/^ \;-fS% ' rfZ25 o > &P ^ - IP** A** * v ^ .^ .0' SLAVERY: LECTURE DELIVERED BEFORE THE LYCEUM IN ATTLEBOROUGH, jan. 4th. 1838. BY HEV. BENJAMIN- OBER. PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. PAWTUCKET, MASS. Robert Sherman : ::::::: :trinter. 1838. *i 6T i 6 */ TO THE READER. I feel that, injustice to the cause I have advocated in the fol- lowing pages, I ought to say, that this Lecture tvas not intended to be a thorough discussion of the subject; but only so much was said, and such points touched upon, as appeared necessary, in order to meet the exigency of circumstances connected with the Lyceum, without any expectation of its appearing in public. I do not think that half has been said, that might be said as to the best means for removing the evils of slavery. JYeither do I think that one half has been said that might and ought to be said as to the incorrectness of some of the principles adopted by aboli- tionists, nor of the unfavorable tendency of some of their measures. * ^ LECTI We live in an age of experiments ; from the capitol of the United States, to the most retired and secluded hamlet, from ihe Chief Magistrate to the most humble citizen, we find a feeling that seems to impel, and upon the high pressure principle, to- wards a revolution. The mind of man, restless and uneasy, al- ways active and always busy, it is as irrepressible as the wind that sweeps the forest— though irrepressible, it may sometimes be influenced and directed into almost any channel and to any object. But to guide the mind or to direct its operations so as to arrive at truth and produce the best practical results, much study, the most careful training, deep and thorough investigation, and calm and deliberate conclusions are indispensably necessary. But these rules are frequently overlooked or entirely disregarded by ardent temperaments, heated imaginations, and by uncultiva- ted and unlearned minds. Many minds will lay hold of abstract principles, and being neither acquainted with the elements of philosophy or the principles of logic, draw from those principles deductions both incorrect and dangerous. Hence we may see the importance of coming to the investigation of a subject with consideration, with unsophisticated and unbiased minds. Preju- dices and party feelings shnld be laid aside when we come upon the investigation of any subject, and especially is this necessary when the subject is one that has already agitated the community, when parties have been formed, sides taken, prejudices raised, and even hostilities commenced. To introduce such a subject for investigation, under such circumstances is attended with many disadvantages. If it is done in concert with others, either bv dis- cussion, or by lecture, there is but little hope of much good being effected, because minds are most generally made up, or show a very strong inclination to one side or the other — therefore, preju- dice is the principal thing to combat, and prejudice is one of the most difficult things in the world to overcome. Therefore, in or- der to have a discussion profitable, it is all important that every person interested in the subject should endeavor to divest himself as much as possible from all prejudice and party feeling, and come to the investigation just as a mathematician would set down for the investigation of a mathematical proposition, or a philoso- pher would set down to the investigation of some one of the laws of nature. With these principles in mind, I would introduce for the subject of our investigation, Slavery. And I hope that all present will endeavor to listen to the remarks which may be made just as you would though the subject were entirely new to you; that is, do this so far as the nature of the subject and the man- ner in which it will be treated will admit. When I speak of abolition, let no one feel at the mention of the word that he is touched, or that allusion is made to a subjeot which he consid- ers paramount in interest to all others, and a suspicion at once arise in the mind that an attack is to be made upon it and begin to fortify the mind against whatever may be said, but hear can- didly, weigh carefully, and decide impartially and correctly. So I would say in regard to the mention of the word or name abo- litionist, let no one feel on the mention of this word, that he is identified with that name, but think of it just as you would if a class of persons were alluded to, whom you were acquainted with only in name. If these principles could be adhered torfur- ing the remarks of this evening, we should be understood, arid kind feelings if not perfect unanimity would be secured. The course that I have proposed to myself as the best to be pursued this evening, is the following. First, to give a brief history of Slavery, and its tendency and consequence. Secondly, support some means and measures, which appear to me 10 be calculated to remove the evil. And in conclusion, give my reasons for not co-operating with the Abolitionists in their means and measures. I propose to pursue this course because it would seem that many are deeply interested in the subject who have but a very partial knowledge of its extent and character ; who think that Slavery is something that has had its origin in these United States, and that too, under the sanction of our Constitution. It is important for us all to know that Slavery is of ancient origin. The oldest history that is found in any language giving us a par- ticular account of Slavery. Its history begins about 4000years ago. The first mention of Slavery I believe is found in the book of Genesis, 9, 25, where Noah cursed his son Ham for his wick- edness, in the following language, " a servant of servants shalt thou be" and it was so. The first son of Ham was called Cush, the meaning of which is black, and the descendants of Ham are the Africans, known to have been an enslaved people. By the way however, I think, I ought to mention before I proceed any farther, that the word Slave is not found in the Hebrew or Greek scriptures — it is found twice in our translation, once in Jeremi- ah 2, 14: where the word was supplied by the translators as you will see by turning to the pacsage; you will find the word Slave printed in italics, as all words supplied by the translators are. — It is again used in Rev. 18, 13; where the word in the Greek, Somat'in, which means body, but by Metonymy is used in the translation, Slave. The word used in