, said, "Perpetual peace is a dream and it is not even a beautiful dream; war forms part of the eternal order in- stituted by God." Around this text, modern Prussian writers have attempted to found a phil- osophy in which war is idealized, but the funda- mental thought is Stirner-Nietzschian and Treit- schke-Bernhardian. An American General said, "War is hell;" a British General, who never tasted defeat, prayed that the world might be saved from the horrors of more wars. In contrast to this Anglo-Saxon belief — a conviction held by all religious and cultured peoples — Prusso-Germans preach that "war is heaven," and they pray that Young- Germany may be blessed by experiencing its horrors. In the Jung Deutschland Post (1913), a paper for juvenile Germans, we read, "We Germans and Christians are also taught by honor and duty that there can be no peace for the souls of the dead or the living until a conflict is settled by the victory and the triumph of our arms. . . . Pagan belief and Christian faith alike teach us that we should give our lives for our brothers, for our fatherland, for our Kaiser and his Empire, for the victory of our arms, in order that there may be peace for the living and rest for the dead." If German arms are not victorious, then the souls of all dead Germans remain in purgatory or go to hell. But why, if "perpetual peace is a dream and not even a beautiful dream," do German souls desire THE GERMAN OBSESSION 95 peace and rest? and why is peace for the living mentioned as the desirable fruits of victory? If "war is the most august and sacred expression of human activity," and "the holiest thing on earth," perpetual war should be desired and war should be waged to bring more war, but never peace. The youth of Germany are taught that heaven is reached through war; this is not the Christian heaven but Valhalla, the abode of heavy drinking and gorman- dizing, of quarrelsome and perpetually fighting German warriors — a mystical place long since dis- carded in ancient mythology for a better and more spiritual Asgard, where nobility of character is revered rather than brutal power. It is sacrilege to connect the name of the peace- loving Christ with the German religion of Odin — the god of war; the uttermost depths of profanity are reached when the youth of a land are deliber- ately and maliciously taught that Christ, the great democrat, who lived to do away with all war and hideous discord, to make all men brothers, and sons of God, is a tribal god of war, who, like Yahweh of Old, reveled in the atrocities and brutal power of His intolerant chosen people. Prof. Werner Sombart, of Berlin, in Hucksters and Heroes, says that only in war are virtues given a chance to unfold, and only in war do the truly heroic come into play. "It seems to us who are filled with the spirit of militarism, that war is a hoty thing, the holiest thing on earth," and he de- plores the fact that commercial people cannot seem to get the militarist's view-point that "war is holy." Fritz Bley, the German journalist and author, rejoices in the fact that Germans are overcoming their reallv human feelinojs and the effects of true 96 THE GERMAN OBSESSION culture and civilization. He feels that the old Ger- manic tribal spirit gives the true kultur, the bar- barian spirit of brute force and lust, of murder and plunder. "No more to be called the people of poets and thinkers in the contemptuous sense in which foreigners have given us the name . . . but to be again what our ancestors were, a people of deeds — that is the thought that thrills through all our more recent popular verse We are of the race of the thunderer; We will possess the earth; That is the old right of the Germans — To win land with the hammer Forward then into the fight for German auns and 'far as the hammer is hurled let the earth be ours.' " This is Prusso-German kultur — the will to power — the deification of the power of brute force coupled with Machiavellian falseness, deceit and treachery; the development of lust and appetency for dominion ; the doctrine of racial superiority and supremacy — German world conquest; the ex- clusiveness of the German people. — the anointed and chosen of God, destined to wreak the vengeance of God (who is a German God) upon all other peoples. Prusso-German kultur is, therefore, anti-Christian, anti-religious and inhuman; it has no place for democracy, for the doctrine of brother- hood, for human sympathy or for the spirit and soul of the world. Prusso-German kultur is merely unrestrained, arrogant militarism; it is the spirit of the brigand, the outlaw, the pirate, the highwayman, the burglar and the murderer. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 97 nationalized and deified as well as justified in its nationalism. "Thor stood at the midnight end of the world. His battle mace flew from his hand: 'So far as my clangorous hammer I've hurled Mine are the sea and the land !' And onward hurtled the mighty sledge O'er the wide, wide earth, to fall At last on the Southland's furthest edge In token that his was all. Since then 'tis the joyous German right With the hammer, lands to win. We mean to inherit world-wide might As the Hammer-God's kith and kin." — Felix Dahn (1878). Prince von Biilow in Imperial Germany said, "The voice of our national conscience tells us what German militarism really is — the best thing we have achieved in the course of our national develop- ment as a state and a people." And Prof. Ostwald affirms that German militarism "actually repre- sents the highest degree of civilization yet de- veloped." Klaus Wagner in Krieg (1906) says, "The idea of war is the child of healthy egoism, which is honest to the marrow of its bones, is ashamed of nothing in nature . . . but is the basis of all kultur, of all morality ; unless we choose to shut our eyes to the necessity of evolution, we must recognize the necessity of war. We must accept war which will last as long as development and existence; we must accept eternal war." And again he voices the Pan-German doctrine of sur- vival by brute force when he says, "War makes room for the competent at the expense of the un- sound" (and all foreign nations are branded as unsound and perverted) . "War is the source of all good growth." 98 THE GERMAN OBSESSION The idea of war as a necessity to German growth and development, has been placed and steadily kept before the German people by the Hohenzollern, subsidized Intellectuals. In Germany at the be- ginning of the Twentieth Century (1900) we read, "We must fix our minds incessantly upon war ; may the first ten to twenty years of the twentieth- century bring it to us, for we have great need of it." This prayer has been answered by the German Government, i. e., the Hohenzollern dynasty, and the German people have been given the war which they have been taught to desire, while the truly cultured people of other lands have been almost prostrated by the horrors of the most atrocious, dia- bolical and senseless war in history. Hermann Bahr, the Berlin writer and a "German patriot," expressed the quite prevalent Prusso-German view- point when he wrote: "I am going to pronounce a blessing on this war, the blessing which is on all lips, for we Germans, no matter in what part of the world we are, all bless and bless again this world- war." The German people represent the acme of kultur. Whatever the German people do as a nation is right. Why is it right? Simply because the Ger- man people do it, and have the physical or brutal power to do it. German kultur is therefore the development of brute force; it is the kultur of the jungle, the kultur of the fang and claw which, when applied by the German, is "humanized" into the heroic doctrine of "hack and hew." Tannenberg, in Gross-Deutschland (1911), said, "The German people is always right because it is the German people and numbers eighty-seven million souls." It has been said that "the word kultur, like Pom- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 99 pey's statue of old, will for many generations drip blood." It is kultur with its "philosophy" of "scraps of paper;" "Necessity knows no law;" "Might is right and right is decided by war," put into practice by a dynastically-enslaved and author- itatively-driven people, that has caused four-fifths of the human race to declare that Germany is a menace to civilization, culture, world progress, and human happiness. Dr. McElroy has well said, "The faith of treaties is the only solid foundation upon which a real civilization can be erected. Treaties are the records of national faith, and where there is no faith the people perish. The world moves upward, not by the stroke of battle, as Bernhardi would have us believe, but by the sure processes of thought, by the cooperation of generous souls, by the domination of spiritual ideals." Maximilian Harden, in Die Zukunft (August 19th, 1911), bemoaned the fact that Germany was becoming more and more great and prosperous through peace ; he fears for the future of the people if the sword remains sheathed. "The noblest weapon rusts, if its use is too long restricted to reviews and parades ;" but he also warns of the effect of mental and spiritual culture upon kultur, and adds, "every ascent to a higher mental culture impairs the bar- baric energy of warriors and encumbers them with scruples which dampen their joyous courage." Hu- man culture, which is the growth and development of the spirit of man, is the antithesis of Prusso-Ger- man kultur of ignorance, passion and brute force. The arch-enemy of Prussianism is the human spirit. Prof. Ernst Hasse, the fanatical expansionist, would strive at once to make the European Conti- nent and the immediate waters and islands, Ger- 100 THE GERMAN OBSESSION man, and ultimately the whole world, German; he claims that war is the father of the Prusso-German people, and "It will be the father of the new Ger- man race of the future." War, he affirms, is to the German only a means to an end, and that end is, of course, the subjugation of all other peoples. Hasse believes that the physically strong are immoral if they do not forcibly take from the weak, and in The Future of the German National Spirit (1908) he says, "Nothing is more immoral than to consider and talk of war as an immoral thing. . . . There is nothing more moral than the collective egoism, the self-conserving instinct of nations." He means of course the intolerant and avaricious, lustful spirit — the brutal and animalistic. Prof . Jakob Burckhardt (1818-1897) says,"War is held to be a divine institution, a law of the uni- verse present in all nature . . . The warrior is filled with the enthusiasm of destruction; wars purify the atmosphere like thunderstorms;" and this same thought is expressed in still greater ful- ness by Ernst Lasaulx (1805-1861), the archaeolo- gist and historian, in his Philosophie der Geschichte (1856) . Burckhardt also maintains that a people's real strength or power comes from war, and that only through war can they become conscious of their full strength. "We must, therefore, reckon with war as a necessary factor toward higher develop- ment;" "A long peace not only leads to enervation, but allows of the existence of a multitude of pitiful, trembling, miserable creatures . . . who cling fast to life with loud cries about their right to exist, block the way for real strength, make the air fetid and altogether defile the blood of the nation. War brings real strength into honor again." THE GERMAN OBSESSION 101 Like all other writers of the Reventlow-Bern- hardi-Keim school, Burckhardt denounces peace and deifies war, and yet inconsistently says that war is to be waged in order to obtain peace. Therefore a means which of itself, we are told, is good, is to be used to obtain a result which is said to be evil. "As real might can alone guarantee the endurance of peace and security, and as war is the best test of real might, war contains the promise of future peace." According to Prussianism, a nation will be great and worthy as long as it is fighting and conquering, but when all the world is subjugated and all other peoples of the earth are enslaved, then the dominant race cannot continue "great and worthy" unless they can find other worlds and other peoples to con- quer, transport their forces to some other planet and wage, not a Continental or world-war, but a universal war. Oskar Schmitz voiced the sentiment of Pan-Germans generally when he said (1915), "We must not look for permanent peace as a result of this war. May heaven defend Germany from that." Emperor Wilhelm II will be spared the sorrow of Alexander the Great — that there are no more worlds to conquer ; and the longer the present world- war continues, the less territory will the German Emperor have to show for his ruthless war of con- quest and world-dominion. The ambitions of both Alexander, the misnamed "Great," and Wilhelm II were far greater than their accomplishments. Alex- ander bemoaned the non-existence of other worlds while he could not even subjugate his immediate dominions, and his kingdom soon fell to pieces. In his attempt to dominate the earth, Wilhelm II finds himself unable to hold sway even over his German 102 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Allies and those peoples which he has dominated through puppet Germanic kings and through eco- nomic pressure, military power, threats and prom- ises of advantage; and it is only a question of time until he is robbed of absolute power over his own people. Lasaulx says, "The sight of blood and wounds steels the nerves of the soul, the horrors of war stim- ulate the spirit so that instead of falseness and cow- ardice of enervation, the old heroic virtues are re- stored." This sentiment is peculiarly Prussian, but it has been taught by militaristic nations of all time. It was the creed of the ancient Persians; it was developed to its greatest power by the Spartans, and later taught to a lesser degree by the Athenians, Greeks and Romans. Martial bravery and absolute obedience, coupled with indifference to all suffer- ing, peril and death, are demanded of a military people. Physical brawn and skill are deified; the higher mental and spiritual attributes of a cultured man are either scorned or condemned. To fight well in an aggressive and ruthless war of conquest, man must be a brute, therefore animalistic and purely physical powers are extolled, but the higher qualities of the mind and soul which have raised man above the animal world are condemned and sup- pressed by the ruling powers. There is no place in a lustful, cruel war of conquest for human sym- pathy, manly pity and uprightness of mind, or for the expression of universal truth, justice, tolerance and spiritual religion with its prime demand of uni- versal loyalty to mankind as brothers, and to God, the Father of all. Goltz has said, "War is not a work of charitj^ and in the soldier's heart there is no compassion. The THE GERMAN OBSESSION 103 soldier must be hard. Grow hard warriors !" This is a favorite saying of the Prussian military leaders and Hindenberg, Ludendorff, Mackensen, etc., have all repeatedly urged the German troops "to be hard," — not brave, but hard, and the hardness demanded is not only indifference to suffering, but the positive expression of inhimian cruelty. Tan- nenberg (1911) wrote, "War must leave nothing to the vanquished but their eyes to weep with ; modera- tion on our part would be only madness." General Julius V. Hartmann (1817-1878), in Military Necessity and Humanity, wrote, "Whoso- ever has crossed a great battlefield and has shud- dered in the depths of his soul at all the horrors con- fronting him, will have found new strength and exaltation in the thought that here the whole tragic gravity of military necessity is regnant, and here a justifiable passion has done its work," and Karl A. Kuhn, in JDie Wahren Ursachen des Weltkrieges (1914), says, "Over the blood of the fallen glows the flame of poetic enthusiasm. A war without dead and wounded is a life without work, without aim and without hopef In Otfried Nippold's German Chauvinism we read an extract from the Berliner neueste Nachrich- ten, Dec. 24, 1912, which says, "War is not only a factor, but the main factor in true, genuine kultur, — not only its creator, but its preserver," and Fry- man says, "Whoever loves his people . . . must yearn for war as the awakener of all that is good, natural and strong in the nation." Ludwik Gi^mi- plowicz, in Social Philosophy in Outline (1910), says, "Every achievement of kultur and of the human intelligence is only a means to more barbar- ous processes of war," and ridiculing the idea of 104 THE GERMAN OBSESSION pacifistic peoples who have seen in the progress and development of human intelligence an ultimate guarantee of world peace, he quotes to substantiate his general statement that "no sooner are airships invented than the German Military Staff set to work to devise methods of utilizing them as means of destruction." Gen. Friedrich Bernhardi said in 1912 that a European or world-war was inevitable; if Ger:- many should be defeated such a deplorable event "would check the general progress of mankind in its healthy development, for which a flourishing and expanding Germany is the essential condition." German kultur — ^which is not only barbaric but savage, and the deification of the physical at the expense of the free, mental and spiritual — alone can save the world and permit of its growth in harmony with nature's great plan; therefore in the "Next War" — ^now being waged — Germany fights not only for selfish aggrandizement and for the realization of world-wide ambitions, not only for power, territory and tribute, but "for the highest interests ... of mankind." Bern- hardi also wrote, "The efforts directed toward the abolition of war must not only be termed foolish, but absolutely immoral, and must be stigmatized as unworthy of the human race. . . . The weak nation is to have the same right to live as the power- ful and vigorous nation ! The whole idea represents a presumptuous encroachment on the natural laws of development." A people ruled by a dynasty are a military peo- ple. A people that are universally educated to wage war, grow to desire war. Pastor Baumgarten — ^the clerical champion of the Lusitania outrage — THE GERMAN OBSESSION 105 says: "If we are to carry on the warlike educa- tion of our people — and we are resolved to do so — then we by this very fact affirm our constant readi- ness again to enter a war as soon as honor, growth, or the expansive tendencies rooted in the inmost nature of our people, demand." Rudolf Eucken asserts that "We (Germans) have a right to say that we form the soul of humanity, and that the destruction of the German nature would rob world- history of its deepest meaning." Brutal physical power and the "right of might" are deified by Ger- many's most famous divines and "philosophers," as well as scientists, educators and militarists. Bernhardi laughs to scorn all the pacific efforts of spiritually-minded people in the direction of arbitra- tion and world peace, as long as nations continue their policy of universal military conscription and preparation for war. "We can, fortunately, assert the impossibility of efforts after peace ever attaining their ultimate object in a world bristling with arms, where a strong and natural egoism still directs the policy of most countries." Bernhardi glories in the fact that war will prevail as long as peoples are pre- pared — equipped and trained to fight — and have ambitions to acquire that which rightly belongs to others. General Keim at a meeting of the Wehrverein in Cassel, February 6th, 1913, said, "War is as inevitable as the forces of nature; it is for the most part an ineluctable, elementary hap- pening ; it is an irresistible daemonic power, forcing itself upon us, against which all written treaties, all peace conferences and humanitarian agitations come pitifully to wreck." Hans Paul Wobzogen (born 1848), a well known German writer and music critic, and a lead- 106 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ing Wagnerian, says in Thoughts in War-time (1915), "Bach, Goethe, Schiller, Beethoven signify for us Germans a spiritual rebirth." But these men were all cosmopolites with broad and deep •vision and universal sympathies ; they were geniuses, and today they live in the souls of men outside the German border far more than in the hearts of their fellow countrymen. Wobzogen glorifies the spirit of these German musicians and writers, all of whom were unalterably opposed to militaristic Prussian- ism, to aggressive wars of conquest and to per- nicious and exclusive nationalism and absolute dynasties; and after discussing real culture, he has the audacity to say, "Just imagine our humanity of today — I mean, of course, our German humanity — without its militarism. Non-German humanity gives some idea of what that would mean." The very thought of German "humanity" degenerating to the level of that of a cultured and democratic nation, is horribly repellant to him. But Wob- zogen, the apostle of culture, in reality a champion of barbaric German kultur, sinks to the lowest depths when he says, "Our long years of peace, full of honest, but, alas! also of dishonest work, had brought us no blessing. We breathed again when the war came." Work, with mind and soul develop- ment amidst the peaceful conditions demanded by Bach, Goethe, Schiller and Beethoven, is "dishonest work" and brings no blessing. The work of destruction, of avaricious and ruthless warfare, of plunder and murder, is apparently "honest" work, which brings its great reward of national aggrand- izement of the stronger and more brutal, at the expense of the physically weaker, the more cultured and ethical. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 107 The German people in the Great World- War have given the nations of the world an illustration of the difference between culture and kultur. Civilization depends on culture, which is a natural growth and development of the soul of man — that which is real and spiritual. Kultur is physical, materialistic and selfish; it is a knowledge void of wisdom — form void of real substance. Kultur is the deification of flesh and repudiation of spirit; it is atavistic, throwing man backward through millen- niums of time to the brutal stage of evolution. There is far more culture today among the most savage people than among the Germans obsessed with the passion of hatred, murder, plunder and conquest. If the most primitive peoples were to assemble on the German battle fronts today and behold the hideous scenes of ruthless destruction and inhuman brutality, they would exclaim in con- temptuous derision, "Voild voire celehre civiliza- tion."* This, then, is the culture of a professedly Christian nation that has sent missionaries through- out "heathen" lands to lead the people of darkness into spiritual light ! The German War Book demands that the Ger- man soldier "guard himself against humanitarian notions," for "certain severities are indispensable to war," and he is also told that "to employ ruthless- ness" with "intimidation is . . . not only a right but a duty." Gen. Hartmann wrote, "It is a gratuitous illusion to suppose that modern war does not demand far more brutality, far more violence . . . than was formerly the case;" "The enemy state must not be spared the poverty, distress and wretchedness of war ; these are practically useful in shattering its energy and subduing its will;" 108 THE GERMAN OBSESSION "Whenever a national war breaks out, terrorizing becomes a necessary military principle. Terrorism is . . . useful to keep the masses of a con- quered people in a state of obedience," and again, "The warrior has need of passion. It must not . . . be condemned as a regrettable consequence of battle, nor must we seek to restrain and curb it." A German soldier is taught to be a ruthless, brutal fighter; it matters not how chivalrously the enemy fights, it matters not whether the foreigner defends his home and loved ones from the invasion and desecration of German hordes, the German warrior is urged to be "Hard and pitiless" in his work of destruction. "Even if there were no question of vengeance . . . the crime of opposing the de- velopment and expansion of Germany is so great, that the most trenchant measures are scarcely a sufficient punislmient for it." It is apparent, there- fore, that when a foreigner resists a German in- vasion and fights to protect his home-land, loved ones and all that he holds dear in the world, he thereby commits an unpardonable crime, and Ger- many has decreed that war against such patriots must be ruthless and terrible, until the fighting manhood is exterminated and the remainder of the people enslaved or humiliated unto death. One of the most rabid Pan-Germanists today is H. S. Chamberlain, born in England in 1855, the son of Admiral Chamberlain; he left England in 1870, married Richard Wagner's daughter, and is today a naturalized German and an honored friend of the Kaiser. In Die Zwversicht (1915) Chamber- lain said that the "demon of baseness" — democracy, humanity, justice and pacifism. — ^" which has sub- dued other peoples was busily at work in Germanj'^ THE GERMAN OBSESSION 109 as well; ten years more and God would perhaps have found no one in the world to fight for him," and in Political Ideals (1916) he wrote that it would be necessary for Germany to "definitely break . . . Anglo-American ideals and mode of government," which considers that government is created for the benefit of the individual and not individuals for the state. Friedrich Lange, in Pure Germanism (1904), wrote that the peoples of the countries surrounding Germany "are either overripe fruits which the next storm maj^ bring to the ground, such as the Turks, Greeks, Spaniards, Portuguese, and a great part of the Slavs; or they are, indeed, proud of their race, but senile and artificial in their hultur, slow in their increase and boundless in their ambitions, like the French ; or confident in their unassailihility , like the British and Americans, they have forgotten justice and made their selfishness the measure of all things. Who knows whether we Germans are not the rod predestined for the chastening of these degenerates?" The French, the British, the Italian, and the American peoples, the nations with ideals, and representatives of democracy, justice and hu- manity on earth, know full well and will energeti- cally prove that Germany's rod is but a boomerang which, when aimed at the supposedly weaker and unprepared foes, will come back upon herself, winged with a fearful retribution. Chamberlain wrote in September, 1914, "God defend the noble cause of Deutschtu7n. There is no other hope for the future of humanity." In War Essays (1914) he said, "The German Army is the greatest institution for moral education in the world." The hideous atrocities and excesses of 110 THE GERMAN OBSESSION lust, passion and hatred, practiced generally in Belgium, France and Poland by German soldiers are ineffacable records of how successfully the state doctrine of Immoralism has been taught the rank and file. In Die Zuversicht (1915) Chamberlain says that the German army is a "Mving organiza- tion" which expresses "a thorough spiritual culture . . . such as the world has never seen." May it never be cursed with such another vision when this world crime is straightened out ! And he adds that the work of the troops bears witness to a ''spiritual development and moral responsibility to which no people in the world can show anything in the smallest degree comparable." Apparently "the severe nervous trouble" with which Chamberlain suffered in 1884 affected not only his mental poise and balance, but his sanity. In the same work he wrote, "On this planet, as a result of millenniums of development, has it come to this, that Germany has become an instrument of God, an indispensable irreplacable instrument of God? This question I ask, and I answer it in the affirmative." Chamber- lain states that the German character is "the spirit of pure humanity," and the mission of the Germans is "the ennoblement of the world. . . . Not to believe in this ... is folly, it is treason." And again, "He who does not believe in the divine mission of Germany had better hang himself, and rather today than tomorrow." In Political Ideals (1916) he says, "We may say, without extrava- gance or the least trace of self-exaltation: Ger- many is chosen. Germany is chosen for her own good and that of other nations to undertake their guidance. Providence has placed His appointed people" (the Germans) "at the appointed moment" THE GERMAN OBSESSION 111 (July- August, 1914) "ready for the appointed task" — to conquer the world and subjugate all other peoples. For half a century the Prusso- German people have been taught war and trained for war; the whole nation has become obsessed with a war mania. The German god is Odin, the barbaric god of ruth- less, bloody war, and his representative on earth is Kaiser Wilhelm II, the war lord. The religion of Germany is the religion of war; the ideals of the people are materialistic and egoistic. "World Con- quest" and "Dominion of the World" are their rallying cries, and plunder, loot and the enslaving of other peoples their passionate desire. When the German people deified war they repudiated the Christ of love and the Prince of peace; they set their faces firmly and definitely against all religion; they took a stand that is positively opposed to all that is highest, noblest and most worth-while in life, and they arraigned themselves in direct opposition to the soul of the world, to the human spirit and to the great and only universal God — the Creator and Father of all men. V. German State Morality ARISTOTLE rightly said that the same prin- ciples of morality are applicable to the indi- vidual and the nation, and that ethics is an essential part of politics. Other ancient philoso- phers also affirmed that politics, or the policy of a state and of its citizens in relation to other states and peoples, should be founded upon virtue, i. e., immutable truth, rightness and justice. This fundamental fact, the foundation of real religions and human brotherhood, was denied by early Chris- tian and medieval dynasties and hierarchies, and Niccolo dei Machiavelh of Florence (1469-1527), author of The Prince, voiced the prevalent senti- ments of the rulers of his day — state and church — when he maintained that in the relations of sovereigns, states and the "authoritative" ruling powers of peoples to each other, the ordinary and generally accepted rules of morality do not apply. "A prince . . . cannot observe all those rules of conduct in respect to which men are accounted good, being frequently obliged, in order to preserve his princedom, to act in opposition to good faith, charity, humanity and religion. He must, there- fore, keep his mind ready to shift as the winds and tides of Fortune turn, and, as I have already said, he ought not to quit good courses if he can help it, but should know how to follow evil courses if he must. ... A prince must have no other object THE GERMAN OBSESSION 113 and no other thought, and he must make nothing else his study than war, its preparation and con- duct. . . . Let the prince take care to conquer and to maintain his dominion ; the means will always be declared honorable and praised by everyone." Symonds, the historian of the Renaissance, in The Age of the Despots, says that Machiavelli was the first in modern times to formulate a theory of government in which the interests of the rulers are alone regarded, and which demands "a separation between statecraft and morality, which recognizes force and fraud among the legitimate means of attaining high political ends, which makes success alone the test of conduct and which presupposes the corruption, baseness and venality of mankind at large." The doctrine of Machiavelli was repudiated by the people of his time — the age of the base and cruel Cesare Borgia — and his name became a byword. What Italy and the Latins, Celts and Anglo-Saxons, however, have rejected and scath- ingly denounced, Prussia has accepted. Frederick the Great, a professed opponent of Machiavellism, developed the pernicious system of unscrupulous deceit to an unheard-of degree, Prusso-German Intellectuals incorporated the Italian's vicious teachings into their "philosophical" system, and Bismarck and Wilhelm II have shown the civilized world how to apply it in all its devilishness in the affairs of nations. Machiavellism is the doctrine of political cun- ning and duplicity, the art of trickery and sharp practice, and it maintains that all is fair in diplo- macy. Louis XI of France said, "He who knows not how to deceive, knows not how to govern." An ambassador to a foreign court in the early seven- 114 THE GERMAN OBSESSION teenth century (Sir Henry Wotton) well ex- pressed the evils of secret diplomacy when, on his departure, he remarked, "I go to lie abroad," and Cavour, the Italian patriot, exclaimed with con- science pangs, "If we did for ourselves what we do for our country, what scoundrels we should be." Machiavellism, in the mental realm, is usually allied to the doctrine of Brute Force, and "Might makes right," in the physical realm. By evolution, peoples and states are becoming more noble, more true, more ethical, more himiane and more spiritual ; open diplomacy is advocated and militarism is rightly denounced, but among the morally back- ward, mentally lethargic and stupid peoples, those dominated and enslaved by despotic rulers and "authorities," brute force is still deified, and where cruel might, and physical, soulless power is worshipped, there will also be found the animal cunning and the deception and treachery of Machiavellism. Truth is law and order. German diplomacy is falseness, mental chaos and spiritual anarchy. Treitschke, whose lectures and writings on Poli- tics have become the gospel of Pan-Germanism and Prussian Junkerdom, avowedly based his doctrine of force upon the teachings of Machiavelli, for he affirms that it was Machiavelli who first saw clearly that "the state is power." Treitschke says, "It is necessary, then, to choose between public and private morality, and since the state is power, its duties must rank differently from those of the indi- vidual. Many which are incumbent upon him have no claim upon it. The injunction to assert itself remains always absolute. Weakness must always be condemned as the most disastrous and despicable THE GERMAN OBSESSION 115 of crimes, the unforgivable sin of politics." As the state is power, "to care for this power," i. e., nurture, develop and use it, "is the highest moral duty of the state," and "of all political weaknesses, that of feebleness is the most abominable and despicable; it is the sin against the holy spirit of pohtics." The state as the ultimate good "cannot bind its will for the future over against other states," and international treaties are only obliga- tory "for such time as the state may find to be con- venient," i. e., profitable to itself. Treitschke openly advocates the practice of Machiavellism in German foreign affairs: "The brilliant Florentine was the first to infuse into politics the great idea that the state is power. The consequences of this thought are far-reaching. It is the truth, and those who dare not face it had better leave politics alone." And again, "It was Machiavelli who first laid down the maxim that when the state's salvation is at stake, there must be no inquiry into the purity of the means employed ; only let the state be secured, and no one will condemn them. . . . The states- man has no right to warm his hands with smug self- laudation at the smoking ruins of his fatherland and comfort himself by saying, 'I have never lied;' this is the monkish type of virtue." Treitschke preaches the gospel of mendacity and faithlessness. He believes that "A stock of in- herited conceptions of integrity and morality is a necessity for government," but such are principles to be placed in the foreground of international affairs with the idea to deceive, disarm apprehen- sions and hide the dagger of malicious falseness. In his "philosophical" system of Teutonism, Treit- schke modernizes the statement of the medieval 116 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ambassador: "When a diplomat is guilty of obscur- ing facts in a diplomatic negotiation, he is think- ing of his own country," and therefore he is said to be nobly expressing his patriotism. Treitschke is inclined to denounce the man who, in trade, lies to his fellow country men and profits thereby to his fellow's detriment, but when a German deliberately lies to a foreigner, or a representative of the Ger- man Govermnent maliciously seeks to gain advan- tage over a foreign government by falseness and deceit, the actuating motive becomes moral and praiseworthy and is positively patriotic. Bismarck is extolled to the skies, not because he was honorable and true, but because he knew when it was policy to speak the truth and when advantage could be gained by lying. Bismarck artfully deceived and venomously Hed, and by so doing plunged his country into war; he falsified the "Ems Telegram," and France with outraged national honor and a weak King and government, was duped into declar- ing war against Prussia. Prussia won her battles with Denmark (1864), Austria (1866) and France (1870-71 ) ; and the German states became an empire (1871) around the dominant military and Machia- vellian Prussia; therefore, as Prussia benefited by the damnable lies and diplomatic treachery of her Minister, all the falseness and deceit were not onlj'^ justifiable, but laudable, and Bismarck's actions became the thoroughly justified quintessence of patriotism. Gen. Bernhardi, in Germany and the Next War (1912), said, "It is a persistent struggle for posses- sions, power and sovereignty that primarily governs the relations of one nation to another, and right is respected so far only as it is compatible with ad- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 117 vantage. . . . The relations between two states must often be termed a latent war which is pro- visionally being waged in peaceful rivalry. Such a position justifies the employment of hostile methods, cunning and deception, just as war itself does;" and again, "Let it be the task of our diplo- macy so to shuffle the cards that we may be attacked by France, for then there would be reasonable prospect that Russia for a time would remain neutral. . . . But we must not hope to bring about this attack by waiting passively. Neither France, nor Russia, nor England need to attack in order to further their interests." Bernhardi maintains that the state's highest moral duty is to increase its power, and in so doing "the state is the sole judge of the morality of its own actions. It is in fact above morality, or, in other words, whatever is necessary is moral." Again we are told that the state is beyond senti- ment and the feelings of humanity, and if un- affected by spiritual aspirations or by ethical codes, prompted by the intuitive wisdom or conscience of man, "conditions may arise which are far more powerful than the most honorable intentions." Chivalry in war is a deplorable weakness, and magnanimity a crime. "The state is a law unto itself," and "weak nations have not the same right to live as powerful and vigorous nations." War, according to Bernhardi and his school, is "an ordin- ance set by God" and is "the highest function of the state;" to attempt to abolish war from the world would not only be "foolish but absolutely immoral." Bernhardi preaches that war is "a biological neces- sity," that "the living God will see to it that war will always recur as a terrible medicine for man- 118 THE GERMAN OBSESSION kind," but "might is . . . the supreme right, and the dispute as to what is right is decided by . , . war, which gives a biologically just decision." James M. Beck, commenting on the Treitschke-Bernhardi doctrine, pointedly says: "This means that the 42 centimeter howitzer is more moral than a gun of smaller calibre, and that the justice of God depends upon the superiority of Krupp to other ordnance manufacturers." Bismarck refused to wait passively for war with Denmark, Austria and France. In a real Machia- vellian sense, he deliberately planned a war with all three countries, one after the other. He used Austria as an ally to fight Denmark, then devilishly planned a quarrel with Austria over the fruits of the Danish war. France was goaded into hostilities with Prussia by the "blood and iron" Chancellor who, to attain his object, had to stoop to the lowest form of IMachiavellism — the falsifying of despatches. Bismarck, in 1870, found himself at the fork of the roads; he had either to resign as Minister, or cause a Franco-Prussian war so that his country could fight and win a "righteous" war in "self-defense." Bismarck did not hesitate, the conditions would not permit of "waiting passively." He schemed and deliberately deceived, to plunge Germany and France into war in order to save his own position as Prussian Minister, and at the same time to reahze his ambition of creating a united Germany, brought together by the sword and a victorious campaign against a foe, hated since the days of the humihation forced upon them by Napoleon I. The doctoring of the Ems telegram, and the sending of it to the press in a mutilated form, was a THE GERMAN OBSESSION 119 process of unscrupulous "editing" which, as Moltke said at the time, turned a note of parley into a note of defiance, and led directly to war. We are told that Bismarck and his accomplices in the deceit — Moltke and Boon — had been dejected and in despair because of foreign and internal affairs, when Bismarck received an innocent telegram which he promptly converted from a harmless and pacific communication into "a red rag to the Gallic bull." The spirits of the conspirators mounted rapidly; they knew that the forgery meant war, but they were overjoyed at the prospects of war and victory. "Our God of old still lives," shouted Boon, and Moltke smote his hand upon his breast and said, "If I may but live to lead our armies in such a war, then the devil may come directly afterwards and fetch away my old carcass." In the crisis of 1914, Wilhelm II of Germany and Francis Joseph I of Austria-Hungary did not believe in "waiting passively" for the European war which they willed and had planned. Wlien Serbia, Russia and France struggled manfully for peace, the Teuton governments sought to emulate Bismarck, and failing to goad these neighbor- nations into attacking them, they deliberately falsi- fied, reported hostilities and acts of aggression that never happened, and then self -righteously attacked their pacific neighbor-nations in "defense" of the fatherland. Bernhardi's "shuffling of the cards" was not enough to cause peace-loving nations to attack the Teuton peoples ; Berlin and Vienna had to have recourse to Bismarck's method of damnable falseness, and in order to produce a state of war, had to aggressively attack, while deceiving their own 120 THE GERMAN OBSESSION people by falsely claiming that France and Russia had commenced the hostilities. The "scrap of paper" treaty is a well estabUshed Prussian principle. Hegel said, "The fundamental proposition of international law remains a good intention while the actual situation, the relation established by the treaty is being continually shifted or abrogated." Treitschke, the disciple of Hegel, and Prussia's dominant political theorist, wrote that "All treaties are concluded on the tacit understand- ing that they are only effective until conditions change." And again, "No state can pledge its future to another. It knows no arbiter and draws up its treaties with this implied reservation. . . . Moreover, every sovereign state has the undoubted right to declare war at its pleasure, and is conse- quently entitled to repudiate its treaties." And again, "When a state recognizes that the existing treaties no longer express the actual political con- ditions, and when it cannot persuade other powers to give way b}^ peaceful negotiations, the moment has come when the nations proceed to the ordeal by battle. . . . War is justified because the great national personalities can suffer no compelling force superior to themselves, and because history must always be in constant flux; war, therefore, must be taken as part of the divinely-appointed order." If a nation desires to change or ignore a treaty, and is strong enough to enforce its will on neighbor-nations by military force, it acts well, for might is right, and God, according to the German belief, is always on the side of might — for might is supposedly German. Bismarck maintained that "No power is bound to sacrifice important interests of its o^^n on the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 121 altar of faithfulness to an alliance." And he also remarked, "When Prussia's power is in question, I know no law." Bismarck, the Iron Chancellor and the builder of the German Empire, not only be- lieved in a policy of "blood and iron" and the jungle power of "fang and claw," but also in subtle, snake-like cunning and treachery. Wliere Prussia was concerned in relation to other peoples he knew no law, no principle, no honor. He gloried in his lying patriotism — the Ems despatch, which brought about the Franco-German war; and the Hohen- zoUern dynasty, Prussian Junkers and their sub- sidized intellectual bodyguard endorsed the devilish act and eulogized the mendacious and unscrupulous Machiavellian diplomat. "Blessed be the hand," wrote the German historian, Hans Delbriick, "that falsified the Ems despatch." Bismarck, in the Reichstag, after reviewing with complacency the profitable results of Prussia's deliberately-provoked wars against Denmark, Aus- tria and France, added the "pious" ejaculation — "We Germans fear God, but nothing else in the world." It is the spirit which inspired this boastful and arrogant speech which has so powerfulh^ stimu- lated Prussian Junkerism. The Junkers, who are medieval barons, must have a king-leader; these nobles hold power by "divine right," therefore they acknowledge that their king rules by hereditary privilege and "divine right." As the Kaiser rules by "the grace of God," it is necessary for the Hohen- zollerns and the Prussian Junkers to acknowledge the existence of a God, and they have also found it both potent and convenient to use the name of God to keep the masses enslaved and obedient to their selfish and inhuman wills. "We Germans fear 122 THE GERMAN OBSESSION God" means that the German people fear God and His anointed, His representative on earth — the Kaiser — who rules by "divine right," and also his lieutenants born as nobles to dominate the masses under the decrees of heaven. This spirit is dynastic and anti-democratic, and the concluding sentiment, "We Germans fear nothing else in the world" is not only arrogant and bombastic but is anti-Chris- tian, and is opposed to religion, universal loyalty and brotherhood; such a spirit is also militaristic, and is impregnated by intolerance, racial exclusive- ness and pernicious nationalism. Maxmilian Harden (Die Zukunft — July 29 th, 1911) wrote, "Our forceful policy gets what it wants. . . . We might say that the hostile arrogance of the western powers releases us from all our treaty obligations . . . and forces the German Empire ... to revive the ancient Prussian policy of conquest. . . . We have entered upon a struggle in which the stake is the power and future of the German Empire." And again, "Germany has the right to extend the area of her domain according to her needs, and the power to obtain this right against all contradic- tions." The Prussian policy of conquest is that of Frederick II — the so-called Great, and Bismarck, the Chancellor of blood and iron. Frederick said when he grabbed Silesia to add to the power of Prussia, that he took what he wanted and what he had the power to take and hold, and would "leaA^e learned professors to come after and prove that it was just." And Frederick Wilhelm IV — the mad King — expressed the dominant Hohenzollern belief when he said, "All written constitutions are only THE GERMAN OBSESSION 123 scraps of paper." The Prussian dynasty has violated obhgations to its own people just as readily as treaties with foreign powers. Prussianism is brute power, and the German people will never have a real Constitution as long as the Hohen- zollerns and the Prussian Junkers can prevent it. All the rights that the people now "enjoy" are sub- ject to the whim of the dynasty, and all agreements are mere "scraps of paper." William Penn proved to the world that a treaty of peace, even though not formally expressed in a "scrap of paper" by the written word, ratified by an oath, and witnessed and guaranteed by the "Great Powers," could be kept with scrupulous fidelity by spiritually-minded white men and by so-called savages. Even the cynical Voltaire ex- pressed sincere admiration for the compact made between Penn and the American Indians, and affirmed that it was the only treaty that had never been broken. When Penn, the great apostle of peace and human justice, of democracy and Christ- likeness, died in England, a disappointed, ruined and heart-broken man, the people of the world who really appreciated his gi-eatness and virtue, were not his own people of the proud and aggressive Caucasian race, but the primitive "savages" of the Western World. The Indians of Pennsylvania revered Penn as the "White Truth Teller," and they sent presents across the seas, with their pro- found sympathy, to the widow of the great man, with the message that they would treasure in their hearts the memory of "the man of unbroken friend- ship and inviolate treaties." In The German War Book we read that when the expression "The Law of War" is used, it must 124 THE GERMAN OBSESSION be understood that the law is not fixed or binding, but is a mere "reciprocity of mutual agreement, and by it is meant only ... a limitation of arbitrary behavior wliich custom and convention- ality, human friendhness and a calculating egoism have erected, but for the observance of which there exists no express sanction but only the fear of re- prisals ;" "certain severities are indispensable to war — nay, more . . . the only true humanity very often lies in a ruthless application of them," and again, "International law is in no way opposed to the exploitation of the crimes of third parties (as- sassination, incendiarism, robbery and the like) to the prejudice of the enemy. . . . The ugly and immoral aspect of such methods cannot affect the recognition of their lawfulness. International law is not for the German who revels in ruthlessly violating its every provision, but listen to tlie German protest if any enemy resorts to reprisals and seeks by retaliation to punish them for their lawlessness! They vigorously object and howl their passionate denunciations of unscrupulous foes. After the Germans have been bombarding and bombing open towns for years, it is interesting to read that the Burgomaster of Frankfurt, after an aeroplane raid — which had for its objects muni- tion manufacturing establisliments and military transportation facilities — announces a despatch from the German Emperor expressing the sym- pathy of the "All-Highest" in the "misfortune that has befallen . . . Frankfurt as the result of an enemy attack which was contrary to interna- tional law and claimed many victims." When the allied raid on Frankfurt was taking place, German bombing squadrons were attacking Rouen, Havre, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 125 Vernon, Dunkirk and Calais, but the Kaiser con- siders every German act of ruthless aggression "a military necessity," which, therefore, is fully justi- fied and is beyond all consideration of international or moral law. The impudence of the recent German protest against the use of shotguns by American soldiers, and their threat to put to death every American soldier captured with such a weapon, is patho- logically interesting. Could moral color-blindness be more complete? The nation which has gloried in its violation of all international law, which ruth- lessly ravished Belgium and considered a treaty of neutrality a mere unimportant "scrap of paper;" the nation which has introduced poison gas and poison gas shells and flame throwers as implements of warfare, and which has revived the use of liquid fire; the nation which has adopted a ruthless sub- marine warfare, sinking merchant and passenger ships of both belligerent and neutral nations and even destroying hospital ships at sight; which has bombarded and bombed open towns and murdered non-combatants; which has maliciously bombed Red Cross hospitals, schoolhouses and churches, looted private property, driven civilians into cap- tivity and subjected them to atrocities worse than death; which has poisoned wells, destroyed fruit trees and razed man's greatest works of art, and as the butcher of Belgium, Northern France and Poland, and the inventor of an unheard-of dia- bolical frightfulness, has reverted to all the for- bidden and unspeakable barbarities of the savage augmented in horror by modern science — this in- famous nation is stirred to indignation because 126 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Americans on patrol duty have occasionally used shotguns instead of rifles. What a travesty to read that the Hun objects to methods of warfare "which cause unnecessary suf- fering!" This is surely a case for the alienist; and, in the opinion of real psychologists, only the shock of a severe military overthrow will prove an effec- tive remedy for the mental obsession of the Prus- sianized Germans. In some of the Rhine valley cities, resolutions have been passed protesting against aerial bombing attacks. Later on, when the Allies invade German soil, we shall hear Ger- man complaints about the destruction of private property. To cut down a German tree or shell a German cathedral or any non-military German building will be denounced as an infamous sacrilege ! And what words will the indignant German find to relieve his feelings if Allied soldiers ever do in Ger- many what German soldiers did in Louvain, or, indeed, wherever he cursed a foreign land with his savage, cruel, and lustful presence? German moral obtuseness goes hand in hand with an incredible lack of humor. And we shall see these curious characteristics develop to a remark- able degree, once the Allies cross the German frontier in force. In Deutschland bei Beginn des 20 sten, Jahrhundrets, written in 1900, we read, "Whoever enters upon a war in future will do well to look only to his own interests and pay no heed to any so-called international law. He will do weU to act without consideration and without scruple." In Was und der Krieg bring en muss, a modern Ger- man writer has said, "Treaties under international law are no more than the formulated expression of the existent relations of power between states. If THE GERMAN OBSESSION 127 these relations of power have so far changed that the real or imaginary vital interests of one of the states demand and render possible the alteration of such treaties, it is the simple duty of the leader of that state to effect the alteration by all con- ceivable means, so long as the risk does not appear greater than the anticipated advantage. . . . For the will of the state no other principle exists but that of expediency (the subordination of moral principle to what seems to be advantageous) which is at the same time selfishness . . . far-seeing, shrewdly -calculating selfishness; . . . honesty . . . on vital questions, ought on no account to be carried to the pitch of inexpedient quixotism. . . . Woe to the people which do not stand as one man behind the statesman who, by dint of hard struggles with his own soul, has fought his way to the only true standpoint — viz., that in international relations magnanimity is wholly out of place, and that here the voice of expediency can alone be heard." Dr. Georg Kerschensteiner, of the Reichstag, has said, "There are no ethical friendships between the states in our day. There are only friendships of convenience, and friendships of convenience last just as long as the convenience itself. That is the sheet anchor of our foriegn policy." Tannenberg wrote (1911), "Today everything goes on peace- ably on the wretched earth, and it is those who have profited who are for peace. The little people and the remnants of a people have invented a new word — ^that is, international law. In reality, it is noth- ing else than their reckoning on our good-natured stupidity. . . . Room; they must make room. . . . It is they — or we! Since we are the 128 THE GERMAN OBSESSION stronger, the choice will not be difficult. We must quit our modest waiting at the door;" and the Leipziger Tagehlatt, of January 24th, 1913, said, "Our national development calls for recognition. . . . We are not an institute for the artificial preservation of dying nations." Klaus Wagner, in Krieg (1906), said, "War will unify the strong nation that is capable of a future and make it free, and will establish the people on a healthy, substantial basis. Those are the two chief purposes of war. A third can, however, be suggested, that a nation even when her national and fundamental interests do not coincide with those of another nation, still must rudely destroy this peo- ple's highest interests, must indeed remorselessly cut off from this foreign people the means of living for the future. It is a great, powerful nation which overturns a less courageous and frequently degen- erate people, and takes its territory from it. For a great, strong people finds its house too narrow, it cannot stir and move about, cannot work and build up, cannot thrive and grow. The great nation needs new territory. Therefore, it must spread out over foreign soil and must displace foreigners with the power of the sword." K. F. Wolff, the Pan-German writer in All- deutsche Blatter, August 30th, 1913, said, "The principal thing for the conqueror is the outspoken will to rule and the will to destroy the political and national life of the conquered." Wolff is one of the many German political writers who maintain that only the strongest should rule, and every physi- cally weak or small people should be enslaved. A warrior aristocracy should rule the earth and this should be created of German blood. