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 THE 
 
 ADDRESS AND PKOCl-KDINCS 
 
 FRIENDS OF DANIEL WEBSTER, 
 
 ASSEMBLED IN FANEUIL HALL, 
 
 ©n iUeimesijmj, September 15tl), 1832, 
 
 MASS CONVENTION. 
 
 ' 
 
 1J.H/L] 
 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 JAMES FRENCH, 78 WASHINGTON STREET, 
 
 1852. 
 
 I*- 
 
 • 
 

 
 Dear Sir:— Please read and circulate this copy of the Proceedings of die 
 Webster Union Whig Convention. 
 
 By request of Executive Committtee. 
 
 A. WILSON, Secretary. 
 
 IN RXCRAWm 
 
 Bob. Atheo 
 Mar 28 06 
 
 PRESS OP THE 
 
 FRANKLIN PRINTING HOUSE, 
 
 210 Washington Street, 
 Boston. 
 
 
PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 The friends of Daniel Webster ami the Union, assembled in Faneuil 
 Hull on Wednesday, the 15th inst., at 12 o'clock, for deliberation and action. 
 
 The Convention was culled to order by Charles A. Wells of Boston, and 
 temporurily organized by the choice of Henry Lyman of Watertown, as 
 Chairman, and James French and 8. M. Hobbs of Boston, as Secretaries. 
 
 Messrs. 1). F. MeGilvray, Charles Torrey, James French, C. 11. Ransom, 
 and Charles A. Wells, were deputed a Committee to retire, select, and re- 
 port a list of permanent officers for the Convention. 
 
 Mr. Torrey, in answer to a general call, made a brief address, which was 
 received with great applause. 
 
 The Committee on Organization here reported the following list of officers : 
 
 For President, Henry Lyman of Watertown. 
 
 For Vice Presidents, Tiios. Thacher of Roxbury, Jab. Dalton of Boston, 
 Geo. Revere of Needham, Ciias. A. Wills, Levi Brigham, Wm. Siiimmin 
 of Boston, Luther Griffing of Richmond, Dudley Hall of Medford, Cuas. 
 Torrey of Boston, Jesse Chickkring of West Roxbury, B. P. Poorb of 
 West Newbury, Sam'l L. Cutter of Cambridge, and Pliny Cutler of Boston. 
 
 For Secretaries, Samuel Kettell, James French, James L. Baker, and 
 Samuel M. Hobbs. 
 
 The report was unanimously accepted, and adopted, and the officers having 
 taken their seats on the platform, Pres. Lyman made a brief speech of thanks. 
 
 On motion of Archelaus Wilson of Boston, that gentleman and Messrs. 
 Hubbard Winslow, and Charles Torrey were appointed a Committee to pre- 
 pare an Address to the people of Massachusetts, setting forth the reasons of 
 the present movement of the Union Whigs. 
 
 Messrs. J. L. Dimmock, S. L. Cutter, C. A. White, J. Q. Kettell, and 
 Edw. A. Vose were appointed a Committee to report a list of Webster 
 Electors to the Convention. 
 
 Hubbard Winslow, here, in response to a call, made a short speech, to 
 show the cause of Mr. Webster's defeat at Baltimore, and also in defence 
 of the present movement. 
 
 Messrs. Chas. A. White, Arthur Pickering, J. D. Hedge, J. Fullerton, 
 and Chas. A. Wells, were appointed a Committee to report the names of 
 ten persons who shall constitute the " Webster State Executive Committee 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
 Mr. Wilson, on behalf of the Committee on the subject, here reported the 
 following — 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 The step which a very large number of your fellow citizens, now assem- 
 bled in Faneuil Hall, are about to take, is a highly important one, and 
 should be taken upon rendered reasons. 
 
