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The Emperor Charlemagne. 
 
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 raiT portraits all show Charlemagne without a beard. 
 
ESSENTIALS 
 
 IN 
 
 MEDIEVAL HISTORY 
 
 (FROM CHARLEMAGNE TO THE CLOSE OF THE 
 FIFTEENTH CENTURY) 
 
 BY 
 
 SAMUEL BANNISTER HARDING, Ph.D. 
 
 PROFF.8SOR OF EUROPEAN lirsTOKV, INDIANA UNIVERSITY 
 
 IN CONSULTATION WITH 
 
 ALBERT BUSHNELL HART, LL.D. 
 
 PKOFE8SOR OK HISTORY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
 
 NEW YORK .-CINCINNATI.:. CHICAGO 
 
 AMERICAN BOOK COMPANY 
 
■^ 
 
 ^^\^ 
 
 LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
 Two CoDies Received 
 
 MAR 15 1U09 
 
 Copyriffit fcntry 
 
 CLASS a. XXC. No. 
 
 COPY 3. 
 
 Copyright, 1905, 1909, by 
 SAMUEL BANNISTER HARDING. 
 
 Enterko at Stationkks' Hall, London. 
 
 ESSEN. MEU. HIST. 
 
>/ 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 In a large number of colleges, the first course in European 
 history consists of a general survey of mediaeval and modern 
 history ; and with the increased acceptance by secondary 
 schools of the programme in history prepared by the Com- 
 mittee of Seven of the American Historical Association, it is 
 becoming feasible to begin such a course with the time of 
 Charlemagne. Even with this limitation, however, it is still 
 a problem, in many institutions, how to cover in the limited 
 time at the disposal of the instructor the many topics which 
 such a course should comprise. Especially is this the case 
 now that the best authorities — wisely enough — are insisting 
 upon a fuller and more detailed treatment of more recent 
 history, that included (let us say) within the limits of the last 
 century and a half. The great problem is, then, how to com- 
 press the earlier part of the course so as to give adequate time 
 for the more vital things nearer our own day. 
 
 One way which has been proposed for accomplishing this 
 is the elimination of a great deal of what is usually taught 
 concerning the political history of the Middle Ages. One 
 advocate of this method proposes the heroic policy of skipping 
 directly from Charlemagne to Otto I. The author of this book 
 believes heartily in the principle underlying this proposal, 
 though he doubts the wisdom of its literal application. By 
 careful selection of the facts to be taught, and placing them 
 in text-book form in the. hands of students, he believes that 
 it is X30ssible to accomplish the needful economy of time, while 
 sacrificing little of tlie continuity of the history, or of the just 
 
 MED. 5 
 
(i PR P: FACE 
 
 apprehension of the fundamental features of mediaeval life and 
 institutions. It is to meet such a need, in elementary college 
 classes in mediaeval history, that this book is issued in this 
 form. 
 
 It is perhaps needless to say that it is not expected that the 
 book will comprise the whole of the instruction given, even in 
 an elementary course, in this field. Formal and informal lec- 
 tures by the instructor, collateral reading in the books referred 
 to at the close of the chapters, the use of a source book such 
 as that prepared by Ogg or by Robinson, the preparation of 
 maps to fix geographical facts, and of occasional essays or 
 reports to broaden here and there the narrow trail of classroom 
 instruction, — all these are ^presupposed as means of equal if 
 not greater value than the text-book itself. The book affords 
 what it is hoped will be found to be a clear, scholarly, com- 
 pact outline, which can be filled in in various ways. Its aim 
 is to be accurate in substance and definite in statement, to 
 seize the vital and interesting facts, and as far as possible to 
 give that concreteness of treatment which is necessary in deal- 
 ing with matters so remote and alien as those which fill the 
 history of the Middle Ages. 
 
 These are the ideas which underlie this little book, and it 
 is hoped that its chapters may be as successful elsewhere, as 
 a basis for Freshman instruction in mediaeval history, as they 
 have already proved to be in Indiana University. 
 
 BiiOOMiNGTON, Indiana. 
 
PAGE 
 11 
 
 32 
 
 45 
 
 63 
 
 77 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 I. Introduction : the World in tlie Year 800 . 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 II. The Empire of Charlemagne (768-814) .... 
 
 III. The Later Carolingian Empire (814-011) and the Feudal 
 
 System 
 
 IV. Successors of the Carolingians in Germany and France 
 V. The Church in the Middle Ages 
 
 VI. The Franconian Emperors, Hildebrand, and the Investi- 
 ture Conflict (1024-1125) 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES ^ 
 VII. The Christian and Mohammedan East, and the First Cru- 
 sade (1096-1099) 
 
 VIII. The Later Crusades (1099-1291) 
 
 IX. The Hohenstaufen Empire and the Italian Communes (1125- 
 
 1190) • • 
 
 X. End of the Hohenstaufen Empire (1190-1268) 
 
 XI. Life in the Mediaeval Castle, Village, and Town . . .171 
 
 114 
 129 
 
 145 
 
 162 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 XII. England in the Middle Ages (449-1877) . . • • 
 
 XIII. The Rise of France (987-1337) 
 
 XIV. The Hundred Years' War (1337-1453) 
 
 XV. Development of Modern States (1254-1500) .... 
 
 THE RENAISSANCE 
 XVI. The Great Church Councils and the Renaissance (1300- 
 1517) 
 
 7 
 
 191 
 211 
 229 
 246 
 
 264 
 
 285 
 
LIST OF MAPS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Physical Map of Europe 14, 15 
 
 Conquests of the Mohammedans 24 
 
 Growth of the Frankish Kingdom 26 
 
 The Known World in 800 27 
 
 Europe in the Time of Charlemagne (768-814) . . . 30, 31 
 
 Partition of Verdun (843) 47 
 
 Mohammedans, Christians, and Pagans about 600-814 and about 
 
 1100 62 
 
 Holy Roman Empire in the 10th and 11th Centuries ... 64 
 
 Mediaeval Monasteries, Bishoprics, and Archbishoprics ... 82 
 
 Chief Universities of the Middle Ages 93 
 
 Territories of the Countess Matilda 102 
 
 Europe about the Time of the First Crusade (1097) . . . 112, 113 
 Crusaders' States in Syria after the First Crusade .... 129 
 Saladin's Empire, and the Results of the Fourth Crusade . . 138 
 
 Lombard and Tuscan Leagues 154 
 
 Mediaeval Commerce and Textile Industries .... 184, 185 
 
 England in 878 . . 192 
 
 English Possessions in France, 1180-1429 228 
 
 Growth of the Swiss Confederation 249 
 
 States of the Empire in 1477 262, 253 
 
 Spanish States, 1266-1498 . . .256 
 
 Spread of Printing during the Fifty Years following its Introduction 
 
 into Mainz 278 
 
SELECT LIST OF BOOKS IN ENGLISH 
 ON MEDIAEVAL HISTORY 
 
 Titles marked with an asterisk (*) denote books which are especially valuable. 
 
 * Adams, G. B., Civilization during the Middle Ages. N.Y. 
 
 Archer, T. A., The Crusade of Richard I. (English History from Con- 
 temporary Writers.) N.Y. 
 
 * Archer, T. A., and Kingsford, C. L., The Crusades. (Nations 
 
 Series.) N.Y. 
 Balzani, Ugo, The Popes and the Hohenstaufen. (Epochs of Church 
 History.) N.Y. 
 
 * Bemont, C., and Monod, G., Medieval ^Europe, 395-1270. N.Y. 
 
 * Bryce, James, The Holy Boman Em^yire. Enlarged and revised 
 
 edition. N.Y. 
 Burckhardt, Jacob, The Civilisation of the Renaissance in Italy. N.Y. 
 Cambridge Modern History. (Planned by Lord Acton, and written by 
 
 associated scholars.) Vol.1. N.Y. 
 Chronicles of the Crusades. (Bohn Library.) N.Y. 
 Coinniines, Philip de, Memoirs., containing the Histories of Louis XL 
 
 and Charles VIIL, Kings of France, and Charles the Bold, Duke 
 
 of Burgundy. (Bohn Library.) N.Y. 
 Cox, G. W., ne Crusades. (Epochs.) N.Y. 
 
 * Creighton, Mandell (Bishop), History of the Papacy from the Great 
 
 Schism to the Sack of Rome. vols. N.Y. 
 Emerton, F^phraim, Introduction to the Study of the Middle Ages. Boston. 
 
 * Emerton, Ephraim, Mediaeval Europe, 8I4-ISOO. Boston. 
 Emerton, Ephraim, Desiderius Erasmus. N.Y. 
 
 Eisher, Herbert, The MedlcGval Empire. 2 vols. N.Y. 
 
 Freeman, p]. A., Historical Essays. 3 vols. N.Y. 
 
 Froissart, Chronicles. (G. C. Macaulay's edition of Berner's transla- 
 tion.) N.Y. 
 
 Gardiner, S. R., Student'' s History of England. N.Y. 
 
 Gautier, Leon, Chivalry. London. 
 
 (iibbon, Edward, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman 
 Empire. Edited by J. B. Bury. 7 vols. N.Y. 
 
 Gilman, Arthur, The Saracens. (Nations Series.) N.Y. 
 
 Guizot, F. P. G., History of Civilization. 4 vols. (Bohn Library.) 
 N.Y. 
 
 * Henderson, E. F., History of Ger7nany in the Middle Ages. N.Y. 
 
 * Henderson, E, F., Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. 
 
 N.Y. 
 Historians' History of the World. 2.5 vols. N.Y. 
 Hodgkin, Thomas, Charles the Great. N.Y. 
 Hutton, W. H., Philip Augustus. N.Y. 
 
 MED. 9 
 
10 ■ SELECT LIST OF BOOKS 
 
 Kitchin, G. VC., Historij of France. 3 vols. Oxford. 
 
 Lacroix, Paul, Manners, Customs, and Dress during the Middle Ages. 
 
 London. 
 Lacroix, Paul, Militarn and Religious Life in the Middle Ages. London. 
 Lane-Poole, Stanley, Saladin. N.Y. 
 Lea, H. C, History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages. 3 vols. 
 
 Philadelphia. 
 Lea, H. C, Studies in Church History. Philadelphia. 
 
 * Lodge, Richard, Tlie Close of the Middle Ages, 1273-1494. N.Y. 
 McCabe, Joseph, Ahelard. N.Y. 
 
 Masson, Gustave, 3fedian-al France. (Nations Series.) N.Y. 
 Michelet, Jules, History of France. Translated by G. H. Smith. 2 vols. 
 
 N.Y. 
 Milnian, H. H., History of Latin Christianity. 8 vols, in 4. N.Y. 
 Moeller, Wilhelm, History of the Christian Church. 3 vols. N.Y. 
 Mombert, J. I., Charles the' Great. N.Y. 
 Mombert, J. I., ^ Short History of the Crusades. N.Y. 
 Montalembert, C. F. de T., The Monks of the West, from St. Benedict to 
 
 St. Bernard. 7 vols. Edinburgh. 
 
 * Munro, D. C. (editor), Essays on the Crusades. N.Y. 
 
 * Munro, D C, and Sellery, G. C. (editors), Medieval Civilization: 
 
 Selected Studies from European Authors, translated and edited. 
 Enlarged edition. N.Y. 
 
 * Oman, C. W. C, The Dark Ages, 476-918. N.Y. 
 
 Oman, C. W. C, Byzantine Empire. (Nations Series.) N.Y. 
 
 Oman, C. W. C, The History of the Art of War: The 3Iiddle Ages. 
 
 N.Y. 
 Pennsylvania, University of, Translations and Eeprints from the Original 
 
 Sources of European History. 6 vols. Philadelphia and New York. 
 
 * Poole, Reginald L., Wycliffe and Movements for Reform. (Epochs 
 
 of Church History. ) N.Y. 
 
 * Robinson, J. H., Readings in European History. Vol. I. Boston. 
 Robinson, J. H., and Rolfe, H. W., Petrarch, the First Modern Scholar 
 
 and Man of Letters. (Selections from his correspondence, with 
 introduction.) N.Y. 
 Schaff, Philip, History of the Christian Church. 6 vols. N.Y. 
 
 * Seignobos, Charles, The Feudal Regime. Translated by E. W. Dow. 
 
 N.Y. 
 Stephens, W. R. W., Hildehrand and his Times. (Epochs of Church 
 
 History.) N.Y. 
 Stille, C. J., Studies in Mediaeval History. Philadelphia, 
 Symonds, J. A., The Renaissance in Italy. 7 vols. N.Y. 
 
 * Thatcher, O. J., and McNeal, E. H,, Source Book for Mediceval His- 
 
 tory. N.Y. 
 Thatcher, O. J., and Schwill, Ferdinand, Europe in the Middle Age. 
 N.Y. 
 
 * Tout, T. F., The Empire and the Papacy, 918-1273. N.Y. 
 Willert, P. F., The Reign of Louis XL N.Y, 
 
 * Wylie, J, H,, The Council of Constance to the Death of John Hu.ss. 
 
 N.Y. 
 
ESSENTIALS IN MEDIEVAL HISTORY 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 INTRODUCTION: THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 
 
 The division of history into periods is difficult, for two 
 reasons: (1) Changes in history, like changes of the seasons, 
 are gradual, each period merging into the next as imper- i. periods 
 ceptibly as winter into spring. (2) Progress does not of history 
 take place with ecpial rapidity in all fields : now artistic activ- 
 ity, now scientific thought, now industrial development, now 
 political organization, forges ahead, while other activities lag 
 behind; now one nation leads, now another. It is difficult to 
 find dates as division points which mark important changes in 
 all these various fields, just as it is difficult to divide a man's 
 life into periods of childhood, youth, manhood, and old age; 
 yet the divisions are real and important. 
 
 The term "Middle Ages" is often used to cover the whole 
 period from the beginning of the barbarian invasions about 
 375 A.D., or the fall of the Eoman Empire in the West 2. Scope of 
 in 476 A.D., to the discovery of America in 1492, or the this book 
 beginning of the Protestant Reformation. In reality three 
 distinct epochs are comprised in this period : (1) The period 
 from about 375 to about 800 was an epoch of transition, to 
 which the term " the Dark Age " may perhaps be applied ; it 
 is the time when the invading Germans and the subjects of 
 the Eoman Empire were being fused into one people, and when 
 the remains of classical civilization, the institutions of the 
 Germanic barbarians, and Christianity were combining to form 
 
12 INTRODUCTION 
 
 the culture of mediseval Europe. (2) The typical Middle Age 
 begins with the revival of the Western Empire by Charle- 
 magne (800) and lasts till about 1300 ; it is the age of feudal- 
 ism, of the might of a church organization ruling every form 
 of human activity, of great struggles between Popes and Em- 
 perors. (3) The third division is an epoch of transition, from 
 about 1300 to about 1500 ; it is the time of the Eenaissance, or 
 " rebirth," when men's minds were made more free, and when 
 state, church, art, literature, industry, and society took on new 
 forms. The first of these divisions (375-800) is included in 
 the scope of many text-books of Ancient History ; the sec- 
 ond and third, covering the years 800-1500, are dealt with in 
 this book. 
 
 Eor us, history is the study of the achievements of European 
 peoples and of their relations with other peoples. India, China, 
 and Japan have civilizations and histories of their own, wdiich 
 bear little on European history. In the Middle Ages, America 
 and Australia were unknown to Europe ; of Africa the Mediter- 
 ranean regions alone were known ; and the more distant -parts 
 of Asia were revealed only through indirect trade, through 
 westward raids of Asiatic hordes, and through vague reports 
 brought back by a few adventurous missionaries and traders. 
 It is only since the maritime discoveries of the fifteenth and 
 sixteenth centuries, and the accompanying expansion of trade 
 and settlement, that Western civilization has passed beyond 
 the limits of Europe and of Mediterranean Africa and Asia. 
 
 Europe is the smallest of the grand divisions of the earth 
 
 save Australia, but historically it is the most important. It 
 
 „ „ extends from about 36° to 71° north latitude, or- from about 
 
 3. Geogra- ' 
 
 phy of the latitude of Cape Hatteras on the Atlantic coast of 
 
 Europe ^^^^ United States to that of northernmost Alaska; its 
 
 climate is much milder than that of the eastern parts of North 
 
 America and Asia in corresponding latitudes. Its coast line 
 
 is much broken ; its surface is diversified by mountain and 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 1^ 
 
 plain ; its rainfall is generally plentiful, and there are no 
 deserts except in the extreme southeast. The Mediterranean 
 Sea, with its easily navigable waters, unites it to as well as 
 separates it from neighboring lands. The position, configura- 
 tion, and climate of Europe have admirably fitted it to receivCj 
 develop, and spread to other parts of the globe the ancient : 
 civilization which arose in Egypt and Mesopotamia. 
 
 Geographically Europe is a peninsula of Asia; this has 
 made it possible for great bodies of people at various times 
 to pass from Asia into Europe. In prehistoric times there 
 occurred the migrations of the Aryan peoples, conquering and 
 absorbing the pre-Aryan races : in the south of Europe settled 
 the Greeks and Latins ; in the west were established the Celts 
 (Irish, Scots, Britons, Gauls) ; into the east came the Slavs 
 (Russians, Poles, Bohemians, Servians, etc.) ; and between were 
 located the Germans, with their near kin the Dutch and the 
 Scandinavians. Whether the original seat of the Aryans was 
 in central Asia or in northern Europe is disputed ; it should 
 also be noted that the classification into Aryan and non-Aryan 
 peoples is based upon language, and does not necessarily imply 
 actual kinship of blood. Nevertheless the Aryan peoples 
 constitute a real historic group, with many ideas, institutions, 
 and customs in common, and must be marked off from the 
 Semitic races (Jews, Arabs, Phoenicians), as well as from the 
 so-called Turanian peoples who inhabit central and eastern 
 Asia. 
 
 Structurally " the characteristic of Europe is to be more full 
 
 of peninsulas and islands and inland seas than the rest of the 
 
 Old World." It consists of three distinct parts : (1) a Freeman 
 
 southern portion comprising the great peninsulas of Historical 
 
 Geography 
 Greece, Italy, and Spain, and cut off from the central of Europe, 
 
 mass by an almost unbroken mountain -chain (the Pyre- ^- ^ 
 
 nees, and the Alps with their eastern continuations); (2) a 
 
 broad central land mass stretching east and west across Eu- 
 
■"^^^^ ^ 
 
 PHYSICAL MAP 
 
 OF ;> 
 
 \^ EUROPE 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 
 100 200 300 400 500 
 
 I I Highlands 
 
 I I Lowlands 
 
16 INTRODUCTION 
 
 rope; and (3) a northern peninsular portion, separated from 
 the central portion by the Baltic Sea, which forms "a kind 
 of secondary Mediterranean." The northern and central por- 
 tions, especially toward the east, are relatively low, and con- 
 sist principally of "naked plains, and large lakes, exposed to 
 the freezing influences of Asia and the Arctic Ocean." The 
 LavalUe Southern portion, on the other hand, " presents a series 
 Phijsical, of very elevated lands, covered with natural obstacles, 
 and Mill- ' varied with cuttings and declivities, bristling with peaks, 
 tary Geog- scalloped with gulfs, furrowed by numerous rivers, cut 
 up into peninsulas, arresting the northern winds, opening 
 up to the winds of Africa freshened by the Mediterranean. . . 
 The natural accidents of the south, besides being favorable to 
 agriculture and commerce, assure the independence and civili- 
 zation of their inhabitants; whilst the vast frozen plains of 
 the north have only miserable and savage populations, brutal- 
 ized under a single government." 
 
 The central mountain system of Europe is the Alps, con- 
 sisting of from 30 to 50 distinct masses, which may be grouped 
 under the two heads of Western Alps and Eastern Alps, 
 mountain (1) The Western Alps or Great Alps (the Alps proper) 
 systems Yiq in the form of an arc of a circle stretching a distance 
 of 348 miles from the Gulf of Genoa to Mt. St. Gothard ; they 
 comprise three series of parallel ridges, with altitudes of from 
 3000 to 5000 in the western ridge, 9000 to 15,000 in the central, 
 and 5000 to 8000 in the eastern ridge; the highest peak is 
 Mont Blanc (15,781 feet), the highest mountain in Europe. 
 They are more easily passable by an army coming from France 
 into Italy than from Italy into France. The chief passes are 
 the Simplon (6500 feet), oyer which Napoleon Bonaparte con- 
 structed an admirable road at the beginning of the nineteenth 
 century ; the Great St. Bernard (7900 feet), which in spite of 
 its difficulties was used successively by Charlemagne, the 
 Emperor Frederick I., and Napoleon ; the Little St. Bernard 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAH 800 17 
 
 (7100 feet) ; and the Mont Cenis (6700 feet).» (2) The Eastern 
 Alps stretch from Mt. St. Gothard to the Adriatic Sea and con- 
 tinue (the Dinaric Alps) along its eastern coast ; their altitudes 
 are lower than the Western Alps, and decline as they approach 
 the Adriatic ; their chief pass is the Brenner, with an altitude 
 of 4700 feet. 
 
 In almost every direction radiate offshoots from this central 
 mountain mass. To the south extend the Apennines, forming 
 the Italian peninsula ; to the west are the Cevennes of south- 
 ern France ; to the north appear the Jura, the Vosges, the Black 
 Forest, and other mountains of upper Germany ; to the north- 
 east lie the mountains inclosing Bohemia — the Bohmerwald 
 (Bohemian Forest), the Erzgebirge (Ore Mountains), and the 
 Biesengebirge (Giant Mountains) — and the sweeping arc, 700 
 miles long, of the Carpathians ; and to the southeast are the 
 wild and precipitous heights of the Balkans, and the mountains 
 forming the Grecian peninsula. 
 
 Only a few groups of mountains in Europe are disassociated 
 from the central mass of the Alps : the Pyrenees, with an aver- 
 age elevation of about 8000 feet, constituting a solid rampart 
 between France and the Spanish peninsula, passable for armies 
 at the eastern and western ends only ; and the Scandinavian 
 Mountains, the Scottish Highlands, the Urals, and the lofty- 
 Caucasus ridge, of little historical importance. 
 
 Three important rivers rise in the neighborhood of Mt. St. 
 Gothard, and flowing in different directions empty into differ- 
 ent seas: (1) the Ehine, after receiving as tributaries 5. xherivei 
 the Moselle from the west and the Main from the east, systems 
 and traversing a course of 850 miles, empties into the North 
 Sea (the Meuse, which flows into its delta, is practically a 
 
 1 In recent years railway tunnels have been driven through the Alps: the 
 Mont Cenis, 7h miles long, completed in 1871; the St. Gothard, 91 miles, 
 completed in 1881 ; the Arlberg,6| miles, completed in 1884; and the Simplon, 
 12| miles, completed in 1905. 
 
18 INTRODUCTION 
 
 tributary of the Rhine) ; (2) the Ehone, with the Saone as 
 tributary, flows into the western Mediterranean; (3) the Po, 
 which drains the northern plain of Italy, empties into the 
 Adriatic Sea. The Volga, with its length of 2100 miles, is 
 geographically the most important river of Europe, but his- 
 torically it counts for little because of its location in the vast 
 plains of eastern Eussia. The Danube, Europe's second river 
 in size, with a length of 1600 miles, ranks historically with the 
 Ehine in importance, near whose source it rises, and with 
 which it forms an almost continuous land and water route 
 stretching clear across Europe from the Black Sea to the 
 North Sea. Additional streams of importance are the Ga- 
 ronne, Loire, and Seine, in France; and the Elbe, Oder, 
 and Vistula, in Germany. 
 
 The tendency of mountains is to separate, of rivers to unite, 
 adjacent peoples. Physical geography would divide Europe 
 6. Geo- into the following sections : Spain; France (or Gaul) to 
 uattfir^ theCevennes Mountains; the British Isles; the Rhone- 
 Europe land; the Rhine-land; Italy; the Balkan-land; the Danube- 
 land ; North Germany ; Bohemia ; Russia ; Scandinavia. Each 
 of these twelve regions has had its separate history ; and modern 
 political divisions follow this grouping with sufficient close- 
 ness to show the abiding influence, in history, of geographical 
 factors. 
 
 All our knowledge of history is based at last upon (1) mate- 
 rial remains, such as ruins, monuments, coins, old weapons, 
 r M te armor, household utensils, etc.; (2) official documents, 
 rials for and contemporary descriptions (including pictorial repre- 
 ^ °^ sentations) by eye- and ear-witnesses ; and (3) oral (or 
 
 written) traditions, which come to us from persons not in a 
 position to know the facts at first hand. No matter how im- 
 portant an event may have been, if no trace of it has been left 
 in one or another of these ways, we can have no knowledge 
 of it. For the Middle Ages our source materials consist 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAR '800 19 
 
 chiefly of " annals " and " chronicles " in which men (usually 
 monks) wrote down brief accounts of the events of their 
 own times; "capitularies" (decrees of Charlemagne and his 
 successors) and other collections of laws; charters conveying 
 grants of lands and privileges ; a few letters of kings, popes, 
 and other eminent men; lives of saints and other persons; 
 and account books and other records of governments, mon- 
 asteries, and individual landlords. For Modern history there 
 is an ever increasing flood of parliamentary and congres- 
 sional debates, statutes, memoirs and letters of statesmen 
 and other persons, diaries, daily newspapers, etc. From 
 these materials historians gather the facts of history by a 
 slow and careful process of sifting and comparison, designed 
 to separate the true from the false; and it is not surprising 
 that — as new materials are discovered and made available, 
 and more careful study is given to the old — many views 
 formerly held are shown to be unfounded, and new ones take 
 their place. 
 
 The historian must deal with many different systems of 
 reckoning time, used by different peoples and in different ages. 
 The Romans started from the founding of Rome ; the g Modes of 
 Mohammedans count from the flight of Mohammed from reckoning 
 Mecca (the " Hegira," in 622 a.d.) ; ^ the Christians from 
 the birth of Christ (the year 1 a.d.), which by a miscalculation 
 was placed four years too late ; in addition, the years of the 
 reigns of kings, emperors, and popes have been used. 
 
 The determination of the length of the year presents many 
 difficulties. The " Julian " calendar, arranged by Julius Caesar, 
 making every fourth year a leap year, was used until the end 
 of the Middle Ages ; but this made the year eleven minutes 
 fourteen seconds too long, and by the sixteenth century the 
 
 1 Also, the Mohammedan year is a lunar year, nearly eleven days shorter 
 than ours ; so that 34 Mohammedan years are about equal to 33 years of our 
 reckoning. 
 
20 INTRODUCTION 
 
 difference accumulated since the year of the Council of Nicsea 
 (325 A.D.) amounted to nearly ten days. The reformed or 
 " Gregorian " calendar was proclaimed by Pope Gregory XIII. 
 in 1582 ; this not merely struck out ten days from the calendar 
 of that year (the day after October 4 becoming October 15), 
 but by directing the omission of three leap-year days in every 
 four centuries thereafter, it provided for keeping the calendar 
 year for the future in harmony with the solar year. England 
 did not accept the reformed calendar until 1752; E,ussia has 
 not yet accepted it, and is now thirteen days behind the other 
 nations in its reckoning of dates. The two calendars are dis- 
 tinguished as " old style " (0. S.) and " new style " (N. S.) ; 
 and to avoid doubt, dates after 1582 are sometimes given in 
 both systems : in this book such dates are all given according 
 to the "new style." About the time that the Gregorian calen- 
 dar was adopted in the various countries, the beginning of the 
 year was definitely fixed at the first of January ; in other 
 usages it began with the feast of the Annunciation (March 25) 
 and with various other dates, — so that up to 1752 in England, 
 for instance, there was confusion as to whether a given date be- 
 tween January 1 and March 25 belonged to the expiring or the 
 beginning year. Within the year, dates were frequently fixed 
 with reference to great church festivals — such as Christmas 
 and Easter — or by the days of the different saints, of which 
 more than two thousand were thus used. 
 
 For two hundred years after the overthrow of the Koman 
 
 E-epublic by Julius Csesar and Augustus, the Roman Empire 
 
 9. Decay of prospered, giving unity of government, law, language, 
 
 Roman m- ^^^ culture to the whole Mediterranean world. Then 
 pire (180- 
 
 375 A.D.) followed a period of civil war and decay, from the 
 death of Marcus Aurelius to the accession of Diocletian 
 (180-284 A.D.). This decline was temporarily checked by the 
 reorganization of the empire carried out by Diocletian and by 
 Constantine the Great (died 337), whereby the empire was 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 21 
 
 divided into ,an eastern and a western half (regular!}^ after 
 395), was made entirely despotic, and the capital was removed 
 to Constantinople. With Constantine also came the end of 
 the persecutions of the Christians, and the recognition of 
 Christianity as the official religion of the state. 
 
 But these changes could not long check the decay, which 
 was due (1) to a great decrease in population, caused by 
 famines, wars, and pestilence ; (2) to unwise laws about taxes, 
 by which men became fixed in their stations and occupations, 
 as in hereditary castes, and free peasants became serfs, bound 
 to the soil, while slaves rose in the social scale and blended 
 with the depressed freemen; (3) to widespread luxury and 
 immorality; and (4) to a lack of national feeling, resulting 
 from despotism in the government and the general employ- 
 ment in the army of Germanic barbarians, who also were 
 settled by the government in large numbers on waste lands 
 within the empire. 
 
 At the end of the fourth century came a more rapid decline, 
 due to the entrance into the Koman Empire of whole nations 
 of German barbarians. The Visigoths, attacked in the 10. Inva- 
 rear by Huns from Asia, crossed the Danube frontier, Germans 
 overthrew and slew the Emperor Valens at Adrianople (376-476) 
 in 378, and under their young king Alaric ravaged Greece, 
 overran Italy, and sacked Eome (410) ; under Alaric's suc- 
 cessors they established a Germanic kingdom in Spain and 
 southern Gaul, which lasted for three centuries (to 711). The 
 example set by the Visigoths was speedily followed by other 
 nations. The Vandals overran Gaul and Spain ; and upon the 
 coming of the Visigoths to the latter land, they passed over 
 into Africa (429), there to rule for a hundred and five years. 
 The Franks, who were settled about the lower Ehine, gradu- 
 ally occupied northern Gaul; the Burgundians, passing from 
 the middle Rhine to the Ehone valley, established there a 
 kingdom which lasted until 534 ; the Angles and Saxons, in- 
 
 HARDING's M. & M. HIST. 2 
 
22 INTRODUCTION 
 
 vading Britain in their piratical vessels (about 449), estab- 
 lished kingdoms which later consolidated into the kingdom 
 of England. In 451 the savage Huns extended their raids into 
 the heart of Gaul, but were turned back by the united efforts 
 of Eomans and Visigoths; and the death two years later of 
 their leader Attila, 'Hhe Scourge of God," released Europe 
 from the dread of Asiatic dominion. 
 
 At Eome the last of a line of weak and foolish Emperors of 
 the West came to an end in the year 476, when Odoacer, the 
 leader of the German mercenaries in the Roman army, deposed 
 young Romulus Augustulus, himself assumed the title of 
 "king," and sent ambassadors to lay at the feet of the East- 
 ern Emperor at Constantinople the imperial crown and purple 
 robe, professing that one Emperor was enough for both East 
 and West. 
 
 For some years Odoacer enjoyed his "kingdom" over the 
 mercenaries in peace ; but in 493 he was defeated and mur- 
 11. Ostro- dered by the king of the Ostrogoths, Theodoric the 
 gothsand Great, who had come into Italy with his people, corn- 
 Romans missioned by the Eastern Emperor to overthrow the 
 (476-555) usurper. Theodoric (493-526) had been brought up as a 
 youth at Constantinople, and entertained wise and beneficent 
 plans for the union of his Ostrogoths with the Italian provin- 
 cials into one nation; but in spite of his efforts the attempt 
 failed, mainly through religious differences, the Ostrogoths 
 (in common with most of the German barbarians) being Arian 
 Christians (an heretical sect), while the orthodox Catholic 
 religion prevailed in the Roman Empire. 
 
 The reign of the Emperor Justinian (527-565) greatly 
 strengthened the Eastern Empire, and also profoundly influ- 
 enced the West. Justinian was a great builder and civilizer, 
 and codified the Roman law into the Code, Digest, and Insti- 
 tutes, which preserved it to influence the world to the present 
 day. He was also a great conqueror, and his generals Beli- 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 
 
 28 
 
 sarius and Narses overthrew not only the Vandal kingdom in 
 Africa (533), but also the weakened Ostrogothic kingdom in 
 Italy (553). For a few brief years the Roman Empire once 
 more ruled Italy, northern Africa, the islands of the western 
 Mediterranean, and even southern Spain ; never again was its 
 
 power to touch so 
 high a point. 
 
 The beginning of 
 the seventh century 
 saw the rise of 12. Else of 
 a new religion ^^^ 
 and a new polit- (622-732) 
 ical power, through 
 the teachings of Mo- 
 hammed (571-632), 
 who united the Arabs, 
 rescued them from 
 the worship of sticks 
 and stones, and taught 
 them there was but 
 one true God (Allah), 
 of whom Mohammed 
 was the Prophet. The 
 teaching of Moham- 
 med was embodied in 
 the Koran; it con- 
 tains Jewish, Chris- 
 
 Interior of Mosque of Cordova, Spain. 
 
 Present condition. Built by Mohammedans in 
 the 8th and 10th centuries. 
 
 tian, and Persian elements, and along with many good and 
 noble ideas are mixed baser elements tainted by the ignorance, 
 cruelty, and sensuality of seventh-century Arabs. 
 
 By the year 631 all Arabia had accepted Mohammed's 
 teaching, and fanatical zeal and lust of rule urged on a 
 movement of foreign conquest such as the world had never 
 seen. In eighty years Mohammedanism conquered more terri- 
 
24 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 tory than Eome conquered in four centuries : Syria, Persia, 
 Egypt, northern Africa, and Spain passed under the rule of 
 the caliphs, successors of Mohammed ; but in Gaul, in 732, 
 the Mohammedans were checked by the Franks under Charles 
 
 Conquests of the Mohammedans. 
 
 Martel in the battle of Tours ; and this defeat, combined with 
 internal dissensions, saved Europe from a further advance of 
 their power in this direction. 
 
 Within fifteen years after the overthrow of the Ostrogoths, 
 a new Germanic people, the Lombards, appeared in Italy to 
 13. Loin- take their place. In a short time the Lombards con- 
 the papacy c[^^6red the greater part of northern Italy, to which their 
 (568-774) name (Lombardy) is still given; and soon they possessed 
 the greater part, but not all, of the peninsula : officers of the 
 Eastern Emperors still ruled a considerable district about the 
 mouth of the river Po (Exarchate of Ravenna), together with 
 the district about Rome {Dncatus Romamis), and the southern 
 points of the peninsula. The main result of the incomplete- 
 ness of the Lombard conquest was the rise of a new temporal 
 power vested in the Pope, who was bishop of Rome and head 
 of the Christian church. 
 
 The Lombards were among the most barbarous of the Ger- 
 manic nations, and they were long viewed by the Romans with 
 the fiercest hatred and loathing, even after they put aside 
 their Arianism and accepted Catholic Christianity. Owing 
 to the distance and weakness of the Eastern Emperors, power 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 25 
 
 in the city of Rome gradually passed into the hands of its 
 bishops or Popes, among whom Leo I. (440^61) and Gregory 
 I. the Great (590-604) were most noteworthy ; and in 729 the 
 Pope threw off his allegiance to the Emperor as a result of 
 the Emperor's decree against the use of images in worship 
 (the Iconoclastic Controversy). At about the same time the 
 Lombards conquered the Exarchate of Eaveiina (727) ; it then 
 seemed as if the Pope would escape from the rule of the 
 Emperor only to fall under that of the hated Lombards ; but 
 from this danger the papacy was saved by an appeal to an- 
 other Germanic people, the most notable of all — the Franks. 
 
 Of all the Germanic peoples who pressed into the Continental 
 provinces of Eome, only the Franks in Gaul established an 
 enduring kingdom ; hence for centuries the history of ^^ j^-g^ ^^ 
 the Prankish power makes the largest part of the history the Franks 
 of Europe. Their king Clovis (481-511) laid its basis 
 by his consolidation of the Franks under one rule, and his 
 conquests of neighboring peoples. Within fifty years after 
 his death, most of Gaul and the Rhine valley were under 
 Prankish sway. Many of the descendants of Clovis proved 
 weak rulers ; and the broils and feuds of the nobles, the tur- 
 bulence and lawlessness of the freemen, produced great disorder. 
 In spite of these evils, and in spite of frequent divisions of the 
 territory among the sons of deceased kings, the power of the 
 Franks as a people did not decline. Alongside of the "do- 
 nothing " {faineant) Merovingian kings, descendants of Clovis, 
 arose strong "mayors of the palace," who exercised .the real 
 power. In Austrasia (the kingdom of the East Franks) the 
 mayors of the palace became especially strong, for the ofiice 
 was practically hereditary in the powerful family of the Pepins 
 (Carolingians), who possessed wide estates and numerous fol- 
 lowers. Under chiefs of this house the East and West Franks 
 were reunited, with one king and one mayor of the palace, and 
 the Mohammedans were beaten back. 
 
26 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 Growth of the Frankish Kingdom. 
 
 Charle- 
 magne, 
 ch. 1 
 
 To Charles Martel, the victorious mayor of the palace in the 
 battle of Tours, the Pope appealed in vain for aid against the 
 Lombards. In 751, however, Pope Zacharias enabled Charles's 
 Einhard, son, Pepin the Short, to seize the throne, by declaring 
 " that the man who held power in the kingdom should 
 be called king and be king, rather than he who falsely 
 bore that name": with this warrant the last of the Mero- 
 vingian kings of the Franks was " deposed, shorn, and thrust 
 into a cloister," and Pepin was raised upon a shield in old 
 Teutonic (Germanic) fashion and hailed as king in his stead 
 (751-768). Pepin twice marched into Italy against the Lom- 
 bards, at the Pope's request ; the second time (756) he forced 
 the Lombard king to give hostages, pay tribute, and surrender 
 the Exarchate, which Pepin thereupon granted to the Pope. 
 Thus the Pope became an important secular prince, by secur- 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 
 
 27 
 
 ing the old imperial dominions in central Italy ; and thus too 
 was laid the basis of a close connection between the papacy 
 and the Frankish monarchy, which to each was to prove of 
 the utmost importance. 
 
 About 800, the time with which this book begins, the bar- 
 barian invasions v/ere practically over, the church was rising 
 to a position of supreme power, feudalism was giving jg g^j^_ 
 a new organization to society, and a new Empire was mary: Eu- 
 about to be founded in the West, to last (in name at ^^^h^year 
 least) for a thousand years. The old doctrinal disputes ^^^ 
 
 about the fundamental beliefs of Christianity were settled; 
 but a church schism or separation was arising between East 
 and West, involving differences of worship and discipline, 
 and ultimately leading to the entire rejection of the papal 
 authority in the East. The Byzantine or Eastern Roman 
 Empire still ruled 
 Asia Minor, Thrace, 
 portions of ancient 
 Greece and southern 
 Italy, and the islands 
 of Crete, Sicily, and 
 Sardinia ; but the Bul- 
 garians (an Asiatic 
 people) had cut off 
 the lower valley of 
 the Danube, and bar- 
 barian Slavs formed 
 an alien wedge run- 
 ning completely through the interior of the Balkan peninsula 
 and into the Peloponnesus. North of the Danube dwelt Asiatic 
 and Slavic peoples ; and to the north of these, Finnish tribes : 
 these peoples were still heathen, and the slow progress of 
 Christianity among them was one of the features of the Mid- 
 
 The Known World in 800. 
 
28 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 die Ages. Scandinavia was taking on its threefold form of 
 Norway, Denmark, and Sweden ; but the worship there of the 
 old Teutonic gods was as yet unshaken. In the British Isles, 
 the Teutonic English had settled, been Christianized, and were 
 about to unite into a single kingdom ; but Scotland, Ireland, 
 and Wales, though Christian, were independent Celtic lands. 
 In northern Spain there existed petty Christian states which 
 in the next seven centuries were to grow into a powerful 
 monarchy and cast out the Mohammedans. But the central 
 political fact in the West was the existence of the Prankish 
 kingdom, ruled over by Charlemagne, the grandson of Charles 
 Martel. 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) Why do we not study the history of China in the Middle 
 Ages? (2) Why should the term "Middle Ages" be plural? 
 (3) Why is our knowledge of history less certain than our knowl- 
 edge of the physical sciences ? (4) What geographical advantages 
 has Europe over Asia ? over Africa ? (5) Why was P^urope not 
 so well fitted to originate as to develop and spread civilization ? 
 (6) In what ways would its history have been different if Europe 
 were entirely surrounded by water ? (7) What did Greece con- 
 tribute to the civilization of the world? (8) What did Rome 
 contribute? (9) What did the Germans add? (10) Summarize 
 the causes of the fall of the Roman Empire, -(ll) Has Moham- 
 medanism done more harm or good in the world ? (12) Compare 
 the area of Mohammedanism in 800 with its area to-day. (13) 
 Compare the area of Christianity in 800 with its area to-day. 
 
 (14) Ways in which geography influences history. (15) The 
 passes of the Alps. (16) Geographical factors in the development 
 of some European towns. (17) Influence of the Roman law. 
 (18) Rise of the mayors of the palace. (19) Alliance between the 
 Franks and the papacy. (20) The life of Mohammed. (21) His 
 teachings. (22) The farthest extent of Mohammedan conquests. 
 (23) Battle of Tours. (24) The old Teutonic mythology. (25) 
 The wanderings and settlements of the Visigoths. (26) The 
 wanderings and settlements of the Ostrogoths. (27) Character 
 and work of Theodoric the Great. (28) Settlement of the Bur- 
 gundians. (29) Settlement of the Lombards. (30) The Anglo- 
 Saxon conquest of Britain. 
 
THE WORLD IN THE YEAR 800 
 
 29 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Maps, pp. 14, 15, 24, 26, 30, 31 ; Putzger, Historischer School- GeoEn?apiiy 
 
 Atlas, maps 13, 13 a ; Dow, Atlas of European History, v. vi. ; 
 Poole, Historical Atlas of Modern Europe, map iv. ; Freeman, 
 Historical Geography of Europe, I. chs. i. iv. ; George, Belations 
 of Geography and History, chs. i. ii. iv. ix. ; Lavallee, Physical, 
 Historical, and Military Geography, bk. iv. 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 1-64 ; B^mont and 
 Monod, Medieval Europe, 30-32, 37-44, 54-68, 116-118, 125-128, 
 135-166 ; Church, Beginning of the Middle Ages, 14-44, 62-72, 
 82-83 ; Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages, 27-34, 52-59, 
 98-102, 111-113, 122-129; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 
 Middle Age, ch. i. ; Diiruy, History of the Middle Ages, 17-21, 
 34-42, 71-105 ; Hassall, French People, chs. i. ii. ; Hume, Spanish 
 People, chs. ii. iii.; Oman, Dark Ages, 1-32, 180-198, 213-220, 
 291-295 ; Stills, Studies in Medieval History, 98-126 ; Munro and 
 Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 60-86 ; Mombert, Charles the Great, 
 21-26 ; Gihnan, Saracens, 50-207 ; Freeman, History and Con- 
 quests of the Saracens, 31-60, 132-166; Bury, History of the Later 
 Boman Empire, II. bk. v. ch. i. ; Mihnan, Latin Christianity, II. 
 bk iv. ch. i. ; Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Boman Empire 
 (Bury's ed.), III. 240-256, 285-333, 446-475, IV. 76-92, 100-169, 
 461-470, V. 96-106, 311-395, 471-479, 491-494. 
 
 Robinson, Beadings in European History, I. chs. iii. vi. ; Sources 
 Thatcher and McNeal, Source Book for 3Iedimvai History, nos. 
 1-6, 43-45 ; Jones, Civilization in the 3Iiddle Ages, No. 3 ; Lane- 
 Poole, 3Iohammed's Speeches and TaUe-Talk. 
 
 F. Dahn, Felicitas, — TJie Struggle for Borne ; G. P. R. James, 
 Attila ; Charles Kingsley, Hypatia ; W. Ware, Julian ; Cardinal 
 Wiseman, Fabiola ; De Genlis, Belisarius. 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
3i 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 
 
 Upon the death of Pepin the Short in 768, his sons Car- 
 
 loman and Charles the Great (Charlemagne) succeeded him, 
 
 i'^^li^^& joiiitly; but in 771 Carloman died, and thenceforth 
 16. Cii£irl6- 
 
 magne's Charlemagne ruled alone. Charlemagne's reign saw a 
 conquests j^^^^ series of wars, undertaken to extend the limits of 
 the Prankish territory, or to ward off attacks from without. 
 During the forty-six years that he ruled (768-814) he sent out 
 more than fifty military expeditions, at least half of wdiich he 
 commanded in person. They were directed against the Aqui- 
 tanians and Bretons of France (3 expeditions) ; the Lombards 
 of northern Italy (5) ; the Saracens, or Mohammedans, of 
 Spain and southern Italy (12) ; the German Thuringians and 
 Bavarians (2) ; the Avars and Slavs (8) ; the Danes (2) ; the 
 Greeks (2), and, most of all, against the Saxons (18), descend- 
 ants of the tribes from which, three hundred years earlier, had 
 come the Teutonic conquerors of Britain. 
 
 For more than two centuries the Franks had waged inter- 
 mittent warfare with the heathen and barbarous Saxons, who 
 dwelt in the trackless forests, swamps, and plains bordering 
 on the North Sea, between the rivers Ems and Elbe. Charle- 
 magne resolved to end the struggle by Christianizing as well 
 as subjugating these troublesome neighbors; but the task re- 
 quired thirty years for its completion (772-804), it was attended 
 by nine successive rebellions, and was stained by the one great 
 act of cruelty of Charlemagne's reign — the massacre of 4500 
 prisoners (782). The most troublesome tribes were transported 
 
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) ' 33 
 
 to other parts of the empire, throughout Saxony fortresses 
 were established and bishoprics founded (around which grew 
 up the first towns), and Christianity was forced upon the 
 population at the point of the sword ; so strict were the laws 
 that converts who ate meat in Lent were condemned to death, 
 unless absolved by a Christian priest. Political and religious 
 opposition was at last crushed, and within a few generations 
 the Saxons became the most powerful nation in the Frankish 
 realm. 
 
 Even more important than the Saxon wars were those with 
 the Lombards. In spite of the two expeditions of Pepin the 
 Short (§ 14), the power of the Lombards continued to be a 
 menace to the papacy ; also the Lombard king harbored pre- 
 tenders to a share in Charlemagne's kingdom. When, there- 
 fore, the Pope appealed to Charlemagne in 773 against King 
 Desiderius, the Prankish king marched to his assistance. In 
 774-776 he completely conquered the Lombard kingdom and 
 assumed the famous " iron crown," with its narrow circlet re- 
 puted to have been made from one of the nails of the Cru 
 cifixion. He then renewed his father Pepin's gift to the Pope 
 of the temporal dominion of Ravenna and other parts of Italy 
 The conquest of Lombardy and the donation of the papal 
 states were two of the most important acts of Charlemagne's 
 reign: they brought the king of the Pranks into closer relar 
 tions with the papacy, and prepared the way for the revival 
 of the Western Empire on a Germanic basis. 
 
 The lands over which Charlemagne ruled in 800 included 
 what are now Prance, Switzerland, Belgium, Holland, more 
 than half of Germany and Italy^ and parts of Austria 17. Revival 
 and Spain (maps, pp. 26, 30); and over the "eternal city'' pLe'kilihe 
 of Rome itself he exercised supreme authority by virtue West 
 
 of the title " Patricius," given him by the Pope. The extent of 
 Charlemagne's power made him already in fact, though not 
 in name, the Emperor of the West. The ruler at Constan- 
 
34 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 tinople in the year 800 was a woman, the Empress Irene, who 
 had just deposed her son, put out his eyes, and seized the 
 power for herself; the West refused to recognize her rule and 
 looked on the throne of the empire as vacant. What was 
 more natural than that it should be given to the king of the 
 Franks, the real ruler of the West ? Charlemagne was quite 
 prepared for this step, but by whom should the imperial crown 
 be conferred ? By the Pope, who had authorized Pepin's as- 
 sumption of the royal crown ? By the people of Rome, as in 
 the ancient days when E,oman Senate and people were still 
 sovereign? Or should it be accounted something which be- 
 longed to Charlemagne by virtue of his conquests ? 
 
 Whatever solution Charlemagne had in mind, the circum- 
 stances of the coronation were not of his arranging. The 
 
 18. Corona- close of the year 800 found him in the city of Rome. 
 
 tionofChar- ^^ Charlemagne prayed at the solemn celebration of 
 
 (800) Christmas, kneeling by the altar in the old church 
 
 of St. Peter's, Pope Leo III. placed a crown upon his head, 
 while the people cried, "To Carolus Augustus, crowned by 
 God, mighty and pacific Emperor, be life and victory." Ac- 
 
 Einhard, cording to Einhard, his secretary and biographer, Charle- 
 
 Charle- magne declared that " he would not have set foot in the 
 
 magne, ch. ° 
 
 28 church, . . . although it was a great feast day, if he 
 
 could have foreseen the design of the Pope." 
 
 The coronation of Charlemagne, in the language of an Eng- 
 lish writer, " is not only the central event of the Middle Ages, 
 Bryce, Hohj it is also one of those very few events of which, taking 
 
 Roman Em- ^j-jej-Q singly, it may be said that if they had not hap- 
 pire (revised o j j j j r 
 
 ed.), 50 pened, the history of the world would have been differ- 
 
 ent." Of all the mediaeval rulers, Charlemagne was the only 
 one in whom the Empire of the West could have been restored. 
 Only he, by his genius and the splendor of his victories, was 
 able to make the principle of unity of government triumph 
 over the tendency towards separation, disorder, and anarchy. 
 
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGJfE (768-814) 
 
 85 
 
 Coronation of ChxVrlemagne. 
 Fresco (19th century) in Hotel de Ville, Aix-la-Chapelle. 
 
 Following the principle adopted by the Germanic conquerors, 
 
 Charlemagne left to each race — Franks, Burgnndians, Komans, 
 
 Lombards, Goths, Bavarians, Saxons — its own law, ^g charle- 
 
 making only such changes by his decrees, or "capitu- magne's 
 
 -111 ffovernment 
 laries," as the good of the state and society demanded. 
 
 For in the early Middle Ages there was little attempt at what 
 we should call legislation ; the " law " of each individual was 
 an inheritance from the past of his race, and as much a part 
 of him as the breath which he drew. Taxes paid to the state 
 also disappeared with the fall of the Roman Empire ; and 
 Charlemagne's needs were supplied, like those of most mediae- 
 val rulers, chiefly from the proceeds of his own estates (villce), 
 for which elaborate regulations were made ; the king usually 
 
36 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 traveled from vill to vill with his suite, to consume the produce 
 arising on each estate. On the other hand, public offices, mili- 
 tary service, and the like, were unpaid, and the financial needs 
 of the state were less than now. 
 
 Under the Merovingians the kingdom had been divided into 
 local districts, ruled by officers called " counts," appointed by 
 the king. These were kept by Charlemagne as the chief 
 officers of local government; in their hands was placed the 
 military leadership, and the administration of justice. To 
 supervise their work, royal commissioners {^nissi dominici) 
 were sent out each year to inspect the national militia, hear 
 complaints against the counts, enforce justice, and guard the 
 interests of the king. Usually the commissioners were sent 
 out two and two — a layman and an ecclesiastic. 
 
 The counts were often guilty of great oppression ; a capitu- 
 lary dated 803 reads : " We hear that the officers of the counts 
 flodaJcin ^^^^ some of their more powerful vassals are collecting 
 Italy and rents and insisting on forced labors, harvesting, plow- 
 ers VIII. i^?> sowing, stubbing up trees, loading wagons and the 
 2^^ like, not only from the church's servants, but from the 
 
 rest of the people ; all which practices must, if you please, be 
 put a stop to by us and by all the people, because in some 
 places the peofjle have been in these ways so grievously op- 
 pressed that many, unable to bear their lot, have escaped by 
 flight from their masters or patrons, and the lands are relaps- 
 ing into wilderness." Such oppressions led the king to grant 
 "immunities,'' by which lands and men, especially of bishops 
 and abbots, were removed from the jurisdiction of the counts. 
 These immunities formed one of the important bases of later 
 feudalism. 
 
 Twice a year, in early summer and in the fall or winter, 
 
 20. The May Charlemagne summoned the principal men to consult 
 
 ^ield ^^^j^ ]^jjj^ concerning the affairs of the empire. To the 
 
 summer meeting, called the " Field of May," came all free men 
 
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 87 
 
 capable of bearing arms, and often the meeting was at once 
 followed by a military expedition. A general assembly in his 
 reign is pictured by a modern writer as follows : "An immense 
 multitude is gathered together in a plain, under tents ; it is 
 divided into distinct groups. The chiefs of the groups j^ 
 assemble about the king, and deliberate with him : then Coukmges, 
 each of these makes known to his own people what has * ^'^^ 
 
 been decided, consults them perhaps, at any rate obtains their 
 assent with as little difficulty as the king has obtained his own, 
 for these men are dependent on him just as he is dependent on 
 the king. The general assembly is a composite of a thousand 
 little assemblies which, through their chiefs alone, are united 
 about the prince." The king's will decided everything, the 
 nobles only advised. 
 