the original to denote Slave is dmlos, which means a man in a servile stale, a slave or servant, one who is subservient, addicted or devoted to a thing; also a bondman, or slave, an attendant, and sometimes an agent or minister. But to return to Ham and his descendants. It was prophesied that this people should be enslaved, and the prophesy has been most dreadfully fulfilled; but though it was prophesied and though it may be a curse upon them, yet that does not justi- fy any for enslaving them, any more than the murderers of the Lord Jesus were justified in crucifying him because his cruci- fixion and all the circumstances were foretold hundred of years before, They did unto him whatsoever they listed, and by their wicked hands he was crucified and slain. But though the de- scendants of Ham are an accursed race, an enslaved people, yet the time is coming when they will be a ransomed people. God has said speaking of a future day, 6i and it shall come to pass in that day that the Lord shall set his hand again to recover the remnant of his people which shall be left — from Cush." Hence, I believe that the time will come when they will be recovered from their bondage, but I believe too, that God will do it in his way, the way that God has appointed to produce a regeneration of this world is through the power and influence of the Gospel, (but on this point I propose to speak more particularly in the sequel.) To proceed with the history. Slavery existed very extensively at the time of Moses. It was then so firmly established that he could not abolish it even if he desired to — how that was,we have no means of knowing, but one thing we know, he enacted various salutary laws and regulations in regard to it. The Israelites held slaves or servants from among the Hebrews themselves, but then, they were to be circumcised and were required to worship the only true God, This was per- mitted by tiie Lord for a time, but for what purpose we know not. But at length, he intimated to the Israelites that it was no longer to be allowed, as appears from the 5<3, G , Isaiah, where he reproves the Israelites for their manner of worship, while they continue to hold some of his chosen people in bondage — he says to them, li Is not this the fast that that I have chosen, to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke." This was said to them in reference to the Hebrew slaves only, as will appear from Jeremiah, 34, 9, " That every man should let his man servant,and every man his maid servant, being an Hebrew or an Hebrewess, go free, that none should serve himself of them to wit of a Jew his brother." They obeyed this command, but Pharaoh like, repented that they had clone so, and again reduced them to bondage. There were various ways in which slaves were obtained. If a man was poor, reduced to extreme poverty, he might sell himself. A father might sell his children for slaves- Insolvent debtors might be delivered to their creditors as slaves- Thieves who were not able to make restitution for their theft, or the value, were sold for the benefit of the sufferers. They were frequently made slaves by captivity, and many were made slaves by their birth. When persons were born of married slaves,they too were considered the same. These were the various ways in which slaves were obtained; but it is generally supposed s that sla- very had its origin in captivity — when persons were taken captive they were reduced to slavery. Slaves received both food and cloth- ing, but for the most part of the meanest quality, but all they earned belonged to their lorcte. They were allowed to form marriages, but it was at or according to the will of their mas- ters, and their children were slaves. If a married Hebrew sold himself, he was to serve for six years, and in the seventh he was to go out free, together with his wife and children, but if his master had given him one of his slaves for a wife, she was to re- main with her children as the property of his master. But the husband might remain if he chose. The slaves among the He- brews were generally employed in tending cattle and in agricul- tural employments. They were generally treated with humanity though sometimes their lot was hard, and they were treated very cruelly. Therefore Moses enacted laws to this effect, that' they should be treated with humanity, that if a master struck his ser- vant or maid with a rod or staff and he or she died under his hafld, he was to be punished by the Magistrate. A slave who lost an eye or a tooth by a blow from his or her master, acquired his or her liberty in consequence. All slaves are to rest from their labors upon Sabbath days and great festivals, and were to be invited to certain feasts. Hebrew slaves were to continue in slavery only till the year of jubilee when they might return to liberty and their mas- ter could not retain them against their wills. But if they were de- sirous to remain with their masters, they were brought to the judg- es, before whom they were to make a declaration, that from this time they disclaimed the privilege of this law, and had their ears bored through with an awl against the door posts of their master's house, after which they had no more power to recover their liberty until the next year of jubilee, after 49 years. If a Hebrew by birth was sold to a stranger or alien dwelling in the vicinity of the land of Israel, his relatives were to redeem him, and such slave was to make good the purchase money if he were able, paying in proportion to the number of years that remained to the year of jubilee. And one thing more, if a slave of another master fled to the Hebrews he was to be received hospitably, and was to be given up to his master.