 We are met here, most of us, doubtless, as Whigs ; not unaccompanied, 
 perhaps, by some of our Democratic friends, who sympathise with us in 
 our desire to do justice to a great statesman, who is the property of no 
 party, but who belongs, in a high sense, equally to us all. Still, the great 
 body of this assembly consists, undoubtedly, of Whigs ; and it is therefore 
 to our fellow Whigs that we are chiefly to submit what we have to say. 
 At the same time we cannot forget that we are here also as American cit- 
 izens, standing upon the soil of a free country, and free to act according to 
 our own convictions of duty. 
 
 The representatives of the Whig party, chosen as such according to its 
 usages, and assembled in National Convention, have by a very small ma- 
 jority, made a nomination of a distinguished officer of the army for the 
 Presidency of the United States ; and the first inquiry to be made by us, 
 as members of that party, is, whether we in any just sense are bound to 
 vote for this candidate, and for no other? It needs, in our judgment, no 
 great amount of argument to solve this question. Upon the great general 
 principle on which all our institutions rest, the majority are to rule ; and 
 when the voice of the majority is expressed in those forms which constitute 
 the enactment of Law, no man can go behind it, or absolve himself from its 
 obligations, while he remains in society. This principle is attempted to be 
 applied by analogy to the doings of political parties. But the analogy is 
 extremely imperfect. There is a broad distinction between the decrees or 
 decisions of a body of the representatives of a party, in reference to the 
 obligations which they impose upon its members, and the decrees of the 
 legislative representatives of the people, in reference to the obligations 
 which they impose upon the citizen. The former cannot, in the nature of 
 things, have the force of law, because they do not rest upon its sanctions. 
 They must, therefore, be referred for approval to the judgment of individ- 
 uals, who are to receive and obey them, according to their own convictions 
 of their intrinsic propriety and fitness to promote the public good. 
 
 We speak here, of course, of the rule that is applicable to the citizen 
 who has taken no part in initiating or conducting the party proceedings, 
 which have led to a particular result. What rule is applicable to those 
 
5 
 
 ■who have takon part in thoso proceedings, wo have now no occasion to in- 
 quire. We speak for those and to thosc> who stand bee from mob OOIffiee* 
 
 tion, hut are vet members of the same party; and we baveno limitation in 
 
 Baying, that the attempt which has been made to force upon such paraoni an 
 obligation of honor to support a nomination which they may disapprove, if 
 
 without a shadow of justification. The decision of a National Party Con- 
 vention is in no sense conclusive upon the conduct of all the members of 
 that party throughout tho country. If it were, neither the regularity nor 
 fairness of the proceedings, nor the fitnoss of the candidate nomin 
 could ever he inquired into. The truth is, that the aoi of a majority of 
 the delegates in a National Party Convention is not the act of a majority of 
 all the members of the party, unless it is assumed that all are actually or 
 technically represented. That all are not actually represented, is perfectly 
 well known. Not a quarter part of the voters of any groat political party 
 overtake part in the proceedings hy which the delegates to such a body 
 are appointed; and it is one of the easiest, as it is one of the most common 
 of political transactions, for political managers, especially in some of the 
 other States of this Union, to procure tho appointment of delegates, whose 
 purposes as to the selection of a presidential candidato are no certain and 
 safe guide to the real wishes and preferences of a majority of their nomi- 
 nal constituents. The position, therefore, that the act of a majority of 
 such delegates is the act of a majority of tho members of the party, must 
 rest upon tho doctrine that all the members had notice, and might have 
 attended the choice of delegates if they had seen fit. That is to say, it 
 rests upon a fiction, by which every man's political conscience and conduct 
 are to become bound by the acts and doings of his neighbor. For our- 
 selves we reject this doctrine. We hold that the decision of a majority of the 
 delegates in a National Convention is not, of itself, proof of the sentiments 
 and wishes of a majority of the party ; and we think that any man who 
 will ask himself whether he can believe that a majority of the Whigs of the 
 United States this day prefer General Scott as a candidate, to Daniel 
 Webster or Millard Fillmore, will bo satisfied with tho soundness of our 
 position. Wo are here, then, in all the freedom of our individual judg- 
 ments. In that freedom we propose to examine tho nomination made at 
 Baltimore, and to refer tho action of tho Convention which made it to the 
 only standard which we recognize, namely, its tendency to promote and 
 secure the good of the country. 
 