 In these assemblies Charlemagne dealt with matters con- 
 cerning church and state alike; whenever he believed that 
 priests or bishops were not performing their duties properly, 
 he did not hesitate to correct them. Charlemagne's govern- 
 ment was far from being as free and orderly as the governments 
 under which most European nations live to-day; yet when we 
 consider the difficulties of the time, and compare his govern- 
 ment with that of his successors, we find him an able adminis- 
 trator as well as a great warrior. 
 
 The literatures of Greece and Rome had disappeared from 
 use when Charlemagne came to the throne, and even the 
 writings of the church scarcely survived. The only ^i Educa- 
 " books " were costly parchment rolls written by hand, tion and the 
 The two centuries from 600 to 800 produced only a few 
 credulous lives of saints, and some barren "annals," or dry 
 monastic histories. Charlemagne himself learned to speak and 
 read Latin, in addition to his native German, and to under- 
 stand Greek, though not to speak it. He never mastered the 
 art of writing as then used, though he kept waxed tablets 
 always by him to practice it. 
 
38 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 The Palace School — a kind of learned academy composed of 
 the chief scholars and courtiers about the Emperor — played 
 an important part in a revival of learning and literature. An 
 Englishman named Alcuin was invited to the Emperor's court 
 from York, which was then the most learned center in western 
 Europe, and he became the chief scholar of the new circle. 
 Others came from Italy, Spain, and other lands; some were 
 
 if&my^l 
 
 Royal Palace of Carolingian Times. 
 From Viollet-le-Duc. 
 
 grammarians, some poets, some theologians. Charlemagne dis- 
 cussed with them astronomy, shipbuilding, history, the text of 
 the Scriptures, theology, and moral philosophy. For the 
 younger members of the royal family and court, there was more 
 formal instruction, so that the Palace School may be regarded 
 as a high school, as well as a literary and debating club. 
 
 Charlemagne's care for education did not stop with his own 
 court, since we read in the capitularies such commands as 
 these: "Let schools be established in which boys may learn 
 
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 
 
 39 
 
 1.146 
 
 to read. Correct carefully the Psalms, the signs in writing, 
 the songs, the calendar, the grammar, in each monastery „ . . 
 or bishopric, and the Catholic books ; because often men Readings 
 desire to pray to God properly, but they pray badly be- 
 cause of the incorrect books. And do not permit mere boys 
 to corrupt them in 
 reading or writing. 
 If there is need of 
 writing the Gospel, 
 Psalter, and Missal, 
 let men of mature age 
 do the writing with 
 all diligence." 
 
 Charlemagne was 
 also a builder, plan- 
 ning canals, building 
 bridges, and restoring 
 churches which were 
 crumbling into ruin. 
 But his work in this 
 direction did little to 
 check the artistic de- 
 cay of the times. 
 From the old resi- 
 dence of the emperors 
 at Ravenna, a hun- 
 dred marble columns 
 
 were taken for Charlemagne's palace at Aachen (Aix-la- 
 Chapelle) ; thither also were transported pictures, mosaics, and 
 precious sculptures. Charlemagne thus set a bad example to 
 the ages which followed, and contributed to a robbery of the 
 ancient monuments which, in the Middle Ages, caused more 
 destruction among them than was caused by all the ravages 
 of time and war. 
 
 Cathedral at Aix-la-Chapellb. 
 
 The octagon at center of the picture was built 
 by Charlemagne; it is an example of the 
 Byzantine style. 
 
40 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 The ten years following Charlemagne's coronation as Empe- 
 ror were mainly spent at his capital Aachen. The only serious 
 
 22. Charle- danger of the time came from the Scandinavian -'Vik- 
 magne'sold j^gg" (creek men), whose piratical raids, beginning in 
 death (814) this reign, foreshadowed the greater troubles of a century 
 
 later. Charlemagne's prestige abroad was at its height ; ana 
 to his court came envoys from the renowned Haroun-al-Rashid, 
 caliph of Bagdad, whose present of an enormous elephant ex- 
 cited the liveliest interest at the Frankish court. 
 
 The last years of the great Emperor's life were clouded by 
 family sorrows. He had been married five times and had 
 many children. In arranging for the succession Charlemagne 
 followed the old Teutonic practice of dividing the kingdom 
 among his three sons, whom he established as sub-kings in his 
 lifetime over portions of his realm. One of the chief differ- 
 ences in the position of the monarch, as conceived by the 
 Roman emperors and by the barbarian kings, was that the 
 Eoman emperors in theory held their power as a trust in 
 the name and interest of the state, — that is, of all, — while 
 the barbarian kings, regarded the royal power as private prop- 
 erty, to which ordinary rules of inheritance could be applied. 
 Charlemagne's arrangement, however, broke down, owing to the 
 fact that his two older sons died before him ; then Charle- 
 magne placed the imperial crown on the head of his third 
 son, Louis, and recognized him as his successor. Four months 
 later, in January, 814, the old Emperor died of a fever, being 
 upward of seventy years of age. 
 
 Few men have left a deeper impression on their times, and 
 around few have clustered so many legends. His personality 
 
 23. Char- and habits are thus described by his secretary, Einhard : — 
 acterof "Charles was large and strong, and of lofty stature, 
 magne though not disproportionately tall. ' The upper part ot 
 
 Lis head was round, his eyes very large and animated, nose 
 a little long, hair fair, and face laughing and merry. Thus, 
 
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 
 
 41 
 
 his appearance was always stately and dignified, whether he 
 was standing or sitting. He took frequent exercise on horse- 
 back and. in the chase. He enjoyed natural warm Einhard 
 springs, and often practiced swimming, in which he was Charle- 
 
 such an adept that none could surpass him; and thence '^^S^^'fco?!- 
 it was that he built his palace at Aix-la-Chapelle, and densed) 
 
 lived there constantly during his latter years until his death. 
 
 "He used to wear the national, that is to say, the Frank, 
 dress, — next his skin a linen shirt and linen breeches, and 
 above these a tunic fringed with silk ; while hose fastened by 
 bands covered his legs, and shoes his feet, and he protected 
 his shoulders and chest in winter by a close-fitting coat 
 of otter or marten 
 skins. Over all he 
 flung a blue cloak, 
 and he always had 
 a sword girt about 
 him. 
 
 " Charlemagne 
 was temperate in 
 eating and particu- 
 larly so in drinking, 
 
 for he abominated drunkenness in anybody, much more in 
 himself and those of his household ; but he could not easily 
 abstain from food, and often complained that fast days injured 
 his health. His meals ordinarily consisted of four courses, 
 not counting the roast, which his huntsmen used to bring in 
 on the spit; he was more fond of this than of any other dish. 
 While at table he listened to reading or music. The subjects 
 of the readings were the stories and deeds of olden time ; he 
 was fond, too, of St. Augustine's books, and especially of the 
 one entitled The City of God. 
 
 "While he was dressing and putting on his shoes, he not only 
 gave audience to his friends, but if the Count of the Palace [the 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 3 
 
 Roasting on a Spit. 
 From a MS. in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 
 
42 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 chief judge of the Court] told him of any suit in which his 
 judgment was necessary, he had the parties brought before 
 him forthwith, took cognizance of tlie case, and gave his deci- 
 sion, just as if he were sitting on the judgment-seat.'' 
 
 imui)^-<^ /iLTikWmTni pi- 
 
 4 
 
 Signature of Charlemagne (790). 
 
 Charlemagne made only the central part of the monogram KAROLVS 
 (= Charles) ; the scribe wrote the rest, together with the words to the 
 left and to the right, which are Latin for " Signature of Charles, the 
 most glorious King." ^ 
 
 Pepin the Short (751-768) deposed the last Merovingian 
 *' do-nothing " king of the Franks, and became the first king of 
 24. Sum- the Carolingian line. His son, Charlemagne, began his 
 ^^^7 sole rule in 771 and reigned until 814. He was the cen- 
 
 tral figure of his time, and was one of the most remarkable 
 men produced by the Middle Ages. He greatly extended. his 
 kingdom through successful wars, ruled well in church and 
 state, revived the Empire of the AVest in 800, and checked the 
 decline of learning. With his coronation as Emperor a new 
 age begins ; force alone no longer rules ; and great ideas, such 
 as those which gave strength to the Papacy and the Empire, 
 begin to play a part amid the strife of nations. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Suggestive (1) What did Clovis contribute to the development of the 
 
 topics Frankish power ? What did Charles Martel contribute ? What did 
 
 Pepin the Short contribute ? What did Charlemagne contribute? 
 
 (2) In what consisted the greatness of Charlemagne ? (3) Why 
 
 was the papacy more friendly to the Franks than to the other 
 
THE EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE (768-814) 
 
 48 
 
 barbarians? (4) Compare the German ideas of law with modem 
 ideas. (5) Was it better for the Saxons to receive civilization 
 from the Franks by force, or to work out a civilization of their 
 own ? (6) Compare the extent of territory ruled over by Charle- 
 magne with that ruled by the Eastern Emperor. 
 
 (7) Contemporary accounts of the coronation of Charlemagne. 
 (8) Alcuin. (9) Make a list of the other scholars of Charle- 
 magne's court, with the countries of their birth and the things 
 for which they are remembered. (10) The home life of the 
 Franks in the time of Charlemagne. (11) The wars against the 
 Saxons. (12) The wars against the Lombards. (13) Charle- 
 magne's visit to Rome in 774. (14) The massacre of the Saxons. 
 (15) Einhard's Life of Charlemagne. 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 Secondary 
 authonties 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Map, pp. 30, 31 ; Dow, Atlas^ vii. ; Freeman, Historical Oeog- Geography 
 raphy, I. ch. v.; Gardiner, School Atlas of English History, ma,ip 6-^ 
 Poole, Historical Atlas, map iv. 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 137-169 ; B^mont 
 and Monod, Medieval Europe, 66-72, 167-210 ; Emerton, Mediaeval 
 Europe, 3-14 ; Eryce, Holy Boman Empire, chs. iv. v. ; Henderson, 
 Short History of Germany, I. 22-38 ; Duruy, History of France, chs. 
 xii. xiii. ; Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages, 151-235 ; 
 Church, Beginning of the Middle Ages, 37-39, 88-98, 117-147; 
 Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, ch. v. ; Duruy, 
 Middle Ages^ 29-32, 61-66, 105-137; Stills, Studies in Medieval 
 History, 58-97 ; Henderson, Germany in the Middle Ages, 49-81 ; 
 Mombert, Charles the Great, 58-66, 86-153, 241-280, 354-368, 
 394-407 ; West, Alcuin, 40-64 ; Hodgkin, Charles the Great, chs. v. 
 vi. xi.-xiii. ; Oman, History of the Art of War, 47-62, 76-85 ; 
 Hodgkin, Italy and her Invaders, VIII. 122-164, 190-205, 287-302 ; 
 Bury, Later Boman Empire, II. bk. vi. ch. xi. ; Kitchin, History 
 of France, I. 67-149 ; Historians' History of the World, VII. 466- 
 556. 
 
 Robinson, Beadings, I. ch. vii. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
 Book, nos. 7-14, 46-49 ; Einhard, Life of Charlemagne ; University 
 of Pennsylvania, Translations and Beprints, vol. HI. No. 2, pp. 
 2-4, vol. VI. No. 5 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
 189-201 ; Colby, Selections from the Sources of English History, 
 16-19. 
 
 G. Griffin, The Invasion ; Longfellow, Wayside Inn (The Poet's 
 Tale, and The Student's Tale). 
 
 Sources 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
44 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 THE DESCENDANTS OF CHARLEMAGNE 
 
 (1) Chaklemagne 
 
 (In Italy and the 
 Middle Strip) 
 
 I 
 
 (3) LOTHAIR I. 
 
 (843-855) 
 I 
 
 (4) Locis II. 
 
 LOTHAIR II. 
 
 ^^.^^ZB) LotlSrifgia, 
 855-869) 
 
 (768-814) 
 I 
 
 Pepin 
 (d. 810) 
 
 Bernard 
 (d. 818) 
 
 (2) Louis I., THE Pious 
 
 (814-840) 
 
 (In Germany) 
 
 (In France) 
 
 Pepin 
 
 (d. 838) 
 
 Charles 
 
 (K.of 
 Provence, 
 855-863) 
 
 Louis THE German 
 (843-876) 
 
 I 
 (5) Charles the Bald 
 
 (843-877) 
 
 I 
 Carloman 
 
 (K.of 
 Bavaria, 
 
 876-880) 
 
 Louis 
 
 (6) Charles 
 THE Fat 
 
 (9) Arnulf 
 
 K. of Germany 
 
 (887-899) 
 
 I 
 
 Louis 
 
 THE Child 
 
 (900-911) 
 
 Louis II. 
 
 ™^ THE Fat o ™^ 
 
 Younger —-— ---- Stammerer 
 
 (K.of (K.ofSwabia, (877-879) 
 
 Saxony, 876-887, 
 
 876-882) Kulerofall 
 
 ^^Carolingian lands, 
 
 884-887, 
 
 deposed 887, d. 888) 
 
 RIVAL LINE IN FRANCE OF 
 THE "ROBERTIANS" 
 
 Robert the Strong, 
 Duke of the French (d. 866) 
 
 Louis III. Carloman Charles 
 (879-882) (879-884) the Simple 
 (posthumous) 
 (S99-922) 
 (d. 929) 
 
 Louis IV. 
 (D'Outremer) 
 
 (936-954) 
 
 Charles, Duke of 
 
 Lower Lorraine 
 
 (d. 994) 
 
 Odo, Count of Paris 
 (King, 888-898) 
 
 Robert, Duke of the French 
 (King, 922-923) 
 
 Hugh the Great, 
 
 Duke of the French 
 
 (d. 956) 
 
 Hugh Capet (King, 987-996), 
 founder of the Capetian line 
 which ruled France for eight 
 hundred years (to 1792) 
 
 Emma= Rudolph, 
 
 Duke of Burgundy 
 (King, 923-936) 
 
 Explanation 
 
 Names underscored thus are those of members of the Carolingian house who bore 
 the title of Emperor. The seventh and eighth emperors, beginning to count 
 with Charlemagne, were obscure Itahan princes, not of the Carolingian house. 
 
 Indicates extinction of the male line. 
 
 Indicates illegitimate descent. 
 
CHAPTEE III. 
 
 THE LATER CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE (814-911) AND THE 
 FEUDAL SYSTEM 
 
 The power which Charlemagne built up declined rapidly- 
 after his death. His sou Louis was well-meaning and con- 
 scientious, but without a spark of „r ^ . 
 ' ^25. Louis 
 
 the genius of his father ; his care the Pious 
 for religion, however, won for him ^ ^ 
 
 the surname of "the Pious." The chief 
 troubles of Louis's reign arose from his 
 desire to set apart a portion of his king- 
 dom for his youngest son Charles (after- 
 wards called Charles the Bald), as he 
 had done for the older sons; but the 
 latter resented and three times resisted 
 in arms the attempt to deprive them 
 of territories for their young half- 
 brother. 
 
 The death of Louis the Pious, in 840, 
 did not end the struggle; and two 
 
 brothers, Charles the Bald and „^ ^ , 
 ' 26. Battle 
 
 Louis the German, were soon ar- ofFontenay 
 
 (841) 
 
 Carolingtan Warrior. 
 
 From Musee d'Artillerie, 
 Paris. 
 
 rayed against their elder brother, 
 Lothair. All parts of the empire were 
 represented in the decisive battle, which occurred in 841, at 
 Fontenay, in eastern France. Never had so terrible a struggle 
 been seen since Charles M artel fought the Saracens at Tours. 
 One of the officers of Lothair's army describes the battle in a 
 
 45 
 
46 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 rude Latin chant: "May that day be accursed!" he cries; 
 "may it no more be counted in the return of the year, but 
 Anailhert ^®^ ^^ ^® effaced from all remembrance ! . . . Never was 
 quoted in there worse slaughter ! Christians fell in seas of blood ; 
 Prince' I. • • • the linen vestments of the dead whitened all the 
 ^38 field like birds of autumn." 
 
 The battle resulted in a complete victory for the two younger 
 brothers, who then bound themselves by oaths at Strassburg to 
 mutual aid. The language of these oaths shows the tongues 
 used in the two armies. On the one side the oath began, " In 
 Godes minna ind in thes christianes folches ind unser bedhero 
 gealtnissi. ..." On the other it read, "Pro Deo amur et 
 pro christian poblo et nostro commun salvament. ..." In 
 English this clause would be, " For the love of God and for 
 the common safety of the Christian people and ourselveso ..." 
 The first can be recognized as in the language from which the 
 German of to-day is derived ; the second is midway between 
 Latin and modern French. 
 
 After long negotiations a treaty was concluded by the three 
 brothers at Verdun in 843. Louis received the eastern third 
 27 P t' ^^ *^^® empire, beyond the rivers Aar and Rhine ; Charles 
 tion of Ver- the western third, lying west of the Rhone and Scheldt ; 
 ^^ ^ ' and Lothair the strip between, with Italy and the im- 
 perial title. This sweeping partition is the first step in the 
 rise in western Europe of territories corresponding to na- 
 tional states. We must not, however, press this point too 
 
 _ . far. "These three countries were not states, for a 
 
 Lavisse, ^ ^ ^ 
 
 General state is an organized political entity; there were no 
 lew, 37 states, properly speaking (at least no great states), before 
 the close of the Middle Ages. Nor were they nations ; a nation 
 is a definitely formed, conscious, and responsible person." 
 Territories, however, were marked out by this treaty in which 
 national states were in time to arise. Charles's portion cor- 
 responds roughly to modern France, and Louis's to Germany; 
 
THE LATER CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE (814-911) 
 
 47 
 
 A- U S T R>A S I a";, iSffiK - ' 
 
 Rhenn j ^ '^ ' -, , " /• / s 
 
 .....^ . Km. V*-,!;,," 
 N E U S^T R I A \ -y^ x/ y-s-T^i 
 
 bens, V V t^ -^^ ,y ^r, »-., « ^ . . 
 
 ,* tanj*-' LilrlfTftvni 
 
 
 ;$?^e«sfB^;llcs>^ i/r,io„.e„^^;^''U<:^y. ""o^e^f"^"*^ 
 
 
 w ou lUW lou zui) ^JSS^ - i .»->* 
 
 -EDITIlB-R.ANEAyW SEA ^^^L^^^* 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 
 "iS 100 150 200 
 
 Partition of Verdun (843). 
 
 the middle strip contained no elements of nationality, and its 
 parts, together with Italy, were for ten centuries the object of 
 conquests and the seat of European wars. 
 
 The history of the later descendants of Charlemagne makes 
 a confused and uninteresting story. The stock itself was 
 enfeebled, and the quarrels and incompetence of rival 
 rulers are not more noteworthy than the speed with later Caro- 
 which all three lines became extinct. (1) In Italy, /8435b 87) 
 Lothair died in 855, and his kingdom was divided 
 among his three sons ; the eldest, though ruling only a small 
 fraction of the territory of Charlemagne, was nevertheless 
 styled Emperor. None of the sons of Lothair left male heirs, 
 
48 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 SO their territories passed upon their deaths to their cousins 
 
 of France and Germany. (2) In Germany we see the same 
 
 subdivision among three sons, followed by extinction of the 
 
 male line, the last of the legitimate descendants of the 
 
 eastern house being Charles the Fat. (3) In France, Charles 
 
 the Bald upon his death in 877 left but one son, to whom 
 
 descended the whole of his kingdom. This king ruled for 
 
 but two years, and his two sons, who ruled jointly,^ died 
 
 within five years thereafter. The nobles then chose as 
 
 ruler Charles the Fat (884-887), the last of the three sons 
 
 of Louis the German, in whose hands for a few brief years 
 
 nearly the whole of Charlemagne's empire was reunited. 
 
 The rule of Charles the Fat was as weak as it was short. 
 
 Since the days of Charlemagne, the danger from the North- 
 
 . men had become more pressinsr. From their homes in 
 29. Raids of ^ ° 
 
 the North- Norway, Sweden, and Denmark, these heathen sea- 
 
 "^®^ rovers came each year, in fleets of from a hundred to 
 
 three hundred vessels, to plunder and destroy. Their inva- 
 sions may be looked upon as the last wave of the Germanic 
 migrations. The scantiness of their harvests (due to the 
 rigorous climate of the north), a lust for booty, the love 
 of warfare and adventure, and political changes then taking 
 place at home — all impelled these hardy seamen to set forth, 
 England, Scotland, Ireland, and even Italy suffered from 
 their attacks, as well as France and Germany. In their 
 light ships they would ascend the rivers far into the heart 
 of the land, and then seize horses to carry them swiftly to 
 more distant scenes of plunder. In the latter part of the 
 ninth century their invasions took on a new character, and 
 became an emigration and colonization. In England half 
 the kingdom passed into their hands, and was known as 
 the Danelaw (878). In France monasteries and cities were 
 
 1 A third son, Charles the Simple, was bom in 879, a few months after the 
 death of his father. 
 
THE LATER CAROLINGIAN EMPIRE (814-911) 49 
 
 pillaged and burned, great stretches of country fell out of 
 cultivation, and a large part of the population perished 
 through massacre and starvation. Twice Paris itself was 
 sacked. In 885-886 it was again besieged; and in spite of the 
 heroic defense conducted bj its count and bishop, the "cow- 
 ardly, unwieldy, incompetent" king, Charles the Fat, bought 
 oft' the besiegers by the payment of a large sum of money. 
 
 The weakness of Charles the Fat led to his deposition in 
 887, and the division of the empire among many "little 
 kings." In Italy two rival families struggled in vain 30. Lastcf 
 
 to found an Italian kins'dom. In Provence, or Lower *?® Caic- 
 ^ ' Imgi-: ns 
 
 Burgundy, and in Upper Burgundy, kingdoms were (887-987) 
 founded which soon united to form the kingdom of Bur- 
 gundy, or Aries. In all these regions the rule passed from 
 the hands of the Carolingians. 
 
 In Germany the power passed into the hands of an 
 illegitimate branch of the Carolingian house. Arnulf, nephew 
 of Charles the Fat, began the revolt that overthrew the 
 latter, and for twelve years ruled there as king. In him 
 something of the old Carolingian vigor and courage revived ; 
 but his son, Louis the Child, who succeeded him, died in 
 911, leaving no son, brother, or uncle ; and the rule of the 
 descendants of Charlemagne in Germany came permanently 
 to an end. 
 
 In France only there existed, after 888, a legitimate repre- 
 sentative (Charles the Simple) of the great house founded by 
 the heroic mayors of the palace, and here the Carolingian 
 rule continued, with many vicissitudes, for another century. 
 Count Odo — the count who so bravely conducted the defense 
 of Paris — was chosen king in France in 888, though he was 
 not of the Carolingian house ; but in Aquitaine the desire of 
 the nobles for a separate government led them to support 
 the Carolingian prince, Charles the Simple, and refuse to 
 recognize Odo; and after Odo's death (in 898) Charles was 
 
50 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 received as king by the whole realm. But the downfall of 
 the Carolingians here was only postponed. In the end (987), 
 the family of Odo triumphed over the last representative 
 of the house of Charlemagne, and in France as elsewhere 
 rulers not of the Carolingian house sat on the throne. 
 
 Chief of the forces which broke up the unity of the Caro- 
 lingian empire was feudalism. In its nature this was both a 
 
 31. Rise of system of land tenure and a form of military, political, 
 feudalism ^^^ social organization. In its origin it was a result of 
 
 the persistent and growing state of anarchy which the Ger- 
 manic invasions began, and which Charlemagne's rule only 
 temporarily checked. The growing weakness of the gov- 
 ernment obliged men everywhere to take upon themselves 
 the burden of their own defense. Every lofty hilltop, every 
 river-island and stronghold, became the site of a tower or 
 castle, whose lord ruled the surrounding population. Later 
 these castles were looked upon by the lower classes as 
 centers of oppression, but* at first they were often viewed 
 with different sentiments : they were then " the sure places of 
 „ , deposit for their harvests and their goods ; in case of 
 
 Coulanges, mcursions they gave shelter to their wives, their chil- 
 VI. 682 dren, themselves ; each strong castle constituted the 
 safety of a district." 
 
 Three elements are found in the fully developed feudal sys- 
 tem, each with a separate history. These are: (1) the personal 
 element — vassalage; (2) the landed element — the benefice, 
 or fief; (3) the political element — the rights of sovereignty 
 exercised by the great seigneurs. 
 
 (1) The personal element is that of which the roots go 
 deepest into the past. Under the Roman Empire, when 
 
 32. Vassal- oppressive government and barbarian raids made cliffi- 
 age cult the position of the poorer freemen, many became 
 
 the dependents of rich men, and rendered services in return 
 for maintenance and protectiouo Among the Germans of the 
 
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 61 
 
 time of Tacitus, free-born warriors considered it an honor to 
 
 enter the comitatus, or military following, of a successful chief. 
 In the Frankish kingdom such relationships multiplied, and 
 the Carolingian government sought to use the institution of 
 personal dependence as a means to enforce military and other 
 duties. A capitulary of Charles the Bald, in 847, went so far 
 as to order "that each freeman in our kingdom choose the 
 lord that he wishes/' About the year 900, the system of 
 independent freemen had practically disappeared in western 
 Europe, and society had become " a chain of vassals, in which 
 subjection had its degrees, and mounted from man to man 
 up to the king." 
 
 The process by which a freeman became the vassal of 
 another was called "commendation." Kneeling before the 
 seigneur, or lord, the prospective vassal placed his hands in 
 the hands of the other, and " commended himself " to him, 
 promising to serve him honorably in such ways as a freeman 
 should, so long as he should live. There were three purposes 
 especially for which men went into vassalage : to escape the 
 exactions of unrighteous lords ; to avoid the military and judi- 
 cial services due the government; and to secure protection 
 against invading Saracens, Northmen, and Hungarians. The 
 tie established by commendation was at first purely personal, 
 without reference to landholding, and was not hereditary ; but 
 in course of time vassalage united with, and became subordi- 
 nate to, the second or landed element of feudalism. 
 
 (2) The benefice, or fief, was an estate in land or other prop- 
 erty, the use of which was granted in return for stipulated 
 payments or services. Such "usufructuary" tenures g^ ^^ 
 were known under the later Roman Empire, and after benefice, 
 the Germanic conquest they were greatly multiplied. 
 The church especialljfc was instrumental in establishing them. 
 Through gifts of pious individuals the clergy had come into 
 possession of vast estates, the surplus produce of which could 
 
52 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 not be sold because of the almost total lack of roads and 
 markets; it was an economic advantage, therefore, to grant 
 away portions of this land in return for rents and services. 
 The example set by the clergy was followed by great lay pro- 
 prietors. Often, too, small "allodial" landowners (as those 
 were called who owned their land in full proprietorship) sur- 
 rendered their lands to the church, or to some powerful lay- 
 man, and received them back again as a benefice. Thus the 
 number of allodial estates constantly decreased, whereas that 
 of benefices increased. 
 
 The use made of the benefice by the government converted it 
 from a mere economic device into a political one ; this change 
 began in tlie time of Charles Martel, and was connected with 
 a reorganization of the Frankish army. To meet the attacks 
 of the Saracens a cavalry force was necessary, and the rule 
 that each freeman should supply himself with weapons and 
 serve at his own expense could no longer be applied, for the cost 
 of providing a horse and heavy arms was too great. Charles 
 Martel, therefore, granted land to his chief military fol- 
 lowers on condition that they equip and maintain bands of 
 cavalry for his service; and since the lands in his control 
 were not sufficient, lands of the church were appropriated and 
 used for this purpose. In these grants the personal and 
 landed elements of feudalism were always united; for the 
 lands granted by Martel and his successors were given only 
 to those who already were, or were willing to become, the 
 vassals of the grantor. These, in turn, exacted the same con- 
 dition from those to whom they subgranted portions, and from 
 this time the tendency was to unite vassalage and benefice 
 holding. By the end of the ninth century the union became 
 complete, and the benefice holder normally was a vassal, and 
 the vassal normally was a benefice holder. Benefices thus 
 
 Secretan, became "a sort of money with which the kings and the 
 
 Essai sur la "^ 
 
 F6odaliu,98 magnates paid for the services of which they had need." 
 
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 53 
 
 At first, benefices were granted for life only ; but gradually 
 it became customary, upon the death of a tenant, for the lord 
 to regrant the estate to the tenant's heir. Thus most benefices, 
 in the eighth and ninth centuries, were in practice hereditary ; 
 and the custom, without positive enactment, hardened into 
 law. The earlier term " benefice " then gave place to the term 
 "fief," which designates the fully hereditary estate held by a 
 vassal on condition of mounted military service. 
 
 (3) Political sovereignty, which formed the third element 
 
 in feudalism, was not present in all fiefs, but was an integral 
 
 part of the system. It consisted of the right possessed 34. Seigno- 
 
 by the greater lords to do in their territories most of the ^^^J rights 
 
 . , , of sover- 
 
 acts which ordinarily are performed by the state — to eignty 
 
 hold courts and try causes, to raise money, levy troops, wage 
 war, and even coin money. Different lords possessed these 
 rights in different degrees, but all the greater lords, both 
 lay and ecclesiastical, possessed some of them. 
 
 Such rights were acquired either through a grant of " immu- 
 nity" by the crown, or through usurpation without royal 
 grant. In the preceding chapter (§ 19) it has been seen that, 
 to check the oppressions of the counts, immunities were 
 granted,' particularly to the clergy, exempting the estates of 
 the holders from the visitation and jurisdiction of royal officers. 
 Thenceforth the count would have no control over such 
 lands, and the functions which he formerly discharged there 
 passed to the immunity holder, and were exercised, not as 
 powers delegated by the state, but in his own right and for his 
 own profit. In a similar manner, the counts made their offices 
 and functions hereditary, along with the benefices which they 
 held. Many lords who were neither royal officers nor pos- 
 sessed of grants of immunity exercised similar rights by usur- 
 pation. Thus in various ways sovereignty, which should have 
 been possessed entire by the state, was split up into many 
 bits, and each great seigneur seized such portions as he could. 
 
64 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 0' 
 
 From the union of these three elements (vassalage, fief- 
 holding, and the lord's rights, of sovereignty), in the eighth and 
 
 ^^ „ , ninth centuries, the feudal system arose. France was the 
 
 35. Spread . 
 
 of the feu- land of its earliest and most complete development, but 
 
 dal system -^^ some form it was found in all countries of western 
 Europe. In England after the Norman conquest, and in 
 Palestine and the East at the time of the Crusades, the system 
 was introduced from France, with some important modifica- 
 tions : in England, in the direction of greater power for the 
 crown ; in the East, in the way of more complete control by 
 the feudal lords. In Spain, and in the Scandinavian countries, 
 the system was of native growth, but never reached the com- 
 pleteness which it gained in France and Germany. Until the 
 end of the thirteenth century, the system flourished with Such 
 vigor that this epoch may be styled preeminently the Feudal 
 Age. In the fourteenth century a transformation set in, lasting 
 to the close of the Middle Ages, by which feudalism ceased to 
 be a political force, and became a mere social and economic 
 survival. 
 
 The theory of the feudal system was comparatively simple, 
 but its practice was infinitely complex and confused. The 
 36 ComDU- ^^^® ™^^ often held fiefs from several different lords, 
 cations of of different rank, and had vassals under him on each 
 fief. Thus the count of Champagne in the thirteenth 
 century held fiefs divided into twenty-six districts, each cen- 
 tering in a castle ; his lords included the Emperor in Germany, 
 the king of France, the duke of Burgundy, the archbishops of 
 Rheims and Sens, the bishops of Autun, Auxerre, and Langres, 
 and the abbot of St. Denis, to each of whom he did "hom- 
 age " and owed " service " ; portions of his lands and rights 
 he " subinf eudated," on varying terms, to more than two 
 thousand vassal knights, some of whom were also vassals for 
 other fiefs from his own overlords. Monasteries frequently 
 appear, under feudal conditions, both as lords and as tenants 
 
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 55 
 
 of fiefs ; and bishops owed feudal service for the lands an- 
 nexed to their ofhces. 
 
 The administration of justice usually went with the land; 
 and since there were lordships above lordships, it miglit happen 
 that in a given place the " high justice," or right to punish the 
 most serious crimes (murder, robbery, arson, etc.) belonged to 
 one lord, the "middle justice" to another, and the "low 
 justice" to a third. The right to exercise jurisdiction was a 
 profitable right, because of the fines and confiscations which it 
 brought ; hence the right to administer one or another kind of 
 justice was often made the subject of an express grant. Offices 
 — even those of cook and miller — were granted as fiefs ; the 
 right to half the bees found in a certain wood was granted in 
 fief; in the thirteenth century money fiefs, or annual pensions 
 in return for vassal service, became common. Behind all 
 these grants lay a military reason — the desire of the lord to 
 increase the number of his mounted and heavily armed follow- 
 ers serving at their own expense. 
 
 To the end of the Middle Ages there existed some allodial or 
 non-feudal estates, scattered here and there amid feudalized 
 lands ; but the maxim, " No land without a lord, no lord 37. Lord 
 without land," expressed the rule. In the fully devel- and vassal 
 oped feudal theory, God was the ultimate lord of all land. 
 Family names derived from estates become common from the 
 eleventh century. Military service, and the tenure of land on 
 this condition, became the ground of a new nobility, descending 
 from the king through the various grades of marquis, duke, 
 count, viscount, to the lord of a single knight's fee. Each of 
 these, save the last, had vassals and subvassals below him, 
 created by the process of subinfeudation. Below them all 
 were the peasants, styled " serfs " and " villeins," whose 
 little plots of land were held of their lord on condition of 
 manual services and regular payments, both of which were 
 regarded as " ignoble." Possession of at least a few families 
 
66 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 Act of Homage. 
 Seal of the 12th century. 
 
 of villeins was almost a necessity to the feudal lord, for it was 
 mainly from their labor that he was fed and clothed, and 
 enabled to equip himself with his steeds and costly armor. 
 The tie which bound the feudal hierarchy together was one 
 of personal contract, based on the grant and receipt of land, 
 
 and witnessed by the "homage" 
 done and " fealty " sworn by each 
 vassal to his " suzerain," or lord. 
 By this contract the vassal was 
 pledged to render " service " to 
 his lord ; the latter was bound to 
 " protect " his vassal. The service 
 was preeminently military — forty 
 days a year, on horseback, at the 
 vassal's expense, being the custom- 
 ary limit. The vassal had to 
 attend his lord's court when sum- 
 moned, to aid with counsel and advice; he was obliged also 
 when accused to stand trial by his fellow-vassals in this court. 
 In addition, the lord might require payment of "aids" in 
 money, on certain exceptional occasions : (1) when the lord 
 knighted his eldest son ; (2) on the first marriage of his eldest 
 daughter ; (3) to ransom his person from captivity ; and (4) to 
 aid him in setting forth on a crusade. 
 
 Primogeniture, or the succession of the eldest son, was the 
 rule of feudal inheritance, as opposed to the equal division 
 38. Feudal among all the children recognized by the Eoman and 
 inheritance Teutonic law. Personal property might be disposed 
 of by will, but feudal land could not ; in default of a recognized 
 heir it "escheated" to the lord of the fief. On entering upon 
 his inheritance, the heir of full age paid a " relief " in money 
 (consisting usually of one year's revenue of the fief), did 
 homage and fealty, and was then put in possession of his 
 estate. If he was a minor, the lord often had the custody of 
 
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 
 
 57 
 
 his person and of the fief, with the right to take the profits, 
 until the heir became of age. Finally, the vassal could 
 not sell or otherwise alienate his fief without the lord's con- 
 sent; and over the marriage of the vassal's heir the lord 
 possessed a measure of control. 
 
 In case a vassal failed in the discharge of his obligations, he 
 might be convicted of "felony," and his fief confiscated. In 
 case the lord failed to protect, or otherwise wronged his 39. Feudal 
 vassal, the latter might appeal to his lord's suzerain. warfare 
 But ordinarily disputes were settled by force ; and the clash of 
 
 Tournament of the Twelfth Century, 
 From a 12th century MS. 
 
 ill-defined interests, the hatred borne to neighbor and stranger, 
 and the military habits of the time, made private warfare 
 almost the normal condition of the Middle Ages. And since 
 war was the chief occupation of the feudal class, mimic war- 
 fare — the "joust" and "tournament" — was their favorite 
 amusement. 
 
 Down to the eleventh century, the armor consisted of a 
 
 leather or cloth tunic covered with metal scales or rings, with 
 
 an iron cap to protect the head. From the beginning of. the 
 
 twelfth century, the hauberk was usually worn ; this was a 
 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 4 
 
58 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 coat of link or chain mail, often reaching to the feet, and pos- 
 sessing a hood to protect the neck and back of the head. 
 Plate armor and the visored lielmet first appear in the 
 fourteenth century. A shield or buckler of wood and leather, 
 bonnd with iron and emblazoned with the knight's coat of 
 arms, was carried on the left arm. The weapons were chiefly 
 the lance and the straight sword. The weight of the armor 
 made necessary a strong, heavy horse (the dextrarius) to 
 carry the warrior in battle ; when on a journey he rode a 
 lighter horse (the " palfrey "), while a squire or valet led the 
 dextrarius, laden with his armor. No number of foot soldiers 
 of the ancient sort could stand before warriors mounted and 
 thus equipped, and it is in this military preeminence that we 
 find one of the chief reasons for the long continuance of the 
 feudal power. 
 
 From the close of the tenth century the church exerted it- 
 self to check the incessant fighting ; and two institutions thus 
 40 Restric- ^^'^^^? called respectively " the Peace " and " the Truce 
 tions of feu- of God." By the Peace, warfare upon the church and 
 the weak — including peasants, merchants, women, and 
 pilgrims — was perpetually forbidden in those districts where 
 the Peace was adopted. By the Truce of God, a cessation of 
 warfare was established for all classes during the period from 
 Wednesday night to Monday morning of each week, and in all 
 holy seasons (Lent, Advent, Whitsuntide, etc.) ; thus the 
 number of days a year on which warfare could be carried on 
 was greatly restricted. Violation of the Peace, or of the Truce, 
 was punished with excommunication (§ 58) : in some districts, 
 sworn associations of the laity and clergy, with special courts, 
 treasuries, and armies, were instituted to punish violations ; but 
 even thus the Peace and Truce were but imperfectly observed. 
 As governments grew stronger, dukes, kings, and emperors 
 exerted themselves to put down the abuse of private warfare. 
 In Normandy, and in England after the Norman conquest, the 
 
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 59 
 
 crown enforced peace with a strong hand. In France also, by 
 the beginning of the fourteenth century, the crown became 
 strong enough to make progress in this direction. In Germany 
 the Emperors early proclaimed the public peace {Landfrieden) ; 
 but " robber barons " continued to exist, " fist-right " prevailed 
 for long periods, and it was only at the very close of the 
 fifteenth century that effectual steps were taken to enforce a 
 permanent peace. 
 
 In considering the feudal system as a whole, the following 
 points should be borne in mind : (1) Practice often conflicted 
 with theory, many vassals, for instance, becoming strong 41. General 
 enough to throw off all dependence on their suzerains. of feudal^ 
 (2) Customs varied greatly in different regions and at ism 
 
 different times. (3) The hereditary principle gradually grew 
 stronger, so that in many fiefs female inheritance, and the 
 succession of collateral heirs, in default of heirs of the direct 
 line, came to be recognized. (4) The principle of monarchy 
 (which implies "sovereignty" over subjects) was in its nature 
 opposed to feudalism (which gave only " suzerainty " over 
 vassals), and monarchs, wherever strong enough, undermined 
 feudalism both by direct limitations of feudal prerogatives, 
 and by drawing to themselves, or " mediatizing," the vassals of 
 their own tenants. (5) The rise of the cities as political 
 organizations, from the eleventh century to the thirteenth, 
 also weakened feudalism ; for their interests were opposed to 
 those of the feudal lords, and they were enabled to combat 
 them by the wealth which they acquired through industry and 
 trade. (6) With all its defects feudalism served a useful 
 purpose : it supplied a possible form of government at a time 
 when complete anarchy was threatened; it kept alive the 
 theory of a king and the state, standing above all feudal mag- 
 nates, and thus furnished a basis on which subsequent genera- 
 tions could erect centralized and efficient governments. 
 
60 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 The century whicli followed the death of Charlemagne saw 
 the complete decline of the empire he had founded. Feudal- 
 42. Sum- ism, new barbarian invasions, civil wars, and division of 
 ^^^ the empire sapped the central authority. After a fleeting 
 
 reunion of the parts under Charles the Fat (884-887), there 
 came a final separation of the Carolingian lands into a number of 
 different kingdoms. In each of these the tendency was toward 
 further separation and a further diminution of the powers of 
 the crown. Society was in danger of being reduced to anarchy, 
 and how to check this tendency was one of the problems of 
 the immediate future. The gradual rise of the feudal system 
 furnished a rude yet elastic bond, in which personal service, 
 landholding, and political allegiance were intertwined; the 
 result was a new society, ruled by the heavily armed, mounted 
 knight, intrenched in his almost impregnable castle. 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) Was Louis the Pious a good man ? Was he a good ruler ? 
 (2) Compare tlie later Carolingian kings with the later Merovin- 
 gians. (3) How did the weakness of Charlemagne's descendants 
 aid the growth of feudalism ? (4) What other factors cooperated ? 
 (5) Compare the ninth century Northmen with the fifth century- 
 Franks. (6) How does a feudal society differ from a modern state as 
 regards taxation, coining money, administration of justice, main- 
 tenance of an army, etc. ? (7) Why are such institutions as the 
 Peace and Truce of God no longer necessary ? 
 
 (8) Reformatory measures of Louis the Pious. (9) The treaty 
 of Verdun and its significance. (10) Raids of the Northmen in 
 the ninth century. (11) The lord's obligations. (12) The vas- 
 sal's obligations. (13) Description of a battle in the Middle 
 Ages. (14) Arms and armor of the knight. (15) Jousts and 
 tournaments. (10) Tlie Peace and Truce of God. (17) Forces 
 hostile to feudalis'.u. (18) Tlie advantages and disadvantages of 
 feudalism. (10) Non-European feudalism (Japan), 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Geoirraphy Maps, pp. 47, 30, 31 ; Freeman, Historical Geography^ I. ch. vi. 
 
 Poole, Historical Atlas, map xxxiii. j Dow, Atlas, vii. 
 
THE FEUDAL SYSTEM 61 
 
 Diiruy, History 0/ i^V'a wee, ch.xviii.; Adams, Civilization during Secondary 
 the Middle Ages, chs. viii. ix. ; B^mont and Moiiod, Medieval a-^t^o^ities 
 Europe, chs. xiv.-xvi. ; Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, 21-40 ; Hen- 
 derson, Short History of Germany, 38-48 ; Church, Beginning 
 of the Middle Ages, ch. viii.; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 
 Middle Age, chs. vi. xi.; Oman, Dark Ages, chs. xxiii.-xxv.; Duruy, 
 Middle Ages, chs. x. xi.; Henderson, Germany in the 3Iiddle Ages, 
 chs. vi. vii.; Stills, Studies in Medieval History, 130-145 ; Oman, 
 History of the Art of War, bk. iii. chs. ii. iii,; Kitchin, France, I. 
 150-159 ; Keary, Vikings in Western Christendom, chs. v. ix. xv. ; 
 Boyesen, Norway, 1-44 ; Jewett, Normans, chs. i.-iv.; Emerton, 
 Introduction to the Middle Ages, ch. xiv. ; Baldwin, Scutage and 
 Knight Service in England, Introduction ; Seignobos, Feudal 
 Begime ; Munro and Sellery, 3fedieval Civilization, 18-33, 159- 
 211 ; Boutell, Arms and Armour, chs. vii.-ix. ; Historians^ History 
 of the World, VII. 557-594, VIII. 481-501. 
 
 Robinson, Headings, I. chs. viii.-ix.; Thatcher and McNeal, Sources 
 Source Book, nos. 15-23, 180-230, 234-239; University of Penn- 
 sylvania, Translations and Beprints, vol. IV. No. 3; Henderson, 
 Documents of the 3Iiddle Ages, bk. ii. no. v. ; Jones, Civilization 
 in the Middle Ages, Nos. 4, 5. 
 
 The Song of Boland ; Bulfinch, Charlemagne, or Bomance of 
 the Middle Ages ; Gautier, Chivalry. 
 
j \Catl(i)lic Christian Churcli 
 
 ' ' in time of Pope Gregory J 
 
 590-604. 
 
 I 1 Old Celtic Christian 
 
 ' ' Church. 
 
 Lost to Mohammedanism 
 if/ 814. 
 
 I 1 Converted to Christianity 
 
 ' ' by 814. 
 
 M0HA9INEDANS, CHRISTIANS, 
 
 AND PAGANS 
 
 ABOUT 000-814 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 
 MOirAMiHEDANS, CHKISTIANS, 
 AND PAGANS 
 
 NEAR KND OF IITH CENTDBY 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 
 I I Homan Catholic Church. 
 
 I I Gre.k 
 
 l*m^iJ Mohammedans . 
 tj-'S''J Intermixed colors indicate 
 intermixture of rcliffion^. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS IN GERMANY AND 
 FRANCE (911-1024) 
 
 The dissolution of the Carolingian empire, the rise of feudal- 
 ism, and new barbarian invasions made the end of the ninth 
 century a time of confusion and disorder. The Viking 43. Begin- 
 
 raids of the Northmen still continued. The Saracens ^^f£.JJ, „^„® 
 
 tentn cen- 
 
 held Sicily securely, again and again fastened themselves tury 
 
 upon southern and central Italy, and long held a post on the 
 coast of Provence. The Slavs beyond the lower Elbe, and in 
 Bohemia and Moravia, proved troublesome. FroDi out of far- 
 distant Asia came the Magyars, or Hungarians, another of those 
 terrible swarms which, like the Huds, the Avars, and later the 
 Turks, threatened to destroy civilization ; settling in the rich 
 plains of the middle Danube and the Theiss (896), they 
 extended their raids into Italy, Germany, and Prance. Europe 
 seemed relapsing into barbarism and chaos ; disorder, weak- 
 ness, and ignorance increased ; and not until the middle of 
 the tenth century did improvement come. 
 
 The worst part of the Hungarian attack fell upon Germany, 
 where the weakness of the central power after the fall of the 
 Carolingians threw the burden of defense on local counts ^^ Disinte- 
 and dukes. These officers used the opportunity to build gration of 
 up a number of powerful, semi-national duchies. Thence- 
 forth, though nominally a monarchy, the German government 
 took on the character of a confederation, governed by the 
 hereditary princes who ruled the great duchies. 
 
 There were four of these German duchies in the tenth and 
 
 63 
 
^iil^H SEA ' X^--lV^ /^^^ SEk 
 
 ^RlES/ AND 
 
 • Utrecht ■■■"\ 
 
 Irun wiJk 
 
 /Ghent 7^A«ehen<^^ = ,./ V-^URINGIA r Si tA^^? 
 
 LOwpdK^-/-* «\Col<fce HESSE V: / "'^"^"^ ' 
 
 =# 
 
 Cru' 
 
 Vor. *>Co'<*n8' HESSE 
 
 5»;5-i^^_^^ ■ y\ f^ R A N C O N I A \-«'iS^^^--^ 
 
 .iTrojes U \ ' 8^1^JlL •••••;v^ CaBtle;3r^ (R^gen^u^'g^ 
 
 ^,.. 
 
 3/ E 
 
 
 Gu// of 
 Genoa 
 
 THE HOLY ROMAN E3IPIRE 
 
 IN THE 
 
 TENTH AND ELEVENTH CENTURIES 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 200 
 
SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLlNGlANS (911-1024) 65 
 
 eleventh centuries, not counting Lotharingia (Lorraine), which 
 was sometimes Grerman and sometimes French. (1) In the 
 valley of the Danube, and its tributary the Inn, lay the duchy 
 of Bavaria, with Eatisbon (Regensburg) as its principal city. 
 (2) To the west, embracing the head waters of the Ehine and 
 Danube and taking in what is now eastern Switzerland, was 
 the duchy of Swabia. (3) North of this, including the middle 
 course of the Ehine, the valley of the Main, and the lower 
 course of the river Neckar, was the duchy of Franconia. 
 (4) ISTorth of this again, in the low plains drained by the Ems, 
 the Weser, and the lower Elbe, lay the duchy of Saxony. 
 Thuringia was loosely connected with Saxony, as Friesland was 
 with Lotharingia. Each of the duchies was subdivided into 
 counties ; and over the border counties (styled marks, or 
 "marches") the counts acquired such large powers that they 
 became practically independent of their dukes. Thus the 
 Ostmark (East March) of Bavaria, established as a defense 
 against the Hungarians, developed into Oesterreich (Austria) ; 
 and the North March of Saxony, into Brandenburg, a nucleus 
 of the present kingdom of Prussia. 
 
 On the death of Louis the Child (§ 30), Conrad I., duke of 
 Franconia, was elected king (911-918). The Saxon duke, 
 however, proved stronger than King Conrad; and on his 45. Earlj 
 deathbed Conrad sent the insignia of royalty to Henry, of^ermany 
 "the Fowler," head of the Saxon house, who was there- (919-973) 
 upon elected king ; and for five successive reigns the crown 
 remained in this family.^ During a nine-years' truce with the 
 Hungarians Henry I. (919-936) gave a great impulse to town 
 life in Saxony by building numerous fortified places, in which 
 one out of every nine free peasants should dwell, to receive 
 and store up a third of the harvests of the other eight; he also 
 teaiiaformed the Saxon infantry into cavalry, and was thus 
 enableci to repuise tne next iiungarian attack (933). 
 1 See table at foot of p. 98. 
 
66 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 The greatest of tlie Saxon kings was Henry's son, Otto I. 
 (936-973). He ably warred against the Hungarians, and in- 
 flicted upon them a decisive defeat (955) on the river Lech, 
 near Augsburg ; after this they gradually settled down to agri- 
 cultural and pastoral life. Under their king, Saint Stephen 
 (979-1038), they were converted to Christianity ; and in the 
 year 1000 they were received into the family of European 
 nations by the gift of a royal crown from the Pope. By their 
 settlement in Europe and acceptance of Roman Christianity, 
 the boundary of Western Christendom was shifted far east- 
 ward. 
 
 Otto's reign saw the beginning of an important German ex- 
 pansion northeastward, at the expense of the Slavs, which won 
 for modern Germany some of its most 
 important territory. The king of the 
 Bohemians was forced to recognize Otto 
 as his overlord, and his people were 
 brought within the circle of German 
 influence. Step by step with the exten- 
 sion of German rule, went the progress 
 of Christianity : an archbishopric was 
 
 established at Magdeburg (in 967), and 
 Ring Seal of Otto I. o o v /; ^ 
 
 a number of bishoprics dependent on it 
 
 were erected; and from these centers civilization and Chris- 
 tianity slowly radiated among the neighboring Slavs. The 
 duke of the Poles had accepted Christianity in 966, and his 
 successor established a powerful but unstable kingdom. 
 
 The way, meanwhile, was prepared for the extension of 
 
 German influence in Italy. Since the downfall of Charles the 
 
 46. Italy Fat (887) Italy had suffered many ills. Saracen and 
 
 papacy Hungarian raids had devastated the land, and whole cities 
 
 (887-950) were ruined. Feudalism, which in other countries was a 
 
 defense to the people, here encountered strong opposition from 
 
 the artisan and merchant classes ; and municipal governments, 
 
SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 67 
 
 centering about the bishops of the towns, came into existence 
 to combat the seigneurs. A series of shadowy kings and em- 
 perors arose, seeking to lay the foundations of a national 
 monarchy ; but, as a writer of the time said, " The Italians 
 always wish to have two masters, in order to keep the Liutprand 
 one in check by the other " ; thus no ruler won undis- ^-^ Cremona 
 puted recognition, and disunited Italy, for nine hundred years, 
 endured the rule of strangers. 
 
 Why was not the Pope the head and defender of Italy ? 
 The reason was that the papacy was suffering from the same 
 anarchy that attacked the empire. Deprived of the protection 
 of a strong imperial power, it became a prey to corrupt and 
 greedy local nobles; and violence, bloodshed, and scandal pre- 
 vailed through the greater part of the first half of the tenth 
 century. 
 
 The disorders in Italy finally forced Otto I. to intervene 
 in 951 ; and ten years later he led an army a second time into 
 Italy. At Milan he now assumed the iron crown of 47. Revival 
 Lombardy; and at Eome, on February 2, 962, he was ^ \h-ebv 
 crowned Emperor by the Pope. A few days later he Ottpl. (962) 
 confirmed all the grants that had been made to the Popes by 
 Pepin and Charlemagne, and decreed that the papal elections 
 should thereafter be conducted with the fullest liberty. 
 
 The coronation of Otto revived the imperial title and 
 refounded the empire of Charlemagne, to last (at least in ' 
 name) for about eight centuries and a half longer. The new 
 empire differed in some important respects from the former 
 one. France no longer made part of it, and imperial inter- 
 ests were confined almost entirely to Germany and Italy. 
 The very title used, that of "the Holy Roman Empire of the 
 German nation," indicates its Teutonic nature. The close 
 connection between Germany and Italy, which the empire 
 brought about, proved hurtful to -both : to Italy it brought the 
 ruin of all hopes of nationality and of a native government ; 
 
68 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 for Germany it meant the sacrij&ce of the substance of power 
 at home for the shadow of dominion beyond the Alps. To 
 the papacy alone the connection was of immediate value, for 
 the imperial power protected it against the greed and corrup- 
 tion of local nobles. 
 