* These remarks are only the outlines of slavery among *See Humes Introduction. ' » 9 the Hebrews. It would take more time than we have to spare, to enter into all its history, but as bad as Hebrew slavery was it was a great deal worse among some other nations. Among the Greeks and Romans, slavery wore a different as- pect. Especially among the Romans — there the slaves were in a much worse state than the cattle ; they had no head in the state, no name, no title, no register. They were not entitled to the rights of matrimony. They might be sold, transferred or pawned, like other goods or personal estate. In case of war, whenever they gained a victory, or subdued a province, the cap- tives were reduced to slavery. Gentlemen and Ladies, high and low, rich and poor, the refined and rude were all reduced to the most servile slavery, or deepest degradation, without regard to character or rank. And over the lower order of slaves if not over all that were held in bondage, the masters had an absolute power; they might scourge or put them to death at pleasure. — By the Koman laws a slave could not bear testimony without undergoing the rack, and if the master of a family were slain in in his house, all his domestic slaves were liable to be put to death, though their innocence were ever so manifest. Tacitus gives us an account of a Prefect of the city of Rome being slain by one of his slaves, for which offence all his other slaves 400 in number were put to death. Such was slavery among the Romans and the Greeks. But it differs among different nations. In some of the eastern nations they are treated with great cruelty. An ac- count is found in Mr. Jowett's Christian Researches in theMed- itteranean, an extract of which will give some idea of the rigor with which slaves are to this day treated at the East. He s vs the conductor of a nitre factory for the Pasha of Egypt havi received commands to prepare a large quantity of nitre i:i h as te — for this purpose, was building small resvroirs and ducts with old picked bricks gathered from ruins <$-c. a great number 10 of young persons of both sexes were engaged in the work, carry- ing burdens. To give vivacity to the proceedings, they are re- quired to sing, and to keep them diligent, there were task mas- ters standing at intervals of about ten feet, with whips in their hands which they used very freely. And he adds, he seemed to behold the manners of the ancient Egyptians. But in others, they are treated very differently. In Barbary, the rich people when childless have been known to purchase young slaves, to educate them in their own faith, and sometimes to adopt them for their own children. The great men in the Ot- toman Empire, have been originally slaves, brought up in the seraglio. And the Mamaluke Sovereigns of Egypt were origi- nally Turkish and Circassian slaves, bought of the Tartars, brought up to arms and raised to the principal offices of the Em- pire. Thus we see that slavery is almost coeval with the world — dif- fering in its character according to time, place, circumstances, and owners* But the slavery that principally concerns us is that which now exists in our own country. Slavery was first introduced into this country in the year 1620, by a Dutch ship, which arrived in James River in Va. having on board twenty negroes which were sold to the planters — and the traffic from that time increased so rapidly, that in 1756 stren- uous efforts were made, laws were passed prohibiting the impor- tation of slaves, by the Representatives, but those who were higher in authority yielding to the wishes of the merchants en- gaged in this abominable traffic, persisted with criminal obstina- cy in withholding their assent, so that now it is estimated that there are two and a half millions of slaves in our Southern states, most of whom are in a state of the deepest degradation and suf- fering. But to speak particularly of the suffering of the slave is unnecessary, for we live in a day when this subject has agitated II the community more than any other, when there are many men who do little else than go about, portraying in the most glowing colors the cruelties of slavery. Probably there is scarcely an individual here, but has heard such representations of the sub- ject, that he can scarcely hear it alluded to, but he immediately, in imagination, hears the cracking of the whip, the clanking of the chains, and the groaning of the captives; extreme cases of vio- lence and suffering among the slaves have been selected and have been bandied about the country as a fair and correct specimen of slavery. It is seldom ever heard that a slave is treated well, or that he has a kind and good master. No, every man who holds a slave is a man stealer, and every thing else that is bad; thus the character of slavery has been misrepresented. Now what I want is truth, a faithful and correct representa- tion of this or any other subject. That Southern slavery taken in the aggregate is a system of cruelty and oppression there can be little doubt — but, that slavery in every conceivable shape is sin, is, I think by no means true. Before we pronounce this o r any thing else to be sin, we must have some standard by which to judge. Some infallible standard. It will not do for a man to pronounce a thing to be sin, unless he can prove it — his asser- tion does not make it so. Now what infallible standard of right and wrong do we have? What but the Bible? Here then we are to come, and not to the opinions of men to know what sin is. And how does that define sin? Why the Bible declares that "sm is the transgression of the law;" this is the general defini- tion of sin, and again it says, " all unrighteousness is sin." — Here then we have a clear and full definition of what sin is. — Let us then bring slavery to this rule. In the first place what is slavery? It is bondage, the state of entire subjection of one person to the will of another. Now if sin is the transgression of the law, how can slavery be made sin? What law is there that 12 forbids one person being in a state of entire subjection to anoth- er? But it may be said that slavery is generally attended with cruelty and oppression. Very well — this is unrighteous, and as all unrighteousness is sin, then it must be the appendages of slavery that is sin, and not slavery itself. It cannot be made out justly, nor logically, that slavery in the abstract, is in all cases sin. It is contrary to the meaning of language, it is con- trary to the Bible definition of sin, it is contrary to reason and to common sense. One of the appendages of slavery is in some cases, making merchandise of the bodies of men 5 this is unright- eous in the extreme, therefore making merchandise of men is sin. Another thing often attendant on slavery is cruelty — this too is unrighteous, therefore cruelty to slaves is sin. Another thing that generally exists with slavery is, that masters keep their slaves in the deepest and grossest ignorance — this too is unright- eous and is therefore sin. Another thing that is very frequently connected with slavery is an unlawful, illicit and criminal in- tercourse with the females 5 this is not only unrighteous, but it is a violation of the