 The Convention assembled at Baltimore, it is to be presumed, for tho 
 purpose of nominating that person for the Presidency, in whom would be 
 united high qualifications for the office, with reasonable chances for obtain- 
 ing it by tho suffrages of tho people. This is the duty of a pari; ( unven- 
 tion, under ordinary circumstances. But on the occasion of the late Whig 
 National Convention, the circumstances were peculiar and extraordinary. 
 One of the candidates before that Convention was, confessedly, tho first 
 
6 
 
 statesman in America then capable of being thought of for the office. He 
 was a person who had rendered services of the utmost importance to his 
 party. On three several occasions he had supported with the whole power 
 of his vast influence, rivals, whose claims to the nomination, except in one 
 instance, could be supposed by no one to be superior to his own. But 
 above and beyond all this, he had rendered to his country services which 
 surpassed those to his party, in as large a measure as country is greater 
 than party to every true patriot. He was, moreover, a person fitted beyond 
 all men within the reach of the Whig party, not merely to adorn, but most 
 beneficially to administer the high office in question. This was felt and 
 acknowledged every where by all candid persons. The common judgment 
 of the country, the current and admitted forms of speech, the general consent 
 of right-thinking minds, had made his pre-eminent fitness for that great 
 trust a maxim among men. A wide and confident expectation among the 
 masses of the people, who had nothing to gain and much to lose by adverse 
 political combinations, looked to the Whig party, in confidence that it 
 would do the justice to the country, to itself, and to Mr. Webster, to put him 
 in nomination. 
 
 The time was most propitious. Party animosity had died away before 
 the signal merit of services, which challenged the equal admiration and 
 gratitude of friends and opponents. Personal detraction, save from the 
 kennels of a rabid fanaticism, had ceased to pursue him. Public confidence, 
 respect, affectionate admiration and pride, universal appreciation of the 
 vast importance to the country of his life, health and happiness, broke forth 
 to him, wherever popular feeling had an opportunity of expression. 
 Never had a party such an opportunity to confer a vast good upon a free 
 country ; and never was such an opportunity more unworthily lost. 
 
 It was lost, we are told, because a majority of those who were sent to 
 the Convention to select a candidate preferred some one else, and chose to 
 exercise their preferences. We admit the fact ; but, as a portion of the 
 people of this country, we claim and shall exercise the right to judge of 
 the reasonableness and propriety of those preferences. By whatsoever 
 constituency each of those delegates was appointed, they were all assembled 
 to execute a public trust upon public motives. A great party organiza- 
 tion, like any other social instrumentality, is a trust in the hands of those 
 who hold it ; to be exercised and discharged upon motives which will bear 
 the test of subsequent examination and submission to the moral judgment 
 of mankind. 
 
 Mr. Webster was set aside in the National Convention, and Gen. Scott 
 was preferred by a majority of the members ;— first, because the latter, 
 being a military man, supposed to have gained great personal popularity by 
 his military success, was believed to be, in the language of party tacticians, 
 the more " available " candidate. We will not do any member of that 
 convention the injustice to suppose, that his preference was determined by 
 
a belief that the military candidate possessed superior fitness for tlie office 
 of President. The ruling motive, in this case, was the same which, OH two 
 former occasions, had led to the selection, by the Whig party, of military 
 men as candidates for the Presidency, to the exclusion of their most expe- 
 rienced and most accomplished statesmen: in one of which instances, the 
 candidate was without any civil experience whatever. Against this prinoi- 
 ple of political action we desire and intend to enter our protest. It is an 
 appeal to the people, contrary to the truth of the case, to regard military 
 success as evidence of a fitness to discharge the highest civil trust in the 
 country, as well as the ablest and most accomplished and experienced 
 statesmen in the laud. 
 