 It was largely the personal qualities of Otto I. — his energy, 
 courage , and military skill — that made his reign so success- 
 48. The ful. His son. Otto II. (973-983), struggled with fair 
 Einperors^^ success against forces which fear of Otto I. had kept 
 (973-1002) in check; but his death at the early age of twenty- 
 eight left the throne to his three-year-old son. Otto III. 
 (983-1002). In the minority of Otto III., first his mother 
 Theophano (a Byzantine princess), and then his grandmother 
 Adelaide, watched over the empire as regents. Again there 
 were rebellions, and Slav and Danish invasions, and the royal 
 authority declined. In 996 Otto was declared of age, visited 
 Kome with an army, and was crowned Emperor. His char- 
 acter was a strange mixture of religious enthusiasm, exalted 
 imperial dreams, and practical weakness. His closest friend 
 and teacher was a French monk named Gerbert, who had 
 studied in Spain, and whose rare mathematical knowledge 
 made him seem a magician to after ages; in 999 Gerbert be- 
 came Pope, with the name Sylvester II. — the first French 
 Pope. In pursuit of his imperial dreams. Otto abandoned 
 Germany and 'made Rome his capital, where he surrounded 
 himself with high-sounding officials and an elaborate ceremo- 
 nial in imitation of the Byzantine court. Soon the fickle 
 Romans revolted; and hurt at their ingratitude. Otto wan- 
 dered about Italy, until his death in January of the next 
 year (1002). The German nobles, meanwhile, multiplied 
 their castles and independent jurisdictions, and ruined the 
 land with violence and warfare. 
 
 With the death of Otto IH. the male line of Otto the Great 
 came to an end, and there was again opportunity for a free 
 
SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 69 
 
 election. The choice fell upon the duke of Bavaria (a great- 
 grandson of Henry I. ; p. 98), who reigned as Henry II. 
 (1002-1024). Abandoning the romantic dreams of Otto III., 
 he concerned himself with defending and reorganizing Ger- 
 many ; in Italy he seldom appeared. The name Henry "the 
 Saint," given him by mediaeval historians, was merited by the 
 conscientiousness with which he performed his religious duties, 
 and the ^ifts and favors he showered upon the church; but 
 he ruled the clergy, not they him. 
 
 From Germany and Italy we must turn to France. There 
 the chief events of the tenth century were (1) the establish- 
 ment of the Northmen on French soil, and (2) the final 49. Duchy 
 overthrow of the Carolingian dynasty. °^ founded 
 
 The repulse of the Northmen from Paris, in 886, did (911) 
 
 not prevent them from settling in increasing numbers in the 
 lands about the lower Seine. In 911 their leader was E-olf 
 (or Eollo), called "the Ganger " or "the Walker," because his 
 gigantic size prevented his finding a horse to carry him. 
 Under his leadership, says an old writer, " the pagans, William of 
 like wolves of the night, fell upon the sheepfolds of Jumieges 
 Christ ; the churches were burned, women dragged off captive, 
 the people slain." Many times the invaders had been bought 
 off with gifts of money ; it was now resolved to follow the 
 example of England and buy them off with a grant of land. 
 At a meeting between the French king and Kolf, in 911, it 
 was agreed that Rolf should have the lands about the lower 
 Seine as the vassal of the king of France, that he should 
 cease his attacks, and that he and his followers should become 
 Christians. The name Normandy (Northmen's land) was 
 soon given this region, and the Northmen ceased to trouble 
 the kingdom. 
 
 Kolf and the Norman dukes after him were men of ability, 
 and the race itself was of the sturdiest Teutonic stock. With 
 remarkable rapidity the Normans took on their neighbors' 
 
70 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 religion, language, and customs. Normandy became a feudal 
 
 principality, differing from the other fiefs of northern France 
 
 only in the ability with which it was governed, and the hardy 
 
 and adventurous character of its inhabitants. *' France," 
 
 exclaims a historian of the eleventh century, " thou wast 
 Dudo, His- 
 tory of the bowed down, crushed to earth. . . . Behold, there comes 
 
 Normans ^^ ^^^^ ivom Denmark a new race. . . . That race shall 
 raise thy name and thy empire, even unto the heavens ! " In 
 the Norman conquest of England and of southern Italy (here- 
 after to be related), in the leading part which the Normans 
 played in the Crusades, and in the hardy character of their 
 seamen to the end of the Middle Ages, evidences of their 
 superior vigor and daring were abundantly given. 
 
 The final overthrow of the Carolingiau house in France was 
 effected by a member of the family of that Count Odo who 
 50. Rival won fame in the defense of Paris in 886. The power of 
 in France *^^^ family (called Robertians, after an ancestor, Eobert 
 (888-987) the Strong) rested (1) on the ability of its heads as war- 
 riors and statesmen ; (2) on the possession of great estates in 
 northern France, more extensive even than those possessed by 
 the Carolingiau kings ; and (3) on the office of " Duke of the 
 French," which gave the holder the military supremacy in north- 
 ern France. The hundred years following the siege of Paris 
 was one long contest for the throne between the Carolingians 
 and the Robertians. The successive kings of this period are 
 shown in the table on p. 44. The reign of the Carolingiau 
 Charles the Simple (§ 30) was followed by a period of Rober- 
 tian rule (922-936), and this in turn by the reigns of three 
 Carolingiau kings : Louis IV. (936-954), called Louis " D'Outre- 
 mer " from his residence " beyond the sea " in England at the 
 time of his accession; Lothair (954-986) ; and Louis V. (986- 
 987), who died of a fall from a horse, leaving no child. 
 
 These last Carolingians saw their power grow steadily less. 
 The head of the Robertian house at the close of the period 
 
SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLlNGIANS (911-1024) 71 
 
 was Hugh Capet, so called from the cape or hood which he wore; 
 of his power it was said by one of his chief supporters, " Lothair 
 is king in name only : Hugh does not bear the title, but he is 
 king in fact." When Lothair's son and successor died without 
 children, the way was clear for Hugh to secure the throne. 
 
 For the past hundred years the throne of France had really 
 been elective, the great nobles choosing the king now from one 
 family and now from the other. In the assembly called g^ q^ 
 
 in 987 to settle the succession, it was possible for the petian 
 
 archbishop of Eheims, the leading clergyman of the established 
 kingdom, to use this language : " We are not ignorant (^^'^) 
 
 that Charles of Lorraine [brother of Lothair] has partisans 
 who pretend that the throne belongs to him by right of 
 birth. But if the question is put in that fashion, we j^cher bk. 
 will say that the crown is not acquired by hereditary ^^- c/i. xL 
 right, and that he alone should be raised to the throne who is 
 distinguished by elevation of character as well as by blood." 
 His arguments won the day, and Hugh was chosen king " of 
 the Gauls, Bretons, Normans, Aquitanians, Goths, Spaniards, 
 and Basques," — that is, king of all France. The mention of 
 these different peoples shows how far they were from being 
 welded as yet into a single nation. 
 
 The change of dynasty in France is to be looked upon as 
 entirely the result of a combination of persons and circum- 
 stances, due to no difference of principles. Yet it was an 
 event of prime importance, for it gave to France a line of 
 rulers (lasting to the end of the eighteenth century) who 
 transformed the elective monarchy into an hereditary one, and 
 built up, on the foundations laid by the Carolingians, the first 
 strong, centralized, modern state. 
 
 The energy and daring which produced the Northmen's settle- 
 ments in England and France manifested itself in 52. The 
 other exploits. Viking bands from the mother lands g^^thern 
 of the north discovered and settled Iceland (861-875) Italy 
 
72 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 and Greenland (983), and even visited 
 
 Vinland " or America 
 (about the year 1000). 
 In Russia (about 862) 
 Swedish Vikings es- 
 tablished a dynasty 
 which ruled that land 
 for seven hundred 
 years. The Normans, 
 or descendants of the 
 Northmen on French 
 soil, were also to make 
 farther conquests : the 
 circumstances which 
 established their duke 
 as king of England 
 are related in another 
 chapter (§ 158) ; sec- 
 ond in importance 
 only to this was their 
 establishment in 
 southern Italy. 
 
 Since the days of 
 Charlemagne, the 
 East-Eoman (Byzan- 
 tine) or Greek Empire 
 had preserved an un- 
 certain foothold in 
 southern Italy, threat- 
 ened by the growth 
 of feudal lordships, by 
 the pretensions of Ger- 
 man kings, and bj 
 Saracen invasions. Sicily since 878 had been almost wholly 
 Saracen, and Sardinia, after 900, was also in Mohammedan 
 
 Norse Art. 
 
 Carved door from an old church in Iceland ; now 
 in Copenhagen Museum. From Du Chaillu's 
 The Viking Age. 
 
SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 73 
 
 hands. In the first half of the ninth century, Saracens had 
 gained a footing in southern Italy, and though they were 
 temporarily dislodged, no permanent relief could be hoped 
 for while the neighboring lands were theirs. Early in the 
 eleventh century (1017) a new factor entered when a revolted 
 noble enlisted Norman adventurers against the Greek governor. 
 Soon other Normans flocked thither, to take service under 
 different princes and nobles, selling their swords to the highest 
 bidders. Presently they began to establish o, power of their 
 own ; and in 1071 they took Bari, the last possession of the 
 Greek governors in Italy. 
 
 In these conquests five of the twelve sons of a poor Norman 
 noble played principal parts. The eldest, William of the Iron 
 Arm, began the work of expelling both the Greeks from 
 Apulia and the Saracens from Sicily ; his brothers assisted and 
 continued the task. The fourth brother, Robert Guiscard 
 (which means "the cunning"), made the greatest name for 
 himself. The daughter of the Greek Emperor describes him 
 as he appeared to his enemies : " His high stature excelled 
 that of the most mighty warriors. His complexion was ruddy, 
 his hair fair, his shoulders broad, his eyes flashed fire. It is 
 said that his voice was like the voice of a whole multitude, and 
 could put to flight an army of sixty thousand men." Like all 
 the Normans, he was a cruel conqueror, and to this day ruined 
 cities bear witness to his ferocity. Before he died (in 1085) all 
 southern Italy acknowledged him as lord, save only the lands 
 about the Bay of Naples, and the papal duchy of Benevento. 
 
 The conquests of Eoger, the youngest of the family, were 
 equally remarkable. On the invitation of discontented Chris- 
 tians, he landed in Sicily in the year 1060, and after thirty 
 years of untiring warfare he succeeded in conquering the last 
 of that island from its Saracen rulers. 
 
 In Italy and Sicily the Norman princes showed the same 
 tolerance for the language, laws, customs, and beliefs of the 
 
74 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 conquered, and the same adaptability to new conditions, that 
 they displayed elsewhere. The result was that on the ruins 
 of G-reek, Lombard, and Saracen power they erected a strong 
 feudal state which, with some inevitable changes, lasted until 
 the establishment of the present kingdom of Italy in the nine- 
 teenth century. 
 
 Eeviewing the developments of the tenth and eleventh 
 centuries, we see that one of the problems presented by the 
 53. Sum- dissolution of the Carolingian empire had been solved j 
 i^ary ^i^q centrifugal tendency had been brought under control, 
 
 and political disintegration checked. Feudalisrh, with its 
 organization of society on the basis of private contract devel- 
 oping into hereditary right, proved a uniting as well as a dis- 
 integrating force ; it served to bind together, however loosely, 
 the fragments of society until other and stronger ties could 
 operate. Monarchical government proved another political tie 
 Germany under the Saxon kings seemed nearer to attaining 
 national monarchical union than any other Carolingian land ; 
 but this result the tendencies of the next three centuries were 
 to defeat. In France and England the foundations of strong 
 monarchies were laid, in the one by the accession of Hugh 
 Capet, in the other by the ISlorman Conquest. These countries, 
 therefore, earlier than any others in the' West, were to attain 
 unity and strength. The revival of the Holy Eoman Empire 
 by Otto the Great (962) gave a fictitious unity to AVegtern 
 Christendom by its claims to theoretical subordination of all 
 kingdoms to itself ; but the imperial supremacy was seldom 
 recognized in fact, and the persistence of the Empire was more 
 important for its bearing on men's aspirations and ideals than 
 for its influence on practical policies. 
 
 With the checking of political disintegration went on a 
 widening of the area of AVestern civilization. Hungarians, 
 Bohemians, and Poles were formed into Christian kingdoms, 
 
SUCCESSORS OF THE CAROLINGIANS (911-1024) 75 
 
 while other Slavonic tribes were absorbed into Germany. The 
 Christian kingdoms of Scandinavia — Norway, Denmark, and 
 Sweden — arose, and offshoots of the Northmen's race estab- 
 lished themselves in France, Italy, and England. In Spain, 
 Christian principalities slowly gained ground at the expense of 
 tne Mohammedans ; in Russia, civilization and Christianity 
 made their way from Constantinople among the native Slavs 
 and their Swedish rulers. The Eastern Empire held its own 
 against the Bulgarians, Hungarians, and Servians (a Slavonic 
 people) who beset it on the north, and against the Mohamme- 
 dans who attacked it from the east. Christianity and civiliza- 
 tion, in short, maintained themselves, and slowly spread from 
 the Mediterranean countries towards the farthest confines of 
 Europe. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) Compare the weakness of the Carolingian empire in the Suggestive 
 ninth and tenth centuries with that of Rome in the fourth and *°P^^^ 
 fiftli. (2) Was the decline due primarily to the increase of dan- 
 gers from witliout or to decay within ? (3) Why did Germany 
 suffer most from the Hungarians ? (4) Why were the Northmen 
 the chief enemies of France ? (5) Why should the border counts 
 gain larger powers than the counts in other regions ? (6) How 
 long had the Saxons been Christians when their duke became king? 
 (7) With what movements in our own history may the German 
 expansion eastward be compared ? (8) Compare the empire of 
 Otto I. with that of Charlemagne. (9) Show on an outline map 
 the extent of the empire under the Saxon emperors, marking the 
 German duchies. (10) Was the grant of Normandy to Rolf a wise 
 or an unwise step on the part of the French king? (11) Did it 
 benefit or injure France ? (12) How does the Norman conquest of 
 southern Italy differ from the Northmen's settlement in France ? 
 
 (13) The coming of the Hungarians. (14) Henry I.'s fortresses Search 
 and army reorganization. (15) Victory over the Huns on the topics 
 Lech. (16) Character of Otto I. (17) His first expedition to 
 Italy and marriage to Adelaide. (18) Gerbert as scholar and 
 teacher. (19) Decline of the Carolingians in France. (20) Hugh 
 Capet. (21) The Northmen in Russia. (22) The discovery and 
 settlement of Iceland. (23) The Normans in Italy. (24) Robert 
 Guiscard. 
 
76 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Geography 
 
 Secondary- 
 authorities 
 
 Sources 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
 Maps, pp. 62, 64, 30, 31 ; Freeman, Historical Geography^ 11. 
 (Atlas), map 21; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxiv. liv. ; Gar- 
 diner, School Atlas, map 8 ; Dow, Atlas, viii. 
 
 Emerton, Mediceval Europe, chs. iii.-v.; Bemont and Monod, 
 Medieval Europe, ch. xvii. ; Bryce, Holy Roman Empire (revised 
 ed.), chs. vii.-ix. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 12-51 ; Henderson, 
 Germany in the Middle Ages, chs. viii.-x.; Church, Beginning of 
 the Middle Ages, ch. x.; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 
 Middle Age, ch. viii.; Milman, History of Latin Christianity, HI. 
 bk. V. chs. xi.-xiii. ; Fisher, Medieval Empire, I. 94-102 ; Gibbon, 
 Decline and Fall of the Boman Empire (Bury's ed.), VI. chs. Iv. 
 Ivi. ; Gregorovius, Rome in the Middle Ages, III. bk. vi. chs. v. vi.; 
 Kitchin, France, I. bk. ii. ch. v.; Historians'' History of the World, 
 VII. 595-645. 
 
 Robinson, Readings, I. 194-196, 245-260; Thatcher and McNeal, 
 Source Book, nos. 24-29, 53-56 ; Henderson, Documents of the 
 Middle Ages. Appendix, 442. 
 
 C. M. Yonge, The Little Duke; Scheffel, Ekkehard -, G. W. 
 Dasent, I%e Vikings of the Baltic. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 The unbroken rule of the church over the lives and spirits 
 of mankind, down to the time of the Reformation, is the most 
 striking feature of mediaeval history. Through the organ- 
 ized church, the barbarians who had overwhelmed the ence of the 
 Roman Empire were brought into the Christian fold ; ^ ^^° 
 
 and it afterwards exerted a powerful force among the Western 
 nations toward establishing political unity and promoting uni- 
 formity of manners, of usages, of law, and of religion. Despite 
 the ignorance, ambition, and corruption which crept into it, 
 the church persistently held aloft a higher standard of morals 
 than that of the laity, and championed the cause of the poor 
 and oppressed in an age of violence and sensuality. Of ^ ,, 
 its head a Protestant historian says, " The papacy as a Eeforma- 
 whole showed more of enlightenment, moral purpose, and ^^^' '^ 
 
 political wisdom than any succession of kings or emperors 
 that mediaeval Europe knew." 
 
 Very early there arose a legal setting off of the clergy from 
 
 the laity. To the clergy alone were committed the conduct of 
 
 worship, the administration of the sacraments, and the gg ^^ 
 
 government and discipline of the Christian community. clergy as 
 
 As time passed, the distinctions between the two classes 
 
 became deeper, the one being likened to the soul, the other to 
 
 the body. Gradually a hierarchy of orders and offices was 
 
 formed among the clergy. Says the twelfth-century author 
 
 of a popular text-book : " Seven are the ecclesiastical ^^^^^ ^^^^ 
 
 bard, Sen- 
 ranks, to wit: doorkeepers, readers, exorcists, acolytes, tentise 
 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 5 77 
 
78 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 subdeacons, deacons, priests ; but all are called 
 ' clerks ' " (i.e. clergy). The ceremony of " tonsure " 
 marked the entrance of the candidate into minor 
 orders : in the Eastern Church this meant the clip- 
 ping of the hair over 
 the whole head; in 
 the Eoman or Latin 
 Church, the top only 
 was shaved, leaving a 
 narrow strip all around. 
 The clergy wore gar- 
 ments of peculiar cut, 
 to distinguish them 
 from the laity and one 
 order from another. 
 That they might serve 
 The Tonsure. God with more single- 
 
 From a 14th century MS. ness of purpose, it was 
 
 /|w| j,')| \ ordered in the West, from the fourth century on, 
 |ife^3i| that priests and the higher clergy should be "celi- 
 ' /^ ^-7 bate," that is, should not marry. In the Eastern 
 d^Ji^C'y\\, ^^' Gi-reek Church the practice of celibacy was 
 ^ ^^^^--!^'^■' generally confined to the monks, and even in the 
 Latin Church several centuries passed before it 
 became universal. To secure independence in 
 administering religious rites, the clergy claimed 
 " immunity " from the secular law and the secular courts, so 
 that a clergyman might be tried only before ecclesiastical 
 courts, and by church or " canon " law. This privilege, known 
 as ^' benefit of clergy," crept sooner or later into the laws of 
 every nation of Europe ; and the evils in it were seen when 
 persons who had no intention of becoming priests became 
 clerics, or clerks, merely that they might secure protection in 
 their misdeeds. 
 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 79 
 
 The power of the clergy rested upon the position of the priest 
 as mediator between God and man, and as the authoritative 
 teacher in matters of faith and morals. In the teaching gg ^^ 
 of the church, the " sacraments " were recognized as the sacraments 
 ordinary chanuels of divine grace, and these (with the excep- 
 tion of baptism and matrimony) the clergy only could validly 
 administer. The sac- 
 raments were seven 
 in number: (1) In 
 the sacrament of Bap- 
 tism the child (or 
 adult) was made a 
 member of the Chris- 
 tian community. 
 (2) Confirmation ad- 
 mitted him into full 
 fellowship. (3) The 
 Holy Eucharist (or 
 Lord's Supper), ad- 
 ministered in the 
 Mass, was the central 
 feature of mediaeval 
 worship, for in this rite 
 the spirit of the par- 
 ticipant was strength- 
 ened by the reception 
 of the body and blood 
 of the Savior. The 
 term "transubstantia- 
 tion" was introduced 
 in the thirteenth cen- 
 tury to designate Three Sacraments : Ordination, Marriage, 
 
 - , , _ Extreme Unction. 
 
 precisely that the sub- 
 Part of a triptych painted in the 14th century ; 
 stance of the bread Antwerp Museum. 
 
80 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 and the substance of the wine were changed into the substance 
 of the body and blood of Christ, only the appearances or 
 "accidents" (such as color, taste, etc.) of bread and wine 
 remaining. (4) Penance included confession to the priest at 
 least once a year, the performance of various acts to test 
 the reality of repentance, and absolution by the priest from 
 the guilt of sin. (5) Extreme Unction was the anointing 
 with oil of those about to die ; it strengthened the soul for its 
 dark journey and cleansed from the remainder of venial sins. 
 (6) Ordination was the rite whereby one was made a member 
 of the various grades of the clergy. (7) Matrimony was the 
 sacrament by which a Christian man and woman were joined 
 in lawful wedlock. 
 
 The theory underlying the whole system was that the sac- 
 raments derived their force from the power which Christ gave 
 the Apostles and which they transmitted to their successors. 
 Any priest might administer most sacraments, but only 
 bishops could ordain. 
 
 To carry on the work of the church, officers of various ranks 
 
 were necessary. At the bottom of the structure were the 
 
 67. Eccle- parish Priests. The first Christian churches were natu- 
 
 hierarchv ^'^^^J i^ populous cities ; but subordinate churches were 
 
 Priests soon erected, and offshoots arose in country districts. 
 
 Eventually the whole of Western Christendom was divided 
 
 into " parishes," each with its parish church and parish priest. 
 
 The priest was appointed by the bishop, but laymen who gave 
 
 lands to found the churches usually reserved to themselves 
 
 and their successors the right of "patronage," that is, of 
 
 nominating to it some ordained clerk. 
 
 The parishes, in turn, were grouped into " dioceses," each 
 diocese under the Bishop of that "see" (bishopric). The word 
 
 "bishop" (episcopus) means "overseer" and aptly charac- 
 
 58. Bishops i p 
 
 terized his functions. He watched over the work of 
 
 the diocese, visiting and disciplining the clergy, consecrating 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 81 
 
 churches, and administering the sacraments of confirmation 
 and ordination. The "tithe," or church due of one tenth of 
 all the produce of the soil, was paid to his agents, and by him 
 apportioned among the parishes. He presided in person (or 
 through his "archdeacon") over the ecclesiastical court of 
 the diocese ; to this all the clergy, and also laymen in many 
 kinds of cases, were amenable. In his " synods," or diocesan 
 councils, ecclesiastical legislation was passed. He enforced 
 his judgments and decrees by " excommunication," that is, by 
 cutting off the culprit from Christian fellowship : the greater 
 excommunication, or "anathema" (accomplished "by bell, 
 book, and candle "), not only cut off the person from the rites 
 of the church and thus endangered his soul, but also cut him 
 off from his fellows so that none might buy, sell, eat, or 
 transact business with him. The power of the bishops over 
 both the clergy and the laity was very great; certain in- 
 fluences, however, tended to lessen their authority. Among 
 these w^ere conflicts with the "chapter" of the "cathedral" (as 
 the clergy w^ere called who had charge of the worship in the 
 bishop's church) ; for the fact that the members of the chapter 
 (called " canons ") came to enjoy the right — at least in theory 
 — of electing the bishop, greatly strengthened their position. 
 The "archdeacon" also sought to make his authority inde- 
 pendent of the bishop. 
 
 The dioceses were grouped together into " provinces," over 
 each of w^hich was an Archbishop. In addition to his powers 
 and duties as bishop of one of the dioceses, the arch- 59 ^j^j-ch- 
 bishop supervised the work of the church througliout bishops 
 his province. His special mark of distinction was the "pal- 
 lium," a narrow band of white wool worn loosely around the 
 neck; this could be conferred only by the Pope. The arch- 
 bishop's cathedral was usually in the most important city of 
 the province, so he was spoken of as the " metropolitan." In 
 each country there was a tendency for some one archbishop 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 83 
 
 to gain preeminence over the others, and be recognized as 
 "primate"; thus the Archbishop of Canterbury was primate 
 of all England, while the Archbishops of Rheims and Mainz 
 claimed preeminence respectively in France and Germany. A 
 few archbishops (especially those of Constantinople, Alexan- 
 dria, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Rome) were styled "patriarchs," 
 and held positions of exceptional power and dignity. 
 
 Great estates — usually the gift of pious individuals or of 
 repentant sinners — came to be attached to the episcopal and 
 archiepiscopal " sees." Such estates were often held by feudal 
 tenure ; and thus the clergy tended to become feudalized 
 equally with the laity, and the spiritually minded were scan- 
 dalized by seeing bishops, clad in coats of mail, lead their vas- 
 sals to battle. High political offices (especially in Germany 
 and England) were conferred upon the clergy ; and this fact 
 further complicated the relations of church and state. On 
 the one side the higher clergy found their independence threat- 
 ened by the temporal powers ; on the other their influence was 
 subordinated to that of Rome. 
 
 At the head of the whole system stood the Papacy. Many 
 causes contributed to make the Bishop of Rome the " universal 
 overseer," or head of the whole Western Church. The g^ p 
 political importance of Rome, the wealth of the church and 
 
 there, the singular ability and moderation which its bish- 
 ops showed in doctrinal disputes, the martyrdom and burial 
 at Rome of Saint Peter and Saint Paul — all were factors 
 in the Roman headship. Most important of all, that headship 
 rested upon the belief that Peter had been made by Christ the 
 chief of the Apostles and given "the power of the keys," i.e. the 
 power to bind and to loose (Matthew, xvi. 18-19). Peter was re- 
 garded as the founder of the bishopric of Rome, and the power 
 given him by Christ he was held to have transmitted to his 
 successors. 
 
 To assist the Pope in his work, a clerical council was grad- 
 
84 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 ually formed, called the College of Cardinals. This was at first 
 composed of the higher clergy of Rome ; later other Italians, 
 and gradually some foreign clergymen, were admitted. The 
 importance of the cardinals as an organized body dates from 
 1059, when the chief 
 
 part in papal elections 
 was confided to them. 
 Besides provincial 
 and diocesan synods, 
 61. General General or 
 councils u Ecumenical " 
 Councils of the whole 
 church were called 
 from time to time. 
 The first general 
 council was that held 
 at Nicsea in the year 
 325 to condemn the 
 Arian heresy. The 
 first eight councils 
 were recognized by 
 the Greek and Latin 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 
 I 1 1 1 1 I 
 
 Rome in the Middle Ages. 
 
 churches alike; but beginning with the ninth, in 1123, they 
 were really concerned only with the affairs of those who 
 recognized the supremacy of the See of Eome. The council 
 held at the Lateran Church in Eome in 1215 is reckoned the 
 twelfth, and was one of the most imposing assemblages of 
 the true Middle Ages: 412 bishops and 71 archbishops were 
 present, with more than 2000 clerics in all. In the fifteenth 
 century, troubles in the church revived the use of councils ; it 
 then became a burning question whether the Pope was above 
 such assemblies, or they above the papacy ; that is, whether 
 the Pope, or the council of higher clergy representing the 
 church as a whole, finally revealed the will of God. 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 85 
 
 By the eleventh century the papacy presented three distinct 
 aspects, for the Pope was (1) the bishop in charge of the 
 diocese comprising Eome ; (2) the head of the whole 62. Three- 
 Latin Church ; and (3) a temporal prince ruling " the ^°^^ P°^®^ 
 States of the Church" in Italy. The formation of his papacy 
 
 temporal power took place chiefly after the downfall, in the 
 eighth century, of the Byzantine and Lombard rule in central 
 Italy, and was based in part upon grants of secular rulers 
 (§§ 14, 16). 
 
 To understand this subject, we must here touch briefly on 
 the relations of the papal power to the empire, which were 
 a subject of perpetual controversy in the Middle Ages. In the 
 time of Charlemagne, as in the time of Constantino the Great 
 and his successors, the head of the state acted also, in a sense, 
 as head of the church. From the time of Louis the Pious this 
 relation was gradually reversed: the imperial authorization 
 was no longer awaited for papal elections, as was earlier the 
 case: on the other hand, the right of the Pope to confer the 
 imperial crown steadily gained recognition. Louis the Pious, 
 not satisfied with coronation by his father, received recorona- 
 tion at the hands of the Pope, and permitted his son Lothair 
 to be crowned in the same way. Gradually the custom of 
 coronation by the Pope hardened into a right, and Popes 
 claimed to confer or withhold the imperial crown at pleasure. 
 
 In the eighth and ninth centuries appeared the forged Dona- 
 tion of Constantine and the False Decretals. The former 
 represents Constantine the Great as *"' cleansed from qq Dona- 
 all the squalor of leprosy" by the prayers of Pope tionof 
 ^ ^ -^ -^ ^ -^ ^ Constantine 
 Sylvester I. ; in gratitude therefor, on the fourth day and False 
 
 after his baptism, he is said to have resolved to forsake Decretals 
 the ancient city for a new capital on the Bosphorus, and to 
 have conferred upon the Pope "the city of Rome, and Hendersouy 
 all the provinces, districts, and cities of Italy or of the 322-328 
 
 Western regions." The False Decretals were a collection, 
 
SQ EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 claimed to have been found in Spain, of thitherto unknown 
 letters and decrees of early Popes and councils, from the time 
 of Saint Peter to the close of the fourth century ; these showed 
 the Popes acting from the first as supreme rulers in the 
 church, judging causes in the last resort and issuing instruc- 
 tions to the clergy of all grades. 
 
 The general tendency of the Donation of Constantine and 
 the False Decretals was : (1) to elevate the spiritual power, 
 especially the papacy, above the secular ; (2) to make the 
 papacy the supreme authority in the church ; and (3) to supply 
 an additional basis for the Pope's temporal rule. Both 
 Donation and Decretals are now recognized, by Catholics and 
 Protestants alike, to have been forgeries of the clumsiest 
 sort; but the ignorance and lack of critical inquiry of the 
 Middle Ages caused them to be accepted without question for 
 six hundred years. Protestants and Catholics differ as to the 
 part which these forged documents played in the development 
 Alzoff, of the papal power ; but a Catholic historian admits that 
 
 Church (c ^j^g compilers of the Decretals, by stating as facts what 
 
 History, II. ^ . ? j & 
 
 274 were only the opinions or the tendencies of the age, by 
 
 giving as ancient and authentic documents such as were sup- 
 posititious and modern, and by putting forward as established 
 rights and legal precedents claims entirely destitute of such 
 warrant, did, in matter of fact, hasten the development and 
 insure the triumph of the very ideas and principles they 
 advocate." 
 
 Parish priests, bishops, archbishops, and Pope usually be- 
 longed to the " secular " clergy, that is, clergy who lived in 
 the "world" {seculum)\ there was also an enormous body 
 dictine of so-called " regulars " who might, under proper circum- 
 
 °^°^ ^ stances, fill any of these offices. The " regular " clergy 
 
 were those who lived under a " rule " (regula), such as those of 
 the different monastic orders. In the West the rule of Saint 
 Benedict (died 543) was the most important monastic ordi- 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 87 
 
 Benedictine 
 Monk. 
 
 From a 13th cen- 
 tury MS. 
 
 nance. It breathed an essentially mild and 
 practical spirit, as opposed to the wild extrava- 
 gances of Eastern zealots, like Simeon Stylites, 
 who dwelt for thirty years on the narrow top 
 of a lofty column. Benedict's rule enjoined 
 upon the brethren the three vows of Poverty, 
 Chastity, and Obedience to their abbot, or 
 head. They were to labor with their hands, 
 especially at agriculture ; were to join in pub- 
 lic worship once during the night (about two 
 o'clock), and at seven stated " hours " during 
 the day; and were encouraged to copy and 
 read books. They ate together in a "refec- 
 tory," at which time one of their number was 
 appointed to read aloud ; and they slept to- 
 gether in a common dormitory. Each monas- 
 tery was a settlement 
 complete in itself, sur- 
 rounded by a wall ; and 
 the monks were not al- 
 lowed to wander forth 
 at will. New monaster- 
 ies were often located 
 on waste ground, in 
 swamps, and in dense 
 forests ; and by reclaim - 
 ing such lands and 
 teaching better meth- 
 ods of agriculture the 
 monks rendered a 
 great service to society. 
 Schools also were main- 
 tained in connection 
 with the monasteries. 
 
 H.- 
 
 Monastery of St. Gall. 
 From a plan made in 159G. 
 
88 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 The house of St. Gall in Switzerland is a type of the great 
 monasteries of the Middle Ages. In the tenth century its 
 estates amounted to one hundred and sixty thousand " plow- 
 lands"; and a populous community dwelt about its walls, made 
 up of the laborers, shepherds, and workmen of various trades 
 employed by the monastery, together with the serfs settled on 
 the monastery estates, who were bound to work three days a 
 week for the monastery. The convent itself numbered more 
 than five hundred monks. 
 
 The Beuedictine monasteries were entirely independent of 
 
 one another. Theoretically, the bishop had the right of visita- 
 
 65. Monas- tion and correction over the monasteries in his diocese; 
 
 *rderof^^ but frequently the monks secured papal grants of "im- 
 
 Cluny(910-) munity" which freed them from episcopal control. The 
 
 monasteries often became very wealthy through gifts of lands 
 
 and goods. Then luxury and corruption crept in, and great 
 
 nobles sought to secure control of monastic estates, often by 
 
 the appointment of "lay" abbots who drew the monastery 
 
 revenues without taking monastic vows. Such periods of 
 
 decay were followed by times of revival, and these in turn by 
 
 new decline — and so on to the end of the Middle Ages. 
 
 The monastery of Cluny, in eastern France (founded 910), 
 was the center of the reform movement in the tenth and elev- 
 enth centuries ; and the reformed monasteries, unlike the Bene- 
 dictine, were brought into permanent dependence on the abbot 
 of the head monastery, their " priors " being appointed by him. 
 The name " congregatioi^ " was given to such a union of mon- 
 asteries under a single head; and the congregation of Cluny 
 grew until in the twelfth century it numbered more than two 
 thousand monasteries. The strict self-denial of these monks, 
 the splendor of the worship in their churches, their zeal for 
 learning and education, and a succession of distinguished 
 abbots, account for the great spread, throughout Europe, of 
 the Cluniac movement. 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 89 
 
 Other monastic orders, zealous for reform, arose in the 
 eleventh century. The Carthusians, founded (in 1084) at 
 Grande Chartreuse in the kingdom of Burgundy, intro- 66. Other 
 duced something of hermit life into the monastery, each monastic 
 monk being provided with a separate cell in which he (1084-) 
 
 lived a life of meditation, study, and silence. The Cistercian 
 order was founded at Citeaux, in eastern France (in 1098) ; its 
 rule rejected all luxury and splendor, even in the appointments 
 for worship, and required of its members a rigidly simple life, 
 with an abundance of agricultural labor, in which sheep raising 
 had the predominant part. Its most famous member was Saint 
 Bernard (1091-1153), abbot of Clairvaux ; and within a hundred 
 years after his death the order numbered eight hundred houses, 
 scattered all over Europe. In the thirteenth century arose 
 orders of a new sort, the mendicant or begging "friars," of 
 which the chief were the Franciscans and the Dominicans (see 
 § 181). It was not until the sixteenth century that the Jesuits 
 arose. 
 
 These various orders were distinguished by differences in 
 the color and cut of their garments, as well as in their mode 
 of life ; thus the Benedictines and Cluniacs wore black gowns, 
 the Cistercians and Carthusians white. 
 
 In addition to the organizations for men there were also 
 many for women. The " nunneries," or houses of these organi- 
 zations, were numerous, widespread, and crowded ; they offered 
 a safe refuge to defenseless women in an age of violence ; and 
 nuns who possessed talent, high birth, or sanctity might rise 
 as abbesses to positions of honor and influence. 
 
 With the growth of the church in riches, external influence, 
 and power, came increasing splendor of buildings and ceremo- 
 nial. The East developed its type of church architec- g.^ church 
 ture, called the Byzantine, in which the round or buildings 
 polygonal form of building of Roman days was enlarged and 
 enriched with side galleries, alcoves, and porches ; its most 
 
90 
 
 EMI IRE AND PAPACY 
 
 famous example is the church of St. Sophia at Constantinople 
 — now a Mohammedan mosque (p. 261 ; see another on p. 39). 
 In the West, the Eoman municipal basilica — an oblong build- 
 ing with the interior divided longitudinally by parallel rows of 
 pillars into two "aisles" and a central "nave" — was at first 
 taken as the model. This developed into the Komanesque 
 type of architecture, characterized by the round arch and a 
 general massiveness 
 of effect. Stone super- 
 seded brick as the 
 building material, 
 and, to decrease the 
 danger of fire, stone 
 vaulting replaced the 
 timbered roof. The 
 best examples of this 
 type were produced 
 in the eleventh and 
 early twelfth centu- 
 ries in France. 
 
 The final form as- 
 sumed by mediaeval 
 
 68. Gothic architecture was 
 
 architec- the so - called 
 
 ture (1150-) ^ ,, . • , 
 
 Gothic or point- 
 ed style, which origi- 
 nated in northern 
 France about the mid- 
 dle of the twelfth 
 century. In this the walls are less massive, the windows 
 large and numerous, and the vaulted roof raised to prodi- 
 gious heights on slender, clustered columns. The secret of 
 this construction consists in the strong external columns and 
 arched or " flying " buttresses which take the concentrated 
 
 Amikns Cathedral. 
 
 Built ill 13tli century ; one of the greatest 
 examples of Gotliic architecture. 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 91 
 
 lateral thrusts of the vast pointed arches and relieve the 
 interior columns of all stress except the vertical pressure 
 from the roof. The ground plan of the Gothic cathedral was 
 the Latin cross; the two arms constituted the '^transepts/' 
 the "choir" corresponded to the short upright, and the 
 " nave " and " aisles " to the lower main part of the cross. 
 
 The window openings were filled with pictures in stained 
 glass, whose rich and varied colors added indescribably to the 
 splendor of the interior. Everywhere, within and without, the 
 sculptor's art scattered figures of men, animals, and plants 
 — all emblematical of the aspirations, the hopes, and the 
 fears of mediaeval religion. Artists and sculptors vied with 
 one another in representing the history of humanity and of 
 Christianity ; along with scenes from the Bible, figures of 
 the caints, and allegorical representations of the virtues and 
 vices, were seen fantastic grinning beasts and demons, the 
 retinue of the devil. Taken as a whole, such scenes "made 
 up a kind of layman's Bible that appealed to the eye and 
 was understood by all." 
 
 With the growth of ecclesiastical organization, the worship 
 
 of the church assumed definite form. Latin was the language 
 
 of the West at the time that Christianity was introduced, 69. Church 
 
 and it became the language of the Roman Church ; but in services 
 
 ^ » ' and wor- 
 
 many regions portions of the service, as well as sermons, ship 
 
 were given in the language of the people. The order of service 
 included the reading of selected Scripture lessons, the sing- 
 ing of Latin hymns, and the repetition of the creed. Music 
 was improved by the introduction of harmony, and by a 
 system of notation from which grew our modern musical 
 notes and staffs; but church singing was by the choir only. 
 The chief place in the service was given to the celebration 
 of the mass, or Lord's Supper ; this was viewed as a perpetual 
 sacrifice of Christ, the benefits of which were available not only 
 for those on earth, but for departed souls undergoing purificar 
 
92 EMPIRE AND PAPACT 
 
 tion for sins in Purgatory. From the honors shown to 
 martyrs arose the veneration of the saints, especially of the 
 Virgin Mary, whose intercession was asked both for the 
 living and for the dead. Bones of martyrs, pieces of the cross 
 on which Christ was crucified, and similar relics were cher- 
 ished and venerated, and made to work miracles of healing. 
 Christmas, Easter, and a host of other church festivals were 
 celebrated with processions and a pomp and splendor of cere- 
 monial which appealed powerfully to the imagination. Rude 
 dramatizations of the Incarnation and Redemption were pre- 
 sented; from these, and from "miracle plays" and "morali- 
 ties" the modern drama was developed. Preaching played 
 a less prominent part in mediaeval religion than it does to-day^ 
 though from time to time great preachers arose — like Pope 
 Urban II., Bernard of Clairvaux, and others — to preach a 
 Crusade or a moral reformation. The parish priests, because 
 of the great cost of hand-written books and the lack of schools, 
 were usually poorly educated, and refrained from preaching. 
 
 To educate the clergy there was need of better organized 
 instruction, and to supply this need universities arose. At 
 
 , Salerno, in Italy, there was early a school devoted to 
 70. Rise of ' '" '' 
 
 imiversities the study of medicine ; at Bologna arose famous teachers 
 
 (1200-) q£ ^j^^^ ^^^ canon law; at Paris were schools famed for 
 
 the teaching of philosophy and theology ; at other points also, 
 about cathedrals and monasteries, schools were in existence. 
 The thirteenth century saw a growth in definiteness of or- 
 ganization in church, in state, and in city communities; and, 
 touched by the same movement, these early schools were 
 transformed into the universities of the Middle Ages, under 
 papal or royal charter. Abelard (1079-1142), one of the most 
 famous scholars of the early Middle Ages, shed a luster over 
 the schools of Paris by his intellectual acuteness, rhetorical 
 skill, and romantic history, which even his condemnation for 
 heresy did not dim ; and the preeminence of the University 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 
 
 93 
 
 uTenswald > 
 the-OderX'i. \ POLAND 
 
 Chief Universities of the Middle Ages. 
 
 of Paris lasted unimpaired to the end of the Middle Ages. 
 Instruction everywhere was by lectures^ owing to the scarcity 
 of books. The course of study included the Trivium (Latin 
 grammar, rhetoric, and logic), and the Quadrivium (arithmetic, 
 geometry, astronomy, and music), after which came the higher 
 studies of theology, law, philosophy, and medicine. 
 
 The students were a disorderly, turbulent class, many of 
 them mere boys of ten or twelve years, who lodged where 
 they could, lived largely on alms, and being "clerks" were 
 punishable only by their university. Latin was the univer- 
 sal language of learning; this made it easy to wander from 
 country to country and to study in different universities. The 
 student songs, in rhymed Latin, frequently breathed a most 
 unclerical spirit. 
 
 After the days of Abelard, learning was brought entirely 
 
94 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 into the service of the church, and " scholastic philosophy '^ 
 prevailed. This may be defined as an attempt to extract 
 knowledge from consciousness, by formal reasoning, instead 
 of by investigation, observation, and experiment. The great 
 authority in philosophy was Aristotle (384-322 b.c), whose 
 works were known, not in the original Greek, but in Latin 
 translations of imperfect Arabic versions obtained from 
 Spain. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274) was the greatest of the 
 mediaeval schoolmen, and his application of the Aristotelian 
 logic to the problems of theology profoundly influenced all later 
 teaching. In the mediaeval universities men weve trained for 
 the service of the church, and their minds were sharpened to a 
 hair-splitting keenness on theological subjects;^ but the physi- 
 cal and historical sciences were little advanced. 
 
 The reform movement which spread from Cluny as a center 
 did not stop with the purification of the monasteries ; it ex- 
 71. Neeiof tended as well to the secular clergy, whose condition in 
 the secalar ^^^ tenth and eleventh centuries was deplorable. The 
 clergy three great evils complained of were simony, lay inves- 
 
 titure, and clerical marriage. (1) Simony was the purchase 
 in any way of ecclesiastical office, the word being derived from 
 Simon Magus, who sought to buy the gift of the Holy Ghost 
 (see Acts, viii. 17-19). (2) Closely connected with this evil was 
 the right exercised by Emperors and princes of " investing " 
 newly elected bishops with the ring and staff, which were the 
 symbols of their office, and requiring from them homage and 
 fealty for the lands which they held. Accompanying the con- 
 trol thus secured were encroachments upon the freedom of 
 
 1 The following questions were debated with great logical subtlety : 
 " Whether au angel can be in more than one place at one and the same time ; 
 whether more angels than one can be in one and the same place at the same 
 time ; whether angels have local motion ; and whether, if they have, they 
 pass through intermediate space." (Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologise, I., 
 quest. 52, 53.) For examples of scholastic method, see University of Pennsyl- 
 vania, Translations and Reprints, vol. III., No. 6. 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 95 
 
 election, so that the higher clergy almost everywhere became 
 the appointees of the temporal power. Says a Catholic writer, 
 in speaking of this period : " Kings could dispose, absolutely 
 and without control, of all ecclesiastical dignities. . . . Montalem- 
 All was venal, from the episcopate, and sometimes even ^^y Monks 
 the papacy, down to the smallest rural benefice." (3) The //. 309 
 
 whole clergy, with the exception only of the monks and of 
 some bishops and priests who were quoted as marvels, openly 
 and freely entered into the marriage relation. To free the 
 church from these evils, and reinvigorate it, became the special 
 mission of the Cluniac order. 
 
 While decentralizing forces prevailed in the state, the church 
 grew steadily in unity and in strength. The papal headship 
 was advanced as the imperial power declined. Recurrent 72. Sum- 
 waves of monastic reform resulted in the formation of mary 
 new orders of monks, and these produced new efforts to revive 
 and spiritualize the church. Education began to spread among 
 the clergy, though confined within the narrow limits of schol- 
 asticism, and famous universities arose. Gothic architecture 
 was developed, and impressive church services were devised. 
 
 The chief problem of the church was how to secure the clergy 
 from local and monarchical oppression. Before the eleventh 
 century, men's minds were too much engrossed with the practi- 
 cal problems presented by the invasions of the Northmen and 
 Hungarians, and the decay of civil government, to permit of 
 much speculation on the relations of the spiritual and temporal 
 powers. The church also had too much need of the strong arm 
 of temporal rulers (such as Otto I.) to rescue and protect it 
 from danger, to permit it to quarrel with its champions. By 
 the eleventh century these dangers were past, and men's minds 
 began to turn to questions of principles and theory. It was 
 inevitable that the two great powers, the temporal and the 
 spiritual, should come into conflict in their representatives, the 
 
 HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 6 
 
96 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 Empire and the Papacy. It is this conflict which constitutes 
 the chief feature of the history of the next two centuries. 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) Why were there just seven clerical ranks, seven sacraments, 
 etc. ? (2) Would the Pope have acquired temporal power if Rome 
 had continued to be the residence of an Emperor ? (3) Was mo- 
 nasticism a good or a bad thing for religion ? For society ? For the 
 state ? Give your reasons. (4) Why are there not so many 
 monks to-day as there were in the Middle Ages ? (5) Why does 
 the church play a less prominent part in modern life than it did 
 in mediseval times? 
 
 (6) Contributions of Pope Leo I. (440-461) to the growth of the 
 papacy. (7) Contributions of Gregory I. (590-604). (8) Con- 
 tributions of Nicholas I. (858-867). (9) Life of Saint Benedict. 
 (10) The Benedictine rule. (11) The monastery of Cluny. 
 (12) Monastic orders for women. (13) Romanesque architecture. 
 (14) Gothic art. (15) Music in the Middle Ages. (16) The 
 origin of the drama. (17) Church festivals and pageants. 
 (18) Parish priests of the Middle Ages. (19) Church councils to 
 the close of 1215. (20) Rise of the universities. (21) The uni- 
 versity of Paris. (22) Abelard. (23) Student life in the Middle 
 Ages. 
 
 Geography 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Maps, pp. 62, 82 ; Freeman, Historical Geography, I. eh. vii. ; 
 Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xix. xx. Ivii. Ixi. Ixix. 
 
 Emerton, Mediceval Europe, 465-476, 541-592; Adams, Civili- 
 zation during the Middle Ages, ch. vi. ; Emerton, Introduction to 
 the Middle Ages, chs. xiii. xvi. ; Church, Beginning of the Middle 
 Ages, 133-139 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, 
 chs. xii. xvi. xxii. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 96-100, 198-220, 
 428-449; Munro and Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 129-158; 
 Stills, Studies in Medieval History, ch. xiii.; Lea, Studies in 
 Church History, 46-59, 112-123, 288-298 ; Jessopp, Coming of the 
 Friars, chs. iii.-vi. ; McCabe, Abelard, chs. iii. iv. vi. vii. xiv. xv. ; 
 Compayr^, Abelard, pts. i. ii. iv. ; Cutts, Turning Points of 
 General Church History, ch. xxx. ; Trench, Medieval Chtirch 
 History, Lecture viii.; Fisher, History of the Christian Church, 
 Period V. ch. ii., Period VI. ch. i. ; Milman, History of Latin 
 Christianity, II. bk. iii. ch. vi.; Alzog, Manual of Church History, 
 
THE CHURCH IN THE MIDDLE AGES 97 
 
 I. §§82-87, 125-131, 133-142, II. §§ 161-165, 167-169, 192-199; 
 Dollinger, Fables respecting the Popes in the Middle Ages, 104-182 ; 
 Addis and Arnold, Catholic Dictionary ; Schaff-Herzog, Beligious 
 Encyclopedia, 4 vols. ; Cutts, Scenes and Characters of the Middle 
 Ages, chs. ii. v.-vii. ; Montalembert, Monks of the West, Introduc- 
 tion, chs. ii. iv.; Cardinal Gibbons, The Faith of our Fathers; 
 Desmond, Mooted Questions of History, chs. iii. iv. ; Smith, Archi- 
 tecture, Gothic and Benaissance, chs. i. ii. ix. 
 
 Robinson, Readings, I. chs. ii. iv. xvi. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source! 
 Source Book, nos. 33-42, 251-260 ; Jones, Civilization in the 
 Middle Ages, No. 6 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
 bk. iii. nos. i.-iv. ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
 Reprints, vol. II. Nos. 3, 4, 7, vol. III. No. 5, pp. 24-30, No. 4, 
 pp. 1-10, vol. IV. Nos. 2, 4, pp. 23-32. 
 
 Scott, Abbot, — Monastery ; Potter, Uncanonized ; W. W. New^- Illustrative 
 ton. Priest and Man, or Abelard and Helo'isa ; Reade, Cloister ^^^^^ 
 and the Hearth. 
 
 Lacroix, Beligious and Military Institutions of the Middle Pictures 
 Ages ; Cutts, Pai-ish Priests and their People in the Middle Ages ; 
 Parmentier, Album Historique, I. ; Perry pictures (Cathedrals), 
 
CHAPTER yi. 
 
 THE FRANCONIAN EMPERORS, HILDEBRAND, AND THE 
 INVESTITURE CONFLICT (1024-1125) 
 
 To rescue the church, from the evil condition into which it 
 
 had fallen, something more was needed than the zeal of Cluny; 
 
 73. Reform namely, the support of temporal and ecclesiastical rulers, 
 
 Saxon Em- ^ beginning was made in this direction under the Saxon 
 
 perors Emperors, when Otto I., Otto II., and Otto III. protected 
 
 the papacy against local Roman factions. Under Henry II. 
 
 the Cluniac monks secured a hold on Germany, and the first 
 
 energetic action against the married clergy was taken by a 
 
 Pope in the synod of Pavia (1022). It remained, however, for 
 
 the Franconian or Salian Emperors,^ who succeeded the Saxons 
 
 in 1024, to witness the triumph of the principles of celibacy 
 
 and no simony, and to see the storm clouds raised by the 
 
 outcry against lay investiture gather about their own heads. 
 
 »THE SAXON AND FRANCONIAN (OR SALIAN) KINGS OF GERMANY 
 (1) Henry I., the SAXON (919-936) 
 
 ! 
 
 (2) Otto I., the Great (936-973) Henry, Duke of Bavaria 
 
 Refounded Holy Roman Empire, 962 
 
 Liutgarde (3) Otto II. (973-988) Henry 
 
 I I I 
 
 Otto (4) Otto III. (983-1002) (5) Henry II., the Saint 
 
 1 (1002-1024) 
 
 (6) Conrad II., the SALIAN (1024-1039) 
 (7) Henry III. (1039-1056) 
 (S) Henry IV. (1056-1106) 
 
 I I 
 
 (9) Henry V. (1106-1125) Agnes = Frederick of Hohenstaufen 
 
 ^/v>^^^^^ (see table, p. 146) 
 
THE FRANCONIAN EMPERORS 99 
 
 Under Conrad II. (1024-1039), the first of the Franconian 
 or Salian house, little progress was made with church reform, 
 but a basis 'was laid for a closer connection with Cluny by 74. Conrad 
 the incorporation into the empire (in 1032) of the king- ^^- ^^^ 
 
 dom of Burgundy, where the reform movement was strong. (1024-1056) 
 
 Under Conrad's son, Henry III. (1039-1056), the mediseval 
 empire reached its highest point, and the work of reform was 
 zealously taken up. When he first interfered in Eoman 
 affairs, in 1046, he found three rivals claiming to be Pope, 
 and each in possession of a portion of the city. At a synod 
 called near Home, all three claim- 
 ants were deposed for simony ; and 
 a German bishop of unblemished 
 
 life and piety was chosen — the ,,, 
 
 first of a series of German Popes. ^ ^* 
 
 Of those who had filled the papal V ' ^ 
 
 chair in the three preceding centu- // 
 
 ries, only four had not been born 
 in Rome or the papal states ; with 
 these German Popes the papacy Seal of Henry III. 
 
 took on a more international char- " Heinricus Dei Gratia Roman- 
 
 IT- oruin Imperator Augustus." 
 
 acter. The Popes now led m at- 
 tacking clerical marriage and simony, Leo IX. (1048-1054) 
 was the most vigorous of the series, traveling about from coun- 
 try to country, holding synods in Italy, Germany, and France 
 — everywhere condemning the married and simoniacal clergy. 
 The greatest service which Leo rendered the reform move- 
 ment was by bringing the monk Hildebrand to Pome as the 
 adviser and chief officer of the papacy. Of lowly German 75^ -^{se of 
 origin, but born in Tuscany, Hildebrand received his Hildebrand 
 education and training in a Eoman monastery of which his 
 uncle was abbot. Gregory VI., one of the three papal contest- 
 ants in 1046, made him his chaplain, and after Gregory's fall 
 Hildebrand followed him into Germany. Por a time Hilde- 
 
100 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 brand was an inmate of the monastery at Cluny, -where he was 
 filled with reformatory zeal ; and there Leo IX. found him and 
 took him to E-ome. 
 
