E449 .R49 :^:^; 0^ .-', -^c ^ :'iSfe \s^^ /Sltev 'fm-. ^^m^ ^ > ^V,Kr- v^' v^' ^O V ^'% ^!'<^^ ^' ^y :.f^ 'i^& -7- ■^-^i °^v, m- o ^oV^ * .,>^ * ^» '/T?^-^ , A"' ^^^ .^' ^' ^:t:t^^ a LECTURES ON SLAVERY, DELIVERED IN THE FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, CINCINNATI, JULY FIRST AND THIRD, 1845. BY REV. N. L. RICE, D. D. PASTOR OP THE CENTRAL PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH, CIN,, OHIO. " CINCINNATI: PUBLISHED BY J. A. JAMES. 18 45. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1845, BY N. L. RICE, In the Clerk's office for the District Court of Ohio. PREFACE. It was my purpose, when the following discourses were delivered, to publish them. The importance of doing so, is the more evident from the very gross misrepresentations of them by the editors of the Abolitionist papers of this city. From those gentlemen, I regret to be obliged to say, I ex- pect nothing like fairness or candor in their representations of my views of slavery. I deem it proper, therefore, to give them to the public, that candid men may judge for themselves both of the positions taken, and of the argu- ments by which they are sustained. I have added some documents and facts which time did not permit me to introduce whilst delivering the discour- ses, and have condensed the whole in as small space as pos- sible. I have the satisfaction to know, that several previ- ously inclined to Abolitionism were fully satisfied of the correctness of the views presented. If they should be the means of correcting misrepresentations of an injurious character, and of satisfying inquiring minds, I shall not have labored in vain. N. L. Rice. LECTURES ON SLAVERY. I AM perfectly aware, my friends, that many well-mean- ing persons are decidedly opposed to the discussion of al- most any subject connected with religion, in regard to which professing christians hold different views. If we were to yield to the opinion of such persons, the extensive field of religious investigation must be contracted to extremely nar- row limits ; for there are few truths in divine revelation which have not been called in question by some who still claim the christian name. It may, however, be proper that I should state the reasons which have induced me, at the present time, to discuss the subject of slavery. They are the following : 1. This subject is now exciting very general interest amongst all classes of people in our country, is occasioning divisions in the church of Christ, and even threatening the destruction of our civil Union. Already it has divided the Methodist and Baptist churches ; and it is now agitating to the very centre the New School Presbyterian church; whilst fanatical Abolitionists are denouncing our civil union as most iniquitous and not to be tolerated. At such a time it behooves every man to inform himself fully on the whole subject, that his influence may be thrown where it should be. At such a time it becomes the duty of those who de- precate such divisions and agitations, to contribute as they can, to the dissemination of correct principles. 2. Those who refuse to adopt the views of Abolition- ists, have been constantly taunted with fearing discussion, from a consciousness that their principles cannot bear the light. Such charges, accompanied with the boasting of Ab- olitionists, that they are prepared to submit their doctrines to the closest scrutiny, are calculated to make an impres- sion on the minds of many. We owe it to ourselves, there- fore, and to the truth, to show the public, that we are pre- pared to meet them, and to demonstrate the correctness of our principles. J* 5, 6 LECTURES ON SLAVERY. 3. The action of the late General Assembly of the Pres- byterian Church on the subject of slavery, has been most grossly misrepresented ; and continued efforts have been made to heap odium upon that body. The report which, with the most delightful unanimity they adopted, has been represented as a decidedly pro-slavery document, and our church reproached as ^Hhe slave church of Jlmerica.'^ However imbecile these efforts to injure our church will prove to be, many may be misled by the false representations so industriously circulated, if they should not be exposed. To show the audience the character and spirit of the publications to which I have referred, I will read a few ex- tracts from letters written by Professor Stowe, of Lane Seminary, to the Boston Recorder and New York Evan- gelist, and from the IVatQhman of the Valley, the New School Aboiitioaist paper of this city. Professor Stowe, anticipating great agitation in our Assembly on the subject of slavery, wrote as follows : " The Old School Assembly, which meets here in May, will have musket-fire and gun- powder on the subject of slavery; for the elements are al- ready boiling like a witch's cauldron. After the excite- ment of 1838, Rev. Dr. Baxter went home to Virginia, and told the students of Prince Edward Seminary, what a grand thing had been done, for they had got rid of the New School and the Abolitionists at the same time. "Ah ! luck- less speech and bootless