 There is no executive government in the world, in which civil wisdom and 
 a trained practical statesmanship are so necessary as in the Presidency of 
 this great republic. Consider for a moment that our government is Pounded 
 on, and administered under, a written Constitution ; and that the doctrines 
 which are to go into that high office and be practically applied in adminis- 
 tering that Constitution, if they are to be of the least value, must be the 
 fruit of long civil study, of practical acquaintance with principles, and of 
 vast civil experience. Consider that the whole machinery of the govern- 
 ment is civil administration. Consider that all the offices which a Presi- 
 dent holds in his hand for distribution — from the highest of the Judiciary, 
 who may have to pass upon even his acts, to the tide-waiter upon tl*e 
 wharves, who is to obey without questioning the law — are all to be filled by 
 the exercise of a discretion, which can exist, in full and just development, 
 only after great experience in the civil departments of government. Con- 
 sider the groat influence which the character and opinions of a President 
 exert over the legislation of the country ; — an influence which the Consti- 
 tution contemplated, and which usage has made quite as powerful as it was 
 ever designed to be. Consider, finally, that the foreign relations of this 
 country are at all times full of questions, for the right management of 
 which a military life and military experience can afford scarcely any train- 
 ing whatever. 
 
 We are not in the slightest degree desirous to detract from the just merits 
 of Gen. Scott, as a highly distinguished and successful soldier, or to refuse 
 to him appropriate honors and rewards for his very brilliant military servi- 
 ces to the country. But we do not consider that the Presidency is the 
 appropriate honor, or that it is fit that it should be held and bestowed as a 
 reward for military distinction. If we have taken a correct view of the 
 duties which it involves, we are compelled frankly to say, that we do not 
 know what evidence the distinguished nominee of the Baltimore Convention 
 has given, of that degree of fitness for it, which a Whig candidate ought to 
 possess. We say a Whig candidate — for we are not prepared to admit that 
 the Whig party is morally at liberty to regard only the elements of popu- 
 lar success in the canvass, and to treat its most eminent leaders, its wisest 
 
8 
 
 statesmen, and its long-tried and faithful champions, with neglect and in- 
 justice, because they do not possess the means of appealing to a popular 
 love of military glory. The "Whig party is an organization professing dis- 
 tinctive political principles. It has benefitted the country, through the 
 labors of its great statesmen, who have established, defended, and adminis- 
 tered the principles which characterise it, and by which alone it can con- 
 tinue to be useful. If it is to cast such men aside, and bestow the highest 
 honors of the Republic upon those, whose sphere of action has not identi- 
 fied them with the maintenance or illustration of the great principles which 
 constitute it a party, it will either achieve victories fruitless of benefit to 
 the country, or achieve its own destruction. 
 
 We are not prepared to see the Whig party go down in the confusion 
 and inefficiency which must ensue from the continuance of a practice, that 
 removes its great statesmen from their true positions as its leaders, its coun- 
 sellors and guides. We cannot thus surrender its glorious civil history, 
 which has been marked from its early formation as a party, in all its suc- 
 cesses and all its reverses, with unquestionable usefulness. We cannot for- 
 get that it was Whig statemanship, of the very highest order, which main- 
 tained a long contest with a powerful adverse executive, and thereby pre- 
 vented the Constitution from being wholly wrested out of its legitimate 
 sphere. We cannot forget whose voice and whose influence it was, that 
 eame to the aid of that executive, in an hour when patriotism demanded the 
 oblivion of all party differences, and crushed nullification forever. We 
 cannot forget that it has been Whig policy, vindicated and sustained by 
 Whig leaders, that has given to the industry of the country all the protec- 
 tion it has ever enjoyed, and to internal improvements, all the vitality they 
 have ever felt. We cannot forget that it was a Whig civilian, who rescued 
 the country from a foreign war, and whose words of warning, wisdom, truth 
 and courage, dispelled the gathered clouds of domestic strife, that were 
 about to burst in fury over the land. All that the Whig party has ever 
 accomplished for the country, all the principles that it has made efficient in 
 the administration of the Federal Constitution, and all the positive blessings 
 which it has achieved for the Union, it owes to the labors of its statesmen, 
 sustained by the intelligence and patriotism of the people. No act of ours 
 shall ever have a tendency to destroy the influence and limit the usefulness 
 of that order of public men, of whom the greatest living example now pre- 
 sents, in his own person, the strongest proof that party neglect may become 
 a public injury. 
 