 Until his own election to the papacy in 1073, as Gregory 
 VII.jHildebrand was the real power behind the papal throne, 
 under five different Popes, covering a period of nearly a 
 quarter of a century. 
 Physically he was far 
 from imposing: he 
 was of small stature 
 and ungainly figure, 
 with a feeble voice; 
 but he possessed a 
 mind of restless ac- 
 tivity, uncommon 
 penetration, and an 
 inflexible will. The 
 principles upon which 
 Hildebrand wished to 
 
 Henderson, ^""^^^ *^^ P^P^^ 
 
 Documents, policy are indi- 
 cated in a mem- 
 orandum found among 
 his papers, containing 
 the following proposi- 
 tions : (1) The Roman 
 pontiff (Pope) alone 
 
 may rightly be called " universal." (2) He only can depose and 
 reinstate bishops. (3) He only can establish new laws for 
 the church, and unite or divide dioceses. (4) No council or 
 synod, without his approval, can be called general. (5) No 
 earthly person may call the Pope to trial or pronounce judg- 
 ment on him. (6) No one who appeals to the papacy may 
 have sentence passed against him by any other tribunal. 
 
 366-367 
 
 Hildebrand (Gregory VII.)- 
 From an old print. 
 
HILDEBRAND 101 
 
 (7) The Koman Churcli has never erred, and never shall err. 
 
 (8) The Roman Pontiff has the right to depose Emperors. (9) He 
 may absolve the subjects of unjust princes from their allegiance. 
 
 In these propositions the supremacy of the Pope over the 
 church and over temporal princes is the underlying thought, 
 and Hildebrand's whole conduct was but the development and 
 application of these maxims. In carrying out his policy he 
 avoided all appearance of revolution, and gave his acts the air 
 of a return to ancient traditions, the evidence for which was 
 found in the False Decretals. Hefele, a famous Catholic his- 
 torian, sums up Hildebrand's policy in these words : " Seeing 
 the world sunk in wickedness and threatened with impending 
 ruin, and believing that the Pope alone could save it, Gregory 
 conceived the vast design of forming a universal theoc- Alzog, 
 
 racy, which should embrace every kingdom of Christen- mstory, II. 
 dom, and of whose policy the Decalogue [Ten Command- ^^^ 
 
 mentsj should be the fundamental principle. Over this 
 commonwealth of nations the Pope was to preside. The 
 spiritual power was to stand related to the temporal as the sun 
 to the moon, imparting light and strength, without, however, 
 destroying it or depriving princes of their sovereignty." 
 
 While Henry III. lived, Hildebrand did not dare shake off 
 the Emperor's control ; but when Henry died, he left an infant 
 of six years, Henry IV. (1056-1106), to rule under the 76. Papacy 
 regency of his mother. " The princes," says a chronicler, ^ pendenc^e 
 " chafed at being governed by a woman or a child ; they (1056-1073) 
 demanded their ancient freedom; then they disputed among 
 themselves the chief place ; at last they plotted the deposition 
 of their lord and king." With little now to fear from beyond 
 the Alps, Hildebrand set about organizing new safeguards for 
 papal independence. Everywhere he could count upon the 
 reform party as favorable to his plans. The Countess Matilda 
 of Tuscany gave him protection and resources, and finally do- 
 nated to the papacy her vast estates, stretching a-lmost tp Ijh? 
 
102 
 
 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 Gulf of Genoa. New treaties, also, were concluded with the Nor- 
 mans, by which Robert Guiscard, in return for a confirmation 
 
 of his conquests, became the Pope's 
 vassal, thus beginning a papal 
 suzerainty over southern Italy 
 which was to last for centuries. 
 
 Finally, in 1059, the attempt was 
 made to emancipate the papacy 
 from imperial control, by a decree 
 concerning papal elections. In the 
 early church the Pope had been 
 chosen, like any bishop, by " the 
 clergy and people " of his diocese ; 
 but under Charlemagne, the three 
 Ottos, and their successors, the 
 
 2'.-. 50 
 
 |^:v);VXv| Matilda's Territory "^ 
 WMM Papal Territory 
 
 Territories of the Count- 
 ess Matilda. 
 
 Emperor practically appointed to 
 that office. The decree of 1059 
 changed the papal constitution, in 
 effect, by providing that the real 
 selection should be in the hands of the College of Cardinals 
 — that is, the Pope's own clerical council. Direful penalties 
 were invoked against all who disobeyed the decree, and 
 the text was characteristic of the times. " Eternal anath- 
 ema and excommunication," it read, "be upon the foolhardy 
 Matthews, person who takes no account of our decree, and attempts 
 
 Mediseval -^ j^-g presumption to disturb and trouble the Eoman 
 
 Documents, ^ ^ 
 
 34 Church ! May he endure in this life and in the next the 
 
 wrath of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, and that of the 
 
 Apostles Peter and Paul, whose church he presumes to molest ! 
 
 Let his house be desolate, and no one dwell in his teuts ! Let 
 
 his children be orphans, and his wife a widow ! Let him and 
 
 his sons be outcasts and beg their bread, driven away from 
 
 their habitations ! May the usurer consume his goods, and the 
 
 stranger reap the fruit of his labors ! May all the world war 
 
HILDEBRAND 103 
 
 against him and all the elements be hostile, and the merits of 
 all the saints, who sleep in the Lord, confound and inflict visi- 
 ble vengeance in this life upon him ! " 
 
 The time at last came when Hildebrand himself had to don 
 the papal crown. The election was irregular and not according 
 to the decree of 1059. The people, assembled in the church 77 mide- 
 
 for the funeral services of the late Pope, raised the cry, brand as 
 
 P0P6 GrBff- 
 " Let Hildebrand be our bishop ! " One of the cardinals ory vil, 
 
 turned to the crowd and recalled how much, since the (1073-1085) 
 
 days of Leo IX., Hildebrand had done for the church and for 
 
 Rome. On all sides the cry was then raised, "Saint Peter 
 
 crowns Hildebrand as Pope ! " In spite of his resistance, 
 
 Hildebrand was forthwith arrayed in the scarlet robe, 
 
 crowned with the papal tiara, and seated in the chair of 
 
 Saint Peter. As Pope he took the name Gregory VII., in 
 
 memory of his early patron. 
 
 GosLAB, Birthplace of Henry IV. 
 Present condition. 
 
 The claims of Gregory to treat the temporal power as sub- 
 ordinate to the papacy made a struggle with the empire 78. Ger- 
 inevitable. The imperial power, at this time, was far "^genry IV. 
 from strong. The minority of Henry IV. was distracted (1056-1106) 
 by quarrels for control, in which his mother Agnes and 
 
104 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 the archbishops of Bremen and Cologne played the chief parts. 
 Although intelligent and high-spirited, Henry IV. was allowed 
 to grow up with alternations of stern repression and careless 
 indulgence ; he thus arrived at manhood without training to 
 rule, with an undisciplined temper, and with a heedlessness of 
 moral restraint which led him into many excesses. Finally his 
 rule was weakened by the disaffection of the Saxons, who had 
 been the chief support of the throne under the Ottos. In f 073 
 the discontent ripened into revolt ; and although Henry, after 
 one humiliating defeat, put down the rebellion, there continued 
 to exist in Germany a disaffected party with which Gregory 
 formed alliance. 
 
 In 1075 Gregory brought the question of investiture into 
 a position of chief importance, declaring investiture by laymen, 
 79. Investi- even by kings and Emperors, to be void, and causing 
 ture conflict pg^g^^g giving it to be excommunicated. To a report 
 (1075-1076) that Henry was summoned to appear at Eome to justify 
 his actions, the Emperor replied : " Henry, king not by usurpa- 
 Matthews, ti^n, but by the will of God, to Hildebrand, no longer 
 
 Mediaeval Pope, but false monk. . . . Thou hast attacked me, who 
 Documents, ^ . . , , ,. - .i , t-- 
 
 42 {con- am consecrated king and who, according to the tradition 
 
 densed) ^f ^jjg fathers, can be judged by God alone and can be 
 
 deposed for no crime save the abandonment of the faith. . . . 
 
 Condemned by the judgment of our bishops, and by our own, 
 
 descend ! Quit the place which thou hast usurped ! Let 
 
 another take the seat of Saint Peter, who seeks not to cover 
 
 violence with the cloak of religion, and who teaches the sound 
 
 doctrine of Saint Peter ! " To this Gregory replied in February, 
 
 Matthews 1076, by sentence of excommunication. " Blessed Peter, 
 
 Mediaeval prince of the Apostles," he wrote, "be thou my witness 
 
 44 {con- ' that the Holy Roman Church called me against my will 
 
 densed) ^q govern it ! . . . As thy representative I have received 
 
 from God the power to bind and loose in heaven and upon 
 
 earth. Full of this conviction^ for the honor and defense of 
 
THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 
 
 106 
 
 W 
 
 shy church, ... I deny to King Henry, who with nnheard-of 
 pride has risen against thy church, the government of Germany 
 and of Italy. I absolve all Christians from the oaths of fidelity 
 they have taken or may take to him ; and I forbid that any 
 person shall serve him as king." 
 
 The most powerful of the German princes were already op- 
 posed to Henry, and declared that unless the excommunication 
 
 were removed 80. Pope's 
 by a certain day, ^t Can^ssa 
 he should be (1077) 
 
 treated as deposed and 
 a new king elected. 
 His only hope was to 
 break the alliance be- 
 tween the Pope and 
 his enemies at home ; 
 and to accomplish 
 this he set off secretly 
 across the Alps, in the 
 dead of winter, accom- 
 panied only by his 
 wife, his young son, 
 and one attendant. 
 At Canossa he found 
 the Pope, already on 
 his way to Germany 
 to arrange the govern- 
 ment in consultation 
 with the princes. The 
 Pope at first refused 
 to see him, and for three days Henry was obliged to stand 
 as a suppliant — fasting and barefooted — without the castle 
 gates. At last Gregory yielded to the entreaties of the Countess 
 Matilda and admitted him to reconciliation. The excommunica- 
 
 jK.e:<'Ro<j;^r AtfB?vrt'0>/ 
 
 0??vThil DimSiipnlic/ rAltv 
 
 Pope Gregory VII., Henry IV., and Count 
 ESS Matilda at Canossa. 
 
 From a 12th century MS. ia the Vatican 
 Library. 
 
106 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 tion was raised, but only on condition that Henry should make 
 his peace with his German subjects before a day fixed by the 
 Pope, and on terms which he should lay down (January, 
 1077). 
 
 The humiliation of the Emperor at Canossa was the most 
 brilliant victory that the papacy ever won over the temporal 
 
 81. Re- power ; but it was merely an incident in a long struggle. 
 
 newed con- Henry's German enemies were displeased that the Pope 
 flict over , ^ ^ , . . ^ • ^ i • 
 
 investiture had removed the excommunication, and persisted m 
 
 (1077-1081) electing a new king. Civil war followed, and as Henry 
 continued to grant lay investiture, the Pope renewed his excom- 
 munication. A strong party now rallied to Henry's support, 
 and he caused an assembly of German and Italian bishops to 
 declare Gregory deposed and set up an anti-pope. In 1081 
 Henry mastered his German enemies sufficiently to come to 
 Italy with an army. After three years' campaigning all Eome, 
 save the strong fortress of St. Angelo, was in his hands : his 
 anti-pope was enthroned, and Henry himself was crowned with 
 the imperial crown. 
 
 The dauntless Gregory meanwhile had sent for aid to the 
 Norman Eobert Guiscard. Henry hastily quitted Rome, 
 
 82. Death which was taken and sacked by the Normans ; but when 
 of Grefforv 
 
 VII. (1085) these retired, the Pope was forced to accompany them 
 
 and of into southern Italy. There in May, 1085, Gregory YII. 
 
 (1106) died ; in his last hours he said, " I have loved justice, and 
 
 hated iniquity; and therefore I die in exile." He had done 
 much to clear the church of the scandals which clung to it, 
 and he had raised the papal power to a higher pitch than ever 
 before; but he had embroiled the papacy not only with the 
 empire, but with most of the kings of Europe. Had his ideas 
 triumphed, Europe would have been left practically under the 
 sovereignty of the papacy, distant and disassociated from royal 
 families or national feeling — a single monarchical rule sup- 
 ported by all the terrors of religious authority. 
 
THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 107 
 
 After two years, a worthy successor to Gregory came to the 
 papal throne, in the person of Urban II., a zealous reformer of 
 French birth. The struggle between papacy and empire con- 
 tinued as fiercely as ever in his pontificate, in spite of the call 
 for the First Crusade which Urban issued in 1095 (see § 93). 
 The Emperor's oldest sou, Conrad, was stirred up to rebel 
 against his father ; and after Conrad's death another son, 
 Henry, was induced to revolt, and was recognized as king by 
 the Pope. This time the old Emperor's enemies were com- 
 pletely successful : he was imprisoned, was forced to abdicate, 
 escaped, and sought to renew the struggle ; but died in August, 
 1106, in the midst of his efforts. 
 
 Henry IV. made many mistakes and committed many faults, 
 but these were in large part the results of his unfortunate 
 training. His cause was not wholly just, but he was fighting 
 against ecclesiastical absolutism and feudal anarchy. The 
 lower classes of the people, particularly the townsmen of the 
 Rhine valley, mourned him, for he was to them a generous and 
 devoted master. Perhaps the hatred which the nobility bore 
 him was due to this fact, for they fought as much for their 
 own interests as for the cause of religion and papal power. 
 
 The Emperor's undutiful son, Henry V., when once on the 
 
 throne, proved as stanch an upholder of the imperial claims 
 
 as his father. The trouble about investiture grew out of 33 settle- 
 
 the fact that the bishops and archbishops, especially in ^^nt of the 
 _, investiture 
 
 Germany, were not merely officers of the church, but by question 
 
 virtue of the lands attached to their offices they were (1106-1122) 
 
 great feudal princes as well, exercising high influence in the 
 
 state. It was just as impossible for the Emperor to give up 
 
 all means of keeping out undesirable men from those positions, 
 
 as it was for the Pope to permit him, by "investing" bishops, 
 
 to give the sanction for their religious functions. There was 
 
 room for a real . compromise, and negotiations at last were 
 
 begun with that purpose. 
 
108 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 At first the Pope (Paschal II.) consented that the great 
 clergy of Germany should surrender their fiefs and political 
 influence, and become merely church officers; but to this the 
 clergy would by no means agree. Finally, in 1122, an agree- 
 ment was embodied in what is called, from the city where it 
 was concluded, the Concordat of Worms. The Emperor gave 
 up "all investiture by the ring and the staff," and promised 
 that there should be "freedom of election and of consecra- 
 tion " ; in return, the Pope (now Honorius II.) granted that 
 the election of bishops and abbots should take place in the 
 presence of the Emperor or of his representative (so that 
 objection might be made to persons unsatisfactory to him) ; 
 and that the person so elected should receive from the 
 Emperor "the property and the immunities of his office," 
 and duly fulfill the obligations, such as homage, arising 
 therefrom^ 
 
 In this settlement the papacy gained the abolition of lay 
 investiture, and so secured greater freedom for the church; 
 but some solid advantages remained to the empire, and the 
 compromise was one which Gregory VII. would have been 
 loath to approve. It gave, indeed, only a breathing spell in 
 the struggle between the world-church and the world-state, 
 and new occasions for controversy were not slow to arise; 
 for the two ideas were mutually exclusive. In the world- 
 empire of Charlemagne or Otto I. there was no room for an 
 independent church; in the world-papacy of Hildebrand 
 there was no room for an independent empire or kingdom. 
 The conflict had to continue until one or the other, or both, 
 were destroyed. 
 
 The beginning of Hildebrand's influence in the papacy coin- 
 cides with the ending of the last connection between the 
 churches of the East and of the West. The separation of 
 the Roman Empire, in the fourth century, into an eastern 
 and a western half, paved the way for a similar " schism " in 
 
THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 109 
 
 the church. As the two halves of the empire drifted apart, 
 the churches also drifted away from each other. Latin re- 
 mained the language of the West, while Greek became g^ Final 
 the official tongue of the East. In the eighth century separation 
 broke out a strife about the use of images (the Icon- ^^^ Latin 
 
 oclastic Controversy), which the Latin Church favored, churches 
 
 (1054) 
 and the Greek Church, for a time, opposed (§ 13). At 
 
 the close of the same century, the West formally accepted an 
 
 addition made — without due authority, it seemed to the East 
 
 — in the Nicene creed (adopted 325 a.d.) so that it read, "I 
 believe ... in the Holy Ghost . . . which proceedeth from 
 the Father and the Son {fiUoque) ..." The insertion of the 
 word JiUoque in this passage on the " procession of the Holy 
 Ghost " (as it was called) was one of the hardest things for 
 the West to justify to their Eastern brethren. Other differ- 
 ences concerned the cut of tlie tonsure and the bread used in 
 celebrating the Eucharist — the East maintaining the use of 
 leavened bread, and the West of unleavened. 
 
 Above all, there was the supremacy claimed by the papacy 
 over the whole church, which the East would not admit. 
 In the ninth century, the attempt of Pope Nicholas I. to 
 interfere as of right in the Eastern Church and settle a 
 dispute over the office of Patriarch of Constantinople, brought 
 the two churches into open conflict. Finally, in the year 1054, 
 
 — at the very time when the papacy was gathering its strength 
 for its great conflict with the empire, and the shadow of the 
 Turkish peril was coming upon the East, — the heads of the 
 two churches mutually excommunicated each other, and Chris- 
 tians of the East and of the West were thenceforth mortal 
 enemies. Many efforts were made to heal the schism, but in 
 vain: the differences as to ceremonies and the creed might 
 have been patched up; but there remained the fatal obstacle 
 of the dispute over the papal headship. 
 
110 EMPIRE AND PAPACY 
 
 The middle of the eleventh century saw the papacy feeble 
 and the empire all-powerful ; the middle of the twelfth found 
 85. Sum- the papacy in the most brilliant period of its history, 
 mary while the empire was sunk in decline. This was the 
 
 result of the policy so unflinchingly pursued by Gregory VII. 
 (1073-1085). Witn Leo I. (440-461), Cxregory I. (590-604), 
 and Nicholas I. (858-867), he is to be reckoned one of the 
 founders of the paj)al power. In place of control of the 
 church by the temporal authorities, which had existed in 
 the days of Constantine, of Charlemagne, and of Otto the 
 Great, Gregory put forward the claim of the spiritual power 
 to control the temporal. A partial success was won at Ca- 
 nossa, and a compromise was arranged in the Concordat of 
 Worms; but the struggle was not ended. Among the results 
 of Gregory's policy should be noted the seeds of that fear 
 and hatred felt by the German people for the Eoman court 
 down to the Reformation ; and the alienation of the Emperor 
 from the church, and of the Eastern and Western churches 
 from each other, at the most important moment of all — the 
 beginning of the period of the Crusades. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Suggestive (1) Was Hildebrand more of a theologian or an ecclesiastical 
 
 topics statesman ? (2) To what extent c^id desire for power influence 
 
 him ? (3) Was his policy a good one for the world ? (4) Make 
 a list of the forces supporting Gregory VII. and those supporting 
 Henry IV. (o) Why did the Saxons revolt against Henry IV. ? 
 (6) Was the interview at Canossa a victory for the Pope or for the 
 Emperor ? (7) Why was the settlement agreed to by Paschal II. 
 rejected ? (8) Why are conflicts between church and state less 
 frequent to-day than in the Middle Ages ? 
 
 Search (9) The empire under Henry III. (10) The College of Cardinals. 
 
 topics ^^^^ Character and aims of Hildebrand. (12) Character and 
 
 aims of Henry IV. (13) The Saxon revolt. (14) Henry IV. at 
 Canossa. (15) Countess Matilda and the addition of her territory 
 to the Papal States. (16) Excommunication as a papal weapon. 
 (17) Present extent and organization of the Greek Church. 
 
THE INVESTITURE CONFLICT 111 
 
 (18) The Nicene creed in the West. (19) Celebrated concordats. 
 (20) Routes across the Alps used by Emperors. 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Map, p. 64 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxiv. Ixv. , Dow, Geography 
 Atlas, xiii. 
 
 Bemont and Monod, Iledieval Europe, 119-124, 286-300 ; Adams, Secondary 
 Civilization during the Middle Ages, 238-247 ; Henderson, Short authorities 
 History of Germany, I. 54-75 ; Bryce, Holy Boman Empire, ch. x. ; 
 Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, chs. vi.-viii. ; Tout, Empire Und Papacy, 
 ch. vi. ; Henderson, Germany in the Middle Ages, chs. xii.-xiv. ; 
 Still§, Studies in 3Iedieval History, 277-296 ; Lea, Studies in Church 
 History, 355-371 ; Cutts, Turning Points of General Church His- 
 tory, ch. XXXV. ; Stephens, Hildehrand and his Times ; Trench, 
 Medieval Church History, lecture ix. ; Fisher, Medieval Empire, 
 I. 106-134 ; Milman, History of Latin Christianity, bk. vii. chs. 
 i.-iii., bk. viii. chs. i.-iii. ; Montalembert, Monks of the West, bk. 
 xix. ; Alzog, Church History, II. 481-536 ; Gregorovius, Pome in 
 the Middle Ages, IV. pt. 1. 47-^300 ; Historians'^ History of the 
 World, VII. 630-659. 
 
 Robinson, Peadings, I. ch. xiii. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source Sources 
 BooTc, nos. 57-86 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
 350-409. 
 
 G. H. Miles, Tlie Truce of God ; W. B. Macabe, Bertha ; J. E. C. illustrative 
 Bischoff, Bertha. ^®'^ 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE CHRISTIAN AND MOHAMMEDAN EAST, AND 
 THE FIRST CRUSADE (1096-1099) 
 
 At the beginning of the eighth century, the Byzantine or 
 
 Greek Empire seemed brought to the verge of ruin through 
 
 «« „ attacks by Slavs, Bulgarians, and Arabs. When, however, 
 
 86. Byzan- j ? & ? ? ? 
 
 tine Empire Italy, Egypt, and Africa were lost, the remainder proved 
 (717-1096) gg^gigj. ^Q defend and to govern, so that under the Isaurian 
 Emperors (717-802) an improvement began, and under the Mace- 
 donian line (867-1057) came a period of conquest and military 
 glory, lasting from the middle of the tenth to the first quarter 
 of the eleventh century. Crete, Cyprus, northern Syria and 
 Antioch, and even Bulgaria, were for a time recovered. Fol- 
 lowing the death of the last of the Macedonian rulers came 
 a period of anarchy lasting for a quarter of a century. Then 
 the Emperor Alexius .Comnenus (1081-1118) brought in a new 
 period under a new dynasty, when the empire — more Greek 
 and less cosmopolitan, its territory decreased and its civili- 
 zation stereotyped — stood upon the defensive. Buf for two 
 hundred years it nevertheless offered a brave and constant 
 resistance to Mohammedan attacks. 
 
 Among the causes of weakness in the Byzantine Empire 
 were the endless disputes on theological questions carried on 
 by idle monks, and the riots of the fanatical populace to which 
 these frequently led. Another cause of weakness was the lack 
 of a regular succession to the imperial power : out of one hun- 
 dred and seven persons who ruled as Emperors or associates, 
 from the time of the separation of the Eastern Empire to its 
 
 114 
 
THE CHRISTIAN EAST 115 
 
 fall (395-1453), only thirty-four died a natural death in office ; 
 the remainder were assassinated, were mutilated, died in prison 
 or convent, or abdicated the throne. 
 
 The prosperity of the empire was nevertheless real and sub- 
 stantial. The coinage was sound, taxation just, manufactures 
 flourishing, and trade widespread. The old legislative 87. Its 
 
 power of the Senate was suppressed, and the last barriers prosperity 
 to the autocracy of the Emperor removed; but the administra- 
 tion was well devised, and not oppressive. By its orphan 
 asylums, hospitals, and like institutions, the Byzantine Em- 
 pire anticipated much that we regard as modern. Learning of 
 an encyclopedic sort flourished ; and there, up to the eleventh 
 century, the only truly original Christian art was to be found. 
 Diplomacy, with its deceits and intrigues, was developed to a 
 high degree before it was taken up by the Venetians and intro- 
 duced into the Western world. The language of the laws and 
 the law courts was now Greek, and Latin ceased to be of prac- 
 tical use. 
 
 War was studied as an art, while in the West it remained a 
 mere matter of hard fighting. Native recruits largely replaced 
 the Slavic, Teutonic, and Asiatic mercenaries of Justinian's 
 day; but the famous "Varangian " bodyguard of the Emperors, 
 composed of Danes and English, was cherished because of its 
 loyalty and bravery. From the eighth to the twelfth century 
 only the Byzantines possessed the secret of the " Greek 
 fire " (composed of saltpeter, sulphur, charcoal, and bitumen) 
 whose fierce flames, black smoke, and loud explosions de- 
 stroyed hostile fleets and carried terror to the hearts of their 
 enemies. 
 
 To impress the common people an elaborate ceremonial was 
 devised, regulating every act of the Emperor ; and to impress 
 foreign envoys golden lions roared and lashed their tails at the 
 foot of the throne, while golden birds sang in a golden tree 
 near by. But despite such follies, it is not too much to say 
 
 IIARDING^S M. & M. HIST. 7 
 
116 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Munro and 
 
 Sellery, 
 
 Medieval 
 
 Civilization, 
 
 223 
 
 that "in the history of mediseval civilization before the elev- 
 enth century, Byzantium [Constantinople] played a role 
 analogous to that of Athens and Rome in antiquity, or 
 Paris in modern times ; its influence extended over the 
 whole world ; she was preeminently ' the city.' " 
 Meantime, a new power made its appearance in the world, 
 that of the Mohammedan Arabs, whose achievements almost 
 justify the remark that " from the eighth to the twelfth 
 hammedan' century the ancient world knew but two civilizations, 
 
 world (732- that of Byzantium, and that of the Arabs." Mohammedan 
 1096) "^ _ 
 
 civilization displayed mucn tne greater expansive force, 
 
 spreading over large parts of Asia, northern Africa, and south- 
 western Europe ; '' from the river Indus to the Pillars of 
 
 Hercules the same religion 
 was professed, the same 
 tongue spoken, the same 
 laws obeyed." Its four 
 chief centers were Damas- 
 cus, in Syria ; Bagdad, on 
 the river Tigris (founded 
 about 760) ; Cairo, on the 
 lower Nile (founded about 
 970) ; and Cordova, in 
 Spain. Greek, Persian, 
 Syrian, Egyptian, Span- 
 ish, and Hindu elements 
 entered into this civiliza- 
 tion along with the Ara- 
 bic : but the Arabic was 
 the chief element, for the 
 Arabian genius combined 
 all into one living crea- 
 tion bearing the stamp of its own nature. 
 
 In agriculture, manufactures, commerce, science, and art 
 
 Damascus: Fountain of Ablution in 
 THE Grand Mosque. 
 
 Present condition. 
 
THE MOHAMMEDAN EAST 
 
 117 
 
 the Mohammedan world compared favorably with Christian 
 Europe. Agriculture was not despised, as it was among the 
 feudal nobles of Europe ; and rich Mohammedans reveled 
 in gardens of roses, jasmines, and camellias. Irrigation was 
 extensively practiced, and grafting became a science. Among 
 new plants introduced into Europe by the Arabs were rice, 
 sugar cane, hemp, artichokes, asparagus, the mulberry, orange, 
 lemon, and apricot. 
 
 In manufactures Mohammedans excelled : the sword blades 
 of Toledo and Damascus make were world-renowned; and 
 equal skill was shown in the manufacture 
 of coats of mail at once supple and strong : 
 of vases, lamps, and like articles in copper, 
 bronze, and silver; of carpets and rugs 
 which are still unexcelled ; and of vessels 
 of fine glass and pottery. Sugars, syrups, 
 sweetmeats, essences, and perfumes were 
 of Mohammedan production ; paper came 
 to Europe through the Mohammedans ; and 
 Cordova was long famous for its manufac- 
 tures of skins and fine leather. 
 
 Commerce was widely followed, and no 
 one looked down upon this occupation, to 
 which Mohammed had been bred. In each 
 city was a " bazaar," or merchants' quarter. 
 The Arab sailor ruled the Mediterranean, the Indian Ocean, 
 and the Caspian Sea. Caravans threaded their way, from 
 oasis to oasis, to the heart of Africa, and across the wilds of 
 Asia to China and to India. The compass, first discovered by 
 the Chinese, was known to the Arabs long before its intro- 
 duction into Europe., 
 
 In literature (especially poetry) and in science the Arabs 
 attained a high degree of development. The University of 
 Cairo at one time had 12,000 students ; in Spain, in the tenth 
 
 Old Arabian 
 Money. 
 
118 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 century, a library of 400,000 manuscript volumes (each prob- 
 ably a mere part of a complete work) is said to have been 
 
 gsithered. The Arabian philosophers were well versed 
 89 ■ Ar£iDi£iii 
 literature in the writings of Aristotle and the Neoplatonists of 
 
 and science j^^exandria, whose works they read in Arabic translations. 
 In mathematics, Mohammedan scholars led the world: trigo- 
 nometry was much improved, and algebra was practically their 
 creation, though its elements were de^'ived from the Greeks 
 and Hindus. The introduction of the "Arabic" System of 
 notation, in place of the clumsy Roman numerals, is ascribed 
 to them ; and the use of the cipher, placed to the right of 
 the digit to give " value of position," seems clearly to have 
 been their invention. In optics and astronomy the Arabs made 
 considerable advance. In chemistry many of our common 
 terms, such as "elixir," "alcohol," "alkali," are of Arabic 
 derivation and record our indebtedness to Arabic researches. 
 In medicine the Arabs were skilled practitioners, far in ad- 
 vance of Christian Europe ;* and they seem even to have known 
 something of anaesthetics. Pharmacy was practically created 
 by them, and many of their preparations are still in use. 
 
 In the eleventh century the religious and political unity of 
 
 the Mohammedan world was broken, and the real power had 
 
 90. The passed from the hands of the Arabs into those of their 
 
 Turks ^^^ mercenary soldiers, the Seljukian Turks, so-called from 
 
 (1058-1076) the chief, Seljuk, who first united them into one people. 
 
 They were of Asiatic stock, like the Huns, Magyars, and 
 
 Bulgarians, but unlike the Magyars and Bulgarians, they 
 
 embraced Mohammedanism instead of Christianity. The 
 
 whole of Asia at this time seemed about to pass into Turkish 
 
 hands : in northern China was established the Manchurian 
 
 kingdom, from which come the present rulers of China (1004) ; 
 
 in Afghanistan and India, in the same year, a great Turkish 
 
 state was erected; in the middle of the century (1058) the 
 
 leader of the Seljukian Turks occupied Bagdad, and became 
 
THE MOHAMMEDAN EAST 119 
 
 the champion of the orthodox caliph, with the title * Sultan 
 of the East and West " ; in 1076 the Turks captured the holy 
 city of Jerusalem. After 1058 the caliph was merely the reli- 
 gious head of the Mohammedan state, and Turkish princes — 
 of whom, at the end of the century, there were a number, rival 
 and independent — were the veritable sovereigns. The military 
 prowess of the Turks spread Mohammedanism over new areas ; 
 but they cared little for Arabian civilization, and brought a 
 new element into the strife of East and West. 
 
 That strife was suddenly intensified by the breaking out of 
 the great movement known as the Crusades, for which there 
 were several causes. (1) Throughout the Middle Ages 
 the terror of the hereafter weighed with more awful of the Cru- 
 force upon mankind than it does to-day : in exceptional sades 
 
 occurrences a supernatural agency was generally seen, and the 
 writings of the times are full of encounters with devils and 
 demons. With this temper of mind, went a 
 belief in the power of penitential acts to avert m y^ 
 divine wrath, and in the miracle-working vir- '''^^ 
 
 tue of relics of the saints, especially objects 
 
 connected with the life and death of Christ; c'v 
 
 I 
 hence, after the fourth century, pilgrimages 
 
 to the holy places of Palestine were common. ^ I m I 
 In the year 1064 seven thousand pilgrims, i 
 under the leadership of the Archbishop of ! ', 
 
 Mainz, went in a single company. This out- 
 burst of zeal for pilgrimages, it is to be noted, 
 came just at a time when the tolerant rule 
 of the Arabs in the East was replaced by the pilgrim 
 
 bigotry and fierce contempt of the Turks ; it From a l3th cen- 
 was a chief cause of the Crusades. *"^"y ^^• 
 
 . (2) The time, too, had now come when the peoples of western 
 Europe might look about for wider fields of adventure. The 
 Hungarian and Viking raids were over. Europe was settling 
 
120 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 down to comparative peace and quiet under its feudal govern- 
 ments; the modern nations, with their problems, had not yet 
 arisen; commerce and city life were still in their infancy. 
 Thus there was no sufficient outlet at home for the spirit of 
 adventure, which in the Middle Ages always ran high. 
 
 (3) The East was regarded as a land of fabulous riches, 
 where not only fame but fortune might be won. The hope of 
 \ gain — of winning lands and principalities — was a powerful 
 
 factor in the minds of many, and must be reckoned among the 
 causes of the Crusades. In this respect the movement may be 
 looked upon as merely a part of the movement of expansion 
 which caused the Norman conquests of southern Italy and 
 England, and the German advance eastward beyond the Elbe. 
 The chief object of the Crusades was the rescue of Jerusalem 
 from the hands of the infidels ; but the first call grew out of 
 92. Ad- the danger which threatened the Eastern Empire. In 
 Turks °^*^^ 1071, at Manzikert in Armenia, the Turks defeated the 
 (1071-1092) forces of the Eastern Roman Empire, and the emperor 
 (E-omanus IV.) was taken prisoner. Almost the whole of 
 Asia Minor passed into Turkish hands; and one of their 
 chieftains, establishing himself at Nicsea, almost within sight 
 of Constantinople, took the title " Sultan of Eoum " — that is, 
 of Rome. Several years passed before an Emperor, Alexius 
 Comnenus, found himself free to give Asia his attention; then 
 he sent an embassy to the Pope, as the head of Latin Christen- 
 dom, in an effort to enlist western knights for the Turkish 
 war : the result was the call to the First Crusade. 
 
 At Clermont, in France, Pope Urban II. held a council 
 in November, 1095, to consider investiture and to punish the 
 
 «« « ., French kins^, Philip I., for divorcing his wife. When 
 «^. Council &? r J o 
 
 of Clermont this business was finished the Pope, with burning elo- 
 (1095) quence, addressed an open-air assembly of thousands of 
 
 French prelates and nobles in their own tongue ; and is re- 
 ported to have spoken thus: "Christ himself will be your 
 
THE FIRST CRUSADE 
 
 121 
 
 leader when you fight for Jerusalem. Let not love of any 
 earthly possession detain you. You dwell in a land narrow 
 and unfertile. Your numbers overflow, and hence you Archer and 
 devour one another in wars. Let these home discords ^^^f^jfg 
 cease. Start upon the way to the Holy Sepulcher ; wrest 30-31 
 
 the land from the accursed race, and subdue it to yourselves. 
 Thus shall you spoil your foes of their wealth, and return 
 home victorious, or purpled with your own 
 blood receive an everlasting reward." Hear- 
 ing these words from the head of the church, 
 the people cried : " God wills it ! God 
 wills it!" "When you go forth to meet 
 the enemy," said Urban, "this shall in- /^ 
 deed be your watchword, ' God wills 
 it!'" 
 
 Many pledged themselves forth- | V/ 
 with to undertake the work, 
 and to these a cross of red , /" ^ 
 cloth — the sign of pil- /^Z 
 grims to the Holy Land • 
 — was given, to be worn 
 on the breast going and on 
 the back returning. The 
 crusader (from cnix, a 
 cross) was thus given the 
 protection attaching to 
 pilgrims; during his ab- 
 sence no one might trouble 
 him for debt, and who- 
 ever took his goods was 
 excommunicated. On their 
 part the crusaders were 
 
 considered to have taken a vow to fight the infidels, and not 
 to return until they had beheld the Holy Sepulcher. 
 
 Crusader. 
 From a 13th century MS. 
 
122 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 August 15, 1096, was fixed as the date foi departure, but 
 impatient zeal was aroused during the winter by popular 
 
 94. The preachers, of whom the most noted was Peter the Her- 
 
 crusade of j-j^j^. ^^ whom for centuries was wrongly ascribed the 
 
 the people ' ^ *^ . 
 
 (1096) original idea of the crusade. In the spring, bands of 
 
 peasants and townsmen, for many of whom any change was a 
 gain, began to assemble; they were without arms or provisions, 
 and were incumbered with women and children. At Cologne 
 and elsewhere the Jews were massacred in a frenzy of reli- 
 gious zeal. Under the leadership of a knight called Walter the 
 Penniless, of Peter the Hermit, and others, several successive 
 companies took the road down the valley of the Danube, which 
 since the conversion of the Hungarians was the ordinary pil- 
 grim route. Without adequate leadership or preparations, the 
 misguided multitudes perished miserably on the way, or left 
 their bones to whiten the plains of Asia Minor. Walter and 
 most of his followers were slaughtered by the Sultan of Roum, 
 but Peter escaped to await the coming of the main crusade. 
 
 In the summer and fall of 1096 the lords and knights set 
 out, armed with coats of mail, swords, and lances ; they were 
 
 95. The provided with sums of money, often obtained by the sale 
 ktdffhts ° ^^ their belongings at ruinous prices ; and they were 
 (1096-1097) accompanied by attendants on foot and by carts laden 
 
 with provisions. The Pope had been asked to lead the cru- 
 sade in person ; he declined the perilous office, but commis- 
 sioned a bishop as his legate. There was no general leader- 
 ship ; each crusader went at his own cost, and obeyed only his 
 own will. The crusaders naturally grouped themselves about 
 the better known nobles, such as Raymond, count of Toulouse; 
 Bohemond, son of Robert Guiscard ; Godfrey of Bouillon ; and 
 Robert of Normandy, brother of the English king William 11. 
 The crusaders assembled at different places, and departed as 
 they were ready, in four different companies. The Germans 
 and those from the north of France followed the valley of 
 
THE FIRST CRUSADE 
 
 123 
 
 the Danube ; others traversed Italy, crossed the Adriatic; and 
 
 proceeded thence by land to Constantinople. " How 96. Crusa- 
 
 ffreat a city it is : how noble and comely ! " wrote one ^®^^ ^* ^°^' 
 ° -^ ' *^ stantinople 
 
 of their number, of that caj^ital. " What wondrously 
 
 wrought monasteries and palaces are therein ! What Kingsford, 
 marvels everywhere in street and square ! Tedious Crusades, 50 
 would it be to recite its wealth in all precious things, in gold 
 and silver, in divers shaped cloaks, and saintly relics. For 
 
 thither do ships bring ^ 
 
 at all times all things 
 that man requires." 
 
 The Emperor Alex- 
 ius had expected a 
 few thousand men in 
 response to his call, 
 where scores of thou- 
 sands came. Mutual 
 hatreds quickly 
 sprang up, and the 
 Emperor was glad, in 
 the spring of 1097, to 
 speed the "Franks," 
 as the crusaders were 
 called, out of the city 
 and across into Asia 
 
 Minor. After several weeks' siege, Nicaea surrendered; but 
 it passed, not to the crusaders, but to the Greeks. Suffer- 
 ing from thirst and attacked by .the Turks, the crusaders 
 made their way through Asia Minor, with the loss of most 
 of their horses. To add to the difficulties of their situation, 
 quarrels arose between rival leaders. In front of Antioch, 
 which they reached in October, 1097, they were checked for 
 more than a year, by its strong walls and their lack of skill in 
 the construction and operation of siege engines. 
 
 Capture of Nic^a (1097). 
 
 From a church window in the ahbey of St. Denis, 
 as pictured in a 12th century MS. 
 
124 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 The events of this period, and the sentiments of the crusad- 
 ers, are indicated in the following letter, which Stephen of 
 97. Letter Blois, a powerful French noble, brother-in-law of the Eng- 
 er (1098) ' lish king, wrote from before Antioch in March, 1098: — 
 
 " Count Stephen to Adele, his sweetest and most amiable wife, 
 to his dear children, and to all his vassals of all ranks, — his 
 greeting and blessing : — 
 
 "You may be very sure, dearest, that the messenger whom 
 
 I sent left me before Antioch safe and unharmed, and through 
 
 God's grace in the greatest prosperity. Already at that 
 
 of Pennsyl- time we had been continuously advancing for twenty- 
 
 vama, three weeks toward the home of our Lord Jesus. You 
 
 Translations, 
 
 I. No. 4 {con- may know for certain, my beloved, that of gold, silver, 
 
 densed) ^^^ many other kinds of riches I now have twice as 
 
 much as your love had assigned to me when I left you. 
 
 " You have certainly heard that, after the capture of the city 
 of Nic£ea, we fought a great battle with the perfidious Turks, 
 and by God's aid conquered them. Next we conquered for 
 the Lord all Romania [i.e. the sultanate of Roum], and after- 
 wards Cappadocia. Thence, continually following the wicked 
 Turks, we drove them through Armenia, as far as the great 
 river Euphrates. Having left all their baggage and beasts of 
 burden on the bank, they fled across the river into Arabia. 
 
 " The bolder of the Turkish soldiers, indeed, entering Syria, 
 hastened by forced marches, night and day, in order to be able 
 to enter the royal city of Antioch before our approach. The 
 whole army of God, learning this, gave due praise and thanks 
 to the omnipotent Lord. Hastening with great joy to Antioch, 
 we besieged it, and very often had many conflicts with the 
 Turks ; and seven times with the citizens of Antioch, and with 
 the innumerable troops coming to its aid, we fought with the 
 fiercest courage, under the leadership of Christ. And in all 
 these seven battles, by the aid of the Lord God^ we conquered 
 
THE FIRST CRUSADE 126 
 
 and most assuredly killed an innumerable host of them. In 
 those battles, indeed, and in very many attacks made upon the 
 city, many of our brethren and followers were killed, and their 
 souls were borne to the joys of Paradise. 
 
 "In fighting against these enemies of God, and our own, 
 we have by God's grace endured many sufferings and innumer- 
 able evils up to the present time. Many have already ex- 
 hausted all their resources in this very holy passion. Very 
 many of our Franks, indeed, would have met a temporal death 
 from starvation, if the clemency of God, and our money, had 
 not succored them. Before the above mentioned city of 
 Antioch, indeed, throughout the whole winter, we suffered for 
 our Lord Christ from excessive cold and from enormous tor- 
 rents of rain. What some say about the impossibility of bear- 
 ing the heat of the sun throughout Syria is untrue, for the 
 winter there is very similar to our winter in the West. 
 
 "When the emir of Antioch — that is, prince and lord — per- 
 ceived that he was hard pressed by us, he sent his son to the 
 prince who holds Jerusalem, and to the prince of Damascus, 
 and to three other princes. These five emirs, with twelve 
 thousand picked Turkish horsemen, suddenly came to aid the 
 inhabitants of Antioch. We, indeed, ignorant of all this, had 
 sent many of our soldiers away to the cities and fortresses. 
 For there are one hundred and sixty-five cities and fortresses 
 throughout Syria which are in our power. But a little before 
 they reached the city, we attacked them at three leagues' dis- 
 tance with seven hundred soldiers. God fought for us, His 
 faithful, against them. For on that day we conquered them 
 and killed an innumerable multitude ; and we also carried back 
 to the army more than two hundred of their heads, in order 
 that the people might rejoice on that account. 
 
 " These which I write you are only a few things, dearest, of 
 the many which we have done. And because I am not able to 
 tell you, dearest, what is in my mind, I charge you to do right, 
 
126 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 to carefully watch over your land, to do your duty as you 
 ought to your children and your vassals. You will certainly 
 see me just as soon as I can possibly return to you. Farewell." 
 
 Antioch fell in June, 1098, betrayed to the crusaders by one 
 
 of its inhabitants. Three days later an immense array sent 
 98. Capture by theSeljukian 
 of Jerusa- sultan arrived 
 for its relief, and 
 
 the crusaders them- 
 selves were forced to 
 
 st^nd siege. Through 
 
 the aid of a vision 
 
 thrice repeated, the 
 
 Holy Lance, which 
 
 pierced the side of 
 
 Christ, was discovered 
 
 buried in the soil: 
 
 many disbelieved, but 
 
 others were fired to 
 
 prodigies of valor by 
 
 the sacred relic. The 
 
 Turks were beaten 
 
 off, and the crusaders 
 
 proceeded southward 
 
 along the coast. 
 
 Owing to quarrels and delays on the road, it was June, 1099, 
 
 before they came in sight of Jerusalem. A few months before, 
 
 the caliph of Egypt had wrested the city from the Turks ; and 
 
 he now offered free access to the Holy Sepulcher for unarmed 
 
 pilgrims in small numbers. These terms were refused. After 
 
 several weeks, the city was taken by assault (July 15, 1099). 
 
 Then followed scenes which showed how little the teachings 
 
 of Christ had sunk into the crusaders' hearts. "When our 
 
 Church of thj. IIolv Sepulcher. 
 Present condition. 
 
THE FIRST CRUSADE 127 
 
 men had taken the city, with its walls and towers," says an 
 
 eyewitness, "there were things wondrous to be seen. For 
 
 some of the enemy (and this is a small matter) were . , 
 
 •^ ^ ^ Archer and 
 
 reft of their heads, while others, riddled through with Kingsford, 
 arrows, were forced to leap down from the towers; ''«'««' es,9i 
 others, after long torture, were burned in the flames. In all 
 the streets and squares there were to be seen piles of heads, 
 and hands, and feet ; and along the public ways foot and horse 
 alike made passage over the bodies of the dead." 
 
 The vow of the crusaders was fulfilled: but at what a cost 
 of lives, both Christian and Mohammedan ; of agonies of battle 
 and sufferings on the way ; of women made widows, and 
 children left fatherless ! 
 
 At the beginning of the eleventh century, the Eastern Empire 
 was prosperous and highly civilized. The Mohammedan world, 
 under Arabian rule, was cultured and tolerant. The rise 99 sum- 
 of the Seljukian Turks (1058) changed political and reli- mary 
 
 gious conditions, for Mohammedanism became intolerant and 
 aggressive. The Eastern Empire soon lost most of its Asiatic 
 possessions. To resist the Turks, Alexius Comnenus sought to 
 enlist mercenary soldiers in the West, which was now in a con- 
 dition to undertake distant enterprises. Religious zeal, the 
 spirit of adventure, and greed for booty enabled Pope Urban 
 II. to convert the aid sent to Alexius into the Eirst Cru- 
 sade. The impractical character of the times showed itself 
 in the popular movement under Peter the Hermit and Wal- 
 ter the Penniless (1096). The crusade of the knights was 
 better managed, and resulted in the capture of Jerusalem 
 (1099). But cruelty, jealousy, and self-seeking were as marked 
 traits of the leaders as was devotion to religious ideals. In 
 spite of flashes of lofty idealism, the crusader in Palestine 
 was little different from the rude, superstitious, selfish baron 
 at home. 
 
128 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 (1) Which was the more exposed to barbarian attack, the East 
 or the West? (2) What advantages were possessed in the Mid- 
 dle Ages by a settled hereditary succession over a line of elec- 
 tive rulers ? Why are there not the same advantages to-day ? 
 (3) Compare the coming of the Turks into the East with that 
 of the Germans into the West. (4) Were the causes of the 
 Crusades more in external events or in the prevalence of a par- 
 ticular state of mind ? (5) What motive besides the religious one 
 led Stephen of Blois to the Crusade ? (6) Why do men not go on 
 crusades to-day ? (7) Why did the crusaders slay the Mohamme- 
 dans at Jerusalem ? 
 
 (8) Life in Constantinople on the eve of the Crusades. (0) The 
 debt of civilization to the Saracens. (10) The Mohammedan 
 heretical sect of the Shiites. (11) The First Crusade as seen by a 
 participant. (12) Peter the Hermit in myth and in history. 
 
 (13) Relations of the crusaders with the Eastern Emperor. 
 
 (14) Bagdad in the Arabian Nights. (15) Works of art in Con- 
 stantinople. (16) Arabian merchants in the Far East. 
 
 Geography 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 Sources 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Map, pp. 112, 113 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, mapslxxi. Ixxii. Ixxvi. 
 Ixxviii ; Dow, Atlas, ix. 
 
 Adams, Civilization durijig the Middle Ages, 258-268 ; Emerton, 
 Mediaeval Europe, 358-366 ; B^mont and Monod, Medieval Europe, 
 159-166, 339-355 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, 
 ch. XV. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 151-184 ; Cornish, Chivalry, 
 109-124 ; Stills, Studies in Medieval History, 353-358 ; Munro and 
 Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 212-239 ; Archer and Kingsford, 
 Crusades, 13-92 ; Mombert, Short History of the Crusades, chs. 
 i.-iii. ; Cutts, Scenes of the Middle Ages, ch. i. ; Cox, Crusades, 
 chs. i.-iv. ; Munro, Essays on the Crusades ; Gibbon, Decline and 
 Fall of the Roman Empire (Bury's ed.), ch. Iviii. ; Milnian, His- 
 tory of Latin Christianity, bk. vii. ch. vi. ; Finlay, History of Greece, 
 II. 198-226, III. 87-113 ; Historians' History of the World, VIII. 
 320-357. 
 
 Robinson, Readings, I. 312-329 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
 Book, DOS. 274-283 ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
 Reprints, vol. I. Nos. 2, 4. 
 
 Scott, Count Robert of Paris-, W. S. Davis, God Wills It. 
 
CHAPTER VIIL 
 
 THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 
 
 After the successful termination of the First Crusade, the 
 next task was to organize and safeguard the Christian con- 
 quests. Jerusalem was made an independent kingdom, 100. Organ- 
 
 and the rest was organ- ^^ 
 ized into three auxiliary in Asia 
 
 states — the principality of 
 Antioch, and the counties 
 of Edessa and Tripoli. God- 
 frey of Bouillon was chosen 
 to rule at Jerusalem ; and he 
 
 ,f<'^^p Laodicea 
 
 CYPRUS- 
 
 *^ fig 
 
 "OUNT/Y 
 
 ^ TRIPdLl/-^E M I R A T E 
 
 ^ bidoab^J o F 
 
 N _ WM.i^ •Damuscus 
 
 -(V Ac-" ^^/^ DAMASCUS 
 
 salem 
 
 A-- . 
 
 Km. of Jerusale 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 25 50 75 lUO 
 
 Chus \ders' States in Syria after 
 THE First Crusade, 
 
 took the title "Defender of 
 the Holy Sepulcher" instead 
 of king, being unwilling, it is 
 said, " to wear a crown of gold 
 where Christ had worn a crown 
 of thorns." Most of the cru- 
 saders departed as soon as 
 their vows were fulfilled; but 
 others came to take their 
 places, and gradually the power 
 of the " Franks " was fixed in 
 the regions about the four 
 capital cities. The peasants 
 — who were already, for the 
 most part, Christians of vari- 
 
 129 
 
130 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 101. The 
 
 military 
 orders 
 
 ous Eastern faiths — kept their lands, paying tribute to their 
 Latin masters, as they had formerly done to the Moham- 
 medans. Above them were placed crusading lords, who held 
 their lands as fiefs, and whose castles helped to keep the land 
 in obedience. Feudalism was transplanted full-grown into 
 Palestine, and in the course of the twelfth century the feudal 
 usages were drawn up into a code called the " Assizes of 
 Jerusalem." The lords were almost all French, and French 
 became the language of the Latin East ; but Italian merchants 
 came in large numbers (from Venice, Genoa, and Pisa espe- 
 cially) to profit by the new facilities for trade. 
 
 Besides the constant reenforcements from the West, the 
 Franks depended on three orders of knighthood which sprang 
 
 up especially to defend 
 
 the Holy Land : (1) the 
 
 Knights Hospitaler of 
 St. John, formed originally 
 to care for sick pilgrims; 
 (2) the Knights Templar, so 
 called from their 
 headquarters in the 
 inclosure of the an- 
 cient temple of Je- 
 rusalem ; and (3) the 
 Order of Teutonic 
 Knights, which was 
 composed of Ger- 
 mans, whereas the 
 members of the others were mostly French. The Hospitalers 
 wore a white cross on a black mantle, the Templars a red one 
 on white, and the Teutonic Knights a black cross on a white 
 ground. The members of these orders were monks, vowed to 
 poverty, chastity, and obedience, and living under a rule ; but 
 they were also knights, of noble birth, trained to arms, and 
 
 Knight Templar. 
 From a 13th century MS. 
 
THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 131 
 
 bound to perpetual warfare against the infidel. They consti- 
 tuted a permanent force of military monks, resident in the 
 Holy Land, with their own grand masters, fortresses, domains, 
 and treasuries. In course of time they acquired immense 
 possessions in Europe also. Aftei* the end of the crusading 
 epoch, the Templars were forcibly dissolved and their goods 
 confiscated ; the Teutonic Knights transferred themselves to 
 the shores of the Baltic Sea, and there continued to wage 
 war against the heathen ; and the Knights Hospitaler, taking 
 refuge in Cyprus, in Rhodes, and finally in Malta, preserved an 
 independent existence until the close of the eighteenth century. 
 