boast," as Cowper says. The Old School will yet be shaken to its very centre by this same question of slavery, (and perhaps the New also)" &;c. Such were the predictions of the Professor ; but the re- sult sadly disappointed him. There was no " musket-fire and gun-powder on the subject of slavery." Whereupon, he again wrote in the following strain : " The action on slavery astonished every one, ancl it was carried through with very little opposition, only 12 out of 170 members vo- ting against it. It confirms what I told you in my last let- ter, respecting the imconscientiousness of such bodies. Even unscrupulous politicians expressed their astonishment at the result." The word "unconscientiousness," I presume, is intended as a mild expression for hypocrisy. Concerning the letter from the Free Church of Scotland, he thus writes : " THE FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND." " A letter and memorial from this church, on the subject of slavery, was presented to the Assembly and read. The LECTURES ON SLAVERY. 7 Scotch Church of course exliort their American brethren to take some action on the subject of slavery, to evince their disapprobation of the system, in their desire to get rid of it. The Assembly reply, by referring their Scotch brethren to their present action on the subject, which declines to give any disapproval of the system, or make any efforts to re- move it. I was not present when the subject was up, but was informed by another, that during the reading of the pa- pers from Scotland, most of the Southern men left the house. On such terms as these, will the Free Church of Scodand long hold communion with the slave-church of America? for such,,/;«r eminence, is now the Old School branch of the Presbyterian church in the United States. The following extracts from tlie Watchman of the Valley will show the character of the assaults the editor has thought proper to make upon the General Assembly : " To dispose of such a subject, in such a summary way, as if unworthy to occupy the deliberations of the house ; and then solennily to propose to return thanks to Almighty God, that they had been able, in so short a time, and with such wonderlul unanimity, TO SHUT OUT THE CRY OF THE POOR from the Assembly, argues an infatuation on that subject which reflecting men may well look upon with amazement ! "O my soul! come not thou into their secret ! Unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou uni- ted !" For " instruments, cruelty are in their hands." They can settle the fate of groaning millions with as much sang froid and despatch, as a Turk would sever the head of a '• christian dog" from his body, and then publicly return thanks to God that they had done it ! — thanks to God, that they had been able so eflMeclually to stop their ears and harden their hearts against the groans and importunities of the oppressed, as to fear no farther annoyance from that source ! " Such a decision outrages conscience, humanity and com- mon sense, and must ultimately expose its authors to the scorn and contempt of mankind — a scorn and contempt proportioned in severity to the exalted religious authority from which it emanates. For the world, we would not stand in that pillory, in which the late Assembly, by its pro- slavery document, has placed itself. That act has given to this Assembly an unenviable distinction, among all the gen- eral ecclesiastical bodies in the United Slates. The Old 8 lectures on slavery. School General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church IN the United States, for the year 1845, STANDS SINGLE AND ALONE, in pronouncing American sla- very, a justifiable, a righteous, an apostolically authorized " relation !" No other Assembly and no other church has ever dared to father such a monstrous absurdity.''^ By these gentlemen, you perceive, as well as by others equally our friends, the Report adopted by the Assembly is pronounced a pro-slavery document, a defence of Ameri- can slavery, with all the cruelty which wicked men may choose to inflict on their slaves ; and our church is stigma- tized, as "y;a?' eminence — the slave-church of Jitnerica.^'' And yet, in that document, which the reader has probably seen, I defy any man to put his linger on one expression which advocates slavery as a desirable institution, or looks toward the toleration of the slightest cruelty in tlie treatment of slaves. There were before the Assembly two important questions, viz : 1. Is the mere fact of holding slaves, without regard to circumstances, to be made a bar to christian fellowship ? In other words, ought we to exclude from the church all slave- holders, regardless of the circumstances in which they are placed, and of their kind treatment of their slaves ? 