 There is another ground upon which it is impossible for us to support 
 the nomination made at Baltimore, which we shall briefly lay before you. 
 
 During the administration which is soon to terminate, this country passed 
 through the most dangerous crisis which has occurred since the formation 
 of the government. The firm and willing maintenance and administration 
 of the measures deemed necessary to meet that crisis, are, beyond all doubt, 
 
9 
 
 essential to the continued tranquility and peace of tin- Union, The Whig 
 party has affirmed this position as a capital article of its creed : and it is a 
 
 cireumstanoe of no small significance, thai the De tratio party haa done 
 
 the same thing. Yet it is a fact, incapable, we think, of denial, that the 
 distinguished head of the army was selected and broughl forward as a 
 candidate, by that portion of the Whig party, who deny the propriety of 
 affirming the finality of the Compromise Measures, and who mean to hold 
 themselves at liberty to renew the sectional agitation of those questions, 
 whenever they see fit. The fact that a major ityof his original supporters 
 in the Convention — sixty-six in number — voted against the platform of 
 principles which the Convention adopted, can leave no doubt as to 
 their sentiments and their purposes. Whether it was under their intlu- 
 ence or some other, that the Convention was kept in ignorance of 
 the personal sentiments of the candidate, and that private informa- 
 tion only was given to a few persons, whose sense of public- duty 
 was supposed likely to be satisfied with private information, w T e do not 
 think it material to impure. Nor is the fact of decisive importance, that 
 the candidate personally approved or favored the original enactment of the 
 measures in question, or that he has subsequently, in accepting the candi- 
 dacy, as a matter of necessity, accepted the platform of the party which 
 offered to him the nomination. The position of the party itself is, how- 
 ever, of great consequence. It has formally declared the duty of main- 
 taining and executing a series of measures of great public importance. At 
 the same time, it has rejected two candidates identified with the enactment 
 and execution of those measures, and personally responsible for their ex- 
 istence, and has adopted a candidate who is not identified with them, and 
 whose principle supporters in one entire section of the Union refused to 
 acknowledge the duty of preserving and enforcing them. 
 
 Under these circumstances, it is impossible for us to shut our eyes to the 
 danger, that the Whig party — whatever may be the personal wishes of its 
 head — may be withdrawn, as a party, from one section of the Union, and 
 be obliged to find its principal and most efficient support in another section. 
 An administration that should come into power, in «uch a posture, might 
 prolong the nominal existence of the party, only to turn it into a sectional 
 organization; and the personal wishes or honest intentions of its chief would 
 avail little in the execution of measures, which his principal supporters 
 might be unwilling to execute, in favor of a portion of the country that 
 did not contribute materially to the strength of his administration. 
 
 We make no impeachment of the integrity of the candidate. W e look 
 at public facts, the position of the Whig party, and the interests of the 
 country; and upon these w r e are constrained to say, that we cannot feel the 
 force of the appeal that is made to us, upon public grounds, to support this 
 nomination. The position in which we are placed is not of our own choos- 
 ing. It has been forced upou us by those who had objects to gain in 
 
10 
 
 which we cannot participate, and we must act upon our own sense of duty, 
 exercised upon the facts by which we are surrounded. 
 