 The Crusades continued throughout the twelfth and the 
 greater part of the thirteenth century. It is customary to 
 describe them as " First," " Second," and so on ; but this 
 usage obscures the fact that the warfare was almost continu- 
 ous, and that there was a constant movement of crusaders 
 to and from the Holy Land. At times some exceptional occur- 
 rence produced an increase of zeal, and it is to the exceptional 
 expeditions that the conventional numbers apply, though other 
 movements of almost equal importance must be passed by 
 without notice. 
 
 The so-called Second Crusade took place a half century after 
 the first. It was caused by the consolidation of the petty 
 Mohammedan states of Syria under one powerful ruler, 102. The 
 the Atabek (viceroy) of Mosul. The Latin states were ^®°°^^ ^^^^J 
 weakened by quarrels of the Templars with the Hospi- (1147-1149) 
 talers, of the French with other nationalities, of the Genoese 
 with the Pisans and Venetians, and of newcomers from the 
 West with the older settlers, whom they accused of too great 
 favor toward the infidels. These divisions made it easy for 
 the atabek, in 1144, to conquer Edessa and massacre its garri- 
 son ; and news of this disaster caused Saint Bernard, abbot of 
 the Cistercian monastery of Clairvaux, to make himself the 
 preacher of another crusade. Bernard was a man of rare ability, 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 8 
 
132 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 education, and devotion, and was the most important figure 
 of the twelfth century; in some respects he is the most 
 typical man of the Middle Ages. His influence induced two 
 sovereigns, Louis VII. of France and Conrad III. of Germany, 
 to take the cross and lead tihe crusading forces. 
 
 The route of the Second Crusade was the old one, down the 
 
 ^ Danube valley and across Bulgaria to Constantinople. Most 
 
 of the Germans, under Conrad III., perished in Asia Minor, 
 
 through the attacks of the Turks and the hardships of the 
 
 way. Of the army under Louis VII., those without money to 
 
 pay for their passage aboard ship continued by land and were 
 
 almost all destroyed. Only a few troops of the two great 
 
 armies which set out from Europe reached Palestine. The 
 
 whole expedition was a lamentable failure — a result ascribed 
 
 by some to their sins, by others to treachery of the Greeks, 
 
 but really due to the miserable mismanagement of the leaders. 
 
 The power of the atabeks of Mosul grew to yet greater 
 
 heights. The emir of Damascus was conquered ; then Egypt 
 
 103 Sala- ^^^ taken, and the caliphate there was suppressed (1171) 
 
 din. and the by the famous Saladin (Salah-ed-Din), nephew of the 
 
 fallof Jeru- . . , , • . ^ ^^ o /- i , n • 
 
 salem reigning atabek, who secured all oi his uncle's domm- 
 
 (1187) ions, and took the title of sultan. The Christians in 
 
 Syria now found themselves exposed to attacks from one 
 who was wise in counsel, brave in battle, and as chival- 
 rous in conduct and sincere in his faith as the best of his 
 Christian foes. In July, 1187, Saladin won a great victory 
 over the Franks, taking captive the king of Jerusalem and the 
 Universittf g^'^^cl master of the Templars. " So great is the multi- 
 of Pennsyl- tude of the Saracens and Turks," wrote a Hospitaler, 
 Tramlatiom, appealing to Europe for aid, "that from Tyre, which 
 /. No. 4 they are besieging, they cover the face of the earth as 
 far as Jerusalem, like an innumerable army of ants." In Octo- 
 ber Jerusalem itself fell, and the Latin states were reduced to 
 a few strongly fortified towns near the coast. 
 
THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 133 
 
 The loss of Jerusalem caused another great outburst of 
 crusading zeal in Europe. Public fasts and prayers were en- 
 joined in the Western Church, and the fullest privileges 104. Third 
 and spiritual benefits were promised those who should go Crusade 
 to the relief of the Holy Land. The three greatest kings (1189-1190) 
 of western Europe — Richard I. the Lion-Hearted (Coeur de 
 Lion), of England ; Philip IL, surnamed Augustus, of France j 
 and Frederick I. of Germany, called Barbarossa (Redbeard) — 
 took the cross, and assumed the lead of the Third Crusade. 
 The Emperor Frederick, who had gone in his youth on the 
 Second Crusade, was the first to start on the Third. Thorough 
 organization and strict discipline enabled Frederick to lead his 
 army by the Danube route without the customary losses ; but 
 while crossing a mountain torrent in Asia Minor the old 
 Emperor was drowned (June, 1190), and thereupon the Ger- 
 man expedition went to pieces. 
 
 The preparations of Richard and Philip were delayed by 
 their mutual hostilities, and it was not until after the death of 
 Frederick that they actually started, both expeditions going by 
 water. The measures taken against lawlessness and violence 
 are shown by the following regulations, drawn up by Richard 
 for the English fleet : " Whoever on board ship shall slay 
 another is himself to be cast into the sea lashed to the dead 
 man ; if he have slain him ashore, he is to be buried in the 
 same way. . . . Let a convicted thief be shorn like a Archer, 
 
 prize fighter; after which let boiling pitch be poured ^-^^^^t^ 
 on his head and a feather pillow be shaken over it so 9-iq 
 
 as to make him a laughing stock. Then let him be put ashore 
 at the first land where the ships touch." 
 
 At Messina, in Sicily, the two expeditions met and spent the 
 winter. For the combined armies these regulations were Archer, 
 
 issued: "Let no one in the whole army play at any Richard I 
 game for a stake — saving only knights and clerks, who, 37-39 
 
 however, are not to lose more than twenty solidi IsoUdus = a 
 
134 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 silver coin] in the twenty-four hours. . . . The kings, how- 
 ever, may play at their good pleasure. ... If, after starting 
 on the journey, any pilgrim has borrowed from another man, 
 he shall pay the debt ; but so long as he is on the pilgrimage 
 he shall not be liable for a debt contracted before starting. . . . 
 No merchant of any kind may buy bread or flour in the army 
 to sell it again. . . . Merchants, no matter of what calling, 
 shall only make a profit of one penny in ten." 
 
 In Sicily the two kings wrangled; and Richard, following 
 
 up a quarrel with the Sicilian ruler, took Messina and sacked 
 
 105. Third it. Philip at last departed without Richard, and reached 
 
 carrfed^ out ^^^'^ "^ ^^^^^ "^ ^P^'^^' ^^^^' '^^^^ English, following 
 (1191-1192) later, again turned aside — this time to conquer Cyprus, 
 
 whose king had permitted the plunder of pilgrim vessels on 
 
 his coast. 
 
 JIM 
 
 
 r^'f^fS^. 
 
 i^^-'if - ^ Jr 
 
 Present View of Acre. 
 
 In June, Richard joined Philip before Acre, the siege of 
 
 which had already dragged on for more than twenty months. 
 
 Archer and "The Lord is not in the camp," wrote one of the be- 
 
 Crumdes ' siegers before this date ; '' there is none that doeth good. 
 
 323 The leaders strive with one another, while the lesser folk 
 
 starve and have none to help. The Turks are persistent in 
 
THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 135 
 
 attack, while our knights skulk Avithin their tents." The 
 arrival of Richard infused new energy into the operations. 
 He was an undutiful son, an oppressive king, and (in spite of 
 his superficial chivalry and courtesy) a violent and cruel man ; 
 but he was a warrior of splendid strength and skill, and one of 
 the best military engineers of the Middle Ages. In July, Acre 
 capitulated; when the ransom agreed upon was not forth- 
 coming, Richard massacred 2000 hostages left in his hands. 
 
 After the fall of Acre, Philip returned to France, taking an 
 oath not to attack Richard's territories in his absence — an 
 oath which he straightway broke. In the subsequent opera- 
 tions in Syria, motives of selfish interest were more prominent 
 than in the First Crusade. In January, 1192, Richard advanced 
 almost to within sight of Jerusalem, but was forced to retreat. 
 Finally, news came from England that his brother John had 
 rebelled against him, in alliance with Philip of France. 
 
 Recalled by this news, Richard set out in October for home. 
 He landed at the head of the Adriatic Sea, and sought to 
 make his way in disguise through Germany ; but was recog- 
 nized, and was thrown into prison by the duke of Austria, 
 whom he had grievously offended on the crusade. He had 
 made an enemy of the Emperor also by allying himself with 
 German rebels ; so he obtained his liberty only after two years 
 of captivity, and on the payment of a ruinous ransom. The 
 remainder of his life (he died in 1199) was spent in warfare 
 with Philip of France. Saladin, who had done so much to 
 revive the Mohammedan power, died in 1193. 
 
 The enthusiasm, which produced the Crusades was slowly 
 
 dying out, but the exhortations of the papacy could still call it 
 
 forth to momentary activity. Innocent III., who became ,^^ 
 
 •^ *^ ' 106. Fourth 
 
 Pope in 1198, appealed to the princes of Europe, as Crusade 
 
 vassals of Christ, to reconquer for Him the Holy Land. (1201-1204) 
 
 No king responded to this call, but a number of knights and 
 
 nobles (mostly French) gathered at Venice for the Fourth 
 
136 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Crusade in 1201. It was intended at first to strike at the 
 Mohammedan power in Egypt, as the likeliest way to secure 
 the permanent recovery of Palestine ; but circumstances led 
 the crusaders to turn their arms against Constantinople, and 
 waste their strength in fighting Christian foes. 
 
 Six years earlier the Greek emperor, Isaac Angelus, had been 
 overthrown, blinded, and imprisoned through a revolution ; and 
 
 his son came to the West to beg 
 for aid. The Venetians, who had 
 contracted to carry the crusaders 
 to the East for a large sum of 
 money, cared little for the cru- 
 sade, but a great deal for their con- 
 tract. When the crusaders found 
 that they were not able to pay the 
 full amount they had agreed upon, 
 the Venetian " doge " (duke) Dan- 
 dolo — a man ninety years of age 
 and blind, but possessed of the 
 highest courage and ambition for 
 his city — induced their chiefs to 
 turn their arms against Constanti- 
 DoGE OF Venice. nople. Pope Innocent III. had 
 
 Costume before the 16th century, already excommunicated the cru- 
 FromCesareVecellio. ^^^^^.^ ^^^ attacking a Christian 
 
 town in Dalmatia to aid the Venetians; but it was rightly 
 believed that the prospect of extending the papal power over 
 the Greek Church would cause him to forget his anger. 
 
 After a short siege, Constantinople fell in July, 1203 — the 
 
 first time it was ever taken by a foreign foe. Isaac Angelus 
 
 107 S k ^'^^ restored to his throne, but he and his son soon per- 
 
 ofConstan- ished in a rebellion of the fanatical populace, and the 
 
 crusaders were forced to capture the city a second 
 
 time. Terrible punishment was now meted out to the van- 
 
 tinople. 
 
THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 
 
 137 
 
 quished. In three great fires the most populous parts of 
 the city were destroyed. Violence and indignity were the 
 lot of the survivors; and Pope Innocent III. accused the 
 crusaders of respecting neither age, nor sex, nor religious 
 profession. The city was systematically pillaged; even the 
 churches were profaned, and stripped of their rich hangings 
 and of their gold and silver vessels. Precious works of art — 
 
 ' St. Mark's Church, Venice. 
 Facade remodeled in fifteenth century. 
 
 the accumulation of a thousand years — were destroyed ; 
 statues of brass and bronze were broken up and melted for the 
 metal which they contained ; and the Venetians carried to 
 Venice the four bronze horses which still adorn the front of 
 their Church of St. Mark. The more pious gave themselves to 
 the search for holy relics — a venerable and profitable booty. 
 As a result of this sack, Constantinople lost forever that 
 unique splendor which had made it the wonder of the world. 
 
138 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 In the division of the conquered territory the Venetians got 
 the lion's share, receiving practically a monopoly of the trade 
 108 Latin ^^ ^^® empire, together with the possession of most of 
 Empire of the islands and coast lands of the ^gean and Ionian 
 nopie seas. The remainder of the empire (so far as it was in 
 
 (1204-1261) the possession of the crusaders) was divided among their 
 chiefs, and a feudal state was erected : of this '' Latin Empire " 
 
 Saladin's Empire, and the Results of the Fourth Crusade. 
 
 Tout, 
 
 of Constantinople, Count Baldwin of Flanders was chosen em- 
 peror, while a Venetian priest was set as Patriarch over the 
 Greek Church. 
 
 " No feudal state was ever strong, but no feudal state was 
 ever so weak as the Latin Empire in the East ; " this was 
 Empire and chiefly due to the hostility of the Greeks to their new 
 Papacy, 349 ^-j^g^g^g^.g^ jj^ ^gj^^ Minor there was from the beginning a 
 rival government which afforded a rallying point for the 
 Greek nationality ; and when Constantinople was recaptured 
 by the Greeks, in 1261, the Latin Empire was overthrown, 
 after half a century of uncertain existence. In certain localities 
 
THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 139 
 
 "Frank" feudatories were enabled to hold ont longer, and 
 
 the remains of their castles still dot the landscape of Greece. 
 
 The Venetians kept much of their conquests for centuries, and 
 
 long after the Middle Ages they retained something of the 
 
 power in the eastern Mediterranean which Dandolo, their 
 
 blind old doge, gained for them in the Fourth Crusade. 
 
 Throughout the thirteenth century there was much talk of 
 
 crusades, and Europe was systematically and regularly taxed 
 
 for them, but with very little positive results. In 1218 109. Cru- 
 
 an expedition composed mainly of Germans, who made ^.^^® 
 
 ^ ^ . against 
 
 the long voyage around by Gibraltar in three hundred Egypt 
 
 ships, was directed against Egypt. The city of Damietta, (1218-1221) 
 
 in the delta of the Nile, was taken, and the sultan offered in 
 
 exchange the kingdom of Jerusalem. The offer was rejected ; 
 
 then the crusaders were defeated, and were glad to give up 
 
 Damietta in return merely for a free retreat (1221). 
 
 In 1228-1229 occurred a crusade under the Emperor 
 
 Frederick II. which resulted in restoring Jerusalem for a time 
 
 to the Christians, although the crusade was hampered by ^o. Cru- 
 
 Frederick's quarrel with the Pope, who excommunicated sade 
 
 Ijy Fred- 
 him (§ 132) both before and after he sailed. Frederick, erick II. 
 
 who was in advance of his age, treated with the sultan (1228-1229) 
 instead of fighting him ; and by skillful negotiation he secured 
 a truce for ten years, and the restoration of Bethlehem, Nazareth, 
 and Jerusalem to the Christians (map, p. 129). 
 
 After Frederick's departure, the kingdom of Jerusalem was 
 for fifteen years filled with the wars and brigandage of Chris- 
 tians J and the only thing that saved it thus long from recap- 
 ture was the fact that the Mohammedan world also was torn 
 by dissensions. In 1244 Jerusalem was finally lost to a new 
 Turkish race (the Charismians) fresh from the interior of Asia. 
 This calamity produced no great outburst of crusading zeal ; 
 the Popes were engaged in the last desperate struggle with 
 the Hohenstaufen Emperors (see ch. x.), and the peoples and 
 
140 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 princes of western Europe were beginning to be occupied with 
 problems nearer home. 
 
 However, in 1248, Louis IX. of France (later canonized as a 
 
 saint) set out for Egypt with a French army. He succeeded 
 
 only in duplicating the failure of 1218 : again Damietta 
 
 crusades was taken ; then the army was defeated, King Louis and 
 
 (1248-1291) ^Qg^ q£ j-^ig jj^gjj were captured, and he was forced to 
 
 ransom himself by the surrender of Damietta and the payment 
 
 of a large sum of money. After his release the king remained 
 
 for four years (until 1254) in Syria, strengthening the few 
 
 Christian posts that were left. 
 
 In 1270 Louis IX. again undertook a crusade, but was di- 
 verted this time to Tunis. There he died of the plague, and 
 the army returned to France. Prince Edward of England had 
 taken the cross at the same time, and spent two years in Syria, 
 but returned in 1272 to take the English crown as Edward I. 
 Acre, the last Christian stronghold in Syria, fell in 1291. 
 Thereafter no armies went to Syria or Egypt to attempt the 
 recovery of the holy places. Thenceforth the Latin power in 
 the East was represented only by the islands of Cyprus and 
 Ehodes. Soon Christendom had to tax its energies to defend 
 Europe itself against the Ottoman Turks, the latest and most 
 formidable champions of Mohammedanism. The period of the 
 Crusades was at an end. 
 
 The tendency has been to exaggerate the influence of the 
 
 Crusades and to minimize the importance of other factors 
 
 in changing the institutions and customs of Europe. 
 
 suits of the iSTevertheless, the migration, year by year, of thousands 
 
 Crusades ^^ persons to and from the Mohammedan East, during a 
 
 period of nearly two centuries, could not but have important 
 
 results for the Christian West. 
 
 (1) In respect to military usages, Europe owed to the Cru- 
 sades the drum, trumpet, tents, quilted armor for the protection 
 of the common soldier, the surcoat worn over the knightly coat 
 
THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 141 
 
 of mail, the whole system of armorial '^bearings" (heraldic 
 devices on shields, etc.) by which knights proclaimed their 
 family and lineage, and many improvements in the art of build- 
 ing and taking fortified places : " the siege of great fenced Oman, His- 
 
 cities like Nicaea, Antioch, or Jerusalem was almost an ^^^y (>f the 
 ' ' Art of 
 
 education in itself to the engineers of the West." Among War, 526 
 social effects were the increased use of baths, the increased use of 
 pepper and other spices in foods, and the wearing of the beard. 
 (2) On the development of commerce, the Crusades exerted 
 a great influence. Italian cities like Venice, Pisa, and Genoa 
 
 State Barge of Venice. 
 
 grew rich through the transportation of pilgrims and cru- 
 saders and their supplies, and through the importation into 
 Europe of the products of the East. In the north, such cities 
 as Ratisbon, Nuremberg, and the market towns of northern 
 France developed as distributing centers for the importations 
 of Italy, and regular routes of inland commerce were estab- 
 lished. Money became increasingly necessary; banks were 
 established, and means of exchange devised. " It was . . . not 
 simply during the Crusades," says the German historian Prutz, 
 " but as a result of them, and of the commerce which they had 
 called into being, that money became a power — we might 
 almost say a world power." 
 
142 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 (3) A multitude of new natural products and manufactures 
 — such as sugar cane, buckwheat, rice, garlic, hemp; the 
 orange, watermelon, lemon, lime, and apricot ; dyestuffs, cot- 
 tons, muslins, damask, satin, and velvet — were introduced 
 from the East in the Middle Ages ; but it is difficult to say 
 which of these came as a result of the Crusades, and which 
 from peaceful intercourse with Constantinople, Syria, northern 
 Africa, and Spain. 
 
 (4) The political and social organization of Europe was 
 already undergoing profound modification, and the Crusades 
 helped on the change. Crusaders often freed their serfs to 
 get money, or for the good of their souls. The wealth gained 
 by townsmen in commerce enabled them to buy or wrest 
 important rights of self-government from their lords. The 
 feudal nobles, especially of France, were greatly weakened by the 
 enormous waste of their numbers and resources in the East ; 
 and the lower classes and the crown were correspondingly 
 strengthened. In Germany, where as a class the nobles would 
 have nothing to do with the Crusades, they were neither im- 
 poverished nor reduced in numbers, nor was their military 
 and political importance diminished ; for this reason, among 
 others, Germany was later than France in entering upon the 
 path of social progress, industrial development, and real 
 national unity. 
 
 (5) The most important influence of all was in the world 
 of thought. The hundreds of thousands who made the 
 journey to the Orient had their minds stimulated and their 
 mental horizons broadened by beholding new lands, new 
 peoples, and new customs. " They came from their castles 
 
 Lavisse and ^"^^ ^^^^^ villages," says a French writer, " having seen 
 Ramhaud, nothing, more ignorant than our peasants ; they found 
 G4n4rale themselves suddenly in great cities, in the midst of new 
 11.346 countries, in the presence of unfamiliar usages." Thus 
 
 the way was paved for the subtle change in intellectual atmos- 
 
THE LATER CRUSADES (1099-1291) 143 
 
 phere, beginning in the fourteenth century, which we style the 
 Renaissance. Tliis we may reckon the greatest though the 
 most indefinite result of the whole crusading movement ; but 
 other factors, it must not be forgotten, were already working 
 in the same direction. 
 
 The conquests made by the crusaders in the Holy Land 
 were organized as a feudal kingdom, of which the chief 
 defense was the three crusading orders — the Knights j^g ^^^^ 
 Hospitaler, the Knights Templar, and the Teutonic mary 
 
 Knights. The Second Crusade (1147-1149), occasioned by 
 the fall of Edessa, was undertaken by Conrad III. of Ger- 
 many and Louis VII. of France, and ended in failure. The 
 Third Crusade (1189-1192), caused by the capture of Jeru- 
 salem by Saladin in 1187, was led by the Emperor Frederick 
 Barbarossa, King Richard I. of England, and Philip Augustus 
 of France ; Acre was taken, but Jerusalem remained in the 
 hands of the Mohammedans. The Fourth Crusade (1201- 
 1204) was turned by the Venetians against Constantinople, 
 and resulted in the establishing of the Latin Empire of 
 the East, which lasted from 1204 to 1261. The Emperor 
 Frederick II. led a crusade (1228-1229), which regained Jeru- 
 salem through treaty ; but it was lost again in 1244. In 1248 
 Louis IX. of France led an unsuccessful crusade against 
 Egypt; and in 1270 he led a second crusade against 
 Tunis, equally without result. After 1291 the crusading 
 movement to the East was at an end. Although the Cru- 
 sades failed to recover permanently the Holy Land, they 
 profoundly influenced Europe, especially through the wider 
 outlook and the stimulus to thought which they supplied. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) "Why were the Latin states in the East organized on a feudal Suggestive 
 model ? (2) To what forces was the defense of Palestine left in ^°^^°° 
 
144 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 the intervals between the Crusades? (3) Why did the Second 
 Crusade fail? (4) Compare the organization and leadership of 
 the Third Crusade with that of the First. Why did it accomplish 
 less ? (5) Was the Fourth Crusade more of a religious or a politi- 
 cal war? (6) Why were the later crusades directed against 
 Egypt ? (7) Why did the crusading movement come to an end 
 when it did ? (8) Did the Crusades on the whole do more good 
 or more harm? 
 
 (9) The life of a Knight Templar. (10) Saint Bernard as a 
 preacher of the Second Crusade. (11) Relations of Christians 
 and Mohammedans in Palestine. (12) Saladin. (13) The sect 
 of the Assassins and the Old Man of the Mountain. (14) Richard 
 the Lion- Hearted as a crusader. (15) The " Children's Crusade." 
 (16) The Crusade of Frederick II. (17) The Crusade of Louis IX. 
 to Egypt. (18) Effect of the Crusades on home realms and 
 estates of crusaders. 
 
 Geoen^aphy 
 
 Secondary- 
 authorities 
 
 Sources 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Maps, pp. 112, 113, 129, 138 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps vi. 
 Ixxvi. Ixxxix. ; Dow, Atlas, ix. 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 268-278 ; B^mont 
 and Monod, Medieval Europe, 355-374 ; Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, 
 367-397 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age, ch. xv. ; 
 Tout, Etnpire and Papacy, 185-197, 295-303, 336-357, 450-463; 
 Henderson, Germany in the Middle Ages, ch. xxiii. ; Munro and 
 Sellery, Medieval Civilization, 248-256 ; Archer and Kingsford, 
 Crusades, chs. xiv. xvii.-xxii. xxiv. xxv. xxviii. ; Cornish, Chivalry, 
 125-153 ; Mombert, Short Histoid of the Crusades, chs. v. vii. xiii. 
 xiv. xvii. ; Cox, Crusades, chs. v.-xv. ; Oman, History of the Art 
 of War, 229-350; Lacroix, Military and Beligious Life in the 
 Middle Ages, 104-136; Finlay, History of Greece, IV. ch. iii. ; 
 Historians' History of the World, VIII. 358-480. 
 
 Robinson, Headings, I. 330-345 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
 Book, nos. 281-288 ;. University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
 Beprints, III. No. 1, II. Nos. 2, 4 ; Henderson, Documents of the 
 Middle Ages, bk. i. no. vi., bk. iii. nos. v. vii. ; Chronicles of 
 the Crusades (Bohn) ; Archer, Crusade of Richard I. 
 
 Scott, Ivanhoe, — The Talisman ; J. G. Edgar, The Boy Cru- 
 saders] C. M. Yonge, The Prince and the Page ; Marion Crawford, 
 Via Crucis ; L^on Cahun, The Blue Banner ; Maurice Hewlett, 
 Bichard Yea-and-Nay. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE AND THE ITALIAN COM- 
 MUNES (1125-1190) 
 
 We must now turn to the history of Germany and Italy in 
 
 the period of the Crusades. The death of Henry V. — the 
 
 last of the Francouian Emperors — i n 11 25 without a son ^^4 pj.g_ 
 
 gave opportunity for a f re^ election for the first time in lude to 
 
 a century ; and Lothair II. of Saxony was chosen king fen period 
 
 of Germany. "It is with good right," says a writer of (1125-1138) 
 
 that time, "that we call Lothair the father of his country, 
 
 for he upheld it strenuously and was always ready to risk 
 
 his life for justice's sake." " In his days," says another, 
 
 " the service of God increased and there was plenty 7^0?/^^ Em- 
 
 in all things." In 1133 Lothair led an expedition into pireand 
 
 r . Papacy, 
 
 Italy to settle a disputed election to the papacy, and 225 
 
 was crowned Emperor. A second expedition to Italy three 
 
 years later was successfully directed against the Norman, 
 
 Koger IL, who had united southern Italy to Sicily; but in 
 
 the moment of victory the Pope and the Emperor quarreled 
 
 over the suzerainty of the Norman territories. Lothair, who 
 
 was upward of seventy years of age, died on his way back 
 
 to Germany. Two years later, Eoger made a peace with the 
 
 papacy by which his assumption of the title King of Sicily 
 
 was sanctioned, and he agreed to hold his kingdom as a 
 
 papal fief. 
 
 On the death of Lothair without a son, Conrad, nephew of 
 
 Henry V., was chosen king at an assembly in Which the 
 
 magnates of Franconia and Swabia alone were present. In 
 
 146 
 
146 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 his person, the Hohen- 
 
 staufen house, the 
 
 most brilliant of all 
 
 the imperial houses, 
 
 mounted the throne, 
 
 and for six reigns it 
 
 guided the destinies 
 
 of Germany and Italy 
 
 (reigns 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 
 
 and 8 in table below).^ 
 
 The candidate of 
 
 the Saxons and Bava- 
 
 ,,r « I, rians in 1138 
 
 115 sfuelf 
 
 and ahibel- was the head of 
 
 ^^°® the family of 
 
 Welf, Henry the 
 Proud, duke of Bava- 
 ria and Saxony and 
 son-in-law of Lothair ; 
 he made himself the 
 
 Ruins of Hohenstaufen. (From an old print.) 
 
 iTHE HOUSES OF WELF AND HOHENSTAUFEN IN GEEMANY 
 
 Frederick 
 Henry the Black, 
 Duke of Bavaria, 
 head of the house 
 
 of WELF (see table, p. 98) 
 
 (1) Lothair IL, of Saxony 
 (1125-1137) 
 
 of 
 
 HOHENSTAUFEN = Agnes, sister of the 
 
 Emperor Henry V. 
 
 Gertrude = Henry the Proud 
 Henry the Lion (d. 1195) 
 
 I 
 
 '6) Otto IV. (1198-1214) 
 (d. 1218) 
 
 William, 
 
 ancestor 
 
 of the 
 
 Electors of 
 
 Hanover 
 
 and of the 
 
 Hanoverian 
 
 sovereigns 
 
 of Great 
 
 Britain 
 
 Judith = Frederick the One-eyed, 
 Duke of Swabia 
 
 (2) Conrad III. 
 (1188-1152) 
 First Hohen- 
 (3) Frederick I., Barbarossa staufen king 
 (1152-1190) 
 
 I 
 
 (4) Henry VI. 
 
 (1190-1197) 
 
 (7) Frederick II. 
 
 (1214-1250) 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 (5) Philip of Swabia 
 
 (1198-1208) 
 
 Henry 
 (d. 1242) 
 
 (8) Conrad IV. 
 (1250-1254) 
 
 Conradin (slain, 1268) 
 
 Manfred 
 (illegit. ; d. 1266) 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 147 
 
 head of the North German opposition to the Hohenstaufen, 
 and for three quarters of a century the kingdom was torn by 
 the quarrels of these powerful families. Their rival cries, 
 " Hi Welfen ! " and " Hi Waiblingen ! " (the latter from a 
 little village of Swabia near the castle of Hohenstaufen), 
 gave rise to new party names. Beginning as a struggle 
 of rival families, the contest became a warfare of contending 
 principles. In general, the Hohenstaufen party, or " Ghibel- 
 lines " (corrupted from Waiblingen), stood for the principle of 
 strong monarchical government and for imperial rule over 
 Italy ; whereas the " Guelf " (or Welf) party represented feu- 
 dal opposition to the monarchy, and the independence of the 
 Italian towns. It was impossible for the papacj^ to avoid 
 taking sides; in Germany its influence was usually, and in 
 Italy almost always, on the side of the Guelfs. " Broadly Fisher, 
 
 speaking, the Guelfs were papalists, the Ghibellines im- Medixval 
 perialists; the Ghibellines were the party who desired a 331 
 
 strong government, the Guelfs the party who preferred par- 
 ticularism ; the Ghibellines would bring in the German, the 
 Guelfs would cry ' Italy for the Italians.' " But these larger 
 issues were gradually lost sight of in the feuds of factions; 
 and by the fifteenth century the names Guelf and Ghibelline 
 lingered only in Italy, where they came to mean no more than 
 party differences in the mode of building battlements, in wear- 
 ing feathers in the cap, in cutting fruit at the table, in habits 
 of yawning, passing in the street, throwing dice, gestures in 
 speaking or swearing. 
 
 A quarrel between Conrad III. and Henry the Proud began 
 almost immediately through Conrad's attempt to deprive 
 his Welf rival of his duchies. Dukedoms, like the office ni., first 
 of count, though originally in the gift of the king, were Hohen- 
 
 fast becoming hereditary ; this attack, therefore, produced Emperor 
 civil war. In the midst of the struggle Henry the Proud (H38-1152) 
 died, leaving as his heir a ten-year-old son, later known as 
 
 HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. — 9 
 
148 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Kenry the Lion; a compromise was then arranged by which 
 the duchy of Saxony was restored to the house of Welf, but 
 Bavaria was withheld. 
 
 The great event of Conrad's reign was the German ex- 
 pansion to the northeast, which in spite of anarchy and civil 
 war went steadily on. It owed its success to the efforts of 
 local rulers ; especially was it indebted to a great religious 
 leader, Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, the founder of a 
 new order of clergy (the Premonstratensian canons), who took 
 the leading part in Christianizing and civilizing the Slavs 
 beyond the Elbe. 
 
 Modern historians maintain that it is impossible to establish 
 the descent of the municipal governments of the Middle Ages 
 117. Italian from those of Roman times. In Italy, as elsewhere, the 
 communes Germanic invasions left the ancient cities dismantled and 
 reduced in population. Those w^ho continued to dw^ell on the 
 ancient sites were mere serfs, like the peasants of the surround- 
 ing country, and were governed by counts or (as in Lombardy) 
 by bishops who held the powers of counts. 
 
 Nevertheless many elements of urban life, though not of 
 municipal institutions, were preserved ; these, with the privi- 
 leges and immunities granted the count-bishops, and the ad- 
 vantages afforded for commerce and industry, led to an earlier 
 revival of city life there than elsewhere. Walls were restored 
 or newly erected, and in time city governments followed. The 
 union of merchants and artisans in " guilds," for the control 
 of commerce and of different trades or crafts, became a prece- 
 dent for that larger union of the inhabitants which eventu- 
 ally wrested freedom and self-government from their rulers. 
 Thus, in the eleventh and twelfth centuries the count-bishops 
 of the Lombard cities lost their sovereign rights, which passed 
 to the citizens. At the same time war was made upon neigh- 
 boring barons, whose castles threatened the newly won inde- 
 pendence of the towns ; and the feudal nobility were forced to 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1126-1190) 149 
 
 throw in their lot with the municipalities, taking np their resi- 
 dence for part of every year within the city walls. Danger 
 from without was thus reduced, but another danger followed: 
 every city soon bristled with tall, battle mented towers, the 
 strongholds of rival clans; and family, factional, and regional 
 fights, the expression of hereditary hatreds, became alarmingly 
 frequent. 
 
 In the communes of Lombardy there were three chief organs 
 of government. The executive power in war and peace was in 
 the hands of a board of "consuls," varying in number from 
 eight to twenty, chosen for short terms, and paid out of the 
 city treasury. As advisers and assistants to the consuls there 
 were secret councils, without whose consent no important 
 action could be taken. Behind these stood the general as- 
 sembly (the Parlamentum) of all the men belonging to the 
 commune ; but this, in most cities, was convened only on 
 extraordinary occasions. 
 
 These communal governments were free in the sense that 
 they were practically exempt from external control ; but their 
 citizens were far from enjoying individual liberty. The mem- 
 ber of a commune was bound to his town as closely as a serf 
 to the soil; he belonged all Ms life to a certain class, to a 
 trade, to a guild, to a parish, to a ward ; and the details of his 
 private life — such as the number of trees he might plant iu 
 his orchard, the number of priests and candles he might em- 
 ploy at funerals — were all precisely regulated. 
 
 With the growth of city life, and the discussions aroused by 
 the investiture conflict, came the revival of the study of Roman 
 or civil law. Until the tweKth century, the written law 
 of Rome, though regarded with superstitious reverence, and canon 
 was imperfectly understood ; now men awoke to the con- ^*^ 
 
 sciousness that in its precepts were principles applicable to the 
 new conditions produced by the rise of city life. At Bologna, 
 the fame of Imerius, who began to lecture on the Code and 
 
150 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Institutes of Justinian about the year 1110, drew together a 
 body of students which numbered ten thousand by the close of 
 Pollock and the century. " Of all the centuries," says a writer on the 
 ^n^lish' history of law, " the twelfth is the most legal. In no age 
 Law, I. Ill since the classical days of Roman law has so large a part 
 of the sum total of intellectual endeavor been devoted to juris- 
 prudence. . . . From every corner of western Europe students 
 flocked to Italy. It was as if a new gospel had been revealed. 
 Before the end of the ceutury complaints were loud that the- 
 ology was neglected, that the liberal arts were despised, . . . 
 that men would learn law and nothing but law." 
 
 A powerful class of trained lawyers resulted from this study. 
 One of the principles of Roman jurisprudence was that "the 
 Institutes, will of the prince has the force of law " ; the lawyers, 
 /. a. 6 therefore, became valuable allies of Emperors and kings 
 
 in their warfare against feudal and clerical opponents, and 
 greatly aided in transforming the feudal sovereignties of the 
 Middle Ages into the absolute monarchies of the seventeenth 
 century. 
 
 At the same time with the revival of the study of the civil 
 law, the study of the church or canon law also received a 
 powerful impetus, in part because of such contests as that over 
 investiture, and in part from the preparation of a text-book 
 on canon law called (from its author, a monk named Gratian) 
 the Decretum Gratiani. The canon law was based on the 
 teachings of Scripture and the Fathers, the decrees of church 
 councils, and the decretals of Popes (not excepting the False 
 Decretals, § 63). It became as elaborate and comprehensive a- 
 system as the civil law; and canon lawyers proved as zealous 
 upholders of the j)apal claims as civil lawyers were of imperial 
 prerogatives. 
 
 When the princes of Germany met, in 1152, to select a 
 successor to Conrad III., they passed by his infant son and 
 chose his nephew Frederick, in whose veins ran Welf as well 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 
 
 151 
 
 as Hohenstaufen blood (see genealogy on p. 146). This elec- 
 tion, taken with the two preceding ones, established it as " the 
 
 cardinal principle of the law of the Konian Empire," to 119- Acces- 
 
 ^ sion of 
 
 use the language of a contemporary chronicler, "that Frederick 
 
 the succession depends not upon -"^^^^f^^J^^o^ 
 
 (115<6) 
 
 hereditary right, but on the elec- ^^^^ ^^. 
 
 tion of the princes." The German Freising 
 kingship was becoming definitely elect- 
 ive, while in France and England the 
 crown was becoming definitely heredi- 
 tary. This difference was due in large 
 part to the fact that the German king, 
 after his coronation by the Pope, was 
 also Emperor, and the Popes never ad- 
 mitted that the imperial dignity was 
 hereditary, or that the coronation as 
 Emperor was to be considered a mere 
 form. Papal influence, therefore, com- 
 bined with the interest of the princes to 
 keep up the custom of election. 
 
 Frederick I., surnamed Barbarossa 
 (Redbeard), was in many respects the 
 ideal Emperor of the Middle Ages. He 
 combined the qualities of a skilled 
 statesman and good general with the 
 virtues of a crusader and hero of ro- 
 mance. His greatest ambition, as he 
 wrote the Pope soon after his accession^ 
 was to restore the grandeur of the 
 Eoman Empire in all its ancient vigor 
 and excellence. But unlike Otto III., 
 Frederick was no dreamer; he sought to know his rights 
 as Emperor, and he used practical means to enforce them: 
 he has well been called an "imperialist Hildebrand." His 
 
 Frederick I. 
 
 Twelfth century sculp- 
 ture on wall of a 
 Bavarian monastery. 
 
152 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 first task was to settle affairs north of the Alps so that he 
 might be free to carry out his imperial ambitions in Italy. 
 Bavaria was restored to his cousin Henry the Lion, while 
 its dispossessed holder was given a new duchy, that of Austria 
 (Oesterreich) , formed from the old Ostmark of Bavaria. 
 
 Before these arrangements were completed, Frederick was 
 called into Italy, where the ambition of the Norman king was 
 120. First causing trouble, and the Roman populace had rebelled 
 Italian ex- against the Pope and set up a commune. The leading spirit 
 Frederick I. at Rome was a visionary reformer named Arnold of Bres- 
 (1154-1155) Q^^ — g^ m2in, Saint Bernard once wrote, "whose words are 
 Milman, as honey, but whose doctrines are poison, whom Brescia 
 tianity,iv' cast forth, at whom Rome shuddered, whom France has 
 ^^^ banished, whom Germany will soon hold in abomination, 
 
 whom Italy will not endure." From Lombardy also came com- 
 plaints of the oppressions suffered by the smaller cities from 
 their powerful neighbor Milan. Hastening over the Alps in 
 1154, Frederick taught the Italians, by the destruction of 
 Tortona, one of Milan's allies, that the Emperor was still to 
 be feared. At Pavia he assumed the iron crown of Italy, and 
 soon after received the imperial crown at Rome from Pope 
 Adrian IV., the only Englishman who ever filled the papal 
 office. Rome was reduced to order, and Arnold of Brescia, who 
 was handed over to the prefect of the city by Frederick, was 
 hanged and his body burned. 
 
 Soon after Frederick's return from Italy, a quarrel broke 
 out, which shows the difficulty of long preserving harmonious 
 relations between papacy and empire. A legate of Adrian IV. 
 delivered a letter to Frederick in which mention was made of 
 the "benefits" (beneficia) conferred upon the Emperor by the 
 Pope. When objection was made to the letter on the ground 
 that the language used might bear the sense of a feudal 
 " benefice " granted by a lord to a vassal, the legate added 
 fuel to the fire by asking, " Of whom, then, does he hold the 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 153 
 
 empire but of our lord the Pope ? " In a written declaration 
 
 Frederick replied that "the empire is held by us, through the 
 
 election of the princes, from God alone. . . . Whoso- Matthews, 
 
 e?er says that we received the imperial crown from the Mediseval 
 
 •^ ^ DociimentSy 
 
 lord Pope as a benefice, goes against the divine com- 83 
 
 mandment and the teaching of Peter, and is guilty of false- 
 hood/' Subsequently the Pope explained that the word hene- 
 Jicia in his letter meant benefits and not fiefs ; but the distrust 
 aroused could not be allayed. 
 
 From 1158 to 1162 Frederick was again in Italy, called 
 thither by the ambitions of the Milanese. After a brief resist- 
 ance, their city submitted. A great "diet," or meeting 121 Second 
 of imperial vassals and communes, was held in the plain Italian ex- 
 of Eoncaglia; and in order that the Emperors preroga- Frederick I. 
 tives might be known for the future, all holders of rights (1158-1162) 
 of government and the like were required to show by what 
 warrant they exercised them. With respect to the Lombard 
 cities, it was announced that the Emperor's control was no 
 longer to be merely nominal, but that their magistrates would 
 be appointed by him with the assent of the people. 
 
 Opposition to the execution of these decrees soon manifested 
 itself. At Milan the attempt to set up a foreign magistrate in 
 place of the elective consuls led to a new revolt, in which the 
 citizens with heroic courage held out for three years. When at 
 last famine forced them to yield, Frederick, " hardening his 
 face like a rock," decreed the destruction of their city : the 
 loudest complaints against Milan had come from its Italian 
 enemies, and it was their hands which carried out the decree. 
 
 The successes of the Emperor in Lombardy aroused appre- 
 hensions at Rome. When Adrian IV. died, a majority ^22. Pa- 
 
 of the cardinals chose as Pope, under the name of Alex- pacy and 
 
 Lombard 
 ander III. (1159-1181), that legate whose bold language League 
 
 had called forth Frederick's declaration concerning the (1159-1174) 
 imperial office; in ability and lofty ambition he proved a 
 
154 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 worthy successor of the great Hildebrand. The minority of 
 the cardinals elected an anti-pope favorable to the imperial 
 cause. To the demand that the disputed election should be 
 referred to a council of the whole church, Alexander replied, 
 "No one has the right to judge me, since I am the supreme 
 
 T ucca Cities of the , , , , . 
 
 ■- Tuscan League ^^„,jr\^ 20 AO 60 
 
 The Lombard League (lir>7) and the Tuscan League (1196). 
 
 judge of all the world." Frederick supported his anti-pope, 
 and in 1165 swore never to acknowledge Alexander' III. or any 
 Pope elected by his party ; but by France, England, and the 
 rest of Western Christendom Alexander was recognized. 
 
 After four years of exile in France, Alexander returned to 
 Rome, in 1165, only to be driven forth two years later by ^ 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 
 
 155 
 
 force which Frederick led over the Alps. The Lombard com- 
 munes then united in a league against the Emperor; and the 
 very cities which had demanded the destruction of Milan now 
 lent aid to rebuild and refortify it. Within a few months the 
 chief towns of the plain of the Po, from Milan to Venice, from 
 Bergamo to Bologna, were formed into a confederation pledged 
 to mutual assistance, Alexander sent his blessing to the con- 
 federates, and they in turn supported his cause ; and a new city, 
 founded to guard the descent into Italy by the western passes, 
 was named Alessandria in his honor. Out of hatred to Ger- 
 many, Italy seemed about to arrive at a consciousness of 
 national unity. 
 
 For six years Italy enjoyed practical independence. In 
 Germany, Frederick found increasing difficulty in keeping the 
 
 clergy true to his 123. Defeat 
 
 anti-pope ; while 
 
 M.viL-cLAD German Horseman. 
 From a 12th century MS. 
 
 of Freder- 
 ick I. at Leg- 
 the growing power nano (1176) 
 
 of Henry the Lion in the 
 north threatened trouble. 
 Not until 1174 was the 
 Emperor able to lead 
 another expedition into 
 Italy. In 1176 came the 
 decisive battle, when the 
 imperial army, number- 
 ing six thousand, encoun- 
 tered the eight thousand 
 troops of the Lombard 
 League at Legnano, not 
 
 far from Milan. At first 
 the mail-clad German horsemen carried all before them ; but 
 the guard about the Milanese carrocdo, a war chariot bearing an 
 altar and the banners of the confederated towns, fought des- 
 perately, and the Emperor himself was at length unhorsed. 
 
156 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 The imperial forces fled, and it was only with difficulty and 
 almost unattended that Frederick reached Pavia. "Glorious 
 has been our triumph," wrote the Milanese to Bologna, " infi- 
 nite the number of the killed among the enemy, the drowned, 
 the prisoners. We have in our hands the shield, the banner, 
 cross, and lance of the Emperor, and we found silver and gold 
 in his coffers, and booty of inestimable value ; but we do not 
 consider these things ours, but the common property of the 
 Pope and the Italians." 
 
 Frederick was now forced to make peace with the Pope, with 
 the communes, and with the Norman king, who had supported 
 
 124 Treat- *^^^^ cause. At Venice, in 1177, he acknowledged Alex- 
 
 ies of ander as Pope, and prostrated himself at his feet : it was 
 
 Venice 
 
 (1177) and J^^^ ^^^^ hundred years since Henry IV. humbled him- 
 
 Constance gelf before Gregory VII. at Canossa. The final peace with 
 the communes was not concluded until 1183, at Constance, 
 when their rights to elect their own officers, to build fortifica- 
 tions, to enter into leagues, to raise troops, and to coin money 
 were clearly recognized. Thenceforth the cities of Lombardy 
 were practically self-governing republics, the barest overlord- 
 ship remaining to the Emperor. Under these new conditions 
 their commerce flourished more and more ; but their political 
 life, under the overstimulus of freedom, broke out incessantly 
 into quarrels and riots. In many respects the mediaeval com- 
 munes fell short of our ideas of orderly liberty and political 
 justice ; but it was amid the busy, turbulent life within their 
 walls that the Renaissance spirit was developed. 
 
 While Frederick was pursuing the shadow of power in Italy, 
 Henry the Lion was seizing its substance in Germany. After 
 
 125 F 11 f ^^^ restoration to the duchies of Bavaria and Saxony, his 
 the house of calculating leadership raised the power of his family to a 
 
 * yet higher point by conquering the Slavic lands between 
 
 the Elbe and the Oder. Ltibeck, the first German town to 
 arise on the Baltic Sea, and Munich, the present capital of 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 15T 
 
 Bavaria, owe their existence largely to him. The Emperor long 
 pursued a conciliatory policy toward his formidable rival, and 
 assisted him when his Saxon vassals rebelled; but the refusal 
 of Henry to aid the Emperor in Italy caused Frederick to 
 abandon his policy of conciliation. Henry was cited to appear 
 at different diets to answer charges preferred by nobles and 
 clergy under him ; and after his fourth citation and failure to 
 appear, he was condemned by default, and sentenced to banish- 
 ment and the forfeiture of his lands. The support given the 
 Emperor by the lesser nobles made the execution of this sen- 
 tence easy, and for some years Henry the Lion was forced to 
 live in exile in J^ormandy and England. Ultimately he regained 
 his allodial estates (§ 33), and these became the nucleus of the 
 later duchy of Brunswick and electorate of Hanover, from 
 which Great Britain in 1714 derived its present line of kings. 
 
 The vacant Saxon duchy (shorn of its western half) was 
 given to a member of the Ascanian house, and the name 
 " Saxony " shifted somewhat to the south and east of its old 
 location. Bavaria was bestowed on Otto of Wittelsbach, in 
 whose house it still remains; but it, too, was weakened by the 
 separation of important districts. These changes marked the 
 end of the "stem-duchy'' system of territorial organization, and 
 the beginning of that policy of division and subdivision which 
 by the end of the Middle Ages made Germany a chaos of 
 petty principalities and lordships. Actually the benefit of 
 the downfall of Henry the Lion went to the local nobility who 
 supplied the force by which it was carried out. 
 
 Frederick's reign constitutes one of the most brilliant epochs 
 in the history of mediaeval Germany. The rural districts ad- 
 vanced in prosperity; forests were cleared, land increased 126. Ger- 
 
 in value, and agriculture was improved. The condition ™^^ ^^*^®s 
 
 andciviliza- 
 of the peasants, both serfs and free tenants, was materi- tion 
 
 ally bettered. The turbulent life of the nobles was somewhat 
 
 softened and refined, as a result of the intimate connections 
 
158 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 with Italy and Burgundy, and of the Crusades. A courtly 
 German literature was born in the chivalric lays of the 
 ** Minnesingers," at the same time that the old heroic songs of 
 the people were consolidated into the great German epic styled 
 the Niebelungenlied. 
 
 A stimulus was also given at this time to the growth of city 
 life in Germany. At the beginning of the tenth century there 
 was little German commerce ; but gradually fairs and markets 
 were founded at favored places, trade arose, and centers of 
 population sprang up, especially in the Ehine and Danube 
 valleys. Thus localities formerly inhabited only by peasants 
 were transformed into towns, with walls and ramparts, weekly 
 markets, guilds and other associations, and some rights and 
 privileges against their feudal lords. The continued struggle 
 of lay and ecclesiastical powers, together with the Crusades, 
 helped on their development. Strassburg, on the middle Rhine, 
 whose original constitution is considered to be the earliest 
 municipal code of Germany, may be taken as a type of the 
 most important German towns of the twelfth century. The 
 population was probably less than ten thousand. The houses 
 were of timber, with thatched roofs, and without chimneys, 
 which were rare as yet even in castles. Here and there 
 churches were interspersed, but no mighty cathedral domi- 
 nated the landscape. The whole of this " water-bound plexus 
 of walls, moats, houses, streets, gardens, and plowed fields " 
 was under the feudal rule of the bishop, to whom the citizens 
 owed many services and dues. Under Frederick Barbarossa 
 the towns grew in population, wealth, privileges, and power; 
 but the time was not yet come when they, like the cities of 
 Italy, should be practically self-governing republics. 
 
 The last years of Frederick's reign were taken up with new 
 127. Last Italian plans, with renewed quarrels with the papacy, and 
 Frederick I ^^^^ ^^^^ Third Crusade. Constance, the heiress of the 
 (1184-1190) Norman kingdom of Sicily and Naples, was married to 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIKE (1125-1190) 
 
 159 
 
 Frederick's son and successor, Henry VI. This aroused the 
 fierce hostility of the papacy, for the union of southern Italy 
 with Germany threatened the independence of the Papal 
 States. The final conflict to which this led was deferred 
 till the reign of Frederick's grandson; but even at this time 
 the relations of Pope 
 and Emperor were 
 strained almost to 
 breaking. The fall of 
 Jerusalem before the 
 attacks of Saladin, in 
 1187, was the chief 
 factor in preventing 
 an open rupture. For 
 the second time Fred- 
 erick took the cross 
 and departed for the 
 East, where he died, 
 as has already been 
 related (§ 104). Later 
 ages, looking back to 
 the splendors of his 
 
 reign, feigned to be- ^ „ t. 
 
 , Chateau of Frederick Barbarossa at 
 
 lieve that he was not Kaiserswerth. 
 
 dead, and applied to A restoration. 
 
 him the legend of another Frederick, now identified as a count 
 
 of Thuringia: the vanished ruler, it was said, was sleeping 
 
 through the ages in a rocky cavern of a German mountain; 
 
 when the ravens ceased to fly about its summit, he would 
 
 awaken and would then return to chastise evil doers and bring 
 
 back the golden age. 
 
 Under Frederick Barbarossa, the second of the Hohenstau- 
 fen line, the mediaeval empire attained its greatest glory. In 
 
160 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Germany the monarchy triumphed over the house of Welf 
 and divided its feudal territories among the lesser nobles. In 
 128 Sum- Italy the imperial control was for a time siiccessfully 
 *^8.ry asserted ; but the strength of the confederated Lombard 
 
 towns, and the hostility of the Popes, at length obliged the 
 Emperor to renounce his rights. A marriage with the heiress 
 of Sicily and Naples sowed the seeds of a new quarrel between 
 papacy and empire. Frederick's reign closed with the Third 
 Crusade, in which the Emperor lost his life. Other features of 
 the period are the development of the civil and canon law, the 
 growth of Italian and German towns, the continued expansion 
 of Germany to the northeast, and the progress of German 
 civilization. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 (1) On what historical grounds might the Pope claim that the 
 Emperor was his vassal for the imperial crown ? (2) Why should 
 the Popes oppose the development of a strong kingdom in southern 
 Italy ? (3) Was a Ghibelline or Guelf policy best for Germany ? 
 For Italy ? (4) Which was of more importance, the imperial 
 attempts to control Italy or the quiet expansion of Germany to 
 the northeast? (5) Compare the Italian communes with the New 
 England towns. What powers did the former exercise that the 
 latter lack ? (6) How did the study of Roman law aid monarchi- 
 cal growth? Was this to be desired? (7) Had Frederick I. or 
 the Italian communes the more right in their struggle ? 
 
 (8) The Italian communes. (9) Revival of the Roman law. 
 (10) The canon law. (11) Arnold of Brescia. (12) Pope Alex- 
 ander III. (13) Henry the Lion. (14) Rise of the German cities. 
 (15) The Niehelungenlied. (16) The Minnesingers. (17) Person- 
 ality of Frederick Barbarossa. (18) Home of the Hohenstaufen 
 in Grermany. (19) Reasons for the greatness of Milan. 
 