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 129 Dr. Adolf Lasson — born 1832 — (real name Lazarusson) has said, "The demand for peaceful rivalry of states ... is either an empty phrase in the mouth of simpletons or a deliberate and hypo- critical lie." "The state can realize itself only by the destruction of other states which logically can only be brought about by violence." And again, "Between states regarded as intelligent beings, dis- putes can be settled only by material force. War is therefore associated with the notion of a state. If you suppress war . . . you must set up universal despotism, universal slavery," i. e., to eliminate wars we must eliminate nations, but peo- ples are the makers of nations and peoples cannot be eliminated by despotic decree or compulsory absorption. Universal despotism in these en- lightened days would herald an era of popular revolutions. Lasson maintains that a state organ- ized for peace is no state at all. "A state is really manifest only in its preparation for war," and "War is the fundamental phenomena in the life of a state." Writing in 1868, Lasson expresses an in- teresting phase of German psychology in regard to "defensive" wars, which well illustrates how Ger- man minds have been warped to consider, as de- fensive, an action which strives to aggressively attain. "It is not alone that which it already has, that a state defends by war; it is even more that 'which, as yet, it has 7iot, hut regards as a necessary gain from the war. It is absurd to inveigh against wars of conquest, the sole point of interest is the object of the conquest." To the Pan-German mind, the annexation of Belgium with its seacoast, the reahzation of Mittel- europa — a central European empire, absolutely 130 THE GERMAN OBSESSION dominated by Prusso-Germany — the Berlin to Bagdad development threatening Egypt and India, colonial expansion, an African empire and the annexation of French industrial land in the west, and of Russian agricultural land in the east, with German control of the Baltic, are not merely am- bitious and avaricious German schemes, but all these lands so lustfully coveted and to be wrested by brute power from their rightful possessors, are really German already, for Germans will it so. Pan-Germans regard such territorial aggrandize- ment "as a necessary gain from the war," and, according to Lasson, when Germany fights for them, she is waging a defensive wa?', for she fights to defend her anticijjated gains. This is the acme of stupidity but is in keeping with many other Prusso- German doctrines emanating from a dynastically- controlled, Teutonic scholarship and expressing itself in great mental activity void of intellectual integrity. Lasson also says, "Only the fear of an outside power can impose limits on the territorial expansion of the state. Any intervention (in the affairs of other states) that is not encouraged by favorable circumstances should not be attempted, hut if success is assured it is not merely justified, it becomes a positive duty of the state toward itself." Eduard von Hartmann (1842-1906) said that the belligerent states are always and exclusively in a "pure state of nature," in which there cannot possibly be any question of right or law. This is a typical German statement, expressive of a dis- torted belief in the grosser side of Darwin's theory of natural selection, or the survival of the fittest, while it ignores its real truth. Nature is a much abused word, and "a pure state of nature" is mean- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 131 ingless to the enfettered and barricaded Teuton mind. Nature in reality is the expression of law and is law, and such law is immutable, unchanging and universal. German ruthless, intolerant na- tionalism is opposed to every law of nature, to the real law of humanity which in survival will actuate the lives of all men in harmony with the Cosmic ideal, and to the law of God — the controlling, sustaining and perfecting power of all life. Klaus Wagner in Krieg — ^1906 — wrote, "The old church- man preached of war as of a just judgment of God ; the modern natural philosopher sees in war the favorable means of selection (survival of the fittest). They speak with different tongues but they mean the same thing," viz., that "God" as Napoleon said, "is on the side of the heaviest bat- talions," that "might is right," and physical force, not mind and soul, expresses God's will and dominates all the world. Dr. Karl Mehrmann in Das grossere Deutschland (1917) says, "The more the voices of our people join in the chorus of national interests, the more pleasing will the song be to God. Through might to kultur, and through kultur to might. The beginning and the end is might." How different is the doctrine of Pan- Germanism from the teachings of the Christ whom the Teuton people falsely profess to serve. VI. German Antagonism to Arbitration IN 1891, Lord Salisbury, the British Prime Min- ister, had a statement compiled showing to the people of Em^ope the cost of military prepara- tion, and he forwarded this report to the German Emperor ; but the European war lord refused to be interested in any plan to restrict armaments and reduce the extent and expense of armies and navies. In 1896, Lord Sahsbury, through the instru- mentality of Count Lambsdorf, placed all the data which he had accumulated on this subject before the Czar of Russia, with the result that on August 28th, 1898, there appeared the celebrated Peace Manifesto of the Czar, and in spite of the hostility of the Teuton nations to the plan, a Peace Confer- ence assembled at the Hague on May 18th, 1899, with the representatives of twenty-six states. Throughout the entire proceedings of the Confer- ence, Britain led in a sincere effort to find some just, practical and generally satisfactory basis on which all nations could agree to diminish the in- tolerable burden of armaments, and pledge them- selves to settle the differences arising between civi- lized nations on some equitable and legal basis. In these efforts, Britain was supported by America, France, Russia, and, naturally, the smaller states, but the opposition of Germany and her ally, Aus- tria-Hungary, was so pronounced that it was with extreme difficulty and much forbearance and repres- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 133 sion of feelings on the part of the cultured repre- sentatives of peaee-lov^ing and humane nations, that the Conference was kept in session even a reason- able period of time. In the autobiography of Andrew D. White, who represented the United States at the Hague, we read that Count Miinster, Chairman of the Ger- man Delegation, "insisted that arbitration would be injurious to Germany; that Germany is prepared for war as no other country is or can be; that she can mobilize her army in ten days, and that neither France, Russia nor any other power can do this. Arbitration he (JNIiinster) said, would simply give rival powers time to put themselves in readiness and would, therefore, be a great disadvantage to Ger- many." In the discussion. Prof. Zorn of the Ger- man delegation voiced the prevailing Pan-German and dynastic sentiment, that the subjection of Germany to an International Court of Arbitration was not "in conformity with the traditions of the Bismarckian policy" of blood and iron. By way of introduction to the discussion on armaments and arbitration at the Hague, the German Emperor delivered an address in Weisbaden, in which he declared that the best pledge of peace was the "sharp, gleaming sword." It has been well said that "it is a part of the German system to furnish on every occasion an introduction to the concert of the European piper of peace by blowing a war- fanfare on the Prussian bugle." The British Ministers continued their efforts to come to some peaceful understanding with Ger- many in regard to reduction of armaments. Sir Edward Grey urged that any attempt to maintain peace by armaments was ruinously expensive for 134 THE GERMAN OBSESSION all nations. Campbell-Bannerman, on March 5th, 1907, said in the British House of Commons, "We have desired and still desire to place ourselves in the very front rank of those who think that the war- like attitude of powers as displayed by the excessive growth of armaments is a curse to Europe and that the sooner it is checked . . . the better." The Second Hague Peace Conference, held in 1907, followed generally along the lines of the First. Britain desired a discussion on the question of arma- ments, but Germany declined to enter it. The same nations that in 1899 worked for compulsory, or any other form of international arbitration with the ultimate object of ending warfare, again sought to reason with the representatives of the Teuton na- tions; but in its militaristic creed Prussianism is inexorable, and once more the Hohenzollern heu- tenants ridiculed every pacifistic attempt on the part of other nations. On March 13th, 1911, Earl Grey, in the British House of Commons, emphasized the Government's desire to arrive at some understand- ing with Germany in regard to the restriction of armaments. He stated that if the tremendous expenditure and rivalry of armaments continued, they must in the long run break civilization down. The burden of armaments, he affirmed, if it steadily persisted and intensified in the future as in the past, was even a greater danger than war itself, since it involved "a bleeding to death in time of peace." On March 30th, the Imperial Chancellor in a debate in the German Reichstag, after thirteen years of evasion, declared plainly and definitely that "the question of an agreement as to armaments is in- soluble as long as men are men and states are states." THE GERMAN OBSESSION 135 Still Britain struggled to come to some under- standing with Germany and, in February, 1912, Lord Haldane was sent to Berlin to discuss the question of armaments, but as he commenced his journey, the German Emperor, in opening the Reichstag, announced that great increases were necessary in both the Army and the Navy. As a result of Haldane's conference with the German Emperor and the Imperial Chancellor, it later de- veloped that whereas Germany would agree to noth- ing definite, and would put nothing in wi'iting, yet they might be wilHng to retard their warship build- ing if Britain did the same, provided Britain would definitely obligate herself to a policy of uncon- ditional neutrality i7i the event of any European conflict in which Gerinany was involved. This tricky, Hohenzollern request was an eff rontry to the British Empire that could not have come from any other source ; it was an insulting demand that Britain renounce her position as a great Power and sacrifice her honor for nothing. Britain, of course, declined the German proposal but did not cease her efforts for peace, international good feeling and reduction of armaments. Nothwithstanding Germany's arro- gant attitude, the British Cabinet prepared the fol- lowing statement which was transmitted to Berlin through Count Metternich, the German Ambas- sador: "The two Powers being naturally desirous of securing peace and friendship between them. Britain declares that she will neither make nor join in any unprovoked attack upon Germany. Aggres- sion upon Germany is not the subject and forms no part of any treaty understanding or combination to which Britain is now a party, nor will she become a party to anything that has such an object." This is 136 THE GERMAN OBSESSION a promise of non-aggression in the widest sense of the word, but even with this assurance that Britain would not attack, Germany asked for security to be able to attack her or any other nation, undisturbed. Germany sought to isolate Britain and make her own path secure to hegemony on the Continent which would ultimately lead to Britain's further humiliation and Germany's world-leadership. In October, 1901, Germany suggested a form of alliance with Britain whereby each should guarantee the possessions of the other in all parts of the world except Asia; this meant that Britain should definitely guarantee for all time the German occupation of Alsace-Lorraine, Poland, etc. The alliance was primarily intended by Germany to cause a break in the good feelings existing between Britain and France; it was part of Germany's malicious plan to isolate France and then pounce upon her. Although Britain greatly desired an alliance of peace, she could not subscribe to the Ger- man plan and sacrifice her honor and her loyal Gallic friend. A Frenchman has wisely remarked, "Wilhelm II always offers to be your friend against somebody else. Otherwise your friendship has no value for him." This is a typical Prussian characteristic; it was conspicuous in the diplomacy of Frederick the Great, and was a prominent feature of Bismarck's foreign policy. Sir Edward Grey in November, 1911, well expressed the honor- able British Peace Policy when he said, "One does not make new friendships worth having by desert- ing old ones. New friendships, by all means, let us make, but not at the expense of the ones we have," and again, "It is difficult to find a half-way house between constant liability to friction and cordial THE GERMAN OBSESSION 137 friendship. It is cordial friendship alone which pro- vides sufficient mutual tolerance and goodwill to prevent difficulties and friction which would other- wise arise." The history of the Hague Peace Conferences and of Britain's attempts to form a real alliance of peace and reach an understanding with Germany in re- gard to armaments, places with absolute certainty the full blame for the present world-war where it belongs, and also suggests that, for many years back, Germany had planned and prepared herself for the conflict with France and Russia from which she expected to emerge triumphant, only later to subjugate Britain, and at some future time prob- ably to fight with the Mongolians in the Far East, and the United States in the West, for absolute world-domination. The Hague Peace Conferences definitely prove that a dynastically-controlled and Prussianized Germany will have nothing to do with any demo- cratic and, therefore, essentially pacifistic inter- national program, which includes compulsory arbitration and restriction of armaments, not to mention a federation of states, a permanent inter- national tribunal and armed forces contributed by the various states to form an international army which would operate under the direction of the tri- bunal, to enforce, if necessary, its decrees. Arbitra- tion is for democratic peoples, enjoying constitu- tional government; militarism is for dynasties, absolute monarchies, despots and tyrants, and these are never interested in any form of justice or peace. Alfred H. Fried, in Handbuch der Friedens- bewegung (1911), tells us that "The reception of the Tsars (peace) Manifesto was anything but 138 THE GERMAN OBSESSION friendly. . . . The learned world (he should have limited his comment to the Teuton nations) also was for the most part hostile to the idea under- lying the Manifesto, and such a man as Mommsen could even, amid great applause, characterize the proposed Conference as 'a misprint in world- history.' " Prof. Hasse, in 1908, wrote, "The worst of hypocrisies is the participation by Germany in the Hague Conference. . . . We should do better to leave that farce to those who, for centuries, have made of hypocrisy an industry and a habit." This is the comment of a German, the diplomatic records of whose nation are saturated with devilish insincerity, unscrupulousness and Machiavellian deceit; indeed the downright treachery of the Hohenzollern dealings with other peoples can only be rivaled in purpose, not in extent, with those of the Austrian Hapsburgs. Otfried Nippold in German Chauvinism (1913) tells us that at a meet- ing of the German Defense League held at Cassel in February, 1913, General Keim said, "People are too much given to sentimental maunderings. To what practical end had the vaunted Hague Peace Meetings led? The one hundred thousand marks spent on the Peace Palace would much better have been devoted to the support of needy veterans." The latter remark is a mere empty catch-phrase of a politician; what he probably really felt was that the money would have been better spent in guns, equipment, or in the maintenance of fighting troops. The German attitude and ambition to dominate the policy of Europe by the superiority of her arma- ments and will to power were very clearlj^ and decisively expressed by Chancellor von Bethmann- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 139 Hollweg in March, 1911, when, in rejecting Presi- dent Taft's proposal for arbitration, he said: "When a people will not or cannot continue to spend enough on its armaments to be able to make its way in the world, then it falls back into the second rank and sinks down to the role of a 'super' on the world's stage. There will always be another and a stronger there, who is ready to take the place in the world which it has vacated." It is useless to expect any government to favor- ably, or even seriously consider international arbi- tration and reduction of armaments if peace to them is not a worthy ideal toward which to strive. The Hohenzollern and Hapsburg dynasties do not desire peace, and their regimental professors in their enslaved universities have been commanded to teach the people that war is health, progress, dominion, and prosperity. "Only over the black gate of the cemetery," says Klaus Wagner in Krieg (1906), "can we read the words 'Eternal peace for all peoples.' For peoples who live and strive, the only maxim and motto must be 'eternal war.' " There is no doctrine here of "The last war," or of waging war to attain a just and lasting peace; Germany's is rather the creed of the jungle and of primitive man. The Crown Prince of Germany in Deutsclilandin Waff en (1903) said, "The German who loves his people and believes in the greatness and future of our country . . . must not let himself be lazily sung to sleep by the peace-lullabies of the Uto- pians;" and again, "Our country is obliged, more than any other country, to place all its confidence in its good weapons. Set in the center of Europe, it is badljT^ protected by its unfavorable geographical frontiers, and is regarded by many nations without 140 THE GERMAN OBSESSION affection. Upon the German Empire, therefore, is imposed more emphatically than upon any other peoples of the earth, the sacred duty of watching carefully that its army and its navy be always pre- pared to meet any attack from the outside. It is only by reliance upon our brave sword that we shall be able to maintain that place in the sun which belongs to us, and which the world does not seem very willing to accord us." This statement is a classic of Machiavellian-militaristic Pan-German- ism; it is the raving of a dynastic mind, but is ac- cepted as logic by subsidized intellectuals and is fed to an authoritatively educated people by the en- slaved teachers, ministers and writers of a state, wearing upon their minds and souls the insignia of the Hohenzollerns. Kronprinz Wilhelm says that Germany (i. e., the dynasty) places all its confidence not in the people, their soul culture, humanity, sense of right, loyalty and justice, but in the army and the weapons of war. He prates of being surrounded by enemies when, in reality, all of these supposititious enemies are praying for peace, goodwill and harmony, and have been urging international arbitration and the removal of all excuses for war. He talks of being prepared "to meet any attack from the outside," when in reality no such danger threatens, and even if it did, could positively be prevented for all time by Hohenzollern willingness to place their quarrels before an International Court of Jiistice. The preparation "to meet any attack" to which he refers is really preparation not to properly defend but to aggressively attack. Prince Wilhelm has pas- sionately denounced the ideal of "everlasting peace" as a malicious and essentially evil thing. The Hohenzollerns, the Prussian Junkers and the Pan- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 141 German Imperialists preach not peace but war, and strive to substitute Chauvinism and Jingoism for patriotism, in the fettered minds of a guUible peo- ple. "A peaceful view of life," said the Crown Prince, "is un-German and does not suit us," and yet he prates today of Germany fighting a defen- sive and preventive war, when he himself was one of the prime movers in a deliberately-planned war of conquest. The present war is purely a dynastic war, born of dynastic and imperialistic ideas and serving dynastic and imperialistic ends. The evi- dence is unmistakably conclusive; it could be noth- ing else. The "place in the sun" that, according to Kron- prinz Wilhelm, foreign powers do "not seem very willing to accord us," is not territory of the German Empire but parts of Russia, France, Belgium, etc. In true Lasson fashion, Kronprinz Wilhelm considers as really German all that territory, people and power which he lustfully covets, and the military power of Teutonia must be prepared to meet all attacks of foes, who struggle to defend their own, from unscrupulous Prussian hordes who always wage their aggressive wars in defense. HohenzoUern arguments invariably represent the acme of stupidity, but they form a catechism for the mentally enslaved people of a great empire. Ger- many does not want arbitration, for arbitration means peace, and peace is diametrical^ opposed to the Pan-German doctrine of "world conquest or downfall." Germany desired to live at peace with all peoples while she was preparing for war, and then only waited for an opportunity to s^ke for gain that gave promise of success. Germany may not want (just now) what she knows she cannot forcibly acquire, but she does want and will take all 142 THE GERMAN OBSESSION that she has the brute power to take, and this with- out any regard to right or justice. Bernhardi in Gerinany and the Neoct War (1912) said, "Arbitration treaties must be pecuharly detrimental to an aspiring people which has not yet reached its political and national zenith, and is bent on expanding its power in order to play its part honorably in the civilized world. Every arbitration court must originate in a certain political status; it must regard this as legally con- stituted, and must treat any alterations, however necessary, to which the whole of the contracting parties do not agree, as an encroachment. In this way every progressive change is arrested and a legal position created, which may easily conflict with the actual turn of affairs, and may check the expansion of the young and vigorous state in favor of one which is sinking in the scale of civilization. . . . We must strenuously combat the peace propaganda. War must regain its moral justifica- tion and its political significance in the eyes of the public. . . . War ... is not a barbaric act, but the highest expression of true civilization; war is a political necessity." Bernhardi deplores the fact that "aspirations for peace . . . seem to dominate our age and threaten to poison the soul of the German people. . . . War is . . . an indispensable factor of kultur in which a truly civilized nation (Germany) finds the highest ex- pression of strength and vitality;" "Our own country, by employing its military powers, has at- tained a degree of kultur which it never could have reached by the methods of peaceful development;" "The duties and obligations of the German people . . . cannot be fulfilled without drawing the sword." THE GERMAN OBSESSION 143 General Alfred Wrochem (born 1857) said, "A developing, onward-striving people like our- selves requires new land for its energies, and if peace will not secui'e it, then only war remains," and again, "Sentimental maunderings about hu- manity and peace were even bringing us face to face with the danger that cosmopolitanism might overthrow Germanism, and that our Kaiser and war lord might be insulted bj^ being offered the Nobel Peace Prize." Prof Friedrich Meinecke (born 1862), in The German Uprimig of 1014, says "We want to become a world people. Let us remind ourselves that the belief in our mission as a world-people has arisen from our originally pure spiritual impulse to absorb the world unto our- selves." Bernhardi speaks of the "mental and moral force" of war which gives victory to a nation "possessed of a strong vitality and of a progressive civilization." A strong vitality here means mere brute power, and a progressive civilization mere scientific knowledge which increases the scope and power for evil when the brute force is actuated by the false and inhuman German doctrine of im- moralism. "If it were not for war," says Bern- hardi, "we should probably find that inferior and degenerated races would overcome healthy and youthful ones." Who is to judge in regard to the inferiority and degeneracy of peoples? Why, Ger- many, of course! And who renders the verdict in Germany and creates or determines the national belief? Hohenzollernism with its Junkers and the great army of subsidized, enslaved lieutenants, who spread the mental poison of the Prussian dynasty through the medium of schools, church, press and lecture platforms. VII. Germany Willed the Wae (First Part) GENERAL FRIEDRICH BERNHARDI wrote, in 1912, that it is "quite unthinkable that an agreement between France and Ger- many can be negotiated before the question between them has been once more decided by arms. . . . In one way or another we must square our account with France if we wish for a free hand in our inter- national policy. . . . France must be so com- pletely crushed that she can never again come across our path." The idea of a conquering mili- tant nation desiring to "square our account" with a neighbor-nation which they humiliated and ignominiously defeated at the last issue at arms, is ludicrous. France, from whom Alsace-Lorraine was forcibly taken, might be justified in a desire to "square our account," but what humiliation and reverse are there for Germany to settle that were not fully covered in the war of 1870-71 ? Germany was well aware of her own numerical military superiority, for whereas the population of France had increased only eight per cent, in three decades, that of Germany had increased sixty per cent., and in 1910 Germany numbered 65,000,000 people and France only 39,000,000. It was not to "square our account" that Germany resolved to wage war on France; it was the effect of a depraved national jealousy and unrestrained lust. Gennany was THE GERMAN OBSESSION 145 envious of France, of her culture, her thrift, her industry and her prosperity, so "France must be . . . completely crushed." Bernhardi expressed the Hohenzollern and Pan- German belief in regard to Britain when he said, "A pacific agreement with Britain is a will-o'-the- wisp which no serious German statesman would trouble to follow. We must always keep the possibility of war with England before our eyes, and arrange our political and military plans accord- ingly." Bernhardi regretted that Germany did not plunge Europe into war on the occasion of the ]\Ioroccan incident. A year after the Anglo-French treaty of 1904, in which Britain recognized the special interests of France in ^Morocco, the German Emperor visited the Sultan of Morocco at Tangier and fostered discontent. At a conference of the Great Powers, held at Algeciras, in Spain (1906), an apparently equitable and pacific agreement was reached, and Germany did not openly insist on equality of footing with France. Between July 30th and August 5th, 1907, however, several Europeans were killed in an outbreak at Casablanca, in Morocco, and the French bombarded the to^vn and landed troops. The brother of the Sultan claimed the throne, and the country went through the throes of civil war; Germany then became aggressive in her demands on France, and finally forced her to cede to Germany a portion of the French Congo in return for France's retaining a free hand in Morocco. The iMoroccan revolution was undoubtedly en- coiu-aged, if not instigated, by the German Emperor, and when the dispute between France 146 THE GERMAN OBSESSION and Germany, in which Britain supported France, was peacefully settled, the Prussian-German Jingoes loudly proclaimed their disappointment. The Pan-Germanists did not want part of the French Congo; they wanted war, and when war was declared thej^ intended to strip France of her colonies. Bernhardi deplored "the weakening of public confidence which is undoubtedly shown both in the press and the Reichstag," and "the deep rift which has been formed . . . between the gov- ernment and the mass of the nationalistic party" because of the pacific endings of an international quarrel. Bernhardi consoles himself, however, with the thought that the agreement of 1911 is not per- manent, and that all chances for discord are not past. "We need not, therefore, regard this Con- vention as definite. It is as liable to revision as the Algeciras treaty, and, indeed, offers in this respect the advantage that it creates new opportunities for friction with France." A treaty, therefore, which has prevented a Euro- pean or world war meets with the conditional ap- proval of a dynastically-governed, militaristic peo- ple because it offers new sources of friction. This is a typical and much-sought-f or "dynastic peace ;" it is a peace that can be made to lead to discord when the dynasty so decrees. Bernhardi brazenly suggests that Germany might use "British attempts at a rapprochement ... to delay the neces- sary, inevitable war until we may fairly imagine we have some prospect of success." But Bernhardi cautions Germanj^ against waiting too long before she strikes. "There can only be a short respite before we once more face the question whether we will draw the sword for our position in the world, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 147 or renounce such position at once and for all. Wait, we dare not. . . . The situation in the world affords us numerous points to which we can apply our lever." As a specific illustration of Bernhardi's mili- taristic and Machiavellian policy of Immoralism in state affairs, it is interesting to note that he accuses the Government and statesmen of Britain of gross incompetency and national stupidity for not intervening in our Civil War in favor of the South. Bernhardi deplores Germany's apparently conciliatory spirit in the Moroccan crisis, and under the immediate pressure of the unwelcome Franco- German agreement, wrote: "It was a most serious mistake in German policy that a final settling of accounts with France was not effected at a time when the state of international affairs was favor- able, and success might confidently have been ex- pected. . . . This policy somewhat resembles the supineness for which Britain has herself to blame, when she refused her assistance to the Southern states in the American Civil War," and, again, "Since Britain committed the unpardonable blunder, from her nationalistic point of view, of not supporting the Southern states in the American war of secession, a rival to Britain's world-wide Empire has appeared on the Western side of the Atlantic." Prof. Delbriick, in 1913, wrote, "Not only must our armaments be sufficient, but we must also, above all, choose the right moment. . . . This policy can be the more readily carried into effect if, as in our case, the highest authority lies in the hands of those who look far ahead and do not take the whole world into their confidence." 148 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Since the days of Bismarck, the Hohenzollern dynasty has sought to engender among the German people a most unreasonable and unwarranted hatred of Britain, while, at times, the Emperor posed as Britain's friend. Treitschke, in the days of Em- peror Frederick III (father of the present Kaiser) , concluded a long political address with the following passionate words which provoked ap- plause, "It must come to this, that no German dog shall forevermore accept a piece of bread from the hand of an Englishman." Treitschke, in Politics (1899), naively says that the obstacles to English kultur have been the climate and lack of wine and beautiful scenery. These absurdities emanate from the official panegyrist and "philosopher" of the Prussian dynasty. Karl Schmidt (1914) says, "England has nothing but the instincts of a beast of prey." Oskar Schmitz (1915) wrote, "Om* real fight is against England, the master of calculation." Prof. Ernst Haeckel (Professor of Zoology at Jena), the German apostle of Darwinism and champion of Monism, accuses Britain (1915) of "Barbarous and infamous conduct," and of "shame- less political falsity and hypocrisy." Haeckel ap- parently has never read the British Official Blue Book, the French Yellow Book, the Belgian Grey Book, the Russian Orange Book, in conjunction with the Austrian Red Book, and the German White Book, or, if he has seen them, it is evident that they have been German-printed, expurgated editions, falsified in the usual "Ems dispatch" man- ner by order of the House of Hohenzollern. If there are any people more gullible than the Ger- man masses, they are the Intellectuals, who so crave d3mastic recognition with its clap-trap of "honors," THE GERMAN OBSESSION 149 tinsel and prestige, that they numb their reasoning, rational minds, accept as absolute truth any false- hood thrown out to them by the ruling powers, and prepare elaborate "philosophical" defenses of the most monstrous crimes and ridiculous, mental obses- sions of Hohenzollernism and Pan-Germanism. Haeckel, in his ignorance and blinded, fanatical prejudice, says that "the blood-guiltiness of this 'greatest crime in world-history' lies at the door of Britain alone, and she has for more than forty years been plotting the annihilation of her dangerous German competitor;" and again, "The unexampled sorrow and need begotten by the gigantic world- war" was caused "by Britain's brutal egoism." He also accuses Britain of worshipping not the Chris- tian's God, but the Golden Calf — the Bank of Eng- land. Germanicus, in Britain and the War (1914) , has the audacity to say, "It is a pity that Nietzsche did not live to see the success of his teaching in England. . . . Britain may claim to have bred 'the superman' in the highest potency yet attained. He is coldly and unfeelingly inspired by a frightful craving for power that wades through rivers of blood and knows neither compunction nor pity." Here is the acme of deliberate, vicious perverse- ness ; but it is only one potent example in thousands of what dynastic propaganda is capable of in the crucifixion of truth. Pastor Losche (1914) calls the British, "poison- mixers" and "master-assassins.' Pastor Tolzein, in My German Fatherland, saj^s she is "a Moloch that will devour everything ; a vampire that will suck tribute from all the veins of the earth; a monster snake encircling the whole equator." Pastor Lahusen, of Berlin, in The Fifth Petition in the 150 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Lord's Prayer and England, says, "We must be wroth, and we will be wroth, with the whole power of our inner man. We will hate the will of the nation which has so basely set upon our peace- loving people in order to destroy us. We will hate the Satanic power of arrogance and selfishness, of treachery and cruelty, of lying and hypocrisy. We will fight without scruple, and employ all means of destruction however terrible they may be." Pastor Vorwerk, a well-known author of books on religion and child-psychology, said, "Covetousness, a huck- stering spirit, a thirst for gain, calculating envy, hypocrisy — what despicable vices have they not be- come to us. We spit at them, we hate them, just because they are British." This German Minister of the Gospel and "spiritual overseer" of a people does not hate certain enumerated, despicable quali- ties because they are evil, but merely because they are British. As a matter of fact, these despicable qualities used by Vorwerk and his clerical colleagues to describe the British, are peculiarly applicable to German thought and action. It is evident that in Germany, patriotism, or rather nationalism, tri- umphs over religion. Vorwerk expresses as only a Hohenzollern Intellectual can, a nationalistic ego- ism and self-righteousness, and his poor imprisoned mind naturally fails to perceive that for covetous- ness, calculating envy and hypocrisy no govern- ment on earth has the damnable black record of Prussia under Frederick the Great and Bismarck, and Germany under the modern Nero — Wilhelm II. Prof. Sombart says "the English are little more than a heap of living corpses. The whole body of the people rots ;" Pastor Rump, in War Devotions THE GERMAN OBSESSION 151 (1914), says, "Take heed that ye be counted among the blessed, who show decHning Britain, corrupt Belgium, licentious France and uncouth Russia, the unconquerable, youthful power and manhood of the German people in a manner never to be forgotten. . . . Brethren, make an end of this generation of vipers with German blows and German thrusts." Pastor Rump also declares that Britain is "the world's greatest sham of a people . . . the Judas among nations," and he brands France as a "sensual harlot . . . shameless . . . im- pudent and cowardly." Why all these insensate and frenzied ravings against Britain? Because Britain declined to pledge herself to unconditional neutrality in case Germany invaded Belgium and violated a treaty which she (Germany) together with Austria, France, Russia and Britain had pledged themselves to maintain and support; be- cause Britain would not be a traitor to her knightly word, and because Britain refused to stand idly by and see innocent Belgium ravaged, while Germany let loose her armed hordes to subjugate peace- loving neighbor-nations. The record of Britain's efforts to prevent the great world-war is unmistakably clear and abso- lutely convincing; the earnestness and sincerity of her practical struggle to avert war in 1914 com- mand not only respect, but admiration. Sir Edward Grey did everything within human power to find an avenue of escape for civilized nations from blood-thirsty Germany. The indefatigable zeal, skill and energy of the British were ably and whole-heartedly supported by the French and Rus- sian governments, but all to no avail. Everything presented was frowned upon, objected to, dechned. 152 THE GERMAN OBSESSION or ignored by the German and Austrian govern- ments, working together under the domination of the Prussian dynasty. Germany declared war against Russia on August 1st, 1914, while Russia was earnestly striving through every conceivable diplomatic channel to maintain the peace of Europe, and immediately after her Minister had declared "In no case would Russia begin hostilities first." It is significant that Austria, supposed to be the Great Power in the controversy with Russia, did not declare war until August 6th. It has been well said that the two chief duelists had not yet crossed swords, when the second of one party at- tacked the other. This blood-thirsty second seemed to fear that his principal might yield to strong national, pacific sentiment, so Germany — the second — started a war when Austria seemed to proceed too slowly in attacking her opponent, who appeared as the champion of a smaller sister-nation of the same race and blood. At a Council held in Potsdam, July 29th, 1914, under the Presidency of Emperor Wilhelm II, war had been definitely determined upon. After July 29th Germany was positively committed to war, the military powers were in command and mobilization commenced on July 30th. War was declared against France, and on the morning of August 4th German troops invaded Belgian terri- tory, after she had refused to violate the treaty of London of 1839, by permitting troops of a foreign nation free passage through her land. Belgium ap- pealed to Britain, as a signatory of the treaty guarantee, to protect her neutrality, and Britain, in response, promptly requested Germany to with- draw her troops; when this request was ignored. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 153 Britain then declared that she must take those steps to protect Belgium which were definitely imposed upon her by her treaty obligations. On August 4th, Germany was at war with France, Russia and Belgium, and it was hoped by the HohenzoUerns that Britain would decide to re- main neutral. They felt sure that "commercial Britain" — the nation actuated by the "shopkeeper spirit" — would not undertake a great, expensive war for any idealistic purpose, and they expected that "perfidious Albion" would sacrifice her friends in order to enjoy the benefits of peace. Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg, in the Reichstag, on August 4th, positively admitted and acknowledged in no uncertain manner, Britain's earnest efforts to maintain the peace of Europe, and adjust all mat- ters of dispute and misunderstanding bj'^ confer- ence or by arbitration; and all that he or the Ger- man government has since said in regard to Britain's responsibility for the war, is absolutely contradicted by the Imperial Chancellor's own statement of August 4th, uttered a few hours before Britain shocked the self-complacency of Germany by declaring war, because of that nation's criminal violation of the Belgian treaty. Britain had fought nobly to prevent war. She had urged the French and Russians to work for peace and not count on her help in case of war ; she had urged Germany and Austria to work for peace and not bank on her neutrality in case of hostilities. During the latter part of July and the first few days of August, 1914, German statesmen, working under dynastic orders, did absolutely nothing what- soever in the interest of peace, but did all that could possibly be done in the subtle realm of diplomacy. 154 THE GERMAN OBSESSION to make war inevitable. The German author of J' Accuse! has well said, "While others hastened to the spot with fire engines and water buckets to extinguish the beginnings of the conflagration, German statesmen poured oil on the flames and collected brushwood so that the smoldering spark might develop into a holocaust. And now that the fires of hell have broken loose, the Imperial Chan- cellor sees, horror-struck, the consequence of his fearful deed ; he writes and talks in order to charge others with his misdeed, like the bm-glar who runs down the street shouting 'Stop, thief!' " While Britain, France and Russia were working for peace, Germany had decided on war, and was scheming only and how best to force the issue, keep Britain neutral, bring Italy into the conflict, and get the support of the German people. To accom- plish this latter object, the war had to be a defensive war. The German Emperor has the power to de- clare war, if it is "defensive;" if offensive the con- sent of the Federal Council or the Bundesrat — the upper house of INIonarchial appointees — must be obtained. Since the present war of conquest and unprecedented, ruthless aggression is considered by the Hohenzollern djmasty and the German Govern- ment a defensive war, it is evident that in practice the Kaiser can personally declare war at will. Much of the talk of the Emperor, the Imperial Chancellor and the various Ministers and German Governmental officials about the present "defen- sive" war had three objects in view, (1) to arouse the feelings of an outraged nation to defend their homes and fatherland; (2)* to make the German declaration of war dictated by the Kaiser, constitu- tional; (3) to obtain the cooperation of Italy, which THE GERMAN OBSESSION 155 could not be claimed under the terms of the Triple Alliance, unless one of the nations was attacked. Germany, moreover, hoped to keep Britain neutral in the conflict, for she well knew that if Britain be- lieved that either France or Russia had commenced the war, she would decline to be brought into the struggle. It is an interesting fact that aggi'cssive military enterprises and Machiavellian unscrupulousness are so inseparable, that no war in modern times has been begun without the aggressor assuming an injured air, pretending that his nation wished noth- ing but peace and sanctimoniously invoking divine aid for its devilish and deliberately-planned mur- derous policy. James M. Beck has truly said that "Professions of peace" on the part of aggi-essive belligerents "belong to the cant of diplomacy, and have always characterized the most bellicose of nations." The German Government succeeded in deceiving the gullible German people, but they could not deceive Italy, who repudiated the war as a malicious and aggressive one on the part of her Allies, and in which her treaty obligations did not require — or her national honor permit — her participation. The German people were deceived by such phrases as "The state of defense which is forced upon us;" "The struggle for our freedom and kultur against aggression and oppression;" "The French and Russians have already pressed over our frontiers;" "The fatherland is in danger;" "They mean to humiliate us;" "In the midst of peace the enemy falls upon us;" "The existence of the Empire is at stake. . . . The existence of German power and German character;" "We are called upon to 156 THE GERMAN OBSESSION defend our holiest possessions, our fatherland, our very hearths, against an unscrupulous attack;" "We are fighting for the fruits of our works of peace, for the inheritance of a great past and for our future." These phrases, all taken from official documents, and many more in a similar vein, were maliciously used by the dynastically-controlled government, with the firm, fixed and conscious intention of deliberately deceiving the gullible Ger- man people, "of inflaming its patriotism and of inspiring it to unutterable and incalculable sacri- fices of wealth and life." Because of the Prussian system of mind as well as body drill, with its resultant mental slavery and domination, the Hohenzollerns, with their von Beth- manns and von Jagows, as mouthpieces, could whip a great people into the frenzy of a besieged, out- raged nation, unite all the discordant classes within the Empire, and resurrect the spirit which per- meated the German people in the Wars of Libera- tion, a century past, to be utilized as the driving power in the most cruel, lustful and unwarranted war of deliberately-planned aggression that the world has ever seen. The Prussian dynasty, with its despotic and essentially tyrannous absolutism, could do this within the German Empire and the domain of its absolute power, but it could not deceive its Latin Ally on the Mediterranean, whose respect for truth and love of freedom had not become atrophied by an inordinate ambition, and the soul of whose people had not been deadened by the oppression of an absolute dynasty, with a throne upheld by an intolerant, unscrupulous and peace- hating militarism. In her diplomatic discussion with Britain, Ger- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 157 many really demanded a "free hand on the Conti- nent." Britain declined to stand idly aside and see the Belgian neutrality violated, neither would she be an inactive spectator while France was igno- miniously crushed. Through her Ministers she declared that the one and only way of maintaining the good relations between Britain and Germany was to work together to preserve peace. In reply to the suggestion of the German Chancellor as to the neutrality of Britain, Sir Edward Grey advised Goschen the British Ambassador at BerHn on July 30th, in part, as follows: "The British Government cannot for a moment entertain the Chancellor's proposal that they should bind themselves to neutrality on such terms. What he asks us in effect is to engage to stand by while French Colonies are taken and France is beaten, so long as Germany does not take French territory as distinct from the Colonies. From the material point of view such a proposal is unacceptable, for France, without further territory in Europe being taken from her, could be so crushed as to lose her position as a great power, and become subordinate to German policy. Altogether apart from that, it would he a disgrace for us to make this bargain with Germany at the expense of France, a disgrace from which the good name of this country would never recover. The Chancellor also, in effect, asks us to bargain away whatever obligation or interest we have as regards the neutrality of Belgiimi. We could not entertain that bargain either.'" In the concluding paragraph of Grey's instruc- tions to Goschen, we read: "If the peace of Europe can be preserved and the present crisis safely passed, my own endeavor will be to promote some 158 THE GERMAN OBSESSION arrangement to which Germany could be party, by which she could be assured that no aggressive or hostile policy would be pursued against her or her allies by France, Russia and ourselves, jointly or separately. I have desired and worked for it, as far as I could, through the last Balkan crisis, and Germany having a corresponding object, our rela- tions sensibly improved. The idea has hitherto been too Utopian to form the subject of definite proposals, but if this present crisis, so much more acute than any other that Europe has gone through for generations, be safely passed, I am hopeful that the relief and reaction which will follow may make possible some more definite rapprochement between the Powers, than has been possible hitherto." In other words, Grey proposed some form of treaty which would guarantee the peace of Europe and which would draw together the Triple Entente and the Triple Alliance, and substitute for the dangerous system of the Balance of Power, a general Alliance of Peace, a League of Nations, a union of independent European states which might have power to be the seed from which would spring the much-talked-of "United States of Europe." It has been well said that this Alliance of Peace pro- posed by Grey was "the embryo out of which the Kantian League in the service of peace would have issued, without the pains and the danger of travail, in the normal course of development." The Ger- man Chancellor received this proposal "without comment," and no answer was ever made. Grey speaks of working for peace "in the Balkan crisis," and refers to warlike Germany "having a corresponding object" at that time. Austria, with the support of Germany, was enabled to annex THE GERMAN OBSESSION 159 Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1908, and this out- rageous and aggressive act, instead of really bene- fiting Austria-Hungary and the Teuton people, fanned into more vigorous life the Great Serbian Movement which, notwithstanding the propitiatory declaration of Serbia in March, 1909, continued to take its course. Austria "to the accompaniment of the rattling sabre of her German Ally" turned the Montenegrins out of Scutari, which they had purchased with their blood and created "that Manikin-kingdom of Albania" in the interests of the Triple Alliance; and in 1912 a European war almost broke out on the question as to whether Serbia should receive her much-talked-of "window on the Adriatic." In those days, Germany was not ready for war, and Austria was permitted to go as far as she pleased in her lustful acquisition of Balkan power and territory, but she must not bring about a conflict between the Triple Alliance and the Triple Entente. Austria, since 1909, has been aching for a chance to fly at Serbia's throat, and, at one time, only the submission of Russia and the mediation of Britain and the orders of Germany to Austria to wait — which is called "Mediations by Germany" — pre- vented a European conflict. It is now known that in August, 1913, Austria entertained the same inten- tions toward Serbia. After the second Balkan war, the relations in the Balkans between those states immediately concerned were regulated by the Treaty of Bucharest. Austria was not satisfied with the arrangement to which effect was given, maintaining that Serbia received too much and Bulgaria too little. She sought to procure a re- vision of the treaty, and when Serbia objected, she 160 THE GERMAN OBSESSION resolved to force her will upon the small neighbor- state by recourse to arms. Giolitti, the Italian Prime Minister, has since announced that Austria approached her Allies — Germany and Italy — re- questing their support. Italy declined to stand behind Austria in her plan to wantonly attack Serbia, and Germany again cautioned Austria to be patient. In 1912 the peace strength of the German army was raised from 515,000 to 544,000 men, and in 1913 the new German military law increased the army to 870,000 men, and a special levy on prop- erty was announced amounting to $250,000,000 to he all paid hy July 1st, 1914, and to be spent on fortifications, equipment and other capital prepara- tions for war. The Imperial Chancellor justilfied the tremendous military program and expenditures of 1913, because it was "according to the unanimous judgment of the military authorities, necessary in order to secure the future of Germany" In de- fending the measure which Dr. Potthef, in the Reichstag, characterized as "not a peace measure" but "simply a mobilization," an official statement emanating from the dynasty says, "This security gives us a free road toward a profitable world- policy. We are yet but at the starting point. Long roads full of promise open before us." During 1913, the Imperial Bank adopted a policy of financial mobilization. The German war chest in the Julius Tower at Spandau — Bismarck's creation to defray the initial cost of mobilization — trebled in amount, and when war came, the Reichsbank had the heaviest gold reserve in its history ($325,000,- 000). James M. Beck said, in November, 1914, "When THE GERMAN OBSESSION 161 full data are accessible as* to the importations by Germany in advance of the war, as to its withdrawal of foreign credits and placing of foreign loans, its sales of stocks by influential investors ... a strong . . . case may be developed of a deliberate purpose to retrieve the Moroccan fiasco by an audacious coup which would determine the mastery of Europe." As time passes, more and more evidence is coming to light that Germany willed the war in 1913, and in the summer of 1914 was determined to undertake the great military adventure when the stars all seemed phenomenally favorable for a tremendous German military success. In the days of the Moroccan dispute and the Balkan controversies, Germany was not ready, but in 1914 she was ready, and when Austria seemed to hesitate at the threshold which led to the greatest war and the most devilish crime of all time, Ger- many plunged ahead and pulled Austria, and later Turkey and Bulgaria, with her into the abyss of hell. Britain's stand, on July 30th, 1914, in regard to Germany and the then threatened European war, is well expressed by the German writer of J' Accuse I "We will have nothing to do with a neutrality which would only increase your lust for war, since it would make it more easy for you to succeed in war! Instead of this we propose a joint-labor in the cause of peace, now and forever, a labor directed to the protection of Europe against all further catastrophes. We will have nothing to do with guarantees such as you offer ; even if these guaran- tees were more far-reaching than they really are, Britain will have nothing to do with such guaran- 162 THE GERMAN OBSESSION tees which only protect you in your dehght in war. Britain wants peace for all, and if you break the peace, do not count on our standing aside." History will concur in the sentiments expressed by Mr. Asquith, in the British Parliament on August 6th, regarding the meritorious peace work of Sir Edward Grey: "This House and this country — and, I will add, posterity and history — will accord to him what is, after all, the best tribute that can be paid to any statesman : that, never derogating for an instant or by an inch from the honor and interests of his own country, he has striven, as few men have striven, to maintain and preserve the greatest interests of all countries — universal peace." Sir Edward Grey repeatedly urged that the ques- tions in dispute (if such really existed outside of inordinate Teutonic selfishness) should be con- sidered in their "larger aspects," thereby meaning the peace and highest welfare of Europe and hu- manity. M. Jides Cambon, the French Ambassador to Germany, appealed to Jagow "in the name of humanity," and the Czar of Russia pleaded with Emperor Wilhelm II in the name of God, "to prevent the shedding of blood." But the die was cast, Germany was prepared for war and deter- mined to wage war, and all the efforts of Britain, France and Russia for peace were mere unim- portant incidents, for war was willed, and the Teuton Juggernaut was then moving relentlessly forward on its mission of hatred, crueltj^ and death. Britain maintained to the last her sanity and devotion to deep, underlying human principles, and Goschen, the British Ambassador at Berlin, in the last dramatic interview with the German Chancellor, remarked that it was "a matter of life and death for THE GERMAN OBSESSION 163 the honor of Britain, that she should keep her solemn engagement to do her utmost to defend Belgium's neutrality if attacked," adding "that fear of consequences" (as outlined and even threatened by Bethmann-Hollweg) "could hardly be regarded as an excuse for breaking solemn promises." On the very day that Germany sent her troops into Belgium and was at active war with France, Russia and the violated Belgium, the Imperial Chancellor praised Britain for her work in the interest of European peace. All that had led to war was passed, war was a hideous reality, and Britain was hailed by Germany as a champion of peace. But Britain that night declared war on Germany for violating the neutrality of Belgium, and she rushed her "contemptible little army" over to the Continent and stripped her fleet for action. The "contemptible little army" fought with the Belgians and French, and the Germans in their mad rush for Paris were defeated at the Marne; the British fleet dominated the ocean, two million Ger- man reservists were kept in foreign lands and pre- vented from joining the German Colors; Teuton shipping was swept off the seas, and the Central European warring nations effectively blockaded. Britain had upset the Teuton calculations and British Power had been sufficient, when, added to that of the indomitable French and brave Belgians, to tip the scales against the arrogant, militaristic Germans. Then Hohenzollernism, with its Junkers and governmental, intellectual and clerical satel- lites, poured forth their wrath at Britain, and on December 2nd, 1914, the Imperial Chancellor who, four months before had acknowledged Britain as a 164 THE GERMAN OBSESSION champion of peace, said, "Where the responsibility rests for the greatness of all wars is to us clear. . . . The internal responsibility lies on the Gov- ernment of Great Britain. . . . England saw how things were moving but did nothing to spoke the wheel." This assertion of the Chancellor is not only exactly the reverse of the truth, but he is abso- lutely contradicted by himself and by the official documents of all the nations who were drawn into the war. Bethmann-Hollweg's change of front is char- acteristically German. The diplomats of no other nation dare attempt, even if they were so disposed, to thus crucify truth. Swift's remark about lying is applicable to the Germans: "As universal a practice as lying is, and as easy a one as it seems, it is astonishing that it has been brought to so httle perfection even by those who are most celebrated in this faculty." Persistent, consistent lying is im- possible, for lying is opposed to truth and law, and is, therefore, chaotic and anarchical. The Prusso- German policy is lawlessness in every field, and lying is only consistent with this lawlessness. On August 4th, the Imperial Chancellor said that Russia had brought on the war. "We are now in a state of defense. . . . Necessity knows no law. . . . He who is menaced as we are and is fight- ing for his highest possession can only consider how he is to hack his way through." On December 2nd, Britain was accused of bringing on the war and the nation which wantonly attacked Belgium, France and Russia and which had refused or blocked all peace overtures, posed as waging a w^ar of "de- fense." Hear what the German poet, Philippi, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 165 exultingly says of this "defensive" German war of ruthless aggression: "The earth trembles, the nations shriek, The old era sinks into ruin * * * * Now the world shall have its coat Cut according to German measure. As far as our swords flash And German blood flows The circle of the earth shall come Under the tutelage of German activity." Following the dynastic suggestion that Britain should be blamed for the European crime, the sub- sidized Hohenzollern lieutenants vented their wrath upon the nation that had led in the struggle for peace. Hatred of the nation that had blocked Ger- many's scheme for world-domination was demanded of every patriotic German, and the following out- rageous "literary" production, expressive of spiritual prostitution and nationalistic hysteria, and tj^pical of many other "hymns of hate," won for Lessauer the gratitude of the Kaiser and the order of Red Eaerle: t)^ "You will we hate with a lasting hate We will never forego our hate. Hate by water and hate by land, Hate of head and hate of hand. Hate of the banner and hate of the crown. Hate of seventy millions choking down. We love as one, we hate as one. We have one foe and one alone — England !" Still another "classic" is the so-called poem writ- ten in the Fall of 1914 by Heinrich Vierordt, which 166 THE GERMAN OBSESSION is a sort of modernized chant of the kind used by the barbaric IsraeHtes before the days of the ethical prophets, when Yahweh was their tribal God : "O Germany, hate ! Salvation will come of thy wrath. Beat in their skulls with rifle-butts and with axes. These bandits are beasts of the chase, they are not men. Let your clenched fist enforce the judgment of God. Afterward thou wilt stand erect on the ruins of the world, Healed forever of thine ancient madness And of thy love for the Alien." Prof. Wilhelm Karl (ex-Rector of the Uni- versity of Berlin) at the same time wrote, "Every German, every warrior abroad, the boy in his play, the gray-haired man at home in quiet thought, are all aflame for the reckoning with Britain. That for them is victory. . . . Hate will further devour, it will be passed on to our children and children's children." As it was ordered by the Prussian dynasty that Britain should be accused of being the instigator of the great European crime, it was also necessary for the HohenzoUern political, intellectual and clerical bodyguard to denounce "The European peace- maker" — Sir Edward Grey. Prof. Roethe, of Berlin, therefore, accommodatingly brands him as the "incarnation of abysmal hypocrisy." Pastor Tolzien says that Grey "has a cancerous tumor in place of a heart, and in the end has to reap the infamy he deserves." Oskar Schmitz says, "Grey possesses in a singular degree the gift of carrying on business with complete control of all emotion and elimination of all deep thought." Germanicus, in THE GERMAN OBSESSION 167 Britannien und der Krieg (written in the Fall of 1914), says, "Grey holds honesty in political mat- ters to be a blunder and a sin," and H. S. Chamber- lain uses, in relation to Grey, Bernhardi's term of "shuffling the cards," and says that "the unctuous apostle of peace contrived so to shuffle the cards as to render war inevitable." Prof. Ernst Haeckel goes further still, and in Ewigkeit; Weltkriegsge- danken (1915) couples President Wilson with Sir Edward Grey. "The President of the United States . . . rises in his 'peace' speeches to a height of political and religious hypocrisy, in no way inferior to that attained by the British 'million- murdered' Grey." VII. Germany Willed the War (Second Part) DEPUTY BEBEL, who was the leader of the Social Democrats up to his death in 1913, said in the Reichstag on November 9th, 1911 : "It is very characteristic that when the Ger- man Emperor returned at the end of July from his northern trip and it was announced that he and the Chancellor and the Secretary of State had deter- mined, after a conference in Swinemiide, not to begin a war on account of INIorocco, a burst of anger and rage should come from a large part of the German press. . . . They feared that as far as Germany was concerned, the Agadir affair would end in shame and disgrace. The same sentiments were expressed by a retired Court preacher, and within a few months we have seen the spectacle of a part of the Protestant clergj'^ in full cry at the heels of the war pack. The Evangelical Church Journal published an article which concluded with these words: "From one end of Germany to the other, people voice but one question : — 'When do we get our marching orders?' And these are the preachers of brotherly love!" On the same day, Deputy von Heydebrand de- livered in the Reichstag a sensational Pan-German speech, in which he, as leader of the feudal Prus- sian nobility — the Junkers, practically served notice that he and his colleagues would not tolerate the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 169 failure to seize another occasion to make war. Britain was vigorously denounced for supporting France and standing in Germany's way — i. e., Britain was made the object of the Junker wrath because she had refused to stand idly by and see France humiliated, robbed and subjugated. "The German people," said Heydebrand, "know now when they wish to expand on this earth and to find a place in the sun — the place to which they are en- titled by their rights and their destiny — they know now who it is who arrogates to himself the right to decide whether that is to be permitted or not, . . . The very existence of the nation is at stake . . . therefore, I say it is for the Goyernment to choose the hour. It is not only the right but also the duty of the Government to face that decision and we trust that in doing so they will pay due regard to the honor of the German nation. And we Germans shall be ready — I would have this understood — to make any sacrifices that are necessary whenever they are required," This speech was warmly applauded by the Crown Prince who was present, and fre- quently greeted by uproarious and vigorous ap- plause, cheers and noisy expressions of enthusiasm and commendation from the Right, the Center and the National Liberals. It was a typical Prussian Junker outburst, the ravings of a Pan-German Chauvinist, and it was endorsed by the heir to the throne, approved by a large majority of the mem- bers of the Reichstag and commented upon favor- ably by the press. On the following day, November 10th, 1911, Dr. Weimer, a Social Democrat, spoke in the Reichstag of Britain's persistent attempts to estabhsh pacific and mutually satisfactory relations with Germany, 170 THE GERMAN OBSESSION and of the German Government's continual refusal to accept the hand proffered her in goodwill. "I have further to confess that I cannot see a com- mendable innovation in what happened here yester- day, when the heir to the throne made a public demonstration from the gallery of the Chamber against the pohcy which the responsible head of the Government has followed" in coming to an amicable international agreement with Britain and France in regard to Morocco. But the assembly was in no mental condition to view the truth dispassionately. Deputy Bruhan urged the building of dreadnaughts at such a rate as would bankrupt Britain if she attempted to maintain her naval supremacy, and if she succeeded in building the ships "she would not have sailors to man them;" and Deputy Lattmann said, "The sentiments expressed yesterday by Deputy von Heydebrand find an echo in millions of German hearts. We members of the Reichstag are charged with the duty of giving expression to these views and sentiments of our nation." Sir Max Waechter, a German residing in Britain, wrote an article in the Deutsche Revue (May, 1913), urging better relations between Germany and Britain: "It ought to be very easy to destroy the existing prejudices in Britain against Germany by frank discussion. In Germany the situation is quite different. There one will find important elements in the population and especially of the rank and file of the common people who are bitterly prejudiced against Britain, and the ill-will against Britain is so great that the body of the people at the Morocco crisis would have hailed an Anglo- German war with enthusiasm, without taking account of the conse- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 171 quences of such a war. . . . The author was at the time in Germany and observed with much pain the prevailing excitement. Fortunately, the rulers did not allow themselves to be turned aside by the passions of the masses. The danger is that at an- other opportunity the German Government will perhaps not be in a position to resist the wishes of the people, and will begin a war with Britain to save not Germany but itself." Otfried Nippold, was for several years with the German Foreign Office and is now at the University of Berne, Switzerland. At the end of his book Der deutsche Cliauvinismus (1913), which consists of a collection of statements of prominent Germans ad- vocating war and conquests, he says: "The evidence submitted amounts to an irrefutable proof that a systematic stimulation of the war spirit is going on in Germany, emanating from the Pan-German League, on the one hand, and the Defense Associa- tion ( Wehrverein ) , on the other. One cannot but feel deep regret in observing the fact that in Ger- many ... ill feeling against other states and nations is being stirred up so unjustifiably, and that people are being so unscrupulously incited to war." Nippold tells of the writers and speakers who "not only occasionally incite the people to war but systematically inculcate a desire for war in the minds of the German people. . . . War is represented not merely as a possibility that might arise, but as a necessity that must come about and the sooner the better. . . . From this dogma (that war must come) it is only a step to the next Chauvinistic principle, so dear to the hearts of our soldier-politicians who are languishing for war — the fundamental principle of the aggressive-pre- 172 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ventive war. If war is to come, then let it come at the moment which is favorable to ourselves. In other words, do not wait until there is a reason for war, but strike when it is the most convenient . . . and above all as soon as possible. . . . The desire of the political visionaries in the Pan- German camp, for, say the conquest of the colonies, suits the purpose of our warlike generals very well; but to them this is not an end, but only a means. War as such is what really matters to them. . . . Germany, even if she conquered ever so many colonies, would again be in need of war after a few decades, since otherwise the German nation would again be in danger of moral degeneration. The truth is, that, to them, war is a quite normal institution of international intercourse, and not in any way a means of settling great international conflicts — not a means to be resorted to only in case of great necessity. . . . There is no real issue today anywhere between Germany and the Powers of the Triple Entente which could be said to make war unavoidable; but that is exactly where the tragedy comes in, for those who are inciting the people to war. . . . As a matter of fact, if Germany is in any danger today, it comes from within rather than from without. ... In the absence of any real causes of war . . . they (the Pan-Ger- mans and subsidized Hohenzollern lieutenants) now find themselves compelled to create artificial causes. But this can only be done by manufactur- ing excitement among the population, by stirring up nationalistic feeling and by the systematic culti- vation of a warlike spirit — tasks which are being sedulously attended to by . . . the Pan-Ger- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 173 man League, the Defense Association and similar organizations." The dynasty is absolutely responsible for the Pan-German feehngs of the German masses; the effects of the poison which it alone has fed to the people, embarrassed it in 1911, for the Government (i. e., the Hohenzollern dynasty) was not ready to wage war on France, Russia and Britain. But plans were laid for 1914; the great mihtary law increas- ing the army was passed in 1913, additional taxes for war preparedness were levied, and in 1913, using the excuse of celebrating the centennial of the Wars of Liberation (1813), when Prussia threw off the yoke of Napoleon, the country was raised by official propaganda to patriotic fervor. Nippold, comment- ing on this fact says, "One of the principal argu- ments which are at present used in order to hypno- tize the masses is the analogy of the year 1813. At- tempts were made to manufacture a similarity between 1813 and 1913, which is not by any means warranted by facts. Whereas a hundred years ago the German people were compelled to fight for their most sacred possessions, today there is no reason whatever for a war, unless it be the wish of the army to give once more, practical proof of its efficiency." The words of Albrecht Wirth, penned in 1911 immediately after the Moroccan incident, have proved to be prophetic: "War is only postponed and not abandoned. . . . We must wait for a better moment. . . . It is not exactly diplo- matic to announce publicly to one's adversaries: 'To go to war now does not tempt us, but three years hence we shall unchain the world war.' . . . One's design must be enveloped in profound 174 THE GERMAN OBSESSION mystery. Then abruptly, all of a sudden, one jumps upon the enemy in the darkness." It is interesting in this connection to read in a sermon of Pastor K. Konig (September 6th, 1915) that Germans should be thankful that the Russian, French and British were led into war with Germany as a result of "the shots fired at Serajevo;" "Two years too early for our enemies, but an act of grace from God for our- selves and our Allies. For now we have the lead in the iron game of war. . . . Britain, we know exactly what trimips you hold, but whether you know ours, coming days will show." Britain knows today what the trimips are that Germany held: i. e., ruthless submarine warfare and connections with the Russian Bolslieviki, which, working through a dis- honest Reichstag resolution of "No annexations and no indemnity" permitted Trotsky and Lenine to treacherously sell their countrymen to an unscrupu- lous enemy. But Germany with all her boastings and her preparations for a war, deliberately willed against peace-loving peoples, did not know of the cards that were to be played against her. The United States of America is a trump now being played in the battle for human freedom and justice that will jar the Prussianized German Empire from top to bottom and overthrow the devilish brute force and Machiavellian dynasty responsible for the greatest outrage in the history of the world. In the Militarisclie Rundschau, July, 1914, (quoted in the Annual Register), we read, "If we do not decide for war, that war in which we shall have to engage, at the latest in two or three years, will be begun in far less propitious circumstances. At this moment the initiative rests with us. Russia is not ready, moral factors and right are on our side. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 175 as well as might. Since we shall have to accept the contest some day, let us provoke it at once. Our prestige, our position as a great power, our honor are in question, and yet more, for it would seem that our very existence is concerned." And in an official secret memorandum of the German Government, dated Berhn, March 19th, 1913, which fell into the hands of the French Minister of War, we read: "Neither ridiculous shriekings for revenge by French Chauvinists, nor the Englishman's gnashing of teeth, nor the wild gestures of the Slavs will turn us from our aim of protecting and extending Deutschtum (German power and influence) over all the world." During the first part of 1914, Germany was told by the press and from the platform that Der Tag was rapidly approaching. "The fateful day draws near . . . and even if the twilight of the gods be upon us, let it come in furious battle rather than in lingering sickliness." (Count du Moulin-Eckart, April, 1914). "Germany and Austria-Hungary . . cannot avoid war with their eastern and western neighbors. . . . Whoever wilfully seeks to hide the fateful gravity of a future not far away, because he fears the effect on the situation of the moment, commits an unpardonable crime against the German nation and becomes guilty of high treason" (Alldeutsche Blatter, 3Iarch, 1914). "That matters are approaching a decision here we know" (Admiral Breusing, April, 1914). "A struggle is close at hand for the German people, a struggle which will determine their fate for a long future, perhaps forever" (Resolution of the Pan- German League at Stuttgart, April, 1914). Baron Beyens, the Belgian Minister, at Berlin in 176 THE GERMAN OBSESSION a report to M. Davignon, Belgian Minister for For- eign Affairs, dated July 26th, 1914, says, "I must remind you of the opinion which prevails in the Ger- man General Staff, that war with France and Rus- sia is unavoidable and near . . . Such a war, warmly desired by the military and Pan- German Party, might be undertaken today, so this Party thinks, in circumstances which are extremely favor- able to Germany, and w^hich probably will not again present themselves for some time. Germany has finished the strengthening of her army . . . and, on the other hand, she feels that she cannot carry on indefinitely a race in armaments. Russia is considered a menace of increasing military power, but her strength will not be formidable for several years; at the present moment it lacks the railway lines necessary for its deployment; . . . France . . . has revealed her deficiency in guns of large calibre," and "it is this arm that will decide the fate of battles; . . . Britain ... is paralyzed by internal dissensions and her Irish quarrels." Beyens is also of the opinion that "the ultimatum to Serbia is a blow prepared by Vienna and Berlin, or rather designed here (Berlin) and executed at Vienna . . . The vengeance to be taken for the murder of the hereditary Archduke, and the Pan- Serbian propaganda would onljr serve as a pretext. The object sought, in addition to the annihilation of Ser- bia and of the aspirations of the Jugo-Slavs, would be to strike a mortal blow at Russia and France in the hope that Britain would remain aloof from the struggle . . . Berlin and Vienna are at one in their desire for immediate and inevitable hostilities . . . The paternity of the scheme, as well as the procedure employed ... is attributed here THE GERMAN OBSESSION 177 (Berlin) to a German rather than an Austrian brain. The secret has been well guarded and the execution of the scheme followed with marvelous rapidity." Prince Karl Lichnowsky, the German Ambassa- dor at London from 1912 to 1914, in his Memoran- dum clearly fixes the personal responsibility for the world war upon the German Emperor, and proves in a document — not written for publication but for the secret archives of the nobleman's family — that Wilhelm II was responsible for the Serbian ulti- matum, Austria-Hungary's belligerent attitude and Germany's aggressive policy of world domina- tion. Lichnowsky tells that Germany, at the out- break of the Balkan war in 1912, declined "the pro- posal of the French Government to join with the other Great Powers in a Declaration of disinterest- edness and impartiality/" Sir Edward Grey, he affirms, for eight months in his role of "honest broker" always worked for peace, and "lent his good-will and powerful influence toward the estab- lishment of an understanding," but "instead of adopting the Enghsh point of view" of impartial justice "we (Germany) accepted that dictated to us by Vienna." If it had not been for Earl Grey and his earnest policy of conciliation, void of bias or prejudice, and friendly to all — Entente and Alli- ance alike — Europe at that time would have been plunged into war. Prince Lichnowsky, although a Prussian, is intel- ligent enough to form his own conclusions and cour- ageous enough to express them ; he pays the British Foreign Secretary a weU-deserved tribute when he says, "Sir Edward Grey conducted the negotiations with care, calm and tact. When a question threat- 178 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ened to become involved, he proposed a formula which met the case and always secured consent. He acquired the full confidence of all the representa- tives." Lichnowsky tells us of Grey's heroic efforts in July and August of 1914 to avert the great war, how Asquith and Grey both shuddered at the thought of the horrible catastrophe that threatened the world, and the German Ambassador to Britain declared that peace between two great nations "was wrecked not by the perfidy of the British, but by the perfidy of our (German) policy." And he adds, "I had to support in London a (Prusso-German) pol- icy which I knew to be fallacious. I was punished for it, for it was a sin against the Holy Ghost." The Lichnowsky documents prove that Austria was as conscienceless and unprincipled as Germany. Nominally the cause of war was Austria's, and from Austria seems to have come the first definite sug- gestion to wage war on Serbia and, if necessary, on Russia and France; but the proposal once having been seized upon by the Potsdam Conference of July 5th, 1914, thereafter Germany — notwithstand- ing all her protestations to the contrary — took the reins in her own hands and drove remorselessly straight down her determined road to war, and the final definite word for action was given at Potsdam by the Kaiser at the Night Conference of Govern- ment Ministers, Staff and Line Army Generals, etc., on July 29th, 1914. Count Mensdorff, the Austrian Ambassador in London, definitely announced to Prince Lichnow- sky, the German Ambassador, that "It was not Austria but Germany who wanted the war." That Germany was determined to plunge Europe into war was evident from the Army and Financial Pro- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 179 gram of 1913, which generally suggested July, 1914, as the probable time to conmience hostilities. The murder of the Austrian Crown Prince at Sera- jevo on June 28th, 1914, afforded an excuse for war at a very convenient time, for Germany was ready; but from recent disclosures it is evident that Ger- many had already made her plans for war to take place in 1914, and that war would probably have occurred if there had been no Serajevo outrage. When a country like Germany is determined to wage war, it is a simple matter to so "shuffle the cards" as to make war inevitable with even the most peaceful neighbor-nations. The Circular of June 9th, 1914, from the Gen- eral Staff to all intendancies, reads: — "Within 24 hours after receipt of this Circular, you are to inform all industrial concerns that the documents with industrial-mobilization plans and with regis- tration forms, be opened, such as are referred to in the Circular of the Commission of Count Waldersee and Count Caprivi, of June 27th, 1887;" this, to- gether with the Imperial Government's Circular of February, 1914, to German Banks, and the Circu- lar of June 9th, 1914, from the General Staff to German Military Attaches, clearly prove that Ger- many expected war, and was preparing for war long before the Serajevo murders. German industry was mobilized for war three weeks before the assassi- nation of the Austro- Hungarian heir apparent, and Lichnowsky says that while in Berlin (during the first few days of July, 1914), he learned "that Tschirschky — the German Ambassador in Vienna — had received a rebuke because he reported that he had advised moderation in Vienna toward Serbia." In talking with Dr. Zimmermann, the Under For- 180 THE GERMAN OBSESSION eign Secretary who was representing Jagow, Lich- nowsky heard of the reorganization of the Russian army (necessitated by the tremendous increase in the German army in 1913), and the foreign office showed alarm at the fact that Russia was to raise more troops and increase the efficiency of her army (to cope with the Teuton menace and the German military measures of 1913.) Zimmermann's words "showed an unmistakable animosity against Russia who, he said, was everywhere in our way." We are also told that Bethmann-HoUweg "complained about Russian armaments." Germany was deter- mined to be ready to overwhelmingly defeat at arms any or all of her neighbor-nations, but she instantly became peeved if any foreign country armed herself in self -protection. Lichnowsky was later told that in 1916 Russia would have been too strong, and as war was inevitable, it was far better to fight in 1914, when Germany was ready and Russia was not, than in 1916, when Russia would be ready to properly defend herself. Prince Lichnowsky's revelations should be con- sidered in conjunction with the diary, memor- andum and letters of Dr. Miihlon, which, together with the various official documents and authentic reports of interviews of well-kno^vn responsible men with Teuton Ministers and officials, have definitely lifted the veil from the German actions immediately prior to the outbreak of the war, and particularly during that month of German stony silence, which intervened between the murder of the Archduke Francis Ferdinand and the presenta- tion of the Austrian note to Serbia. Dr. Miihlon had some connection with the Ger- man Foreign Office, and was one of the Directors of THE GERMAN OBSESSION 181 Krupp's, the great German armament firm at Essen; he was employed on important business in connection with Morocco shortly after the Agadir affair, and after he resigned from the Directorate of Krupp's he continued to be employed by the Foreign Office in connection with Roumanian affairs, before that countrj^ became a belligerent Power. While associated with Krupp's, Miihlon was primarily interested in the commercial side of the business, and was thereby brought into close contact with the Deutsche Bank, which has played such an important part in financing German enter- prises in all parts of the world. It was in the ordi- nary course of his business that he had. important conversations with Helfferich — at that time one of the Directors of the Deutsche Bank and afterwards imperial Minister of Finance. In a Memorandum, MiHilon says, "In the middle of July, 1914, as on many other occasions, I had a conversation with Dr. Helfferich. . . . There were certain big transactions (in Bulgaria and Turkey) in which Krupp's took an active interest for business reasons (supplying war materials), and the Deutsche Bank had adopted a negative attitude in the matter. In justification of the Bank's attitude, Helfferich gave me several reasons, and in conclusion, said 'The political situation is very threatening. . . . The Deutsche Bank must wait before committing itself further in foreign countries. The Austrians have been with the Kaiser during the last few days. In eight days' time, Vienna will deliver a very sharply-worded ultimatum to Serbia which will have a very short- time hmit and demand punishment of a number of officers, dissolution of political associations, criminal 182 THE GERMAN OBSESSION investigations in Serbia with the cooperation of officials of the Dual Monarchy. In fact, immediate satisfaction will be demanded on a number of definite issues, failing which, Austria-Hungary will declare war on Serbia. Helfferich added that the Kaiser had expressed his decided approval of this Austro-Hungarian move. . . . The Kaiser had said . . . that he would not allow any other state to intervene; that if Russia mobihzed he would mobilize, too; that mobilization in his case meant immediate war, and that this time there should be no wavering. ... I knew that Helf- ferich stood in particularly confidential relations to those highly-placed persons who were bound to be initiated in the matter, and that his communica- tion, was therefore, reliable. On returning from Ber- lin, I informed Herr Krupp von Boehlen und Hal- bach ... as I had been expressly authorized to do. . . . Krupp von Boehlen seemed greatly surprised that Helfferich should possess such in- formation and complained that 'these government people can never keep their mouths quite shut,' then he proceeded to make the following statement : 'He had himself been with the Kaiser during the last few days. The Kaiser had spoken to him about his conversation with the Austrians and its result, but had so emphasized the secrecy of the matter that he would not have ventured to tell even his Board of Directors. But, as I already knew about it, he could tell me that Helfferich's state- ments were correct. . . . The position was, in fact, very critical. The Kaiser had told him he would declare war at once if Russia mobilized. This time people would see that he would not change his mind. The Kaiser's emphatic and re- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 183 peated asseverations, that this time nobody would be able to reproach him with irresolution, had produced an almost ludicrous impression.' " Ap- parently Willielm II had been chagrined at the effect abroad and upon the German people of his foreign "mailed fist" and "shining armor" attitude of recent years, at his apparent declining popularity, and his Jingo son's increasing power over the hearts of the people. The world has now heard from several sources of the Kaiser's repeated insistence in July, 1914, that this time nobody would be able to accuse him of indecision, for he himself willed the war. Miihlon's Memorandum continues :' Vienna s ulti- matum to Serbia made its appearance on the very day which Helfferich had predicted to me. I was again in Berlin at the time and said frankly to Helfferich that I found the ultimatum, in form and in content, simply monstrous. . . . Helfferich told me that the Kaiser's Scandinavian cruise was only a blind . . . that he was keeping in con- stant communication with Berlin and near enough to be reached at any moment. All one could do now was to wait and see what happened. One must hope that the Austrians — who of course did not expect the ultimatum to be accepted — would act quickly, before the other Powers had time to inter- fere. The Deutsche Bank had already made its preparations so that it was ready for all eventuali- ties. ... It was keeping all gold as it was paid in, and not returning it to circulation. Very soon after the Austrian ultimatum to Serbia, the German Government issued an announcement to the effect that Austria-Hungary had acted on its own account without Germany's foreknowledge. 184 THE GERMAN OBSESSION If one endeavored to reconcile this announcement with the events herein described, the only possible solution was that the Kaiser had already committed himself, without allowing his Government any hand in the matter. . . . Krupp von Boehlen, with whom I discussed the German official announce- ment — which in effect, at any rate, was a lie — dis- approved of it as much as I did, because Germany ought never to have given carte blanche on such a momentous issue to a state like Austria. . . . Krupp von Boehlen considered that the German denial of foreknowledge, if there was any trace of truth in it, sinned against the elementary rules of the art of political diplomacy. . . . After he (Krupp von Boehlen) had spoken to Secretary von Jagow (a particular friend of Herr von Boehlen) he gave me the following account of the interview : 'Herr von Jagow persisted in assuring him that he had taken no part in composing the text of the Austro-Hungarian ultimatum; ... by the time he was informed of the matter . . . the Kaiser was so deeply committed that it was already too late to take any steps consistent with diplomatic usage, and that there was nothing more to be done. The situation had become such that it was impossible any longer to propose any reservations and con- ditions. Moreover, he (Jagow) had come to the conclusion that there would be one advantage in the omission, viz., that a good effect would be pro- duced in Petrograd and Paris by the announcement, which Germany would be able to make, that we had not collaborated in the Viennese ultimatum.' " As a further proof that Germany willed the war, following a conference of the German Emperor and Austrian representatives, and that at a meeting of THE GERMAN OBSESSION 185 July 5th, 1914, all German interests and depart- ments became pledged to enthusiastically support the war, we can quote Henry Morgenthau, former American Ambassador to Turkey, who says, "Baron Wangenheim, the German Ambassador at Constantinople . . . informed me (August 26th, 1914) that a conference had been held in Berlin in the early part of July, 1914, at which the date of the war was fixed. This conference was pre- sided over by the Kaiser; Baron Wangenheim was present to report on the conditions in Turkey. Moltke, the Chief of Staff, was there, and so was the Grand Admiral von Tirpitz. With them were the leaders of German finance, the Directors of the Railroads and the captains of industry. . . . Each was asked if he were ready for the war. All replied in the affirmative except the financiers, who insisted that they must have two weeks in which to sell foreign securities and arrange their loans. . . . It was not to me alone that Baron Wan- genheim told the story of this Berlin conference. . . . Marquis Garroni, the Italian Ambassador at Constantinople, announced that Baron Wangen- heim said the same thing to him, Italy at that time being a member of the Triple Alliance." Mr. Morgenthau also says, "On August 18th, 1914, as American Ambassador at Constantinople, I called on the Marquis of Pallavicini, the Austro-Hun- garian Ambassador. . . . The conversation turned to the war, which was in the third week, and His Excellency told me that when he visited the Emperor in May, His Imperial Majesty had said that war was inevitable." In a Memorandum of August Thyssen, a German iron master and capitalist, we read, "A large num- 186 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ber of business and commercial men were asked to actively support the Hohenzollern war policy on the ground that it would pay them to do so. . . . Not only were promises made by the Chancellor but they were confirmed by the Emperor, who, on three different occasions, addressed private gatherings of prominent business men in Berlin, Munich and Cassel. . . . Huge indemnities were to be levied on the conquered nations, and the fortunate German manufacturers, etc., were by this means to be relieved of taxation for years after the war." Thyssen also speaks of having been promised by the Government a free grant of land in a foreign colony and a substantial loan of money to exploit it, if the war ended as satisfactorily for Germany as was fully expected. It is interesting to note that the German Official Press Bureau, during the latter part of July and the first few days of August, 1914, prepared the people for war, aroused their passions and fanned their patriotic feelings into raging flames by the censorship and treatment of news — the exaggera- tion and falsification of some items, the dehberate fabrication of others, and the elimination of some of the most important happenings. For instance, the German Government gave the Austrian ulti- matimi to Serbia to the press after preparing the public mind to receive it, but they deliberate^ withheld the conciliatory Serbian reply, with the result that the Berlin populace — knowing nothing of Serbia's humiliating answer and her strong desire for peace, in which she was supported by Russia — proceeded to make riotous demonstrations and vent their wrath upon the Serbian and Russian Em- bassies. After the Kaiser had determined on war THE GERMAN OBSESSION 187 and decided to use the Serajevo outrage as an excuse to precipitate hostilities, every means known to mold public opinion, no matter how unscrupulous, was resorted to, and the German Government's attitude to the German people, as well as to foreign governments, presents one of the most contemptible chapters in the history of peoples. M. Jules Cambon, the French Ambassador to Germany, noticed in 1913 that "the impatience of the soldiers," i. e., the German General Staff and prominent Line Officers, and the growing popu- larity of the Chauvinistic Crown Prince had ap- preciably affected the mental attitude of the Kaiser in regard to peace, and specifically with reference to France. Under date of November 22nd, 1913, Cambon wrote from Berlin, in a con- fidential state report, of a conversation reported between Wilhelm II and the King of the Belgians, in the presence of General von Moltke, Chief of the General Staff. "The German Emperor is no longer . . . the champion of peace against the bellicose tendencies of certain German parties. Wilhelm II has been brought to think that war with France is inevitable and that it will have to come one day or the other. The Emperor, it need hardly be said, believes in the crushing superiority of the German army and in its assured success. General von Moltke spoke in exactly the same sense as his sovereign. He also declared that war was neces- sary and inevitable, but he showed himself still more certain of prompt success. 'For,' said he, Hhis time we must put an end to it, and your Majesty can hardly doubt the irresistible enthusiasm which on that day will carry away the whole German people.' " Cambon further stated that the King of 188 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the Belgians protested — "he spoke of the pacific and friendly attitude of the French and denounced the Pan-German 'hot-heads' and 'conscienceless intriguers,' " but "the Emperor and his Chief of General Staff none the less persisted in their point of view. During this conversation, Wilhelm II ap- peared over- wrought and irritable. . . . One may ask what lay behind the conversation? The Emperor and his Chief of General Staff may have intended to impress the King of the Belgians, arid to lead him not to resist, in case a conflict with us (France) should aiisef' The mental attitude of the United States and Britain in regard to war is the same. The peaceful settlement of international disputes is largely a gift of the English-speaking peoples to the modern world. It was introduced in the practice of nations by the Jay Treaty of 1794, between the United States and Great Britain, and it is the traditional policy of the United States to endeavor, to the utmost of its power consistent with honor, to settle all international disputes by means of arbitration. "As a man thinketh in his heart, so is he;" the same tn ith is applicable to nations, and Dr. McElroy has well said, "A nation that trains her sons to place their hands upon their swords when differences arise is a military nation. Britain and America have come to teach their sons to think first of peaceful means; hence the century of peace so lately cele- brated between them; hence that glorious line of frontier between the United States and the British possessions in Canada, unmarred by hidden mine or frowning bastion." Why should not the Franco-German and Russo- German frontiers be the same as the Canada-United THE GERMAN OBSESSION 189 States frontier? One potent reason is that there can be no peaceful unfortified frontier where a dynasty is in power. The German "philosophy" of immoralism, of "might makes right," and "necessity knows no law," is typically dynastic; the Anglo- Saxon and Latin philosophy today is democratic and peaceful. "The world must be made safe for democracy," is the battle-cry of nations essentially democratic, who are allied together in defense of their homelands and their spiritual culture, which have been wantonly attacked by a lustful, cruel, militaristic despotism that seeks to enslave the civi- lized world. The Allies are fighting today, not for conquest, but to prevent it; they are. waging a defensive war in the interest of the great human Ideal of Freedom, of self-government and oppor- tunity to develop, unrestrained and unterrified by the menace of an armed and predatory autocracy. Germany has persistently refused the offers of the United States, first made by Mr. Root and renewed by Mr. Bryan, to conclude a general arbitration treaty between this country and Ger- many, and this fact is a most significant one. Any nation that is unwilling to enter into a pacific agree- ment with some other nation, and submit their dif- ferences to an International Tribunal or Board of Arbitration, does not desire perpetual peace, but is merely lying in wait for a favorable opportunity to grab by force what it could never obtain by law and justice. Germany's fundamental faith in force rather than right, finds expression in her persistent hostility to international law and contempt for treaty obligations. VIII. The Belgian Outrage THE German leaders of national thought — the subsidized, intellectual bodyguard of Hohen- zollernism — revel in justifying the present outrageous war of ruthless aggression by reference to Biblical precedent. "The devil himself," it was once aptly said, "quotes Scripture freely to justify his acts," and modern German pastors seek to vindicate the depraved inhuman conduct of a pro- fessed civilized and cultured Christian people of the twentieth century, by referring to a parallelism in the actions or in the law covering the doings of a Semitic, nomad tribe of barbarians over three mil- lenniums ago. Pastor Martin Hennig in Der Krieg und Wir (1914) had undoubtedly the outrageous ravishing of Belgium in mind when he wrote, "When the people of Israel had to demand a passage through foreign territory, they were expressly enjoined first to offer the inhabitants peace (Deut. 20:10-14). Only when the right of transit was denied them, was the sword to be drawn and the passage forced. In such a case . . . Israel calls the wars in which it has to engage, wars of Jehovah ( Yahweh ) . Its God is indeed a Man of War, the Lord of the Hosts of Israel. The Scriptures even go so far as to ascribe the subsequent corruption of the people to the fact that it did not completely annihilate the inhabitants of the conquered country." The pas- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 191 sage from the ancient Deuteronomic Code, long since discarded by all right-thinking Jews, and absolutely repudiated in spirit by the ethical prophets of Judaism and by the Christ, is resur- rected from barbarian antiquity to justify the con- duct of the cruel, lustful and essentially irreligious Pan-Germans: "When thou drawest nigh unto a city to fight against it, then proclaim peace unto it. And it shall be, if it make thee an answer of peace and open unto thee, then it shall be that all the people that is found therein shall become tributary unto thee, and they shall serve thee. And if it will make no peace with thee, but will make war against thee, then shalt thou besiege it. And when the Lord thy God delivereth it into thy hands, thou shalt smite every male thereof with the edge of the sword. But the women, and the little ones, and the cattle, and all that is in the city, even all the spoil thereof, shalt thou take for a prey unto thyself, and thou shalt eat the spoil of thine enemies which the Lord thy God hath given thee." In the German mind, "Necessity knows no law," and, as Prof. Adolf Harnack, the noted ecclesiastical historian of Berlin, has said "When Germany makes up her national mind that she needs something or wants something, at that moment the letter of the law no longer exists." Germany's outrageous action in regard to Belgium is in keeping with the doctrine of Teu- tonia's great apostle of "Immoralism," for in Beyond Good and Evil, Nietzsche says, "One has duties only to one's equals," and "one may act toward beings of a lower rank, toward all that is foreign, just as seems good to one." There is no such thing, therefore, as ethics and rightness in inter- 192 THE GERMAN OBSESSION national affairs, and Germans admit of no duty to a neighbor-nation, unless that neighbor is powerful enough to command military respect, and demand with a threatening sword that Germany act with a semblance of morality. Nietzsche also says in the same work, "One must . . . resist all senti- mental weakness: life is essentially appropriation, injury, the conquest of whatever is foreign to us and weaker than ourselves, suppression, severity, and hardness, the forcing upon others of our own forms and beliefs, the incorporation of others, or, at the very least and mildest, their exploitation." In A Genealogy of Morals, Nietzsche says, "That the lambs should bear a grudge against the great birds of prey is in no way surprising; but that is no reason why we should blame the great birds of prey for picking up the lambs. . . . To demand of strength that it should not manifest itself as streng-th, that it should not be a will for overcoming, for overthrowing, for mastery, a thirst for enemies, for struggles and triumphs, is as absurd as to demand of weakness that it should manifest itself as strength." This is the quintessence of the doctrine of brute force, of physical power void of spirit and all moral restraint; it is the fundamental, actuating belief of Prussianism and Pan-Germanism. Prof. Wilhelm Dibelius of Hamburg likens the horrible outrage perpetrated upon Belgium to a man who carries "on a furious fight for life, and cannot concern himself overmuch as to whether some flowers are trodden down in his neighbor's garden;" Prof. Hermann Oncken of Heidelberg writes, with reference to the violation of Belgium, "The destinies of the immortal great nations (and they are neither immortal nor great unless they are THE GERMAN OBSESSION 193 Teuton) stand so high that they cannot but have the right, in case of need, to stride over the existences that cannot defend themselves," and Frymann in Wenn ich dar Kaiser ware ( 1913) , says, "Only that state can make a claim to independence which can make it good, sword in hand." Germany claims that she violated the neutrality of Belgium because, if she had not done so, France would have ; in making such a statement the German Government knows it to be absolutely false. The inconsistent thing about a he is, as Germany is find- ing out, that it requires the company of several lies to keep up its appearance. The brainiest liar in the world sooner or later gets caught in a hopeless laby- rinth, and his only salvation is to right-about-face, grab the thread of truth and make for light. It is much easier to tell the truth, for truth is law and is consistent, whereas falseness is absence of truth and law — chaos. In a frantic effort to justify herself, Germany has talked too much, and everything that she has said has contradicted some other official statement. A German democrat writing from the freedom of Switzerland has said, "These (German) confessions are, of course, unintentional. They do not have the purifying intention and the force of self-accusations as known to Christianity. . . They are confessions arising from imprudence; he who is confessing believes that he is justifying him- self, whereas he is really accusing himself. He believes that he is defending himself, and he delivers into the hands of his accusers priceless material for his condemnation." On August 4th, 1914, Bethmann-Hollweg, in the Reichstag, said, "Necessity knows no law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and have perhaps 194 THE GERMAN OBSESSION already entered Belgium. This is contrary to the dictates of international law. . . . The wrong — I speak openly — the wrong we are thereby com- mitting we shall endeavor to make good, as soon as our military aims have been attained." During the preceding week, France had definitely and posi- tively pledged herself to respect the neutrality of Belgiimi, but Germany had declined to commit her- self in writing, for the Chancellor and Foreign Minister well knew that the plans of the General Staff, prepared years before, contemplated attack- ing France not on the restricted Franco-German border, between the protecting forts of Verdun and Belfort, but through Belgium — where the French frontier was not so well fortified, because of the French faith in the treaty that had made Belgium a neutral country, with the neutrality guaranteed by Prussia, Austria, Russia, France and Britain. A dynastic government glories in its Machiavel- lian deception. On April 29th, 1913, Herr von Jagow, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, replying to a question asked in the Reichstag by a member of the Social Democratic Party, said, "The neutrality of Belgiimi is determined by inter- national conventions, and Germany is resolved to respect these conventions." This declaration did not apparently satisfy many of the members of the Social Democratic Party, and replying to further questions requesting more definite and specific information regarding German plans, Herr von Jagow observed that he "had nothing to add to the clear statement which he had uttered with reference to the relations between Germany and Belgium." At that time Jagow knew full well that he was lying, that Germany was preparing for a war of conquest. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 195 and that the plan of attack of the General Staff contemplated violating the neutrality of Luxem- burg and Belgium ; this is clearly proven by the fact that the construction of strategic military railways io the Belgian Frontier had been begun in 1906. During the same debate on the question of arma- ments and the neutrality of Belgium, Herr von Herrigen, the Minister of War, in reply to further interrogations from the Social Democrats said, "Belgium does not play any part in the justifica- tion of the German scheme of military reorganiza- tion; the scheme is justified by the position of the matter in the East. Germany will not lose sight of the fact that Belgian neutrality is guaranteed by international treaties." It is true that the General Staff did not lose sight of Belgian neutrality, but that did not prevent it from deliberately planning, in cold blood, to violate it. In 1911, Dutch newspapers reported that in the event of a Franco-German war, it had been learned that the neutrality of Belgium would be violated by Germany. The matter was referred by the Belgian Government to the German Chancellor, with the suggestion that a declaration to the contrary, made by him in the Reichstag, "would be calculated to appease public opinion and to calm its suspicion." Bethmann-Hollweg in reply instructed the German Ambassador at Brussels to assure the Belgian Foreign Minister that he was most appreciative of the sentiment that had inspired Belgium's action. He declared that Germany had no intention of violating the neutrality of Belgitim, but he con- sidered that a public declaration by Germany would weaken her military preparation with respect to France, who, being reassured in the northern 196 THE GERMAX OBSESSIOX quarter, would direct her forces to the eastern quarter. On July 31st, 1914, Da^dgnon, the Belgian Foreign ^linister, in conversation with Below- Saleske, the German Minister at Brussels, asked him whether he knew of the assurances which had been given by Betlmiann-Hollweg through the Ger- man Ambassador at Brussels to the Government of Belgiimi in 1911. and Below-Saleske replied that he did, and added that '"he was certain that the senti- ment to which expression was given at that time had not changed."' Thus, on July 31st. 1914, two days after the German Government had finally approved the plans of the General Staff, Germany, through its accredited representative at Brussels, repeated the assurances contained in the treaty of 1839, as re- affirmed in 1870, and again reaffirmed in 1911 and 1913. As the limit of Machiavellian unscrupulousness, however, we might mention that on August 2nd, 1914, only a few hours before handing over the official German ultimatum to Belgium, Below- Saleske gave to Da^^gnon, the Belgian Foreign Minister the most definite and quieting assurance regarding Germany's determination to respect her treaty obhgations. TMien Davignon expressed his pleasure, and requested that this good news be given to him in writing, so that he could forward it to Brussels, Below-Saleske regretted that "he had not yet received any instructions in this sense." France gave an official declaration to the Belgian Government pledging her respect of her small neighbor-nation's neutrality. German ^Ministers talked in the same strain, until seven o'clock in the evening of August 2nd, when they cold-bloodedly THE GERMAX OBSESSIOX 197 demanded the Belgian sanction of their violation of her neutrahty. Of all the nations of the earth,. Ger- many is the only one so depraved in sense of honor and fair dealing, that she could stoop to such con- temptible and malicious deception. The brave little nation of Belgium was attacked without any real warning, for the Prusso-German hordes must not be delayed in their victorious march on Paris by any sentimental consideration. To obtain initial military- success, Germany was wilhng to sell her soul, and no one today knows better than she what a bad bargain it was. It seemed worth wliile to sacrifice a peaceful, small, and therefore relatively weak nation, to attack a peace-loving people whom she chose to brand as an enemy, and on a front which she had sworn not only not to violate but to protect from the very thing that she deliberately planned in cold blood, during years of peace and pretended goodwill. Tliis act was the beginning of her undoing, and her everv lie and cruel deed have only acted as boomerangs, far more deadly to herself than to her enemies, until today she stands the cruel tyrant beast among nations, but wounded unto death with her own shafts of deceit and cruelty. The Imperial Chancellor, who. on August 4th, 1914, admitted Germany's moral wrong in the viola- tion of the terms of a treaty and the invasion of Belgium, had previously declared in the Reichstag, when accused in the ^Ia?ines?nonn affair of showinsr excessive pHability toward foreign countries, "I will never make myself a party to a pohcy of break- ing treaties."' These were brave words, but Beth- mami-Hollweg soon forgot them, and not only capitulated to the Pan-German party, the dynastic- 198 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Junker war party, the Chauvinistic camarilla of the Crown Prince, and the army leaders and national- istic Jingoes, but at the war conference held on the evening of July 29th, 1914, he became their mouth- piece and slave. The German Chancellor promised to "try and make good" to Belgium "the wrong we are . . . committing." The German idea of "making good" has been evidenced by the greatest atrocities, bar- barities, devilish intolerance, inhumanity and injus- tice that the world has ever seen. Herbert Hoover succinctly describes the conditions existing in Belgium, "The sight of the destroyed homes and cities, the widowed and fatherless, the destitute, the physical misery of a people but partially nourished at best, the deportation of men by tens of thousands to slavery in German mines and factories, the execu- tion of men and women for paltry effusions of loyalt j'- to their country, the sacking of every resource through financial robbery, the maintenance of armies on the slender produce of the country, the denuda- tion of the country of cattle, horses and textiles ; all these things we had to witness, imable to help other than by protest and sympathy during this long and terrible time — and still these are not the effects of battle heat, but the effects of the grinding heel of a race demanding the mastership of the world." This is the working of German reparation for a wrong committed, a wrong "deplored" in the early days of August, 1914, as necessary for German military success, but a wrong that was soon for- gotten, and that a little later was defended as fully justifiable and proper. The Prussian dynastically- controlled conscience is lacking in both depth and constancy; it may flutter with faint symptoms of THE GERMAN OBSESSION 199 regret for a moment, but it knows no criterion but convenience. In 1870 Britain adopted the same honorable attitude in regard to the neutrahty of Belgium that she did in 1914. British policy during the past century has been to maintain and to protect the inviolability of the neutral small states of Northern Europe. When Prussia and France approached war in 1870, Bismarck knew and respected the atti- tude of Britain, so the wily politican wrote to the Belgian Minister in Berlin on July 22nd, 1870, "In confirmation of my verbal assurance, I have the honor to give you in writing a declaration which, in view of the treaties in force, is quite superfluous, that the Confederation of the North and its Allies (Germany) will respect the neutrality of Belgium on the understanding, of coiu'se, that it is respected by the other belligerent." Bismarck did not want Britain for a mihtary adversary, and by further treacherously publishing an outline of a treatj?^ drawn up by Benedetti, the French Ambassador (but which was really written at his, Bismarck's suggestion), in which France desired the annexa- tion of Belgium as compensation for permitting Prussia to acquire Schleswig-Holstein, Bismarck won moral support in Britain and caused popular sentiment to veer to the side of the Prussians. Britain had declared that if either of the belligerent powers violated Belgium, she would associate herself with the other in its defense. The threatened action (Prussian-inspired) of Napoleon III in regard to Belgium, was described by Gladstone in the British Parliament as "the direst crime that ever stained the pages of history," and Britain was so insistent that the treaty be honored by both belligerent 200 THE GERMAN OBSESSION powers, that Belgium would not furnish supplies to either combatant, and after the battle of Sedan, Germany was even refused permission to move some of her wounded troops through Belgium. It wiU stand forever to the credit of France that when a French army of a hundred thousand gallant men was wedged up against the Belgian frontier in 1870, and every avenue of escape to French terri- tory was cut off by a semicircle of Prussian cannon, the military chiefs did not even consider the viola- tion of the neutrality of Belgium, hut preferred ruin, humiliation and capture to the breaking of their bond. Had this French army violated Belgian neutrahty, they might have extricated themselves from the Prussian trap and changed the whole history of the Franco-Prussian war. When it was to the positive interest of France to break the treaty in regard to Belgium; when she stood between defeat with honor and escape with dishonor, France heroically proved to the world that Gallic chivalry, integrity and self-respect were still ascendent over the baser and militaristic forces which suggested nationalistic advantage and success without regard to the means employed. France, in 1870, nobly repudiated the Prussian theory that treaties are "mere scraps of paper," which "only bind you when it is to your interest to keep them." France proved that law should be recognized no matter what the evident necessity may be, or the selfish advantage in breaking it may offer. It is interesting to recall the Belgian people's deep appreciation of the attitude of Britain with respect to the neutrality of Belgium during the stormy period of 1870. After Britain had definitely taken her stand and proclaimed that she would THE GERMAN OBSESSION 201 defend the independence, liberty and integrity of her small and peaceful neighbor in full accordance with treaty obligations, and after Germany and France had announced in response to Britain's demand, their willingness to respect the neutrahty of Belgium, the Municipality of Brussels addressed to the British Government a document of gratitude which reads in part: "The great and noble people, over whose destinies you preside, has just given a further proof of its benevolent sentiments toward our country. . . . The voice of the British nation has been heard above the din of arms and it has asserted the principles of justice and right. Next to the unalterable attachment of the Belgian people to their independence, the strongest senti- ment which fills their hearts is that of an imperish- able gratitude." Germany's moral obligation in regard to Belgium was admitted and reaffirmed in the Second Inter- national Peace Conference, held at the Hague in 1907, when Germany signed the articles defining "The rights and duties of neutral powers," and in so doing endorsed and agreed to abide by the exist- ing international law. The pertinent parts of this compact with reference to the sanctity of neutral territorj^ are : (a) The territory of neutral powers is inviolable. (b) Belligerents are forbidden to move troops or convoys of either munitions of war or sup- plies, across the territory of a neutral power. (c) The fact of a neutral power resisting, even by force attempts to violate its neutrality, cannot be regarded as a hostile act. According to the terms of the treaty of 1839, Prussia, France, Britain, Austria and Russia, the 202 THE GERMAN OBSESSION five great European Powers of the time, jointly became "the guarantors" of the "perpetual neutrality" of the independent state of Belgium. On July 31st, 1914, Britain was apprehensive — and not without reason — as to the sincerity of Ger- many's oft-repeated protestations of good faith, and directed her Ambassadors at Paris and Berlin to ask the respective Governments of France and Germany "whether each is prepared to respect the neutrality of Belgium provided it is violated by no other power." The French Government, through Viviani, Minister of Foreign Affairs, promptly replied that it "is resolved to respect the neutrality of Belgium; this assurance has been given several times. The President of the Republic spoke of it to the King of Belgium, and the French Minister to Brussels has spontaneously renewed the assur- ance to the Belgian Minister of Foreign Affairs today" (July 31st, 1914). In the Belgian Gray Book we read (No. 15) that the French Minister at Brussels delivered the following official declara- tion to the Belgian Government on August 1st: "I am authorized to declare that in the event of an international conflict, the Government of the Re- public will, as it has always declared, respect the neutrality of Belgium." But the British Ambassador at Berlin was unable to obtain any definite statement from the German Government. Herr von Jagow replied to the British enquiry that "he must consult the Emperor and the Chancellor before he could possibly answer," and he added, significantly, that for strategic rea- sons "it was doubtful whether they would return any answer at all." Goschen, the British Am- bassador, submitted the matter to Bethmann-Holl- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 203 weg, who also evaded the question, stating that "Germany would in any case desire to know the reply returned ... by the French Govern- ment." On August 2nd, the German Minister at Brussels handed to the Belgian Government an astounding document which falsely claimed contemplated aggression on the part of France, and added, "The German Government would feel keen regret if Belgium should regard as an act of hostility against herself, the fact that the measures of the enemies of Germany oblige her on her part to violate Belgian territory." In the early morning of August 3rd, Belgium delivered to the German Ambassador in Brussels its reply to the German demands, a truly noble document which says in part : "The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the treaties of 1870, established the independence and neutrality of Belgium under the guarantee of the Powers, and par- ticularly of the Government of His Majesty, the King of Prussia. "Belgium has always been faithful to her inter- national obligations ; she has fulfilled her duties in a spirit of loyal impartiality; she has neglected no effort to maintain her neutrality or to make it re- spected. "The attempt against her independence with which the German Government threatens her would con- stitute a flagrant violation of international law. No strategic interests justifies the violation of that law. "The Belgian Government would, by accepting the propositions which are notified to her, sacrifice the honor of the nation while at the same time betraying her duties toward Europe. "Conscious of the part Belgium has played for more than eighty years in the civilization of the world, she refuses to believe that her independence 204 THE GERMAN OBSESSION can be preserved only at the expense of the violation of her neutrality. If this hope were disappointed, the Belgian Government has firmly resolved to re- pulse by every means in her power any attack upon her rights." The document also notifies the German Govern- ment that "the intentions which it attributed to France" (of contemplating the invasion of Belgium — and which the Germans knew to be false) "are in contradiction with the express declarations which were made to us on August 1st in the name of the Government of the French Republic," but "if con- trary to our expectations, a violation of Belgian neutrality were to be committed by France, Belgium would fulfil all her international duties and her army would offer the most vigorous opposition to the invader." Belgium knew full well that she was facing possible annihilation, but she stood firmly and nobly for her honor and independence; her actions throughout the crisis, and during the eventful period when her small but courageous army held back for weeks the Teuton hordes in their advance on Paris, literally standing in the breach between savagery and civilization, recall the Roman tribute given in the days of Caesar that "Of all the tribes of Gaul, the Belg£e are the bravest." On the morning of August 4th, 1914, the Belgian Government received the German declaration of war. "In consequence of the (Belgian) Govern- ment . . . having declined the well-intended proposals submitted to them by the Imperial Government, the latter will, deeply to their regret" (but in harmony with well-developed plans, ar- ranged in detail years before) "be compelled to THE GERMAN OBSESSION 205 carry out — if necessary by force of arms — the measures of secui'ity which have been set forth as indispensable in view of the French menaces." The Germans everlastingly harped on French aggression, in spite of the fact that to avoid even the appearance of aggression, all French troops had been withdrawn ten kilometers from their national border; and the early aggressive and hostile acts had been performed by the Germans who admittedly had crossed over into French territory and shed innocent blood. On July 30th, i. e., the day follow- ing the German War Conference, at which time it was firmly decided to go ahead and wage war with vigor on France and Russia, the German army was on the Frontier, and on that day German patrols twice penetrated French territory, causing the population to vigorously protest and appeal to their Government for protection. On August 4th, immediately following the delivery of the German declaration to the Belgian Government, German troops invaded Belgium and hostilities commenced. On the same day Bethmann- Hollweg made his famous "Necessity knows no law" Reichstag address. He admitted that "the French Government had declared at Brussels that France is willing to respect the neutrality of Belgium. . . . France could wait, hut we'" (being in a hurry to reach Paris) ''could not. Any- body . . . fighting for his highest possessions can only have one thought — how is he to hack his way through?" This was really fighting in lust for another^s possessions, but according to German psychology, that which you want is yours if you have the power to take it; and when you fight to obtain it you are waging a war in defense of what is 206 THE GERMAN OBSESSION your own, although another may, at the same time, possess it. James M. Beck in The Evidence of the Case, comments on the fact that Germany deliberately violated the neutrality of Belgiimi, devastated the land, committed unspeakable atrocities and reveled in shedding the innocent blood of a courageous and outraged people, solely because she willed it and regarded it as serving her selfish, national interests ; he well says: "Unless our boasted civilization is the thinnest veneering of barbarism; unless the law of the world is in fact only the ethics of the rifle and the conscience of the cannon; unless mankind, after uncounted centuries, has made no real advance in political morality beyond that of the cave dweller, then this answer of Germany cannot satisfy the 'decent respect to the opinions of mankind.' It is the negation of all that civilization stands for. Belgium has been crucified in the face of the world. Its innocence of any offense, until it was attacked, is too clear for argument. Its voluntary immola- tion to preserve its solemn guarantee of neutrality will 'plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against the deep damnation of its taking off.' " The honor and heroism of brave little Belgium defeated Ger- many's purpose of grabbing France by the throat by a quick march to Paris. Germany, with her doctrine of "Nothing succeeds like success," lost any chance she may have anticipated of swiftly crushing France before France could get ready to resist. Belgium gave Germany her first rude awakening in the long series of disillusionments she has had to experience since August 4th, 1914, and