 Deprived, by these considerations, of the power of voting for the regular 
 candidate of our own party, we do not choose to be driven to the alterna- 
 tive presented by the Democratic nomination. We know too well the 
 importance of avoiding all affiliation with those who have brought upon 
 our own Commonwealth the mischiefs and disgraces of the " Coalition." 
 With you we mean to defend the time-honored institutions of the State, 
 and to place at the head of its government an able and honorable man, 
 whose administration will be worthy of its long established character. 
 But to the principles on which we act, in relation to national interests, we 
 remain firm ; and for the sake of those principles, and to do all that we 
 can to secure their just influence, we place in nomination the electoral 
 ticket which we now present to you. 
 
 In the event of the success of either of the other candidates for the 
 Presidency, the public life of the first statesman of the country must be 
 terminated. The unrivalled intellect and lofty patriotism which Massachu- 
 setts has for more than thirty years given to the councils of the country, 
 must be forever withdrawn from every department of the public sendee. 
 It were vain to ask how this void is to be filled. But if it must happen 
 before the ordination of Providence brings it upon us, is it a thing quite 
 unworthy of Massachusetts, that the last honors which the ballot box can 
 render, should be bestowed upon him who has done so much for her honor, 
 her influence, her prosperity and her security ? Time was, when she 
 deemed it no idle and empty ceremony to confer upon him her electoral 
 vote, although it stood alone. On that occasion her vote was not necessary 
 to his fame, or demanded for personal gratification ; nor is it now. But 
 then, as now, a deep popular sense of justice, and a clear popular sentiment 
 of gratitude sought expression through the suffrages of the people, and 
 proclaimed to all the world that a nice balance of advantages, not easy to 
 be discerned, does not always become a people who have been served as the 
 people of Massachusetts have been served by Daniel Webster.* 
 
 If she looks no farther than to her own domestic history, she sees in that 
 life which has spent its vast treasures for her welfare, the occasion for no 
 ordinary feeling. The very foundations of the State Constitution, which 
 has been such a blessing to her, and to the defence of which her people are 
 now called to rally, were deepened by his labors. To his wisdom and 
 eloquence she owes much of its strength and virtue. To his courage and 
 his profound knowledge of the principles of free government, she owes 
 directly many of the inestimable safeguards which its principles enshrine. 
 And when to this older record of great service she adds the long catalogue of 
 
 * Any one who will consider how very improbable is the election of Gen. Scott, even with 
 the electoral vote of .Massachusetts, will see, that a vote cast for the .Scott ticket, in this State, is 
 thrown aw ay, in a sense far more plain anil palpable, than it can be if cast for Mr. Webster. 
 
11 
 
 deeds, which have filled up the measure of her national renown, and conneoted 
 her name with the preservation of a Union which she was i of the fore- 
 most to oreate, she will never acoonnl thai suffrage an unworthy or useless 
 
 act, which seeks, in honoring him, to honor all thai has been mosl noble in 
 her own history since that Union was formed. 
 But we do not limit our hopes to a complimentary vote by the people of 
 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 We call upon the friends of the Union everywhere, ihrou^hout (lie coun- 
 try, to arouse themselves from the lethargy whieli is upon them, and to act 
 with the vigor that becomes them. 
 
 We call upon independent Whigs everywhere, to reject an organization 
 which will hand down the national government to a sectional fragment of 
 their great party, in hands that they cannot approve. 
 
 We call upon the People everywhere to undo the work of politicians of 
 every party, who Mould persuade them that they have too little intelligence 
 to confer their highest honors upon their best statesmen, and that military 
 reputation is the best avenue to the government of this great Republic. 
 Even now, if they will assume their own rightful control over the destinies 
 of their country, it is not too late to place at the head of its affairs an ad- 
 ministration worthy of its better days, and able to perpetuate, to a United 
 People, a Constitution which has made the blessings of Liberty and Union 
 One and Inseparable. 
 
 The Address was adopted by acclamation, and the Convention then 
 adjourned to half-past seven o'clock in the evening. 
 
 EVENING SESSION. 
 The Convention re-assembled at half-past seven o'clock, at which hour 
 the hall was thronged to its fullest capacity. The President stated 
 the first business in order was to hear the reports of the Committees ap- 
 pointedin the morning; where upon John L. Dimmick, from the Committee 
 on the subject, submitted the following list of Electors : 
 
 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. 
 