moral law of God 5 therefore it is a sin of the deepest die. Another thing often attending slavery is the sepa- rating parents from children, wives from husbands, and sunder- ing the tenderest and dearest ties of nature — this is unrighteous in the extreme, and is therefore a great sin. Now these are things connected with slavery, that my soul abhors. It is most unjust, cruel, oppressive and wicked, and ought to receive the strongest reprobation of man, as it most surely will the severest indignation of God. These things I say are sin and ought to be immediately abandoned. Here I would contend for immediate abolition. But, immediate abolition of these evils is one thing, and immediate emancipation of the slaves another. I use the word emancipation as Webster uses it, viz: to free from servi- tude, subjection or dependance. I contend that every thing that 13 is connected with slavery that is .sin of unrighleon s should be immediately abolished or abandoned. But I do not believe that it would be a righteous treatment of (he slaves to give them an im- mediate emancipation, to free them from all restraint and sub- jection. We have heard much about the cruelty of the slave holder, and the oppression and suffering of the slaves, and were this all that made slavery horrible, then I would plead for imme- diate emancipation too. But there is another feature of slavery that is, I had almost said, infinitely worse than the cruelty and the oppression, they endure— it is the degradation of the mind. Immediate emancipation will not cure this. The very worst fea- tures of slavery to my vision is the degradation, the prostration and the corruption of the moral man. What is the physical part of man, to the moral? What is the wreck of the body to the wreck of the mind? What is the loss of liberty and the loss of property, to the loss of virtue and morality? What is the ruin of the body and all earthly happiness, to the ruin of the soul. — The loss of liberty, the loss of property, the loss of any thing that a man can sustain in his person, is nothing to the loss of his moral sensibilities and obligations. Such has been the tendency of much of Southern slavery. I know there are some excep- tions to this. There are many churches at the South, where a majority of the members are slaves. Many masters at the South are pious men — they and their slaves belong to the same church, and sit together at the same communion table, and give their slaves instruction upon the Sabbath. But such cases are excep- tions to the general rule. The great majority of slaves are re- duced to the lowest moral degradation 5 they are lost to all mor- al sense and obligation, through the abuse of their masters. And now I contend that such men arc not prepared to have their lib- erty — liberty to such would not be a blessing. The work of preparing them for liberty must be a gradual work. No skilful 14 physician expects to cure inveterate and confirmed diseases in a moment — it must be done by patient and skilful management. And here I would suggest what appears to me to be the proper, most judicious and most effectual remedy for this evil. Before we can profitably apply a remedy, we must understand the cause. Now it is well known that slavery is upheld by law, and if it is ever abolished, it must be by legislation. Congress has power to strike a death blow to slavery in the United States. It can abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and put a stop to the traffic in slaves between the states. Let this be done and it would have a tremendous influence upon the South, and would do much towards removing the evil. Then the slave-holding states must follow the example of Congress. The slaves ought to be put under protection of law ; there should be a law made forbidding the buying and selling slaves as an article of trade. Law should also be made to protect them from violence and outrage. And laws should also be made to secure them the advantages of acquiring knowledge. And in my opinion it would be no more than justice that those who have thus abused their slaves and reduced them to this degradation and moral pollution, should still retain their con- nexion with their slaves, till they have made some reparation of the injury done. They should cease buying, and selling them, and no longer hold them as property It should cease their cruelties, aad then slaves themselves should be allowed to seek redress of griev- ances at law. And further, the master should provide them means and opportunity for learning to read, and to acquire so much knowl- edge as will enable them to take care of themselves. And they should have the gospel preached to them. From their training, and their habits, and their ignorance, it would be folly to suppose them capable of providing for, or taking care of themselves. I know some with more boldness than wisdom assert that the slave can not only take care of himself, but does 15 take care of himself and his master too. But this reply does not deserve a serious answer. Now the next question is, how is Congress and the several States to be brought to adopt or enact such laws. Public opinion must go before legislation. Means and measures must then be adopted to enlist the public in the enterprise ; and in this case the public sentiment of the South is more important to be gained than the public sentiment of the North. The public sentiment of the North, has for a long time been opposed to slavery, but it has avail- ed little at the South. It is useless and false to say that the public sentiment of the North is in favor of slavery, so long as the laws of the Free States forbid slavery within their boundaries. 