proved that the will to resist when country and honor are attacked is the only effective reply to a devilish will THE GERMAN OBSESSION 207 to power. Beck well asks, "Which blundered the most, the German Foreign Office or its General Staff, its diplomats or its generals?" When Germany found herself denounced by every civilized nation, and that her doctrine of "im- moralism," "scrap of paper" treaties, and "neces- sity knows no law," would not be accepted outside of Germany, the Government began to cast about for justification that would appeal to the more ethical foreign mind. Accordingly the Nord- deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, on October 13th and November 24th, 1915, published documents, seized by the Germans in the Belgian archives, relating to armed assistance by Great Britain if Belgium were attacked ; and at the same time the German Govern- ment published a Dutch edition of these documents, accompanied by a photograph of the text. The British-Belgian documents, however, merely stated what Britain was morally obligated to do by the existing treaty of neutrality, and what Britain in both 1870 and 1914 had told Germany and France she would do, i. e., protect with her armed forces, if necessary, the neutrality of Belgium. These documents, found by German agents in Brussels, contained the clause, "The entry of the British into Belgium would only take place on the violation of our (Belgian) neutrality by Germany." The photograph of the document contains this clause, but in the translation and as it appeared in the German papers, this important clause was de- liberately omitted, for with it the document either within or without the Teuton realm would be value- less for propaganda purposes, or for awakening sentiment more favorable to the act of the German Government. A second passage was deliberately 208 THE GERMAN OBSESSION altered. The photograph mentions a confidential "conversation;" the German Government falsified this to read "convention," thereby implying that a secret treaty was in existence between Great Britain and Belgimn. This a fair sample of German methods, German diplomacy, and the ever preva- lent German disrespect for truth. It is not illustra- tive of an unusual occurrence, but of a German habit of mind. It is paralleled by practically every act and statement of the German Government during the last week of July and the first few days of August, 1914, which led up to the great world- war. Karl Spitteler, the Swiss writer, has said, "Belgium in herself does not concern us, but he?' fate concerns us — the Swiss — very intimately. That a wrong was done to Belgium was originally openly confessed by the perpetrator. As an after- thought, in order to appear white, Cain blackened Abel. ... It was a spiritual blunder to rum- mage for documents in the pockets of the quivering victim. It was amply sufficient to throttle the victim. To calumniate her in addition is really too much." In the Reichstag on August 4th the German Chancellor said, "French airmen have penetrated Southern Germany and thrown bombs on our rail- way lines." Baron von Schoen, the German Am- bassador in Paris, said these aeroplane raids oc- curred at Wesel, the Eiffel country, Karlsruhe and Nuremberg, but no persons resident in any of these sections knew anything of them, and not a single local newspaper mentions them. The chief magis- trate of Nuremberg, when asked for information of the French raid on or near his city, boldly replied. "The Acting General Commandment of the 3rd THE GERMAN OBSESSION 209 Bavarian Army Corps in this city has no informa- tion that bombs were ever thrown by enemy aero- planes upon the railway lines in Nuremberg-Kis- singen or Nuremberg-Anspach, either before or after the outbreak of war. All such assertions and newspaper reports" (printed elsewhere and in- spired by the Government) "have been found to be false." Germany declared war against France at 6:45 P. M. on August 3rd, 1914, but Bethmann- Hollweg admitted in the Reichstag that German soldiers had invaded France on August 2nd. While France kept her armed forces ten kilometers ( about six miles) from the frontier, in order to prevent the possibility of trouble, German soldiers violated French territory and plundered and killed. It is a peculiarly Prussian characteristic that the Government should wage an aggressive war of con- quest and by deliberate falsehoods. Machiavellian unscrupulousness and devilish deceit, brand it as a "war of defense." Wars, to be successful in these days, have to be waged with patriotic enthusiasm. "Wars which are not supported by popular senti- ment are no longer possible," hence the desired popular sentiment must be obtained by an official propaganda of lies emanating from the Emperor and Imperial Chancellor, and prosecuted with frenzied ardor by the Junkers, Jingoes, and the subsidized intellectuals of the school, press and pulpit. Again, the German Emperor has the power to declare war in defense of the Empire; if he desires to wage an aggressive war of conquest he must obtain the permission of the Bundesrat — the upper house of monarchical appointees, hence with the Kaiser — an absolute despot, all wars are de- fensive. A German democrat, driven from his 210 THE GERMAN OBSESSION fatherland, writes from the haven of Switzerland, "Never in the history of the world has a greater crime than this (European war) been committed. Never has a crime after its commission been denied with greater effrontery and hypocrisy." Russia menaced Austria, the ally of Germany, because Austria was trying to bully Serbia, a small Slav state, and Russia demanded that the Austrian- Serbian quarrel be settled by arbitration; before Austria and Russia could settle their difficulties and come to some definite, amicable understanding, Ger- many arbitrarily declared war on Russia. As France was an ally of Russia, France strug- gling for peace was said to menace Germany, and as Germany could better attack France through Belgium, Germany defended herself by violating the neutrality of Belgium, and by carry- ing a deliberately planned war of lustful aggression into the enemy's country, where the defences were known to be comparatively weak, due to the respect of France and Belgium for international law. ''Menace and Defence; these, then are the Prusso- German watchwords of excuse. It is indeed quite true that even the highwayman is in a certain sense menaced and in a state of defense when he attacks a traveler and suddenly becomes aware that other well-armed men are hurrying to help the traveler. . . . In such a case the highwayman is also fighting a life and death struggle for his freedom and his existence. In this sense only was Germany in a state of defense. She would not, however, have found herself in such a position of constraint if she had not herself begun the attack." (J' Accuse! by a German.) Heroic Belgium, with sword in hand, courage- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 211 oiisly defended her independence and honor against the superior hordes of an aggressive miHtaristic neighbor-nation. In answer to the German ulti- matum the Belgian Government said that they were "firmly resolved to repel, by all the means in their power, every attack upon their rights." Belgium made good her proud and courageous words; she stood the full force of the attack of the greatest military nation on earth, and what is now left of the brave, heroic little army still battles in defense of her honor and national independence. The invasion of Belgium is a typical Prussian act. Frederick the Great grabbed Silesia and brazenly said, "My plan is first to take possession. At a later stage I can always find men to prove that I was acting within my rights." Bismarck adopted the same tactics when he grabbed part of Denmark, and would have violated the neutrality of Belgium in 1870, had he not been a shrewd enough diplo- matist to know that the enemies he would make by so doing would defeat all his plans of Prussian domination in a larger and homogeneous German Empire. The fate of Belgium at German hands will be the fate of all small nations in the vicinity of the Teutonic Empire, unless Prusso-German mihtarism is crushed and the HohenzoUern-Hapsburg dynas- ties overthrown, i. e., their absolute power and con- trol of the armies wrested from them. Holland and Denmark are no more secure than was Belgium; Switzerland may at any time be invaded, if German militarism is permitted to run rampant; the Balkan states would either have to accept the domination of Teutonia or be absorbed into an enlarged Mittel- europa with every semblance of their independence 212 THE GERMAN OBSESSION lost ; Sweden and Norway are not secure, and even Italy, if she could be isolated from her present Alhes, would be a mark for Teuton aggression. In despatches which have come to light from the Rus- sian archives, the Czar of Russia and the German Emperor are shown to have arranged in 1905 a secret alliance aimed at Britain, which endangered Denmark. In case of war with Britain, Denmark was to be treated as Belgium has been in the present war. Bronsart von Schellendorf boldly said, "We pro- claim from henceforth that our Continental nation has a right to the sea, not only to the North Sea, but to the Mediterranean and the Atlantic. Hence we intend to absorb, one after another, all the provinces which neighbor on Germany. We will successively annex Denmark, Holland, Belgium, Northern Switzerland, then Trieste, Venice, and Northern France from the Sambre to the Loire. This program we fearlessly pronounce. It is not the work of a madman. The empire we found will be no Utopia. We have already to hand the means of founding it, and no coalition in the world can stop us." Prof. Ernst Hasse, of Leipzig, and at one time President of the Pan- German League, in Impericd- ismus und Kolonialpolitik (1906) says that Ger- many "must stretch from the North Sea and the Baltic through the Netherlands, taking in Luxem- burg and Switzerland down to the Balkan Penin- sula, and will include Asia Minor as far as the Persian Gulf. The influence of other powers must be eliminated from this great territory." Prof. Franz von Liszt, of Berlin, advocated (1914) the absorption of Belgium, Holland, the Scandinavian THE GERMAN OBSESSION 213 Kingdoms, Switzerland, the Balkans, and the merging of the larger Germany with Austria- Hungary, Turkey and Italy into one great empire (Mitt el-euro pa) of more than two hundred million people, over which Prussia and the Hohenzollerns would be supreme. Frymann, in Wenn ich der Kaiser ware (1913), says that "Such little states" (as Belgium, Holland, Denmark, etc.), "have lost their right to exist," and he demands their absorption by the sword. Fry- mann fears that the Belgians and the Dutch, if given an opportunity to throw in their lot with Britain or France, would do so in preference to Germany; therefore, Germany must act and forcibly acquire territory that would never come to her if left to the popular desire or choice of the people themselves. Fritz Bley, in 1897, wrote, "You cannot talk and sing about an invincible Watch on the Rhine as long as the Dutch and the Swiss do not sing the same tune." On the day that Germany ruthlessly violated the neutrality of Belgium, the Swiss Republic notified the governments of the belligerent nations, that she proposed to defend her neutrality and the inviol- ability of her territory by all possible means. Switzerland and Belgium are not very different in size, and both have French and German frontiers. Germany had elected to violate the neutrality of Belgium and invade France in the north. She did not feel that her national interests demanded the violation of the neutrality of Switzerland at that time, but she was somewhat fearful that France might decide to reply to a vicious wrong, by her- self committing a similar wrong, and invading Ger- many from the south through Switzerland. What 214 THE GERMAN OBSESSION a travesty on right and justice are the words of the German Government, addressed to the Swiss, acknowledging the declaration of the small Re- public's neutrality, and expressing their satisfaction and confidence that the confederation, "thanks to its strong army and the unconquerable determina- tion of the whole Swiss people, Avill repel any viola- tion of its neutrality." To that peculiar machine — the Prusso-German mind — Belgium committed an unpardonable crime in maintaining her neutrality, whereas Switzerland's decision was most praise- worthy. Belgium's action annoyed and handi- capped Germany, whereas Switzerland's action might prevent a French attack from an incon- venient quarter and thereby upset the plan of cam- paign of the General Staff. When the German Government deliberately and viciously ignored the independence of the Belgians and violated their neutrahty, not a voice of protest was heard in Germany and the people applauded the victories of their hordes of troops pitted against the brave but numerically insignificant army of Belgium, as if the battles were being waged between Trojans of similar power and prowess. The spirit of Pan-Germanism has permeated the German soul. Bernhardi who taught the doctrine of ''World power or downfall" said, "Keeping this idea before us we must prepare for war with the confident intention of conquering, and with the iron resolve to persevere in the end, come what may." The prime thought is "to conquer;" how the victory is won is of decidedly secondary importance, but whether the means employed he fair or foul, victory is demanded. When the German Government stoops to the most damnable methods, they are THE GERMAN OBSESSION 215 moral, if they prove successful, for victory atones for all sins. General von Moltke said, "We must put on one side all commonplaces as to the responsi- bility of the aggressor. When war has become necessary it is essential to carry it on in such a way as to place all the chances in one's favor. Success alone justifies war." Toward the end of August, 1914, a German General wrote in the Berlin Lokal Anzeiger, "Belgium is and will henceforth remain German. Not because we want the few millions of rabble living here. No, they may emigrate. But because we need their land, their mineral deposits, and especially their coast and their ports in order to get at the British," and Pastor Traub in the Kolnischer Zeitung, with the positive characteristic touch of the Prussian Protestant clergy said, "Whoever wishes to criticize this step is a traitor. The fact that the Imperial Chancellor has confessed our wrong, makes it a right." It is refreshing to know that in a country whose despotic government demanded the mental sur- render and subsidization of all the mtellectuals in the realm, that there were "the one or two" who refused to wear the Hohenzollern fetters. They were required, however, to keep quiet, or go to prison, or into exile. Some of the truly individual, human thinkers, gifted with a talent for expression, have delivered their message to the world from the hospitable neutral Republic of Switzerland. "A pitiable wretch is he Who knows the truth and yet can silent be." One of the greatest documents of the war is the diary of Dr. Wilhelm Miihlon, a former director of 216 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Krupps. Like Goethe, Miihlon is a man first and a German afterwards, and his writings are confes- sions of a high-principled man to his own conscience, of the sins committed by an intellectually-perverted and morally-debauched Germany. Under date of August 5th, 1914, he wrote, "Our irruption into Belgium means for us a frightful moral expiation. We have dealt more unscrupulously even than Bis- marck did, and a victorious war will not reinstate us in the confidence of Europe or of the rest of the world. That reasons of strategj^ has induced the invasion of Belgium is, of course, clear to me. Admitting the justice and urgency of these reasons, nevertheless our whole conduct toward Belgium was so brutal, so tricky, so against all political com- mittals and obligations, so poorly prepared for by diplomatic means, that Belgium could not possibly assent without becoming contemptible for all time. Therefore we could not expect compliance on the part of Belgium; for we ought to have considered among the possibilities of our policy the crushing of Belgium, the destruction of her cities, the annihila- tion of her armies and even more, the oppression of her whole people, who would be obliged to oppose the invaders even though with the extremest reluct- ance." And again later, "We want to be victorious regardless of the means employed. We want to have peace again as soon as possible. To attain this end we march over dead bodies. 'Military necessity' is the name of the principle of 'justice' which covers all outrages." Under date of August 14th, Miihlon wrote, "Be- fore the news came of our entry into Belgium, the universal ferment had affected me, at least so far that I asked myself whether I ought not share, as a THE GERMAN OBSESSION 217 volunteer, the fortunes of our soldiery, without regard to my personal point of view and merely out of a natural impulse to be with and by those who fight and must suffer. But the attack on Belgium obliterated this feeling. Not even under com- pulsion would I now go along. Why have I con- victions if I do not remain true to them and stand up for them?" Miihlon resigned his post as a director of Krupps; he refused, directly or indirectly, to be associated with any phase of German hostilities, but continued for some time to be connected with the German Foreign Office as he struggled for Euro- pean harmony, and peace with international justice. Early in 1917, after distressing experiences in Roimiania, he finally determined that German methods were impossible, and that the Hohen- zoUerns, their government, lieutenants and Intel- lectuals were void of conscience, rational sense and honor. He felt that Germany was determined to win the war by any means, no matter how foul, that a German victory or German "peace by understand- ing" would mean "the defeat of the highest ideas and hopes of humanity," so he severed all connection with the German Government, left his country and took up his residence in Switzerland — self -exiled in the interests of truth and justice, humanity and democracy. IX. The Freedom of Dynastic Slaves SALLUST, the Roman historian (86-34 B. C), said that kingdoms could only be maintained by the means through which they were created. A kingdom founded by arms must be maintained by arms; a confederation or union of states by voluntary and peaceful action does not require force for its maintenance. A treaty of free peoples, expressing a voluntary pact for the good of all, is naturally pacific; a treaty of peace which recognizes a triumphant conqueror who is victorious solely by force of arms, is a termination of war that invariably carries within it a germ of further strife. Peace forced upon a people by the sword is merely an armistice. Peace on the basis of statu quo with the aggressor unsuccessful, is but an armed truce — a mere suspension of hostihties, unless the will to war is removed. Germany with Austria deliberately planned an attack on Russia and France. The war of ruthless aggression was represented to the gulhble authority- driven German people as a defensive or preventive war and a war of liberation, for only by this means could the necessary popular enthusiasm and patriotism be awakened. But the war is, neverthe- less, a deliberate attempt of the Prussianized Ger- mans to establish a hegemony on the Continent, and be prepared to later strike at Britain and brush her from their path as easily as they expected to ignominiously defeat France and Russia in 1914. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 219 The German Imperial Chancellor, on December 2nd, 1914, said, "We will persevere until we have the assurance that no one will again disturb our peace, a peace which we will care for, and one that will develop German character and German strength as a free nation." In the early days of the war, German official statements indicated that the nation was fighting for "secm*ity from attack, free development of her forces and unhampered atten- tion to her culture," and the Emperor in addressing the troops on the Eastern front, after five months of war, said, "We are fighting for a just cause, for freedom, for the right of our nation to exist, for a long future peace." But in her relations with other nations Germany enjoyed all these privileges in full measure before she wantonly plunged the world into war. It is ridiculous to give as war objects, pre-war conditions and to tell the people that they are fighting for what they already possess, but it indicates the colossal stupidity of the German people. For the Emperor to say, "We" (i. e., a dynasty with an aristocracy, and a people whom we govern and absolutely dominate in mind and body) "are fighting for our national freedom and for our right to exist as a nation," is positively absurd; but if the people who comprise the nation were to say, "We, the people, are fighting the dynasty and our oppressors and exploiters. We are fighting for a real Constitution, for a democracy, for freedom and for our right to exist and develop as free individuals in a land of unrestrained opportunity," then there would be rational sense and true wisdom in a Ger- man struggle for freedom. Germany has enjoyed external freedom to the greatest possible degree in her relations as a nation with the other great powers, 220 THE GERMAN OBSESSION but the people have never known the beauty and happiness of individual freedom. The dynasty and its satellites prate of freedom, but, as a modern Ger- man writer has well said, "He who imposes bondage in his own house cannot bring freedom to the world." There is no country in the world today that, considered politically, "is so undeveloped and so gagged as Prusso-German^^" And yet German writers of the subsidized Hohenzollern school, prate of freedom and pro- claim that a freedom that is not German is no freedom at all. In other words, a "freedom" that is not individualistic slavery, is not considered free- dom in a state that is ruled tyrannously by an abso- lute despot through his lieutenants and self-created government, which is responsible, not to the people or even to a ruling class, but to himself alone. Chamberlain, one of the Kaiser's favorites, has arrogantly said, "Germany has been for centuries the true and only home of freedom, worthy of humanity and elevating to humanity. . . . An un-German freedom is no freedom." Oskar Sclimitz has said, "German freedom is not a natural human right but an elevation of humanity above the despotism of its own personal inclina- tions." This is a typical, Prussian dynastic state- ment. In other words, freedom, popular govern- ment, democracy, political equality, and equality of opportunity are not "natural human rights;" when- ever men enjoy a measure of liberty or are per- mitted to take a lowly part in government and state affairs, they do so as a boon granted by the ruHng powers or at the express invitation of their lord and master. In Prusso-Germany the people have no rights whatsoever ; they are merely the human prop- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 221 erty of the dynasty, which uses them as it sees fit for its own selfish ends. Schmitz gives us the real Hohenzollern touch when he says that a man's per- sonal inclination, i. e., his inherent longings for freedom, for full and free expression of his indi- vidualistic self, are a "despotism" from which he must be saved by the tyramious and absolute despotism of the state, i. e., the Kaiser and his ap- pointed government. German "freedom" is noth- ing but prison fetters for the human soul, and a prison uniform for the mind; it is slavery in its most blighting form, for it operates against the soul of the world and is diametrically opposed to real human and Cosmic progress. Karl Haeckel ( 1915 ) denounces democratic rights, privileges and obligations, and extols JDeutschtum as opposed to what he terms British liberties. Wilhelm II has taken delight in calling democracy with its constitutional government "the freedom of men to govern themselves badly according to their own desires." Prof. Blume, of Tiibigen, says that unfettered, i. e., non-German freedom is "the free- dom of individuals bought with the misery of mil- lions and with the blood of hirelings." In other words, the German Intellectuals argue that it is better to place all men in an institution, clothe and feed them, guard, nimiber, catalogue and deprive them of all liberty and initiative as if they were prison convicts or poorhouse-inmates, rather than let them express in freedom their individualistic talents in an atmosphere that encourages man's highest and best. Real men crave for freedom and opportunity without favor — only a fair field and absolute justice. The German system offers no freedom and it does not know the meaning of 222 THE GERMAN OBSESSION human justice. Prof. Sombart says that "the doctrine of comfort . . . certainly comes of evil. ... In Britain every vrorkman is stuck in the morass of comfort." Therefore, to the Ger- man mind, not only liberty and equality but "the pursuit of happiness" — man's inherent and essential rights according to our Declaration of Independ- ence — are pernicious aspirations. Every student of history knows that Germany is the one country of Europe that, during the past century, has stood deliberately in the path of democracy and real human freedom. The Hohenzollerns, thanks to Bismarck with his Machiavellian diplomacy and successful wars of conquest, have stemmed the tide of popular government in Germany and prevented the masses of the people from enjoying in that dynastically governed and still medieval and mili- taristic Teutonia, the rights and privileges of citizenship enjoyed by every other progressive European nation. The German Chancellor says that Germany can- not be crushed. Germany, as a soulless, militaristic machine, will probably never be crushed by external armed forces, but truth brought home to the people through military reverses may cause the disintegra- tion of the machine. The German people were in reality crushed when Bismarck fought the demo- cratic spirit then awakening in Prussia, and strengthened by "blood and iron" the tottering throne of the Hohenzollerns. A military defeat of Germany is the only hope for her people ; it is the only way by means of which they will be able to again perceive the truth and realize that their Prus- sian god has feet of clay. Germany's military nationalism can and will be jarred to its very foun- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 223 dation; the spirit of Pan-Germanism, with its aggressive doctrine of "immorahsm," will be crushed by a people aroused from mental stupor to free their souls from dynastic chains of serfdom. Truth cannot be crushed, neither can the German people be crushed, when once the handicaps to free develop- ment and spiritual growth have been removed ; they will live by immutable law of life and evolution. It is a fundamentally dynastic belief that peace at home can always be obtained by means of a suc- cessful foreign war. Bismarck profited by the experience following 1813 and 1848, and by delib- erately-planned wars with Denmark, Austria and France, he made the Hohenzollern dynasty supreme in Germany ; but in the intoxication and exaltation of victorious wars, and amidst an epidemic of unthinking patriotism and a brain-weakening fever of ecstasy, the German people were themselves forced into bitter bondage. A conquering people lost their power of resistance to the selfish desires of their leaders, and while reveling in their conscious- ness of conquest and mastery, thej^ were enslaved by the Prussian dynasty who fought not for the people, but for the security and aggrandizement of itself and its throne. Petrarch of old said, "A foreign war is preferable to one at home." Every prince is taught this belief in early youth, and it is one of the first principles to be learned in the catechism of dynasties. The German author of J' Accuse! has well described some of the prime causes that led to the present deplorable world-war. "The increasing democrati- zation of Germany, which had already advanced so far as to pass a vote of no confidence in an Imperial Chancellor and a Prussian First Minister, and to 224 THE GERMAN OBSESSION extend protection to the civil powers in Alsace against the military authorities, the constant increase in the vote of the social democratic party, and of their representation in the Reichstag, the increasing industrialism of Germany which threatened more and more to repress the economic and the social importance of the territorial nobility — all these phenomena were an abomination to the Prussian Junkers" (and the leader and head of the Junkers — the HohenzoUern dynasty), "and had produced in the circles which they frequented a state of mind which can be expressed in the thought: 'Things cannot go on like this in Germany, and since an amelioration in the sense we desire cannot be achieved in peace, we must be assisted in our need by a lively and jolly war.' " In 1884, the Social Democrats of Germany polled 550,000 votes. In 1898 the number had quadrupled (2,107,000) ; in 1903 it had risen to 3,011,000, and in 1912 it stood at 4,250,000. During a period of twenty-eight years, the democratic vote in Germany had increased eight-fold and was steadily increasing at a rate of about 150,000 votes per annum. This fact caused the Hohenzollerns and the Junkers much concern; it was the great internal political menace to the dynastj?^ and to any form of despotism. Bernhardi well expressed a fundamentally dynas- tic belief when, in Germany and the Next War (1912), he said, "We must not think merely of external foes who compel us to fight. A war may seem to be forced upon us — the dynasty or the gov- ernment — by the condition of home affairs, or by the pressure of the whole political situation." Wars will occur as long as the world is cursed with dynas- ties. Wars of aggression are dynastic and they are THE GERMAN OBSESSION 225 waged ( 1 ) to intoxicate the people with the idea of national power and domination over other peoples; to numb the people's minds by the fruits of militar- istic victories, and, ( 2 ) to divert their thoughts from internal grievances, lack of privilege and virtual slavery, to foes outside the realm, who, it is claimed, menace the fatherland and seek to subjugate and humihate the people. Bernhardi has also said that "The moral duty of a state" — by which he means the selfish interest of a dynasty — "requires that a struggle for domination over a foreign foe be begun while the prospects of success and the political circumstances are tolerably favorable. When . . . hostile states are weak- ened and hampered by affairs at home and abroad, and its own warlike strength shows elements of superiority, it is imperative to use the favorable circumstances to promote its own political ambi- tions." The only state that Bernhardi knows anything about is the German state, which is the Hohenzol- lern dynasty. Such a state in foreign affairs glories in its immorality, and it gives as free a rein to its unscrupulous ambitions as it has the military power to back up. In domestic affairs also, as the dynasty can only exist by keeping the people enslaved, it is necessary for the state to deceive them in regard to their true condition and direct their thoughts to the greatness of their nation as compared with other foreign peoples. "Success is necessary to gain influence over the masses, and this influence can only be obtained by continually appealing to the national imagination and enlisting its interest in great universal ideas and great national ambitions." In the Reichstag on November 9th, 1911, Deputy 226 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Bebel quoted the following extracts from the "inspired" German press, printed under date of August 26th, 1911: "For the sake of Germany's internal conditions, a campaign on a large scale would serve a good purpose, even if it brought grief and pain to individual families" {Das Deutsche Armeehlatt) ; and, "The conviction prevails in wide circles of the population that a war would be wholly profitable, inasmuch as it would produce a clarifica- tion of our precarious political position and improve many political and social conditions." In the Ham- burger Nachrichten (June, 1910), we read, "We shall never improve matters at home until we have got into severe foreign complications, — perhaps even into war — and have been compelled by such convulsions to bring ourselves together." The German people are truly a subject race; subject not to a foreign power but to their own dynasty, — absolute, tyrannical, medieval, and main- tained by ignorance and superstition. The German masses are vassals and serfs, but when the more intelligent of them notice their fetters and begin to grow resentful and rebellious, the dynasty turns their eyes to foreign lands and tells them of the growing power and prestige of the Empire, and the booty, glory and honor that will soon be theirs. They listen with numbed brains and believing hearts to such senseless, egoistic twaddle as the following from the pen of Prof. Werner Sombart — dynas- tically-inspired, and the worst of it is that in their mental lethargy and stupidity they believe it : — "As the German eagle soars high above the beasts of the earth, so must the Germans feel exalted above all surrounding peoples, and must look down upon them in their bottomless depths." There is as much THE GERMAN OBSESSION 227 similarity between the soaring, free king of birds and the dynastically-enslaved German citizens as there is between light and darkness. The Germans in bondage dream of dominating the world, and the dream is a mental suggestion emanating from the dynasty ; it becomes an hallucination, — ^a soul-dead- ening obsession. Dr. Oppenheimer, of Dusseldorf, (1914) said, "A United States of Europe with Germany as leading state and the German Emperor at the head — this is my vision," and in Great-Ger- many and Middle Europe in 1950, we read that in the Great-German Confederation of. the Future "the Germans, being alone entitled to exercise polit- ical rights, to serve in the Army and Navy, and to acquire landed property, will recover the feeling they had in the Middle Ages of being a people of masters. They will gladly tolerate the foreigner living among them, to whom inferior manual serv- ices will be entrusted." Deputy Hasse (Social Democrat) said in the Reichstag on April 22nd, 1912, "A considerable number even of our artisans, our small tradesmen, our officials — of our middle classes, in short, — have been infected with this imperialistic mania. They have either been intoxicated by the nationalistic claptrap or they are suffering from the delusion that thej^ will share the benefits accruing from a policy of conquest. There is no doubt that there is a terrible awakening in store for them; some of them will soon come to see matters in their true light, and then they will sigh and groan on account of the increasing burdens." The German people are pathetically gullible. They have sacrificed their liberty to lead systema- tized, indexed and mechanistic prisoner lives; they 228 THE GERMAN OBSESSION have repudiated and definitely abandoned their ideals for empty promises and the hope of attaining materiahstic baubles. The subsidized Pan-German lieutenants of HohenzoUernism have done their devilish work thoroughly, and the results are the world war, the invasion of Belgium, submarine war- fare, violation of all international law, inhuman and unprecedented ruthlessness and unspeakable atroci- ties. The soul of a great people has been atrophied by the malicious, false teachings inspired by the selfish and inhimian ruling house of despots and its Junker bodyguard and satellites. Alfred Kerr, the German editor of the Review Pan, said in 1912 to Georges Bourdan, a French- man, "The prospect of war is entertained in Ger- many without emotion. The profits are calculated — the annihilation of France, an indemnity of war amounting to twenty-five billions, because it is remembered that last time you paid up too easily — and then we shall rub our hands. You smile ! That is because you don't know what Germany is today. It is a nation of shopkeepers, love of gain is its ruling passion; to earn money, to get rich quickly is its one ideal," and, again, "In France, you are blinded b}^ illusions. You dream, you revel in the luxury of himianitarian ideas. You believe in justice, goodness, peace, fraternity; and that is a very dangerous state of things. You say war, vio- lence and conquest are things of the past ; they are out of fashion and altogether played out. But we answer 'War is not a thing of the past, it is a thing of tomorrow.' " The statement is frequently made that Germany desires free and unfettered opportunity for expan- sion, and again it is said that Germany desires peace. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 229 Paul de Lagarde, 1827-91, (real name Boetticher, and a professor at Gottingen) tells us that Germany must reach "from the Ems to the Danube, from Memel to Trieste, and to the river Bug in the East . . . Only such a Germany can feed herself, only such a Germany can defeat France and Russia . . . Since all the world desires peace, all the world must, therefore, desire such a Germany,'' and again, "We must create a Central Europe that ^^dll guarantee the peace of the entire Continent from the moment when it shall have driven the Russians from the Black Sea, and the Slavs from the South, and shall have conquered large tracts to the East of our frontiers . . . The German wave must spread toward the South until nothing remains of all the lamentable nationalities of the Imperial State of Austria," and the smaller independent Balkan nations. Europe, accordingly, can only have peace by ceding to Germany all the territory which she may from time to time desire, and any nation can become an Ally of Germany only at the price of part of its independence and voluntarily putting on a yoke which later will prove to be a hideous fetter of serfdom. Joseph L. Reimer, in A Pan-German Germany (1905) said, "The strongest Germanic state on the Continent must take over the hegemony ; the smaller ones must sacrifice as much of their independence . . as is necessary to the permanent insurance of the new and greater imperial unity . . . ^^Tiich state will it be ? . . . It can be only the German Empire which is now in search of more territor}\" Reimer speaks of the necessity of sub- jugating France and the absorption "of the Ger- man provinces of Austria in any manner that may 230 THE GERMAN OBSESSION suit our purpose. The natural pressure of this new German Empire will be so great that the surround- ing states (which are coveted) will have to attach themselves to it, under conditions which we set." Dr. Friedrich Naumann, ex-Pastor and member of the Reichstag, wrote in 1899: — "All weakening of German national energy by pacifist associations or analogous activities, reinforces the formidably increasing power of those who rule today from the Cape to Cairo . . . No truce with Britain. Let our policy be a national policy. This must be the mainspring of our action in the Eastern question. This is the fundamental reason which riecessitates our political indifference to the snfferings of Chris- tians in the Turkish Empire, painful as these must be to our jmvate feelings. If Turkey were disin- tegrated today, the fragments of her Empire would become the sport of the great powers and we should be left with nothing . . . We must retard the catastrophe. Let Turkey have any Constitution she likes so long as she can keep herself afloat a while longer" — i. e., until Germany can dominate her entirely. "Bismarck taught us to make a distinc- tion between our foreign policj^ and our domestic policy. The same thing applies to the Christian missions. As Christians we desire the propaganda of faith by which we are saved; but it is not the task of our policy to concern itself ^vith Christian missions" — at least not until national advantage can be obtained. Germany was deeply concerned with "Christian missions" in the Chinese Boxer Uprisings, and was delighted to send a horde of Huns on a punitive expedition, with orders to make the German name terrible to all Chinamen, but she claimed that it was THE GERMAN OBSESSION 231 to her national advantage to ignore the hideous Armenian atrocities of the unspeakable Turk. "We must find out which is the greatest and morally the most important task, and when the choice has been made there can be no tergiversation. Wilhelm II has made his choice; he is the friend of Padisha, because he believes in a greater Germany . . . Meanwhile Germans are settling upon the shores of the Mediterranean. Good luck to you, my breth- ren. Work hard. Bestir yourselves . . . You hold in your hands a morsel of Germany's future life." Again in 1896, "Amicus Patriae," in Arme- nia and Crete, a Vital Question for Germany, said, "Germany must lay her mighty grasp upon Asia Minor . . . The Turk has lost his rights, not only from the moral but also from the strictly legal point of view . . . God is the judge . . . God never forsakes a good German.'* In the Russo- Japanese war, the German Kaiser proclaimed that Russia was "The champion of Christianity," and "the representative of the White Race" in the Far East. The record of Germany stands written in blood, — the champion of "Christianity" and the rep- resentative of European culture and civilization among the Turkish Mohammedans and the peoples which they have subjugated. Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria and Turkey, — these Allies of the Germans are merely used by them to further their Mittel-europa ambitions. The Germans scorn them as subject peoples while they selfishly and unscrupulously benefit by an alliance which is claimed to be a voluntary union of independent nations. The Berlin-Bagdad Railway was aimed at Britain and was a direct threat at Egypt and British possessions in Africa and Asia. The importance 232 THE GERMAN OBSESSION attached by Germany to complete domination of the territory through which the road passed can be gathered from the remark of Dr. Heinrich Fried- jung on February 14th, 1917: "Every day makes it clearer how ineradicably established is one of the prizes of victory won by Germany ; it consists in the linking up with the nearer East. The vast territory from Belgrade to Constantinople, Bagdad and beyond, can never again be torn from its political, military and economic connections with the Ger- man Empire. Whatever the fate of Poland and Belgium, Constantinople and Sofia are safe from subjection; Servia and Roumania can do us no further harm. And this, even Wilson, to whom so much of the course of things in Europe is incompre- hensible, will come to understand in time." Fried jung expressed the German viewpoint of the early days of 1917, but the Germans are learn- ing today that an alliance, such as that of the Cen- tral European states, is a "fair weather" combina- tion and can only exist as long as there are good prospects of victory. Bulgaria is already pulling away, Turkej'^ will follow, and Austria- Hungary, as it disintegrates, will clamor for peace. Just as military defeat will mean the withdrawal one by one of Germany's Allies, so the Kingdoms and Duchies within the Empire will draw away from militaristic Prussia in support and sympathy, and gradually the people will assert their independence of the Government. Mittel-europa cannot exist outside of a successful militaristic and Machiavellian dynasty, and all such schemes as an extended Mittel-europa, which form part of the great plan for world con- quest and dominion, will vanish when the Hohen- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 233 zoUerns are overthrown and German egoism is suffi- ciently jarred by overwhelming military defeats. Kurt Martens said that Germany is "an arsenal and a madhouse," and Bernhardi's sinister phrase strikes the keynote of Germany's militaristic ambi- tion, "world-dominion or downfall." This is the motto of Germany today in a world that craves human justice, brotherhood and peace, as it was the motto of Lucifer in his assault upon heaven. "World-dominion or downfall" is the motto of evil everywhere and always. Schleiermacher, after the humiliation of Jena, wrote, "Germany will rise with unexpected might, worthy of her ancient heroes and her inborn spiritual strength." Germany has risen, but the spiritual might of Fichte and Schleiermacher has been replaced by the HohenzoUern curse, — the physical and brutal power of hell. Truth is cruci- fied, immoralism reigns, and blasphemy is rampant. X. The Social-Democrats^ Apostasy THE Peace Manifesto of the International- Socialistic-Labor Party, adopted at Basel, Switzerland, on November 25th, 1912, reads in part: "The great nations of Europe are constantly on the point of being urged against each other, while it is impossible to advance the slightest pretext of national interests in justification of these attacks against humanity and reason. "The Balkan crisis, which has already produced »< such a terrible tale of horror, would, if extended still further, constitute the gravest danger for civilization and for the proletariat. It would also be the greatest crime in history in view of the glaring contrast be- tween the magnitude of the catastrophe and the insig- nificance of the interests involved. "The Congress therefore notes with satisfaction the complete unanimity of the Socialist Party and of the working classes of all countries in conducting war against war ... A war between the three great leading civilized nations on account of the dispute about a harbor, between Serbia and Austria, would be an act of criminal madness . . . The govern- ments should not forget that in the present condition of Europe, and in view of the attitude of the work- ing classes, they cannot, without danger to them- selves, embark on a war ... It would be mad- ness if governments should fail to realize that the mere thought of the enormity of a world-war must in itself arouse the horror and the indignation of the working classes. The proletariat feel it as a crime • to shoot against each other in the interests of the profits of capitalists, the ambition of dynasties, and for the greater honor of diplomatic, secret treaties." THE GERMAN OBSESSION 235 It was boldly stated by German delegates at the Conference "that no Treaty of Alliance could obli- gate Germany to shed even a drop of German blood for the foolish and ambitious policy of certain Austrian cliques." If any Governments of Europe should refuse to hear the words of warning uttered by the laboring classes and should commit the inex- piable crime against humanity of plunging their people into war, then "the more terrible the Euro- pean war, the greater and more terrible would be the revolution which would ensue." This was the prophecy of Jaures of France, a truly brilliant man who was foully murdered by a fanatic at the out- break of the war. The Archduke Francis Ferdinand, heir-apparent to the Austro-Hungarian throne, and his wife, were assassinated on June 28th, 1914, in Serajevo, the Capital of Bosnia — which with Herzegovina had been forcibly annexed by the Austrians on October 7th, 1907. This foul murder was committed on Austrian soil by Austrian subjects — but the con- spirators were of Serbian origin. For some time, and particularly since the Balkan War, little Serbia, with its three and a half million people, had been a thorn in the side of Austria, who sought to dominate by oppression and persecution the eleven million Balkan Slavs — represented as Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. Although the murderers had no connec- tion whatever with the Serbian Government, and the violent act was deeply deplored in Belgrade and elsewhere, Vienna found it convenient to denounce Serbia and arbitrarily decided to hold that people responsible for the crime. Austria accepted this incident, that had shocked the whole world, as a favorable opportunity to definitely assert her hatred 236 THE GERMAN OBSESSION and fear of the Southern Serbs and Croats, and exterminate as an independent nation the heroic Serbs who, as the strongest and most nationalized of the Balkan Slavs, were generally accepted as the leaders of the disquieting and anti- Austrian race. The Balkan war had damaged the prestige of Austria-Hungary in Eastern Europe, and Vienna was determined to regain her original commanding power. Germany was at last ready for war and pledged support to her Ally, and thus the stage was set for the long-talked-of and looked-for European conflict. Austria felt that she could quickly crush Serbia and by doing so increase her terri^^ory and Balkan-Mediterranean power. Austria was not blind to the fact that Russia might reasonably be expected to support her small sister-nation, but Germany was pledged to assist in the fight against Russia, while France, if she came into the conflict, could be easily handled by Germany. Austria's aspirations were at the expense of Rus- sia and Serbia, but Germany was not satisfied with probable Eastern fruits of victory. Of course, she expected to gain territory in Poland, West Russia, Finland, and the Baltic, but she was particularly covetous of Northern France and the Netherlands. It was Germany's earnest hope, however, to keep Britain at least neutral, for she was not yet ready or in a position to wage war with the world's great maritime power, but with equal earnestness and per- sistence she sought for war with France and Russia. Austria was given a free hand by her dominant German Ally in the handling of the Serbian matter, and she despatched a note to Serbia which, all authorities agree, violated every precedent and sur- passed the limits of what, under the circumstances. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 237 was permissible in the communications between independent nations; it is equally agreed that the Serbian reply surpassed in its spirit of compliance and submissiveness to impudent and unwarranted demands, everything of which there was any previ- ous record. Yet the Serbian answer, actuated by a strong desire for peace, and which must have been most humiliating to the senders, was declared unsat- isfactory by Austria, and war was declared. Austria mobilized against Serbia and Russia, and Russia mobilized in self-protection, while she struggled for peace and urged a conference of the Great Powers, or the settlement of any misunderstanding by arbi- tration. Germany demanded of Russia that she demobilize, without requiring that her Ally — Aus- tria — cease her military preparation, and then immediately followed her absurd request by a decla- ration of war against Russia, soon to be followed by a declaration of war against innocent France, and prompt violation of the neutrality of Belgium. Here we have a clear instance of a deliberately planned war of aggression, the ostensible cause orig- inating in the Balkans, and between the same two countries, Serbia and Austria, which the Interna- tional Labor Party had definitely cited less than two years before: — "A war between the . . . great civilized nations on account of disputes . . . between Serbia and Austria would be an act of mad- ness . . . The mere thought . . . must . . . arouse the horror and indignation of the working classes." When the Hohenzollern and Hapsburg dynasties decided on war, what did the International Labor Party, the Socialists, and the "Democrats" of Ger- many do ? These are the very same men, who, in the 238 THE GERMAN OBSESSION days of peace, had fought against miHtarism and denounced war. Their denunciation of brute force and Prussianism had been very bitter, apparently earnest and uttered with human conviction. The Social Democrats had often stated the truth and presented the case against a despotic government as clearly and decisively as it has since been stated by the outside world, but when war was declared by Germany against their brothers in France and Rus- sia, they quickly changed front. Their representa- tives in the German Reichstag, on August 4th, 1914, voted in favor of the various war measures proposed by the despotic Prussian dynasty and its vassal ministry, and they enthusiastically and blindly passed, without debate, measures for "defense" of the fatherland, including an appropriation of five billion marks to kill their "international" brothers, and this after hearing the Imperial Chancellor say, "Necessity knows no law; at this moment our troops are in Belgium." No class internationalization will ever put a stop to war; it requires a broader and deeper scope of interest, — the brotherhood of humanity, not of classes. All amalgamations of class breed class consciousness and result in the deification of class interest and the development of class intolerance. Class loyalty can never compete with national loy- alty, notwithstanding all its boasts and protestations of internationalism. The only loyalty in the world which is superior to loyalty to country is that uni- versal loyalty to humanity which is an expression of true religion, and which acknowledges in the spirit of Christ "The Brotherhood of Manand the Father- hood of God." In the true religion of loyalty, there is no proletariat and no class, — only men ; states and THE GERMAN OBSESSION 239 countries may justly demand loyalty — for universal loyalty is not the negation of patriotism, it is rather its purifier and intensifier, — but all nations must be loyal to the greater whole, just as the cities and families which form a real and homogeneous nation are loyal to their country which represents a united interest of distinctive individuals with generally similar or somewhat kindred characteristics and aspirations. Much had been expected of the Social Democrats, Internationals and Socialists of Germany, in the interest of peace and anti-militarism, but in the emergency they failed, and the Reichstag stood solidly for war behind the Hohenzollern dynasty. It is true that the Government lied and maliciously fabricated reports of the aggression of neighbor- nations, but these so recent loud-voiced advocates of peace were surely not without perception and intui- tion; it must be that they were lacking in courage. Knowing the history of the Hohenzollerns and their Ministers, the aspirations of the Pan- Germans and the militarists, the Prusso-Germans accepted doc- trine of "Immoralism" and conquest by force, know- ing in a measure the preparation of Germany for war, the German refusal to make peace treaties and submit their national differences to arbitration, and knowing the determination of the Government to plunge the State into a war for world domination, when they were ready, — yet with these facts well in view, the Social Democrats, Internationals and Sociahsts, with unparalleled gullibility or moral cowardice, passed war measures which virtually meant the unanimous endorsement of the Hohen- zollern policy of world conquest and of their decla- ration of aggressive war. 240 THE GERMAN OBSESSION In December, 1913, Lieutenant von Forstner insulted, abused and humiliated the Alsatians at Zabern — the old French Savergne. Col. von Renter supported his Lieutenant, and in the excitement that followed dispersed the people by means of the soldiery, armed with bayonets and loaded rifles, and placed machine guns in the streets. The Judge and Council of the Civil Court were arrested as they were leaving the Courthouse, and twenty-seven of them spent the night in the cellar jail of the bar- racks. Men were arrested for laughing at the troops, and the official Annual Register admits "the wounding by Lieutenant von Forstner of a lame cob- bler who . . . was alleged to have insulted him by contemptuous cries, although the Burgomaster asserted it was only some children who had jeered." Judicial proceedings followed in which it was proved that "when warned that his unprovoked incitement of the population was likely to lead to bloodshed," Col. von Renter replied, "bloodshed would be a good thing," and admitted that civilians had been arrested for "intending to laugh." The Colonel was finally acquitted on the ground that "he did not know that he had acted illegally." He himself based his action on a Prussian Cabinet order of 1820. During the trial, the Crown Prince telegraphed Col. von Renter, exhorting him to "stick to it." Gen. von Falkenhayn, the Minister of War, in the Reich- stag, defended the military and attacked the perni- cious press, and Dr. Jagow, the Police President of Berlin, expressed the opinion of the Government, i. e., the dynasty, when he said that "Military exer- cises are acts of sovereignty, and if obstacles are placed in the way of their performance, the obstacle must be removed in the execution of this act of THE GERMAN OBSESSION 241 sovereignty." Official Germany, therefore, decreed that "mihtary exercises," such as the running of lame cobblers through the body by a Lieutenant, and his shopping with an escort of soldiers, armed and with fixed bayonets, are "acts of sovereignty." Lieutenant von Forstner was given a mild sentence, but this was quashed by a higher military court; Col. von Renter became a hero in the eyes of the military, and imperial approval is evidenced by the fact that a few months after the incident he was decorated with a Prussian Order. It is in- teresting to recall the words of Prof. Mommsen, the German historian, who cautioned the nation to take heed "lest in this state, which has been at once a power in arms and a power in intelligence, the intelligence should vanish and nothing but the pure military state remain." The ray of light and hope in the darkness of the Zabern incident came from the Reichstag, when the democratic spirits protested vigorously against the arrogance and predominance of the military. The discussion brought forth a storm of bitter denuncia- tions, and the Reichstag actually passed, by a vote of 293 to 54, a resolution declaring that it was dis- satisfied with the Imperial Chancellor's explanation of the occurrence and his unsatisfactory defense of the conduct of the garrison. As the Chancellor is not responsible to the people, and as his conduct well pleased his royal master, the protest was ineffectual, but the incident gave promise of an increasing dis- satisfaction among the more democratic people with the overbearing domination of the military. Another fact which has been generally construed to indicate a pronounced growth of peaceful demo- cratic sentiment in Germany, was the result of the 242 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Reichstag election in December, 1911, when the number of Social democratic members seated, rose from 43 to 110, and caused the Chancellor so much concern that in his opening address to the new Reichstag, he remarked that the oldest Parliamen- tarian among them had never before stood face to face with a political situation so uncertain. It is interesting to note, however, that the elec- tions of December, 1911, followed immediately after the European crisis, which was brought about by the visit of the German gunboat Panther to Agadir on July 1st. This move was ostensibly "to help and protect German subjects and clients in those regions," but in reality it was an act of aggression on the part of Germany in the foreign field — "a ratthng of the sabre," and an intimation to France that Germany was determined to have something to say about Morocco, then in a state of revolution. Germany must demand compensation somehow and somewhere before she would acquiesce in the annex- ation of Morocco by France and Spain, which coun- tries had been given the right by a Congress of Nations in 1906 — because of their pronounced inter- ests in Morocco, — to supervise that territory, and to intervene in case of internal disorder. Germany had absolutely no economic interest in Morocco, but in 1905 she gave the first instance of mailed fist diplomacy seen in Europe for many years, when, following the Kaiser's visit to Tangier, she sent a peremptory ultimatum to France, at a time when Russia (France's Ally) was powerless to stand by her because of her disastrous war with Japan. Germany's demand of France was intended to isolate her by causing her, in terror of German arms. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 243 to break off relations with Britain; and thus Ger- many — herself protected by the Triple Alliance, — would have split up the Triple Entente, which was a mere defensive alliance aimed at defending France and Russia, if necessary, against Teutonic aggres- sion. Germany's threat of war with France, how- ever, instead of weakening the Franco-British un- derstanding, deeply strengthened it. Britain defin- itely supported France, and affairs in regard to Morocco were finally presented to an International Conference in which the United States took part at Algeciras in 1906. The Conference ended in a tacit defeat for Germany, as all the members, excepting Austria and including the American representative, decided against the absurd claims put forth by Ger- many. The same day that the Panther was sent to Agadir, the German Ambassador in London noti- fied the British Government that, notwithstanding the decision of the Great Powers at Algeciras, they were determined to reopen the Moroccan question with France and Spain, and demand a solution which would be more satisfactory to Germany. Sir Edward Grey replied that Britain had treaty obli- gations with France about Morocco and interests of her own there, so that she could not be indifferent to the course of such negotiations as were contem- plated by German)^ The real question in the diplo- matic exchange of views between Berlin and Paris soon came to hght. Germany used Morocco merely as an excuse, but the real point was whether France would accept humiliating terms imposed upon her by the threat of the German sword, or whether the Triple Entente was sufficiently firm and united to 244 THE GERMAN OBSESSION resist the attempted blackmail even at the risk of war? On July 21st, 1911, Sir Edward Grey picked up the gauntlet thrown at Britain's feet, protested against Germany's bludgeoning methods, and noti- fied Germany that Britain was for peace, but she would not stand idly by and see France browbeaten and humiliated. Lloyd George delivered a memor- able address at the Mansion House the same daj^ in which he said that the peace of Europe, under the conditions imposed on peace-loving peoples by Ger- many, would be at a price of humiliation and aban- donment of honor, — both intolerable and unthink- able to a great and free people. The German Gov- ernment protested vigorously against George's speech, but Britain had made her position clear. After a War Council at Potsdam, at which it was decided that Germany was not yet ready for war, Germany made some "friendly" explanations about her attitude being misunderstood, and France and Germany negotiated an agreement dated November 4th, 1911, whereby Germany acquiesced in the occu- pation of Morocco by Spain and France, and obtained a slice of the French Congo by way of compensation. The Agadir crisis produced a deep impression in Germany. The Government had issued a challenge to France and England, and had withdrawn when it was seen that the challenge had not intimidated the Entente, as thej had hoped it would. The nation considered that they had been subjected to an intol- erable humiliation, and it was urged that the whole theory of force and power by physical might, which underlay the Prussian domination of Germany, and which it had been firmly expected, would result in THE GERMAN OBSESSION 245 the conquest of Europe by Germany, — and later their domination of the world, — was not working out in practice. What was the use of tremendous expenditures on armaments and the maintenance of large armed forces, if Germany by such means was not to reach her goal of world-domination? The people talked of the great Navy Laws of 1898, 1900, 1906 and 1908; the apparent successes won under threat of war against France in 1905, and against Russia in 1909, they saw, in 1911, had united nations in a tacit understanding against them, with the object of resisting in common the tyrannous domi- nation of Germany. The fatherland, with her tremendous army and immeasurable national conceit, had for the first time been forced to beat a retreat, and the German peo- ple were outraged and humiliated, not at their Gov- ernment's unjust attitude in relation to foreign powers, but at their failure to obtain by threats and force all they wanted and set out to acquire, whether the means employed were fair or foul. The Social Democrats argued that they had always predicted that the poHcy of the Government would end disas- trously. It was freely stated that the Government, having backed down to France and Britain, was grossly incompetent and cowardly, and that the official policy did not offer the prospects hoped for and persistently promised, viz., that Germany would rise in ascendency over all other peoples until by her might and kultur she conquered the world and subjugated all nations. The elections took place in December, 1911, and primarily because of the people's disgust with the Government for not successfully applying the Prussian mailed fist policy, and not because of a love 246 THE GERMAN OBSESSION for peace, the number of Social democratic members returned to the Reichstag rose from 43 to 110. This is a most significant fact, for it indicates that in defeat Germans are anti-dynastic, while in victory they are pro-dynastic. In other words, the election of December, 1911, indicated that the German peo- ple are only willing to spend their money on armies, navies and armaments if they are to be used to acquire territory, power and wealth for Germany. The moral phase is ignored ; the utilitarian and the materialistic are all-important. With these facts in mind, it is surprising that the much-talking, vision- ary and "idealistic" Social Democrats, Internation- als and Socialists of Germany, who talked at the International Labor Party Congress at Basel in November, 1912, of international brotherhood, and prated of justice and the horrors of war, the ambi- tions of dynasties, and the evils of secret diplomacy, should, on August 4th, 1914, when they were told and felt that at last Germany was ready for war, enthusiastically and unanimously support the Gov- ernment in its devilish action which plunged the whole world into war? There is no doubt that many of the Social Demo- crats of Germany are sincere, peace-loving, humane men, but they were deceived and intimidated. Others were "economic-democrats," who considered that the curse of the army lay in its expense and resultant taxation. Others were "class-democrats" who took what they believed to be the side of the proletariat without regard to sense or justice, and the surging psychological suggestion of patriotism and defense of the fatherland quickly brought them into line. When war measures were put into effect in Ger- many, all semblance of freedom was abruptly termi- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 247 nated ; since that time all that Germany knows has emanated from the dynastically-controlled Govern- ment. When the Reichstag assembled August 4th, 1914, Germany had been at war four days, and for four days official lies, systematically circulated among the people, had been the only "news" given to them of international happenings; therefore, only brave men could have protested in the Reichstag against the policy and actions of the Government, and they were not there. Under the conditions existing in Germany, the Democrats and anti-mihtaristic patriots of other lands would have been encouraged in their stand and battle for ideals and universal justice and freedom, if the Social Democrats in the Reichstag had declined to vote war measures and had gone on record by some form of protest; but the Prussian dynasty was in the saddle, and the Ger- mans — Social Democrats and all — stumbled over each other in their frenzied hurry to prove their loy- alty to the Government in power. Why should the Social-Democrats of Germany be loyal to the dynasty and the Imperial militaristic Government ? Bismarck attempted to destroy them by force. He prohibited their organizations and newspapers, and forbade meetings of members ; he even proposed that any German convicted of hold- ing such views should be deprived of the franchise and excluded from the Reichstag. The Kaiser has said, "For me every Social Democrat is an enemy of the Empire and the fatherland." They have never been enemies of the state, but it was always supposed that they were vigorous but lawful enemies of the Prussian militarism and the Prussian-Hohen- zollern conception of the state. Prince von Biilow, in Imperial Germany^ said, "The Social democratic 248 THE GERMAN OBSESSION movement is the antithesis of the Prussian state . . . for decades it has combated the monarch- ical and mihtary foundations of the Prussian state . . . It is the duty of every German ministry to combat this movement until it is defeated or ma- terially changed." Prince von Biilow also writes that the true remedy against Social democracy in Germany is a vigorous national policy. If every other means fails, an appeal to the deeply ingrained and carefully fos- tered patriotic sentiment must be bugled forth. "Nothing has a more discouraging, paralyzing and depressing effect on a . . . nation, such as the German, than a monotonous, dull policy, which, for fear of an ensuing fight, avoids arousing passions by a strong action." The increase in the number of Social Democrat seats in the Reichstag, which rose from 43 to 110 in the election of December, 1911, we have proven was due to the failure of the Hohen- zollern mailed-fist policy abroad, and to national disgust with governmental increase of physical power and lack of initiative and courage in using it. The election of 1907 demonstrated the same national feeling. In 1903, the Social Democrats had won 80 seats, and in 1907, Prince von Biilow considered the rapidly increasing power of the Democrats such a menace to the dynasty that he determined (or was ordered) to cripple them. He put into effect his advocated policy of making the black eagle of Ger- many scream, arouse all to a sense of fervid nation- alism and, by diverting their thoughts from domestic to foreign affairs, build up loyalty to the militaristic and imperialistic dynasty. Prince von Biilow dissolved the Reichstag and made a tremendous appeal to national sentiment THE GERMAN OBSESSION 249 and the patriotism of the masses. In the campaign, the Social Democrats condemned Pan-Germanism, with its large armies, extravagant naval schemes and ambitious policy of world-domination, and reit- erated their demands for real democratic and repre- sentative government. The official organs and the disciples of the dynasty and of Prussianism stated that the issue was "whether or not Germany is to develop from a European into a world-power?" The intellectual and political lieutenants of Hohen- zollernism shouted that "the State is in danger," and urged the Germans to rally at the polls in defense of the fatherland. The result was as Prince von Billow had foretold, and the Social Democrats lost almost half their seats in the Reichstag, the number dropping from 81 to 43. After the election the Chancellor remarked, "The whole world will see that Germany sits firmly in the saddle and will ride down everything which places itself in the way of its growth and greatness." The Social Democrats of Germanj^ have always posed as being unalterably opposed to imperialism, militarism and war. They have shouted forth their denunciation of annexation, and have protested against any war aims that would make the "de- fensive" war of Germany a war of conquest. In 1917, the German Government organized a "peace offensive," and the Imperial Chancellor announced, "We shall not continue this war one day longer to make conquest if we can make peace with honor," and again he affirmed that "Germany was weary of proposing an honorable peace to an unreasonable world." This was a fine opening for the Social Democrats, and Philip Scheidemann, the leader of the majority socialists, posing as a bitter enemy of 250 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the dynasty and of militaristic Pan-Germans, and a lover not only of his fellow countrymen but of all mankind, in concert with Matthias Erzberger, the centrist, put through the Reichstag, in the name of the German people, an infamously dishonest resolu- tion which declared for peace without annexations and indemnities, and said that "economic and financial violations are incompatible with such a peace." The German Government sat back and enjoyed its cruel joke. The Reichstag is a mere irresponsible debating society, and it has absolutely no power in declaring war or negotiating peace ; its views are unimportant in the ej'^es of the dynasty, and the Government is absolutely dynastic. Beth- mann-Hollweg announced in the Reichstag, in 1910, that the Prussian Constitution "did not recog- nize the sovereignty of the people." He could have gone further and said that the dynasty and its ap- pointed lieutenants, which form the Government, do not recognize the wishes of the people. With Prussianism, moral right or human justice has no influence whatever — only force, and as long as the dynasty controls the army, it feels that it is safe to ignore the desires or even the demands of the people. This Scheidemann-Erzberger peace formula be- guiled the war weariness of Russia. It was enthusi- astically adopted there by the Council of Workmen and Soldiers. It became the pretext for a demand that the Allies recast their war aims. It inspired the dangerous Stockholm conference, at which a German peace was to have been prepared by the International Labor Party and Socialists from all countries. Finally the Scheidemann-Erzberger formula, intensively employed as propaganda, de- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 251 livered Russia into the hands of the arch-traitors, Lenine and Trotzky, who betrayed their country and fellow countrymen for so many pieces of Ger- man silver. These fiends, in the pay of the un- scrupulous German Government, carried the peace formula in their hands to Brest-Litovsk and there sold Russia into bondage and utter hopelessness, pre- tending to rely upon the Scheidemann-Erzberger declaration against "annexations and indemnities." The Scheidemann-Erzberger peace resolution passed by the Reichstag — which is not a representa- tive or legislative body — did more in the interest of Germany in a few weeks, than all their armed forces had accomplished in three years. The decoy Bol- shevist, who led war-weary and ignorant Russia down to Brest-Litovsk and put the neck of Roumania in the HohenzoUern noose, is Phihp Scheidemann, who again cries as his royal master looks for further prey, "The German people ask for peace — peace with honor. There is only one cry in the land — end the war with honor;" — the same honor that proffered peace "without annexations and indemnities" to a Russia in arms, and when that country's military forces were disorganized because of the treacherous poison, and they had thrown down their arms, Germany grabbed all the terri- tory to which she aspired and also demanded in addition a large indemnity; and so Russia was prostrated by the deadly poison, administered by the Social Democrat, Scheidemann, and his kind in the "international" spirit of peace and brotherhood. President Wilson, in his 1917 Flag Day address and a month before Scheidemann put the peace resolution through the Reichstag, characterized the 252 THE GERMAN OBSESSION methods of German peace intrigue and definitely forecast the consequences in these words : "Do you now understand the new intrigue, the in- trigue for peace, and why the masters of Germany do not hesitate to use any agency that promises to effect their purpose — the deceit of the nations ? Their pres- ent particular aim is to deceive all those who through- out the world stand for the rights of peoples . . . for they see what immense strength the forces of justice and of liberalism are gathering out of this war. . . . They are using men, in Germany and without, as their spokesmen, whom they have hitherto despised and oppressed, using them for their own destruction — Socialists, the leaders of labor, the thinkers they have hitherto sought to silence. Let them once succeed, and these men, now their tools, will be ground to powder beneath the weight of the great military empire they will have set up ; the revo- lutionists in Russia will be cut off from all succor or cooperation in Western Europe and a counter-revolu- tion fostered and supported; Germany herself will lose her chance of freedom." Before the Brest-Litovsk international outrage, with its crucifixion of what was left of German honor, the Social Democrats expressed themselves as opposed to the annexation of foreign territory. The minority still claim to support this view, but the Scheidemann "majority" sections have acted as if they are really in favor of any plan that will dis- rupt and disorganize their enemies ; and strong sup- port has even been given to the anti-Russian move- ment which preaches that the salvation of Germany is to be found in promoting and encouraging the break-up of Russia, and in helping to establish new separate states — Polish, Finnish, Ukrainian, etc., dependent upon German support against Russia and therefore under German influence. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 253 Much of the democratic spirit of Germany was bartered away at Brest-Litovsk in exchange for German control of certain Eastern provinces, and Pan-Germanism triumphed by treachery, not only over the Russian but over German honor and Ger- man freedom. Dr. PaulLensch, a Socialist and ardent supporter of the Reichstag "Peace Resolution," writes in Die Glocke (October 6th, 1917) : "Germany will have won the war if she does not lose it, whereas Britain and her Allies will have lost the war if they do not win it. . . . The gentlemen in the Fatherland Party (Pan-German) are too impatient and want to get everything in a trice. But this is a case where the Biblical phrase applies 'Seek ye first the King- dom of God and His righteousness and all these things shall be added unto you.' First bring about the peace by understanding which guarantees Ger- many's political independence, territorial integrity and freedom of economical development, then Germany will have shown herself so strong that 'all these things' (i. e., the forces that make a predominant world-power) shall be added unto her. The regeneration of Europe, which must take place after the war, will automatically create its position for the great central nation of Europe, which has surmounted the ordeal of war. But that position is endangered the longer now that this war is drawn out. It may be to the interest of our enemies to go on with the war. Just think what a peace by understanding would mean for France — 'for Italy ! For both countries it would mean absolute ruin. . . . For Germany alone and its Allies it would mean a triumph." Dr. Lensch is the chief apostle of the new school 254 THE GERMAN OBSESSION of Neo-Marxism in Germany, which is in reality a remarkable reaction affecting rapidly increasing numbers of German Socialists, whereby Karl Marx's principles are so modified by Prussianism that they are practically abandoned in favor of what is virtually Pan-Germanism. The attempt to reconcile Socialism with Pan-Germanism is built upon the theory that the only factors in the world that really matter are economic. Renner, an Austro- German Socialist, in his latest work, Marccism, War and Internationale, denounces the "moral judgment point of view" and regards war as the completion of historical and especially economic processes. "It is not impossible that in the future also, the world will find order through warlike selection — that the power which proves itself to be the strongest organi- zation is also summoned by history to perform the greatest work of organization, and to be by right the highest power, the judge, administrator and lawgiver of the peoples." The Socialists of Germany are as great a menace to the world as are the Bolsheviki, but where are the real democrats of Germany? Many of them are exiles in Switzerland; others are submerged await- ing the time when military disaster will break their fetters, and, in a land of liberty, they will be able to live as free men. A once important personage in German in- dustrialism has said : "Place absolutely no hope in any party or any class within Germany. There is no considerable class within Germany which understands democracy. All criticism of the Government is based entirely on the fact that there is not enough food and clothing. But . if the German Government can provide her people THE GERMAN OBSESSION 255 with the necessities of life as she has in the past, there is no reason why she should not make war for fifty years. . . , The number of people in Ger- many that respects anything but force is utterly negligible. For twenty years I have wished to join a democratic party in Germany and work toward dis- armament, but there was no such party for me to join. I would have joined even the smallest group. But there was no group which had the courage to organize. Upon the masses of Germany, capitalists, professionals and wage-workers alike, economic suc- cess and the new wealth have worked like a black curse. The acquisition of wealth merely, destroyed the soul of Germany." There is no doubt among the democratic exiles in Switzerland that Germany has lost her soul, or rather sold or gambled it away for power and wealth, and only German disaster can bring even the dawn of real German democracy. It is the Faust legend made into history by Goethe's fellow countrymen, although it is a Potsdam Germany and not Goethe's Weimar Germany that has sold its soul. A modern writer has well described the con- ditions that have resulted in Germany's spiritual downfall : "Forty years of enormous industrial, commercial and financial expansion under protection; the great cartels, the great fortunes. Princes competing or com- bining with bankers and industrialists ; colonies, fleets, armies, the merchant marine, all stimulating one an- other in a vicious circle; trade crying for markets, commerce arm-in-arm with militarism; Chauvinism in the universities and the schools ; the Socialists gradually turned into commercial imperialists; the megalomania of the Kaiser shared in the measure of his capacity by the meanest German, happy to think he belongs to a superior race, and devoutly hoping for a better chance in a greater Germany ; a nation of 256 THE GERMAN OBSESSION regimented materialists, worshippers of wealth, be-* lievers in the infallibility of force, incapable of politi- cal thought; that is Germany." What a change Prussia with its Hohenzollern dynasty bolstered up and made absolute and terrible by Bismarck, the man of blood, iron and treachery, has wrought throughout Germany, once a land of imagination, art, romance and dreams. Germany has given the world but little in the realm of political science, but the work of her composers and poets will live forever : Schubert, Schumann, Weber, Brahms, Bach, Mozart, Beethoven, Wagner, Schil- ler, Heine, Goethe, etc., etc. Voltaire once said that France ruled the land, England the seas, but Germany ruled the clouds. When Napoleon first overran Germany, he met with but little military opposition. Goethe was indifferent to the violent political upheavals of the period, whereas Beethoven was moved rather by the abstract ideas evolved in revolutionary France, than by German nationahsm and patriotism. The ideal of Germany a century ago was art and culture, not brute force, barbaric destruction and kultur. The great minds of Ger- many objected like Archimedes of old to military interference, for like the scientific genius of ancient Greece, they, too, were engaged in the solving of great world-moving problems or in expressing Cosmic truths to a hungry, needy world. The Ger- man vital forces of a century ago were expressed by Kant's philosophy, Beethoven's music and Goethe's writings, but Prussianism with its political efficiency, military power and despotism in every field of human endeavor, has enfettered and warped the minds and Satanized the ideals of a great people. In The Evolution of Modern Germany we read. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 257 "One is often overcome with longing as one thinks of the German of a hundred years ago. He was poor, impotent, despised, ridiculed and defrauded. He was the uncomplaining slave of others ; his fields were their battle-ground, and the goods which he in- herited from his father were trodden under foot and dispersed. He never troubled when the riches of the outside world were divided without regard for him . . . but his heart was full of sweet dreams and uplifted to rapture by the chords of Beethoven. He wept with Werther and Jean Paul in joyous pain, he smiled with the childish innocence of his naive poets, the happiness of his longing consumed him and as he listened to Schubert's song, his soul became one with the soul of the universe." Prussian militarism and despotism, with their tyrannous and barbaric brutal power, and their domination of soul, mind and body, are the opposite extremes of the idyllic picture of the culture of the small and weak German states, politically jealous and fearful of each other. What Germany needed was the application, politically, of Aristotle's "Doc- trine of the Mean;" the ultimate happiness and prosperity of a worthy people demanded a strong political organization and a voluntary amalgama- tion of small independent states into one national body, which would be ruled, not by an enslaving dynasty, but by the people themselves. Petty weakness sapped the German soul of its strength, and from the Mark of Brandenburg came the arrogant Aryan spirit of conquest and power through might, unscrupulous aggression and decep- tion, that not only dominated but subjugated a people. Through victories at arms over neighbor- ing peoples, and the national prosperity which 258 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ensued, the enslaved German people — because of economic success and the abundant satisfaction of their material needs — became in their mental lethargy even happy and content with an existence of nothing but soul-deadening serfdom. In the Round Table it has been well said, "Prus- sia's state-kultur is too violent a reaction from those (early nineteenth century) ineffectual times, too utter a denial of the aims and principles which animate the great progressive nations of the world, to succeed and endure ; and perhaps if its power can be broken by the ordeal which it has now invoked, then will emerge from the storm, a German State in which the idealism of the past will resimie its broken sway and arrest the prostitution of German minds to dreams of material domination by the ruthless cult of war." At the Inter- Allied Labor and Socialist Confer- ence held in London, February 23rd, 1918, British labor outlined war-aims which sought to obtain "a clean peace." It is refreshing to find in these war- aims of British, French, Italian and Belgian labor, the absolutely essential thing for which Allied ideahsts are fighting: "Of all the war-aims none is so important to the people of the world as that there should be henceforth on earth no more warf i. e., no wars of aggression waged by civilized nations. The memorandum goes boldly to the root of the matter and relies upon the formation of a League of Nations as the means necessary to pre- vent war, based on: "The complete democratization of all countries, the removal of all the arbitrary Powers who, until now, have assumed the right of choosing between peace and war; the maintenance or creation of legislatures, elected by and on behalf THE GERMAN OBSESSION 259 of the sovereign right of the people, the suppres- sion of secret diplomacy, to be replaced by the con- duct of foreign policy under the control of popular legislatures." Disarmament is the test and touch- stone of an honest peace. "The League of Nations in order to prepare for the concerted abolition of compulsory military service in all countries, must first take steps for the prohibition of fresh arma- ments on land and sea, and for the common limita- tion of the existing armaments by which all the peoples are burdened." The war-aims memo- randum demands justice with reparation as far as is possible. It protests against an armed peace, for such would be treason to coming generations, but Prusso-German militarism must be defeated and disarmed, for "a victory for German imperialism would be the defeat and destruction of democracy and liberty." The German Government in its war-aims is posi- tively opportunist. It will get out of the war all it possibly can. The Hohenzollerns have, ap- parently, felt that the extravagant demands for territory and indemnities urged by the Pan-Germans might be useful in creating in foreign lands a wide margin between what is popularly demanded and what the German Government may eventually pro- pose, with the air of material concessions in the in- terests of peace. The declarations in the Reichstag have been considered useful by the dynasty in keep- ing the people hopeful of peace and in conciliating the democratic opinion in enemy countries, aside from the treacherous use of such declarations in deceiving and weakening the armed forces of the enemy and undermining their power of resistance. Military success in Prusso-Germany means 260 THE GERMAN OBSESSION vociferous imperialism, but when the armed forces in the Empire fail in an enterprise, the pacifistic spirit gains the ascendency. The events of the past four years clearly prove that a Germany desirous of peace is only a Germany disappointed in war; it is not a Germany morally regenerated and really loving the peace which she desires ; it is not a peni- tent Germany, but merely a people who see that the game is going against them, and who, therefore, struggle to get out of their outrageous adventure with the greatest possible salvage before they are crushed to the earth by the very forces which they themselves have created and which, unless stayed, must inevitably react upon them with retributive vigor. German "peace offensives" since the war began have been the attempted bargainings of a murder- ing and pillaging outlaw, intercepted with his loot by outraged and law-abiding citizens, physically stronger than himself. His assumed newly- awakened morality is but the argument of the inter- cepted, ravaging thug, who attempts to retain as large a part of his plunder as possible, and who in his heart really considers his failure and capture as his crime — not the horrible atrocities with which he has shocked the soul of the world. In spite of mihtary defeats and diplomatic set- backs abroad, Germany is still the wolf among nations, even though she endeavors in her fright to disguise herself in sheep's clothing; and as long as Germany is ruled by an absolute dynasty, a wolf she will remain. History reveals to us an abso- lute law in regard to the mental attitude and resultant actions of despotic dynasties: When seriously ill, a dynasty struggles to appear saint- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 261 like; but in strength and vigor a dynasty is the lusty tyrant who blatantly boasts of its brutal power and bellicosely glories in its diabolism. The relatively "ethical" tone of statements of responsible German people, uttered from time to time during the war, has been an infallible index of how matters were going at the front. Any com- ment on the war permitted to be printed in Ger- man papers clearly reveals the feelings of Germans, not in regard to the ethics and rightness of their nation's actions, but with respect to their hopes of martial success. German reform under the HohenzoUerns is mere pretension, and, in reality, is only an acknowledg- ment of German military failure. When German armies are victorious, the nation is obsessed with the ridiculous idea that her heaven-born mission is to subjugate all non-Germanic peoples. When Ger- man arms are subduing weaker forces — for Ger- many worships weight and nmnbers alone, and never expects victory unless she can gain it by elemental predominance in guns and men, coupled with the outrageous advantage gained by devilish frightfulness, — then Germany is devoted to the HohenzoUerns, and regards democracy as a pesti- lential evil; but when, per contra, defeat is experi- enced, and disaster stares the nation in the face, then Germany is not so sure that the HohenzoUerns are on intimate terms with the deity. The people believe in the Good Old German Gott, and in their "divine right" Kaiser — God's anointed — only so long as these potentates are winning victories for them. The German people cannot be influenced by any 262 THE GERMAN OBSESSION rational presentation of truth, by logic or by real spiritual philosophy; their obsession — essentially irreligious, materialistic and egoistic — is too com- plete. The only argument they can understand is that of superior force ; the only instrumentality that can affect their calloused souls, atrophied by the most diabolical hallucination of all time, is the power of victorious arms. "Deaf to all other appeals, Germany is responsive to Foch argu- ments." Under the heading, Berlin Equations, a modern writer has said : — "One failed offensive equals an offer to join in a 'peace' conference. "A small defeat equals a hint of a willingness to evacuate Belgium. "A big defeat equals an intimation that perhaps a part of Alsace-Lorraine will be restored. "A 'strategic' withdrawal equals an abandonment to all claims for indemnities, and two such with- drawals equals an insinuation that perhaps non-puni- tive indemnities will be paid. "The loss of a million soldiers equals a renewal of the agitation to 'reform' and democratize the German government. "The collapse of an ally equals the suggestion that Germany may surrender her conquests in the east and tear up the Brest-Litovsk and Bucharest treaties. "A crossing of the German frontier equals an offer to abandon all conquests east as well as west, and a pledge to pay for property stolen or destroyed. "An invasion of Westphalia and a shutting down of Krupps equals the flight of the HohenzoUerns and the setting up of a republic. "An occupation of Berlin means a new Germany altogether, and a complete disappearance of the spirit noxiously fruiting in the institution called Prussian militarism." THE GERMAN OBSESSION 263 The Hapsburg dynasty in Austria- Hungary is analogous in every respect to the Hohenzollern dynasty in Germany, and these two dynasties, aUied in their fight against democratic nations and demo- cratic principles, are the sole survivors among Caucasian peoples of despotic, autocratic govern- ment with its militarism and tyrannous enslave- ment of peoples. The myth that "Austria is more to be pitied than blamed" has no basis of fact. The Hapsburgs have been Hohenzollerns in spirit, as despotic and generally as inhuman when similar opportunities presented themselves. Throughout a long history there is no nation whose course is more plainly marked by brutal tyranny than Aus- tria's, and the present Austrian Empire consists of a Germanic people, controlling the destinies of other nations by sheer force; peoples who crave to be freed from the Teutonic curse of enslaving despotism, and who desire to rule themselves for the benefit of themselves and for mankind in general. Austria's ambitions and dynastic pride gave Ger- many an opportunity to plunge the world into war, and Austria has aided and abetted Germany in all her devilishness. The record of Austrian troops in Italy is identical with that of German troops in Belgium, France and Russia. The Italians, Czecho- slovaks and the Jugo- Slavs know full well the meaning of Austrian tyranny, and every people that have been made subject to Austria, curse the Teuton- Austrians and the Hapsburg dynasty from the bitter anguish of their souls. The tyrant Ges- sler still stands as a fit symbol of Austrian rule over subject peoples, and at this time it is illuminating to recall, in order to obtain an Anglo-Saxon view- point of Germanic brutality, that when the Aus- 264 THE GERMAN OBSESSION trian General Haynau, — notorious for the atroci- ties he committed in the Hungarian rebelhon, — visited London, he was seized and beaten by the draymen of Barclay's brewery as "the man who had whipped women." The court was furious, but that stout Englishman, Lord Palmerston, who was For- eign Minister at the time, "winked the other eye and refused to give Vienna any satisfaction." It is interesting to observe the vacillations of the leaders of the independent German Socialists (the left, i. e., the anti-war wing). They forgot all about their idealistic, international-brotherhood creed when Germany brutallj'^ invaded Belgium and declared war on France and Russia, and as long as Germany seemed to be winning the world war they drank deep of the imperialistic, Hohenzollern poison, with its diabolical doctrines of Pan-Ger- manism. But now that Germany is in the throes of military defeat and Mittel-europa is disintegrat- ing, these Socialists are once more beginning to glimpse the truth, or rather having satisfied them- selves that their militaristic quest is not going to bring to them the results anticipated, they are once more flopping, and gradually gaining sufficient courage to speak the truth. Eduard Bernstein recently said, "The military rulers who formerly enjoyed unlimited confidence are now met with open distrust. This is due to the military defeat." Hugo Haase has said, "The recognition of parliamentarism is due wholly to the military defeat, and the Scheidemann party cannot claim the honor of bringing it about." Karl Kaut- sky goes still further and says that the situation in Germany depends wholly on military events. If Hindenburg gains another great victory the whole THE GERMAN OBSESSION 265 parliamentary regime (which is merely a promised, superficial reform and which does not affect the real absolutism of the dynasty) will be thrown away in a few days. In times of great stress, the HohenzoUerns have been good promisers, but in success and victory they have always repudiated their promises, with the result that today the German people have the most backward and ridiculous Constitution of all civilized Caucasian nations. Until the German people overthrow the Hohen- zollern dynasty and take the power from the mili- taristic and blood-thirsty, medieval Prussian Junk- ers, they will never know what Constitutional gov- ernment, democracy and human freedom really are, and until that time the world will never enjoy the blessings of a lasting peace. There can be no peace for Germany or the long- suffering world, as long as the Hohenzollern dynasty rules despotically in Germany. There can be no League of Nations formed for the well-being of peoples and to guarantee international justice and the peace of the world, until all the great world- powers are democratic and the Sovereignty rests in the people. There can be no peace as long as a Hohenzollern, combining the political and military ideals of Genghis Kahn, Attila, Alaric, Genseric and Nero, holds in thrall some seventy million sub- jects always ready at his command to butcher their neighbors, grab their home-land, with its wealth, and seize and destroy their most sacred possessions. It has been well said that "More evils than Pan- dora's box contained, have been let loose upon the world by Prussian militarism, lust of conquest, brutal disregard of law and right, perpetual alarms 266 THE GERMAN OBSESSION in times of peace and barbarous savageries in war, but imperialism is the root of them all. The world will know no safety while it continues to exist." The real peace views of the German Government are affected not by Pan-German ravings or the whimperings of Social Democrats, but by the mili- tary pressure of the Allies' power. This force of physical might is the only message that the Prussian dynasty can hear and fully understand; the Ger- man Government is immune to any other power and unreachable through any other medium. When Germany encounters military defeats and is thrust back beyond her own frontiers, and vanquished German armies retreat on German soil, the people of Germany will awaken from their cruel hallucina- tion, the absolute dynasty will be overthrown, and only in the ascendency of real democracy, humanity and freedom, with a sound Constitution and a lim- ited monarchy or republican form of Government, and the renunciation of all militaristic and Pan- German ideals, can the real Germany find herself and take her proper place as a law-abiding, peace- loving, honest people in a League of Nations. XI. The Hohenzollerns' Debt to Bismarck NO intelligent person was ever deceived into believing that the present world-war was caused by the murder of the Archduke Fran- cis Ferdinand at Serajevo, by the Austrian ulti- matum to Serbia and by Germany's precipitous action. These were merely the immediate occasions ; the cause lies deeper. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the German people struggled to attain popular government, and the two irrecon- cilable principles, autocracy and democracy, fought for supremacy. France and Italy joined Britain in declaring the sovereignty of the people, but in Ger- many and Austria-Hungary the dynasties were triumphant and the people were driven by force into accepting autocratic rule. The mad King, Frederick Wilhelm IV, of Prus- sia, and his successor Wilhelm I, were the Hohen- zollerns who figured in the great human tragedy which stopped for a time the onward march of progress; but the HohenzoUerns would have failed had not Bismarck, the Prussian Junker and the despotic Chancellor of Blood and Iron, stepped into the breach; he influenced the Prussian King to tear up his letter of abdication, and then alone and an Ishmael among the people, compelled the Prussians to submit to his tyranny, and put on the chains of serfdom which he forged for their humilia- tion and subjugation, in order to permit of the auto- 268 THE GERMAN OBSESSION cratic survival of the Hohenzollerns and their Min- ister — Bismarck. After Napoleon defeated and humiliated the Prussians, a democratic spirit gradually pervaded Germany, and it was this spirit which gave birth to that patriotism which caused the Prussians to rise in their righteous wrath and cast the arrogant Cor- sican militarist from their land. Democracy ex- pressed in a love of justice and of an oppressed fatherland, made the Wars of Liberation successful, but dynasties and not the people themselves profited by Napoleon's overthrow. The Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs and Romanoffs dictated the terms of peace, and again put a King on the throne of France. The Prussians who had fought for freedom from a foreign tyrant, were in their triumph yoked in bondage by their King, and a dynastic slavery of the people by a ruler and his government merely supplanted the subjection of a people and their King by a foreign foe. The dynasty of Prussia reaped the full benefit of the Wars of Liberation. In 1848, a national assembly elected by popular vote, drew up a Grundrecht for a German union or federation of states, in which there would be local self-government, but with a Federal Government superior to them all, to which every German citizen would owe primary allegiance. By this plan, Ger- many would become a true democracy, and every German was to be given the constitutional rights which he had never enjoyed. The Grundrecht provided for freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, security to every person from arrest, except under legal warrant, and it declared for the principle of popular representation and required that the Ministers and the Army THE GERMAN OBSESSION 269 should be responsible to the peoples' Parliament and not to the King. The crown of a German Emperor was offered to Frederick Wilhelm IV of Prussia, but he refused it, and in harmony with other German princes, rejected all the overtures, suggestions and demands of the people. The Hohenzollerns did not aspire to be Emperors of Germany or of the world if Germany or the world was to be democratic; they preferred to rule a small country as absolute despots rather than a larger empire as hmited monarchs, or as a sort of President of a popular and representative, governing body. Bismarck trampled under foot the Prussian Con- stitution of 1847, and, after coming into power as the last, forlorn hope of the Hohenzollerns, he ruled Prussia for four years in the face of the most aggres- sive and violent opposition. He built up the army and spent money freely in military preparations, in spite of the fact that the Parliament would not pass the needed appropriations. He defied the Prussian people, and when the army was strong enough for his purpose, he seized Schleswig-Holstein, humili- ated Austria and cut her out of Germany — depriv- ing her of all semblance of Teutonic state leadership — defeated France in a war which he dehberately willed, and then imposed on the other German states his own conditions of union. Bismarck founded an empire in which the Hohenzollerns and their Prus- sia were supreme and absolute. He did not give to the people a Constitution as their right, but he him- self prepared a Constitution based on the preroga- tive and "divine right" of the King and Emperor, and the ascendency and domination of Prussia; this Constitution was diametrically opposed to the 270 THE GERMAX OBSESSION liberal and democratic Grundrecht of 1848, and was granted to the people by their rulers as a volun- tary act of grace. Bismarck brought all of Germany under the domination of the militaristic Hohenzollerns. He maintained that it is the duty of citizens to obey their rulers and not to control the government which consists of the King and his satellites, — the nobles, — ^supported by the army. The German Govern- ment is a militaristic, absolute despotism, and the people are merely serfs of the land "to be drilled, discipHned and maneuvered into obedience to the will of their rulers." Prussia has long sought through compulsory school attendance and mihtary ser^'ice to instil in the minds of children and recruits, the instinctive habit of unquestioning obedience to state authority, and while it has done all that human ingenuity could suggest to develop the spirit of loyalty to the Crown, it has systematically undermined the initia- tive, self-reliance and mental independence of the people. In a world of constantly-developing democracy Prussianism has been kept in the German saddle of government for over half a century, by the despotic and tyrannous system perfected in all its anti-social and mind-blighting evil by the Iron Chancellor, who hved long enough to see some of the evils resulting from his over-enthusiastic, extreme and bigoted views. Bismarck was not original in his beliefs or in his practical expression of them ; he simply followed the generally accepted HohenzoUern and Prussian Junker traditions, and practically all that he did had been put into effect to some extent bv Frederick the Great, who ruled THE GERMAN OBSESSION 271 Prussia from 1740 to 1786 with an iron hand and a Machiavellian heart. Bismarck beheved in state and compulsory edu- cation and in the dynastic selection or endorsement of all teachers, lecturers and professors. In War and Democracy we read that in Germany today "No one can make a successful career in the public service (and education is a public service), unless he is considered politically orthodox, and orthodoxy does not simply mean abstention from damaging criticism or dangerous opinions; it means in prac- tice deference to the opinions of those who know better, that is, to the clique of Prussian generals and bureaucrats, who, together with the Kaiser, control the pohcy of the country." Bismarck had no personal dealings with the army which he kept under the direct control of the King and Emperor, but he realized with the Hohen- zoUerns that a dynasty could not exist without an army to enforce its arbitrar\^ power and support its despotism ; and he also saw in the army and in com- pulsory mihtary service, a medium by which the population would be taught the habits of discipline and of unreasoning and implicit obedience to au- thority — so necessary for the continuance of a dynasty with its absolutism. Through the army and the careful appointment of officers selected from certain classes of society and of known satis- factory pohtical views, Bismarck also saw the per- petuation in power of an autocracy of the sword, and the continuance in authority of the Prussian nobility or the Junkers. He also developed a system of press domina- tion and formed a highly organized and powerful department for molding public opinion. One of 272 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the members of the German Press Bureau has said, "It is as scientifically equipped and as highly organized a machine as the armj^ itself, and it has over the army the advantage of being able to operate in times of peace." Finally, by material- istic measures, coupled with patronage, large bodies of the German public have been made dependent upon the favor of the great Prusso- German bureau- cratic machine. In The Schism of Europe (The Bound Table), we read, "The Prussian system of government, because it is autocratic in character and based on the ascendency of a particular class, distrusts the people and depends for its performance on cajoling and coercing them. German policy since 1871 has aimed primarily at producing, not only the con- script soldier compelled to obey orders, but the con- script mind predisposed to acquiesce in the exist- ing order, and taught to accept the authority of the Government as final, and to regard criticism of it as unpatriotic." Prince von Biilow, for several years the German Chancellor, says in Imperial Germany, "Liberalism, in spite of its change of attitude in national ques- tions, has to this day not recovered from the catas- trophic defeat which Prince Bismarck inflicted nearly half a century ago on the party of progress which still clung to the ideals and principles of 1848." Headlam, the biographer of Bismarck, says that in the struggle between the Hohenzollerns and the people — the Crown and Parliament — the Iron Chancellor won for the dynasty not only a physical but a moral victory. "From that time the con- fidence of the German people in Parliamentary government was broken. Moreover, it was the first THE GERMAN OBSESSION 273 time in the history of Europe in which one of these struggles had conclusively ended in the defeat of Parhament. The result of it was to be shown in the history of every country in Europe during the next twenty years. It is the most serious blow that the principle of representative government has yet received." The enslaving of a people by a despotic dynasty makes that people not only militaristic, but it en- fetters their minds to the detriment of the race and the world, and also tends to corrupt their morals. Genius must be free; without absolute freedom it cannot express itself. German research under state domination and by methods of steady plodding, "trial and error," and not by that true scientific originality and initiative which is necessary for great world-moving inventions, has made the dis- ciplined German mind a practical developer and perfector, up to a certain point, but not a finder of new laws, principles, processes and methods. Ger- mans today obtain their inspiration for research from beyond their borders, and their work of development is primarily grounded on imitation. Character can likewise only be developed to strength and beauty in an atmosphere of absolute freedom. Unless one feels a sense of responsibility for one's actions, and unless one is permitted to live in an environment that demands the individual rendering of decisions where there is a choice of action, the will becomes weak through sheer in- activity; unless the will is strengthened by per- sistent use, it becomes numb and atrophied, and the power to lead one to courageous, manly and ethical decisions is lost. The enslavement of the German people and the 274 THE GERMAN OBSESSION deification of Force and Materialism within the Empire are not curses under which the German people alone stagger, but the result of their slavery is a menace to the peace, happiness and prosperity of the whole world. In The Schism of Europe, (The Round Table), we read, "The inevitable tragedy of the victory of force is nowhere more strikingly exemplified than in Germany itself, where, in acquiescing in the forcible establishment of a tyrannical government in their own case, the German people have gradually lost the sense of liberty themselves, and so have been led to make the supremest sacrifices in order to extend that tyranny over their neighbors." The only way to bring the German people to their senses is through the defeat of the military power which is the aggressive and defensive instru- ment of the dynasty. The German people cannot remove the Emperor from the throne or supplant an absolute despotism by a limited monarchy or a republican form of government, as long as the army is victorious and as long as the army is loyal to the dynasty. Prof. Delbriick, the successor of Treitschke in the Chair of History at Berlin University, wrote in 1914, "Any one who has any familiarity at all with our officers and generals" (the Junkers and the lieutenants of Hohenzollernism ) "knows that it will take another Sedan, inflicted on us instead of by us, before they will acquiesce in the control of the army by the German Parliament." When the Ministers and the army of Germany are responsible to the people and not to a despot who professes to rule by "divine right," then will democracy triumph and Prussianism receive its death blow; but peace be- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 275 tween peoples, federation of nations and com- pulsory arbitration will remain a mere hazy ideal until the German dynastic war lord, with his shin- ing armor, mailed fist and bloody sword, is de- throned, and the sovereignty rests where it rightly belongs — in the people. Sedan was a French catastrophe from which a free democratic people was born. A German Sedan would be the birthplace of a lasting German democracy. After nearly half a century, Victor Hugo's words may prove prophetic: "Thou (Ger- many) has saved me from my Emperor (Napoleon III of France) ; I, (France) have saved thee from thine." XII. The People^s Share in the Crime THE cause of Germany's degeneration, as seen on the surface, is difficult to locate ; it seems to take the form of a circle of connected points rather than a single central point. It is the dynasty, ambitious and militaristic; it is the army, alike the tool of the Emperor and the power which keeps him on his throne; it is the spirit of Pan-Germanism preached and taught by all the "authorities" of the Empire who work for favor and reward, and this doctrine of world-domination and super-race is pleasing alike to the educated and the vulgar mind, to the military and the civil, to nobles and peasants. The effects of Geraiany's "immoralism" with its repudiation of true Christianity are numerous, but there can only be one real cause and that lies prim- arily not in the most apparent source of error — the dynasty, whose tyrannous despotism could be re- moved if the people courageously willed it, but in the ignorance and stupidity of the people them- selves, who are content in their mental lethargy and mind-sluggishness to let others control them, do their thinking for them and be mere thoughtless, mechanical pawns on the chess-board of life, with their destiny shaped by arrogant usurpers of power, who seek to supplant God in the universe and stifle the Cosmic soul in the world. The literature of Germany clearly shows that too much distinction has been drawn during the war THE GERMAN OBSESSION 277 between the Government of Germany and the German people. Maeterhnek is one of the many who has refused to acquiesce in the lenient dis- crimination between a guilty government and an innocent population, "It is not true that in this gigantic crime there are innocent and guilty, or' degrees of guilt. They stand on one level, all those who have taken part in it. . . . It is, very simply, the German, from one end of his country to the other who stands revealed as a beast of prey which the firm will of our planet finally repudiates. We have here no wretched slaves dragged along by a tyrant king, who alone is responsible. Nations have the government which they deserve^ or rather the government which they have is truly no more than the magnified and public projection of the private morality and mentality of the nation. . . . No nation can be deceived that does not wish to be deceived; and it is not intelligence that Germany lacks. . . . No nation permits her- self to be coerced to the one crime that man cannot pardon. It is of her own accord that she hastens towards it." Wilham L. McPherson, in commenting upon Dr. Wilhelm Miihlon's Diary (July-November, 1914), says, "If support for the theory of a clear rift between the German Government and the German people and of unwilling participation in the war on the part of the latter could be found anywhere it would be found in Dr. Miihlon's Diary. He is a bitter critic of the deliberate policy of the German Government which forced war on Europe. He would gladly have testified to the existence of an anti-war sentiment among the German peo- ple. Such opposition would have mitigated his 278 THE GERMAX OBSESSION o^\Ti painful sense of isolation. But he could not testify to it because it did not exist. He says frankly, on the other hand, that all classes of Germans welcomed the war as a relief from the difficulties of Germany's pre-war situation." To say that we are making war on the German Government but not on the German people, may be a pleasing and appealing sophistication to many, but the statement contains only a measure of truth. Democracy is waging war upon absolute dynasties, and as long as peoples are willing and ambitious, or unthinking and stupid tools of dynasties, democracy must wage war upon them until they throw off their obsession, adopt true, ethical and hiunan ideals or assert their manhood as rational, reasoning, human beings and claim their birthright of freedom. McPherson says, "Say what you wiU about the helplessness of the German people in the hands of a mihtary autocracy, the fact remains that the German people have fought this war. And they have fought it in a spirit entirely different from that of the people of Austria-Hungar}% for in- stance. They have fought the war not merely out of loyalty to the existing dynasty and the existing political order, but for what they themselves ex- pected to get out of it," Miihlon writes, September 5th, 1914, of his at- tendance at a conference of the German leaders of the Iron and Steel industry. "There was nothing in their conversation or in their thoughts but force, material wealth, new territory to develop, discipline and methods of exploitation. Xo idea that would justify an extension of German rule, no benefits and no consideration to be bestowed on the con- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 279 quered. In short, no magnanimity. They want to lie on the beds of other people, and don't mind being called barbarians for wanting to do so. They haven't the least ambition to win over other peoples by moral suasion." "Conquest and World Power" is the rallying cry of the Prussian dynasty. "Plunder" is the slogan of the dominant classes and industrial leaders in Germany. "Obedience to Authority" is the watch- word of the masses who seem quite satisfied in their mental stupor to have the Hohenzollern lieutenants think for them. It has been said by a German that an announcement by the authorities carries more weight with Germans than any personal investiga- tion on their own part. Miihlon wrote on October 6th, 1914, "If I should ever hear a voice in Ger- man}^ w^hich speaks of justice, humanity or non- material progress after the war, or after our victory, then I will comment on the fact with pride and very fullj^ even if it is the voice of an unimportant and unkno\Mi person. I shall call him the first Euro- pean in Germany." A\Tien the Hohenzollern-Hapsburg dynasties agreed to wage war on certain foreign nations, and unite internal forces which threatened the Empire by giving them a foreign enemy to battle against, the Germanic peoples with unparalleled gullibility swallowed the dynastic bait proffered them, "hook, line and sinker." The explanations of the dynasties, none of which would stand any unbiased, searching analysis, were accepted without question, and in a spirit of glorious intoxication and patriotic fervor, the German people rushed headlong into a war which was to cause more sorrow and bitter anguish than the world had ever known in its entire 280 THE GERMAN OBSESSION tumultuous past. Herman Fernau writes of the enthusiasm, marvelous cohesion and bed-rock belief in the holy mission of the German cause with which the German people embarked upon this world-war, and he also says, "Germany did not rush into this world-war with feelings of remorse and horror, but with a shout of joy as though marching out to a festival." K. A. Huhn, in The True Cause of the World War (1914), has said: "God be eternally praised! The great masses of the people would have nothing to say of the evil of war. ... It appeared as clear as daylight . . . that the warlike spirit, that deepest and purest joy of the great heart of our people, was unshaken and unchanged. The warlike spirit, the love of war and the craving for battle, was no imaginary characteristic of our people — no, and a thousand times no!" And again, "Must kultur rear its domes over mountains of corpses, oceans of tears and the death rattle of the conquered? Yes; it must. . . . The might of the conqueror is the highest law before which the conquered must bow." The German people had been dynastically-drilled for war — mind as well as body. War was anticipated, and from war, it was predicted great economic benefits would flow to the people. Bernhardi says that deep down in the Ger- man heart is the love for power and conquest. "An intense longing for a foremost place among the Powers and for action fills our nation. Every vigorous utterance, every bold political step of the Government, finds in the soul of the people a deeply-felt echo, and loosens the bonds which fetter all their forces." For the Hohenzollerns the world -war is a gamble THE GERMAN OBSESSION 281 to uphold and strengthen their throne, and when they embarked on this helhsh adventure they felt that the dice were loaded in their favor ; if they had not thought so, there would have been no war, for in these days dynasties are cowards at heart, and in the game of life they believe in always playing safe. For the German people the war will bring either freedom or increased oppression. Every dynastic victory in war means the further enslaving of those people who made the victory possible. A defeated dynasty carries its people to freedom; a victorious dynasty strengthens the chains of serfdom which enslave the minds and souls of its people. If Germany should win the European war — an impossibility now — the people who have fought the battles of their rulers would return from foreign victories to oppression at home. Miihlon well knew this historical fact, proven by the records of all peoples, when he wrote in his Diary during the Fall of 1914, "What would await us if the war should end victoriously and a new spirit would begin to stir? Kicks and stones instead of bread; scorn instead of gratitude or the fulfillment of promises." Germany will be defeated by the foes upon whom she deliberately planned aggressive warfare, aug- mented by the two great Anglo-Saxon peoples, whose entry into the field against her has so effect- ively upset all her plans and calculations; but she will rise from her defeat victorious as a people, for the real defeat and humiliation will be dynastic. The defeat of Germany means for the people a real live Constitution based on equal and universal suf- frage; it means a democratic form of government, and, whether a republic or a limited monarchy, the 282 THE GERMAN OBSESSION power will rest in the people and they alone will have the right to declare war on a foreign state. If the German Government had been victorious in the present war, the German people would never have been granted any power or privilege, which would detract from the absolute and despotic power of the Emperor. Victorious dynasties never grant reforms in the interest of popular government ; their policy is to increase their power at the expense of the people, and never to voluntarily weaken or lessen it. Defeat in foreign wars, or internal revo- lutions, alone remove or take power from dynasties, and the former is usually the most effective way to produce the latter. When a dynastically-governed people are win- ning wars, both the government and the people talk of