 Geography 
 
 Secondary- 
 authorities 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Maps, pp. 64, 154 ; Putzger, Atlas, map 17 ; Freeman, Historical 
 Geography, I. ch. viii. ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxv. Ixv. ; 
 Dow, Atlas, xiii. 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages; 247-257 ; Bdmont 
 and Monod, Medieval Europe, ch. xix. ; Henderson, Short History 
 
THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1125-1190) 
 
 161 
 
 of Germany, I. 70-90 ; Bryce, Holy Boman Empire, ch. xi. ; Em- 
 erton, Medi(£val Euro^ye, ch. ix. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy^ 217- 
 245 ; Stille, Studies in Medieval History, ol4-323 ; Henderson, 
 Germany in the Middle Ages, chs. xv.-xviii. ; Thatcher and Schwill, 
 Europe in the Middle Aye, ch. xvii. ; Fisher, Medieval Europe, 
 I. 325-332; Balzani, Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 1-111; May, 
 Democracy in Europe, I. 288-315 ; Mihnan, History of Latin 
 Christianity, IV. 260-286, 427-447 ; Testa, The War of Frederick I. 
 against the Communes of Italy ; Alzog, Church History, II. 547- 
 563; Historians' History of the World, XIV. 89-109. 
 
 Robinson, Readings, I. 302-306 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source Sources 
 Book, nos. 98-110, 301-314 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle 
 Ages, 211-219, 336-;337, 410-418, 420-425. 
 
 E. Cornelia Knight, Sir Guy de Lusignan ; C. T. Brady, Hohen 
 zollern. 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
 A Medieval Fair. (Depicted by Parmentier.) 
 
CHAPTER X. 
 
 END OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE 01190-1268) 
 
 Henry VI., son of Frederick I., proved as ambitious and ener- 
 getic as his father. He secured possession of his wife's Italian 
 
 inheritance and united it to Germany. A rising of the 
 
 129. Henry *^ 
 
 VI. (1190- Welf faction was overcome, largely through the fortunate 
 
 ^^^'^^ accident which put into his power Richard I. of England, 
 
 the ally of the Welfs (§ 105). He proposed to the German 
 princes that they should declare the throne hereditary, in 
 return for concessions to them, and almost gained their con- 
 sent. Finally he planned a crusade which was expected to 
 put the whole Latin East under his control, and make him 
 overlord of the Greek Empire. Had he lived, he might for 
 a time have established a world monarchy which would have 
 realized the dreams of the Middle Ages ; but he died of fever 
 in 1197, on the eve of his departure for the East, leaving as 
 heir a son (Frederick of Sicily) only three years of age. 
 
 All Germany, after Henry's death, " was like a sea lashed 
 by every wind." The partisans of the Hohenstaufen chose 
 Henry's brother, Philip of Swabia, as king ; but the opposing 
 party selected Otto IV. of Brunswick, a^on of Henry the Lion. 
 Ten years of civil warfare followed, in which the advantage 
 rested now with one party, now with the other. 
 
 During the division within the empire the papacy grew in 
 power. Innocent III. (1198-1216) was in many respects the 
 
 130. Inno- ablest and most powerful Pope of the Middle Ages. He 
 theVm i^e^ firmly established the Papal States in Italy ; and had as 
 (1198-1216) vassal kingdoms under him Sicily and Naples, Sweden, 
 
 Denmark, Portugal, Aragon, and Poland. Even the king of 
 
 162 
 
END OF THE HOHENSTAUEEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 163 
 
 England (John) was forced to surrender his kingdom into the 
 
 hands of the Pope's legate, and receive it back as a fief of 
 
 the papacy (§ 166). The papal suzerainty over the empire, 
 
 which Frederick Barbarossa so vigorously denied, was again 
 
 asserted, and Innocent claimed the right to decide the dispute 
 
 which had arisen over the last imperial election. His decision 
 
 was that Philip was unworthy as "an obstinate perse- Milman, 
 
 cutor of the church, and the representative of a hostile ^'f^^^^} Chns- 
 ^ ^ tianity, IV. 
 
 house " ; while Otto, though chosen by a minority, was 5io-5i4 
 
 "himself devoted to the church, of a race devoted to the church 
 . . . : him, therefore, we proclaim, acknowledge as king ; him 
 then we summon to take on himself the imperial crown." 
 Otto, in return, confirmed in their widest extent the posses- 
 sions and privileges claimed by the Roman Church. 
 
 After Philip's murder by a private enemy (1208), Otto was 
 for a time universally recognized, and was crowned Emperor. 
 Soon he laid claim to unwarranted rights in Italy, and defied 
 the Pope's excommunication. In Germany a diet of princes 
 declared him deposed; and at their invitation, and with the 
 aid of Innocent III., Frederick of Sicily (son of Henry YL), 
 now seventeen years old, crossed the Alps to claim the German 
 throne as Frederick II. About him gathered all the old parti- 
 sans of the house of Hohenstaufen, and with them acted Philip 
 Augustus of France, who had his own interests to further. 
 Otto similarly was supported with men and money from his 
 uncle, John of England. The decisive battle took place at 
 Bouvines, in northern France, in July, 1214. The issue in- 
 volved not merely the possession of the imperial crown, but 
 the French occupation of Normandy and other English fiefs in 
 France, and the cause of English liberty against the tyranny 
 of King John (§ 166) ; thus the day of Bouvines has well been 
 called "the greatest single day in the history of the Middle 
 Ages." It ended in victory for France and the partisans of 
 Frederick II., to whom passed the German and imperial crowns. 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 10 
 
164 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Frederick II. was already beginning to show the qualities 
 which won for him the name "the wonder of the world." 
 
 131. Acces- From contact with his Greek and Saracen subjects in 
 ^^^•^kll^^^' Sicily he gained a culture unknown in the North; but 
 (1214) he also developed a toleration, if not indifference, in 
 
 religion, and a looseness of personal morality, which gave his 
 enemies openings for attack. He was an impassioned poet, a 
 profound lawgiver, and a subtle politician ; the spirit which he 
 displayed indeed was more modern than mediaeval. 
 
 Frederick was reared as a ward of Innocent III., to whom he 
 had been committed by his mother Constance ; but the intimate 
 relations thus established did not prevent a desperate strug- 
 gle between papacy and empire. Before his coronation by the 
 Pope in 1220, he solemnly swore to abolish all laws prejudicial 
 to the liberties of the church, to cede Sicily to his son Henry 
 to be held as a fief of the Holy See and not of the empire, to 
 restore to the papacy the inheritance of the Conntess Matilda, 
 and to undertake a new crusade. These promises were broken 
 almost as soon as made. 
 
 For a time Frederick could urge the pressure of German 
 and Italian affairs as excuse for delaying his crusade. In 
 
 132. Fred- 1227 he assembled an army and embarked, but turned 
 erick II. back because (as he alleged) of a pestilence which broke 
 papacy out on shipboard. Pope Gregory IX. refused to listen to 
 ,1225-1239) ]^^g excuses, and excommunicated him. In June of the 
 
 next year, Frederick again set sail, without receiving the papal 
 absolution, and reached the Holy Land; but there the Pope 
 put every obstacle in his way, on the ground that he was an 
 excommunicated person. 
 
 Taking advantage of a civil war which broke out among 
 the successors of Saladin, Frederick negotiated a treaty which 
 secured to the Christians a truce for ten years with the pos- 
 session of Jerusalem. This politic move, though bitterly 
 denounced by the partisans of the Pope, secured greater advan- 
 
END OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 165 
 
 tages than had been won by forty years of blind, unreasoning 
 warfare. But when Frederick, still excommunicated, placed 
 the crown of Jerusalem upon his head, the patriarch of 
 Jerusalem issued an interdict forbidding all religions services 
 in the holy places. After his return to Italy Frederick made 
 peace with the Pope (1230) ; but in 1239 the struggle was 
 renewed and was again extended to the Holy Land ; and the 
 hostility between the papal party and Frederick's agents was 
 partly responsible for the final loss of Jerusalem in 1244 (§ 110). 
 The interval between 1230 and 1239 was used by Freder- 
 ick II. to carry through a remarkable series of reforms which 
 made Sicily for a time the strongest and best governed 133. policy 
 
 kingdom in Europe. In judicial matters the kind's ofFred- 
 
 erick II, 
 courts were put above the feudal and ecclesiastical tribu- (1230-1240) 
 
 nals. The nobles and clergy, along with the townsmen, were 
 subjected to taxation. Unauthorized castles, the right of 
 private warfare, trials by ordeal, and serfdom on the royal 
 domains were abolished. Education was fostered by establish- 
 ing the University of Naples, and favor was shown to trade 
 and industry. Of these measures an English historian Milman 
 
 says, "The world had seen no court so splendid, no Latin Chris- 
 
 p -, . . T, , tianitij, V. 
 
 system of laws so majestically equitable ; a new order 393 
 
 of things appeared to be arising, an epoch to be commencing 
 
 in human civilization.'' 
 
 For some years the crusade and these reforms kept Frederick 
 south of the Alps, while his eldest son Henry, who in 1220 had 
 been elected "king of the Eomans" (i.e. German king elect), 
 ruled Germany in his father's name. In 1234 the young king 
 rebelled against his father, and Frederick went to Germany, 
 where the rising was easily put down; thenceforth Henry's 
 younger brother Conrad takes his' place in the succession. 
 
 Frederick's attention throughout his reign was given more 
 to his Italian possessions than to the North, and the policy 
 which he pursued in Germany was directly opposed to that 
 
166 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 embodied in his Sicilian reforms. In Germany, as a result 
 
 of necessity, he '^ threw to the winds every national and 
 
 monarchical tradition," and granted privileges to the nobles 
 
 and great churchmen by which they became truly "lords" 
 
 of their lands, possessed of all rights and jurisdictions. On 
 
 the other hand, Frederick gave large privileges to the towns, 
 
 seeking in them a support against the papacy and rebellious 
 
 nobles. The net result of his policy was the enfeeblement of 
 
 all central authority : Germany more and more ceased to be a 
 
 state, such as England and France were becoming, and grew 
 
 into a confederation of sovereign principalities. 
 
 Frederick's Sicilian reforms made him, in the eyes of the 
 
 Pope, an oppressor of the clergy; his immoral private life 
 
 ,^, _ increased the friction with the church: the toleration 
 
 134. Re- ' 
 
 newed which he showed his Mohammedan subjects, and his 
 
 ^^^th^tti^ use of them as troops in his wars, caused him to be 
 papacy suspected as a heretic; and his retention of Sicily and 
 
 ^ Naples, along with Germany and northern Italy, enabled 
 him to hem in the Papal States both on the north and on the 
 south. These causes for conflict led in 1239 to an open rupture 
 with the Pope ; and there began the last stage of the fatal 
 struggle of papacy and empire, which brought political ruin 
 to both powers. Gregory IX. renewed his excommunication, 
 and absolved Frederick's subjects from their allegiance. Both 
 Pope and Emperor appealed to Europe in letters of impas- 
 sioned denunciation. Gregory called a church council to be 
 held at Rome, but Frederick prevented its assembling by 
 capturing the fleet carrying most of its members. Gregory 
 died in 1241, and two years later one of Frederick's friends 
 (Innocent IV.) was elected Pope. On hearing the news the 
 Emperor is said to have exclaimed, " I have lost a good friend, 
 for no Pope can be a Ghibelline." Innocent vigorously com 
 tinned the policy of his predecessor. At this time came 
 a horde of Mongols from Asia, who overran Poland and 
 
ENB OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 167 
 
 Hungary, threatened Germany, and established a power in 
 Russia (1240) which lasted for two hundred and forty years. 
 In 1244 came the final downfall of the kingdom of Jerusalem. 
 In spite of these disasters to Christendom, the struggle be- 
 tween papacy and empire continued as fiercely as ever. At a 
 church council held at Lyons in 1245, Frederick was pro- 
 nounced guilty of perjury, heresy, and sacrilege ; he was de- 
 clared deposed, and war against the Hohenstaufen was turned 
 into a crusade, with the same spiritual rewards as for warring 
 against the Saracens. 
 
 In Germany, Frederick's enemies stirred up a revolt, and 
 elected an anti-king, but his son Conrad managed to hold many 
 of the nobles and most of the cities true to their al- 135. Defeat 
 
 lesriance. In Italy, Frederick maintained himself with ^^^ death 
 ^ -^ ' . of Fred- 
 
 success, though Guelfs and Ghibellines fought each erick II. 
 
 other with furious hate on every hand. But after a time (1241-1250) 
 
 misfortunes came upon him. His camp was captured; then 
 
 his favorite son Enzio was taken captive and imprisoned. 
 
 Frederick's cause was even yet far from hopeless when, in 
 
 December, 1250, he was attacked by a disease from which, 
 
 after a short illness, he died. An English writer of that time 
 
 called him " the greatest prince of the world" ; but his powers 
 
 were lost on an age not ripe for them. 
 
 After Frederick's death his reforms were overthrown, and 
 
 his empire crumbled away in the hands of his successors. His 
 
 son Conrad IV. (1250-1254) was obliged to abandon Ger- 136. Fall of 
 
 many to secure his inheritance in Italy; and for twenty ® ° ®^' 
 
 years Germany was given up to the anarchy of the (1250-1268) 
 
 Great Interregnum, during which robber barons ruled by " the 
 
 law of the fist," and no king was universally recognized. 
 
 In Italy, Conrad maintained himself until his death in 1254. 
 
 A half-brother, Manfred, then continued the struggle until he 
 
 fell in battle at Benevento in 1266. There still remained Con- 
 
 radin (" Little Conrad "), the fifteen-year-old son of Conrad IV., 
 
168 
 
 AGE OF THE CRtJSADES 
 
 about whom centered the last desperate resistance of the 
 Hohenstaufen party. To secure aid in the struggle, the Pope 
 
 offered the kingdom 
 
 ti£Hem^, 
 
 m 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 ;KJ\?.oi>.^s F^'"^' 
 
 Charles of Anjou ixn !..- i ; ^ :. l^^i an. {_ iiowN 
 OF THE Two Sicilies by a Bull given by 
 THE Pope (Clement IV.). 
 
 of Sicily to an Eng- 
 lish prince; then, in 
 1265, he concluded 
 a treaty by which 
 Charles of Anjou, 
 brother of the French 
 king, was to have 
 the Sicilian crown. 
 In 1268, Charles met 
 and defeated the lit- 
 tle army which Con- 
 radin brought into 
 Italy ; and when the 
 young king fell into 
 the hands of his en- 
 emy, he was cruelly 
 beheaded. In his per- 
 son perished the last 
 member of the im- 
 perial house of Ho- 
 henstaufen. 
 
 Fresco pictured in VioUet-le-Duc. 
 
 " From whatever point we may view it," says a French 
 historian, "the death of Frederick II. and the fall of the 
 Lavisse and house of Hohenstaufen mark the end of one epoch and 
 H^'Jio-rT^' *^^ beginning of another. The Middle Age proper, in 
 G^n&rale, the form which it had worn since the days of Charle- 
 magne, was now ^t an end. This is as true in the history 
 of thought and the arts as it is in political history. In the 
 course of the long struggle between church and empire, a 
 new society had been formed, with different features and a 
 spirit that was wanting to the old. From Charlemagne to 
 
 //. 231 
 
END OF THE HOHENSTAUFEN EMPIRE (1190-1268) 169 
 
 Frederick II. the papacy and the empire occupy the first place 
 in the history of the time ; but now the papacy had crushed 
 the empire." The old ideal of two powers divinely commis- 
 sioned to rule the world in conjunction — the ideal expressed 
 in the figures of the "two swords," and of the "two lights," 
 — the sun and the moon — was now abandoned. The papacy 
 itself for a time sought to be the supreme head in temporal 
 affairs as well as in spiritual, and this ideal conception was 
 soon embodied in the person of a Pope (Boniface VIII.) who 
 arrayed himself in the papal tiara and the imperial robe, j^,, ^ jj^i^ 
 and exclaimed, " I am Caesar — I am Emperor ! " But, Roman Em- 
 though the empire had fallen, the national monarchies ^^^^' 
 of Europe were just arising ; and with Philip IV. of France, the 
 head of the most formidable of these, the papacy soon came 
 into disastrous collision. 
 
 The brilliancy of the Hohenstaufen Empire was continued 
 in the short reign of Henry VI. (1190-1197) ; then followed 
 a struggle for the crown, which ended in the triumph of 137. sum- 
 his son Frederick 11. (1214-1250). The first sixteen years ^^^y 
 
 of his reign saw a new contest with the papacy, which centered 
 in Frederick's crusade. Following this came, in Sicily and 
 Naples, a series of important reforms which strengthened the 
 royal power, while in Germany concessions were made to the 
 princes which materially increased their power and weakened 
 the crown. The last ten years of the reign were occupied 
 with a new struggle with the papacy. After Frederick's death 
 the Pope refused to recognize any of the Hohenstaufen house, 
 and the struggle was continued by Conrad IV., Manfred, and 
 finally by Conradin. The aid of a French prince, Charles of 
 Anjou, enabled the Pope to overthrow the last of the Hohen- 
 staufen family. Charles of Anjou secured the kingdom of 
 Sicily and Naples ; but Germany, during the Great Interreg- 
 num (1254-1273), was practically without a king. The papacy 
 
170 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 was left victorious over the empire, which never recovered 
 the importance it had possessed under the Hohenstaufen rule. 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) Compare the papal power under Innocent III. with that 
 under Gregory VII. (2) Why should Frederick's treaty with the 
 Mohammedans in the Holy Land of itself arouse opposition ? 
 (3) How do his measures in Sicily show him to liave been ahead 
 of his time ? (4) Was the enfeeblement oi the central authority 
 in Germany good or bad for that land ? (5) Why was the opposi- 
 tion of the Popes to Frederick II. greater than to Frederick I. ? 
 (6) Was the continuance of the papal warfare against Frederick's 
 descendants after his death warranted? (7) State in your own 
 language the significance of the overthrow of the Hohenstaufen. 
 
 (8) Treatment of Richard I. of England by Henry VI. 
 (9) Character and aims of Innocent III. (10) Character of 
 Frederick II. (11) Crusade of Frederick II. (12) Reforms of 
 Frederick II. in Sicily. (13) Development of Germany in his 
 reign. (14) Account of a battle in the time of Frederick II. 
 (15) Frederick's use of Saracen mercenaries. 
 
 Geography 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 Sources 
 
 lEustrative 
 works 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Maps, pp. 64, 112 ; Freeman, Historical Geography^ I. oh. viii. ; 
 Poole, Historical Atlas, maps xxxv. Ixvi. ; Dow, Atlas, xiii. 
 
 Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, ch. x. ; Henderson, Short History 
 of Germany, I. 90-101 ; B^mont and Monod, Medieval Europe, 
 ch. XX. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 305-335, 358-393, 478-492 ; 
 Duruy, History of the Middle Ages, 252-259 ; Henderson, Germany 
 in the Middle Ages, chs. xix.-xxvi. ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe 
 in the Middle Age, ch. xiii. ; Balzani, Popes and the Hohenstaufen, 
 113-256 ; Alzog, Church History, II. §§ 220-222 ; Freeman, His- 
 torical Essays, First Series, 283-313 ; Milnian, History of Latin 
 Christianity, bk. ix. chs. i.-iii., bk. x. chs. i. iii.-v. ; Historians'^ 
 History of the World, IX. 85-98, XIV. 110-131. 
 
 Robinson, Beadings, I. 307-309 ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
 Book, nos. 130-145 ; Henderson, Documents, 337-344 ; University 
 of Pennsylvania, Translations and Beprints, IV. No. 4, III. No. 6. 
 
 Eobert Barr, The Countess Tekla, — The Strong Arm ; F. von 
 Hardenberg, Henry of Ofterdingen ; G. P. R. Adams, The Castle 
 of Ehrenstein ; E. L. Hamilton, The Lord of the Dark Bed 
 Star. 
 
CHAPTEK XI. 
 
 LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL CASTLE, VILLAGE, AND TOWN 
 
 In the Middle Ages almost every defensible hilltop and river 
 
 island was occupied by the frowning castle of some feudal 
 
 lord. At first the castle was a mere inclosure defended ,„« _, 
 
 138. The 
 
 by ditch and palisade, with a sort of wooden blockhouse feudal 
 
 on a natural or artificial mound at the center, reached by ^^^ ^ 
 
 a wooden bridge over a second ditch or moat. The ease with 
 which such defenses could be destroyed by fire led, in the 
 eleventh century, to the building of castles of stone ; and the 
 engineering skill of the Normans, together with the experience 
 gained in the Crusades, made these structures intricate and 
 complex. The chateau of Arques, built in Normandy, about 
 1040, by the uncle of William the Conqueror, is a type of the 
 early stone castle. It was built upon a hilltop ; was defended 
 by a palisade, ditch, and two drawbridges with outer works ; 
 and was surrounded by a thick " bailey " wall, with battle- 
 ments, strengthened by strong towers placed at intervals. 
 Entrance was gained through a narrow vaulted gateway, placed 
 between two towers and defended by doors and " portclillises," 
 or iron gratings descending from above. The inclosure was 
 divided into an " outer ward " and an " inner ward " ; it con- 
 tained separate buildings for stables, kitchen, and the like, and 
 was large enough to shelter the surrounding population in time 
 of war. At the extremity of the inner ward stood the " don- 
 jon," or "keep," the most important part of every castle. 
 
 The donjon was often the residence of the feudal lord, 
 though its gloom and cold usually led to the erection of a 
 separate " hall " within the inclosure for residence in time of 
 
 171 
 
172 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 peace. The donjon of Arques was a triumph of complicated 
 defenses, consisting of enormous walls eight to ten feet thick, 
 with winding passageways and stairs- concealed in them, and 
 
 cunningly devised pit- 
 falls to trap the unwary. 
 Here the last defense 
 was made ; and in case 
 of defeat the position of 
 the keep at one end 
 of the inclosure aided 
 escape through a pos- 
 tern gate directly op- 
 posite the entrance. 
 
 Of more elaborate 
 type than the chateau 
 of Arques was the Cha- 
 teau Gaillard (Saucy 
 Castle), erected on the 
 borders of Normandy 
 by Richard the Lion- 
 Hearted as a defense 
 against Philip Augus- 
 tus of France. 
 
 Hurling engines, 
 movable towers, and 
 battering rams were of 
 little avail against such 
 formidable castles, and until the introduction of gunpowder 
 they were usually taken only by treachery, surprise, starvation, 
 or undermining the walls. As the power of the kings in- 
 creased, especially in France and England, the right of the 
 nobles to erect castles was rigidly restricted ; luxury, too, came 
 in, and gradually the castle lost its character of a fortress and 
 became merely a lordly dwelling place. 
 
 Chateau of Arques. 
 Restoration of Viollet-le-Duc. 
 
LIFE IN THE MEDIJEVAL CASTLE 173 
 
 The training of the feudal noble, like his habitation, was all 
 for war ; but the church gave to it a religious consecration, 
 and Chivalry, or the ideals and usages of knighthood, was 139, (j^iv- 
 the result. In his earlier years the young noble was left ^'^^y 
 
 to the care of his mother ; at about the age of seven he was sent to 
 the castle of his father's lord, or to that of some famous knight, 
 and his training for knighthood began. With other lads he 
 served his lord and mistress as page, waited at table, and 
 attended them when they rode forth to the chase ; from them 
 he learned lessons of honor and bravery, of love and courtesy ; 
 above all he learned how to ride and handle a horse. When 
 he was a well-grown lad of fourteen or fifteen, he became a 
 squire. He now looked after the grooming and shoeing of his 
 lord's horses, and saw that his lord's arms were kept bright and 
 free from rust. In war the squire accompanied the lord, carried 
 his shield and lance, assisted in arming him for the battle, 
 and stayed watchfully at hand to aid him in case of need. 
 
 When he reached the age of twenty or twenty-one, and had 
 proved his courage and military skill, the squire was made a 
 knight. The ceremony was often quite elaborate. First came 
 a bath — the mark of purification. Then the candidate put on 
 garments of red, white, and black — red for the blood he must 
 shed in defense of the church, white to image the purity of his 
 mind, and black as a reminder of death. All night before the 
 altar of the church he watched his arms, with fasting and 
 prayer ; with the morning came confession, the holy mass, and 
 a sermon on the proud duties of a knight. The actual knight- 
 ing usually took place in the courtyard of the castle, in the 
 presence of a numerous company of knights and ladies. The 
 armor and sword were fastened on by friends and relatives ; 
 and the lord gave tlie " accolade " with a blow of his fist up- 
 on the young man's neck, or by touching him with the flat of 
 his sword on the shoulder, saying: "In the name of God, and 
 Saint Michael, and Saint George, I dub thee knight ! Be 
 
174 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 brave and loyal ! " Then followed exhibitions of skill by the 
 new-made knight, feasting, and presents. The details of the 
 ceremony varied in different times and places. It must also be 
 said that, in practice, chivalry was too often only a "picturesque 
 mimicry of high sentiment, of heroism, of love and courtesy, 
 Green Short before which all depth and reality of nobleness . dis- 
 appeared to make room for the coarsest profligacy, the 
 caste spirit, and a brutal indifference to 
 human suffering.'^ 
 The thick walls and narrow windows of the feudal castle 
 made its apartments cold and dark in winter and close in 
 summer, and life 
 
 History of 
 
 the English 
 
 People, narrowest 
 
 ch. iv. § 3 
 
 140. Daily 
 life of the 
 nobles 
 
 was spent as 
 
 much as possible 
 in the open air. War, 
 tournaments, and the 
 chase were the chief 
 outdoor amusements. 
 Falconry — the flying 
 of trained hawks at 
 small game — became 
 a complicated science, 
 with many technical 
 terms, and was prac- 
 ticed with zest by 
 ladies and lords alike ; 
 but the chase, with 
 hounds, of deer, wild 
 
 boars, and bears, was Falconry. 
 
 the more exciting From a German manuscript of the 13th century- 
 sport. Within doors ^^ ^^® Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 
 
 the chief amusements were chess, checkers, backgammon, and 
 similar employments. 
 
 The great hall, whether within the donjon or in a separate 
 
LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL CASTLE 175 
 
 building, was the center of this life. About the great fire- 
 place, master, mistress, children, and dependents gathered to 
 play games, listen to tales of travel and adventure from chance 
 visitors, and carry on household occupations. While the boys 
 were trained to be knights, the girls learned to spin, sew, and 
 embroider, to care for wounds, and to direct a household ; like 
 their brothers, they were often sent away from home for a time, 
 and as maids of honor to some noble lady received the finish- 
 ing touches of their education. 
 
 The furniture of the castles was substantial but scanty. 
 Embroidered tapestries hung amid the weapons on the walls, 
 and skins were placed underfoot for the sake of warmth. 
 Chairs and benches, tables, chests, and wardrobes stood 
 about the hall, and perhaps also the great corded bedstead 
 of the master and mistress, with its canopy, curtains, and 
 feather bed; but often these occupied a separate chamber. 
 The men servants and attendants slept on the floor of the great 
 hall. 
 
 The meals were served in the hall, on easily removable 
 trestle tables, and all except those actively engaged at the 
 time took their places at the board according to rank. ... _ , 
 The viands were brought, in covered dishes, across the of the 
 
 court from the kitchen, which was a separate building. ^° ®° 
 
 Jugs and vessels of curious shapes, often in imitation of 
 animals, were scattered about the table. Before each person 
 was placed a knife and spoon, and a drinking cup, often of 
 wood or horn. Forks were unknown until the end of the 
 thirteenth century, and food was eaten from a common dish 
 with the fingers. Before and after each meal, pages brought 
 basins of water with towels for washing the hands. There 
 were no napkins ; and pieces of bread, or the tablecloth, were 
 used for cleansing the fingers during the meal. Dinner, served 
 at midday, was announced by the blowing of horns ; it was a 
 long and substantial repast, consisting often of as many as ten 
 
176 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 or twelve courses, mostly meats and game. Dressed deer, pigs, 
 and other animals were roasted whole on spits before an open 
 fire. Roast swans, peacocks, and boars' heads are frequently 
 mentioned in medieeval writings ; pasties of venison and other 
 game were common; and on festal occasions live birds were 
 sometimes placed in a pie to be released " when the pie was 
 opened," and hunted down with falcons in the hall at the 
 close of the feast. Wine was drunk in great quantities. Pep- 
 per, cloves, ginger, and other spices were used by the wealthy 
 in both food and drink, even the wines being peppered and 
 honeyed. Coffee, tea, and of course all the native products 
 of America (tobacco, Indian corn, potatoes, etc.) were unknown. 
 Costumes varied with time and place, as also did armor (see 
 § 39). Long pointed shoes, called pignaces, were invented 
 142 Cos- ^y ^ count of Anjou to hide the deformity of his feet, 
 tume of the and within a short time the style spread over Europe. 
 Dress of the Carolingian pattern was used until the 
 end of the eleventh century, when it was displaced by long 
 garments imitated from those worn by the Byzantines ; these 
 were abandoned in the thirteenth century for other fashions. 
 
 The secrets of dyeing were long in the hands of the Jews ; 
 but in the thirteenth century the Italians learned the art, 
 and the dyers then formed one of the most important guilds 
 in Florence and other cities. Many dyestuffs were introduced 
 into the West at the time of the Crusades ; but cochineal, which 
 gives a brilliant red, was not known until the discovery of Mex- 
 ico, and the aniline dyes now largely used date from recent 
 years. It is not too much to say that the most brilliantly 
 tinted garments of the Middle Ages were poor and dull in hue 
 compared with those now within reach of the poorest person. 
 Writers of the Middle Ages said that God had created three 
 143. Life of classes — priests to pray, knights to defend society, and 
 the peasants peasants whose duty it was to till the soil and support 
 by their labor the other classes. The peasants were divided 
 
LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL VILLAGE 177 
 
 into serfs and villeins. (1) The serfs were personally imfree, 
 i.e. they were " bound to the soil," and owed many special obli- 
 gations to their lord ; but, unlike slaves, they possessed plots 
 of land which they tilled, and could not be sold off the estate. 
 (2) The villeins were personally free, and were exempt from 
 the most grievous burdens of the serf; but they too owed 
 their lords many menial services and dues for their land, which 
 took the form of money payments, and gifts of eggs, poultry, 
 and the young of their flocks. The grinding of the peasants' 
 meal, baking of their bread, pressing of their wine, oil, and 
 cider, all had to be done with the lord's mill, oven, and press ; 
 and for the use of these, heavy fees were charged. The ser- 
 vices consisted chiefly in cultivating the "demesne," or that 
 part of the estate which was kept in the lord's own hand, and 
 from which he drew the profits; two or three days' work a 
 week, with extra work at harvest and other times of need, was 
 the usual amount exacted. In course of time the services were 
 precisely fixed or commuted for money payments. 
 
 The peasants dwelt in villages, often at the foot of the hill 
 on which stood the lord's manor house or castle. Near by was 
 the parish church, with an open space in front and a graveyard 
 attached. The peasants' houses usually consisted of but one 
 room, and were flimsy structures of wood, or of wattled sticks 
 plastered with mud, and were thatched with straw. There 
 were few windows, no floors, and no chimneys ; the door was 
 often made in two parts so that the upper portion could be 
 opened to permit the smoke to escape. The cattle were 
 housed under the same roof with the family. The streets 
 were unpaved, and were often impassable with filth. About 
 each house was a small, ill-tended garden. 
 
 The lands from which the villagers drew their living lay 
 about the village in several great unfenced or "open" fields, 
 normally three. Besides these, there were "common" lands 
 to which each villager sent a certain number of cattle or sheep 
 
178 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 for pasturage ; and the lord's woodland and wastCj to whicli they 
 went for fuel, and in which they might turn a limited number 
 of pigs to feed on the mast (acorns and nuts). The rights of 
 hunting and fishing belonged 
 to the lord, and were jealously 
 guarded. 
 
 The time not taken up with 
 
 labors on the lord's demesne was 
 
 used by the peasant in till- 
 
 aeval agri- ing his own small holding, 
 
 culture ^^ ^YiQ open fields about the 
 
 village. A full villein holding 
 ' usually consisted of about thirty 
 acres, scattered in long narrow 
 strips in the different fields, in- 
 termixed with the holdings of 
 other tenants. The origin of 
 this curious arrangement of in- 
 termixed holdings in open fields 
 has never been satisfactorily ex- 
 plained ; but it existed over the 
 greater part of western Europe, ^^^^ ^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^ p.^j^ 
 
 and lasted far down into modern of Burton-Agnes, Yorkshire, Eng- 
 ™, TPj, . ^ . land, in Ta.Y^oi''s Domesday Stiidies. 
 
 times. The different strips were ^.j^^ ^^aded strips, about one tenth 
 separated from one another by of the whole, were the parson's 
 " balks " of unplowed turf. The '^^''' """ ^^^^^^ 
 plows were clumsy wooden affairs, which penetrated little 
 below the surface. They were drawn by teams of from four 
 to eight oxen ; but the cattle of the Middle Ages were smaller 
 than those produced by scientific breeding to-day. 
 
 A rude rotation of crops was practiced to avoid exhausting 
 the soil. All the strips in a given field were planted with 
 a winter grain (wheat) one year, the next year with a spring 
 grain (oats), and the third year were plowed and lay fallow; 
 
 Plan of a Village with 
 Open Fields. 
 
LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL VILLAGE 179 
 
 thus one third of the land was always resting. Under thia 
 primitive system of agriculture the yield was far less than 
 now : in England, at the close of the thirteenth century, wheat 
 yielded as low as six bushels an acre, and nine or ten bushels 
 was probably a full average crop. 
 
 Peasants and Plow. 
 From a 13th century manuscript. 
 
 Bee keeping was more usual than in modern times, not only 
 for the honey, which was used instead of sugar for almost all 
 purposes of sweetening, but also for the wax needed to make 
 the tall candles in the churches and the seals used on official 
 documents. Every great estate, or " manor " as it was called 
 in England, was self-supporting to a surprising extent. Ale 
 was home-brewed ; wool was spun and cloth woven in the 
 household ; and the village tanner, blacksmith, and carpenter 
 performed the services beyond the powers of the household 
 circle. For salt, and the rare articles that the village did not 
 itself produce, the people of the manor resorted to periodical 
 markets and fairs in neighboring towns. 
 
 The labor of the peasant was incessant, his food, clothing, 
 and habitation of the rudest and poorest. He was ignorant 
 and superstitious, and his oppression made him sullen. He 
 was the butt for the wit of the noble classes and the courtly 
 poets, and the name " villain '' (villein) has been handed down 
 by them to us as the synonym for all that is base. 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 11 
 
180 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 The early history of the towns of Italy and Germany has 
 already been traced (§§ 117, 126); those of France — which 
 145. Towns ^^^J ^® taken as typical of the life of the Middle Ages — 
 in France arose in similar manner. There, as elsewhere, the 
 barbarian invasions, together with the rise of feudalism, over- 
 . threw the old Roman municipalities and reduced the popula- 
 tion to serfdom. In the eleventh century movements began 
 which restored personal freedom to the populations of the 
 towns, and gave them more or less of the rights of self-govern- 
 ment; and in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries charters were 
 purchased from the feudal lords, or extorted by successful war. 
 The privileges set forth in these ranged from mere safeguards 
 against oppression at the hands of the lord's officials, who still 
 composed the only municipal government, to grants of adminis- 
 trative and judicial independence with a government chosen by 
 the citizens. 
 
 For example, the charter granted the little town of Lorris, in 
 central France, was of the former class. It provided (1) that 
 no townsman should pay more than a small quitrent for 
 his house and each acre of land, and should pay no toll on 
 grain and wine of his own production, nor on his purchases at 
 the Wednesday market ; (2) that he should not be obliged to 
 go to war for his lord unless he could return the same day; 
 (3) that he should not be forced to go outside the town for the 
 trial of his lawsuits, and that various abuses connected with 
 the courts should be reformed ; (4) that none should be re- 
 quired to work for the lord of the town, except to bring wood 
 to his kitchen, and to take his wine twice a year to Orleans, 
 and then only those who had horses and carts, and after due 
 notice ; (5) that no charge should be made for the use of the 
 oven, nor for watch-rate, nor for the public crier at marriages, 
 and that the dead wood in the forest might be taken by the 
 men of Lorris for their own use ; (6) that whoever wished 
 might sell his property and freely depart, and that any 
 
LITE IN THE MEDLEVAL TOWN 181 
 
 stranger who remained a year and a day without being claimed 
 by his lord, should be free. This charter proved so popular 
 that it was copied, in whole or in part, by eighty-three other 
 towns ; it was profitable alike to the little towns that received 
 it, and to the lords who granted it. 
 
 Towns which secured the right to elect their officers and 
 govern themselves are called "communes"; legally they were 
 " artificial persons," or corporations, and entered into the ^ 
 feudal structure both as vassals and as suzerains. They mune ^ov- 
 were ruled either by a mayor and eclievins (aldermen), or ernmcnvs 
 by a board of " consuls," like the Italian communes, without a 
 mayor. The outward signs of a commune were the possession 
 of a corporate seal ; of a belfry, which served as watch 
 tower, depot of archives, and magazine of arms ; and of stocks 
 and pillory for the punishment of offenders. Its charter was 
 usually the culmination of a long series of disagreements, 
 usurpations, and bloody insurrections ; and frequent payments 
 to lord and overlord were necessary to preserve its hard-won 
 liberties. 
 
 From the twelfth century on, the towns grew in size and 
 importance ; and many enlightened lords (including the king) 
 founded " new towns " to enrich their domains, offering reason- 
 able liberties to attract settlers. These hardy townsmen 
 formed the chief part of the class called the Third Estate, or 
 commons, which gradually took its place in the political affairs 
 of the kingdom alongside the " estates " of the Clergy and the 
 Nobles. In the rise of the Third Estate lay the seeds of a 
 whole series of revolutions, which were destined to shake feudal 
 society from top to bottom, and cause its final destruction. 
 
 Mediaeval towns were usually surrounded by walls defended 
 by battlements and towers, while outside lay the settlements 
 {G?i\\Qdi fmihourgs) of the unprivileged inhabitants. In ^47 Lifein 
 the belfry, watch was kept day and night : its warning *^® towns 
 bell announced the approach of enemies ; sounded the alarm 
 
182 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 of fire, the summons to court and to council, and the hours for 
 beginning and quitting work ; and rang the *' curfew " (couvre 
 feu) at night, which was the signal to extinguish lights and cover 
 fires. The streets were narrow and unpaved, and slops were 
 
 emptied from second- 
 story windows — 
 sometimes even on 
 the head of royalty 
 passing by. Exten- 
 sive gardens belong- 
 ing to convents and 
 hospitals caused the 
 streets to twist and 
 turn, and presented 
 rare glim pses of green 
 amid the wilderness 
 of pointed roofs. 
 
 In the thirteenth 
 century the wealthier 
 citizens began to erect 
 comfortable houses ; 
 but the ground-floor front was usually taken up by an arched 
 window-opening in which the merchant displayed his wares, 
 while in the rear were carried on the manufactures of the shop. 
 The shopkeepers grouped themselves by trades : here was the 
 street of tanners, there that of the goldsmiths, elsewhere the 
 drapers, cement makers, parchment makers, and money 
 changers. Churches, of which great numbers were built in 
 the thirteenth century, rose above the shops and houses, which 
 pressed up to their very walls; in towns which were the 
 seats of bishops, giant cathedrals of Gothic architecture 
 towered above everything else. The business quarters, with 
 their open booths and stalls placed in the streets, resembled 
 bazaars, through which pedestrians could with difficulty 
 
 Belfry of Bruges. 
 Built from 1291 to about 1390 ; 352 feet high. 
 
LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL TOWN 183 
 
 thread their way ; horses and carts were obliged to seek less 
 crowded thoroughfares. At mealtime, business ceased, and 
 booths were closed ; when curfew sounded, the streets became 
 silent and deserted — save for the watch, making their ap- 
 pointed rounds, and the adventurous few whom necessity or 
 pleasure led to brave the dangers of the unlighted streets. 
 
 Even in the twelfth century the chief occupation of the 
 citizens was still agriculture ; but industry and commerce de- 
 veloped rapidly under the protection afforded by town 
 walls and charters, and the growing power of the king. try and 
 
 Industries were carried on entirely by hand labor ; there ^^^ ^ 
 
 were scarcely any machines other than the tools employed by 
 workmen from times immemorial. Each trade was organized 
 into a guild, which laid down rules for carrying it on, and had 
 the power to inspect and to confiscate inferior products. The 
 guildsmen were divided into three classes : apprentices, who 
 served from three to thirteen years, and paid considerable 
 sums for their instruction; workmen ("journeymen"), who 
 had finished their apprenticeship and received wages ; and 
 masters, who had risen in the trade and had become employers. 
 
 Apprentices and workmen were lodged and fed with the 
 master's family above the shop ; and it was easy for a frugal 
 workman to save enough to set up as a master in his turn : 
 under these conditions antagonism between capital and labor 
 did not exist. The guilds had religious and benevolent fea- 
 tures also ; each maintained a common fund, made up of fines 
 assessed against members, which was used for feasting, for 
 masses, for the relief of the sick and burial of dead members. 
 Guilds formed of members pursuing a trade, such as weaving 
 or dyeing, were called craft guilds ; older, richer, and more in- 
 fluential in developing the liberties of the towns, were the 
 merchant guilds, the members of which engaged in commerce. 
 
 After the Germanic invasions, commerce had almost ceased ; 
 there was little demand for foreign wares or costly articles of 
 
Longitude • 
 
 184 
 
30 Gi*eenwifh 
 
 185 
 
186 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 luxury, and tlie roads were too insecure to make the trans 
 portation of goods profitable. Under the early feudal regime, 
 where downright robbery was not practiced, the lords 
 seval com- exacted ruinous tolls at every bridge, market, and high- 
 "^®^°® way. It was only after the Crusades had stimulated 
 
 enterprise and created new tastes that commerce played an 
 important part in mediaeval life. The Italian towns, from 
 their central position in the Mediterranean, were the first to 
 feel this quickening impulse; and Amalfi, Pisa, Genoa, and 
 Venice became important commercial centers. Venice, whose 
 trade was originally confined to salt and fish, the products of 
 its waters, developed a vast commerce in the spices, perfumes, 
 sugar, silks, and other goods which came from the East by way 
 of the Persian Gulf or Red Sea. In the fourteenth century it 
 possessed a merchant marine of three thousand vessels, and 
 each year sent large fleets through the Strait of Gibraltar to 
 Flanders and the English Channel. Land routes led over the 
 Brenner and Julier passes of the Alps to the upper Danube and 
 the Rhine, there joining the Danube route from Constantinople 
 and the Black Sea, and enriching with their trade Augsburg. 
 Eatisbon, Ulm, Nuremberg, and a host of towns on the 
 Rhine. From Genoa a much-traveled route led through 
 France by way of the river Rhone. The great northern mar- 
 ket for all this commerce was Bruges, where products of the 
 south and east were exchanged for the furs, amber, fish, and 
 woolen cloths of the north : merchants from seventeen king- 
 doms had settled homes there, and strangers journeyed thither 
 from all parts of the known world. In the fifteenth century 
 Antwerp wrested from Bruges this preeminence, largely as a 
 result of the untrammeled freedom to trade which it granted. 
 Great fairs, held periodically in certain places, under the 
 150 c license of the king or of some great lord, who profited by 
 
 mercial or- the fees paid him, were a necessity in a time when 
 gamza on ordinary villages were entirely without shops, and mer~ 
 
LIFE IN THE MEDIEVAL TOWN 187 
 
 chants, even in cities and towns, carried only a limited vari- 
 ety and quantity of goods. Examples of such fairs were 
 Smithtield (just outside of London) and Stourbridge in Eng- 
 land ; Beaucaire and Troyes in France ; Frankfort-on-the-Main 
 and Leipzig in Germany. Thither, during the times at which 
 they were held, went merchants and traders from all over 
 Europe ; and thither, too, resorted the people for miles around 
 to lay in their yearly stock of necessaries or to sell the products 
 of their industry. 
 
 In the Middle Ages merchants traded, not as individuals, or 
 as subjects of a state which protected their interests abroad, 
 but as members (1) of the merchant guild of their town, which 
 often secured special rights and exclusive privileges in other 
 towns and countries ; or (2) of some commercial company, like 
 that of the Bardi and later the Medici of Florence; or (3) of 
 some great confederacy of towns like the Hanseatic League 
 of northern Germany. 
 
 The Hanseatic League gradually arose from the union of 
 German merchants abroad and German towns at home, and was 
 completely formed by the thirteenth century; its objects I5i. Han- 
 were common defense, security of traffic by land and seatic 
 , League 
 sea, settlement of disputes between members, and the (1200-1450) 
 
 acquisition and maintenance of trading privileges in foreign 
 countries. The chief articles of commerce were herring and 
 other salt fish, which were consumed in enormous quantities 
 all over Europe, owing to the rules of the church, which forbade 
 the eating of meat on Fridays and for the forty days during 
 Lent ; other articles of trade were timber, pitch, furs, amber, and 
 grain. At its greatest extent, the league included more than 
 ninety cities of the Baltic and North Sea regions, both sea- 
 ports and inland towns. Llibeck on the Baltic was the capital 
 of the league, where its congresses were held and records kept. 
 Hamburg, Bremen, Cologne, Danzig, and Wisby (on the island 
 of Gothland) were important members; and warehouses and 
 
188 AGE OlP THE CUUSADES 
 
 trading stations, with extensive privileges, were maintained at 
 Novgorod in Russia, Bergen in Norway, Bruges in Flanders, 
 and London in England. 
 
 In the fourteenth century the league was drawn into a series 
 of wars with Denmark, and became a great political confedera- 
 tion, with frequent assemblies, a federal tax, and a federal 
 navy and military forces. After 1450 came a period of decay, 
 due to the rise of foreign competition in trade, the revival of 
 Denmark, the consolidation of the power of the German 
 princes, and an unexplained shifting of the herring " schools '' 
 from the Baltic to more distant feeding grounds ; but its final 
 downfall does not come until the Thirty Years' War, in the 
 seventeenth century. It is difficult to overestimate the part 
 played in northern Europe by this civic league in promoting 
 trade, suppressing piracy and robbery, training the people to 
 orderly life and liberty, and spreading comforts and conven- 
 iences in half-barbarous lands. 
 
 Europe of the Middle Ages differed greatly from the 'Europe 
 
 of to-day. In many regions there was nothing but forest, 
 
 152. Gen- swamp, and moor, where now are smiling fields and popu- 
 
 acter of the ^^us cities. The population on the whole was much less 
 
 Middle Ages than now: England, which in 1901 had over 30,000,000 
 
 inhabitants, had in 1086 only about 2,150,000. The great 
 
 growth of population, however, has been chiefly in towns and 
 
 modern manufacturing districts, and not in the open country, 
 
 which in many places was as thickly settled in the Middle 
 
 Ages as in modern times. 
 
 Local overpopulation was one cause of frequent famines, 
 when weeds and the bark of trees were gnawed for food, and 
 depraved beings ate human flesh. There were no great accu- 
 mulations of wealth ; heavy goods could be transported only 
 short distances by land on account of the miserable roads; 
 and when crops failed, the surplus of distant provinces could 
 not be brought to relieve distress. 
 
LIFE IN THE MIDDLE AGES 189 
 
 The standard of comfort on the whole, even after the intro- 
 duction of some luxuries from the East, was surprisingly low. 
 The manner of living, even among the higher classes, was 
 filthy and unsanitary. Floors were covered with rushes, 
 among which bones from the table and other refuse were 
 dropped, to be covered with new layers of rushes ; and so on, 
 until at length the whole decaying mass would be cleaned out. 
 The death rate, especially among young children, was very 
 high. In spite of all the glamour of chivalry and romance, the 
 Middle Ages, on its material side, must have been a dreary 
 time in which to live. 
 
 Intellectually it was a time of ignorance and superstition. 
 
 Comets were regarded as signs of coming disaster; when one 
 
 appeared "refulgent, with a hairy crown," it foretold* the Roger of 
 
 death of a king, while one with " long locks of hair \i.e. a Hovedeyi, 
 
 . . . . Chronicle, 
 
 tail], which as it scintillates it spreads abroad," fore- yearned 
 
 told the ruin of a nation. " The invisible world . . . Lea, Inqui- 
 with its mysterious attraction and horrible fascination ^iddleAges, 
 was ever present and real to every one. Demons were al- L. eo 
 
 ways around him, to smite him with sickness, to ruin his pitiful 
 little cornfield [i.e. wheat field] or vineyard, or to lure his soul 
 to perdition; while angels and saints were similarly ready to 
 help him, to listen to his invocations, and to intercede for him 
 at the throne of mercy, which he dared not address directly." 
 It was an age of startling contrasts, when the sordidness of its 
 daily life might be relieved with splendid exhibitions of lofty 
 enthusiasm or darkened with hideous deeds of brutality. On 
 the one hand it was, as Bishop Stubbs says, " the age of chiv- 
 alry, of ideal heroism, of picturesque castles and glorious 
 churches and pageants, camps, and tournaments, lovely charity 
 and gallant self-sacrifice " ; on the other, it was clouded with 
 dark shadows of " dynastic faction, bloody conquest, grievous 
 misgovernance, local tyrannies, plagues and famines unhelped 
 and unaverted, hollowness of pomp, disease, and desolation." 
 
190 
 
 AGE OF THE CRUSADES 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 Sources 
 
 Pictures 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) 111 the picture of the chateau of Arques, point out the 
 drawbridges, moat, bailey wall, outer ward, inner ward, and 
 donjon. (2) Was the life of a knight more or less desirable than 
 that of a wealthy man of to-day ? (3) Compare the life of the 
 farmer to-day with that of the mediaeval peasant. (4) Compare 
 the workingman to-day with the guild artisan. (5) Why did 
 towns desire a charter? 
 
 (6) The training of a knight. (7) The life of a boy or girl in a 
 mediseval village. (8) The same in a mediaeval town. (9) Medi- 
 aeval system of agriculture. (10) Great fairs of the Middle Ages. 
 (11) The struggles of some town in France, such as Laon, Cam- 
 bray, or Beauvais, to secure self-government. (12) The craft 
 guilds. (13) The merchant guild. (14) Commerce of Venice in 
 the Middle Ages. (15) The Hanseatic League. (16) Mediseval 
 hunting. 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, ch. xii. ; Emerton, 
 Medimval Europe, ch. xv. ; B^mont and Monod, Medieval Europe, 
 375-390, 483-485 ; Henderson, Short History of Germany, I. ch. v, ; 
 Duruy, Middle Ages, ch. xxiii. ; Henderson, Germany in the Middle 
 Ages, 415-426 ; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the 3Iiddle Age, 
 chs. xvi, xxii. ; Lodge, Close of the Middle Ages, ch. xviii. ; Stills, 
 Studies in Medieval History, chs. xiv. xv. ; Cutts, Scenes and Char- 
 acters of the Middle Ages, chs. iv. vi. viii. ; Lacroix, Manners, 
 Customs, and Dress during the Middle Ages, 56-104, 248-300, — 
 Military and Beligious Life, 136-172 ; Gautier, Chivalry, chs. 
 vi.-viii. xii.-xvi. ; Cornish, Chivalry, chs. ii.-v. ix. x. xii.-xiv. ; 
 Rowbotham, Troubadours and Courts of Love, chs. i. vii. x. xi. xv. 
 xvi. ; Gibbins, History of Commerce, bk. ii. ; Andrews, Old English 
 Manor, chs. v. vi. ; Jessopp, Coming of the Friars, ch. ii. 
 
 Robinson, Readings, L chs. xviii. xix. ; Thatcher and McNeal, 
 Source Book, nos. 289-293, 320-325 ; Jones, Civilization in the 
 Middle Ages, Nos. 8, 9 ; University of Penn.sylvania, Translations 
 and Reprints, II. No. 1 ; Guizot, History of Civilization (Bohn), 
 III. 312-315, 317-322, 392-474 ; Aucassin and Nicolete (Mosher's 
 ed.) ; Mallory, Morte d'* Arthur. 
 
 Parmentier, Album Historique, I. II. ; Stacke, Deutsche Geschichte 
 (2 vols.) ; Lacroix, Ai'ts in the Middle Ages, — Manners, Customs, 
 and Dress during the MiddAe Ages, — Military and Religioiis Life 
 in the Middle Ages, — Science and Literature in the Middle Ages. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 
 
 With the fall of the mediaeval empire, interest shifts to the 
 national states, of which England was one of the first to arise. 
 Britain, like all the West, formed part of the Roman , 
 
 Empire, and was overrun by Germanic tribes (Angles, Heptarchy 
 Saxons, and Jutes) after the year 449 : in the course " 
 
 of two centuries they completely conquered the eastern and 
 southern parts of the island, to which was given the name 
 England (Angle-land). The Celtic Britons were killed, en- 
 slaved, or driven into the mountains, and the institutions 
 of the German invaders were reproduced with sca^rcely any 
 mixture of British or Roman elements. Even the Christian 
 religion disappeared, along with the Latin tongue and the 
 Roman-British civilization. 
 
 Near the close of the sixth century, Christianity was re- 
 introduced — in the south by missionaries sent direct from 
 Rome (597), and in the north by Celtic (Irish) missionaries 
 from the island of lona (off the western coast of Scotland). 
 At the synod of Whitby (664), Roman Christianity, with its 
 recognition of the papal headship, triumphed over the loosely 
 organized and semi-independent Celtic Church; and the eccle- 
 siastic unity thus established helped to pave the way for the 
 union of all England under one king. 
 