1 he Northern States cannot legislate for the Southern — all that the Free States can do in regard to the subject, is to express their opin- ion in regard to the injustice of the system of slavery, and use their influence to persuade the South to legislate on the subject. And to do this, we must in some way or other get at the South. The evil exists there, and there I believe must begin the cure. We must get hold of the feelings of the South, and to do this we must go to work very judiciously. Slavery you know is the chief source of their gains, and if you touch them here, you will touch a very sensitive spot ; so that you must touch them as though you touched them not. Indirect means rather than direct should be employed. The object we have in view should not stand out in such bold relief as to alarm the South and put them immediately on the defensive. But we must begin gently, we must act friendly, and not inimieal- ly ; and if they discover our intention, let it not appear that we mean to force ourselves upon them, or that we mean to compel them to comply with our wishes, but that we mean to express our feelings kindly and with the best motives. In the spirit of kind- ness appeal to their sensibilities, appeal to their own views of right and wrong, appeal to their consciences, appeal to tiic word of God. 16 But. do it all kindly. The law of kindness will bind more firmly than the greatest possible degree of lawless force. In dealing with mn we must consider disposition, habits, temperaments, customs, and prejudices ; and if we wish to accomplish the object in view, we must take care and not run afoul of their prejudices or disposi- tions, for if we do we may frustrate our object. Our first object should be, to obtain a candid hearing; not go to work in such a way as to prejudice the slave-holder and all concerned against us the first thing. If there be an opposite feeling, then conciliatory measures should be pursued — try to calm down the irritated feel- ings, pour oil upon the troubled waters ; the way must be prepared to press upon them the evils of slavery. There is now a very strong prejudice existing on the part of the South towards the North ; there is more than this ; there is a feeling of bitter hostility cher- ished towards the North, and so long as this feeling is continued we cannot have much influence over them, and in order to allay this feeling a friendly and conciliatory course must be pursued. We may discuss the subject here through the press, and let these dis- cussions be carried to the South. But such discussions should be calm, manly, rational, fair ?md honorable discussions; such as any man could read without having his feelings outraged, or his common sense insulted. When the Southern people are spoken of, they should be spoken of as men ; they should be treated as men, and then we may expect them to act like men. We are not to deal with them as though they were ignorant of the evils of slavery. — They are not ; they knoiv it is a system of wrong and ought to be abandoned ; their consciences are at war with their hearts continu- ally, unless it be in case where the conscience has become seared. Motives and arguments must be used to induce them to do what they know to be duty. Their situation is very much like that of impen- itent sinners, they know their duty but will not do it, and they must be treated very much in the same way ; they must be continually 17 warned, exhorted, urged, persuaded, and every possible moral influence be brought to bear upon their conscience and upon their hearts; but it must be done kindly; the Apostles injunction must be remembered, 6 ' be gentle towards all men," " in meek- ness instructing those that oppose themselves," and then it will be with the Southern Slavery as it was with the Greek and Ro- man slavery, just in proportion as the power and influence of the gospel operated, did slavery recede before it. I believe that slavery like every other sin must be cured by the. gospel; it is the gospel that must correct public opinion. I believe in the Omnipotence of divine truth. I believe in an over ruling Providence ; and looking at the condition and the feeling of the South, I utterly despair of ever seeing slavery abolished there, without the interference of Providence. And whatever measures are adopted by us, for the accomplishment of this ob- ject, should be in accordance ivith the spirit and word of God, or we cannot expect that Providence will either guide us, or succeed our efforts. I believe too that slavery is a greater moral than political evil, and we cannot expect that moral evils will be cured without the aid of the superior power ; therefore I hold that one of the most important things to be done for the re- moval of the evils of slavery is to pray for it. /know the scep- tic and the infidel may ridicule the idea, but none of these things move me. I believe in the Omnipotence of prayer; ''prayer moves him who moves the world," and "in his hand are the hea Is of men and he can turn them as the rivers of water are turned." Men need much wisdom to engage in such an enterprise as that of abolishing slavery : more than most men have, and what shall be done, but to apply to him who "giveth liberally and upbraideth not." Let men pray over this subject; let them ask God what he will have them do in regard to it, and then I believe their measures would be better directed, and more efficient. I do no f - 3 18 believe that prayerless unprincipled men will do much else than raise an excitement, inflame men's passions and hurry them on to unjustifiable means, and eventually they will find that •* their violent dealings will come down upon their own pate." What good will it do for men, who " fear not God nor regard man," to stand forth and rail against the sins of their neighbors? None; but sooner or later it will bring them into confusion and con- tempt. They must find that it is not very profitable taking care of anothers vineyard, before taking care of their own. Such men are very frequently alluding to the course and means pur- sued by distinguished Reformers that have gone before us. But who are they? Why, John Knox, Martin Luther, Granville Sharpe, William Wi!berforce, John Howard, and other kindred spirits, but they were all men of prayer. Most of them spent several hours every day in prayer; these were the very men to take hold of a reformation. Let those who plead their example, imitate them in their private character, and they maybe reform- ers too. I have now given you a brief history of slavery, its character, and tendency; and have also suggested some of the measures, which to me, appear the most judicious for removing the evil. — And as I have understood that this subject was brought before this Lyceum for the purpose of "drawing me out," I should not feel that the object was fully accomplished if I should stop before I had given my reasons for not joining the abolition party. And the reason that I would give for this, is that I do not ap- prove of their principles, nor of their measures, as I understand them. The principle upon which they base their doctrine is this, that slavery in every shape and form is sin. Now this I do not subscribe to. To prove this, I will first