annexation, indemnities, and boast of what they will do when the enemy kneels at their conquering feet. In victory, a dynasty carries its people with it, and their thoughts are on the enemy and the benefits which will be derived from the war in which they believe they will have a share. But when the armies of a dynastj'^ meet with reverses, there is less talk of conquests, booty and after-war benefits. When the German armies are winning, the Ger- mans are unwilling to consider peace, for they might understate possible acquisitions if the war were to continue. When the German armies meet with reverses, peace talk is resumed ; the views of the government and the people are not influenced by justice, but by what they believe they have a chance of acquiring as a result of the force that has been and is being displayed. Miihlon, in his Diary on September 10th, 1914, wrote, "Fewer boastful speeches and fewer violent threats against prospec- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 283 tive conquered nations show me quite clearly (in Berlin) how quickly people can become humble. Thej'^ also show, unfortunately, that only reverses and not so-called higher perception hold out any promise of the reformation of Prussia." The Prussians are great fighters in victory and arrant cowards in defeat. When fortune turns her face from them they show their "yellow streak" and "quit cold." In victory they are arrogant con- querors, ruthlessly grabbing all they can, and demanding all that there is even a vague possibility of their getting; in defeat they are whiners, ex- plainers, nauseatingly apologetic and as deceitfully humble and apparently simple-hearted, as in victory they were high and mighty, iUiberal and unfor- giving. The cry "kamerad" of the Prussians comes from a man who would brutally kill in cold blood if he got the opportunity to do so; the dynastic proffer of "peace" is a call in a similar spirit and it is permeated with the same treachery. The Prussian actuating idea is force; they think, plan and act in terms of brute force, and they are so mentally stupid and dense that they fail to see that in this twentieth century a people cannot be sub- jugated and controlled by force. A people in these days who are physically conquered by an aggres- sive people are sure to triumph morally in the end. A peace, no matter who is defeated or who is victorious, can never be built on force, but only on the free wills of free peoples. It has been said that "Vices are virtues carried to excess." The German author of J' Accuse! says that in the German people, virtue has produced their great weakness. "From the virtue of fidelity there springs the blind confidence which does not 284 THE GERMAN OBSESSION inquire whether the good faith of the nation has been deceived, and from the virtue of attachment there springs the unconditional adherence w^hich does not ask whether or not the path pointed out leads to guilt and destruction. The confidence of the German people has been basely abused by its leaders and rulers. Their eyes . . . have been wrapped in the gloom of ignorance. Her citizens who loved peace have been transformed into combat- ants full of hatred and vengeance; the representa- tives of culture and high intelligence have been changed into blind and benighted worshippers of success; men whose vision comprehended the uni- verse have become narrow-hearted, clinging to the soil of their country ; the lights of art and of science have been replaced by the spirit of the barrack- yard tricked out in academic freedom. The Ger- man people has been corrupted and blinded that it might be driven into a war which it has never foreseen, never intended and never desired. In order that it might be liberated, it has been put in chains." The virtues of fidelity and confidence that the Ger- man writer speaks of are not, as described, real vir- tues, for true virtue is manliness and fidelity^ — ^attrib- utes of a greater loyalty. Manliness is the expres- sion of the characteristics of a man, not a mere phys- ical or mechanical creature, but a reasoning, rational and spiritual being, — a complete man. No man can be loyal to himself, his family, his inheritance, his country or to mankind and his God, if he permits, with lethargic indifference, the atrophy of his God- given mind, and if he is willing to stupidly degenerate because of gullibility and mental lazi- ness, to the level of an unthinking, irrational and subservient slave. Virtue is the attribute of free THE GERMAN OBSESSION 285 men, not of serfs, and there can be no virtue in human beings who only function to raise themselves above other species of animals, who follow their leaders like sheep and repeat the dynastic creed like parrots; or, if instead of being responsible indi- viduals divinely endowed for a peculiar service in the world, in harmony with their inherent forces, they drift to thoughtless automatism and become mere puppets, with the lieutenants of a ruling, tyrannous and essentially selfish and inhuman despot, pulling the strings which shape their destiny and cause their ultimate sorrow and spiritual death. German children receive the "benefit" of uni- versal education, but the Prussian State has never tolerated Free Schools. Hohenzollernism possesses an indisputable monopoly of education, and Ger- man Professors are state officials. Teutonic "Im- moralism" and intolerant, pernicious Nationalism are taught the children from early childhood; and with the printing press, the lecture platform and the pulpit, all state controlled and their leaders sub- sidized, there is but little chance for an indolent mind to assert its manhood, claim its birthright and be loyal to its divine inheritance. Nationalism, with its Kaiserism, is the state religion of Prusso-Germany, and Pan-Germanism, with world-dominion, its great ideal. With uni- versal military training and the strictest possible discipline enforced, the Prussian dynasty, holding as it does absolute control over every branch and channel of child and youth development, has evi- dently succeeded in putting its devilish uniform not only upon the bodies of its young men, but also upon their minds and souls. A distinguished German prison official wrote 286 THE GERMAN OBSESSION before the war that one out of every twelve per- sons then living in Germany had been convicted of some offense. This does not mean that the Ger- mans in civil life are a criminal or disorderly people; it is merely that from babyhood to their graves they are surrounded by arbitrary "Law" and regulation. "And quite right that it should be so," says a modern writer, for without it now they would go to pieces, hke Bismarck's Prussian Lieutenant. "Quite right to hang the German world with the sign Verhoten; quite right to distribute titles and medals and orders, for the more they are uniformed and decorated and ticketed and drilled and taken care of, the better they like it. Over-organization has brought this about. Their theories have hardened into a veritable imprisonment of the will." There are two phases of the doctrine taught to Germans by the dynastically-governed state: Suh- ordination and ascendency. Subordination is de- manded of the individual to an all-righteous and omnipotent state, and ascendency is proclaimed for the state, i. e., the government and its people over all other nations and all other races and peoples. The German in relation to the state is an insig- nificant serf, but the German state is supreme among the countries of the world, and the German basking in the glory of the state is often uncon- scious of his individual slavery. Mommsen, writing in 1903, said of Germany, "There are no longer free citizens." Kultur is not culture; it is no longer the growth of the human soul in the free pursuit of beauty and truth, but it is merely the bhnd acceptance of Prussian standards. Kultur cannot exist until the state has robbed the individual of his freedom and his initiative, and in THE GERMAN OBSESSION 287 return has "organized, educated, blue-booked and inspected him into an obedient . . . cog in the great national machine." Prussia is Russia, led and dominated by a P. which stands for The Prince of Machiavelli. Both peoples are ignorant. The Russian masses are practically without schooling and mental develop- ment; the Prussians receive an ample measure of education, but remain mentally stupid serfs, for the education which they receive is dictated by their despotic Machiavellian Prince; it is not conducive to mental growth and real culture ; it is not liberal, idealistic or spiritual; it is merely mind drilling designed to make the recipients obedient and ef- ficient servants of their lord and master, who claims to be the anointed of God and the administrator of His divine will on earth. They who do not feel the darkness will never look for the light. German education functions psychologically to benumb rational and analytical minds; it makes of a naturally brilliant and indi- vidualistic mind the disciplined and obedient slave of a despot and, in the vast majority of cases, the enfettered mind robbed of all its inherent originality prates of a freedom and talks of being the sole possessor of light, truth, virtue and culture, about which it knows nothing. A man who cannot feel that he is in the darkness will never make a strenuous effort to struggle toward the light, and the light in Germany can only be reached by ener- getic, purposeful struggle against disheartening discouragements and in opposition to the decrees of all "authorities," to mass emotions and the violent surging current of an unthinking public opinion. A real thinker in Prussianized Germany 288 THE GERMAN OBSESSION today is branded as a traitor to his country, for in Teutonia, one's country is not one's fellow citizens, but the Emperor, the dynasty, the God-anointed despot who has the absolute power of life and death over his subjects, i. e., the right to declare war or to conclude peace as his arbitrary and capricious will dictates. But a people who permit a despot and his tyrannous satellites and selfish, lustful lieutenants to control their destinies, dominate their Uves, mar their freedom and crucify their manhood, are not blameless. Man is not an animal — a docile, tamable compound of body and brain. He is made, we are told, in the image of God, and in his being is part of the soul of the universe, part of God and part of the creative Cosmic Spirit of all life and of all existence. Man has implanted within him a spirit which is more than mind, and which, when it is kept alive and active, defies all fetters and all evil. Every man who is soul-free has a conscience and an intuitive sense which tells of right and duty. This spiritual sense struggles against oppression, im- prisonment and deadening ignorance of indiffer- ence. Every man who permits his soul to become atrophied by King or Church, Government or Educational "authorities," by despotic decrees or blind conformity to the opinions of the mob, is unspiritual, irreligious and disloyal, a traitor to his kind, and is merely disposing of his birthright for a miserable "mess of pottage." The German people are themselves to blame for their condition, and the excuse that they have been deceived bj^ their leaders is not valid and cannot be considered a justifiable reason. The responsibility of a leader who maliciously teaches error is greater THE GERMAN OBSESSION 289 and more diabolical than the stupidity of an un- thinking follower of "Immoralism," and the greatest measure of accountability and blame for resultant evil lies, of course, in the fountain head from which has sprung the poisonous and devihsh thoughts that have robbed men of their innate humanity and Godliness, and transformed them into "blond beasts, lustfully roving in search of booty and victory." To teach an error is a crime against humanity but to accept and practice the error is also a crime against the himian soul and the spirit of the world. To chain or put to sleep the spiritual watch-dog that stands guard over each human brain is sin, and all ignorance — which is the negative of wisdom — is sin, for God has decreed that all men shall instinctively know righteousness. Guy Stanton Ford, in Conquest and Kultur, has said, "Three years of war as conducted by Prussian militarism have done much to acquaint us with the purposes and methods of the medievally- minded group which controls the Central Powers. . . . One may not draw an indictment against a whole nation, but . . . the Pied Pipers of Prussianism who have led the German people to conquest and to ignominy and to infamy are a motley throng who are . . . heard in praise of war, and international suspicion, and conquest, and intrigue, and devastation — emperors, kings, princes, poets,, philosophers, educators, journalists, legislators, manufacturers, militarists, statesmen. . . . Before them is the war God, to whom they have offered up their reason and their humanity, behind them the misshapen image they have made of the German people, leering with blood-stained visage over the ruins of civilization." 290 THE GERMAN OBSESSION The people responsible for outrages should be indicted, and this includes not only the leaders who planned the crimes, but the rank and file who per- form them; not only the intellectuals and clericals who endorse them, but the mentally lazy folk who concur in their expressed "authoritative" views. People who accept these views as their own, permit their hearts to generate contemptible and bitter, senseless hatred for the foes of their despotic ruler who, in reahty, are neither their enemies nor the foes of their country. Notwithstanding the organization that a dynasty forms to keep itself in power, and notwithstanding that all a German hears or reads is propaganda in some form or other, whether taught in schools, read in papers and books, preached from the pulpits or expressed in the barracks or on drill grounds, it is still extremely difficult for governmental authority to absolutely profane manhood and deaden the human spirit. There are many instances of Ger- man soldiers at the Front, in more or less inactive trench warfare, who have admitted that though they may detest the enemy as a foreigner, as one an- tagonistic to what they have been told is the best interests of their country and people, yet they do not hate the man, unless they are actually engaged in fighting to kill. They often recognize in him a brother in misfortune who, like themselves, is sub- mitting to duties and laws, which he, too, believes lofty and necessary — but, of course, the foreigner is wrong, poor fellow, and the only way the Ger- mans have been told to transform the wrong into a right is to kill him when the order comes to fight. During the first winter of the war, after they had settled down to trench warfare, fraternization was THE GERMAN OBSESSION 291 rather common between opposing troops, but the practice was condemned and sternly forbidden by the Supreme German Command, for how could the proper fighting spirit, the inhuman brute spirit, be maintained, if the opposing soldiers were disposed to be friendly one to the other ? No more significant proof of the despotic and anti-democratic spirit of war could be presented. The armed forces of Teutonia fight not for con- science' sake, not for spiritual ideals, not for hu- manity and liberty, but because a despotic tyrant orders them to do so. They fight not for country, for home and family, for their fellows and for all they love in the world, but to satisfy the lustful ambition of an avaricious and power-grasping dynasty, which cares nothing for means, but only for results. The soldiers of the Hohenzollerns and Hapsburgs do not knowingly and intentionally fight for dynastic power. They permit themselves, however, to be deceived and even encourage mental domination and oppression, for whereas they would not willingly wage war against the highest interests of humanity, yet with unparalleled gullibility they believe all that the "Lord's anointed" says, all that the satellites of the dynasty proclaim, and all that emanates from the subsidized intellectual lieu- tenants of the Emperor. To a German all that is uttered by an official of the German Government or by an "authority" recognized by the state, is true, no matter how impossible it may seem to be ; and all that comes from the fountain head of Prussianism, from the Emperor of the Germans, is absolute truth; it is as the word of God and is swallowed whole in fervid faith. Miihlon, in his Diary, says of his countrymen, 292 THE GERMAN OBSESSION they remain "stupid sheep, filled with uneasy fears and superstitions. Nothing is more frightful than such dull herds which any one, when need be, can inoculate with mental epidemics. They remain always intellectually blind; they do indifferently what is bad or what is good, without any inner knowledge. They yield to the mighty stream of mass movements, whether these movements are led by an angel, dominated by the devil, or incited by a ghostly phantom." The Germans cannot be led by any one, but only by recognized authority, for they are blind worshippers of that authority which has freed them from the responsibility of thinking, and from the effort involved in the making of mental decisions. It is true, however, that the Ger- mans being mentally indolent can be bhndly led by their recognized authority into ways of either good or evil, for under the influence of a mental obsession they respond with hypnotic obedience to the com- mands of their masters. XIII. Despotism and Democracy ACCORDING to Crown Prince Wilhelm, Ger- many aspires to gain "the place in the sun." This would be a noble ambition if the sun to which Germany aspires was the real sun of truth and himianity, and if instead of "the place," he had said, "a place." The Crown Prince, however, pro- claims that the sword alone can win for Germany "the place in the sun which is our due, but which is not voluntarily accorded to us." It is a deplorable fact that Germany lies in the darkness, but the Hohenzollern Pan-German idea of "the place in the sun" is an exclusive and predominating conqueror's place, which ruthlessly thrusts all other peoples into the shadows. A place in the light and warmth of the real sun makes no appeal to the brutal, lustful warrior, the thug and assassin, — to the anarchist in the realm of law and morals. The world generally has progressed so far in the light that all truly cul- tured peoples realize that the sword is the last weapon in the world that will gain for its wielder a place in the sun. Only those free peoples whose governments are founded on the great principles of truth, justice and humanity can attain through soul-development to a place in the sun, — a place not accorded to them by any physical might, but by the exercise of the ethical promptings of the human spirit. The German people are in spiritual darkness ; the immoral doctrines of the Hohenzollern Intellectuals 294 THE GERMAN OBSESSION have warped their souls; their material aspirations and deification of the physical have formed a seem- ingly impenetrable cloud of evil blacloiess between them and the Universal God. The German people are held by invisible chains ; they do not realize that their minds are atrophied, and they fail to hear the voice of God siu'ging through the world to vitalize and empower the human soul and the divine con- science. The prayer of Ajax, in the Iliad of Homer, should be the soul-aspiration of all civilized peoples of the world today, who long to see the earth restored to peace with justice, and the great ideals of human brotherhood triumphant, for which the noble and democratic Christ lived and died : "Deliver thou, O Father Zeus, the sons of the Achaeans from under this cloud, and make clear sky above them, and grant to their eyes to see; so that if it be thy will to slay them, thou slay them in the light. Thus spake he, and Father Zeus looked down upon him in his sore travail. And forthwith he smote the mist and drove away the murk from heaven; and the sun shone brightly forth and the whole face of the battle was made plain." It has been well said that the part played by every country in world politics is determined not only by its interests but by the spirit of its institu- tions. "The much belauded kultur which Germany is striving to impose upon the world is the product of a military state which has not merely conscribed its subjects' bodies — as every state under certain momentous conditions must claim the right to do — but has conscribed their minds. The German State has exalted its interest as the only law; and to this law it appeals, not only over the individual con- science and liberty of its own subjects, but over the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 295 moral conventions and ideas by which all civilized states are striving to regulate the crude arbitrament of force. It has standardized German kultur as a state product for its own material ends, and Ger- man kultur has become its body-slave." (The Round Table.) Nietzsche, in Thus Spake Zarathustra, said, re- ferring to the Prusso-German state, "The state is the coldest of cold monsters. And coldly it lieth. And this lie creepeth out of its mouth : — 'I, the state, am the people.' . . . 'On earth there is nothing greater than I ; God's regulating finger am I,' thus the monster howleth. And not only those with long ears and short sight fall upon their knees . . . The new idol would feign surround itself with heroes and honest men. It liketh to sun itself in the sunshine of good consciences — the cold monster! It will give you anything if you adore it, the new idol; thus it buyeth for itself the splendor of your virtue and the glance of your proud eyes. . . . What I call the state is where all are poison- drinkers, the good and the evil alike." The poison that has transferred culture into kul- tur, that has deified physical force in lieu of spirit, that has warped, distorted and crucified virtue and truth, and that has hardened the hearts and clouded the eyes of the German people, is the Hohenzollern conception of the state, which is dynastic, militar- istic, absolute and Machiavellian, — above all moral law. Such a state offers material benefits to all its talented subjects who sell their souls to it: — "It will give you anything if you adore it, the new idol ; thus it buyeth for itself the splendor of your virtue and the glance of your proud eyes." Prussianism infects the thought and conscience of the noblest with the 296 THE GERMAN OBSESSION taint of slavery; the poison which it scatters broad- cast among the German people through the medium of its schools^ churches, press, lecture platforms, and army camps, atrophies their souls, numbs their minds, and blinds their eyes to universal, eternal verities, to the demands of himianity and to the beauty of true religion. Prussianism is a devilishly insidious poison, for its doctrines of dynastic, selfish avarice and brutal lust for power and conquest, are generally artfully concealed behind some seemingly plausible, if not worthy, idea, which to the lethargic, enslaved minds of the people, groping in the darkness, seems to be transfigured to a lofty ideal for which they are will- ing to sacrifice their all. Prussianism is a pernicious nationalism that deifies a dynasty, enslaves a people and profanes the true spirit of loyalty which is the great essential virtue of a patriot, a religionist and of a real man. The Prussian system of state worship exalts the monarch as a hierarch who stands alone between God and the German people, i. e., between God and His chosen people, and so God is named The Ger- man God, The German Emperor is as absolute a monarch as God, for he is God's exclusive repre- sentative on earth and responsible only to Him. He is both a temporal and a spiritual ruler. King and Pope, and he stands between the Germans and their God, as did Moses the ruler, judge, law-giver and leader of the Israelites and the mouthpiece of Yah- weh, the Hebrew God. Wilhelm II, of Prussia, poses as a sort of com- bination of Cgesar and Mohammed. He is more than the Emperor of the Holy Roman Christian Empire, for the German Gott is greater than the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 297 Christian God, and whereas the old emperors were, at least theoretically, subject to the Popes as the Vicars of God on earth, Wilhelm II proclaims him- self as "God's anointed," "His weapon," "His sword," "His Vicar," the Emperor on whom "the spirit of God has descended." In the Hohenzollern doctrine there can be no divided responsibility — no division of power. There can be no Pope, no head of the church, no spiritual dictator or leader other than the Emperor, whose power is supreme and absolute, and whose word is law. The Prussian state demands of its people bhnd and unwavering obedience to authority in every im- portant phase of human life. It is the modern slave- state, and as such is diametrically opposed to that free life which is the prime attribute of democratic government. The present war is a conflict between two ideas — despotism and democracy, between the surviving European dynasties, Hohenzollern and Hapsburg — both Teutonic — with their absurd doctrine of "the divine right of Kings," which gives a "rehgious" aspect to their tyrannous absolutism, and representative democratic government, i. e., the sovereignty of the people, which offers justice and freedom to a battle-scarred, exploited and en- slaved world. These are two fundamentally opposed ideals of government. The Prussian system maintains that the individual is the servant, i. e., the slave of the government, and he exists solely for the benefit of the government, which is the dynasty — the Hohen- zollerns. The state, i. e., the domain of the Hohen- zollerns, is everything; the individual — nothing. The Prussianized German system considers that government when perfected should "so discipline its 298 THE GERMAN OBSESSION citizens that they will render absolute and unques- tioning obedience to every order of the state, per- forming with machine-like precision the tasks as- signed to them." Prof. Miinsterberg said, "In the German view, the state is not for the individual, but the individual for the state," but the Prusso-Ger- man state is the dynasty, and its government is the will of the Kaiser, therefore, the German people exist for the benefit of their lord, who not only owns the land they live on, but also owns them — his vassals — ^body and soul. The German Kaiser is solicitous for the material welfare of his people, not in a paternal spirit, but as a slave owner; they must be nourished, clothed and kept healthy and vigorous, for in the German people is that man power which furnishes the dynasty with its instru- ment for enforcing the royal will. Dr. Wilhelm Solf, Secretary of State for the Colonies, in Modern Germany in Relation to the Great War, has said that the Prussianized German- state "is indeed like the woolen shirt which irritates, but furnishes warmth; it was forced to assume rough and harsh characteristics, created by bitter necessity. In constant pitiless discipline and ful- fillment of duty, the people and their princes became great. . . . The peculiar marks of militarism which gave Prussia her individuality remain with her today, for the reason that the pre- requisites for the existence of Germany as a state are more and more found to be the same as those which were once the deciding factors for Prussia." The state, according to the dominant Prussian school, is an end in itself. It is something beyond the people and is superior to the laws of morality. Treitschke says, "States do not arise out of the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 299 peoples' sovereignty, but they are created against the will of the people" The state "protects and embraces the hfe of the people, regulating it externally in all directions. ... It demands explicit and thorough obedience." And again, "The state is the highest thing in the external society of man, above it there is nothing at all in the history of the world." There is no crime if the state gains some advantage from the deed; in the realm of morals, the state, i. e., the dynasty, can do no wrong. As the state is developed by military aggression, war becomes moral and even more to be desired than peace. Douglas W. Johnson, in The Peril of Prus- sianism, well says, "The safety of the state demands expansion to the Mediterranean, hence the provoca- tive ultimatum to Serbia was thoroughly justified. The advantage of the state necessitated a quick attack on France through neutral Belgium, there- fore the wholesale slaughter of an innocent people, while unfortunate, is a whoUy proper measure. The security of the army, the strong right arm of the state, is promoted by terrorizing the civilian population of occupied territories, and so the shoot- ing of hostages, the burning of cities and the com- mission of unspeakable outrages are to be tolerated for the good end they serve. International law for- bids the levying of indemnities on captured cities, the deportation of civihans, the employment of enemy subjects in military work, the bombardment of open towns; but the state is higher than inter- national law, and these things may be done if they are of advantage to the state. Humanity forbids the slaughter of non-combatants and the murder of women and children; but the state is higher than 300 THE GERMAN OBSESSION humanitarian considerations and these crimes are defensible if they are of convenience to the state. To the logical believer in the Prussian ideal of government, military necessity is an all-sufficient explanation for any crime, no matter how barbarous or revolting. ... A people devoted to the Prussian ideal become insensible to wrongs which revolt the consciences of other people, not because such a people is inherently more barbarous, but because militarism and the false doctrine of the divine right of the state inevitably degrade the ideals and brutalize the instincts of any political society." The other modem conception of government pro- claims that mankind does not exist for the benefit of the government, but government for the benefit of man. This is the democratic ideal — that all gov- ernment is the servant of the people and should therefore exist for their benefit. The democratic ideal is old; its spirit can be traced right back through the ages that have past; it suffered when the Christian church united with the state, and when the hierarchy assumed despotic power; it struggled forth in the Renaissance and was inten- sified by the Reformation; it grew to vigor when freedom of thought and religious freedom were achieved, and it first reached fruition when the American Colonies declared their independence, affirmed the divine right of every individual to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and main- tained that government, to be successful and just, must effectively promote the free development of its people. The highest prevailing Anglo-Saxon thought inspired the American Colonists to cut the ties that THE GERMAN OBSESSION 301 bound them to the mother country, then ruled by a tyrannous and mad German King; and the inde- pendence of the colonies proved to be as great a blessing and almost as potent a stimulus to demo- cratic government in Britain as it was in America. France "lit her torch of freedom at the American altar;" it smoldered for almost a century and at times seemed snuffed out, but the national humilia- tion of 1870-71 killed the anti-democratic, mili- taristic and Napoleonic spirit, and this time France was reborn to live forever as a great democracy in which the sovereignty rested neither in the dynasty nor ifi the mob, but in the people. The two forms of government existing among Caucasian peoples today are mutually antagonistic, and it was inevitable that a conflict should ensue between them. The democratic ideal of govern- ment is peaceful ; it repudiates aggression, arbitrary might, forceful domination, the subjugation of peoples and every form of injustice. The Prussian or dj^nastic idea of despotic government is immoral ; it is not actuated by any worthy ideal, but is abso- lutely brutal, therefore it will take what it can, and from whom it can, whenever it feels that its best interests will be served by such forceful acquisitions, no matter what methods have to be employed. The Prussian type of government is, therefore, a natural menace to all peace, culture, religion and civiliza- tion; as long as Prussianism exists, no peoples can live in security and be safe from ruthless attack. It is amazing that in this, the twentieth century, a people exists who are apparently willing to be enslaved, for within every normal man there is an instinct that not only abhors but rebels against slavery in any form. The Prussian system is one 302 THE GERMAN OBSESSION of "beneficent" serfdom, and it appeals to the materialism of a mentally-enslaved people. The German people are told that the government is for the benefit of the goverend, i. e., the Prussian gov- ernment makes the people more efficient and more prosperous than the peoples of any other country, and they benefit in full measure as the state grows in power among the nations of the world. The German people have enjoyed unprecedented ma- terialistic prosperity since Bismarck effectively robbed them of their hope of freedom and a con- stitutional form of government, and by bloody wars and diplomatic treachery made the Prussian dynasty supreme in a Prussianized-German Em- pire. A people enjoying unwonted prosperity and under the devilish psychological influence of the dynasty, expressed through every educative and developing channel — all state-controlled and state- censored — may be expected to docilely submit to the believed source of their success. As long as their prosperity continues they will permit ma- terialistic benefits to blind their eyes to their enslavement, and lull to somnolence their naturally reasoning and rational minds. Prussianism operates on the German mind like a religion. It demands faith, and surrounds the mind from earliest childhood with "authoritative" creeds and doctrines, and every medium for direct- ing thought along dynastically-prescribed lines is subsidized and supervised by the state. The people hear with never-ending persistence the tenets of HohenzoUernism preached as "The State;" on the other hand, they see how the German nation has grown great and risen to the position of a leading THE GERMAN OBSESSION 303 power in the world; they also see the people pros- perous, well taken care of physically, and ap- parently successful and happy, and they naturally and by suggestion attribute their prosperity and all the good things which they enjoy to their form of government. The German Government, however, cannot com- pletely isolate the people mentally. When an en- slaved people, absolutely dominated by a despotic and tyrannous form of government, live in close proximity to free men who govern themselves, the spirit of liberty is bound to struggle across the border, and no matter how the state may write and teach its "authoritative" history and philosophy, the inherent free spirit of man instinctively strug- gles against serfdom, and even after apparent sub- jugation refuses to remain enfettered to its own detriment. Douglas W. Johnson has well said that "Liberty is an inevitable, unconscious proselyter," and that autocratic government is compelled to offer to its subject -vassals "compensation for the slavery," and to endeavor in every possible way to "destroy the proselytizing influence which surrounds them." These ends can only be accomplished by militaristic conquest — the acquiring of foreign territory and its wealth, and the subjugation of foreign peoples. "Just as freemen — even in a democracy — will undergo stern military discipline for the sake of victory, so a subject people will submit to a ruler who assures them of military glory, material bene- fits and the privilege of triumphing over their neighbors." Dynasties are despotic and essentially militaristic. Dynasties must use their military power in conquest and permit their subjects to 304 THE GERMAN OBSESSION benefit in a measure by the spoil, or else they will quickly fall before the ever surging spirit of human liberty and democracy. If a dynasty suffers severe military defeats, it will fall; and if it does not lead its subject people into wars which will bring increased power, glory and ma- terial benefits, it will also be overthrown ; therefore, in these days of an awakening spiritual humanism, when the universal spirit of right, freedom, loyalty and himian justice is struggling to overcome the spirit of egoism with its really inhimrian selfishness, all dynasties and despotic forms of government are between the remorseless grindstones of destiny which will prove their eternal doom. The Pan-German battle-cry of "world-conquest or downfall" is a brutal statement of a djTiastic truth, but downfall is ultimately inevitable. World- power and successful conquest of foreign peoples will uphold a dynasty for a time, but only for a time, for it is written that liberty and the cause of the people must at last prevail. The Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs are now waging a frightful war of aggression which is truly for them a "defensive" war. "The tide of popular discontent with auto- cracy was beginning to rise in Germany and the autocratic government's most effective defense was a war which should unite the people once more in loyal subjection." The discontent in Germany was due not only to an awakening sense of freedom and the growth of the spirit of democracy, but in a great measure to a feeling of disgust with an autocratic form of gov- ernment that did not seem to have the courage to use its great military power to brow-beat its neighbor-nations and dictate its will to the world. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 305 The number of seats in the Reichstag, occupied by anti-dynastic representatives of the people, in- creased when Germany backed down before other aroused European nations in matters of national policy, and the people freely denounced a system that demanded tremendous expenditure for arma- ments, and then submitted to what they considered a humiliation, because the dynasty was either pacific or cowardly, and would not or did not know how to use their unprecedented physical force. When, how- ever, the German Government acted aggressively in foreign matters and preached the doctrine of world-conquest, then the anti-dynastic seats in the Reichstag decreased greatly in number, for the people were worked up into a patriotic frenzy for German racial supremacy, and their "idealism" proved mere lust, the craving for spoil, for material- istic gain and for the power and glory of a conquer- ing and subjugating people. As the German troops swept through Belgium and France and approached Paris, the Hohen- zollern dynasty sat more securely in the saddle than it had since the days of Bismarck. The German people, conservatives and radicals, nationahsts and social-democrats alike, celebrated military successes and were intoxicated with victory. The violation of the neutrality of Luxemburg and Belgium were ignored, and without exception, the German people enthusiastically concurred and supported the ruth- less Prussian policy of the Hohenzollerns and the General Military Staff, as bluntly stated by the Imperial Chancellor in his attempt to justify the outrageous invasion of Belgium : "We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no law. Our troops have occupied Luxem- 306 THE GERMAN OBSESSION burg and are already on Belgian soil. Gentlemen, that is contrary to the dictates of international law. It is true that the French Government has declared at Brussels that France will respect the neutrality of Belgium. . . . France could wait, hut we could not wait. . . . We were compelled to override the jiiM protests of the Luxemburg and Belgian Governments. . . . Anybody who is . . . fighting for his highest possessions" (to forcefully acquire that which belongs to another) "can only have one thought — how he is to hack his way through," and by ruthless methods and un- speakable inhuman atrocities satisfy his lust and craving for power, dominion and spoil. It will be to the everlasting shame of the German people that they, without exception, supported a Government that not only deliberately violated treaties and international law, but also inaugurated a campaign of ruthless warfare with atrocities, in- humanity and injustice, the equal of which was not reached even in their moments of most hellish depravity by Attila the Hun, Genseric the Vandal, Alaric the Visigoth, Genghis Khan the ruthless barbarian, and other German-Hun-Tartar devils who fought to enslave white men of superior civili- zations. Dr. Lange, in Pure Germanism (1904), says, that what other peoples call culture can be termed civilization, but "the noble word kultur should be reserved for higher values," and then he adds, "We should look to our army and the corps of officers to endow us with and educate us in these higher values." The much- vaunted Prusso-German kultur is not even a thin veneer covering inner barbarism. Prussianism is worse than barbarism, it is cruel THE GERMAN OBSESSION 307 savagery, and kultur is its outer surface, rubbed smooth and polished ; its principles are the absolute negation of all that human culture and civilization stand for. Whatever the Prussianized German Govern- ment cared to do to bring victory to German arms and to enforce the German will upon the world, was not only approved but enthusiastically endorsed by the German people — as long as it succeeded. The German people demanded success, and to the Prus- sianized mind only results are important. German patriots, philosophers, professors, scientists, noted educators, professional and business men, German scholars and thinkers who before the war enjoyed an enviable international reputation and had been honored abroad for their cosmopolitan views, arose as one man in defense of the German Government's rape of Belgium, and even went so far as to state that Bethmann-Hollweg made a grave mistake when he announced in the Reichstag on August 4th, 1914, that the atrocious violation of Belgian neutrahty was a "wrong that we are committing." In the press, from the lecture platforms and the pulpits of the churches, the Intellectuals of Ger- many proclaimed that it was no wrong hut a right and a duty; "It would have been a crime against the German people if the General Staff had acted otherwise," for had not the mihtary authorities always said that victory would come from a quick, heavy blow against an unprepared people, and had not the German Secretary of State, Herr von Jagow, clearly stated the real purpose of the in- vasion of Belgium, which was "to advance into France by the quickest and easiest way . . . to avoid the more southern route," which, "in view of 308 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the paucity of roads and the strength of the French fortresses" would have entailed "great loss of time." Not only did men like Dr. Haeckel, the German apostle of Darwinism and champion of "Monism," Dr. von Mach, the noted scholar and historian, Dr. Drysander, the famous Divine, and Dr. Harnack, the prominent theologian and ecclesiastical his- torian, vigorously endorse their government's policy in considering a treaty "a mere scrap of paper," and its ruthless act in violating the neutrality of a small and friendly neighbor-state, but even Rudolf Eucken, of Jena, the world-famous Professor of Philosophy, the winner of the Nobel prize in 1908, a man who has been regarded as Germany's greatest ethical teacher and one of the most spiritually-minded men in the world, even he sup- ported the government whole-heartedly and con- sidered their policy quite proper and sound, and their attitude thoroughly justified. Moreover, the German Intellectuals affirmed that "Belgium would have been wise if it had permitted the passage of the German troops," for the Belgian people "would have fared well from a business point of view, for the army would have proved a good customer and paid well." This is a peculiarly Prus- sian touch, grossly materialistic and void of idealism and real human understanding. According to the leading Prussianized-German minds, Belgium should have preferred cash to honor. An offensive warfare against Germany's neigh- bor-peoples, conducted in 1914, again proved the best defensive warfare of the Prusso-German dynasty against the democratic views of the people, and mihtary successes not only united all the people as a homogeneous body behind their government, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 309 but directed their thoughts from internal reform and domestic discontent to the fruits of foreign con- quest, with the promise of increased prosperity in the future to a dominant German people. When Bismarck adopted the policy of "blood and iron," when, in the interests of the Hohenzollern dynasty, he stood alone and defied the Prussian Parliament and the national Constitution, when he persistently ignored the voice of the people and the demands of the press, he well knew that if he could bring about hostilities with a neighbor-nation and wage a successful war of conquest, all his crimes against the people's rights and liberty would be forgiven and forgotten, and, in victory over a foreign people, the throne of the dynasty would be made secure and strong enough to resist all popular attacks for many decades, or at least until the nation was ready to wage another war of conquest. The continuance of Prussianism demands an ever-expanding state and, therefore, a persistent policy of foreign conquests. The history of Prus- sianism and the Hohenzollern dynasty is a record of periodical conquests, each triumph, with its acqui- sition of territory and increase to Prussian prestige, being accompanied by a humiliation of the people who had made the victory possible. The Hohen- zollern policy demands a great army and its periodic employment in ever-enlarging conquests of neighboring territory. Frederick the Great sought to create a great connected Prussian state and make it a powerful nation among the leading Powers of Europe. Bismarck created the German Empire, or a great Prussianized-German state, through which the HohenzoUerns dominated all of the twenty-six states and dominions of the larger Ger- 310 THE GERMAN OBSESSION many, including the kingdoms of Bavaria, Saxony and Wurttemberg and the various Duchies, etc. Frederick the Great made Prussia the dominant power in Germany; Bismarck made Prusso-Ger- many a great European power, and Wilhekn II aspired to make Germany, not only the dominant power of Europe, but the leading world-power. The Hohenzollerns well know that they must keep on expanding or be overthrown; for them it is now "world-power or downfall." Their policy for five centuries has been successful; therefore, ignoring the evolution of the world and the pro- gressive mental development of man, they persist in playing the dynastic game against the highest in- terests and the freedom of a great people. There can only be one outcome of the struggle. The terri- tory of the world, on the one hand, is limited, and the forceful acquiring of foreign lands with sub- jugation of peoples cannot go on forever, neither can the peoples of the world ever become German- ized by blood; on the other hand, notwithstanding the enslavement of the German people by govern- mental education, supervision and censorship, Prussianism cannot prevent the ever-growing democratic spirit outside of the German domain, with its intense humanism, its spiritual force and its development to world-moving power through liberty, loyalty, justice and its religion of love, sympathy and tolerance expressed in the brother- hood of man and the Fatherhood of God. The German Empire is a Prussianized military state — the nation in arms. Prussia dominates Ger- many, and the Hohenzollerns are absolute in Prussia. The Reichstag is not a representative body; it is not a Parliament; it is a mere debating THE GERMAN OBSESSION 311 society, and even this with restrictions. The elected members may go through the forms of considering legislation, but the Reichstag is not a real factor in the German Government. It is little more than "a convenient piece of poHtical scene painting" and the room where it meets has been well called by one of its members "The Hall of Echoes." Practically all legislation initiates with the Bundesrat or Upper House of monarchical appointees, which, with the Emperor's consent may dissolve the Reichstag or Lower House. The Ministers are responsible, not to the Reichstag or to the people, but to the Em- peror alone. Despite the outward appearance and the sham forms of Constitutional Government, Germany today stands as the most absolute and autocratic despotism in the world. The most liberal- minded, progressive or radical of the masses are inadequately represented in the Reichstag, but even if the entire body were democratic, the monarchical appointees of the Bundesrat, ever jealous of their prerogatives, stand ready to stifle them, and as fourteen votes in the Upper House are sufficient to defeat any proposed measure, and the Prussian King and German Emperor controls seventeen, it is evident that the Hohenzollern control of legislature in the German Empire is absolute. In the elections of 1907, the propertied and agra- rian classes in Germany elected three hundred members of the Reichstag, whereas the vast in- dustrial districts, which are the most progressive politically and branded the most radical and demo- cratic, only elected one hundred and thirty. The system of voting and distribution of seats has remained unchanged for over half a century and is grotesquely unfair. Thus 314,000 Social demo- 312 THE GERMAN OBSESSION cratic votes were entirely unrepresented in the Landtag, while 324,000 Conservatives returned 143 members. Some of the constituencies with 40,000 voters had the same representation as others with 500,000 to 700,000 voters. In Prussia, the dominant German State, the votes are divided into three classes according to wealth, and one nobleman's or rich man's vote may be equal to that of ten thou- sand laborers. About three per cent, of the voters in the 1907 elections (the so-called noble and the wealthy) elected one-third of the "popular" representatives; about ten per cent, elected the second third, and the remaining eighty-seven per cent, of the voters elected the other third. It is hard to conceive of such conditions existing in this twentieth century in the center of civilized Europe, and in a state that arrogantly boasts of a monopol}-^ of brains and good sense. Only the dazzling light of true freedom penetrating into this darkest corner of Europe can bring justice and emancipation to a great people enslaved by medi- eval despotism. XIV. The Black Eagle and the White Dove IN Germany, before the war, there were two classes of people — the initiated and instructed, on the one hand, and the ignorant masses, on the other. Both in peace talk and war talk the Hohenzollerns have been extremists, and Wilhelm II has hugely enjoyed his dual role of the Black Eagle and the White Dove — of the arrogant, world-conquering militarist, and the humane, peace- loving pacifist. The German author of J^ Accuse has said: "In our writings and our speeches at home we preach a policy of world-power, of conquest, and of world-dominion — of course only among the initiated — but to the stupid people and to foreign countries we profess that it is we who have been attacked and fallen upon; that we are the victims of treacherous enemies. We also 'secretly preach wine and publicly drink water.' In the intimate circle of our Junkers, our Courtiers and our Gen- erals we raise the intoxicating wine of enthusiasm for war, but in public, before the people and be- yond the frontier, we drink the water of peaceful- ness, of meekness and of innocence." In Neue Rundschau (April, 1913) we read: "Never did people play so much with the idea of a preventive war as in the last few years, and never so criminally. As a theme for smoking-room gossip and as the topic of conversation of unimportant street politicians, it presents great opportunities ; it 314 THE GERMAN OBSESSION amuses the mob as games of chance do children. But when able German Generals, such as Bern- hardi, men of real serious-mindedness and of thoughtfulness, play variations on the theme, it be- comes a public danger." When the Hohenzollern-Hapsburg dynasties decided on war, the higher ranks of the "initiated" knew that it was a premeditated, much discussed and well thought-out plan, that the war was to be an aggressive, ruthless war of conquest for world power, and that Germany had willed the war. But the uninitiated and the masses had to be brought around to a point where they would enthusiastically support the war, hence the necessity of devising the fable of the war's being waged in defense of the fatherland. The war party in Germany has always been a minority, even as it is in all believedly civilized countries, but the forces that make for peace were not organized, and their credulity in regard to the decrees of authority, coupled with their general gullibility, made them easy and non-resisting victims to the hysterical, psychological suggestions that surged through their midst, and which were designed to produce patriotism, intense and ex- pressive love of country, and loyalty to the father- land which, it was claimed, had been ruthlessly attacked. The uninitiated in Germany had to be awakened, stirred up and their passions heated to fighting trim by malicious lies and diabolical deceit. Notwithstanding the efficiency of the Hohenzollern lieutenants of the schools, press, church and army, and nothwithstanding the general belief of the masses in the prime spirit of Pan-Germanism, nevertheless the German people could only be THE GERMAN OBSESSION 315 quickly aroused to the desired fighting mood, and worked up to a combative frenzy by making them believe that they were to fight, not a cruel and unwarranted war of aggression for an ambitious dynasty, but a war in defense of home, loved ones, fellow countrymen and fatherland. By false official announcements, a palpable war of aggression and conquest, born of imperiahstic ideas and serving imperialistic ends, was palmed off on the German people as a "defensive" war. A war, not of fate and necessity, but of deliberate design and will, was described to the people as a war waged upon them by envious foes. The Im- perial Chancellor on August 1st, 1914, said, "We enter upon war with a clear conscience and in the conviction that we did not wish for war." The day before, from the balcony of his palace, the Emperor had said, "Envious foes compel us to a just defense. The sword has been forced into our hands." And on August 6th, in his appeal to the army, the Em- peror said, "The sword must then decide. In the midst of peace the enemy falls upon us, therefore to arms! Every hesitation, every delay, would be treachery to the fatherland. The existence of our Empire is at stake — the existence of German power and German character." Not only the civil populace but the well-disciplined and Junker- officered army must be hed to. "Ems telegrams" and Prussianism wiU always be associated one with the other, but during the last week in July and the first few days of August, 1914, the lieutenants of HohenzoUernism proved that in quantity and diversity of falsehoods, if not in subtle power, they were more than a match for Bismarck, the unscrupulous "blood and iron" 316 THE GERMAN OBSESSION founder of the modern German Empire. By "Ems telegrams" is meant the lying maneuver of which Bismarck was guilty in 1870, so exhaustively dealt with in his Reflections and Reminiscences. Its chief purposes were, by means of forged, mutilated, or even fictitious official documents, to incite war and to persuade the home people that a manifestly offensive war — a war premeditated and deliberately planned — was a wholly defensive war, and thus kindle that patriotic enthusiasm without which no modern state could successfully wage war. When the world-war broke out, the Initiated, i. e., the War party, the Pan-German leaders, the Junkers and the Hohenzollern lieutenants knew that "Der Tag" had at last arrived, but the Un- initiated, i. e., the stupid masses and the majority of the real German patriots believed that they them- selves, their loved ones, and their country were faced by threatening armies, and they rose in righteous wrath to protect and preserve all that they held dear in life. At the approach of war, every open and honest expression of opinion is made impossible in Germany, for a condition known as Burgfrieden becomes effective, by means of which civil authority yields to military authority, and the country is, in reality, under martial law and in a state of siege. By this extraordinary institution the German Government stifles the ex- pression of individual thought, the right of assembly ceases and all intercourse is controlled. The news- papers are permitted to publish only what is dictated or approved by the Government, and there is no longer any opportunity to obtain a reliable idea of the opinion of honest, unsubsidized thinkers. Miihlon says, "It makes a peculiar and profound THE GERMAN OBSESSION 317 impression to read only Government news and see military dictates echoed with uncritical enthusiasm in all the newspapers. One must believe that there is no longer any such thing as criticism or opposi- tion among the people. Even in the most intimate circles people seem to desire no real exchange of views, and to be satisfied with the revelations and orders of the state authorities." These conditions exist in a militaristic nation ruled by a despotic dynasty whenever it is at war. Tyrannical abso- lutism and democracy can never go together any more than militarism and human freedom. Under date of August 22nd, 1914, Miililon wrote, "I called the attention of a high official to the contradiction involved in the suppression of all opinion except that of 'Hurrah for the Govern- ment' kind, and the simultaneous exploitation of the complete unity of popular sentiment. He re- plied, 'It would not do in Germany at such a time to permit the free expression of opinion or to tolerate critical comment. The fact that all circles obey and do not kick against the pricks makes a fine and powerful impression. The means that are em- ployed must not be taken into consideration.' To put it in other words: He is much impressed be- cause nobody dares to risk liberty and life in a hope- less struggle against the authorities. It must not be forgotten that the day before mobilization, all Germany was declared in a state of war and siege ; in many districts martial law was proclaimed. Under such circumstances it is no wonder that everybody submits — all the more so, since the war has separated friends and relatives and the con- victions of many have been shaken by the hope of victory." 