 At Large— PLINY CUTLER, of Boston. 
 
 EDWARD A. NEWTON, of Pittsfield. 
 District No. 1 — ISAIAH GIFFORD, of Provincetown. 
 
 " 2— LEMUEL MAY, of Attleboro'. 
 
 « 3— FREDERICK W. LINCOLN, of Canton. 
 
 « 4— WILLIAM HAYDEN, of Boston. 
 
 '< 5— GEORGE T. CURTIS, of Boston. 
 
 « 6— MARK HEALEY, of Lynn. 
 
 « 7— ALBERT II. NELSON, of Woburn. 
 
 « 8— HENRY B. PEARSON, of Harvard. 
 
 " 9— ALVIN G. UNDERWOOD, of Oxford. 
 
 « 10— HOMER FOOTE, of Springfield. 
 
 « 11— LUTHER GRIPPING, of Richmond. 
 
12 
 
 The report was accepted by a unanimous vote, followed by great cheer- 
 ing. C. A. White submitted the following names of gentlemen to 
 constitute the 
 
 Webster Executive Committee. 
 
 HUBBARD WINSLOW, of Boston. 
 
 TOLMAN WILLEY, of Boston. 
 
 HENRY LYMAN, of Watertown. 
 
 CHARLES A. WHITE, of Boston. 
 
 J. D. HEDGE, of Cambridge. 
 
 JOHN L. DIMMOCK, of Watertown. 
 
 CHARLES A. WELLS, of Boston. 
 
 THOMAS THACHER, of Roxbury. 
 
 ARTHUR PICKERING, of Boston. 
 
 CHARLES TORREY, of Boston. 
 This report was accepted, whereupon the following resolution was 
 adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That the Executive State Committee be, and they hereby are instructed 
 and authorized to fill any vacancy that may occur in the ticket of Electors, or in their 
 own body ; also, to add to the number ot the Executive Committee at their pleasure, 
 and to take all other proper measures to promote the objects tor which the present 
 ticket of Electors is nominated. 
 
 Addresses were made by Messrs. M. H. Smith, A. Wilson, H. Winslow, 
 and S. L. Cutter. They were speeches of a high tone — moral in sentiment 
 and dignified in thought. 
 
 Mr. Winslow, at the conclusion of his speech, offered the following res- 
 olutions, which were adopted : 
 
 Resolved, That those men who serve their country most faithfully in the army, ought 
 to receive from their country its highest military honors; and those men who serve 
 their country most faithfully in the councils of state, ought to receive from their country 
 its highest civic honors. 
 
 Resolved, That our country, our whole country, in all its vast extent and various in- 
 terests, is entitled to the equal and full protection of its Constitution, in all its pi o vi- 
 sions and requirements. 
 
 Resolved, That whatever sectional jealousies and agitations may occur to mar the 
 peace of the Union, we shall ever hold it to be our privilege and our duty, firmly 
 to abide by the principles, and faithfully to fulfil the conditions of the national com- 
 pact. 
 
 Resolved, That the man who has served his country the mest faithfully for the longest 
 period, in the councils of state, of any man living, is Daniel Webster, and that to 
 him, preeminently, the nation owes its highest civic honors. 
 
 Resolved, That as citizens of this republic, we will do what we can to induce our 
 country to pay this glorious debt. 
 
 Resolved, That whether our country shall prove faithful or false to this obligation, it 
 shall ever be among our happiest reflections, that we were true to our country in this 
 matter, and did what every citizen ought to have done — cast odk most hearty vote 
 for Daniel Webster. 
 
 At a quarter of ten o'clock the Convention adjourned, amid cheers for 
 
 Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and Charles J. Jenkins of Georgia, the 
 
 candidates of the Union Whigs of Massachusetts, for President and Vice 
 
 President of the United States. 
 
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