suppose a case. I hap- pen to be at a certain place where there is a family of slaves put up at auction. There is the father and mother and six children; 11) they are liable to be separated, scattered to the four winds. — They will be sold, this is certain. Now it is in my power to preserve that family from all the horrors of perhaps a final sepa- ration, and from much cruelty and suffering, by purchasing them myself — I buy them and take a bill of sale of them, and the right and title to them is made over to me. I am now a slave holder, but I have bought these slaves out of pure benevolence, for the sole good of these slaves. Now I cannot afford to give them their freedom — so I say to them, I cannot afford to give you your freedom, but you must be under my control and direction, and labor for me, till you have repaid me what I have paid, and I will do all I can to prepare you for liberty, for your freedom; then you are free to go where you please. Now would any one say that I was not a slave-holder, and would any one say I was sinning in so doing, and that I ought immediately to liberate these slaves. I do not believe it; therefore I do not believe that slavery under all circumstances is sin. If it is, then sin was tolerated and sanctioned under the economy of the Old Testa- ment, and was sanctioned also under the Gospel by the Apostles, for they enjoined obedience on the slaves; they laid down rules for the regulation of the conduct of the slaves and the masters. If slavery under all circumstances is sin, would Paul have treat- ed the subject as he did? If slavery itself is sin, would Paul have told servants to be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ; not with eye service as men pleas- es, but as the servants of Christ, doing the ivill of God from the heart, with good will, doing service as to the Lord, and not to men." If this does not teach slaves to feel that they are called of God into a state of servitude, and that they are doing the will of God, rather than the will of man, then I do not know what it means; for the Apostle goes on to say, " Knowing that whatso- 20 ever good thing a man doeth the same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be bond or free." He was then addressing bondmen, but he would preserve them from abuse, for he adds, u Ye masters do the same thing unto them, forbearing threaten- ing." He does not even allow them to use harsh and threaten- ing language. And in another place he says — " Ye masters give unto your servants that which is just and equal." If free- dom is what he meant why did he not say so? " Call things by their right names" and say slavery is sin and should be imme- diately abolished. He no where condemns slavery, neither did our Savior. He laid down this broad and righteous principle, u whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them." But what did he mean to teach by this? That we should always and under all circumstances do to another as we might wish him to do to us? Certainly not; for then it might in some cases lead to a violation of some express command. The meaning must be this; a man should do to others in certain cir- cumstances, as he would be done to, or as he ought to be done by in the same circumstances. It does not mean that a man under all circumstances is to do to another just what he might wish that man to do to him. Suppose this to be the meaning; what would become of justice? Here is a criminal arraigned before a court of justice to be tried by judge and jury; now if the judge and jury must do to this criminal, just as they would be done by, what would they do? Upon this principle they would and must acquit him, guilty or not guilty. The rule laid down by our Savior then, means no more than this; that we do toothers that which is right to be done to them in their circum- stances. Now this is a general principle laid down by our Sa- vior, and will not admit of particular and universal application, as is evident from the illustration. And this is one serious ob- jection I have to abolitionists; they will take a general principle 21 and apply it to particular cases where it is not applicable. It is all important that a man beware of supposing that because a prin- ciple is clear in the abstract, that it is equally clear in its explica- tion to every possible case. It is the maintaining of this position that has been the source of half the political and moral delusions that have distracted our earth. The value or worthless n ess of general principles always de- pends on the application a man makes of them. We live in an excited age, and in an excitement that originates in metaphysical principles. We are contending, because our principles are too broad to be fully understood by narrow minds, and perhaps it would be well for us to remember the words of one of the wisest politicians that ever brought the dictates of philosophy to calm the passions of mankind. I cannot says Edmund Burke, stand forward arid give praise or blame to any thing which relates to human actions or human concerns, on a simple view of the ob- ject, as it stands stript of every relation, in all the nakedness and solitude of metaphysical abstraction. Circumstances, (which with some pass for nothing,) give in reality to every political principle its distinguishing color and discriminating effect. — The circumstances are what render every civil and political scheme beneficial or noxious to mankind. Abstractly speaking, government ^ y TrelTr jgsfe^V is good. Yet could I in common sense ten years ago, have felicitated France on her enjoyment of government, without inquiring what the nature of that govern- ment was, or how it was administered? Could I even congratu- late the same nation upon its freedom? Is it because liberty in the abstract is to be classed among the blessings of mankind, that I am seriously to felicitate a madman who has escaped from the protecting restraint and wholesome darkness of his cell, on his restoration to the enjoyment of light and liberty? Am I to con- gratulate a highwayman and a murderer who has broke his *• 4U~£C <*--? 