2. In what way can the church most efiectually amelio- rate the condition of the slaves in our country ? The first question the Assembly decided in the negative, that the mere fact of holding slaACs is not, according to the Bible, a sin to be visited with the discipline of the church. In regard to the second, they decided, that the condition of the slaves cannot be improved by ecclesiastical legislation, by making slave-holding a bar to christian-fellowship, nor by the bitter denunciations hurled by Abolitionists against all slaveholders indiscriminately ; but by preaching to both master and slave the glorious Gospel, as did the aposdes of Christ ! For these decisions, that body is held up to odium as the advocate of slavery — nay, as the apologist for all the cruelty which the slave-law allows the master to inflict on his slaves, although they distinctly condemned all unkind treatment of them ! I will not assert, that these gross mis- representations were intentionally made ; and yet I find it extremely difficult to see how those who made them, could have believed they were stating w^hat is strictly true. How- ever this may be, it is clearly our duty to repel and expose LECTURES ON SLAVERY. 9 such charges. And before I close this discussion, I -will prove that they come with a pecuUarly ill grace from those who have made them. 4. My position in relation to this subject makes it pecu- liarly proper that I should undertake this duty. Unexpec- tedly appointed a commissioner to the General Assembly, and still more unexpectedly made chairman of the commit- tee on slavery, and consequently assailed as the principal author of the Report, it is particularly my duty to expose the misrepresentations and repel the assaults of Abolition- ists. And as it is well known, that I am in favor of the full and fair discussion of all subjects of importance, which agitate the public mind, my silence would undoubtedly be misconstrued. For these reasons I now enter upon the dis- cussion of this agitating subject — premising, that I now speak sinply as an individual, and am alone responsible for the sentiments I shall express. It is particularly important, in this discussion, that the precise points at issue should be distinctly understood. For in the discussion of no subject which I have had occasion to investigate, has error gained a greater advantage by ma- king false issues, than of the one now under consideration. I will therefore distinctly state the questions at issue, and in so doing, shall dispose of at least two-thirds of the argu- ments of the Abolitionists. 1. The question is notj whether it is right to reduce free men to a state of slavery. No class of christians, so far as I know, in any part of our country, pretend that it is. All Presbyterians, all christians, all philanthropists, de- nounce the African slave trade as an enormity not to be tol- erated. All, consequently, agree that slavery ought never to have been introduced into our country. Whetlier it is right to force a free man, charged with no crime, into a state of slavery, is one question — a question easily answer- ed. But what is our duty toward those who have been made slaves by others — how far we can immediately re- store to them their liberty, must depend upon many cir- cumstances. For illustration, it would be very wicked in me to reduce a rich man to poverty and want, either by- fraud or violence ; but how far I may be able to aid a man thus reduced by others, is a very different question — a question to be determined by circumstances. The slave- holding states have inherited the evil of slavery ; and for 10 LECTURES ON SLAVERY. this sad inheritance they are indebted in no slight degree, to England and to the older free states. And let it not be for- gotten, that Presbyterians compose but a very small propor- tion of the population of those states. They (the present generation) found the Africans in slavery. Many of them, almost all, I presume, deplore the existence of slavery amongst them. But the question is — what is their duty, situated as they are, Avith reference to it? Doubtless the spirit of the Gospel requires us to do what we can for the present and future happiness of our fellow-men ; but what is our duty, under the existing circumstances 1 This is the question ; and it may not be so easily answered. 2. The question between us and the Abolitionists, is not, whether there are evils connected with slavery, or whether slavery is itself a great evil. This is admhted, I believe, by most, if not all, Presbyterians, and by multitudes in the slave-holding states, who make no profession of religion. I have not a word to say in favor of slavery as a desirable institution. I have ever deplored its introduction into our country, and would do as much to remove it as any Aboli- tionist, so far as it can be removed by the operation of cor- rect principles. Multitudes of the most enlightened and in- fluential men in our country, as well as in England and Scotland, who never will, because they never can, believe the doctrine of the Abolitionists, r>or unite with them in their agitating measures, are as staunch friends of the slave, and as desirous of the removal of the evil of slavery, as the most zealous Abolitionist, if not more so. War is a dreadful evil ; but it does not follow, that there are no christian soldiers, nor that every church member who, under any circumstances, becomes a soldier, should be exconimunicated. All sober-minded men admit, that there is such a thing ?i^ justifiable war. So there may be such a thing as justifiable slavery. Yet we have, in our country, the non-resistance party^ who would excommuni- cate a man for resisting a highway robber, or for defending himself against the assaults of a murderer ! They have made much greater advances in removing evils, than the Ab- olitionists ; for Joshua Leavit, of the Emancipator^ informs us, that humane men are thinking seriously of reasoning with slave-holders, not with arguments, but with " cold steel !" Liberty is truly a great blessing ; and yet in the organ- LECTURES ON SLAVERY. 