318 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Miihlon also writes of the "scoundrels" which the German "state of siege brings . . . into the foreground," i. e., conspicuously before the public as newspaper writers — approved by the Govern- ment. There are the "disgustingly stupid officers on the retired list," the "worthy pastors who, with an icy soul and a good-natured smile, trumpet forth every base deed as a manifestation of Ger- man Protestant heroism; also the numerous Uni- versity professors who, overladen with titles and distinctions, swinmiing with every patriotic current, are either mercenaries or bounders, and who, out- side the field of their own specialties, are seeking, not clearness and truth, but only temporary notoriety. This highly respectable scum of three leading Prussian professions," continues Miihlon, "wants to make history by lying; wants to create historical sources by making barefaced assertions." In doing so, however, these subsidized tools of the dynasty and its government merely reflect the will of the rulers. When the German forces are win- ning, the braggadocio spirit is intolerable and the populace are kept intoxicated with exaggerated stories of the prowess of German arms and the glories of their victories. When the German armies are successful, some measure of truth is told, but when they meet with reverses all the writings of the Hohenzollern lieutenants, and even the Official News and Bulletins, are absolute lies. Prussianism lies to the foreigner, and lies with equal glibness to its own people; the whole struc- ture is built on physical force and falsehood, and it stands today in an era of progressive human culture as a hideous, barbaric relic of medieval despotism and treachery. Prussia and HohenzoUernism stand THE GERMAN OBSESSION 319 for aggressive warfare, national intolerance, Ma- chiavellian deceit, despotic government and an enslaved people. It is ridiculous for Prussia to talk of "preventive" wars. She is too avaricious to look with favor upon any plan that will definitely limit her boundaries; "no annexations and no in- demnities" are meaningless terms to the Prussians and will never be considered unless they suffer severe mihtary defeats. Prussia has never fought a victorious campaign without acquisition in land and money, and this peculiarity she shares with no other state. Prussia, under the absolute Hohenzollern dynasty, will never be a magnanimous victor; she will exact, as payment from the defeated nations, all the land and money that she possibly can by ruthless, soulless force. Since the commencement of this cruel, inhuman war of ruthless aggression, there seems to have been but one eminent man in Germany, courageous enough to consistently speak the truth and confess unflinchingly, adherence to his old opinions and the basic beliefs of all Pan-Germans. This man is Maximilian Harden (real name Max Witkowski) , a Jewish journalist, born in Berlin in 1861, and now editor of Die Zukunft. In the issue of August 1st, 1914, he said, "Why not admit what is and must be the truth, that everything was jointly prepared by Vienna and Berlin. We should be . . . un- worthy of the men who achieved Prussian pre- dominance in Germany ... if fifty years after Koniggratz, things could be otherwise;" and in November, 1914, he wrote, "Away with the miser- able attempts to justify Germany's action. Cease waihng to strangers who do not care to hear you, telling them how dear to us were the smiles of peace 320 THE GERMAN OBSESSION we have smeared like rouge upon our lips, and how deeply we regret in our hearts that the treachery of conspirators dragged us unwillingly into a forced war. . . . We did not undertake the enormous risk of this war like irresponsible fools. We willed it. Because we had to will it and could will it. May the Teuton devil throttle the whiners whose pleas for pardon makes us ridiculous amidst the marvels of great events. We do not stand and we shall not place ourselves before the tribunal of Europe. Our might shall create a new right in Europe. Germany strikes. If it conquers new realms for its genius, the priesthood of all the gods shall shout the praises of the good war. . . . We do not wage war in order to punish sinners, not to free enthralled people and then bask in the con- sciousness of unselfish magnanimity. We wage it from the bedrock of conviction, that Germany as a result of her achievements and in proportion to them, is justified in asking and must obtain wider room on earth for development and for working out the possibilities that are in her." This is the spirit of the Prussian rulers, of the dynasty, Junkers, Government, of the Hohenzollern lieutenants — schools, press, pulpit, army and politics. This strong wine is served to the initiated, who, in turn, serve water, or water mixed with wine, to the masses, as conditions seem to warrant. A Covenant of Peace of Free Nations, which is intended to guarantee a true and enduring peace and not merely a cessation of hostilities, can rest securely only upon the mutual confidence of the contracting nations, on the hohness of the pledged word, and on the common interests which have welded the league together. The German author THE GERMAN OBSESSION 321 of J' Accuse! asks, "Is such a large-hearted peace policy to be expected of Germany? Is it possible, having regard to the international conditions of Prussia and Germany?" And he replies that, in his opinion, "it is not." "So long as Prussia continues to live under the most reactionary Constitution which is to be found in any civilized country in the world, so long as a laborious, patient and intelligent people still continues to be ruled as it has been for centuries, by reactionaries. Junkers, soldiers, and priests, who find their profit not in peaceful de- velopment but in military adventures, so long will it he impossible to think of a sincere and upright peace policy on the part of Prussian Germany. A family like the Hohenzollerns, whose rise is due to their militarism, will be convinced only by a strong counterpoise in the people, that the age of military conquests is past, and that today it is only in the peaceful competition of the nations that laurels are to be gained. As is known, this counterpoise in the people does not exist. The absolutism which dominates Prussia, which is only imperfectly marked by an outworn Constitution ( a pseudo-Con- stitution without even a lawful origin, having merely been granted to the people) this Prussian absolutism extends its influence even to the Ger- man Empire. . . . The predominance of Prussia in the government of the Empire and in the Bundesrat, the fact that the offices of the Im- perial Chancellor and the President of the Prussian Ministry are held by one person (appointed by the Kaiser and who, to hold his office, must prove to be the faithful vassal of his lord ) , the exclusive mili- tary power of the Prussian King in his capacity of German Emperor, and his right to declare war and 322 THE GERMAN OBSESSION conclude peace in the name of the Empire, all these facts operate in such a way as to make the German Empire in reality only a branch-establishment of the Prussian Kingdom." In this connection it is interesting to refer to Dr. Miihlon's letter to Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg, written in Switzerland on May 7th, 1917: "How- ever numerous and crass the errors and faults com- mitted by Germany since the war began, I have none the less long persisted in the belief that our leaders would eventually show themselves possessed of a belated foresight. It was in this hope that I put myself, to a certain extent, at your service to collaborate with you in Roumania (before that country entered the war ) , and that I informed you I was ready to help you in the country in which I am living at present, if our aim was to be the bring- ing together of the parties at war. That I was and still am opposed to any work other than that of reconciliation and restoration I proved, shortly after hostilities opened, by resigning once and for all from the directorate of Krupp's works. But since the first days of 1917, / have abandoned all hope as regards the present leaders of Germany. Our offer of peace with no indication of our war aims, the unrestricted submarine warfare, the de- portations from Belgium, the systematic destruc- tion in France, the torpedoing of British hospital ships, have so discredited the governors of the Ger- man Empire that I am profoundly convinced that they are disqualified for the task of elaborating and concluding a just and sincere international agree- ment, . . . The German peojjle will only be able to atone for the grievous sins committed against its own present and future, against that of Europe THE GERMAN OBSESSION 323 and all mankind, when it is represented by other men with a different type of mind. To tell the truth, it is only just that its reputation throughout the entire world should be as bad as it is. The triumph of its methods — the military and political methods by which it has conducted the war up till now: — would mean the defeat of the highest ideas and hopes of humanity. . . . As a man and as a German, who desires nothing but the welfare of the sorely tried and deceived German people, I turn my back for good and all on the present representa- tion of the German Government. And my one desire is that all independent men should do the same, and that many Germans may understand and act. Since any appeal to German public opinion is impossible for me at present, I have considered it to be my strict duty to inform your Excellency of my point of view." XV. German War Aims IN the early days of the war, the German Gov- ernment issued a prohibition against the public discussion of war aims. Germany was confident that its armed forces would win, and refused to permit any discussion of peace terms which, she maintained, might be too moderate, and act to em- barrass her in the final forcing of her arbitrary decrees upon a vanquished enemy, from whom she was determined to exact every possible square mile of desired territory and as large an indemnity as the defeated peoples could stagger under. The military program included a swift crushing of France, but in this plan she met three serious obstacles: (1) Belgian heroism, which delayed their advance on Paris, (2) British intervention in behalf of Belgium and France with military support, which, though small, was effective, and (3) French resourcefidncss and valor, which, at the Marne, caused the over-confident, aggressive Germans to retreat from the gates of Paris, and change the nature of the war from the open movements of on- sweeping armies to that of trench defense. These unforeseen impediments resulted in the virtual re- scinding of their previous prohibitive order against peace talk and, early in 1915, reports were current throughout the empire of approaching peace negotiations. When Germany failed in her military efforts of THE GERMAN OBSESSION 325 subjugation, she was willing to consider the best peace possible and stop hostilities; she would take from the enemy all she could, recuperate her forces and await a more fitting opportunity to strike again. With the removal of the ban on the discussion of peace terms, the Government hoped to feel the national pulse and prepare the people for a less glorious victory than they had been promised. Out- side of the Junker and Military Party, the Govern- ment hoped to find many moderate suggestions of the spirit which could be used by them as capital — in responding to the people's wishes — in the event that they would later be compelled to accept a peace contrary to their hopes and aspirations, and very different from the plans originally outlined by the dynasty and its Pan-German militaristic sup- porters, satellites and lieutenants. In October, 1914, an appeal Au die Kulturwelt, had been issued at the instigation of the German Government, signed by ninety-three of the leading German Intellectuals. These men were Germans of the highest eminence, and the list included not only officials, professors and dignitaries, but men who, before the war, had been honored in foreign lands, and some of whom were so cosmopolitan as to be considered citizens of the world. Eucken, the spiritual philosopher; Hauptmann and Dehmel, the eminent poets; Haeckel, the famous Zoologist; Ostwald, the Chemist; Sudermann, the Novelist; Liebermann, the distinguished painter; Bode, the great art connoisseur ; Liszt, of Berlin, and Laband, of Strassburg, both noted authorities in jurisprud- ence; these were among the men of international reputation who signed their names to an outrageous appeal, prepared by the HohenzoUern Intellectual 326 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Bodyguard for distribution in foreign countries, with the object of justifying Prusso-German Im- moralism as expressed in Germany's ruthless attack upon Belgium with the perpetration of unthinkable atrocities, and its waging of a cruel, avaricious and imperialistic war of aggression for conquest and power, under the false guise of a defensive war, waged only in the protection of the fatherland. This appeal clearly proves that the much-vaunted German kultur is merely a protective bulwark of the dynasty, and that even the most famous In- tellectuals of Germany are not only under official control, but are even willing to sell their conscience for royal favor with its baubles of patronage, titles and decorations. Fernau, the German democrat, well said, "It is not the work of logicians, scientists and free Germans, but of lackeys, whose views may be well discounted." The German Intellectuals echo the falseness of Potsdam and the Wilhelm- strasse, and boldly assert the following barefaced lie: "Germany . . . made every effort to avoid war. The incontestable evidence in support of this fact is open to all the world. . . . Only when the overwhelming forces of the enemy, who had been lying in ambush on our frontiers, fell into our country from three sides, only then did the Ger- man people rise like one man." This statement has been proven to be absolutely false, not only by the official documents of Britain, France, Russia and Belgium, presented to the tribunal of the world, but by the White Book of Germany, the Red Book of Austria, and by the official utterances of Teutonic statesmen whose attempts to justify their actions have led to the unintentional, but most astounding, admission of guilt. That which is false can never THE GERMAN OBSESSION 327 be fortified to appear as truth by the persistent presentation of claimed evidence. Falsehoods are anarchy in the realm of truth, and the more they are defended by additional hes the more contradictory, irrational and absurd they become to any dis- criminating, reasoning mind. The quintessence of Au die Kulturwelt, which positively proves the bankruptcy of Prusso-German aspirations toward real culture, is found in the following sentence, "But for German militarism, German culture would long since have been wiped off the face of the earth." This should read kultur, not culture, and we are constrained not only to draw a line between the two, but to assert thiat they are diametrically opposed to each other and represent the two extreme poles of human thought and feeling. German kultur is dynastic, militaristic, despotic and brutal; it is opposed to freedom, re- ligion, humanity, soul-development and progress ; it is Immoralism, its doctrine is world-dominion by physical force and it is expressed by the branding of treaties as "mere scraps of paper," by the falsifica- tion of documents, and Machiavellian diplomacy, by the subjugation of smaller and physically weaker nations, by the murdering of innocent children, by the ravishing of women and the torture of brave men, by cruel devastation of lands and cities, and by the de- struction of man's greatest creative works of art ; by the systematic murder of wounded and the maltreat- ment of prisoners, by crimes committed against the Red Cross and White Flag, by the poisoning of wells, and the malicious use of infectious germs, by the wanton destruction of fruit trees, etc., by the use of innocent non-combatants as screens for the mili- tary, by wholesale massacre of civilians, by the 328 THE GERMAN OBSESSION desecration of churches, depraved sacrilege, and the murder of priests, by the forced labor, slavery and deportation of women and men, by pillaging and arson without military reason, by the bombing and bombarding of non-combatants and open towns, by submarine murders and the destruction of passenger and freight vessels and neutral ships, by the indis- criminate use of mines, by the torpedoing of hos- pital ships, by cruel official murders of hatred and revenge as suffered by Captain Fryatt and Nurse Cavell, by wanton destruction of lives and property in neutral countries, and by the violation of inter- national law whenever Germany believes that she can gain advantage. German kultur must needs be defended by Zeppelins and bombing aeroplanes, which attack homes and schools and murder inno- cent women and children, poison gas, liquid fire, long-range guns which fire on churches filled with worshippers on Good Friday Morn, by inhuman atrocities, with murder, fire and devastation. True culture can only be found where men have progressed in the spirit, where every indication of atavism to the brutal and the merely physical is not only repudiated but abhorred, where the mind and soul raise man above the animal plane and direct his steps toward the spiritual ideal, where man has claimed his birthright and acknowledged all men as his brothers, and God the loving Father of all. True culture is mental and spiritual growth, it is religious and democratic, it demands personal, family, national and universal loyalty, with toler- ance and sympathy, but it denounces militarism and aggressive warfare, it frowns upon bigoted and per- nicious nationalism where truth and manhood are crucified, and it is unalterably opposed to despotism, THE GERMAN OBSESSION 329 dynasties, oligarchies and every power and influence that seek to enslave and deaden the soul. When the ban against Kriegsziele — the iJuhUc discussion of war aims — was removed, the great economic associations of the empire immediately set about to present their views of what this great war should bring to Germany. On March 10th, 1915, five associations, viz.. The Agrarian League, The German Farmers' (or peasants) League, The Cen- tral Association of German Industrialists, the League of German Industrialists, and the Associa- tion of the Petite Bourgeoisie of the German Em- pire presented a memorandum to the Imperial Chan- cellor embodying what they considered the essential objects to be secured by Germany in the war. These five associations were soon after joined by a sixth, the Central Board of the Christian Farmers' Asso- ciations (Peasants Union), and on May 20th, 1915, the six associations — three of which represented the agricultural (of which two are of the farmer, i. e., peasant class), and two the industrial interests of the land, and the sixth the lower middle class — pre- sented an amended and enlarged form of the original memorandum to the Chancellor. The de- mands urged by the six associations, it is interesting to note, are not moderate, humane and anti-mili- taristic, but positively dynastic and Pan-German. They demand annexation of territory in the east and the west. As an indispensable condition of the security of German sea power, Belgium must be subjected to German Imperial law, both in military and in tariff matters, while the industrial under- takings and landed property in Belgium must be transferred to German hands. In France the coastal districts must be retained as far as the 330 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Somme, the mining districts of Briey and the fort- resses of Longwy and Verdun ; in these French dis- tricts industrial estabhsliments must be transferred to German hands. As industrial Germany would be notably increased by annexations in the west, the associations maintain that territory must be acquired in the east in order to extend Agricultural Ger- many, and thus maintain the balance. Another reason advanced for the acquiring of "the Baltic provinces and the territories to the south of them," is ''the need of increasing considerably the number of our fellow countrymen able to bear arms." The colonies must of course not be forgotten, and Ger- many must have a Colonial Empire adequate to its "many-sided industrial interests." On July 8th, 1915, another manifesto of a similar tenor, the Petition of the Professors, was presented ■to the Chancellor. It was signed by 1347 persons of position and note, of whom 352 were University Professors and Instructors, 158 Educators and Pastors, 252 writers, artists, etc., 148 judges and lawyers, 182 business men, 145 administrative or high civil officials, 52 land owners, 40 members of the Reichstag and Parliamentary bodies, and 18 retired Generals and Admirals. It is said that many more signatures would have been obtained had the Government not interposed and forbidden any more canvassing, for they feared that the ex- travagant aspirations of The Professors might embarrass them later, if they were compelled to con- clude a peace less Pan-German than was then being suggested as a result of the intoxication of antici- pated victory. At that time (after the successive defeats of the Russian Armies) , the hopes of Germany were flying high, and the people again saw a most glorious and THE GERMAN OBSESSION 331 decisive victory, the annihilation of Russia and the gradual wearing down of their western opponents ; for France, they affirmed, was "bleeding to death" and the new British Army could not prove an im- portant factor to be reckoned with, as no nation could become military in a year ; and no matter how brave and willing to be sacrificed, the army would be merely a "Kitchener's Mob" badly and inade- quately equipped and wretchedly officered by inex- perienced civilians. The Petition of the Professors demanded the annexation of French territory: "For the sake of our own existence we must ruthlessly weaken France, both politically and economically, and must improve our military and strategical position with regard to her. For this purpose . . . it is necessary radically to improve our whole western front from Belfort to the coast. Part of the North French Channel coast we must, if possible, acquire in order to be strategically safer as regards Britain and to secure better access to the ocean. . . . The most important business undertakings and estates must be transferred from French ownership to German hands, France compensating the former owners. Such portion of the population as is taken by us must be allowed absolutely no influence in the Empire. Belgium and Baltic provinces must be annexed and lands for colonization on the East Front taken away from Russia. The idea of 3Iittel- europa is presented, and they request "On the Con- tinent in immediate connection with our frontiers as large a consolidated economic area as possible, which will render us independent of England and the other World- Powers." They advocate the Berlin to Bagdad polic}^ which means from Hamburg (and later from Antwerp and Rotterdam) to the 332 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Aden, and the menace of not only Asia Minor, Arabia and Persia, but also of India, Egypt and Africa: "Our political friend- ship with Austria-Hungary and Turkey (slaves of the Hohenzollerns ) must open the Balkans to us, and we must secure Austria-Hungary, the Balkans, Turkey and Nearer Asia as far as the Persian Gulf against Russian and British greed; trade relations with our political friends being furthered by all available means." The Professors also suggest a Colonial Empire, and say, "Central Africa by itself would furnish us with extensive territory, but not with proportionate colonial profit; we therefore need adequate gain elsewhere." They also urge indemnities to an amount as large as conditions will permit. "If we were ever in a position to impose an indemnity upon Britain, no sum of money could be high enough;" with respect to France, they say, "however severely she has already bled financially, through her own folly and British egoism, a high war-indemnity must be pitilessly imposed;" from Russia a similar indemnity must be ruthlessly exacted and collected. It is therefore evident that when Germany felt that she was winning the war, the Intellectuals, the Agrarians or land owners, the Agriculturalists (farmers and peasants) , the Industrialists, the Man- ufacturers, the Bourgeoise or middle class, as well as the Junkers, JMilitarists, Government satellites, civil official, professional and business men, clergy and lawyers, were Pan-Germans. In Radical and Socialist circles, the Pan-German doctrines and propaganda were denounced, but often in an in- sincere, half-hearted manner. If the German Gov- ernment ever expected to obtain from the people sincere memoranda of modest war aims they were THE GERMAN OBSESSION 333 disappointed. The publicity in Germany of the memorandum of the six associations was forbidden, and the Petition of the Professors, it was decreed, should be a "strictly confidential manuscript," as it might prove disturbing at home, if a less favorable or even possibly a humiliating peace should be forced upon them later by victorious foes. Publicity abroad might, in the opinion of the Government, be favorable to Germany, as such memoranda would indicate the solidarity of German sentiment and prove that the war was a popular war of the Ger- man people, who were determined to support their Government and reap the full harvest of their labor and sacrifice. It was also suggested by German officials that the publishing abroad of Pan-German war aims, emanating from the German people would afford the German Government, when they met the representative of the foreign Governments at a peace conference, an opportunity to claim that their terms were more moderate than those de- manded by the German people. A year after the commencement of hostilities Friedrich Naumann wrote, "Whilst the open dis- cussion of war aims is forbidden, a dangerous manu- facture of war programs flourishes in secret. . . . Large economic associations put forth their views as if the world lay already at Germany's feet." During the summer of 1915, the Memorandum of the Six Associations and the Petition of the Pro- fessors were published in foreign papers and, of course, the real effect was diametrically opposed to what German pseudo-psychology had foretold. Theodor Wolff, in the Berliner Tagehlatt (August 16th, 1915), had sense enough to see this, for he wrote, "It is impossible to exaggerate the harm done to the German cause." XVI. Germany^s Antagonism to America THE United States of America has been a serious obstacle to Germany's unscrupulous and lustful ambitions since it was found ( 1 ) that the JNIonroe Doctrine, if enforced, stood in the way of Germany's obtaining dominion and acquir- ing territory in South America, and therefore tended to effectually block the Hohenzollerns from becoming the dominant world power — at least as far as the Western Hemisphere is concerned, and (2) since by the peace terms of the Spanish- Ameri- can War of 1898, the United States liberated Cuba, shattered the Spanish Colonial Power, and acquired Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands — all of which possessions were greatly coveted by Germany. Prince von Biilow, in the Reichstag on December 11th, 1899, said "If ever the course of world history hastened to bestow upon an undertaking what I might call the historical seal of approval, then this was the case when, directly after the voting of the naval budget, first the Spanish- American War then the disturbances in Samoa, and then the war in South Africa put our oversea interests at such different points in serious embarrassment, and fate proved it all before our eyes. You will understand, gentlemen, that in my official and re- sponsible position I cannot say much, and that I cannot dot all my i's. You will all understand me if I say that fate showed us at more than one point on this globe how urgently necessary was the in- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 335 crease of our navy which took place two years ago, and how wise and patriotic it was of this high assembly to assent to the Government bill of 1898." This address delivered upon the introduction of the second German naval bill, and nine days after the agreement had been made with the United States and Britain concerning the Samoan Islands, clearly implies that if Germany had possessed a great navy, America would not have been allowed to aid Cuba and acquire Porto Rico and the Philippines. Tannenberg, in Gross Deutschland (1911), speaks apprehensively of the development of the United States ; he laments the fact that the Spanish Colonies did not fall into German hands, and he regrets that Germany did not embrace an oppor- tunity that seemed to present itself to seize "Cuba, the Pearl of the Antilles," and the Philippines. It will be recalled how reluctantly the German Admiral von Diedrichs restrained himself at Manila, and if it had not been for British naval backing, there probably would have been a clash at that time between our fleet of cruisers under Admiral Dewey and the German Pacific squadron. It is the definite foreign policy of the Hohen- zollerns and Prussianized Germans to acquire all that they have the power, i. e., the brute force, to acquire. Their code of ethics in international affairs is that of a brigand, armed to the teeth, who will murder, ravage and plunder to the full extent of his opportunities, and in complete accordance with his lustful avarice and bloodthirsty passion. The ex- tent of his lawlessness, horrible atrocities and ruth- less violation of the rights of others is determined, on the one hand, by his power and opportunity to satisfy his lust and enforce his devilish will, and on 336 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the other, by the power and determination of law- abiding people to resist to the utmost and to help others to protect by physical force what rightfully belongs to them. If Germany had felt strong enough in 1898 to grab the Philippine Islands and keep the United States out of Cuba and Porto Rico, she would un- hesitatingly have attempted to do so. When Prusso- Germany assumes a conciliatory attitude, it is because she feels that she has not the physical power to force her will upon the other people or peoples, whose interests clash with her ambitions. Teutonic "peace-offensives" during the present war, and such statements as "We seek neither con- quests nor the establishment of hegemony over our neighbors," are but the cries of a frightened brigand whose bloody hands are loaded with loot as he is intercepted by determined law-abiding citizens who are strong enough to see that justice is done. For a long time Germany has believed that war with the United States, at some time or other, was inevitable. Freiherr von Edelsheim, of the German General Staff, in 1901 wrote, "With that country (the United States) in particular, political friction, manifest in commercial aims, has not been lacking in recent years, and has until now been removed chiefly through acquiesence on our part. However, as this submission has its limit, the question arises as to what means we can develop to carry out our purpose with force, in order to combat the encroach- ment of the United States upon our interests." Edelsheim then speaks of the need of a large fleet, but maintains "that a naval war against the United States cannot be carried on with success without at the same time inaugurating action on land. . . . THE GERMAN OBSESSION 337 If the German invading forces were equipped and ready for transporting the moment the battle fleet is despatched, . . . then mihtary corps can begin operations on American soil within at least four weeks. . . . The United States . . . is not in a position to oppose our troops" with any hope of success. To make the United States Gov- ernment sue for peace "the invader would have to inflict real material damage by injuring the whole country through the successful seizure of many of the Atlantic seaports in which the threads of the entire wealth of the nation meet. It should be so managed that various land operations in conjunc- tion with the fleet would permit us to seize in a short time many important and rich cities, interrupt their means of supply, disorganize all governmental affairs, assume control of all useful buildings, etc., confiscate all war and transport supplies, and, lastly, impose heavy indemnities. . . . As a matter of fact, Germany is the only great power which is in a position to conquer the United States." The Monroe Doctrine has always been a thorn in Germany's flesh. Johannes Vollert (1903) wrote, "The Monroe Doctrine cannot be justifled. . . . It remains only ... an aspiration, and so it remains only what we Europeans almost universally consider it, an impertinence. With a noisy cry they (the United States) try to make an impression on the world and succeed, especially with the stupid." Gerhart von Schulze-Gaever- nitz, Professor of Political Economy at the Univer- sity of Freiburg (1898), said that Germany must "emphatically protect her interests in Central and South America, where she occupies an authoritative position" and "in certain circumstances Germany 338 THE GERMAN OBSESSION will be constrained ... to employ coercive political measures. . . . For this purpose we need a fleet capable not only of coping with the miserable forces of South American states, but powerful enough ... to cause Americans to think twice before making any attempt to apply an economic Monroe Doctrine in South America." Prof. Johannes Unold, of Miinchen, in Das Deutschtiim in Chile (1899), said, "The Germans seem marked by their talents and by their achieve- ments to be the teachers and the intellectual, economic and political leaders of these ( South and Central America) peoples. ... If the Ger- mans do not accomplish this mission, then, sooner or later, in consequence of political or financial bank- ruptcy" these nations "will come under the domina- tion and exploitation of the United States." W. Wintzer, in Die Deutsche n im tropischen Amerika (1900) said, "The moral sanction of the Monroe Doctrine disappeared on the day when the treaty for the annexation of the Philippines was signed by JMcKinley. Thereb}^ America broke the tacit agreement 'Do not mix in American affairs and we will not mix in affairs outside of America,' and gave us the right to set up a doctrine of a Greater Germany against that of a Greater America. European interests, and with them the German, lie in America in case we have the power to support them effectively. We shall not forbear to accustom America to this point of view." It is particularly interesting to read what Wintzer wrote concerning Venezuela, just three years before President Roosevelt rebuffed the German Govern- ment for its evident designs on a Venezuelan har- bor: "It depends on the political situation when THE GERMAN OBSESSION 339 German diplomacy shall hold the time fit to put a value on the Germans of Venezuela and their in- terests by taking possession of a harbor . . . but nothing can be done and German emigration should not be directed to South America, unless the question whether Germany means simply to obey the American order of 'hands off' in South America is first answered in the negative." Arthur Dix, in Deutschland auf den Hochstras- sen des Weltwirtschaftsverkehrs (1901), protests against Germany's permitting the United States to own and control the Panama Canal. He also says that "Trade with the United States forms the big- gest but in many respects the unhappiest chapter in the oversea relations of Germany. Not only is the balance of trade heavily against us, but above all, the balance of emigration. . . . It is there that the German emigrants have given up their allegiance most quickly and they have helped forge the mighty weapons of competition which are now directed against us by the third world empire in the international market, nay, in our own!" Dr. Otto Hotsch, Professor of History at the Royal Academy in Posen, and at the War Academy in Berlin, in Alldeutsche Blatter ( 1902) , said, "The most dangerous foe of Germany in this generation will prove to be the United States." Hotsch insists, as do most German writers, that the South Ameri- can peoples are incapable of taking care of them- selves and developing their resources, and therefore they are the legitimate prey of some stronger power. The prevalent opinion in Germany is that the dominant power that will ultimately exploit and subjugate the South American peoples is either the United States or Germany, and no matter what 340 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the United States may say or do, and no matter what the democratic ideals of our nation may be, Germany sees in the United States ( 1 ) a nation in a strong position to do those things which she (Germany) so greatly desires to do, and also (2) a nation which may prevent her from realizing her own amibtions. Hotsch also wrote, "The Ameri- cans cannot forget that the German settlements may be the entering wedge in South America which is to overturn the Pan-American air castles," and they "follow jealously the progress of American colonization and investment. Their fears are our hopes." Dr. Friedrich Lang, in Tteines Deutschtiirn, say Sy "A far-seeing policy is required, ruthlessly apply- ing all the resources of its power in concluding treaties with foreign states, which are eager to re- ceive our emigrants, and so would in the end accept the conditions accounted necessary by our Govern- ment. The Argentine and Brazilian Republics and, in a greater or less degree, all these needy Re- publics of South America would accept advice and listen to reason, voluntary or under coercion" and again, "A sturdy German egoism must char- acterize all political action. . . . The first prin- ciples of our policy. . . . must be that in every- thing that happens, the Germans (literally, the most German) should come off best, and the others should have a bad time of it." Klaus Wagner, in Krieg (1906), says, "The whole of America (North, South and Central), must become a bulwark of Germanic kultur, per- haps the strongest fortress of the Germanic races. . . . South America must and can easily become a habitation for German or Germanoid races. The THE GERMAN OBSESSION 341 lands must be settled by people of Germanic blood, the non- Germanic inhabitants being driven into reservations, or at best to Africa. ... A free South America for those of Germanic blood, that, too, is a sublime end, which will be attained by war, not perhaps by the conquest of the land by . . . troops, but through the colonizing efforts and self- assertion of the South American Germans." Tannenberg, in Gross Deutschland (1911), says, "Germany takes under her protection the Republics of Argentine, Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay, the southern third of Bolivia, as much as belongs to the basin of the Rio de la Plata and the Southern part of Brazil." This author is willing that Chile and Argentine should "keep their language and au- tonomy" at this time, "but we should insist upon the teaching of German in the schools as a second language. Southern Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay are the countries for German kultur. German should there be the national language." Tannen- berg also says that "The German settlements in South Brazil and Uruguay are the onlj^ ray of light in this dismal picture of South American civiliza- tion. . . . It is to be hoped . . . that the immense plains of the Platte, with the coast in the west, the east and the south, will fall into the hands of the German people. . . . It is truly a miracle that the German people did not long ago resolve on seizing the country. . . . False modesty has no place in a struggle for world empire. . . . To the inhabitants of the South American Republics, it would only be a blessing if they came under Ger- man control. They would soon reconcile themselves to German rule and take delight in the fame of the German name in the world." But Wagner has told 342 THE GERMAN OBSESSION us that "the non-Germanic inhabitants" of these lands would be "driven into reservations" or de- ported to Africa. The German policy toward conquered peoples, as generally stated by Pan-German writers and Hohenzollern Intellectuals, is extermination or slavery; it is difficidt therefore to see why a sub- jugated people "would soon reconcile themselves to German rule and take delight in the fame of the German name in the world." The inhabitants of Alsace-Lorraine, Poland and Belgium, far nearer the center of Prusso-German kultur, have assuredly not shown such a spirit of reconciliation and pride. Prof. Hermann Schumacher, in Meishegunsti- gnng nnd Zollunterscheidung, writing in 1915, dis- cusses the lessening of German influence in the Southern American countries brought about by the world war, and naively remarks, "We shall have a claim by right of victory and by considerations of justice for damages at the expense of Britain and the United States." Alfred Hettner, in Die Ziele unserer Weltpolitik (1915), said, "In the case of America our public opinion is to some extent lack- ing in courage. Just because the United States has set up the Monroe Doctrine to exclude Europeans from America, it does not follow that we should acquiesce in that doctrine." Emperor Wilhelm II, in a speech delivered June 16th, 1896, said, "The German Empire has become a world empire. ... In distant quarters of the earth thousands of our countrymen are living. . . . It is my wish that, standing in closest union, you help me to do my duty not only to my countrymen in a narrower sense, but also to the many thousands of countrj'^men in foreign lands. This THE GERMAN OBSESSION 343 means that I may be able to protect them if I must," i. e., interfere with the affairs of other nations, and if such peoples do not graciously accept such un- warranted interference, then German will must be enforced by German power. This speech was a menace to the South American Repubhcs and a threat against the Monroe Doctrine which, if carried out, would involve the United States. James W. Gerard, American Ambassador to Berlin, in My Four Years in Germany, says in summarizing an interview with the German Em- peror on October 22nd, 1915, "He showed . . . a great bitterness against the United States and repeatedly said, 'America had better look out after this war,' and 'I shall stand no nonsense from America after the war.' ... I was so fearful in reporting the dangerous part of this interview, on account of the many spies not only in my own embassy but also in the State Department, that I sent but very few words in a round-about way by courier direct to the President." In Conquest and Kultur, issued by "The Com- mittee on Public Information," is the report of a conversation between Count von Goetzen, Mihtary Attache from Germany, and Major N. A. Bailey, U. S. A., held on board the S. S. Santee at the close of the Spanish- American War (1898.) The two officers had been discussing the friction between Admiral Dewey and Admiral von Diedrichs, at Manila, and Count von Goetzen said, "I will teU you something which you better make note of. I am not afraid to tell you this, because if you speak of it, no one would believe you and everybody will laugh at you. About fifteen years from now, my country will start her great war. She will be in Paris in about two months after the commencement of 344 THE GERMAN OBSESSION hostilities. Her move on Paris will be but a step to her real object — the crushing of Britain. Every- thing will move hke clockwork. We will be pre- pared and others will not be prepared. . . . Some months after we finish our work in Europe we will take New York and probably Washington, and hold them for some time. We will put your country in its place with reference to Germany. We do not propose to take any of your territory, but we do intend to take a billion or more dollars from New York and other places. The Monroe Doctrine will be taken charge of by us, as we will then have put you in your place, and we will take charge of South America as far as we want to. I have no hostility toward your country; I like it, but we have to go our own way." In Conquest and Kultur we also read a statement by A. Curtis Roth, former American Vice Consul at Plauen: "The Germans became imbued with the idea that America must be made to suffer, that America must indemnify the German people, and behind these ideas were the German army and navy, the Pan-Germans, the Agrarians, Con- servatives of all hues, and the National Liberals, the National German Committee . . . and the German Government. ... In April, 1915, I was with a party of German officers at Bad Elster in Southeastern Saxony. . . . Major Liebster sought the occasion for a conversation with me, and among other things said, 'We are keeping books on you Americans. It's a long account and we haven't missed any details. Rest assured that the account will be presented to you some day for settlement. . . . We are keeping the account in black and white . . . with customary Germany thorough- XVII. Americans Entry Into the War. AT the outbreak of the Great War, American opinion was confused as to the issues at stake, the merits of the principles, and the worthi- ness of the ideals as represented by the two groups of combatants. There were but few Americans well posted on the German doctrine of Immoralism, or who had any clear idea of what Prusso-German militarism and Hohenzollern despotism really meant. Britain, France and Russia were con- sidered as the home lands of British- Americans, Franco- Americans and Russo- Americans ; Ger- many was the fatherland of German- Americans, and Austro-Hungary, the original homeland of Americanized Austro-Hungarians, Bohemians, etc. Americans in general formed their opinions of all foreign nations by their Americanized offspring. Ignoring the great differences existing between the forms of certain foreign governments, they formed hasty estimates of German}^ based on their knowledge and respect for worthy German- Ameri- cans; and their views in regard to Britain, France and Russia were influenced by their experience with, and understanding of the character and attributes of British-Americans, Franco- Americans, and Russo- Americans, with more or less knowledge, generally of a superficial nature, in regard to the relation of the various European countries to the United States as recorded in the pages of American history. The 346 THE GERMAN OBSESSION inevitable result was the tendency of American opinion to degenerate to the plane where there was expressed, with more or less freedom and at times with warmth and fervor, the mere shallow but con- flicting sympathies of hyphenated groups. America, separated from Europe by the waters of the Atlantic, and glorying in its apparent isola- tion, considered the European conflict for a long time as a mere armed combat between two alliances of worthy peoples. The United States officially de- clared its neutrality on August 4th, 1914, and two weeks later President Wilson issued an appeal to the country for neutrality of sentiment: "Every man who really loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all con- cerned. ... It will be easy to excite passion and difficult to allay it." He expressed the fear that our nation might become divided into camps of hostile opinion. "Such divisions among us . . . might seriously stand in the way of the proper per- formance of our duty as the one great nation at peace, the one people holding itself ready to play a part of impartial mediation and speak counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a partisan but as a friend." When this message was given to the American people, the prime thought in the mind of our Executive was not the principles for which the European belligerents were fighting and which in their essence have remained unchanged throughout the war, but harmony at home and the enjoyment of peaceful isolation from turbulent European affairs. Belgium had been invaded and was being ruth- lessly ravaged. The German Chancellor had con- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 347 temptuously branded a treaty as "a mere scrap of paper," and arrogantly proclaimed the doctrine that "Necessity knows no law." The German hordes were terrorizing the brave Belgian people, com- mitting unspeakable atrocities and the war had commenced with the full and unrestrained expres- sion of all the hideous teachings of Prussianism, yet not one word of real protest emanated from our Government in regard to Germany's premeditated and deliberate violation of international law. The German Government, by its initial steps taken in the Great War, proved that it was not ex- pressing the beliefs and ideals of German- Ameri- cans, but that Hohenzollernism was in the saddle, and Prussian immoralism with an absolutism made powerful and horrible by soulless militarism, was surging forth over peaceful lands, trampling under foot the innocent humanity of other nations who, with faith in their kind, were caught unprepared to cope with the organized and fiendish forces of hell. From the early days of their invasion of Belgium, the Hohenzollern and Prussian Junkers and the Prussianized-German General Staff, did not wage war as war should have been conducted, according to the dictates of international law. They lashed the enmity that they themselves had created into pas- sion and frenzy, and then revelled in the unlicensed orgy of brutish and anarchical fury which sought to exterminate the man power and military resources of a heroic people struggling to defend their homes from the "Blond Beast," and terrorize the non- military population into subjugation and a slavery worse than death. When the Great War broke out, America did not truly know the Prussia of Frederick the Great and 348 THE GERMAN OBSESSION the real Prussianized Germany of Bismarck and Wilhelm II. Germany was erroneously believed to be a nation which represented in European circles the ideals and characteristics as generally expressed by German- Americans, and our Government was apparently fully as ignorant of fact as were the people. Gradually, however, America, while still in gross ignorance of German writings. Teuton pseudo- philosophy and Hohenzollern mihtarism and Machi- avellism, revolted at the news of Prusso-German actions, but Teutonic propaganda, organized, subtle and devilish, worked unceasingly to befog the issue and suppress truth. As the knowledge of conditions in Europe and the unprecedented atrocious actions of Germany percolated with gradually increasing frequency and vividness through the American mind, the sentiment of our "neutral" and open- minded citizens became more and more alienated from the Teutonic countries. The more intelligent and studious Americans, conscious of their pronounced ignorance of Euro- pean affairs and ideals, struggled to find in Euro- pean history and Gallic, British and Teuton writ- ings the real cause of the war. The publishing by the Governments of the various belligerent nations of their official documents bearing upon the open- ing of hostilities and the conditions which led to war were illuminating, and when they were read and compared analytically, Teuton Machiavellism was clearly revealed and it became evident that Ger- many and Austria had deliberately willed the war which was being ruthlessly conducted for world dominion. American students who went further and studied THE GERMAN OBSESSION 349 German writings, soon found positive and undeni- able proofs of the perversion of German morals in international affairs, and of the prevalent Hohen- zollern and Prussianized-German belief in im- moralism, ruthless might and Machiavellian false- ness. Such were the inevitable conclusions reached from a thorough study of the works of Treitschke, Bernhardi, Chamberlain, Clausewitz, Hartmann, Hasse, Lange, Lasaulx, Lasson, Nietzsche, Nip- pold, Reimer, Reventlow, Stirner, Tannenberg, Klaus Wagner, Wirth, etc., etc., coupled with the unbiased survey of history and official Teutonic documents, the German War Book, etc. To the Americans who knew the underlying cause of the Great War and the principles for which the Allies were fighting, our Government's attitude was both humiliating and deplorable. For thirty months after the German invasion of Belgium and Bethmann-Hollweg's declaration in the Reichstag of Germany's immoralism, and for twenty months after the Lusitania outrage, we persistently offered to grasp in friendship the blood-stained, mailed fist of the Hohenzollern-controlled Germany. This attitude suggested either our gross ignorance and gullibility, or our support of crime in expressing friendliness to the malefactor who, on August 4th, 1914, should have been branded a hideous outlaw among nations. Germany in the spring of 1917 was the same Germany that repudiated an International Treaty and wantonly ravaged a small but heroic neighbor- nation in 1914; it was the same Germany that tor- pedoed without warning the unarmed liner, Lusi- tania, on May 7th, 1915, with a loss of 1,154 hves, of which 114 were Americans; it was the same Ger- 350 THE GERMAN OBSESSION many that had, since the commencement of hostili- ties, gloried in its defiance of the laws of nations and its absolute disregard of the dictates of com- mon hmnanity. The issue has ever been between autocracy with its militarism, on the one hand, and democracy, on the other; between international morality, law and order, culture, humanity, religion, truth, justice and rightness, on the one hand, and on the other international anarchy, chaos and the deification of brute power and jungle principles, with the doctrines of immoralism, Machiavellism, falseness, and injustice. The Great War has from the first been a fight between dynasties and peoples, between the conditions that make for human hap- piness, prosperity and peace, and those which make for constantly recurring war with the inevitable ac- companying human sorrow, adversity, suffering and death. It has been a fight between freedom and slavery, between the spirit of man and that usurping dynastic authority that has benumbed his mind and gripped with cruel fetters his very soul; between truth and falseness, between imiversal right and mahgnant wrong; between God and the devil. And yet in such a contest the official voice of America talked for years of a desire to end the war and obtain "Peace without victory." Every stu- dent of history knows full well that no peace can be lasting unless it is a just peace and a clean peace, and every student of the beliefs and ideals of European nations has known that a peace of negoti- ation, following the more or less victorious survival of Teutonic arms, would be but a truce that would carry within it the germ of future wars, which would sooner or later affect the Western World and THE GERMAN OBSESSION 351 our own land, and ultimately every continent and country of the earth. On August 4th, 1914, the future welfare of humanity and the peace and progress of the world demanded, once and for all, the destruction of Prussianized-German militarism. The principles at stake had not changed one iota on February 3rd, 1917, when diplomatic relations were severed be- tween the United States and Germany, or, on April 6th, 1917, when the United States declared war on Germany. These dates are merely significant in the history of the war as showing that at that time American public opinion was sufficiently aroused and cognizant of truth to demand governmental action. President Wilson in his War 3Iessage delivered before Congress on April 2nd, 1917, said, "From the very outset of the present war it (Germany) has filled our unsuspecting communities, and even our offices of government, with spies, and set criminal intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of counsel, our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. Indeed, it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war began; and it is unhappily not a matter of con- jecture, but a fact proved in our courts of justice, that the intrigues which have more than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocat- ing the industries of the country, have been carried on at the instigation, with the support and even under the personal direction of official agents of the Imperial German Government accredited to the Government of the United States." This is not only a statement of fact, but an acknowledgment that the American Government, 352 THE GERMAN OBSESSION during the first years of the war, was perilously ignorant of European conditions and European history, especially of the parts played by the Hohenzollern dynasty and their lieutenants, and of the unscrupulous and ruthless methods of Frederick the Great and Bismarck, which have been system- atically lauded and even deified by the Intellectuals and molders of public opinion in Germany. If there had been a practical student of history in the Government, and if our State Department had con- sisted of experienced men, well versed in foreign affairs and underlying conditions, the American Government would have known the truth in regard to Germany in 1914, and when hostilities broke out in Europe our Secret Service Department would have been working efficiently here in our national interest. When it became evident to the German Govern- ment that the plans of their General Staff to capture Paris, subjugate France and throw her out of the war, leaving Germany free to concentrate her forces on the Eastern Front and by swift, powerful strokes defeat Russia and force her to agree to a humiliating peace, had miscarried and their entire program had been upset by Belgium's heroic de- fense, by Britain's prompt assistance with her "contemptible little army," and by the Battle of the Marne — which will go down in history as the greatest decisive battle of all time — they became somewhat fearful of the effect of America's re- sources and industry upon the outcome of the war. The United States had declared her neutrahty, but Germany having been swept from the seas by Britain — whose geographical Island-setting made it incumbent upon her to be a maritime nation and THE GERMAN OBSESSION 353 capable of protecting herself and her commerce upon the seas, and whose very existence as a nation depended upon her navy, the Teuton people could not compete with the Triple Entente in the Ameri- can market, hence the German Government stirred up among its people a feeling of resentment against the United States because of our insistence upon our rights as a neutral nation to trade in supplies and munitions with any belligerent power which desired and could effect purchases in our markets. Our legal right to sell the product of our fields and factories to any belligerent power was never seriously questioned by Germany. She could not have consistently done so, for, as recently as the Balkan Wars of 1912-13, both Germany and Aus- tria sold munitions of war to the belligerents. "Their appeals to us in the present war were not to ob- serve international law, hut to revise it in their interest. And these appeals they tried to make on moral and humanitarian grounds. But upon 'the moral issue' involved, the stand taken by the United States was consistent with its traditional policy and with obvious common sense. For if, with all other neutrals, we refused to sell munitions to belligerents, we could never in time of a war of our own obtain munitions from neutrals, and the nation which had accumulated the largest reserve of war supplies in times of peace would be assured of victory. The militaristic state that invested its money in arsenals would be at a fateful advantage over the free people who invested their wealth in schools. To write into international law that neutrals should not trade in munitions would be to hand over the world to the rule of the nation with the largest armament fac- 354 THE GERMAN OBSESSION tories. Such a policy the United States could not accept." Germany virtuallj^ declared war on the United States and the principles for which our country stands, when she commenced to wage an absolutely unwarranted and ruthless war of aggression upon the peace-loving and democratic, free peoples of Europe. Germany substantially and more con- cretely declared war on the United States when, in- censed at our trading with her enemies, in January, 1915, she let loose her thugs, assassins and sabotage guerrillas upon a peaceful and, at that time, most gullible people. Germany was prevented by British supremacy on the seas from becoming a real buyer in the American market, hence, according to the echt Deutsch psychologj% it was grossly unfair and a violation of the dictates of a neutrality of justice and honor to sell supplies and munitions to Ger- many's enemies, and Germany actuated by the doc- trines that "Necessity knows no law," "The end justifies the means," and "Failure only is immoral," proceeded to follow her usual unscrupulous Hohen- zollern course and carry war into neutral territory. Germany employed every available denizen of the underworld to carry out her nefarious schemes of crippling the industrial resources and transporta- tion facilities of this country, and by so doing sought to accomplish the double triumph of weakening and embarrassing the Allies and intimidating the United States. Let it be noted in passing that the German ob- session is so powerful and complete that even the Imperial Ambassador cheerfully accepts any role from the mouthpiece of His All-highest, the Em- peror of the Germans, to a contemptible originator THE GERMAN OBSESSION 355 and accomplice in diabolical underworld plots. In German Plots and Intrigues, an official pamphlet issued by our Government, we read, "The com- mander-in-chief of Germany's agents here was Count Johann von Bernstorff, Imperial German Ambassador to the United States. His coadjutor and able adviser during some months was Con- stantin Theodor Dumba, the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador. His chief lieutenants in the execu- tion of his plans were Captain Franz von Papen, military attache of the German Embassy, Captain Karl Boy-Ed, its naval attache, Dr. Heinrich F. Albert, commercial attache, and Wolf von Igel, who also had diplomatic status. Assisting this central group were many of the consuls of Ger- many and Austria-Hungary scattered over the United States, and beneath them were the rank and file of obscure servitors who carried out the plans conceived by the General Staff in Berlin and sent to the German Ambassador. Franz von Rintelen, although a leader in similar enterprises, was not a member of this band nor responsible to Ambassador von Bernstorff. He had a separate supply of funds and operated as a free lance." German "efficiency" expressed in schemes of wanton destruction with the accompanying ruthless murder of innocents, did not believe in putting "all her eggs in one basket." She resorted to separate systems, chains and organizations for the carrying out of her hellish vandalism and demolition of American industry and transportation facilities, so that if any one link should destroy a chain there were other systems at work unaffected. The much that we know today of German plots and con- spiracies through our law courts and published re- 356 THE GERMAN OBSESSION ports of our Secret Service men are probably only an insignificant part of the outrages perpetrated in America for which the German Government is di- rectly and criminally responsible; yet after a year of heinous crimes of wanton destruction, void of all consideration for human life, the German Govern- ment had the audacious effrontery to send to the United States in December, 1915, the following au- thorized official lie for publication in our press: "The German Government has naturally never knowingly accepted the support of any person, group of persons, society or organization seeking to promote the cause of Germany in the United States by illegal acts, by counsel of violence, by con- travention of law, or by any means whatever that could offend the American people in the pride of their own authority." On November 2nd, 1914, the following circular was issued by the ( German ) General Headquarters to the military representatives at the Russian and French Fronts, as well as in Italy and Norway: "In all branch establishments of German banking houses in Sweden, Norway, Switzerland, China, and the United States special military accounts have been opened for special war necessities. Main head- quarters authorizes you to use these credits to an un- limited extent for the purpose of destroying factories, workshops, camps, and the most important centres of military and civil supply belonging to the enemy. In addition to the incitement of labor troubles, measures must be taken for the damaging of engines and ma- chinery plants, the destruction of vessels carrying war material to enemy countries, the burning of stocks of raw materials and finished goods, and the depriving of large industrial centres of electric power, fuel and food. Special agents, who will be placed at your disposal, will supply you with the THE GERMAN OBSESSION 357 necessary means for effecting explosions and fires, as well as with a list of people in the country under your supervision who are willing to undertake the task of destruction. "(Signed) Dr. E. Fischer." The German and Austrian Ambassadors through coercion and intimidation, as well as by arguments appealing to their "conscience," sought to drive the workmen from occupations that were furnishing supplies to the AlHes. The Austrian Government, reinforced these efforts bj'^ circulating through the foreign-language press a proclamation which threatened with a penalty of ten to twenty years' imprisonment, all subjects who, after being en- gaged on work beneficial to the enemies of their fatherland, should return to their native land; and Captain von Papen sent out a circular letter of similar import with reference to natives of Ger- many. Strikes which were planned to have a destructive effect upon American industry were systematically fomented in all parts of the country by means of an organization regularly financed by the Teutonic Governments. Ambassador Dumba, in a letter to his Foreign Office, thus expressed their fundamen- tal purpose : "It is my impression that we can disorganize and hold up for months, if not entirely prevent the manu- facture of munitions in Bethlehem and the Middle West, which in the opinion of the German Military Attache, is of importance and amply outweighs the comparatively small expenditure of money involved." The most comprehensive and successful effort to provoke strikes was made by the Labor's National 358 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Peace Council, an organization financed by the German Government through Franz von Rintelen, who came to the United States early in April, 1915, and who is now in a Federal penitentiary; the amount of money at Rintelen's disposal was stated by the treasurer of the fund to be $508,000, which amount was transmitted from Germany through the Hamburg- American Line. When we con- sider the methods employed by Rintelen to attain the ends which Germany desired and expressed as willing to pay for — even to the amount of over a million dollars to start a stevedore's strike — it is amusing to read the following resolutions adopted among others at the first meeting of Labor's National Peace Council held on June 22nd, 1915: Resolved, By the representatives of labor in Peace Congress assembled in the City of Washington, that an organization be and is hereby established, to be known as Labor's National Peace Council, having for its purpose the establishment and maintenance of universal peace by all honorable means. The President of the Council was Congressman Frank Buchanan, who wrote that the object of such an organization "was to implant in the hearts and minds of its members the ethics of humanity and the sacredness of human hfe," and he affirmed that as long as the people whom he served (in reality the HohenzoUerns and militaristic Pan- Germans) "continue to be united in their belief that progress and prosperity are dependent upon re- ligious observance of the scriptural admonition 'And they shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more,' just so long shall I continue THE GERMAN OBSESSION 359 to rap at the door of President Wilson's private chamber to secure admittance for a delegation of workers who not only desire peace at home, but peace abroad as well." Along with Rintelen, Lamar, Martin, Monett, ex-Congressman Fowler and others, all of whom had assisted in the work of the Council, Buchanan was indicted by the Grand Jury on December 28th, 1915, for "conspiracy to restrain the manufacture, transportation and export of munitions of war." Among the means employed to accomplish these purposes the indictment specifies the instigation of strikes by solicitation, by the dissemination of letters, circulars and newspaper articles, by bribery and by the distribution of money to labor leaders. Rintelen, Lamar and Martin were found guilty, and on May 21st, 1917, were each sentenced to one year's imprisonment. The indictment against Monett was dismissed and the jury disagreed as to the others. Among the organizations formed in America in the interests of the militaristic German Govern- ment, was the American Embargo Conference. That it was recognized as a valuable tool of the German Government and probably received money from Berlin is shown by the following telegram (Sept. 15, 1916) from Count von Bernstorff to the German Foreign office: "The Embargo Conference, in regard to whose earlier fruitful cooperation Dr. Hale can give in- formation, is just about to enter upon a vigorous campaign to secure a majority in both houses of Congress favorable to Germany and request further support. There is no possibility of our being com- promised. Request telegraphic reply." 