22 irons, ou the recovery of his natural rights? And I would add, are we to congratulate the slave on his emancipation to liberty and free- dom, who is disqualified to make a good and profitable improve- ment of his liberty? That this is the case with all the slaves 1 do not contend, but it is true in regard to the greatest proportion of them. If slavery in the abstract and under all circumstances is sin, why did Paul say " let every man abide in the same calling where- in he is called ; art thou called being a servant care not for it, but if thou mayst be made free, use it rather." What is this but teach- ing slaves to be content with their lot as called into it by God, but if he in his Providence should open a way in which they may be made free, then they may improve it. And Paul was not alone in the manner in which he treated the subject of slavery. The Apos- tle Peter in his epistle to the strangers scattered throughout Pon- tius, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia and Bithynia, says to the "servants be subject to your masters with all fear, not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward, for this is thankworthy if a man for conscience towards God endure grief, suffering wrongfully." If it be wrong in every possible case for one man to be in subjection to another, why are servants commanded to be subject to their mas- ters? I hesitate not to say that the Abolitionists are wrong in prin- ciple. They may take right measures to remove the, cruelties and the abuses of slavery : and with this they should be satisfied to let emancipation rest till the way is made plain for them to go free, then let them use it. Here is another principle they have adopted. A very distinguish- ed writer, and President of an Anti-Slavery Society, speaking of " certain great principles of truth and righteousness," says u these principles of truth and righteousness are so identified with the Anti- Slavery Society that they cannot prosper only as it prospers." But is this correct? Will not the principles of truth and righteousness 23 which the Anti-Slavery Society have adopted, (if indeed they have adopted them,) live, though that Society should be annihilated? — What new doctrine is this? Principles so identified with a Soci- ety that they cannot prosper without it ! What are principles? " Principles, that is, true and right principles, are of God, and are ethereal, Eternal." They are not dependant upon any confederacy or combination of men, or any organized society. There is another principle which has been adopted by some of the bolitionists, and that is to consider it a "duty to give all they ave to give for the removal of that evil, which more than any oth- r hinders the spread of the gospel." The incorrectness of this sentiment and its dangerous tendency is clearly shown by Messrs. x^itch and Towne, who are Abolitionists, but object to some of the rinciples and measures of their own party. I will give it in their 1 own language. " We deplore this measure as an injury to the ause whose triumph it would accelerate. We deplore it as a false i rinciple of action. To what results would it lead? If one christian may act upon it, every other christian may act upon it. And what len? All our Missionaries must be recalled, every mission press mst be stopped ; every school established on heathen lands must 3 broken up ; all our Bible and tract depositories must be closed; very Bethel flag must be furled ; our Young Men who are now l eparing to preach the everlasting Gospel of Christ, must be sent back to their farms and workshops ; all our benevolent operations must be abandoned or suspended until slavery is abolished ! What a desolation ! And let this principle be carried out, and would not | these results inevitably follow? Oh ! let every Christian Abolition- ist put far away from him a principle so pregnant with disaster to the interests of Zion." I have now something to say in regard to their measures. And here I would say that I consider their measures as bad, and worse if possible than their principles. To me they appear unwise, rash, misdirected and in some cases even immoral. 24 In the first place they are unwise, because they are not calcula- ted to effect their object. The object they have in view is the ab- olition of slavery. Now if this is ever done, it must be done by the slave-holders or the Southern people. And how do they at- tempt to bring the Southern people to this ? Is it by calm and hon- orable discussion — by bringing to bear upon their hearts the great- est degree of moral suasion ? No, but it is by severe recrimination — bitter invective — harsh denunciation — false and spurious reason- ings mixed with a vindictive and hostile spirit. But will such measures as these induce the South to free their slaves? To an- swer this question we have only to look and see what has been the consequence. Why, it has excited the most inimical feelings of the South. They have provoked them to madness. It has led them to oppose and reject with indignation all the efforts that are now made for the abolition of slavery. This is proved by the recent ex- citement produced in Congress by the introduction of a petition from abolitionists on the subject of slavery, and which led to the passing of a resolution directly opposed to the Constitution of the United States. " It was a vital stab at the Constitution." Now it appears to me that any course of measures that leads to such re- sults must be unwise in the extreme. We have placed great con- fidence upon our petitions to Congress, but when they are vetoed, our country must have come to an alarming crisis ; for this is a privilege guaranteed to us by the Constitution, and to forbid it, is a violation of the Constituton. If the measures then, of the aboli- tionists have driven our Senators to a violation of the Constitution, they must surely have been univise. It is no use to deny that this has been the result of their violent measures, so long as the fact stands out before us. Again, there has been a palpable want of judgment and of knowl- edge of human nature, in their measures. The general character of their publications and their lectures, so far as I have had opportu- nity to judge, has been rash and injudicious. They have assailed the South with harsh and censorious language; which is in no way calculated to win, hut. to alienate the heart. And further, I think their measures have been mis-directed. They have taken great pains to raise an excitement at the North. There has been much declaiming against the South, against slave-holders, and against the sin of slavery. They have been la- boring hard to abolish an evil where it did not exist. Whv raise such a tumult here about slavery? There are no slave-holders here. Why preach to a man to repent of a