11' ization of human society, it must be more or less restrained according to circumstances. Children must be under pa- rental goverment, until mature age ; and yet they often feel that their liberty is gready restrained. Some of our mod- ern reformers, however, have gone so far as to renounce all family government, and leave children to be governed by their own inclinations ! Females, in our country, are not eligible to civil offices ; nor are they even permitted to vote in the election of civil officers ; and yet they are quite as deeply interested in the affairs of government, as men are. Moreover, Paul and Peter were so tyrannical (so some now consider \i) as to forbid women to become public speakers, and require them to obey their husbands. But we have reformers who have far greater light on this subject, than the Apostles had ; and they have formed " the women's rights party.'" And now it is by no means uncommon to see females, regardless of their proper sphere, and destitute of that modesty which is one of the chief ornaments of the sex, figuring as orators on the stage, amid the confusion of Abolitionist meetings ! Garrison and his party have more fully carried out their principles, than their brethren in this latitude ; but I see no reason to doubt, that in due time, they will follow suit. Some nations, it is admitted, are not qualified to sustain and enjoy a government so free as ours. Such, for exam- ple, is the condition of Mexico and South America. And all must admit, that where intelligence and virtue are, to a great extent, wanting in any country, a more despotic gov- ernment becomes necessary. May it not, then, be fairly questioned, whether there is in the slave population of the South and West so much virtue and intelligence, as to pre- pare them at once to enjoy full liberty, even were it within their reach ? May it not be absolutely necessary, for the good of both masters and slaves, and of the country gener- ally, that emancipation should be, as it has been wherever slavery has been abolished in this country, gradual, not im- mediate ? It is not difficult to foresee the evils which must result from the immediate emancipation of three millions of slaves, without intelligence, degraded to a great extent in moral character, without property, and without habits of in- dustry and economy. But admitting, as I most cheerfully do admit, that slavery ought everywhere to be abolished just as fast as it can be 13 LECTURES ON SLAVERY. on scriptural principles, without violence, with safety to all parties, the question arises — by what means can the condi- tion of the slaves be most effectually ameliorated for the present, and the ultimate removal of slavery be most safely and expeditiously accomplished ? I oppose modern Aboli- tionism, not because it tends to abolish slavery, but because its doctrines are false, and, as carried out in practice, tend to perpetuate slavery and to aggravate all its evils ! This I expect to prove in due time. But the Abolitionists, with as little wisdom as truth, de- nounce, as pro-slavery men, all who refuse to adopt their extravagant views, and to fall in with their agitating meas- ures. We are not yet reduced to the alternative of advoca- ting slavery as a blessing, or of uniting with them. 'I'wo physicians, for example, are called to consult on the case of a patient laboring under a disease which has assumed the chronic form. One of them insists, contrary to all estab- lished principles of medical practice, that he can cure the patient by one tremendous dose of strong medicine. The other protests, that such a dose will be his death, and refu- ses to allow it to be administered. The first Doctor then denounces the other as a most cruel man, utterly unwilling that the patient shall be cured — anxious indeed that he should die — an advocate of disease and death ! Precisely so do the Abolitionists. They seem incapable of understand- ing the obvious truth, that evils which have long existed, and become interwoven with the very texture of society, cannot be removed by one spasmodic movement ; and they seem wholly to forget, that if slavery is ever to be abolished in the slave-holding states, it must be abolished, as it has been in the older free states, with the consent of the peo- ple, and by the people of those states. 