 In the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries there were at 
 least seven different kingdoms of the English; namely, 
 those of the West Saxons, South Saxons, East Saxons, East 
 Anglians (North Folk and South Folk), Mercians (or Middle 
 
 191 
 
ENGLAND ^ 
 
 in 878 
 After the Treaty of Wedmore 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 193 
 
 Angles), Northumbrians, and the men of Kent: the names 
 of most of these peoples are still preserved in the county- 
 names of the regions where they ruled (Sussex, Essex, Nor- 
 folk, etc.). In the seventh century the kings of Northumbria 
 acquired a vague supremacy over the other kingdoms. In the 
 eighth this passed to the kings of Mercia. At the beginning 
 of the ninth century it was won by Egbert, king of Wessex 
 (802-839), from whom in one line the present sovereign of 
 England traces descent. 
 
 In the year 787 " Danes," or Northmen, began to harry Eng- 
 land. As on the Continent, they first came merely to plunder ; 
 but soon after 850 they began to form settlements, jg^ inva- 
 The reign of Alfred the Great (871-901) is the most sions of the 
 remarkable in this period of England's history. He 
 came to the throne at a time when the Danes were overrun- 
 ning all Wessex. "Nine general battles," says a chroni- Anglo- 
 cler, " were fought this year (871) south of the Thames." chronicle 
 After seven years of struggle Alfred defeated the Danes year 87i 
 and forced them to accept the treaty of Wedmore, by which 
 they were baptized as Christians, and received the land north 
 of the Thames ; the name " Danelaw " was given to this region 
 because there the Danish, and not the Saxon, law was in 
 force. 
 
 Alfred then reorganized his kingdom, remodeled the army, 
 and erected strong earth-walled fortresses. He was fond of 
 learning, and took steps to provide for the education of his 
 people. He himself translated a number of works from the 
 Latin into the Anglo-Saxon tongue, and gave orders for the 
 compilation of the great Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 
 
 In the latter part of Alfred's reign the war with the Danes 
 began anew. Under his son and his three grandsons, who 
 ruled one after another, the Danelaw was reconquered and 
 again joined with the rest of England ; but a large admixture 
 of Danish blood continued in the north of England, leaving 
 
194 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 its marks in the place names and in the rude freedom of its 
 inhabitants. 
 
 The most prosperous reign of the Anglo-Saxon period was 
 
 that of Edgar (959-975), who was ably assisted in the govern- 
 
 An lo- ^^^* ^^ Dunstan, archbishop of Canterbury, the first 
 
 Saxon of a long line of ecclesiastical statesmen. Over the 
 
 government a gj^ipeg^'J or counties, power was exercised by "ealdor- 
 
 men," who corresponded to the counts of the Carolingian 
 
 empire. There was the same tendency as on the Continent 
 
 King and Wit an. 
 From the Cotton MS. 
 
 for the local rulers to acquire independent authority and force 
 the free peasant into serfdom ; but the popular assemblies in 
 the shires and " hundreds'' (as the division next smaller 
 than the shire was called) kept alive the practice of self- 
 government, and acted as a check on the power of the 
 "thegns,'' or lords. Over all was the "Witan," or council 
 of wise men; these chose the king from the royal family, 
 and assisted him in the work of legislation and administration. 
 The modes of trial in Anglo-Saxon England seem strange to 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 195 
 
 US, but were common to all Germanic peoples. Compurgation 
 was a usual form ; in this, the person accused swore to his 
 innocence and produced a number of compurgators ("oath 
 helpers "), who swore that they believed his oath to be " clean 
 and without guile." In serious cases the ordeal was used; 
 this was an appeal to the judgment of God. In the ordeal by 
 hot iron the accused had to carry a piece of red-hot iron for a 
 certain distance in his bare hand; in the ordeal by hot water 
 he had to thrust his hand into a kettle of boiling water. In 
 either case the hand was then bandaged and sealed up for 
 three days; if the wound healed properly, the person was 
 declared innocent. In the cold water ordeal the accused was 
 thrown into a stream of water, with hands and feet tied to 
 geth^ ; if he floated, he was guilty ; but if he sank he was 
 innocent and was to be rescued. 
 
 Edgar's son Ethelred — called the "Redeless," or "Unready" 
 (which means "lacking counsel") — ruled from 979 to 1016. 
 He was rash, short-sighted, and weak, and in his reign i^q Danish 
 there was great disorder and suffering. The invasions conquest 
 of the Danes were renewed, and Ethelred bought them decay 
 
 off with money payments. At home the Northmen now (977-1042) 
 formed the three kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and Den- 
 mark ; thenceforth the invaders came as armies for the purpose 
 of conquest. The Danish residents in England sympathized 
 with their brethren ; the great ealdormen, too, fell to treachery 
 and quarreling among themselves. The result was that Sweyn 
 (Swegen, or Svend), king of Denmark, conquered the whole of 
 England, and Ethelred was obliged, in 1013, to take refuge 
 with his brother-in-law, the duke of Normandy. The next 
 year Sweyn died suddenly, and Ethelred was restored, only 
 to die in 1016. 
 
 After a brief struggle, Canute (1016-1035), the son of Sweyn, 
 was accepted as king by all the English people. Already he 
 was king of Denmark, and in 1028 he made himself king of 
 
196 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Norway. In England he ruled as an English king. The great 
 ealdormen, who from this time are known as "earls," were 
 kept in order with a strong hand, and peace and prosperity 
 were enjoyed by English and Danes alike. While on a pil- 
 grimage to Rome, Canute wrote to his English subjects : " 1 
 Florence of have vowed to God to lead a right life in all things, to 
 ^hronfT^ rule justly and piously my realms and my subjects, and 
 year 1031 to administer just judgment to all. If heretofore I have 
 done aught beyond what is just, through headiness or negli- 
 gence of youth, I am ready with God's help to amend it 
 utterly." 
 
 Canute's sons, Harold and Hardicanute, ruled after him 
 for seven years. Upon the extinction of the Danish line, the 
 
 157. Ed- Witan chose as king the son of Ethelred, who was called 
 
 ward the Edward "the Confessor" (1042-1066), on account of his 
 
 Confessor ^ ^' 
 
 (1042-1066) piety. He proved but a feeble ruler. He had been 
 
 reared at the Norman court, where ways of life were less rude 
 than in England ; and the favor which he showed to Normans 
 and Frenchmen angered his English subjects. The chief 
 events of his reign centered in the quarrels of the great earls, 
 who openly rebelled. Godwin, earl of Wessex, was the most 
 powerful of these ; after his death his office passed to his son 
 Harold, who proved himself the most capable man of the 
 kingdom. When Edward died without children, in 1066, 
 Harold was chosen king by tlie Witan; but William, the 
 duke of Normandy, put forth a claim to the throne and pre- 
 pared an invading army. 
 
 William the Conqueror, as he is known in history, was the 
 sixth duke of Normandy in descent from Rolf. He was only 
 
 158. The seven years of age when his father died on a pilgrimage 
 Norman ^^ Palestine, and the minority of the young duke was 
 (1066) one long struggle against his Norman barons. With 
 
 the aid of the French king, William crushed his enemies 
 (1047), and then built up a military power which made Nor- 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 
 
 197 
 
 maiidy one of the strongest governments of Europe. Already- 
 Norman adventurers were winning by their swords a kingdom 
 in Sicily and southern Italy (§ 52) ; and when Duke William 
 looked abroad for a similar field of conquest, he found it in 
 England. 
 
 He secured a promise from Edward the Confessor (his 
 father's cousin) that he should succeed to the throne of 
 England ; and circumstances enabled him to obtain from Earl 
 
 Death of Hakold. 
 From the Bayeux Tapestry. Harold is the second figure from the left. 
 
 Harold an oath not to dispute his claim. When Harold was 
 chosen king, William protested; and bearing a banner conse- 
 crated by the Pope, he landed on the south coast of England in 
 September, 1066. Harold had been called to the north to repel 
 an invasion by the king of Norway, and returned too late to 
 prevent the landing. The earls of the northern counties treach- 
 erously refused him aid, and Harold was forced to meet the 
 Normans with only his own troops. The battle took place on 
 the ridge later called Senlac, near the town of Hastings. 
 
 The strength of the English consisted in their mailed foot- 
 men armed with the battle-ax, while that of the Normans lay 
 in their archers and mounted men-at-arms; two different 
 
198 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 modes of warfare were thus contending, as well as two peoples 
 and two civilizations. For a long time the issue was in doubt. 
 To draw the English from their strong position, William or- 
 dered a portion of his troops to pretend to flee ; this ruse was 
 partly successful, but still the " shield wall " of Harold's guard 
 held firm. At last an arrow struck Harold in the eye, piercing 
 to the brain, and after this disaster the English were forced 
 from the field (October, 1066). 
 
 This battle decided the possession of the English crown, and 
 gave England a line of rulers which has lasted to this day. 
 159. Nor- William was formally chosen king, and within a few 
 manorgani- jj^onths was in tranquil possession of the whole kingdom. 
 (1066-1087) There were revolts of the native English and also of Nor- 
 man barons (feudal lords), who rebelled against the iron rule 
 of the Conqueror ; but these were put down with terrible cru- 
 elty. In the main, the customs and laws of the English were 
 respected, but the property of those who fought against Wil- 
 liam at Hastings was treated as forfeited, and either granted 
 to new holders or confirmed to the old ones on the payment of 
 a heavy fine. 
 
 In either event the tenure established was a feudal one, con- 
 ditioned on the performance of military service, with all the 
 " feudal incidents " of relief, aids, wardship, and marriage 
 rights. Feudalism as a system (§§ 31-41) was thus intro- 
 duced fullgrown into England ; but William took pains to see 
 that in England it should not become the menace to the crown 
 that it was in France. An oath of allegiance to the king, 
 taking precedence of all ties to feudal lords, was demanded 
 from all freemen (1086), and the old Anglo-Saxon national 
 militia, as well as the old popular assemblies, were continued 
 as a check on the power of the lords or barons. It also 
 happened that the lands granted his Norman followers, how- 
 ever extensive they might be, were widely scattered, and 
 not in compact blocks, as they were in France. Thus it was 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 199 
 
 made more difficult than in France for a vassal to gather men 
 to make war upon his king. 
 
 In order that he might know the resources of the realm, 
 William caused an inquest of the lands, their holders, and their 
 value to be made throughout England, the results being set down 
 in what is known as Domesday Book. " So very narrowly did 
 he cause the survey to be made," says the Anglo-Saxon Anglo- 
 
 Chronicle, " that there was not a single hide nor a rood of ^, Saxon 
 land, nor — it is shameful to relate that which he thought year loss 
 
 no shame to do — was there an ox, or a cow, or a pig 
 by." The value to the historian of this minute record, which 
 is still in existence, may easily be imagined. William was a 
 stern and a just king, but he was little loved. 
 
 When William died, in the year 1087, primogeniture, or the 
 right of the eldest son to succeed the father, was not an estab- 
 lished custom. Robert, his oldest son, secured Normandy, 160. Nor- 
 but England passed to William Rufus, the second son. ^^^ ^^^sk>n 
 This William II. proved a harsh, wicked man, and was (1087-1154) 
 hated by all. After thirteen years of rule his body was found 
 in the New Forest (near Southampton), with an arrow piercing 
 the heart ; whether he was slain by accident or by design no 
 man can tell. 
 
 William II. left no children, and Henry I. (1100-1135), the 
 third son of the Conqueror, secured the throne. This was for- 
 tunate for England, as he was a strong ruler who knew how to 
 keep the turbulent barons in check. To conciliate his subjects, 
 he issued at his coronation a charter of liberties, which became 
 the model for the Great Charter of King John (§ 167). The 
 troubles stirred up by his brother, Robert of Normandy, ended 
 with Robert's defeat and capture (1106). Normandy was then 
 annexed once more to the English crown, with which it re- 
 mained united for nearly a hundred years. The title " Lion 
 of Justice," given to Henry, marks his activity in the j^,.s, Chron- 
 punishment of crime. " He made peace," says the chroni- ^^^^* ^^^^ 
 
200 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 cler, "for men and deer; whoso bare his burden of gold and 
 silver, no man durst say to him aught but good." 
 
 The just government established by Henry I. died with him. 
 His nephew, Stephen of Blois (son of the crusader, § 97), who 
 secured the government after him, lacked firmness and good 
 judgment, and the difficulties of his position were increased 
 by the repeated efforts of Henry's daughter, Matilda, to win 
 the crown. Civil war and anarchy followed, and lawless 
 Anglo- castles filled the land. The nobles "greatly oppressed 
 
 fv^^^^- ^^® wretched people by making them work at their 
 
 year 1137 castles, and when the castles were finished they filled 
 them with devils and evil men. Then they took those whom 
 they suspected to have any goods, by night and by day, seizing 
 both men and women, and they put them in prison for their 
 gold and silver, and tortured them with pains unspeakable, 
 for never were any martyrs tormented as these were. . . . 
 This state of affairs lasted the nineteen years that Stephen 
 was king, and ever grew worse and worse. . . . Then was corn 
 [i.e. wheat] dear, and flesh, and cheese and butter, for there 
 was none in the land; — wretched men starved with hunger; 
 some lived on alms who had been erewhile rich ; some fled 
 the country. Never was there more misery, and never acted 
 heathens worse than these." 
 
 The struggle for the crown ended with a treaty by which 
 
 Stephen recognized Matilda's son, Henry of Anjou, as his suc- 
 
 161 Reien ^^^^^^- "^^^ ^^^^ Y^^^ Stephen died, and Henry II., the 
 
 of Henry II. first of the Angevin or Plantagenet kings, came to the 
 
 ^ ~ ' throne. The early kings of this house were Henry II. 
 
 (1154-1189), Richard I. (1189-1199), John (1199-1216), Henry 
 
 III. (1216-1272), Edward I. (1272-1307), Edward II. (1307- 
 
 1327), and Edward III. (1327-1377). 
 
 In right of his father, Henry II. was count of Anjou (in 
 France) ; in right of his mother, he received Normandy and 
 England ; by marriage with Eleanor, heiress of Aquitaine, he 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 
 
 201 
 
 Miter, Chasuble, and Stole of 
 Thomas a Becket. 
 
 Preserved in the Cathedral of Sens, France. 
 
 added that broad land to 
 his dominions (map, p. 228). 
 He was a strong king, 
 tireless in the transaction 
 of business, with a genius 
 for organization. The 
 abuses of Stephen's reign 
 were speedily remedied, 
 and peace and good order 
 restored. His attempt to 
 bring the clergy under the 
 jurisdiction of royal courts 
 brought him into conflict 
 with the archbishop of 
 Canterbury, Thomas a Becket; and hasty words let fall by the 
 
 king led four of his ser- 
 vants to murder the arch- 
 bishop. By the people 
 Becket was venerated as 
 a martyr; and to secure 
 absolution from the Pope, 
 Henry was obliged to 
 forego some rights of juris- 
 diction which he claimed 
 over " criminous clerks." 
 
 England's conquest of 
 Ireland began in this 
 reign. In metal i62. Hen- 
 work, in sculpture, ry'swars 
 and in the illumination of 
 manuscripts the Irish had 
 attained a degree of cul- 
 ture then unsurpassed ; 
 but in political develop- 
 
 mi 
 
 ^^ 
 
 Cross at AloNAMi^.KiiHi^ fc>, Ireland. 
 
 Erected in 9th or 10th century. Part of the 
 
 carving represents scriptural scenes. 
 
 HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 12 
 
202 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 ment they lagged behind. Ireland was still in the tribal stage, 
 and tribe warred with tribe, chief with chief. In such circum- 
 stances it Avas inevitable tliat the Norman barons of England 
 should intervene. The complete subjugation of the island was 
 not effected until long afterward; but from this reign the 
 fortunes of Ireland were linked with those of its eastern 
 neighbor. 
 
 Henry II.'s possessions in France led him into almost con- 
 stant warfare with the French king. In 1173 the kings of 
 France and Scotland assisted the baronS and the king's oldest 
 son (Henry) to rebel; but the rebellion was put down, and 
 the king of the Scots taken prisoner. News of the fall of 
 Jerusalem, in 1187, led Henry II. to take the cross; but 
 preparations for the crusade were interrupted by a new war 
 with the French king, Philip Augustus, who aided the rebel- 
 lion of Henry's son, E-ichard — now through the death of his 
 elder brother the heir to the throne. The English king was 
 defeated and forced to make peace ; and at the head of the 
 list of those allied against him, he read the name of his young- 
 est son, John, whom he had supposed faithful. Already sick 
 and worn out, Henry II. died three days later. He was a hard, 
 stern man, with the fierce Angevin temper, and was little 
 loved ; but the value of his work can not be overestimated. 
 
 The most important feature of Henry II.'s reign was his 
 judicial, military, and financial reforms. The Exchequer, or 
 163. Hen- financial department of the government, was definitely 
 ry's reforms organized. The old English militia w^as revived by a 
 law called the Assize of Arms, and every man was obliged 
 to provide himself with arms according to his means. The 
 practice was introduced of excusing feudal tenants from 
 military service on payment of a sum called *' scutage " : the 
 money thus obtained was used to hire mercenary troops, who 
 were better and more reliable soldiers ; at the same time the 
 new plan reduced the military strength of the feudal nobles. 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 203 
 
 The judicial reforms of Henry II. consisted chiefly in the 
 establishment of itinerant justices and the introduction of trial 
 and presentment juries. The justices itinerant went on 
 circuit, bringing the king's justice into different parts of 
 England; the settlement of many important cases was thus 
 made easier, speedier, and more certain. A form of jury trial 
 was introduced in civil causes to take the place of trial by 
 compurgation and trial by battle. The latter was brought into 
 England about the time of the ISTorman conquest; in it the 
 plaintiff and defendant fought with arms before the judges, 
 and God was supposed to make manifest the just cause by 
 enabling its champion to triumph. 
 
 In trial by jury the decision was given in the name of the 
 community by those who had the best knowledge of the facts, 
 and the result no longer rested upon superstition, acci- 164. xriai 
 dent, or superior force. Centuries passed, however, ^yj^ry 
 
 before jury trial reached the developed form of to-day. Trial 
 by ordeal was used a little longer in criminal cases, but after 
 1219 trial by jury was introduced here also. Henry II. also 
 made an important improvement in the means provided for the 
 accusation of criminals. It often happened that a man was 
 too powerful for an individual to dare accuse him ; to remedy 
 this, the jury of presentment, which later became the grand 
 jury, was introduced to bring an accusation against suspected 
 persons in the name of the community as a whole. 
 
 The trial and presentment juries greatly improved the 
 administration of justice; but more important than this was 
 their indirect influence. By participating in the administra- 
 tion of justice. Englishmen were trained in a knowledge of the 
 law and in the exercise of the rights of self-government. 
 Jurors acted not merely in judicial, but in administrative, mat- 
 ters, as representatives of their communities ; and when once 
 the principle of representation was fixed in local government, 
 it became easy to introduce it into central affairs. Thus the 
 
204 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 juries introduced by Henry II. became, under his successors, 
 the taproot of parliamentary representation. 
 
 Richard I., Coeur de Lion (the Lion-Hearted), was a good 
 warrior, but a poor ruler. Most of his reign was devoted to 
 
 ,/»r T>. -u the Third Crusade and to the defense of his Continental 
 
 165. Rich- 
 ard I. possessions ; for these purposes, and for his ransom 
 
 ^ ' when taken captive while returning from the Holy Land 
 
 (§ 105), England was oppressively taxed. Only seven months 
 
 of the ten years of his reign were passed in England ; but the 
 
 administrative officers trained by Henry II. kept the country 
 
 orderly and peaceful. Richard died of an arrow wound while 
 
 on a characteristic mission, warring to secure a treasure found 
 
 by one of his vassals in Aquitaine. 
 
 The Great Council of England chose Richard's brother John 
 
 king after him, in preference to Arthur, the son of an elder 
 
 166. John brother Geoffrey. John had been an un dutiful son and 
 (1199-1216) "brother; he now proved the worst king that England 
 
 ever had. His misconduct in Aquitaine led his barons there 
 to appeal to King Philip against him, and when he refused to 
 appear, his French iiefs were declared forfeited. Soon after, 
 John secured possession of his young nephew, Arthur, and 
 basely put him to death. This made it easier for Philip to 
 enforce the sentence of forfeiture ; and by the close of 1206 all 
 the English possessions in France were lost, except Aquitaine. 
 John was next involved in a quarrel with Pope Innocent III., 
 and for nearly five years England lay under an interdict, all ordi- 
 nary church services being prohibited. To prevent his deposi- 
 tion, John at last made his peace with the Pope, agreeing to hold 
 his kingdom as a papal fief and pay an annual tribute. He 
 then hastened to France with such forces as he could raise to 
 regain his lost possessions ; but at Bouvines, in 1214, his ally. 
 Otto IV. of Germany, was overwhelmingly defeated (§ 130), and 
 John returned discredited to England. The loss of these Con- 
 tinental possessions was on the whole fortunate for England ; it 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 
 
 205 
 
 practically completed the process, which had long been going on, 
 whereby the barons ceased to be Normans and became English. 
 All classes were aroused by John's misgovernment ; and 
 during his absence a meeting was held at which it was agreed 
 to take up arms unless he granted a charter of liberties, 
 similar to that of Henry I. John sought to evade the • Great Char- 
 demand ; but the whole nation — nobles, clergy, and ®^ ^ ' 
 townsmen — united in it; and finally, in June, 1215, "in the 
 meadow called Runny mede," on the river Thames, John put 
 
 Portion of Magna Charta. 
 
 his signature to the Great Charter {Magna Charta). The 
 demands of the barons were no selfish exaction of privileges 
 for themselves; they secured the rights of all. Many of the 
 provisions of the charter were of a temporary nature, remedy- 
 ing immediate grievances, but others were permanent in their 
 importance. Among the latter are the following : — 
 
 " No free man shall be taken or imprisoned or dispossessed, 
 or outlawed, or banished, or in any way destroyed, nor 
 will we go upon him, nor send upon him, except by the Charta, 
 legal judgment of his peers or by the law of the land. ^^^^' ^^ 
 
 " To no one will we sell, to no one will we deny, or delay, 
 right or justice." 
 
 When he signed the Great Charter, John had no intention of 
 abiding by it^ and within three months he was again at open 
 
206 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 war with his barons. The latter planned to accept the son of 
 the French king as sovereign; but in 1216 John died, leaving 
 a son, Henry III., nine years of age. The Great Charter now 
 received the first of many confirmations, and peace was rapidly 
 restored. 
 
 During the first sixteen years of Henry III.'s reign, officers 
 trained in the methods of Henry II. directed affairs, and good 
 order and prosperity followed. For twenty-six years the 
 III. (1216- king was then under the influence of personal favorites, 
 ^ — greedy foreigners for the most part, — or carried on 
 
 the government without ministers. In either case, misrule 
 was the result; heavy taxes were laid to enrich his favorites 
 and carry on useless wars in France, and clergy and people 
 groaned under the exactions of papal legates. In 1258 the 
 barons rose in rebellion under Earl Simon de Montfort, and 
 brought this state of affairs to an end. The government was 
 then under their control for seven years, until in 1265 the 
 king's eldest son Edward escaped from the captivity in which 
 he was held and raised an army. At Evesham he met and 
 defeated the forces of Earl Simon, the latter being among the 
 slain. Although himself of foreign birth, Montfort was a con- 
 sistent advocate of English liberty, and did much to favor the 
 growth of Parliament. After 1265 Henry III. was freed from 
 the control of the barons, but only to pass under that of his 
 strong and able son, Edward, till the king's death in 1272. 
 
 Edward I. is the first king since the Norman conquest of 
 
 whom it can be said that he was " every inch an Englishman." 
 
 169 Ed- "^^ ^^^ ^^^ father's personal virtues without his vices as 
 
 ward I. a ruler ; he was the greatest of the Plantagenet kings. 
 
 He sought to unite under one rule the whole of the British 
 
 Isles, and to accomplish this he waged war against the Welsh, 
 
 until in 1284 that country was annexed to England; soon 
 
 after arose the usage by which the title " Prince of Wales " 
 
 is usually borne by the heir to the English throne. Edward 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 207 
 
 also intervened in Scotland and secured the recognition of 
 his overlordship ; disputes, however, followed, and Edward was 
 several times forced to lead an army thither; and after his 
 death Scotland regained its independence (formally admitted 
 in 1328). The chief result of Edward's aggressions was to 
 throw the Scots into alliance with France, and postpone until 
 the eighteenth century the constitutional union of the two 
 British kingdoms. 
 
 More important than Edward's military exploits were his 
 constitutional measures. Parliament assumed under him the 
 form which it was to bear into modern times. The roots i>jq Rise of 
 of this institution lay deep in the past: the idea of Parliament 
 representation in local affairs was older than the Norman con- 
 quest ; and under the Normans, especially in the juries of 
 Henry II., it received a wide extension. The first introduc- 
 tion of representatives into the Great Council (the feudalized 
 successor to the Anglo-Saxon Witan, § 155) was in 1213, when 
 " four discreet men " of each county were ordered to be chosen 
 to meet with the barons. In 1265 Simon de Montfort added 
 borough or town representatives. In 1295 Edward summoned 
 the Model Parliament, which contained the barons, together 
 with representatives of counties and towns on a larger scale 
 than before. After this time, elected representatives of the 
 people were regularly summoned, along with the nobles and 
 higher clergy, and the Great Council becomes the English 
 Parliament. In the next century the representatives of towns 
 and counties united to form the House of Commons, while the 
 barons, including the bishops and abbots, formed the House of 
 Lords. Parliament was thus divided into two houses, and its 
 external structure was complete; but the development of its 
 powers was only beginning. 
 
 Edward I. was also active in reforming and systematizing 
 the English laws. The thirteenth century was above all things 
 the age of the lawyer and legislator, and in this field Edward's 
 
208 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 work may well challenge comparison with that of Frederick II. 
 of Sicily, and Louis IX. and Philip IV. of France. 
 
 Edward II. proved an unworthy son of his great father ; he 
 was frivolous and unprincipled, and utterly incapable of carry- 
 ing on the work begun by Edward I. He angered the great 
 barons by the favor which he showed to unfit companions ; 
 and after many disturbances he was forced to abdicate (1327), 
 and was then murdered in prison. 
 
 Edward III., son of Edward II., showed the energy and 
 
 capacity of his grandfather. The beginning of the Hundred 
 
 Years' War with France (ch. xiv.) is the most important 
 
 ward III. event of his reign ; but constitutional progress was not 
 
 (1327-1377) ar^.gste(i^ Since the days of Henry III., the English had 
 
 resented the exactions of the papacy, and the fact that the 
 
 Popes now resided at 
 Avignon (§ 187), on what 
 was practically French 
 soil, increased the ill feel- 
 ing. Two great statutes 
 were enacted against the 
 papacy in this reign — ■ 
 the one forbidding papal 
 appointments to ecclesi- 
 astical positions in Eng- 
 land(Statute of Provisors), 
 and the other preventing 
 appeals to the pa]3al court 
 (Statute of Praemunire). 
 
 About this time John 
 Wyclif, an Oxford pro- 
 fessor, successfully at- 
 tacked the Pope's claim 
 to English tribute based on John's submission, condemned the 
 temporal lordship exercised b^ the churchy and assailed the 
 
 Wyclif's Pulpit in Lutterworth 
 Church. 
 
ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES (449-1377) 209 
 
 doctrine of transubstantiation ; with the assistance of others, 
 he also translated the Bible into English, and formed a body 
 of "poor priests" to preach among the people. In 1382 he 
 was condemned for heresy ; but cirumstances did not permit of 
 further steps being taken against him, and he died peacefully 
 two years later. The importance of AVyclifs teaching outlived 
 his own time and the circumstances which called it forth ; he 
 was the greatest of the " reformers before the Keformation," 
 and the movement which he started, both in England and in 
 Bohemia (whither it was transplanted), lasted in some sort 
 down to the days of Luther. 
 
 The conquest of Britain by the Angles and Saxons (449-600) 
 established there a Teutonic people who have retained their 
 Teutonic language and institutions to the present time. 172. sum- 
 The Danish invasions made more marked their Teu- mary 
 
 tonic character; and the Norman conquest (1066), while 
 profoundly affecting English institutions by feudalizing and 
 centralizing them, left almost untouched the Anglo-Saxon 
 system of local self-government, and did not seriously change 
 the nature of the people. Under the Angevin kings (1154- 
 1399), Ireland and Wales were acquired and Normandy lost; 
 in the same period a series of legal, financial, and judicial re- 
 forms improved the administration and strengthened the 
 crown, while the rights of the nation were secured in the 
 Great Charter, wrested from King John (1215). A repre- 
 sentative Parliament arose (1213-1295) and became a regular 
 part of the government; and the growth of national conscious- 
 ness gave rise to a movement to restrict papal taxation, ap- 
 pointment, and jurisdiction in England. Long before the reign 
 of Edward III. began, the Normans and English in England 
 had become one people, and when the Hundred Years' War 
 with France came, they were ready to support their king with 
 the enthusiasm of a national spirit. 
 
210 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 Geography 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 Sources 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) What other lands suffered from the attacks of the Northmen 
 or Danes at the same time with England ? (2) Was the Norman 
 conquest a good or a bad thing for England ? (3) To what was due 
 the anarchy under Stephen ? (4) Show on an outline map the lands 
 ruled by Henry II. ; show also those lost by John. (6) What ad- 
 vantages had trial by jury over the older forms of trial ? (6) What 
 issues were involved in the battle of Bouvines? (7) Did Magna 
 Charta grant new rights to Englishmen ? (8) How did local self- 
 government prepare the way for Parliament ? 
 
 (9) Character and work of Alfred. (10) William the Con- 
 queror. (11) Reforms of Henry II. (12) Events leading up 
 to Magna Charta. (13) Simon de Montfort. (14) Edward I. 
 (15) Life and teachings of John Wyclif. (16) The rise of Par- 
 liament. 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 Maps, pp. 192, 228; Gardiner, School Atlas, maps 3-14; Poole, 
 Historical Atlas, maps xvi.-xviii. ; Dow, Atlas, x. 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, 339-350 ; B^mont 
 and Monod, Medieval Europe, ch. xxvii. ; Thatcher and Schwill. 
 Europe in the Middle Age, chs. ix. xviii. ; Duruy, Middle Ages, 
 40-42, 159-164, 180-186, 341-357, 385-391 ; Stills, Studies in 
 Medieval History, 189-235 ; Gardiner, Students'' History of Eng- 
 land, 26-230 ; Terry, History of England, 18-349 ; Eansome, Ad- 
 vanced History of England, 19-242 ; Green, History of the English 
 People, L bks. i.-iii., bk. iv. chs. i.-ii. ; Historians'' History of the 
 World, XVIII. 30-445 ; Freeman, William the Conqueror ; Hughes, 
 Alfred the Great. 
 
 Robinson, Readings, 1. ch. xi. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source 
 Book, nos. 234-239 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
 bk. i. ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and Reprints, 
 I. No. 6, II. No. 1, III. No. 5 ; Hutton, Simon de Montfort and his 
 Cause ; Kendall, Source Book of English History ; Colby, Selec- 
 tions from the Sources of English History ; Adams and Stephens, 
 Select Documents of English Constitutional History, 1-99. 
 
 Shakespeare, King John; Scott, Ivanhoe ; G. A. Henty, The 
 Dragon and the Raven, — WuJf the Saxon ; J. G. Edgar, Run- 
 nymede and Lincoln Fair, — How T Won my Spurs; Martin 
 Tupper, Stephen Langton ; Mrs. A. Payne, Glastonbury ; W. H. 
 Herbert, The Wager of Battle ; Julia Corner, The King and the 
 Troubadour. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 
 
 When Hugh Capet came to the throne of France, in 987 
 (§ 51), feudal tendencies had overmastered the monarchy; and 
 what is now France was a bundle of feudal fragments, 173. Devel- 
 steadily growing fartlier apart in language, in law, and °the r^val 
 in political feeling. It was the work of the Capetian power 
 
 kings to reunite these fragments, to form a strong monarchy, 
 and to impart national enthusiasm. As means with which to 
 work they had extensive private estates in northern France, 
 the support of the church and the towns, and the moral au- 
 thority which attached to the office of king. The transforma- 
 tion was largely effected through the extension of the royal 
 domain, that is, of those, lands which were directly under the 
 control of the crown. 
 
 Under the first four Capetian kings little was accomplished ; 
 but beginning with Louis VI. (1108-1137) rapid progress was 
 made. By purchase, marriage, inheritance, and forfeiture, fief 
 after fief was acquired, until at last the royal domain included 
 almost the whole of France. To keep w^hat was gained, the 
 princnple of hereditary succession to the crown was established 
 against that of election (§ 51), partly tlirough the practice of 
 electing the son in the father's lifetime as his associate and 
 successor, but more through the fortunate fact that, unlike the 
 German imperial houses, the Capetians for eleven generations 
 (until 1316) never lacked a son to receive the scepter of the 
 father, and that only once was a long regency necessary. 
 
 211 
 
212 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Hugh Capet (987-996), the founder of the new dynasty, was 
 regarded by the barons who made him king as little more than 
 
 174. The "first among equals," and his reign was occupied almost 
 first four ^vholly with the struggle to secure his right to the crown 
 (987-1108) His son Robert (996-1031) was more of a monk than a 
 
 warrior or statesman, and left the royal power little stronger 
 than at his accession. Under Henry I. (1031-1060) the do- 
 main and the authority of the Capetians were reduced to the 
 lowest point. His son Philip I. (1060-1108) showed active 
 hostility to Normandy, as a result of the Norman conquest 
 of England ; and thenceforth French kings sought to separate 
 Normandy from England, and sowed dissensions in the Eng- 
 lish royal family. In the latter part of Philip's reign he was 
 hampered by a long quarrel with Pope Gregory VII. ; never- 
 theless he began the increase of the royal domain, and pre- 
 pared the way for greater extensions under his successors. 
 
 Louis VI. (1108-1137) is styled " the Fat," but he was the 
 embodiment of martial energy. His great task was to reduce 
 
 175. Royal to order the petty nobles of the royal domain, who were 
 
 domain re- often little better than brigands. The conditions which 
 
 duced to ... 
 
 order (1108- prevailed in France at this time were similar to those 
 
 1137) which existed in England under Stephen: every lord of 
 
 a castle robbed at will, and some tortured with fiendish cruelty 
 
 those who fell into their hands. Twenty years of hard fighting 
 
 was necessary before the last of these brigands was crushed; 
 
 and in order that such evils might not again occur, every 
 
 fortress taken was destroyed or intrusted to faithful persons. 
 
 By this policy Louis VI. greatly increased the power of the 
 
 crown : for the first time, the king became master of the royal 
 
 domain, and could go from Paris to Orleans (p. 228) without 
 
 risk of having his passage disputed by the lord of some petty 
 
 castle. Louis VI. also taught the barons whose fiefs lay outside 
 
 his domain that " kings have long arms," and at various times 
 
 asserted his power in Flanders, Aquitaine, and elsewhere. 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 213 
 
 Louis VII. (1137-1180) finished the task of securing and 
 consolidating the domain, but in other respects the growth 
 of the royal power was retarded in his reign. This was jiyg u^g, 
 chiefly owing to two causes : (1) his participation in the fortunes 
 Second Crusade (§ 102) ; and (2) the increase of the power yn (ii37_ 
 of the counts of Anjou. 1180) 
 
 The Second Crusade both directly and indirectly was the 
 cause of much misfortune to France. The king's absence 
 was untimely, because of discord in the kingdom ; but fortu- 
 nately Louis left the government in the charge of Suger, abbot 
 of the monastery of St. Denis near Paris, who was an able man, 
 trained in administration under Louis VI. Suger, until his 
 death in 1152, was the chief minister of the crown : as abbot, 
 he reformed his monastery ; as scholar, he wrote the life of 
 Louis VI. ; as statesman, in the language of one of his ^^^^j. Louis 
 correspondents, he " sustained alone the burden of affairs, Vl.et Louis 
 maintained the churches in peace, reformed the clergy, ' 
 
 protected the kingdom with arms, caused virtue to flourish, 
 and the authority of the laws to rule." 
 
 Before his accession, Louis VII. had married Eleanor, heiress 
 of Aquitaine, thereby adding that vast territory to the lands of 
 the crown ; but her misconduct on the crusade determined him 
 to procure a divorce, which she also desired. A decree was 
 obtained from a council of the French clergy, declaring the 
 marriage void by reason of relationship within the degrees 
 prohibited by the church. This was followed almost immedi- 
 ately by Eleanor's marriage to young Henry of Anjou (§ 161), 
 and the great Aquitanian inheritance passed into the control 
 of that house which was the deadliest rival of the Capetian 
 kings. From near the mouth of the river Somme to the Pyre- 
 nees, the coast was now in the hands of the prince who two 
 years later ascended the English throne as Henry II. Thence- 
 forth the Capetians had to fight the Plantagenets, or to give up 
 all hope of further growth. 
 
214 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 For more than twenty years Louis VII. struggled with 
 
 Henry II., but the task of breaking the Angevin power was 
 
 177. Philip reserved for his son Philip II. (1180-1223). Unlike his 
 
 Augustus antagonist Richard I. of England, Philip had little of the 
 (1180-1223) . . , . , 
 
 knight-errant in his character; he was patient and per- 
 severing, a master of statecraft and of diplomacy ; he knew 
 how to dissimulate, and was unscrupulous in his choice of 
 Lavisse and ^^^^^^^- " H® was stern," says a contemporary, " toward 
 Rantbaud, the iiobles who disobeyed him ; it pleased him to stir up 
 G^n^raie, discord among them, and he loved to use in his service 
 //. 365 j^gji Qf lesser rank." The chronicler Rigord gave him 
 
 the name Augustus, "because he enlarged the boundaries of 
 the state." 
 
 Philip's part in the Third Crusade (§§ 104, 105) was a 
 mere episode of his reign ; his heart was not in the work, and 
 as soon as the sense of obligation would permit, he returned to 
 France. The chief principle of his policy was to stir up dis- 
 sensions in the English royal family and separate the Conti- 
 nental possessions of that house from the island kingdom. 
 During the first twenty years of his reign, the ability of 
 Richard the Lion-Hearted, and a conflict with the papacy 
 caused by Philip's attempt to divorce his first wife, prevented 
 him from accomplishing much. The weakness and wickedness 
 of King John, however, gave him his opportunity. In 1202 
 the English fiefs were declared forfeited (§ 166), and castle 
 after castle was taken, including the famous Chateau Gail- 
 lard built by Richard to guard the Seine. All the Eng- 
 lish fiefs except Aquitaine passed into Philip's hands, and 
 the battle of Bouvines (1214) secured him in possession. A 
 vast domain, with an extensive seaboard, thus came into the 
 hands of the French king, lifting him far above the level 
 of his greatest vassals. 
 
 The development of the French towns, which was sketched 
 in a preceding chapter (§ 145), went on at a rapid rate 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 
 
 215 
 
 towns 
 
 under Philip Augustus. His father and grandfather, Louis 
 
 VII. and Louis VL, were half hostile to the rising power of 
 
 the communes: but Philip welcomed the towns as a use- ,-0 t. 
 
 ' ^ 178 Devel- 
 
 ful all}^ against the feudal nobles. Communal independ- opment of 
 ence, however, was not part of his plan; if with one 
 hand he granted charters of liberties, with the other he ex- 
 tended the royal supremacy. 
 
 Paris, as the chief place of the royal domain, received a 
 special treatment. In the time of Julius Caesar, Paris was 
 a little cluster of huts 
 on a marshy island of 
 the river Seine; dur- 
 ing the five hundred 
 years of Eoman rule 
 it grew to be a pro- 
 vincial capital ; by 
 making it his ordi- 
 nary place of resi- 
 dence, Philip Augus- 
 tus caused it to become 
 the first national capi- 
 tal of a modern state. 
 His fostering care 
 increased its area, 
 erected new walls, in- 
 closing territory on 
 both banks of the river, paved its streets to do away with 
 their ill-smelling and unsanitary mudholes, and completed the 
 erection of the cathedral of Notre-Dame, one of the noblest 
 examples of Gothic architecture. 
 
 In the reign of Philip Augustus was begun a movement to 
 stamp out heresy in the south of France, which had im- 179. Hereti- 
 portant results for civilization, for the church, and for cal sects 
 the royal power. Many heretical sects had sprung up in the 
 
 Cathedral of Notre-Dame, Paris. 
 
216 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 eleventh, and twelfth centuries. Some, like the Waldenses, 
 founded by Peter Waldo of Lyons (about 1178), emphasized 
 the need of a return to the simple life and worship of 
 the Apostles. Others, like the Cathari (Manicheans), whose 
 Christianity was tinged with Persian doctrines, believed in two 
 coequal Gods, — one good, the other evil, — declared the mate- 
 rial universe to be the creation of the evil deity, and rejected 
 the existing order in church and state ; the " perfect " mem- 
 bers of the sect rejected marriage, and were frankly opposed to 
 the whole social organization. The Cathari were most numer- 
 ous in southern France, where they Were known as Albigenses, 
 from the little town of Albi, near Toulouse. 
 
 Southern Prance, or Languedoc, at this time was so different 
 from northern France in language, customs, and culture as 
 almost to constitute a separate nation. There flourished 
 the troubadours, the authors of the earliest poetical literature 
 in the popular tongues; there, too, were to be found culture, 
 luxury, and toleration such as few other European lands could 
 boast. The ardent nature of the people led many to adopt 
 with zeal the teachings of the Albigenses, and soon all classes 
 were infected. Their enemies charged them with immoral 
 practices, but the charges seem largely unfounded. 
 
 Pope Innocent TIL declared the doctrines of the heretics to 
 be ruinous to the church and subversive of society ; and after 
 two peaceful missionary efforts had failed, a«id a papal 
 gensian " legate had been murdered by a knight of Raymond YL, 
 Crusade count of Toulouse, the Pope issued a call for an armed cru- 
 sade. Philip Augustus, pleading his preoccupation with 
 '' two great and terrible lions," John of England and Otto IV. 
 of German}^, refused to take part; but a host of lesser lords 
 from the north, among whom Simon de Montfort, father of 
 the English earl (§ 168), was preeminent, gathered at the Pope's 
 call. The chief direction of the crusade was given to the 
 papal legate Arnold, abbot of Citeaux. 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1887) 217 
 
 The war was waged with frightful cruelty ; " according to 
 his own admission Arnold raged furiously, without sparing 
 rank, sex, or age, with murder, pillage, and fire in Moeller,Hu 
 Christ's name." In part this cruelty is explained toryofthe 
 by the violent excesses of the Albigenses, who had church, II. 
 waylaid and slain priests, and driven bishops and ab- ^^^ 
 
 bots from their benefices ; but fanaticism and lust of lands 
 and booty helped on the movement. Twice the count of 
 Toulouse made abject submission, and twice he again took 
 up arms. In 1226, Louis VIII., who had ascended the throne 
 three years before, led a great expedition against Toulouse; 
 but on the way back he died of fever. 
 
 All parties were now tired of the struggle; and in 1229 
 a treaty was arranged between the French king, Louis IX., 
 and the new count of Toulouse, son of the original count. 
 Heresy was to be put down, and the count was to do penance 
 for his support of the heretics; part of his estates were to 
 pass at once to the king, and the remainder to go at the death 
 of the count to the king's brother Alphonse, who was to marry 
 the count's daughter. As it turned out, Alphonse left no heirs, 
 and in 1271 these estates also passed into the royal domain. 
 By these wars the domain of the crown was much increased, 
 and the royal power given a firmer footing in the south ; for 
 southern France itself, the result was a decay of its peculiar 
 civilization and the extinction of the troubadour poets. 
 
 The complete rooting ont of heresy in southern France took 
 
 time and was accomplished largely by new agencies — the 
 
 Mendicant Orders and the Inquisition. The older orders , „, „, 
 
 ^ 181. The 
 
 of monks sought to shut out the world, and gave them- mendicant 
 
 selves up to prayer and meditation ; the new mendicant orders 
 
 orders were to live and labor in the world, seeking preferably 
 
 the poorest quarters of the towns. The Dominicans, or 
 
 Preaching Friars (also called Black Friars), were founded by 
 
 Saint Dominic (died 1221), a Spaniard of noble family; the 
 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 13 
 
218 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Franciscans, or Friars Minor (called Gray Friars), were 
 
 founded by Saint Francis, an Italian of mystical temperament. 
 
 Lea, Inqui- " No human creature since Christ," says a modern Prot- 
 
 sitionot the ^^^^-^^ writer, "has more fully incarnated the ideal of 
 
 Middle ' _ *^ . 
 
 Ages, 1. 260 Christianity than Francis. Amid the extravagance, 
 
 amounting at times almost to insanity, of his asceticism, there 
 
 shines forth the Christian love and humility with which he 
 
 devoted himself to the wretched and neglected — the outcasts 
 
 for whom, in that rude time, there were few indeed to care." 
 
 Both orders, after some hesitation, were authorized by the 
 
 papacy, and became its stanch supporters. The Dominicans 
 
 applied themselves especially to preaching and teaching, while 
 
 the Franciscans turned rather to care for the poor and sick. 
 
 At first the friars were enthusiastically welcomed. " They 
 
 went out two by two," says a contemporary; "they took 
 
 Jacques de neither wallet, nor money, nor bread, nor shoes, for they 
 
 Vitry, in were not permitted to possess anything. They had 
 
 {Philippe neither monastery, nor church, nor lands, nor beasts. 
 
 Auguste),80 They made use of neither fur nor linen, but wore only 
 
 tunics of wool, terminating in a hood, without capes or mantles 
 
 or any other garment. If they were invited to eat, they ate 
 
 what they found ; if they were given anything, they kept none 
 
 of it for the morrow. Once or twice a year they gathered 
 
 together for their general chapter, after which their superior 
 
 sent them, two together or more, into the different provinces. 
 
 . . . They were so increased in a little time that there was 
 
 no province in Christendom where they had not their brethren." 
 
 When open resistance ceased on the part of the heretics, 
 
 it became increasingly difficult to root them out ; the bishops' 
 
 182. Found- courts proved insufficient for the task, and gradually 
 
 ingofthe another means was devised. This was the Inquisition, 
 
 Inquisition 
 
 (about composed of persons especially commissioned to track 
 
 1233) down and punish heretics, and unhampered by other 
 
 cares or by responsibility to any authority save Home. From 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 
 
 219 
 
 an early day this work was largely turned over to the 
 Dominicans. The procedure of the Inquisition was of a kind 
 to tempt those blinded by passion and self-seeking to bring 
 accusations on slight pretexts; and so close was the connec- 
 tion between its l)ranches, and so complete its records, that 
 neither time nor flight could insure immunity. Names of 
 accusers and of witnesses were concealed, and torture (adopted 
 from the secular courts) was freely used to elicit confessions. 
 The Inquisition stamped out the last embers of the Albigensian 
 heresy, but it left a legacy of tyranny and oppression from 
 which the world was long in escaping. 
 
 Louis IX., son of Louis VIIL, grew up to be the possessor 
 of virtues which won for him the title of " Saint,'' and of abili- 
 ties which insured the steady growth of the royal power; . 
 he had all the good qualities of his age and few of its IX. (1226- 
 bad ones. Until he attained the age of twenty-one (in ^ 
 1236) the government was carried on by his mother, Blanche 
 of Castile, a high-minded, ^.^^^^^,^f,^^-^^ryr;rr<^/^ 
 
 ambitious, capable, and pious 
 woman from whom Louis de- 
 rived his best qualities. The 
 nobles resented her rule be- 
 cause she was a woman and 
 a foreigner ; and they thought 
 the occasion favorable to 
 regain lost territories and 
 privileges. Coalitions were 
 formed and war begun, with 
 the aid of England ; but the 
 courage and ability of Blanche 
 were more than a match for 
 her enemies. It is not too much to say that she saved the 
 monarchy ; and until her death, in 1252, she exercised a pow- 
 erful influence on the French government. 
 
 Coffer of the Time of Saint Louis, 
 presented by his grandson to 
 AN Abbey. 
 
 Covered with painted designs of royal 
 insignia and allegorical subjects. In 
 the Louvre, Paris. 
 
220 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 The history of Louis's personal reign deals principally with 
 his relations with England, his administrative reforms, and 
 his two crusades. His wars with England ended, in 1258, with 
 a treaty by which he restored some lands in return for a formal 
 renunciation by Henry III. of all right to the territories confis- 
 cated by Philip Augus- 
 tus. The high estima- 
 tion in which Louis 
 was held, even by his 
 enemies, is seen in the 
 
 Saint Louis's Capture of Damietta, in Egypt (1249). 
 From an old print. 
 
 fact that six years later he was chosen arbitrator between 
 Henry and his rebellious subjects. 
 
 The administrative reforms and legislation of Saint Louis 
 were very impoi'tant. He reformed the judiciary and abolished 
 the right of private warfare ; he also took steps which led to 
 the separation of the central government into three branches : 
 (1) the Council, for political affairs; (2) the Exchequer, for 
 finance; and (3) the Parlement of Paris, for judicial business. 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 221 
 
 While insisting fully upon his rights as king, he nevertheless 
 showed respect for the just rights and privileges of the feudal 
 nobles. 
 
 Soon after the fall of Jerusalem in 1244, Louis IX. "took 
 the cross/' and was absent from France in Egypt and Palestine 
 for six years (§ 111)„ So far as any practical end was con- 
 cerned, his crusade was a failure ; but Louis won wide renown 
 for his courage and devotion. In 1270 he led another crusade, 
 which was directed to Tunis because Louis's brother, Charles 
 of Anjou^ king of Sicily (§ 136), had claims against the Mo- 
 hammedan lord of that land. Soon after he landed, pestilence 
 broke out in the camp, and to it King Louis himself fell a 
 victim. 
 
 Philip III., who succeeded his father, was a well-meaning 
 king, without discernment; but he was ruled by councilors 
 trained under Louis IX., and the work of unitins: the ,„, „, . . 
 realm and centralizing the government was not inter- ill. (1270- 
 rupted. Charles of Anjou proved the evil genius of his i»o5) 
 
 nephew Philip, as he had of Louis IX. In 1282 Charleses 
 misgovernment of his kingdom of Naples and Sicily caused a 
 rising known as the " Sicilian Vespers " ; with the assistance 
 of the king of Aragon, the rebels established their independ- 
 ence, and for a century and a half Sicily was separated from 
 Naples. War between France and Aragon followed, and Pope 
 Martin IV. (a Frenchman) gave to it the character of a crusade. 
 With a large army, Philip III. crossed the Pyrenees to avenge 
 his uncle's injuries; he accomplished little, and on his return 
 died of the plague ^t Toulouse. The turbulent career of Charles 
 of Anjou came to an end a few months earlier. 
 
 Under Philip the Fair, as contemporaries called the son of 
 
 Philip III., wars were waged with Aragon, England, and jgg phiUp 
 
 Flanders, but with no great results. Flanders, though a IV. (1285- 
 
 1314) 
 fief of the French crown, was so prosperous through its 
 
 rich agriculture, and the woolen manufactures and trade of 
 
222 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 its cities, as to make its count a semi-independent prince. 
 His alliance with the English led Philip IV. to attempt to 
 annex Flanders, but in the battle of Courtrai (1302) the French 
 knights were routed by the Flemish tradesmen. This was the 
 first of a long series of battles which taught Europe that foot 
 soldiers, if properly armed and handled, were more than a 
 match for mounted men-at-arms. The only important additions 
 which Philip IV. made to the royal domain were the city of 
 Lyons, on the river Rhone, and the county of Champagne, east 
 of Paris — both made by peaceable methods. 
 
 Philip IV. kept the administration in the hands of men of 
 humble origin, trained in the doctrines of the Eoman law; 
 and their zeal and loyalty were a constant support. In 1302 
 he called the first Estates-General of France — an assembly 
 corresponding to the Parliament of England. Its history dif- 
 fers from that of the English Parliament in that the three 
 " estates " (the clergy, the nobility, and the commons, or Third 
 Estate) remained distinct ; class and local interests, therefore, 
 controlled its action, and it never attained the regularity of 
 session and the extensive powers which gave the English Par- 
 liament its great strength. 
 
 Of more importance than Philip's wars was his struggle with 
 
 Pope Boniface VII I. The question really at issue was whether 
 
 186 Con- ^^^® papacy should rule over European states in temporal 
 
 testwith^ as well as in spiritual matters. Gregory VII., Innocent 
 
 face VIII. III., and now l^ouiface VIII., advanced claims which 
 
 (1296-1303) would have made kings and Emperors mere vassals and 
 
 dependents of the papacy ; and the papa^ triumph over the 
 
 house of Frederick II. (§ 136) seemed firmly to establish these 
 
 principles. But in France, as also in England, a national 
 
 sentiment was arising which enabled the king to maintain his 
 
 independence. In both countries the quarrel arose over a bull 
 
 issued by Boniface, called from its opening words CUricis 
 
 Laicos, which forbade the payment of taxes by the clergy to 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 223 
 
 the laity. In England, Edward I. brought the clergy to terras 
 by withdrawing from them the protection of the law, the admin- 
 istration of which they refused to support. In France, Philip 
 answered the Pope's bull by cutting off contributions from the 
 French church to the papacy. In the course of the struggle 
 with Philip, Boniface issued the bull called Unam Sanctam, in 
 which the papal claims to temporal power were stated in their 
 most explicit form. " There are two swords," argued Boniface, 
 quoting St. Luke (xx. 38), " the spiritual and the tem- Milman, 
 
 poral; our Lord said not of these two swords, 4t is too Latin Chris- 
 
 , , - . . , . tianity, VI. 
 
 much,' but ' it IS enough.' Both are in the power of the 326 
 
 church : the one the spiritual, to be used by the church, the 
 other the material, for the church ; the former that of priests, 
 the latter that of kings and soldiers, to be wielded at the com- 
 mand and by the sufferance of the priest. One sword must be 
 under the other, the temporal under the spiritual. . . . The 
 spiritual instituted the temporal power, and judges whether 
 that power is well exercised. ... If the temporal power errs, 
 it is judged by the spiritual. To deny this, is to assert, with 
 the heretical Manicheans, two coequal principles. We there- 
 fore assert, define, and pronounce that it is necessary to salva- 
 tion to believe that every human being is subject to the Pontiff 
 of E-ome." 
 