sin, of which he is not guilty? I know the answer that abolitionists will give to this. They will say that we are upholding slavery ; but I wish to see this proved. They say too, it is to get the public sentiment against it. The public sentiment of the North ivas against it, long before Anti-Slavery Societies were thought of. But suppose it is not, and they should bring the public sentiment of the North against it, would that abolish it? The public opinion of Massa- chusetts is against gambling ; but does that put a stop to gamb- ling and lottery offices in Rhode Island? The public senti- ment of the North will weigh little with the South ; there must be a correct public opinion there, to remove the evil: were, half the time, and strength and money that is expended at the North, for the purpose of making Northern men abolitionists, ivisely ex- pended at the South, then we might hope that the public senti- ment there, would be corrected. For my part, I do not feel that I should be doing my duty to my people, to spend much of my time in preaching to them against the sin of slavery, when there is not a man here that is a slave-holder, — or any way connected with it. I have told them that they should "remember them that are in bonds" in their prayers, and do all they can to amelio- rate their condition, but my people have a great deal to repent of, before they repent of the sin of slavery. I repeat then, till more of their energies are well directed at the South, they are mis-directed. 4 2C Once more, I believe sonic of their measures are imm n ral. — Slander and calumny are immoralities; and these are no trifling ingredients in the bitter cup of abolitionism. A most wanton and unrighteous attack has been made upon that class of men, who, from their high and holy vocation, and from the divine com- mission that they bear, are entitled to more respect than any other class of men 5 yet they have been most basely calumniated and slandered. A great majority of the clergy are charged with being " pro-slavery men," advocates for slavery, as the abolition- ists understand it. But this is false. I defy an abolitionist to find a minister in Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maine or Nevv r Hampshire who is an advocate of slavery, as it. is described and defined by abolitionists; or that will approve of making mer- chandize of flesh. I call upon them for their proof. Do they find it in the resolutions passed at the General As- sociations? In 1834 the following resolution was passed by the General Association of Massachusetts — Hesolved — That the slavery existing in this country, by which more than two millions of our countrymen are deprived of their inalienable rights, and held and treated as merchandize, is a viola- tion of the law of God, and of the fundamental principles of our national government. In 1837 the following was passed. Resolved — That the assumed right of holding men in bondage, working them without wages, and buying and selling them as property, is obviously contrary to the principles of national jus- tice, and the spirit of the gospel, offensive to God, oppressive to man, and ought to cease with the least possible delay. Similar resolutions stand recorded in the minutes of the Gen- eral Associations of New-Hampshire and Connecticut, and of the General Conference of Maine. That " the great mass of the clergy in our land are pro-slavery men," will be difficult to prove in the face of these resolutions, fflw-charae them too with trying , " to put a stop to discussion, to make the people hold their tongues" on this subject i This may in part be true for I have no question, that there arc many tongues that ou«ht to be silenced, which arc now making a great noise on the sub- ject: if they would shut up any mouths, they are those that arc filled with any thing else than wisdom. They would have men open their mouths on the subject if they would u speak forth the words of truth and soberness." The ministers have been charged with caring more for the fleece than for the flock. Now this is an impeachment of the motives of ministers; it implies that they arc governed by avarice. But abolitionists cannot be justified in this assertion, from the fact that ministers are a money making class : for as a general thing, they hardly get fleece enough from their flocks, to cover themselves and family. If any man will show me a minister who has become rich by preaching, I will show him the eigth wonder of the world. But why do the abolitionists heap all this calumny upon the clergy? Just because they do not fall into the aboliton ranks, and unite with them in their measures. Because they do not approve of wild enthusiastic, quixotic schemes, in making the country ring with loud and boisterous declamations, because they do not approve of school-boy declamation, and warm appeals to the passions, and of all their poetry and romance &c. &c. But can they suppose that men of high and independent feeling, men of refined, enlightened, cultivated and well disciplined minds will be drawn into the Abolition ranks by such measures? If they do, their disappointment will be as great, as their expectation is preposterous. But I must draw to a conclusion. I think I must be suffic- iently drawn out upon this subject, though I have said but a very • ' -. 28 small part of what might and ought to be said in regard to it. — Slavery, as it exists in our country is a most deplorable evil 5 but, if the principles and measures of abolitionists are carried out, and produce their natural consequences, we shall see evils, infinitely greater evils than those of slavery, sweeping over our land. — They are calculated to undermine and overthrow our civil and religious institutions, (I speak of the principles advocated by cer- tain Anti-Slavery papers and Lecturers) and to introduce anar- chy, misrule and intestine war. I would therefore warn every man within the reach of my voice, to "beware of the doctrine of abo- litionists." I will only add that I shall pursue my own course in respect to the subject of slavery, until I see one marked out by others, which appears tome more wise, more judicious, and more useful, than any that has yet been proposed. I shall preach upon the subject when circumstances demand it, — and pray for it when prompted by a sense of duty, or by pity and compassion for the suffering slave. is V* *P" o t/ JJ8. \n * >v "S» Kr^Jf '»)==? d^" . r\ #«+, V % • N • ~o ^ •. «■ 1?^