3. The question between us and the Abohtionists, is not whether the laws by which, in the several states, slavery is regulated, are just and righteous. Many of them are sadly defective, and some are oppressive and unjust in a high de- gree. The laws of Rome gave the master complete power over the life of his slave. These laws were most unright- eous. In some of the Southern states the laws prohibit slaves being taught to read. Such laws are most unjust. They are an invasion of the rights of conscience. No le- gislature has the right to forbid me to teach my family to read the word of God. I confess, I would not readily sub- LECTURES ON SLAVERY. 18 mit to such laws ; and I rejoice to learn, that in the South, they are to a great extent a dead letter, and are practically disregarded. But are individual christians to be responsible for all the defective or oppressive laws of the civil government under which they live ? Or are they to be charged with all the cruelty which the civil laws allow to be inflicted upon the slaves, whether they in fact inflict it on them or not? The law requiring the mail to be carried on the sabbath, we re- garded as unjust; and we sought its repeal. But that law did not require me to be a post-master or a mail-contractor. Consequently, notwithstanding its injustice, I could live in all good conscience toward God. The laws regulating the conjugal and parental relations, are, in many countries, and even in our own, defective or oppressive. In Kentucky, for example, divorces have of- ten been obtained upon the most flimsy pretexts ; and thus men who, according to God's law, were husbands, were permitted to marry again. But those laws, however they may permit men to treat their wives cruelly, do not compel any man to seek a divorce. In Ohio, I venture to assert, that men may, without exposing themselves to the penalty of the civil law, inflict great injustice and suffering upon their wives and children. Indeed no civil enactment can entirely protect those who are in the power of wicked men. But is every man obliged to do as much wrong as the civil law permits him to do in the relations of life ? And is any christian to be called before ecclesiastical courts upon the presumption, that such is his practice? Abolitionists, with singular absurdity, go to the law-books for a definition of slavery ; and having ascertained the pow- er the civil law gives the master over the slave, they charge the slave-holder with all the oppression and cruelty the law permits, and denounce every man who refuses to pronounce slave-holding in itself a heinous and scandalous sin, as de- fending all that cruelty and oppression. For they tell us, that all the evils which the civil law permits o be inflicted on the slave, are eiisential features of the relation, A specimen of this most unbound logic is found in the Watchman of the rV/Z/f?/, of June 12th. The editor quotes the statutes of South Carolina and Louisiana, defining the powers of the slave-holder, and then remarks : — " Such is ihe essential nature of American slavery, as defined by the 2 14 LECTURES ON SLAVERY. law which institutes and authorizes it. This " relation," which our august Assembly of divines and elders, the teach- ers and judges of religion and morals, plainly tell us, by implication is not in itself wrong, is simply a law — constitu- ted relation." The law of South Carohna, we are told, says — "Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to be chattels personal, in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administra- tors, and assigns, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever." Well, did the General Assembly say, the laws of South Carolina are either wise or just? It did not. Might not those laws be greatly modified without destroy- ing the relation of master and slave ? Every man of com- mon sense knows, they might. Then they do not consti- tute the essential nature of slavery, as the editor asserts. Again — are christians obliged to regard and treat their slaves as mere "chatties personal," as not " sentient beings, but things," because such is the language of the law, or of wri- ters on law ? May they not, whilst they claim their servi- ces, treat them as rational, accountable, immortal beings, with all kindness, providing abundant food and raiment; and affording opportuities for religious instruction ? Are the christians of South Carolina to be held individually re- sponsible for the laws of the state ? Or are they to be ex- communicated on the presumption that they are as cruel in the treatment of their slaves, as the law permits them to be ? With the same propriety I might charge these Ab- olitionist gentlemen with treating their wives and children, as cruelly as the civil law permits, and insist on their being excluded from the fellowship of the church. The folly of holding individuals responsible for the laws which regulate slavery, is perfectly manifest. It is, indeed, the duty of every christian, as a citizen, to seek, by all proper means, the repeal of oppressive laws, and the amendment of such as are defective. And this the General Assembly, in adopting the Report, exhorted the members of the churches under their care to do. Individu- als are responsible for existing laws, only so far as their influence as citizens, and their votes, will go to change them. And here I must notice one of the many slanders recent- ly published against the General Assembly, viz : that they approved of giving to the slaves simply oral mstructioti. LECTURES ON SLAVERY. 