360 THE GERMAN OBSESSION This Embargo Conference forwarded to Ameri- can voters over five million telegram^, demanding an embargo on munitions of war, and on a fixed date 250,000 of these identical messages poured into Washington. The Embargo Conference appar- ently served the German Government well, for Count von Bernstorff, in the following telegram to Berlin, requests $50,000 to be spent either on this or on a similar organization aiming to force pro-Ger- man policies on Congress: "I request authority to pay up to $50,000 (fifty thousand dollars) in order, as on former occasions, to influence Congress through the organization you know of, which can perhaps prevent war. I am be- ginning in the meantime to act accordingly. "In the above circumstances a public official Ger- man declaration in favor of Ireland is highly de- sirable, in order to gain the support of the Irish in- fluence here." The actual bribery of Congressmen apparently was intended by Franz von Rintelen. According to Meloy, he supplied Lamar with money to be used in procuring the passage of resolutions by Con- gress which should embarrass the Government in the conduct of its relations with Germany. "Both Congressman Buchanan and ex-Congressman Fowler received money for their assistance in attempting to bribe Congress. That such was Rin- telen's intention was also stated explicitly by George Plochman, Treasurer of the Transatlantic Trust Company, where Rintelen kept his accounts." Germany through its agents in the United States endeavored to embroil our country with Mexico and Japan. It was believed in Berlin that if America could be driven to war with Mexico the shipments THE GERMAN OBSESSION 361 of munitions and supplies to Europe would cease. In Mexico Germany had agents assiduously at work preaching that the United States aspired to subjugate JVIexico, but that our great nation was impotent, unable to even prepare for war, and that Japan is America's natural enemy and the logical ally of any nation that would wage war on the United States. The culmination of Germany's attempt to pro- voke war between the United States and Mexico is the following essentially stupid telegram sent by Secretary Zimmermann of the German Foreign Office, January 19th, 1917, to Count von Bernstorff for transmission to Heinrich von Eckhardt, the German Ambassador in Mexico: "On the first of February we intend to begin sub- marine warfare unrestricted. In spite of this, it is our intention to endeavor to keep neutral the United States of America. If this attempt is not successful, we propose an alliance on the following basis with Mexico: That we shall make war together and to- gether make peace. We shall give general financial support, and it is understood that Mexico is to re- conquer the lost territory in New Mexico, Texas and Arizona. The details are left to you for settlement. You are instructed to inform the President of Mexico of the above in the greatest confidence as soon as it is certain that there will be an outbreak of war with the United States, and suggest that the President of Mexico, on his own initiative, should communicate with Japan suggesting adherence at once to this plan ; at the same time, offer to mediate between Ger- many and Japan, "Please call to the attention of the President of Mexico that the employment of ruthless submarine warfare now promises to compel England to make peace in a few months." 362 THE GERMAN OBSESSION This cablegram is typically Prussian in that it expresses an ignorance of foreign peoples that is rich in humor. When this message to the German Ambassador in Mexico was published to the world and acknowledged by Zimmermann, it led to the Foreign Secretary's disgrace and retirement, not because of the absurdity of it, nor due to its unethical and outrageous suggestions, but simply because he had bungled in his confidential diplo- macy and had been driven from the darkness in which Prussianism must work, into the light. Ger- man "ethics" hold that only success is deserving of praise, and failure merits disgrace, and this abso- lutely without regard to the means employed or the lightness or justice of the case. Germany not only struggled in America to close up munition factories by strikes, or destroy them by explosions, to buy up products and plants and enact hysterical legislation favorable to the Teuton cause, but they attempted to cripple our transporta- tion facilities and destroy vessels leaving our ports. One project carried out under the direction of Captain von Papen and Wolf von Igel consisted of placing incendiary bombs in the holds of vessels which, at a predetermined time, would explode. The shells of these bombs were manufactured on the S. S. Frederick der Grosse of the North German Lloyd Line, and were taken to the Laboratory of Dr. Walter T. Scheele, a German Chemist, in Hoboken, who filled them with combustibles. Our Secret Service men have found that 300 to 400 bombs were produced in this way, through this one channel of activity, and explosive fires were started by them on 33 ships sailing from New York alone. Many of the conspirators in this one of many THE GERMAN OBSESSION 363 cliques were arrested and are now in jail, serving, however, comparatively light sentences. Many other plots for destroying shipping by placing bombs hidden in fuel-coal, concealed in innocent looking freight cases or attached to the hulls of vessels, have been revealed by our Secret Service Department on both the xltlantic and Pacific Coasts. Germany also used her Ambassador and his staff in the United States to wage war on Canada. The following two cables are significant: "January 3. (Secret.) General Staflf desires energetic action in regard to proposed destruction of Canadian Pacific Railway at several points with a view to complete and protracted interruption of traffic. Captain Boehm, who is known on your side and shortly returning, has been given instructions. Inform the Military Attache and provide the neces- sary funds. "(Signed) Zimmermann." "January 26. For Military Attache. You can ob- tain particulars as to persons suitable for carrying on Sabotage in the United States and Canada from the following persons: (1) Joseph McGarrity, Phila- delphia, Penn. (2) John P. Keating, Michigan Avenue, Chicago. (3) Jeremiah O'Leary, 16 Park Row, New York. One and two are absolutely re- liable and discreet. No. 3 is reliable, but not always discreet. These persons were indicated by Sir Roger Casement. In the United States sabotage can be carried out in every kind of factory for supplying munitions of war. Railway embankments and bridges must not be touched. Embassy must in no circum- stances be compromised. Similar precautions must be taken in regard to Irish pro-German propaganda. (Signed) Representative of General Staff." Von der Goltz, Capt. Hans Tauscher (Ameri- can agent for Krupp and other German firms), Capt. von Papen (Mihtary Attache to the United 364 THE GERMAN OBSESSION States), Von Igel, Fritzen, Tuchendler and Covani were indicted for conspiracy to set on foot a mili- tary enterprise against Great Britain, and Consul- General Bopp of San Francisco — a high German official accredited to the U. S. Government — was convicted of plotting to destroy bridges and tmi- nels in Canada. Capt. von Papen and Capt. Boy- Ed being attached to the German Embassy were recalled by Germany on December 10th, 1915, at the request of our Department of State. The Steamship offices of the Hamburg- American Line in New York became most dangerous centers of criminal intrigue maintained in the United States by the German Goverimient. Paul Koenig of the Hamburg-American Line also attempted, like Von der Goltz, to blow up the Welland Canal. There is documentary evidence to show that the German Embassy in the United States financed Albert Kaltschmidt of Detroit in his plans and attempts to blow up factories, railroads, tunnels and barracks, and Werner Horn who partially suc- ceeded in blowing up the International Bridge on the Grand Trunk Railway at Vanceboro, Maine. The German Government in an endeavor to get German reservists, living in America, back to Ger- many, and to send German agents, then in Amer- ica, to allied countries as spies, etc., maintained an office in New York City, directed by Captain von Papen, where passports were forged by wholesale. German agents in the United States also endeav- ored to give military aid to their country by sending coal and other supplies to German warships which were raiding commerce in both the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Such actions were a violation of American neutrality, and in order to evade the law THE GERMAN OBSESSION 365 the conspirators took false oaths before Federal officials concerning the ownership of vessels, the nature of their cargoes, and their destination. The Hamburg- American Line, through its high officials in New York, repeatedly deceived and defrauded the United States by procuring false manifests. This matter was handled under the direction of Captain Boy-Ed, Naval Attache of the German Embassy, and the evidence of the officials and employees of steamship lines in our courts proved that fraud, forgery and perjury were quite gener- ally committed under the direction of officials of the German Government who were protected by the diplomatic privileges which all civilized nations consider sacred. Perjury was also employed in a notable instance to justify Germany's conduct. When the passen- ger liner Lusitania was ruthlessly sunk by a Ger- man submarine on May 7th, 1915, with its great load of non-combatants, the German Government and its ambassador in America asserted that she was in law and fact a ship of war, because laden with ammunition and armed with four guns. In order to prove this statement, Ambassador von Bernstorff sent to the Department of State four affidavits swearing that the Lusitania was armed. Three of these were worthless as testimony, and the fourth had been procured by Paul Koenig, of the Hamburg-American Line, from Gustav Stahl, a German reservist. Federal officials knew that the Lusitania was not armed and that Stahl must have sworn falsely. He was accordingly tried for perjury, confessed his guilt, and was sentenced to eighteen months in the Federal Penitentiary at Atlanta. 366 THE GERMAN OBSESSION The German Government encouraged the officers of the S. S. Prinz Eitel Frederick and the S. S. Kronprinz Wilhelm to violate their oaths of parole. These men, interned in this country, had pledged their word of honor not to escape from the jurisdiction of the United States and had accord- ingly been allowed every hberty. Germany honeycombed the United States with spies, information bureaus and camouflaged intel- ligence offices, in order to obtain all possible infor- mation in regard to what America was doing for the benefit of Germany's enemies, and, in conjunc- tion with these offices and their organizations, the German Government conducted a vigorous and criminal campaign to retard and destroy, and this by any possible means and without any regard to law, morality, honor, and without any consideration of human life or the rights of the citizens of a land which had declared its neutrality and was faithfully maintaining it to the letter and in the full spirit as required by International Law. Germany endeavored to incite a revolution in India, and financed Indian plotters operating in the United States. The following communica- tion names the agents of the Berlin Committee in the United States and also attests the connection of the German Government with the Revolution- ary movement: "Berlin, 4th February, 1916. "To the German Embassy, Washington: "In the future all Indian affairs are to be handled through the Committee to be formed by Dr. Chakra- berty. Dhirenda Sarkar and Heramba Lai Gupta, who have meanwhile been expelled from Japan, will cease to be independent representatives of the Indian Independence Committee existing here. "ZiMMERMANN." THE GERMAN OBSESSION 367 Chakraberty, when examined by an agent of our Department of Justice, admitted receiving about $60,000 from Wolf von Igel through a Dr. Sekunna. This money, he affirmed, was loaned by the German Government. Under German lead- ership and financed by German money, other groups of conspirators in America planned inva- sions of the dominions of Germany's enemies, and the German Embassy cooperated with Irish revo- lutionists and did everything possible in the United States to incite, encourage and support rebellion in Ireland as well as India and Egj^pt in an attempt to paralyze or at least weaken the military strength of Britain. Wliile Germany was plotting in the United States against her enemies, she was guilty of foster- ing conspiracies and intrigues against us in Mexico, Cuba, Haiti, San Domingo, etc., as well as organ- izing forces in our own land to work against the highest interests of our countr^\ The U. S. Gov- ernment was compelled to demand the removal of the Austro-Hungarian Ambassador and the Ger- man Attaches, Boy-Ed and Von Papen, because of the clear proof of their guilt, but when they were removed the United States received no apologies from Germany or Austria and the dismissed rep- resentatives of the Teutonic diplomatic staffs received no reprimand. They had acted under instructions and their only fault lay in being found out. Much money was spent in the United States by the German Government in the purchase of news- papers and for propaganda purposes. Every at- tainable channel useful in molding public opinion was utilized to the fullest possible degree, and the 368 THE GERMAN OBSESSION German Embassy used millions of dollars in their underground work, supporting every movement that would be favorable to Germany, and this without regard to honor, law, or to the well-being of the United States. It has been well said: "Of all the nations now extant, the Germans have spun the widest and stickiest web of intrigue. Lift a stone anywhere in the world and a blood-sucking von Igel, a veno- mous von Luxburg, a scaly Bolo wriggles to cover. The urbane von Bernstorff, the ridiculous Zimmer- mann, the austere von Jagow, are successively exposed in the role of master spiders. High Ger- mans and low Germans, all species and sub-species, are implicated in the vile business." The following extracts from the Diary of Pre- war Villainy, generally believed to have been car- ried on by German agents in America and the most important of which have been clearly proved to have been inspired by the German Government, represent in the aggregate convincing reasons, aside from the great principles involved, for the entry of the United States into the world war: On January 18th, 1915, the Roebling Works at Trenton, N. J., were blown up. On January 28th the American Sailing ship, TVm. P. Frye, was sunk by a raider in the South Atlantic, and on January 29th the Steamship Preston was destroyed. On February 13th, 1915, the powder plant at Haskell, N. J., was blown up. On February 19th and 23rd, our Steamships Evelyn and Carib, engaged in peaceful pursuits, were de- stroyed with loss of life, apparently by German mines in the North Sea. On February 10th the German Government is informed that it will be held to "strict accovmtability" if any American rights on the high seas are violated by the German proclamation of a War Zone and their threat to sink ships unwarned within the zone. In this month the Boy-Ed pass- THE GERMAN OBSESSION 369 port frauds which had been practiced since July, 1914, were publicly exposed. In March and April, 1915, several ships were destroyed in or leaving American ports, and the S. S. Greenbrier was lost in the North Sea. In May, 1915, four powder plants were blown up and the Oil Steamer Gulflight was torpedoed off the Scilly Islands, with loss of life. On May 7th, the S. S. Lusitania was sunk with great loss of life, and on May 13th, President Wilson addressed his first Lusitania note to the German Government, to which the Germans replied under date of May 28th, defend- ing their ruthless and unprecedented act. In June, 1915, the attempt of the German Government to buy the Bethlehem Steel Company was exposed; also the trick of Ambassador von BernstorfF, whereby he smuggled Dr. Meyer across the Ocean. A powder plant was blown up and the Schooner Seaconnet sunk off Yarmouth. On June 9th, Mr. Wilson addressed his second Lusitania note to the German Government. In July, 1915, two powder plants were wrecked, three ships discovered with bombs aboard, three vessels burned at sea and the freighter Leelanaw torpedoed off the Orkney Islands. Our Government was compelled to take over the wireless plant at Sayville which was being used for German purposes in viola- tion of our neutrality. A bomb exploded in the White House. Frank Holt, a German sympathizer, influenced by German propaganda, shot J. P. Morgan because his Banking House was assisting in the procuring of munitions and supplies in America for the Allied Governments. German agents at- tempted to bribe American labor leaders, and strikes were caused by German agitators. On July 21st, Mr. Wilson con- tinued his unsatisfactory diplomatic correspondence with the German Government and dispatched his third Lusitania note. In August, 1915, four plants and two trains of supplies were blown up. Ambassador von Bernstorff and Capt. Boy-Ed were active in a plot to embroil us with Mexico. On August 19th, the S. S. Arabic was sunk with the loss of many lives, including some Americans, and the indignation which followed this wanton act of torpedoing a Transatlantic Liner without warning, resulted in Ambassador Bernstorff's giving an oral pledge for his Government that hereafter German submarines would not sink "Liners" without warning. In September, 1915, several vessels bound westward were burned. The Sailing Ship Vincent was sunk off Cape Orloff Ambassador Dumba of Austria was recalled at our request. 370 THE GERMAN OBSESSION In October, 1915, three powder plants were burned, and a warehouse in Seattle, containing munitions destined for Russia, was destroyed. Several German spies with explosives were captured near New York. In November, 1915, many ships and plants were blown up. The machine shop of the Bethlehem Steel Co, was burned, destroying 800 big guns. A rifle plant was burned at Chester and a barbed wire plant destroyed. The Red Cross was used as a cloak to conceal the forwarding of important documents to Germany. December, 1915, was a month of destruction and death. Thirty-one lives were lost in one day, and two days later the Hopewell fire occurred, with the loss of three million dollars. Three vessels were sunk. Officials of the Hamburg-American Line were convicted for fraud, and Capt. Boy-Ed and Capt. von Papen, of the German Embassy, ordered to leave the country because of their leadership in plots and conspiracies. In January, 1916, ships were burned in or soon after leav- ing American ports, and munition plants were blown up — six plants in one week — with loss of life. On February 9th and 10th several plants were destroyed, and another on the 13th; and just to make it good measure, they sank a ship. On the 15th thirty-seven lighters and three steamsliips were sunk. In Bridgeport there was a four hundred and fifty thousand dollar fire. In four other cities plants were blown up and several killed. The German plot to have reservists invade Canada from the United States was exposed. Ships leaving South America became German sea- raiders. In March, 1916, a plant was destroyed at Niagara and later two steamers. On March 24th the passenger vessel S. S. Sussex was torpedoed and sunk with Americans aboard. In April, 1916, a plant at South Bethlehem was burned. Several Germans were indicted for plots, conspiracies and lawlessness. A plot to cripple all self-interned German liners, was discovered, but most of the contemplated damage was done before it could be prevented. Germany cynically tells the U. S. on April 10th that she cannot be sure whether she sank the Sussex or not, although admitting that one of her sub- marines was active close to the place of disaster. On April 18th, the U. S. Government threatened Germany with breach of diplomatic relations if Sussex or similar incidents are repeated. In May, 1916, four American plants were destroyed and many men killed. On May 4th Germany grudgingly made the promise that ships would not be torpedoed without warning. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 371 June was comparatively uneventful^ but in July, 1916, following three minor explosions with loss of life, the great Black Tom explosion occurred, with the loss of about twenty- five million dollars. On July 9th the German Mercantile Sub- marine Deutschland arrived at Baltimore, Md., from Bremen with a cargo of dyestufF. This was the pioneer German sub- marine to make a trans-Atlantic voyage. In August two plants were blown up, and in September, 1916, Germany tried to embroil us with Britain through ship- ping. In October, 1916, a German submarine appears off the American Coast and sinks the passenger steamer Stephana (Oct. 8th) with many American passengers — vacationists re- turning from Newfoundland — on board. The loss of life would have been certain had not American naval vessels been near at hand to save the passengers and crew. The American steamship Lanao was torpedoed off the Portuguese Coast and the German submarine Deutschland reached New London on its second trip and then returned to Germany with nickel and crude rubber. On November 8th, 1916, the S. S. Columbian, of 8,579 tons, was torpedoed off Cape Ortegal, and on November 28th the S. S. Chemung, of 3,032 tons, suffered a similar fate off Cape de Gata. In December, 1916, occurred the trial of Franz Bopp, the German Consul conspirator in California, and President Wil- son appealed to all belligerents to discuss peace. In January, 1917, the Canadian Car and Foundry Works (American) were blown up, with a loss of 17 lives and about sixteen million dollars. This was followed by the explosion at Haskell. The German endeavors to obtain a victorious peace in December, 1916, and January, 1917, were accompanied by subtle threats to all neutral nations. Our Government was given to under- stand that unless the Neutrals used their influence to bring the war to an end on terms dictated by Berlin, Germany and her allies would consider themselves henceforth free from aU obligations to respect the rights of neutrals. Kaiser Wilhelm II. ordered the neutral powers to exert pressure on the 372 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Entente to bring the war to an abrupt end or to beware of the consequences. The German Government officially notified the United States (Jan. 31, 1917) that "from Febru- ary 1, 1917, sea traffic will be stopped with every available weapon and without further notice." This meant the renewal of ruthless submarine opera- tions in violation of the pledge given after the sink- ing of the S. S. Sussex, and which read, "Merchant ships, both within and without the area declared a naval war zone, shall not be sunk without warning and without saving human lives unless the ship attempts to escape or offers resistance." It is inter- esting in this connection to note that the German Chancellor in announcing the repudiation of all his solemn pledges in the Reichstag, on January 31st, frankly admitted that this policy involved "ruth- lessness" toward neutrals. "When the most ruth- less methods are considered the best calculated to lead us to victory and to a swift victory . . . they must be employed. . . . The moment has now arrived. Last August" (when he, as he himself admits, was allowing the American people to believe that in response to its protest he had laid aside such ruthless methods) "the time was not yet ripe, but to-day the moment has come when, with the greatest prospect of success, we can undertake this enterprise." In brief, under the guise of friendship and the cloak of false prom- ises, the German Government had been steadily preparing to launch this attack as soon as she was adequately equipped to carry forward and execute her desire, notwithstanding the assurances given to the United States. Possibly the most glaring instance of German THE GERMAN OBSESSION 373 official effrontery was the permission given regular American passenger vessels to continue their trans- Atlantic sailings undisturbed after Feb. 1, 1917, provided : (1) The port of destination is Falmouth. (2) A certain course as specified be followed enter- ing and leaving port. (3) The vessels are clearly marked as prescribed, (4) One vessel only to reach Falmouth each week, and that on Sunday, departing therefrom on Wednesday. (5) The U. S. Government to guarantee that no con- traband (according to the German list) is carried on these vessels. On Feb. 3rd Count von Bernstorff was handed his passports and Ambassador Gerard was recalled from Berhn, and on the same day the American Steamship Housatonic was ruthlessly torpedoed off the Scilly Islands. In all history there is no record in the affairs of nations of such prolonged patience, forbear- ance and concihatoriness as was displayed by the American Government in its dealings with the unscrupulous German Government during the period of from Aug. 1, 1914, to Feb. 3, 1917, and particularly during the years 1915, 1916, and the month of January, 1917, when it was evident to all observing and thinking people that the German Government, representative of a despotic and heart- less mihtaristic nation, held the United States in absolute contempt, set her laws as well as Interna- tional Laws at naught and would not hesitate at anything, no matter how horrible and unthinkable to law-abiding people, if it would prove of some benefit to the cause of Germany. 374 THE GERMAN OBSESSION A German plot was discovered in February, 1917, to sink vessels in the Channel and close the Port of New York, The Panama Canal was threatened. The Zimmermann note which fell into the hands of the U. S. Government on January 19th, 1917, was published. This ridiculous note informed the Ger- man Minister to Mexico of the German Government's inten- tion to repudiate the Sussex pledge, and instructs him to offer the Mexican Government New Mexico, Texas, and Arizona, if Mexico will join with Germany, and if possible with Japan, in waging war on the United States. In February, 1917, the sailing vessel Lyman M. Lata was torpedoed oiF Sardinia, and in March the American steamships Algonquin, Vigilancia, City of Memphis, Illinois, and Heald- tqn, and the sailing vessel Phineas W. Sprague were torpedoed, with an aggregate loss of 36 lives. On March 12th, the U. S. Government issued orders to place armed guards on our mer- chant vessels. On April 1st, the American Freighter Aztec was torpedoed off Brest, with a loss of 28 lives, and before the month was over six other American vessels had been sent to the bottom, the loss of the S. S. Vacuum, torpedoed off the North Coast of Ireland, being accompanied with a loss of 21 lives. On April 6th, 1917, war was declared by the United States on Germany ; diplomatic relations were broken off with Austria on April 8th, but war was not declared on Austria until December 7th, 1917. In the. debate in the House of Representatives, April 6th, Mr. G. E. Foss, of Illinois, in his indict- ment of German policies, gave a compact summary of the grievances of the United States and why the American people were driven into the war. "As a reward for our neutrality what have we received at the hand's of Wilhelm 11? "He has set the torch of the incendiary to our factories, our workshops, our ships, and our wharves. "He has laid the bomb of the assassin in our mimition plants and the holds of our ships. "He has sought to corrupt our manhood with a selfish dream of peace when there is no peace. "He has wilfully butchered our citizens on the high seas. "He has destroyed our commerce. "He seeks to terrorize us with his devilish policy of fright- fulness. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 375 "He has violated every canon of international decency and set at naught every solemn treaty and every precept of inter- national law. "He has plunged the world into the maddest orgy of blood, rapine, and murder which history records. "He has intrigued against our peace at home and abroad. "He seeks to destroy our civilization. Patience is no longer a virtue, further endurance is cowardice, submission to Prus- sian demands is slavery." In The Study of the Great War, by Prof. Sam- uel B. Harding, issued as an official pamphlet by the Committee on Public Information, our reasons for entering the war are stated as : 1. The renewal by Germany of her submarine warfare in a more violent form than ever before, contrary to the assurance given us in the spring of 1916. 2. Because of the conviction, unwillingly reached, that the German Government had repudiated wholesale the commonly accepted principles of law and humanity and was "running amuck" as an International desperado, who could be made to respect law and right only by forcible and violent means. 3. Because of the conviction that Prussian militarism and autocracy, let loose in the world, disturbed the balance of power and threatened to destroy the international equilibrium. They were a menace to all nations save those allied with Ger- many; and the menace must be overthrown. 4. Because of a gradual shaping of the conflict into a war between democratic nations, on the one hand, and autocratic nations on the other. 5. Because of the conviction that our traditional policy of isolation and aloofness was outgrown and outworn, and could no longer be maintained, in the face of the growing interde- pendence which is one of the leading characteristics of this modern age. 6. Because of the menace to the Monroe Doctrine and to our own independence. These "reasons" indicate in no uncertain manner that in the summer of 1914 neither the Government nor the leaders of the people of the United States knew what Germany was or what her ideals, am- bitions and methods were. Our mental isolation 376 THE GERMAN OBSESSION was as complete as our geological and physical, and it seems as if we harbored a sort of moral indifference and isolation until we became con- vinced that the Atlantic was not the impassable water barrier to a determined European foe that it had been imagined to be, and that our own country was threatened if the lawless militarism, which had wantonly attacked and ravaged certain European peoples in its passion for conquest was not vanquished by the superior weight of resources and force of arms of the world's peace-loving and democratic nations working in concert. History will record that it took the United States 32 months to learn that the German Govern- ment repudiated "the commonly accepted prin- ciples of law and humanity," and that Germany represented militarism and autocracy that were a menace to peace-loving nations, a fact which Bel- gium learned by bitter anguish on the first day of the ruthless invasion of her territory by German hordes, and that was officially announced to the world by the Imperial Chancellor Bethmann-Holl- weg on Aug. 4th, 1914, when he declared in the Reichstag, "Necessity knows no law," and pro- claimed to mankind that the German pseudo-phil- osophy of Immoralism, Machiavelhsm, and Brute Force, unbelievable to spiritually minded people, was, after all, the real, official belief of the Hohen- zollern-controlled, German Government. It is ridiculous to say that the Great War be- came gradually a conflict between democracy and autocracy. The underlying principles that caused the war remained constant and the causes and issues involved were the same on April 6, 1917, as they THE GERMAN OBSESSION 377 were on Aug. 4, 1914; the warring ideals had not changed one iota. The evolution had occurred in the American mind, but not in the goals or aspirations or mental attitudes of the belligerent European nations. America saw rather dimly in 1917, and much more clearly in 1918, what European leaders in thought and students of history and of nations perceived with distinct definiteness in August, 1914, or even long before that eventful period. Our traditional policy of isolation and aloofness has had much merit. It has kept us from en- tangling alliances and from senseless meddling in the selfish affairs of other nations, but it has also kept us very ignorant of European International affairs. American official comment on the Great War since the commencement of hostilities in August, 1914, proves our colossal ignorance and our delicious and unconscious ignorance of our ignorance. The conmiunications of our Govern- ment and the addresses of our Executive and officials during the period of the Great War, if collected and studied, would fittingly illustrate the evolution or development of the American mind, or at least of the Governmental mind in its quest for truth, a truth that was well known to the leaders of the democratic peoples of Europe long before Ger- many plunged the world into the most cruel and the most senseless war of all time. Truth does not change, but our knowledge and appreciation of it has undergone in America a tremendous change in a period of a little over four years. America entered the world war in April, 1917, because at that time the Government of the United States had become convinced that Germany was 378 THE GERMAN OBSESSION what Britain, France, Belgium, and Italy knew her to be, and had known her to be for years, and what she herself had declared herself to be at the Hague Peace Conferences, when she declined to enter with Britain into any Peace or reduction of armament treaties; when she tried on several occasions to bully France into national impotence; when she refused to enter into any arbitration treaty, or even a "cooling off" Brj^an covenant with the U. S., and when she branded international treaties as "mere scraps of paper," and not only violated the neu- trality of Belgium, but ruthlessly ravaged the land and systematically practised terrorism and devilish atrocities upon the people such as the modern world had generally considered unthinkable and humanly impossible. In President Wilson's war message of April 2, 1917, he said, "We enter the war only when we are clearly forced into it, because there is no other means of defending our rights." Hence war was not declared against guilty Austria-Hungary until Dec. 7, 1917, and war has never been declared against the blood-thirstj^ assassinating Turkey, or against the coldly-calculating, dynastically-driven Bulgaria, that fought for loot, but never for prin- ciple. "Our motive will not be revenge or the vic- torious assertion of the physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, of human right. . . Our object ... is to vindicate the principles of peace and justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic power. . . . We are glad ... to fight thus for the ulti- mate peace of the world and the right of nations, great and small, and the privilege of men every- where to choose their way of life and obedience. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 379 The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundation of political liberty." But all this was said thirty-two months after democratic France and neutral, peace-loving Bel- gium had been wantonly attacked, and Britain, as a champion of freedom, International Law and honor, had acted; it was said twenty-nine months after Asquith, the British Prime Minister, had said, "We shall never sheathe the sword which we have not lightly drawn until Belgium recovers in full measure all and more than all that she has sacrificed, until France is adequately secured against the menace of aggression, until the rights of the smaller nationalities of Europe are placed upon an unas- sailable foundation, and until the mihtary domina- tion of Prussia is wholly and finally destroyed." This statement of Asquith's is idealistic, and also has the saving grace of being definite, practical, and clearly understandable, and it was said, in 1914, when it was so greatly needed by the outraged civi- hzed world. On December 4th, 1917, our President touches more clearly the practical side of the issues involved in the war, and which were brought home to the American Government by their bitter and direct experience with the immoral outlaw among nations : "This intolerable thing of which the masters of Germany have shown us the ugly face — this menace of combined intrigue and force which we now see so clearly as the German power, a thing without con- science or honor or capacity for covenanted peace, must be crushed, and if it be not utterly brought to an end, at least shut out from the friendly inter- course of the nations." But Germany did not 380 THE GERMAN OBSESSION change one tittle between 1914 and 1917, and what our Executive proclaimed at the end of 1917, had been suspected with cause in Europe for many long decades before the war, and had been definitely and positively known and fully understood in all its devilish ramifications since August, 1914. "Our present and immediate task is to win the war and nothing shall turn us aside from it until it is accom- plished. . . . We shall regard the war as won only when the German people say to us, through properly accredited representatives, that they are ready to agree to a settlement based upon justice and the reparation of the wrongs their rulers have done." When reading these words one can but feel that in 1914 they would have been timely, but uttered in December of 1917, although inspiring to the war-weary Allies, who have sacrificed their all in the interest of democracy, justice, and freedom, they lack the moral grandeur that might have been theirs. After four years of cruel war, justice can never be administered by the conquering champions of Democracy to the vanquished Teuton nations at the Peace Conference. It will be impossible to secure from Germany and her accomplices in crime repara- tion for the violated rights and liberties and the wrongs that she has committed, for the lives that she has taken, for the atrocities and the ruthless destruction for which she is responsible. If Ger- many's entire wealth was confiscated it would never be sufficient to adequately reimburse the nations of the world for their expense in combatting Germany in self-defense and in the interests of humanity, and money can never compensate for the loss of life and the fiendish deeds far worse than the taking of life. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 381 Germany at the Peace Table had better forget the plea for justice, for even her annihilation as a nation would fall far short of reparation in the realm of Law. Germany, when this cruel war ends, should be a supplicant for mercy, but it is extremely doubtful that the Teuton mind can be made to quickly see truth, acknowledge error, and express heartfelt repentance and soul repugnance for evils performed against humanity. Reparation and resti- tution should be demanded and exacted to the limit of practicability, but the greatest possible indem- nity that may be required must of necessity prove very inadequate and unsatisfactory. Our American forces will probably tip the bal- ance by their weight and splendid morale on the side of the Allies, but it is quite possible that a fear- less moral support of the Allies' anti-militaristic cause in August, 1914, would have been more potent than our armed support in 1918; that the bitter denunciation of Germany by the neutral countries of the world, led by America, might have com- pelled Germany to honor to a great degree the dictates of International law, and kept Turkey and Bulgaria out of the war and Russia in, as an effec- tive combatant, with the duration of the war short- ened by years. On January 26th, 1916, or about eighteen months before we entered the war. Sir Edward Grey, in the British House of Commons, told in concise words the cause for which the Allies were fighting: "The great object to be attained ... is that there shall not again be this sort of militarism in Europe, which in time of peace causes the whole of the con- tinent discomfort by its continual menace, and then, when it thinks the moment has come that suits itself, 382 THE GERMAN OBSESSION plunges the continent into war;" and again in June, 1916, he said: "What we and our AUies are fight- ing for is a free Europe. We want a Europe free, not only from the domination of one nationality by another, but from hectoring diplomacy and the peril of war, free from the constant rattling of the sword in the scabbard, from perpetual talk of shining armor and war lords. In fact, we feel we are fight- ing for equal rights; for law, justice, peace; for civilization throughout the world as against brute force, which knows no restraint and no mercy. "What Prussia purposes is Prussian supremacy. She proposes a Europe modeled and ruled by Prussia. She is to dispose of the hberties of her neighbors and of us all. We say that life on these terms is intolerable. And this also is what France and Italy and Russia say. We are fighting the German idea of the wholesomeness, almost the desirability, of ever recurrent war. Germany's philosophy is that a settled peace spells degeneracy. Such a philosophy, if it is to survive as a practical force, means eternal apprehension and um*est. It means ever-increasing armaments. It means arrest- ing the development of mankind along the lines of culture and humanity. . . . "The Allies can tolerate no peace that leaves the wrongs of this war unredressed. Peace counsels that are purely abstract and make no attempt to discriminate between the rights and the wrongs of this war are ineffective if not irrelevant. . . . "The Prussian authorities have apparently but one idea of peace, an iron peace imposed on other nations by German supremacy. They do not under- stand that free men and free nations will rather die THE GERMAN OBSESSION 383 than submit to that ambition, and that there can be no end to war till it is defeated and renounced." Franklin K, Lane, Secretary of the Interior, in Why are we fighting Germany, says, "The brief answer is that ours is a war for self-defense. . . . We could not keep out. The invasion of Belgium which opened the war, led to the invasion of the United States by slow, steady, logical steps. Our sympathies evolved into a conviction of self-interest. Our love of fair play ripened into alarm at our own peril. We talked in the language and in the spirit of good faith and sincerity, as honest men should talk, until we discovered that our talk was con- strued as cowardice. And Mexico was called upon to invade us. We talked as men would talk who cared alone for peace and the advancement of their own material interests, until we discovered that we were thought to be a nation of mere money makers, devoid of all character — until, indeed, we were told that we could not walk the highways of the world without permission of a Prussian soldier; that our ships might not sail v/ithout wearing a striped uni- form of humiliation upon a narrow path of national subservience. We talked as men talk who hope for honest agreement, not for war, until we found that the treaty torn to pieces at Liege was but the symbol of a policy that made agreements worthless against a purpose that knew no word but success. And so we came into this war for ourselves. It is a war to save America — to preserve self-respect, to justify our right to live as we have lived, not as some one else wishes us to live. In the name of freedom we challenge with ships and men, money, and an undaunted spirit, that word 'Verboten' which Ger- many has written upon the sea and upon the land. 384 THE GERMAN OBSESSION For America is not the name of so much territory. It is a hving spirit, born in travail, grown in the rough school of bitter experiences, a living spirit which has purpose and pride, and conscience — knows why it wishes to live and to what end, knows how it comes to be respected of the world, and hopes to retain that respect by living on with the light of Lincoln's love of man as its Old and New Testa- ment." Lane goes on to say that we are now in the war because of Belgium, France, Britain, and Russia, and "because of other peoples, with their rising hope that the world may be freed from government by the soldier;" then he says that "we are fighting Ger- many because she sought to terrorize us and then to fool us. . . . We could not believe that Ger- many would do what she said she would do;" and again, "We believed Germany's promises that she would respect the neutral flag and the rights of neutrals." Was not this confidence in Germany exceedingly foolish and thoroughly unwarranted, with the knowledge of the experience of trustful Belgium clearly before us? "We are fighting Ger- many because she violated our confidence. . . . We are fighting Germany because while we were yet her friends — the only great power that still kept hands off — she sent the Zimmermann note, calling to her aid Mexico, our southern neighbor, hoping to lure Japan into war against this Nation of peace." Trustful, inexperienced America, so grossly ignorant of Europe and the ideals and aspirations of European nations ! We are fighting Germany because the light of truth stirred the American conscience and de- manded that American manhood express itself in THE GERMAN OBSESSION 385 the battle for world ideals, for freedom, justice and democracy. When Americans glimpsed the truth and perceived the great issues of the world combat, they were not "too proud to fight," but heroically proved their sublime practical idealism by being proud to fight, for humanity and humanity's God, with the sjilendid and heroic French, the stone-wall, tenacious British, and the brave survivors of the noble, martyred Belgium. When the truth of the principles at stake in the world war percolated through the national mind, America emphatically repudiated the suggested and oft expressed belief of the Government that peace should come without victor or vanquished. The forces of Evil and the Hordes of Hell must be de- feated, or life in the future would not be worth living. America stripped for the fight and nobly met sacrifices for the sake of humanity and for the benefit of coming generations. America became a nation of Idealists, and war was waged not for selfish benefit but for mankind, and for children yet unborn. We are proud of our citizen army and navy, of American traditions, American power and Ameri- can success, but in the hour of approaching triumph, when we see the writing upon the wall that foretells Germany's approaching and inevitable doom, if we have understood the war aright and properly ap- preciated the forces at work and the results attained, the discouragements, the sacrifices, the heroic stead- fastness to principles, our hearts must turn with thankfulness and admiration, not only to our won- derful armed forces, who never flinched but carried on to glorious victory against tremendous odds, but even more to the French, British, Belgian and Italian heroes who fought year after year, nobly 386 THE GERMAN OBSESSION and confidently, in defeat and victory, in necessary retreat or volitional attack, with ample supplies or at times without the needed armaments and muni- tions, with "impregnable" positions ahead to be taken, or when driven with their backs to the wall by Teuton weight of numbers and concentrated military power. The great debt of civilization, of Democracy, of Religion, and of Humanity is due the Belgians, French, and British who, from the early days of August, 1914, have given their all on the Altar of Freedom for the benefit of mankind and the true progress of the world. Americans will always have cause to be proud of the great and decisive part which they will play in the greatest war waged in the history of the world, but the great honor will go rightly to Belgium, who loved honor more than life; to Britain, whose loyalty and faithfulness to her plighted word was sub- lime; and to the incomparable France, who, when wantonly attacked and bled almost to death, never lost faith, but whose magnificent courage increased under stress and even in disaster. These nations fought not only for the Homeland, but they fought for America and for every people who are free or who desire to be free on the face of the earth. Bel- gium, France, and Britain heroically accepted, in 1914, the role of the champion warriors of Democ- racy, and if they had failed in their task, America would have had to fight later and alone against the "Blond Beast" of Hohenzollern Militarism, on the seas and in our own western land. When the war ends with the triumph of allied arms, and America is praised and feted for her splendid, though belated support in the fight for human liberty, let us not forget, in our joyful exal- tation, where the honor and glory really lie; and THE GERMAN OBSESSION 387 when the warring nations gather at the Peace Table it would be fitting for America to consider Presi- dent Wilson's peace proposal of January 8, 1918, with its meritorious and much-discussed fourteen points, not as the Law of Moses, proclaimed by Yahweh, on Mount Sinai, or as "the laws of the Medes and Persians which altereth not," but as a tentative expression of an honest American mind desirous of stating — as he then saw them — the fundamental principles upon which a just and last- ing treaty of peace could be negotiated, but which time, study, and momentous passing events, with the more complete knowledge and deeper wisdom which come from riper experience and a more direct contact with the leading minds of people more inti- mately connected with the war and the causes that led thereto, will naturallj^ clarify and probably ma- terially modify. There is nothing new or original in the fourteen propositions advanced by President Wilson as a basis of peace negotiations. In the main they represent the fine ideahsm and lofty humanitarian- ism freely expressed by the leading ethical minds of our Alhes during the progress of the war, but they lack completeness and a greatly needed practical working definiteness. Several of the propositions as presented are couched in more or less ambiguity, and are, therefore, susceptible of very diflFerent interpretations, some of which would be extremely dangerous and thwart the very object they seek to attain, viz., the concluding of a just and lasting peace. The European nations which have stood the brunt of this horrible war for over four years knew the truth with respect to Germany in August, 1914. 388 THE GERMAN OBSESSION America was grossly ignorant of this truth, but has been gradually approaching it as the years have rolled by. That we can quickly overtake Europe in our knowledge of facts and of peculiarly Euro- pean conditions, cannot be expected. That we can bring to the Peace Table thoughts freed from European traditions and inspired without any hope of gain or selfish advantage and with a thought single only to the best interests of humanity, is posi- tively to be expected. America's service to the democratic nations of Europe at the Peace Confer- ence, when hostilities cease, should be as complete as we, a democratic nation, are capable of giving and are privileged to give, but we must not forget that Belgium, France, and Britain were actually fighting for democracy and for us for thirty-two months before our Government gave them a help- ing hand or even proffered substantial moral sup- port — before we, in America, really seemed to understand the vital issues of the Great World War. In the stress of combat, when nations are strug- gling for their very existence and threatened with possible defeat, they are chastened in thought and aspirations; and if their cause is just, they rise during the uncertainty of the conflict to veritable heights of ideahsm and spiritual grandeur. In military triumph, however, especially if it be over- whelming, idealism is apt to wane and be sup- planted more or less by a somewhat sordid ambition for power and for the materialistic benefits which are expected to accrue as a result of the utilization of such power. A defeated and humiliated people generally find it easier to accept sublime spiritual truth than a people gloriously \actorious in arms. THE GERMAN OBSESSION 389 and when this war ends on the battlefields of the old world, a greater battle for eternal principles and immutable, universal justice will probably have to be waged at the Peace Conferences — not so much with our present enemies, who, of course, must be made to experience the bitter dregs and burden of their guilt, but with our Allies and our own selves, for the inevitable tendency will be to gravitate from glorious heights of noble idealism to the baser plane of opportunism, political advantage, of selfish bar- gaining, concessions, compromises, etc., with the present apotheosized at the expense of the future. The people of democratic nations are fighting to put an end to all wars and to create a setting for the expression and guarantee of justice — personal, national, and universal; the Peace Treaty must attain this end and insure not only justice but security to all mankind and to all nations, great and small, or the war will have been fought in vain. No single power should come forth from this con- flict unduly aggrandized, and no restricted group of nations, because they have temporarily gained the power, should emerge from the war as the ex- clusive, arrogant and domineering champions of freedom and democracy. The smaller or relatively weak but well established nations will not welcome being either bulbed or patronized, but they do yearn for and will demand liberty in right doing and in the prosecution of lawful enterprises. Benevolent and truly democratic trusteeship of young aspiring free peoples, inexperienced in self-government will be essential, but it must be the trusteeship of a Con- gress of Nations freed from national selfishness and from a craving for increased power at the expense of weaker or relatively backward peoples. 390 THE GERMAN OBSESSION Unmitigated justice cannot be meted out to the Teuton nations and their Alhes, for pure justice would demand not only their repudiation and ostra- cism by all civilized peoples, but their economic extermination. The desperadoes, whose unscrupu- lous ambitions, inhumanity and falseness have plunged the world into the most horrible catastrophe and the greatest sorrow of all time, must be pun- ished and rendered impotent, with the only avenue leading to the company and congress of law-abiding democratic peoples, being the waj^ of true penitence and regeneration — a psychological condition which the German people can only reach in dire adversity and deep, distressing humiliation following the defeat of their armies, the acknowledged failure of their militaristic Machiavellian policy and their hein- ous doctrine of immoralism, and the absolute over- throw for all time of the Hohenzollerns, Hapsburgs, and their kind, and the hideous principles for which they stand. Viviani, the Premier of France, proclaimed the nobilitj' and justice of his country's position at the commencement of the war when he said: "We have been without reproach; we shall be without fear." These memorable words have grown convincingly potent as the truth has been revealed to us and as history has been gloriously written by a heroic peo- ple and her noble Allies, who have not only sacri- ficed unstintingly, but have willingly risked their all to hold back through fateful years of discourage- ment, adversity and bitter anguish, those Prussian- ized lawless hordes that threatened to overthrow all that free and spiritually-minded men hold dear and sacred in life. INIay the same spirit of human jus- tice, fearless courage, and a resultant serenity of THE GERMAN OBSESSION 391 soul, as voiced by Viviani, actuate and strengthen in virtue the victorious AUied Powers when they meet at the Peace Table, so that their duty to their own people, and to humanity at large, may be done fear- lessly, void of all scheming and restraining politics and attempts at national, i. e., selfish and unwar- ranted advantage, with their inevitable accompany- ing injustice, and also in a way that will bring no reproach from those high-minded, thinking peoples who dwell in every part of this great world. The liberty and well-being not only of the people of today but of future generations will be determined at the Peace Conference following this, the greatest war of all time, and children yet unborn who, with greater wisdom, acquired in harmony with the laws of evolution from an expanding and progressive culture and benefited by the more extended history of himian experience, will sit in judgment upon the momentous acts of those Peace Delegates, in whose hands will be placed — at least for a time — the des- tiny of the world. No peace can be justificvl and no peace will live that contains within it the germ of war, whether this discordant element be self-evident and clearly expressed or cunningly concealed and subtly hidden in ambiguous or deceiving phrases. No peace can survive that is not founded on absolute justice and the higher law, on the inalienable rights and obliga- tions of humanity, and on the liberty and sovereignty of the people. High ideals are not easily realized in actual life, but no ideal toward which we strive should be admittedly less than perfect. The noble and generous determination of free peoples to de- mand justice and Hberty for all, when practically applied and made definite and virile by workable 392 THE GERMAN OBSESSION international treaties, will propel the world upward toward the Great Human Ideal, and not only mini- mize, but substantially tend to eliminate war and a large measure of human suffering, discouragement, and unhappiness. The goal toward which the cul- tured and spiritually-minded peoples of the world have set their faces and now earnestly strive to approach, is not an elusive will-o'-the-wisp, but a fixed, unchanging ideal toward which the world will gradually but surely advance as the centuries and millenniums roll by. The greatest single step that mankind has ever taken in the direction of the Great Ideal should result from the practical deliberations at the Peace Conferences, and the measure of truth and justice that the Peace Treaty contains will determine its benefit to the world and the value of its contribution to himianity and the Great Cause of All Things. 348 85 V ^-.c^^ 'Cr>^^ o^^^v ^^^ ^^-^^ ; -^^v ^^..c.^^ :/- ''^"WJ ^^^\ 'Mi0^ /\ \Vi^/' ^^''% \% 0^ *^^ 3,0 vl, ► V '^<;->^^\c/'^ V. jk t . r> 7. ,,x^* .•:^v-. %/ .t>!'^% %,^^ - \ \/ ^0 i I • E> N U 0^ ,..0, ^;> ^^ 0, '^O^ ^"•n.^ .-!'- ■ A- > " o V'-'-v'^ %'-.-^-V X'-'-v' ...<-..•■ -'^A.. ."--'•••• ,/^ o > "V*-"' ^0' ,^ •$* ""-^tWI^^ 1° «'' '^ o -V Deaciditied using the Bookkeeper process ^ ^ •«^^^^*r ■» ^J^ t;^ • ' Neutralizing agent: Magnesium Oxide %^''''\4' . . . . , \ '' "^^^^'^^'^^'^ juN m ' '^^ yj^f^^^" ^^ PreservationTechnologies « ■" .0 ^^ O N . — OER IN PAPER PRESERVATION : 1 1 Thomson Park Dnvt Cranbefry Township. 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