15 and of withholding from them the right to read the Word of God. What is the language of the Report on this sub- ject? It is as follows: " Every christian and philanthro- pist certainly should seek, by all peaceable and lawful means, the repeal of unjust and oppressive laws, and the amendment of such as are defective, so as to protect the slaves from cruel treatment by wicked men, and secure to them the right to receive religious instruction.^'' Slaves have never been forbidden to receive oral instruction. Of course, the language of the Report refers to the right to read the Word of God. The importance of the remarks now made will be still more manifest, from the following edito- rial article in the Watchman of the Valley of June 26th. " Nothing Wrong m the Relation Itself. — Dr. Edward Beecher, at the late meeting of the Massachusetts Abolition Society, adduced the folllowing law case. "A man was tried in North Carolina, for shooting his own female slave. Judge Ruffin decided, that according to slave law, the act could not be pronounced criminal, because the master must have unlimited control over the body of his slave, or the system cannot stand. In regard to this decision, the judge confessed, that "he felt its harshness, and that every person, in his retirement, must repudiate it; but in the actual state of things it must be so: there is no remedy.''' "According to the decision, then, of a Southern judge, extorted from him by the inexorable necessity of his legal logic, in opposition to his humane feelings, the relation of slavery, as constituted by law, is in itself cruel, authorizing the unlimited control of the master over the body of his slave, life not excepted. Why ? Because without such control, the system could not stand ; i. e. the relation could not exist, as it is now legally constituted. No sin in such a relation? Then there is no sin, a Carolina jurist being judge, for doing whatever is necessary, (be it stripes, tor- ture, or death,) to preserve this sinless, lawful relation !" It is truly astonishing that intelligent ministers of the Gospel will attempt to excite the feelings of men by such tales. I will not assert, that no Southern judge ever ren- dered himself ridiculous by delivering such sentiments as these ; and yet it appears incredible. But it is worse than vain for Dr. Edward Beecher and the Editor of the Watch- man, to attempt to convince the people of this country, that 16 LECTURES ON SLAVERY. the system of slavery cannot be sustained, unless the mas- ter have unlimited control over the lives of his slaves. Ev- ery body knows better. They might just as well assert, that a man cannot preserve family government, unless he have the right to kill his wife and cliildren ! But let us admit, that the system of slavery cannot be sustained, unless the master have unlimited power over the body of the slave ; then I can proclaim to the Abolitionists good news — that in Kentucky, and indeed in all the slave- holding states, the system of slavery has received its death- blow ; for in no one of them, so far as I know, has the master any such power over his slaves. The law of Ken- tucky, passed in 1830, is as follows: " That if any owner of a slave shall treat such slave cru- elly and inhumanly, so as in the opinion of the jury to en- danger the life or Jimb of swch slave, or shall not supply his slave with sufficient food and raiment, it shall and may be lawful for any pei*son acquainted with the fact or facts, to state and set forth in a petition to the circuit court, the facts, or any of them aforesaid, of which the defendant hath been guilty, and pray that such slave or slaves may be taken from the possession of the owner, and sold for the benefit of such owner, agreeably to the 7ih article of the constitu- tion." By a subsequent section, it is made the duty of the cir- cuit court to take up such cases and try them immediately after getting through with the criminal cases before it. A precisely similar law exists in Louisiana^ as I am informed by a very respectable lawyer, w^ho is a member of the Episcopal church, and has practiced law in New Orleans for thirteen years past. He informed me, tliat he had, in several instances, known slaves taken from their masters in consequence of cruel treatment, and sold into other hands. In one instance, the negro did not sell for a sufficient sum to pay the costs of the suit. The cruel master, therefore, lost his slave and paid all the costs. Similar laws exist in Alabama. Dr. Drake, in a lecture on the subject of slave- ry, delivered in this city last winter, stated, that whilst tra- vehng through Alabama, he met a sherifl' and his posse re- turning from the penitentiary, where they had safely lodged a man, who owned a farm and a number of slaves, and who had been convicted, chiefiy on circumstantial evidence, of having killed one of his slaves. Ten years, if I rightly re- LECTURES ON SLAVERY. 17 member, was to be the period of his confinement in the penitentiary. If, then, it be true, as Dr. Beecher and the editor of the Watchman would have the people believe, that the system of slavery cannot be sustained, unless the master have un- limited control over his slaves ; it must soon be abolished, and the Abolitionists need give themselves little further trouble. In Kentucky, the slave has the same protection that a child has. But what, I ask, must be the inevitable effect of publish- ing such stories, and making such appeals ? If they are believed in the free states, the effect will be, to make the people of the South regarded as monsters in human shape ; and in the slave-holding states, those who publish them will be detested as a set of base slanderers. In vain will such men address the slave-holder on the duty of liberating his slaves. It is thus that Abolitionists have lost every particle of influence which they might have exerted in the slave- holding states. The law of the Presbyterian church on the subject of the treatment of slaves, is clear and explicit. In 1818, the General Assembly gave the following injunction to all church Sessions and Presbyteries under their care. "We enjoin it on all church Sessions and Presbyteries, under the care of this Assembly, to discountenance, and, as far as possible, to prevent all cruelty, of whatever kind, in the treatment of slaves ; especially the cruelty of separating husband and wife, parents and children ; and that which consists in selling slaves to those who will either themselves deprive these unhappy people of the blessings of the Gos- pel, or who will transport them to places where the Gospel is not proclaimed, or where it is forbidden to slaves to at- tend upon its institutions. The manifest violation or disre- gard of the injunction here given, in its true spirit and intention, ought to be considered as just ground for the dis- cipline and censures of the church. And if it shall ever happen that a christian professor, in our communion, shall sell a slave who is also in communion and good standing with our church, contrary to his or her will and inclination, it ought immediately to claim the particular attention of the proper church judicature ; and unless there be such peculiar circumstances attending the case as can but seldom happen, it ought to be followed, without delay, by a suspension of 2* IS LECTURES ON SLAVERY. the offender from all the privileges of the church, till he re- pent, and make all the reparation in his power to the in- jm-ed party." Such is the law of our church on this subject. If the Abolitionists can prove any member of the JPresbyterian church, guilty of cruel treatment to his slaves, let them take measures to have such member brought before the proper tribunal; and I pledge my word, he will be dealt witli just as if guilty of any other immorality. Tlie venerable Dr, Chalmers well remarks — " Our understanding of Christian- ity is, that it deals with persons and ecclesiastical institu- tions, and that the object of these last is to operate directly and proximately with the most wholesome effect on the consciences and tlie character of persons. In conformity with this view, a purely and righteously adniini-stered church will exclude from the ordinances, not a man as a slave-hold- er, but every man, whether slave-holder or mot, as licen- tious, as intemperate, as dishonest.,"^ 4. After what I have already said, it is scarcely nccessay to say, that the q^uestion between us and the Abolitionists is not, whetlier a christian may regard and treat his slaves as mere proper/ 1/, not as ^'sentient beings.'" Men own horses: but tliey are not permitted by the civil law, to treat them inhumanly. Much more is a christian, who owns a slave, bound to treat him as a man, with all kindness, and to aflbrd him tlie necessary opportunity to receive reli- gious instruction. The language of the Report oihe this point is clear and strong : " Nor is this Assembly to be un- derstood as countenanciog the idea, that masters may regard their slaves as mere property, not as human beings, rational, accountable, immortal. The Scriptures pres Glasgow Edition. Approved by the Board of Publication of the Cahinistic Book Concern. DiCli'S liectwres. — Lectures on Theology: by the late Rev. John Dick, D. D. With a Biographical Introduction, by an American Editor. Imp. 8vo. 572 pages. M'Crie's IL.ives of tlie Scottish Reformers.— By the late Thomas M'Crie, D. D., containing the lives of Knox and Melville ; together with a memoir of William Veitch, written by him- self. Imperial 8vo,, 502 pages. Ovren on tlie Spirit and 130tli Psalm.— By Joa- Owen, D. D. Imp. 8vo. 522 pages. Erskiue^S Sermons.— The Sermons or the Rev. Ralph EttsKiNE, A. M. Imp. 8vo. JOSepllUS' IVorRs. — Complete in one vol., royal 8vo., 648 pages, with Portrait and Engravings. Vr F^ - IJ^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 899 712 8