 After the issuing of this bull, preparations were made to 
 excommunicate and depose Philip. To prevent this, agents of 
 the French king, acting with the Pope's Italian enemies, 
 
 187. 
 
 seized him at Anagni in Italy, and subjected him to great Anagni and 
 indignities. Boniface was now eighty-six years old, and vignon 
 
 the shock was such that he died within a few weeks (1303). 
 He was the last of the great mediaeval Popes. 
 
 The affair at Anagni is the counterpart to the humiliation 
 of Henry IV. at Canossa; the papacy triumphed over the 
 empire, only to have its own power shattered by the resistance 
 of the new national monarchies. For three quarters of a cen- 
 
224 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 tury France now controlled the papacy as the Emperors had 
 once done. On the ground that Eome was unsafe, the seat of 
 the Pope was fixed at Avignon, on the borders of France (1305) ; 
 thus began the period called the " Babylonian Captivity " of 
 the church, which lasted until 1377. 
 
 
 
 'i?^^. 
 
 
 
 ,f^ 
 
 <rn 
 
 
 
 Papal Palace, Avignon. 
 
 Built 1336-1364. Que of the best specimens of mediaeval military architecture 
 
 in existence. 
 
 The death of Philip lY., in 1314, was followed by the reign, 
 
 in rapid succession, of his three sons — Louis X. (1314-1316), 
 
 188. Sue- Philip V. (1316-1322), and Charles lY. (1322-1328). 
 
 thrthrone '^^^ chief interest of these reigns lies in the question 
 
 (1314-1328) of the succession to the throne. Louis X. was the first 
 
 Capetian king to die without a son to succeed him, and the 
 
 question arose for the first time whether a woman could reign 
 
 in France. An assembly of the nobles and clergy decided 
 
 against Louis's daughter and in favor of his brother Philip; 
 
 thus a new rule was established, in accordance with which ng 
 
 (^ueen has ever held sway over France in her own ri^ht. 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1337) 225 
 
 When Charles IV., the last of the Capetians in the direct 
 line, died (in 1328) without a son, this rule received a further 
 extension. The councilors of young Edward III. of England 
 claimed the throne for him as the nearest male heir, through 
 his mother, who was a daughter of Philip IV. A French 
 assembly decided, however, that not only was a woman herself 
 debarred from the succession, but she could transmit no claim 
 to her son. This is the principle to which the name " Salic 
 law" was afterward given, on the supposition that it was 
 based on a provision of the old law of the Salian Franks. In 
 reality it was based on the unwillingness of the French nobles 
 to receive a foreigner as king, and at the time nothing was 
 said of the Salic law. 
 
 The choice of the nobles fell upon Philip of Valois, the rep- 
 resentative of the nearest male line of the Capetian house. 
 Under the name of Philip VI. he was received by France, and 
 in 1329, and again in 1331, Edward III. acknowledged him as 
 his lord for the fief of Guienne, or Aquitaine. Other causes, 
 however, soon led to war between England and France, and 
 then the claim of Edward III. to the French throne became a 
 factor in the contest which we call the Hundred Years' War. 
 
 From Louis VI. to Philip IV. there was a steady progress 
 in. territorial unity and governmental efficiency. Philip IV. 
 gave to the government the general form which it has 139 g^^, 
 continued to bear in spite of subsequent revolutions; mary 
 
 France ceased to be a mere feudal monarchy and became a 
 modein state, with power centering in the crown. A compari- 
 son of the development of France with that of G-ermany and 
 England is instructive. In Germany the disintegrating ten- 
 dencies of feudalism prevailed, a minute territorial division 
 resulted, and the Emperor was despoiled of all power, without 
 profit to the people. In England, the struggle between the 
 feudal nobles and the crown produced a constitutional mon- 
 
226 RISE OF NAriONAL STATES 
 
 archy under which popular rights and liberties rapidly de- 
 veloped. In France the powers of the crown grew at the 
 expense of the feudal nobles, but without gain to the people 
 save through greater security and better government. 
 
 After the fall of the Hohenstaufen house, France becomes 
 the most important country of Europe, the part which the 
 Emperors formerly played in Italy being now taken by the 
 French kings. The intellectual and artistic influence of 
 France was also great. " Her intellect," says the eminent his- 
 torian Lavisse, "gave expression to the whole civilization of 
 that period — religious, feudal, and knightly. The French 
 wrote heroic poems, built castles and cathedrals, and inter- 
 preted the texts of Aristotle and the Scriptures. Their songs, 
 buildings, and scholastic philosophy verged upon perfection. 
 Already independent, already mobile and sprightly, the French 
 mind freed itself from tradition and authority. It produced 
 the aerial grace of Gothic art. . . Christian Europe copied 
 French cathedrals, recited French heroic and humorous songs, 
 and thus learned the French language. . . . Almost all the 
 universities of Europe were like swarms of bees from the hive 
 of Mount St. Genevieve [University of Paris]. A proverb 
 said that the world was ruled by three powers, — the Papacy, 
 the Empire, and Learning; the first residing in Rome, the 
 second in Germany, the third in Paris." 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Suggestive (1) Why should the acquisition of England by the Norman 
 
 dukes change their relations to the French kings? (2) What 
 does the length of the struggle to reduce the domain to order show 
 concerning the power of the crown at this time ? (3) What his- 
 torical influences would account for the higher civilization of 
 southern France ? (4) Was the church responsible for the cruelty 
 which accompanied the Albigensian crusade, or was it due to the 
 character of the times ? (5) Were the persons who took part in 
 that movement more animated by religion or by desire for gain ? 
 (6) Why should the friars be more successful in combating heresy 
 
 topics 
 
THE RISE OF FRANCE (987-1 :J37) 22t 
 
 than the parish priests ? than the monks ? (7) How had Charles 
 of Anjou come into possession of the kingdom of Naples and 
 Sicily ? (8) What fundamental difference was there between the 
 French Parlement and the English Parliament ? (9) Why should 
 the lawyers prove more loyal servants of the crown than counselors 
 drawn from the nobles and clergy ? (10) What preliminary train- 
 ing of the English helped make their Parliament more effective 
 than the French P^states-General ? (11) Distinguish priests, 
 monks, and friars. (12) What was Aquitaine ? (13) What was 
 Flanders ? 
 
 (14) Cliaracter and work of Louis VI. (15) Philip Augustus Search 
 and the Third Crusade. (16) Increase of the royal power under *°P^*^8 
 Philip Augustus. (17) The Waldenses. (18) The Albigenses. 
 (19) The troubadours. (20) Saint Dominic. (21) Saint Francis of 
 Assisi. (22) Louis I X. (23) Contest of Philip IV. and Pope Boni- 
 face VIII. (24) Popular feeling toward the friars. (25) Early 
 descriptions of Paris. (26) Nature and authority of a papal bull. 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 See maps, pp. 228, 112 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps liv.-lvi. ; Geography 
 Gardiner, School Atlas, maps 10-12 -, Freeman, Historical Geog- 
 raphy, II. (Atlas), uiaps 11, 12, 15; Dow, Atlas, xi. 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Iliddle Ages, 811—332; B^mont Secondary 
 and Monod, Medieval Europe, chs. xxiv.-xxvi. ; Emerton, Mediaeval ^-uthorities 
 Europe, 413-433 ; Duruy, France, chs. xvii.-xxiii., — Middle Ages, 
 174-180, 351-356, 359-384 ; Thatclier and Scliwill, Europe in the 
 Middle Age, chs. vii. xviii. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, 70-92, 
 274-295, 393-428 ; Adams, Growth of the French Nation, chs. vi.- 
 viii. ; Hassall, French People, chs. vi. vii. ; Masson, Medieval 
 France, i. iii.-viii ; Kitchin, France, I. bk. iii. ; Hutton, Philip 
 Augustus ; Historians'' History of the World, XI. chs. ii.-iv. 
 
 Robinson, Beadings, I. ch. x. ; Thatcher and McNeal, Source Sources 
 Book, nos. 269-272 ; Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, 
 bk. iii. no. viii. ; University of Pennsylvania, Translations and 
 Beprints, III. No. 6, pp. 7, 14 ; Joinville, Life of St. Louis. 
 
 L. Valentine, The Knighfs Bansom ; H, Conscience, The Lion illustrative 
 of Flanders ; G. P. R. James, Philip Augustus ; C. R. Maturin, works 
 The Albigenses; A. Dumas, The Knight of Maul eon; Blisset, The 
 Most Famous Loba; Davis, Falaise of the Blessed Voice, 
 

 SCALE OF MILE 
 
 50 lOO 150 ~2()Q 
 
 ENGLISH POSSESSIONS IN FRANCE, 1180-1129 
 
 AFTER 1433 ENGLAND RETAINED ONLY CALAIS, AS ON P. 284 
 
 228 
 
 L.L.PO*T£S, ENSR'S CO., N.Y. 
 
CHAPTER XIV. 
 THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 
 
 Many causes combined to produce the succession of conflicts 
 between England and France which we call the Hundred 
 Years' War. The conquests of Philip Augustus left a 190. Origin 
 hostility which lingered in spite of the treaty of 1258 of^l^ewar 
 (§ 183); and the rejection of the claims of Edward III. to the 
 French throne increased the tension. There was also friction 
 over the English possession of Guienne ; and in Scotland the 
 French aided the young king, David Bruce, while the English 
 supported a rival claimant. 
 
 The final breach resulted from troubles in Flanders, which 
 was a French fief, but depended for the prosperity of its towns 
 on the manufacture of cloth made from English wool. In 
 1336 the French king, Philip VI. (1328-1350), recklessly caused 
 the arrest of all Englishmen there ; and in retaliation Edward 
 III. seized Flemish merchants in his kingdom, and forbade the 
 exportation of English wool. The Flemish burghers there- 
 upon rebelled and formed an alliance with England to secure 
 their accustomed supplies of wool ; and to satisfy their scru- 
 ples against warring upon their king, Edward III. took the 
 title of king of France — a title which his successors did not 
 finally abandon until the time of George III. Previous wars 
 between England and France had been feudal struggles be- 
 tween their kings, the people taking little part : French in- 
 terference with English interests in Flanders now aroused the 
 English Parliament to enthusiastic support of the war, and 
 
 229 
 
280 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Edward's claim to the throne of France made it a life-and- 
 death struggle for the French monarchy. 
 
 The operations of the first few years were carried on by 
 
 Edward III. in the neighborhood of Flanders, and were with- 
 
 191, Open- out appreciable results. In 1340, however, he was met 
 
 mg of the Q^ Sluys, while crossing the Channel, by a fleet of French 
 
 (1337-1346) and Genoese vessels, which were chained together in 
 
 Froissart, order to present a more solid front. Then began " a sore 
 
 Chronicles, ]^^^^[q qj^ -^q^}^ parts; archers and crossbows began to 
 
 shoot, and men of arms approached and fought hand to 
 
 hand; and the better to come together they had great hooks 
 
 and grappers of iron to cast out of one ship into another, and 
 
 so tied them fast together." The battle lasted from morning 
 
 until noon, and ended in complete victory for the English. 
 
 Thenceforth, for a generation, the English were masters of the 
 
 seas, and could land their expeditions where they wished. 
 
 In 1346 occurred the first pitched 
 battle of the war. An expedition 
 under the English king landed in 
 Normandy and advanced up the 
 valley of the Seine until the flames 
 of the villages fired by the English 
 could be seen from the walls of Paris. 
 Without attempting to attack the 
 capital, Edward turned northward 
 to join his forces with those of the 
 Flemings, while an enormous French 
 army under Philip followed him. 
 Edward crossed the river Somme by 
 means of a ford at the river mouth 
 revealed by a peasant, and took up a 
 position near the village of Crecy, 
 from which the subsequent battle takes its name. 
 
 The English, who consisted chiefly of infantry armed with 
 
 Genoese Crossbowman. 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 
 
 231 
 
 the longbow, — the excellence of which had been demonstrated 
 in the wars of Edward I. against the Welsh and Scots, — were 
 
 stationed in three divisions on the 
 
 192. Battle 
 of Cr6cy 
 (1346) 
 
 slope of a little hill. The French 
 force outnumbered the English five 
 to one, and consisted chiefly of mounted 
 men-at-arms, with a body of hired Geno- 
 ese crossbowmen. The latter were first 
 sent forward to the attack. They were 
 tired with a long day's march, and their 
 crossbow strings were slacked with a wet- 
 ting received in a passing thundershower. 
 They were no match for the English long- 
 bowmen; and when the shafts of the 
 English began to fall " so thick that it 
 seemed as if it snowed," the Genoese 
 broke and fled. At this Philip in passion 
 
 called out, " Slay these rascals, for they 
 English Longbowman. 
 
 trouble us without reason." "And e^ • ^ 
 
 Froissart, 
 
 ever still," says Froissart, "the Englishmen shot wher- chronicles, 
 ever they saw thickest press ; the sharp arrows ran into 
 the men of arms and into their horses ; and many fell, horse 
 and men, among the Genoese, and when they were down they 
 could not arise again, the press was so thick that one over- 
 threw another." 
 
 A portion of the French finally managed to reach the 
 English knights under the Black Prince, son of Edward III., 
 who were on foot in the rear of the archers. In haste mes- 
 sengers were ser*] to inform the king, who with the reserve 
 coolly watched the battle from a windmill at the top of the hill. 
 "Return to them that sent you," said Edward, "and Froissart 
 say to them that they send no more to me as long as my Chronicles, 
 son is alive. And also say to them that they suffer him ^ ' ^^^ 
 
 this day to win his spurs j for if God be pleased, I will that 
 
232 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 this day be his and the honor thereof." On the French side 
 there fell the blind old king of Bohemia, who chivalrously 
 caused his horse to be led into the fight that he " might strike 
 one stroke " with his sword in the cause of his ally. 
 
 At nightfall the English lines were still unbroken, while 
 the French were in hopeless confusion. Philip fled wounded 
 
 193 Eff t ^^^^ ^^^^ field, leaving behind him among the slain eleven 
 of Crecy princes of France and thousands of lesser rank. The 
 ^ ^ English loss was inconsiderable. The victory was due 
 
 chiefly to the English archers and the tactical skill of King 
 
 Edward. Even if cannon of a small, crude sort were not (as 
 
 some writers claim) used at Crecy, the battle nevertheless 
 
 foretold, equall^^^ with that of Courtrai (§ 185), a new era in 
 
 r , „, warfare. "It was a combat of infantry against cavalry, 
 
 of the Mid- of missile weapons against heavy armor and lances, of 
 
 ^^*' trained professional soldiers against a combination of 
 
 foreign mercenaries with disorderly feudal levies. And the 
 
 inevitable result was made the more decisive by the utter 
 
 want of generalship on the part of the French king." 
 
 After the battle, Edward continued his retreat unmolested, 
 and laid siege to the city of Calais. In spite of a heroic re- 
 sistance the town was at last obliged to surrender. Although 
 Edward did not, as he at first threatened, put to death the 
 leading townsmen, the whole population was expelled and their' 
 places taken by English settlers. For two hundred years, 
 thenceforth, Calais was an English town, an outpost of Eng- 
 land's power and trade ; and its possession, with that of Dover 
 on the other side the Channel, went far to confirm the claim of 
 the English king to be " lord of the narrow seas." 
 
 After the fall of Calais, a truce was arranged which lasted 
 
 194 The ^^^^ several years. In this interval the exhaustion caused 
 Black Death by the war was aggravated by a terrible pestilence, called 
 
 the " Black Death," which resembled the bubonic plague 
 of to-day. Arising in Asia, it reached Europe by way of 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 233 
 
 Egypt and Syria, appearing in Sicily, Tuscany, and Pro- 
 vence in 1347. During the winter months its progress was 
 checked ; but the next summer it resumed its march, spreading 
 " from city to city, from village to village, from house to house, 
 from man to man." Germany and England experienced its 
 ravages in 1349 and 1350 ; Norway and Russia in 1351. 
 
 Everywhere the mortality was frightful ; in some of the 
 provinces of France, two thirds of the population perished ; dur- 
 ing the four years that this plague lasted, at least a third of the 
 inhabitants of Europe were carried off. The unsanitary arrange- 
 ments of the Middle Ages — the complete lack of sewerage 
 systems, the accumulations of filth and decaying matter in 
 streets and houses, and the pollution' of water supplies — 
 sufficiently explain the widespread and great mortality 
 Where conditions were better, as among the monks of Christ 
 Church, Canterbury, the mortality was less. The Black Death 
 was only the most terrible of many plagues which devastated 
 Europe in the Middle Ages, the recurrence of which gradually 
 ceased with advance in cleanliness and sanitary science. 
 
 The direct and indirect effects of the Black Death were very 
 great. In Germany an hysterical religious outbreak occurred, 
 and companies of penitents called Flagellants journeyed -._ _ . 
 from place to place, seeking to appease the wrath of God of the 
 
 by mutual scourgings. In England the decline in the ^° ®^ 
 number of laborers gradually produced an abandonment of 
 the old manorial system of agriculture; more and more the 
 lands were let out to tenant farmers paying money rent instead 
 of services, or else they were put into pasture for sheep. 
 Villenage declined, especially after a rising of the peasants in 
 1381, under Wat Tyler ; and a system of free labor gradually 
 took its place. To meet conditions produced by these changes, 
 the government w.as obliged more and more to undertake, 
 through parliamentary statutes, the regulation of trade and in- 
 dustry; thus the functions of the state were enlarged, and 
 
234 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 thereby the change from medigeval to modern usages and ideas 
 was hastened. 
 
 In France the influence of the Black Death was complicated 
 by the devastation wrought by war and misgovernment. 
 196 D '^^^^ condition of the people in the second half of the 
 
 lation of century became pitiable in the extreme. On the reduced 
 ^^^°® population the heavy taxes for the English war fell with 
 
 redoubled force. The peasants had to contribute to pay ran- 
 soms for the deliverance of their lords from captivity, and 
 for the redemption of their own goods from destruction. 
 They were forced by both sides to labor without 'pay in 
 carrying supplies, and at siege operations. Often they were 
 tortured to extort money and provisions, when they them- 
 selves lacked bread for their families. To escape such evils, 
 peasants fled in large numbers to the depths of the forests, only 
 to die of famine and the attacks of wolves. Many parishes 
 were completely depopulated. Through the joint operation of 
 the plague and the war, the rude prosperity which character- 
 ized the French people at the beginning of the century was 
 brought to an end, and seeds of weakness were sown from 
 which the land was slow to recover. 
 
 Philip VI. died in 1350, before the renewal of the war. His 
 son «Iohn (1350-1364) was a good knight, but without capacity 
 ^^^ government or generalship. In 1355 the war was 
 of Poitiers renewed by an expedition of the Black Prince into 
 ^ ^ southern France. The next year the prince started to 
 
 march northward into Normandy ; but near Poitiers he was 
 confronted by an army many times larger than his own. So 
 hopeless seemed the odds, that he offered (but in vain) to sur- 
 render his spoil and his prisoners, and to bind himself not 
 to fight again for seven years, as the price of a free retreat. 
 
 As at Crecy, the English force consisted principally of 
 archers, while the French were mostly mounted and armored 
 knights. The English were stationed on a little plateau pro- 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 235 
 
 tected by a hedge and by rough and marshy ground. King 
 John was persuaded that the strength of the English at Crecy 
 had been due, not to their archers, but to the fact that their 
 men-at-arms were dismounted; accordingly, he ordered his 
 knights to advance on foot, thus throwing away his chief ad- 
 vantage. The first and second divisions of his army failed to 
 come within striking distance of the enemy; and upon their 
 retiring, the third division, commanded by the king himself, 
 was left to bear the whole weight of the English counter- 
 attack. " There was a sore fight," says Froissart, " and Froissart 
 many a great stroke given and received. . . . King John Chronicles, 
 with his own hands did that day marvels in arms ; he 
 had an ax in his hands wherewith he defended himself and 
 fought in the breaking of the press." Refusing to flee, he and 
 his youngest son were taken captives by the English. 
 
 The whole number of prisoners was twice that of their 
 English captors. " That day," says Froissart, " whosoever 
 took any prisoner, he was clear his, and might quit ^^,^. 
 or ransom him at his pleasure. All such as were there Chronicles, 
 with the prince were all made rich with honor and goods, 
 as well by ransoming of prisoners as by winning of gold, silver, 
 plate, jewels, that were there found." After the battle the 
 Black Prince entertained the captive king, waiting upon him 
 in person at table. But for all this chivalrous display, the 
 English shrewdly extracted full advantage from the victory ; 
 and pending the acceptance of their terms. King John was car- 
 ried prisoner to London, where for four years he was detained 
 in honorable captivity. 
 
 France meanwhile was in a deplorable condition. The gov- 
 ernment was carried on by the king's eldest son, Charles j^gg i^ter- 
 
 — the first of the heirs-apparent of France to bear the nal disor- 
 ders in 
 title of Dauphin, derived from the Dauphine just east France 
 
 of the river Rhone, which was annexed to France in (1356-1360) 
 
 1349. Charles was an untried youth, and demoralization per- 
 
 HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 14 
 
236 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 vaded every branch of the government. The difficulties of 
 his position made necessary the frequent assembling of the 
 Estates-General, and the death and captivity of so many of 
 the nobles threw the preponderance in these sessions into 
 the hands of the Third Estate, or representatives of the towns. 
 Their leader was Stephen Marcel, provost of the merchant 
 guild of Paris ; and their demands embraced 
 a complete reform of the government, in- 
 cluding a reduction of the privileges of the 
 nobles and a commission of administration 
 appointed by the Estates. When the Dauphin 
 restored some dispossessed officials, Marcel 
 gathered a mob and slew them in the 
 Dauphin's presence. This was too much 
 for moderate men ; a reaction followed, and 
 when the Dauphin brought troops to reduce 
 his rebellious capital, Paris stood almost 
 alone. 
 
 At this time (1358) there was added to 
 the other miseries of France a great rising 
 of the peasants, called the Jacquerie from 
 their nickname of "Jacques Bonhomme." 
 The peasants had suffered most from the war 
 and the pestilence; and to their dull minds the disasters of 
 Crecy and Poitiers were explainable only on the theory that 
 the nobles had betrayed France. The movement was confined 
 to a few provinces in northern France, but it was characterized 
 by the utmost ferocity ; the peasants seemed turned by their 
 sufferings into wild beasts, and the nobles retaliated in like 
 manner. The revolt was soon put down, and the lot of the 
 peasant, who was now dreaded as well as despised, became 
 worse than before. 
 
 Marcel's policy became steadily more narrowly selfish. He 
 tried to ally Paris with the revolted peasants ; then he plotted 
 
 French Noble, 
 14th Century. 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 237 
 
 to put the city into the hands of Charles the Bad of Navarre, 
 who claimed the throne against both King John and Edward III. 
 While opening the gates to admit Charles, Marcel was assas- 
 sinated (July, 1358), and the Dauphin's authority over the city 
 was restored. In spite of his mistakes and failures, Marcel is 
 memorable as " the leader of the most notable attempt, before 
 1789, to give to France a constitutional form of government." 
 
 A treaty with England was at last concluded at Bretigny in 
 1360. King John agreed to pay a large money ransom, and 
 
 Edward III. agreed to abandon his claims to the French ,__ „ . 
 
 19". Ireaty 
 
 crown in return for the confirmation in full sovereignty of Bretigny 
 of his possession of Calais, Ponthieu, and Aquitaine. All ^ ' 
 
 questions seemed settled and the war ended by this treaty. 
 Four years later King John died at London, whither he had 
 returned on a visit of mingled business and pleasure. 
 
 The new king, Charles V. (1364-1380), had as Dauphin 
 gained in experience; as king he is known as Charles "the 
 Wise," and was one of the ablest rulers of France in the 200. Charles 
 Middle Ages. He was no knight-errant, but a shrewd, ^Q^ggclin 
 practical statesman, who knew how to select good gen- (1364-1380) 
 erals, and fought no useless battles. During the first five 
 years of his reign, peace was kept with England, the abuses 
 of government were remedied, and the country was rid of the 
 "free companies" of mercenaries, who in spite of the peace 
 preyed upon the inhabitants. 
 
 After France had thus been strengthened, a pretext was 
 found for reasserting suzerainty over Aquitaine, and in 1369 
 war with England began once more. Every advantage now 
 was on the side of France. England was tired of the war, 
 Edward HI. was old and enfeebled (he died in 1377), and the 
 Black Prince was burdened with a disease which carried him 
 off the year before his father. The command of the sea was 
 with the French, thanks to the fleet of the king of Castile, 
 whom Charles aided against a rival supported by the English. 
 
238 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 French Ship, 14th CENTtrRY. 
 
 Finally, the French now had a first-class general in Bertrand 
 du Guesclin, a low-born Breton who cast aside the old knightly 
 traditions of warfare, used professional soldiers instead of the 
 
 disorderly feudal 
 levies, and carried 
 on a cautious cam- 
 paign of rapid 
 maneuvers, strata- 
 gems, and ambus- 
 cades. As a result, 
 place after place 
 fell into French 
 hands; and in 1375, 
 when a truce was 
 made, Calais in 
 the north and Bor- 
 deaux and Bayonne 
 in the south were the only important places left to the English. 
 This, however, proved the limit of Charles's success. In 
 1380 both he and his general, Du Guesclin, died. His heir. 
 Lull i C^^^^'^^s VI. (1380-1422), was a sickly boy, who became 
 the war insane soon after attaining manhood. The regency during 
 
 (1 8 - ) j^^g minority was in the hands of his uncles, of whom the 
 leading spirit was the Duke of Burgundy. The new nobles of 
 the royal house proved as selfishly feudal and as opposed to 
 the interest of the monarchy as were the old nobility ; France 
 groaned under their oppressions, and ineffectual rebellions of 
 the cities broke out. Fortunately for France, England also 
 experienced the evils of a regency and internal dissensions 
 under the son of the Black Prince, Pochard II. (1377-1399) ; 
 and the war languished, with long intervals of truce, until 1414. 
 Civil war meanwhile broke out among the French princes, 
 to lend a deeper shade of horror to events. The rivals for 
 control during the insanity of the king were the king's cousin, 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS^ WAR (1337-1453) 239 
 
 John of Burgundy (who from his mother inherited Flanders 
 
 and Artois), and the king's younger brother, Louis, Duke of 
 
 Orleans. In 1407 this contest reached a climax when 202. Bur- 
 
 the taciturn and surly Burgundy caused the murder of his gundians 
 
 and Ar 
 opponent. For a time the adherents of Orleans accepted magnacs 
 
 a reconciliation; but in 1411 all restraint was thrown (1407-1415) 
 off, and civil war began. From the principal leader of their 
 party the Orleauists were called Armagnacs, their opponents 
 being Burgundians. In these struggles no quarter was given, 
 and both parties devastated the country. The people were 
 crushed with taxes, while the princes indulged in wild ex- 
 travagance ; the result was a rising of the Parisian mob 
 (called " Cabochiens," from one of its leaders), whose brutal 
 excesses disgraced the sober reform movement which they 
 accompanied. Both Armagnacs and Burgundians sought aid 
 from England, where Kichard II. had been deposed, and 
 Henry IV. (1399-1413), of the Lancastrian house, had acquired 
 the crown. Upon the death of Henry IV., his son, the Eng- 
 lish national hero Henry V. (1413-1422) became king; and 
 to quiet dynastic struggles he revived the claims of Edward 
 III. to the French throne. 
 
 In 1415 Henry V. led an army into Normandy, whence, 
 after some successes, he marched northward toward Calais. 
 At Agincourt, near Crecy, his way was blocked by a great 
 French army composed mainly of Armagnacs, who at of Agin- 
 that moment were in control of the government. The ^^^^ ^ ' 
 French seem to have profited neither by the disasters of King 
 John nor the successes of Charles V. and Du Guesclin. Again 
 their forces were chiefly dismounted knights, weighted with 
 their heavy armor, and packed so closely in the narrow defile 
 that they scarcely had room to wield their swords; to make 
 matters worse, the field was newly harrowed and ankle-deep 
 with mud. Well might King Henry say, the night before the 
 battle, that he " wished not for a single man more " to share 
 
240 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 the glory ! A third English victory, equal to those won at 
 Crecy and Poitiers, was the result. 
 
 Instead of uniting French parties, the disaster of Agincourt 
 
 served only to make the feuds of the princes more bitter. 
 
 204. Coufu- luL 1419 a conference took place between the Dauphin 
 
 sion in Charles, now head of the Armagnac party, and John of 
 
 (1415-1429) Burgundy, at which the latter was treacherously slain by 
 
 the Orleanists. The new Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, 
 
 put himself unreservedly on the English side. In 1420 a 
 
 treaty was signed at Troyes by which the shameless French 
 
 queen, Isabella, disinherited her son the Dauphin, and married 
 
 her daughter Catherine to Henry V. of England, with provision 
 
 that the latter should rule France and become its king after 
 
 the death of her husband, Charles VI. 
 
 Against this treaty the Dauphin protested. Southern France 
 remained loyal to him, but the north, including the capital, 
 passed into English hands. Henry's rule in France, however, 
 was short, as he died in 1422 ; seven weeks later the pathetic life 
 of Charles VI. also came to an end. The heir of both kingdoms, 
 by the treaty of Troyes, was a babe less than a year old, 
 Henry VI., son of Henry V. and Catherine. Such sentiment 
 of nationality as existed in France supported the claims of 
 the Dauphin, now called Charles VII. (1422-1461). But his 
 resources were slender, and his court at Bourges was distracted 
 by the quarrels and violence of his adherents; during the 
 first seven years of his reign, therefore, little progress was 
 made in driving the enemy from the realm. The English 
 cause also was weakened by quarrels : the young king's uncle, 
 the Duke of Bedford, who acted as regent in France, was an 
 able soldier and wise statesman ; but another uncle, the Duke 
 of Gloucester, was a selfish politician, whose ambitious schemes 
 seriously menaced the English alliance with Burgundy. 
 
 In 1429 a new factor entered the struggle in the person of 
 Joan of Arc. Joan was an uneducated peasant maid of north- 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 
 
 241 
 
 eastern France, of a mystical religious temperament. After 
 reaching the age of fourteen she began to hear "voices'^ and 
 see visions of saints and angels, in which she believed 
 implicitly. She was much affected by the troubles of the of Arc 
 
 time. When she was seventeen her " voices " urged her ^ ~ ^ 
 to go to the Dauphin, lead him to Rheims to be crowned, and 
 deliver France. After much difficulty she reached the king's 
 court, in male attire ; 
 and she so impressed 
 Charles that he gave 
 her an opportunity to 
 show the reality of 
 her powers. The city ' 
 
 of Orleans at this ^ " 
 time was beset by the 
 English ; if it fell, it 
 would carry with it 
 the ruin of the French 
 cause. Equipped with 
 armor and a holy 
 banner, the maid set 
 out with a small 
 force, and entered Or- 
 leans in April, 1429. 
 Blow after blow was 
 
 struck against the English, and within ten days the siege was 
 raised. The French seemed suddenly to have become invinci- 
 ble. Success followed success, until in July Joan led Charles 
 to Eheims for coronation at the place where his ancestors had 
 been crowned, and thus accomplished her mission. 
 
 After this, Charles was received with enthusiasm ; but the 
 successes won by Joan aroused the jealousy of Charles's ad- 
 visers, and they did all they could to thwart her further plans. 
 In September she was wounded while leading an attack on 
 
 Home of Joan of Arc. 
 
 The sculptures over the entrance date from the 
 restoration of the house in 1481. 
 
:}42 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Paris. In MajJ of the next year she was taken prisoner by 
 the Burgundians, and eventually turned over to the English. 
 To break the spell of her deeds, she was accused of sorcery 
 and heresy and tried before the bishop of Beauvais, an Eng- 
 lish partisan. Her condemnation was a foregone conclusion ; 
 and at Rouen in May, 1431, — wearing the cap of those con- 
 demned by the Inquisition, on which were painted devils and 
 flames, with the words, " Relapsed heretic, apostate, and idol- 
 ater," — she was burned at the stake. The nobility and purity 
 of her character were such as to impress even her enemies. 
 " We are lost ; we have burned a saint ! " were the words of an 
 Englishman who witnessed her execution. The greatest blot 
 on the fame of Charles VII. is the ingratitude he showed in 
 making no effort to rescue from death the brave girl who, 
 more than any one else, saved for him the throne of France. 
 
 The influence of Joan of Arc survived her in the energy with 
 which the war was continued. In 1435 Philip of Burgundy 
 ci abandoned the English cause, on condition that he be 
 of the war given certain lauds and be freed from all homage to 
 ^ ~ ^ Charles VII. during his lifetime; and France was thus 
 once more united. A series of reforms also gave to the crown 
 a standing army, a force of improved artillery, — for cannon 
 were becoming effective, — ■ and a permanent revenue. While 
 the French government was thus strengthened, England was 
 weakened by the death of Bedford, the insanity of King Henry 
 VI., and the growth of the dissensions among the English 
 princes which developed into the Wars of the Roses (1455- 
 1485). In these circumstances the expulsion of the English 
 from France was only a question of time. In 1436 Paris sur- 
 rendered to one of Charles's generals, the populace crying, 
 "Peace, the king, and the Duke of Burgundy!'' In 1445-1451 
 Normandy and the greater part of Aquitaine were conquered. 
 Finally, in 1453, Bordeaux surrendered. Only Calais remained 
 in English hands, to be kept for a century longer. The 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 
 
 243 
 
 Hundred Years' War, with its enormous injury, both material 
 and moral, to both parties, came quietly to an end. 
 
 Instead of winning for the English crown the whole of 
 France, the Hundred Years' War thus lost for it possessions 
 which had been held by English kings since the accession 
 of Henry II. (1154). For France the struggle had these 
 results: (1) the French king was delivered from the anomaly 
 
 Entry of Charles VIL into Paris. 
 From a miniature in a 15th century manuscript. 
 
 of having a rival king among his vassals ; (2) the power of the 
 crown was consolidated into almost absolute monarchy ; (3) a 
 national sentiment was born, which ultimately led to the com- 
 plete nationality of to-day. But against these gains must be 
 balanced fearful losses inflicted upon land and people, the 
 check to population, and the brutalization of long-continued 
 and unrestrained warfare. 
 
 The Hundred Years' War between England and France 
 began in 1337 and lasted until 1453. It was caused by friction 
 
244 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 between the two countries in Aquitaine, Scotland, and Flan- 
 ders, and became desperate as a result of the claim advanced 
 207. Sum- by Edward III. to the French throne. It comprised three 
 mary periods of active warfare : (1) In the first (1337-1360) 
 
 occurred the great English victories of Crecy (1346) and Poitiers 
 (1356), the terrible ravages of the Black Death (1347-1351), and 
 the uprisings of Marcel and the Jacquerie (1358) ; it closed with 
 the treaty of Bretigny (1360). (2) The second period (1369- 
 1380) was marked by the wise leadership of the French king, 
 Charles V., and his general, Dii Guesclin, which brought the 
 greater part of the English possessions into French hands. 
 (3) The third period (1415-1453) saw Henry V.'s great victory 
 at Agincourt (1415), the treaty of Troyes (1420), the relief of 
 Orleans by Joan of Arc, and the final expulsion of the English 
 from Aquitaine in 1453. 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 (1) Is the battle of Sluys to be classed as a real naval battle ? 
 (2) What advantage did it give the English ? (3) What was it 
 that enabled the English to win at Cr^cy and Poitiers? (4) Of 
 what value was Calais to the English ? (5) How did the Black 
 Death produce a decline of the manorial system? (6) Was 
 King John of France a good soldier ? Was he a good general ? 
 (7) What effect would the excesses of Stephen Marcel have on 
 the attitude of future kings toward the Estates-General ? (8) What 
 change was to be made in the position of the English in Aquitaine 
 by the treaty of Bretigny ? (9) Which side was responsible for 
 the renewal of the war? (10) Was the treaty of Troyes binding 
 on France? (11) Why did Joan of Arc experience such difficulty 
 in obtaining an opportunity to show her powers? (12) Was it 
 only jealousy of her that led Charles's advisers to oppose her 
 plans? (13) Why were the English determined to prove her a 
 heretic? (14) Was it a good or a bad thing for England that it 
 lost its possessions in France? (15) Would it have been an 
 advantage to the two countries to have had the same king? 
 
 (16) Real causes of the Hundred Years' War. (17) The Black 
 Prince. (18) The English archers, their training and prowess. 
 (19) The Black Death. (20) Rising of the English peasants in 
 1381. (21) Stephen Marcel. (22) The Jacquerie. (23) Renewal 
 
THE HUNDRED YEARS' WAR (1337-1453) 
 
 245 
 
 of tlie war in 1369. (24) Bertrand du Guesclin. (25) Battle of 
 Agincourt. (26) Joan of Arc. (27) Source of her strength. 
 (28) Attitude of the time towards witchcraft. (29) Reforms of 
 government under Charles VII. (30) Arms, armor, and warfare 
 in the time of the Hundred Years' War. (31) The Dauphin^. 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 See map, p. 228 ; Poole, Historical Atlas, map Ivi. ; Gardiner, 
 School Atlas, maps 15-17 ; Freeman, Historical Geography, II. 
 (Atlas), maps 16, 17 ; Dow, Atlas, xii. 
 
 Duruy, France, chs. xxviii.-xxxiii., — Middle Ages, chs. xxvii. 
 xxviii. ; Lodge, Close of the Middle Ages, chs. iv. xvi. ; Hassall, 
 French People, ch. viii. ; Masson, Medieval France, 165-272 ; 
 Kitchiu. France, I. bk. iv. ; Mackinnon, Growth and Decline of 
 French Monarchy, chs. ii. iii. ; Michelet, History of France, I. 
 415-469, II. 79-105, 127-174 ; Terry, History of England, 350-388, 
 443-464 ; Gardiner, StudenVs History of England, 231-320 ; Ran- 
 some, Advanced History of England, 299-348 ; George, Battles of 
 English History, chs. v. vi. ; Oman, History of the Art of War, 
 bk. viii. chs. i.-iii. ; Gasquet, The Great Pestilence, 34-57, 194-219; 
 Lea, History of the Inquisition, III. 338-378 ; F. C. Lowell, Joan 
 of Arc ; Stoddard, Bertrand Du Guesclin; Historians^ History of 
 the World, XI. chs. v.-ix. 
 
 Robinson, Headings, I. ch. xx. ; University of Pennsylvania, 
 Translations and Beprints, II. No. 5 ; Ashley, Edward III. and his 
 Wars; Froissart, Chronicles (Globe ed.), chs. 1. cxxviii.-cxxx. 
 clxi.-clxviii. ; Murray, Jeanne d'Arc ; Colby, Selections from the 
 Sources, nos. 38-40, 42, 45; Adams and Stephens, Select Docu- 
 ments, nos. 60, 73, 75, 79, 95, 98, 108 ; Frazer, English History^ 
 1307-1399, nos. 28-33, 38-43, 50-55; Durham, Etiglish History, 
 1399-1482, nos. 22, 23, 27, 28-38, 41-58. 
 
 Catherwood, Days of Jeanne d'^Arc, E. Robinson, The Maid of 
 Orleans ; Samuel L. Clemens (Mark Twain), Personal Becollec- 
 tions of Joan of Arc, by the Sieur Louis le Conte ; G. P. R. James, 
 The Jacquerie ; C. M. Yonge, Tlie Lances of Lynwood ; J. G. 
 Edgar, Cre(;y and Poictiers ; Dumas, Isabel of Bavaria ; A. Conan 
 Doyle, The White Company. 
 
 Geography 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 Sources 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
CHAPTER XV. 
 
 DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 
 
 The fall of the Hohenstaufen house (§ 136) was followed in 
 Germany by the Great Interregnum (1254-1273), when for a 
 208 The score of years the land was practically without a head. 
 Great Two foreigners — Richard, Duke of Cornwall, and Al- 
 
 num fonso X., king of Castile — claimed the throne by election, 
 
 (1254-1273) \^■^^^ neither secured general recognition. The decentraliz- 
 ing forces long at work in Germany seemed completely tri- 
 umphant. The imperial domains passed into the hands of the 
 princes, so that the Interregnum caused the loss of the imperial 
 revenues as well as a weakening of the imperial prerogatives. 
 The feudal barons, secure in their strong castles, ruled as they 
 pleased ; peasants were tortured and oppressed, and merchants 
 were robbed at will ; " fist-right " — the rule of the strongest — 
 was the only law the nobles recognized. 
 
 The death of Richard of Cornwall in 1272 gave the princes 
 
 the opportunity to end the Interregnum by a new election. 
 
 209. Sue- Their choice fell on Rudolph of Hapsburg, a Swabian, 
 
 cession of from whose poverty no danger to their independence 
 
 wesik "Rtw- 
 
 perors was feared. Rudolph I. (1273-1291) recognized that it 
 
 (1273-1313) -^ag foYij for the Emperor to attempt to control Italy, 
 
 and devoted his attention to building up a family power in 
 
 Germany; his greatest success was the conquest of Austria, 
 
 which thenceforth belonged to the Hapsburg house. On his 
 
 death the princes passed over his son, and chose another " poor 
 
 count," Adolf of Nassau (1292-1298) ; but Adolf's attempt to 
 
 246 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 247 
 
 find in an alliance with the lesser nobles and towns a counter- 
 poise to the power of the princes led to his deposition. 
 
 Eudolph's son, Albert of Austria (1298-1308), was then 
 elected Emperor, and followed the policies of his father; his 
 reign was cut short by murder — the result of a private quar- 
 rel. Once more the princes refused to choose the son of the 
 preceding Emperor, and French influence procured the elec- 
 tion of a petty ruler of western Germany, Henry of Luxem- 
 burg (p. 252). Abandoning the safe policies of the last three 
 rulers, Henry VII. (1308-1313) revived the imperial pre- 
 tensions, and wasted his energies on an Italian expedition 
 which cost him his life. The acquisition of Bohemia for his 
 family, by marriage and warfare, was his one substantial gain. 
 
 The death of Henry VII. in 1313 was followed by a double 
 election. The right to choose the king of Germany (the fu- 
 ture Emperor), originally vested in all freemen, had £10 Dis- 
 gradually been restricted, until by the end of the P^*e over 
 thirteenth century the idea became fixed that there election 
 should be just seven persons, constituting an electoral (1314-1347) 
 college, who possessed the hereditary right to elect. In 1313 
 two of the seats in the electoral college were in dispute ; and 
 moreover the notion of submission to a constitutional majority 
 was still weak. The Hapsburgs, seeking to regain the power 
 they had lost, procured the election of Frederick of Austria by 
 one section of the electors ; while the opposing electors, pass- 
 ing by the house of Luxemburg, chose Louis, Duke of Bavaria. 
 War followed, which ended in the capture of Frederick by his 
 opponent (in the battle of Miihldorf, 1322). For political rea- 
 sons the Pope, John XXII., refused to recognize Louis; but 
 the national sentiment of Germany rallied to his sup- Thatcher 
 
 port. A Diet held at Frankfort in 1338 declared that «^^ 
 
 McNeol, 
 "he who is elected Emperor or king by the electors of Source 
 
 the empire, thereby becomes true king and Emperor . . , Book, 279 
 
 without the approval, confirmation, authorization, or consent of 
 
248 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 the Pope or of any other person"; and Louis was able to 
 maintain himself until his death in 1347. 
 
 In the last year of Louis's reign, his opponents procured the 
 election of Charles of Bohemia, grandson of Henry VIL, as 
 211. Charles his rival; and eventually Charles received recognition 
 IV^: the £^,^j^^ ^-^j^ Germany. He proved not merely the greatest 
 (1356) king of the Luxemburg house, but one of the wisest 
 
 rulers produced by Europe in the fourteenth century. His 
 policy of building up Bohemia, through the promotion of com- 
 merce and the founding of a university at Prague, caused one 
 of his successors, the Emperor Maximilian, to say that he 
 "was the father of Bohemia,. but the stepfather of the empire." 
 This charge was based on Charles's persistent refusal to be 
 drawn into Italian politics, and on the famous Golden Bull 
 issued by him in 1356. In this document the seven electoral 
 votes were definitely decided to belong to the three great 
 Ehineland archbishops — of Mainz, Cologne (in German, Koln), 
 and Treves (in German, Trier) ; and to four secular princes — 
 the king of Bohemia, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the 
 Duke of Saxony, and the Margrave of Brandenburg (map, pp. 
 252, 253). To prevent future disputes, their territories were 
 made indivisible, with succession to males only. The right 
 of coining money and of trying cases without appeal was given 
 to the electors, who were placed above all other German 
 princes. This arrangement made the constitution of Germany 
 for centuries a federation instead of a centralized mona^ch3^ 
 While the central power in Germany was growing feeble, 
 evidence was given, in the rise of the Swiss Confederation, 
 212. The of sturdy vitality in the people. Many legends, such as 
 
 Swiss Con- ^Yv^^ q£ which William Tell is the hero, have arisen 
 
 federation 
 
 (1291-1388) concerning the origin of the Swiss Confederation; but 
 
 historians have shown these to be pure myths. The real 
 
 beginning of that important movement was the desire of the 
 
 peasants of the three Swiss mountain cantons ^- Uri, Schwyz, 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 249 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 
 10 20 30 40 )g 
 
 ^^ Original Tliree Cantons 1291 1315 
 ^^ Five Caut.ms added in 131o 13>3 \^ /- 
 
 W-^/^ Five Cantons added in l4ijl 1 j] 
 
 L__jAll,«i aiij Prolei-led Di-ii t I 
 tiiJiiJ Subject Districts down to 1 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 Growth of the Swiss Confederation. 
 
 and Unterwalden — to secure their independence against their 
 powerful neighbor, the Count of Hapsburg, who claimed lord- 
 ship over them. In 1291 they formed their league, "to aid and 
 defend each other . . . against every enemy; " as yet the confed- 
 eration embraced only the three " forest cantons," and provided 
 no means of federal government. The preoccupation of the 
 Hapsburgs with Austria left these hardy mountaineers for a 
 time in peace ; and when (in 1315) an attempt was made to sub- 
 due them, the Austrian forces were signally routed at Morgarten. 
 Soon after, Louis of Bavaria, who was hostile to the 
 Hapsburg house, confirmed the immediate dependence of the 
 cantons on the empire. Other cantons then joined the con- 
 federation, imtil (by 1853) their number had been raised to 
 "the eight old places," including the prosperous cities of 
 Zurich, Lucerne, and Bern. But danger from the Hapsburg 
 lords still continued, and in 1386 a second great battle was 
 
250 
 
 RISI-: OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 fought at Seinpach : in this battle the confederates were 
 again victorious ; the feudal forces of the Hapsburgs were 
 
 defeated by the rude 
 mountaineers, and 
 their leader slain. 
 After a third battle 
 (at Nafels, in 1388) 
 the independent posi- 
 tion of the Swiss was 
 secured ; and thence- 
 forth to the close 
 of the Middle Ages 
 their league grew in 
 numbers and in defi- 
 niteness of internal 
 organization, without 
 
 Castle Hapsburg. (From an old print.) 
 
 states 
 
 hindrance from the imperial power or the Hapsburg house. 
 
 In government a momentous change was taking place with 
 the rise of modern states. In the early Middle Ages there 
 213 Rise of ^^^^ted the two great world powers — ideal and often 
 modern visionary — the papacy and the empire, to which in 
 theory all owed allegiance. In the second half of the 
 fifteenth century both these powers were broken, and lingered 
 as mere ghosts of their former selves. Then, feudalism was 
 the basis of union in the state : now, feudalism as a political 
 force was dead. Then, the nations of Europe had not been 
 formed, and governments were characterized by provincial 
 separation, by weakness of central control, by absence of 
 legislative, police, and taxing functions, and by undeveloped 
 machinery for such powers as were exercised ; now, in several 
 countries, modern states had arisen, strong in their national 
 support, with enlarged powers and differentiated organs, 
 strengthened by a body of well-ordered law, and controlling 
 adequately their resources of men and money. 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-150U) 251 
 
 Of such states, France is the best type. Under Charles 
 VII. (1422-1461), after the close of the Hundred Years' War, 
 the government not only recovered from disorder but 214. France 
 took on new strength; and under his son, Louis XL ^^^ (i46l- 
 (1461-1483), the development continued. In character, 1483) 
 
 Louis XL was unscrupulous, cruel, and fond of cunning in- 
 trigue. His chief object was to wipe out the last traces of 
 feudal independence and make the monarchical power supreme. 
 At the beginning of his reign he was met by a formidable 
 league, headed by the dukes of liurgundy and Brittany, 
 and his own brother Charles of Berri ; although this was 
 called the " League of the Public Weal," the peace extorted 
 from the king in 1465 showed that selfish interests predomi- 
 nated. On the rise of new difficulties, Louis, in 1469, rashly 
 sought to tr}^ his powers of diplomacy in a personal inter- 
 view with Charles the Bold, who had now succeeded his 
 father as Huke of Burgundy : at this moment the Burgundian 
 city of Liege revolted, stirred up by the agents of the French 
 king; Charles was furious, and Louis escaped from his peril- 
 ous position only by a second humiliating submission. The 
 opportune death of the Duke of Berri, in 1472, finally broke 
 the coalitiou of princes and ended open hostilities. 
 
 Charles of Burgundy thenceforth found his energies diverted 
 in a new direction. As ruler of the duchy and county of 
 l^urgundy, of the county of Flanders, and of a number 215. Death 
 of imperial fiefs in the Netherlands, Charles was one ^^^j^^^^^^j 
 of the greatest princes of his day ; but his territories Burgundy 
 were scattered and inharmonious (map, p. 252), and were {l^T7) 
 
 held by widely differing titles. The ambition of his life was 
 to consolidate these, and secure for himself the title of king. 
 The pursuit of this object led him more and more into 
 German politics, and ultimately he came into conflict with the 
 Swiss confederates. In this war he was signally defeated at 
 Granson and Morat in 1476 ; and a little later (January, 1477) 
 
352. 
 
353 
 
254 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Charles the Bold met his death at Nancy, at the hands of the 
 Swiss pikemen and halberdiers. Again the lesson was enforced, 
 as at Crecy, that foot soldiers properly armed and handled 
 were more than a match for feudal cavalry. 
 
 Louis XI. meanwhile was carrying out unchecked his policy 
 of royal aggrandizement. Charles the Bold left as heir his 
 daughter Mary, who 
 
 mmMmmmmmmmmmmmmmmi 
 
 was soon married to 
 Maximilian of Aus- 
 tria ; but the duchy of 
 Burgundy and other 
 of Charles's posses- 
 sions were seized by 
 Louis as king of 
 France, on the ground 
 that they could pass 
 only to male heirs. 
 In other directions 
 the royal domain was 
 rounded out under 
 Louis XL, until it 
 became almost coter- 
 minous with France 
 itself. The only great 
 feudal domains left 
 outstanding were 
 Brittany and Flanders : the former was finally acquired by 
 marriage early in the sixteenth century ; the latter had long 
 been drifting away from France, and in 1526 was surren- 
 dered to the empire — to be largely reconquered in the next 
 century. 
 
 Charles VIIL, son of Louis XL, was thirteen years of 
 age when his father's death made him king of France. 
 During his minority the government was ably administered 
 
 Mary of Burgundy. 
 From the painting by R. van Bruges. 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 255 
 
 VIII. of 
 
 France 
 
 (1483-1498) 
 
 Maximilian of Austria. 
 From an old print. 
 
 by his sister Anne, whom 
 her father had cynically 
 styled "the least 216. Charles 
 foolish woman in 
 the world." 
 
 Upon coming of age, 
 Charles, in 1494, led an 
 army into Italy to en- 
 force claims to the king- 
 dom of ISTaples which he 
 had inherited from the 
 house of Anjou (§ 136). 
 The weakness of the 
 mutually hostile Italian 
 states was strikingly re- 
 vealed by this expedi- 
 tion; it was almost a triumphal procession, and Naples fell 
 with scarcely a blow. But soon Charles was called back by 
 news of a formidable league formed in his rear by Milan, 
 Venice, the Pope, Spain, and the Emperor. Before his death 
 (in 1498) Naples was again lost to France, and soon passed 
 into the hands of Ferdinand of Aragon, who already ruled 
 Sicily. The expedition of Charles VIII. was nevertheless of 
 great importance : it marks the end of the period of national 
 isolation, and introduces a period of international leagues and 
 warfare ; more especially it marks the beginning of a conflict 
 for the control of Italy between France and Spain, which lasted 
 until 1559, and profoundly affected the development of the 
 German Reformation. 
 
 England from 1455 to 1485 was torn by the Wars of the 
 Roses, in which the rival houses of York and Lancaster 217. Eng- 
 contested for the crown. The Yorkist king Edward IV. of'J^eK^ses 
 (1461-1483) gave England a strong, capable rule in the (1455-1485) 
 intervals of peace; but after his death his two little sons 
 Harding's m. & m. hist. — 15 
 
256 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 were murdered in London Tower by their uncle, who usurped 
 the crown as Richard III. In 1485 Richard was slain at the 
 battle of Bosworth, and his opponent of the house of Tudor 
 became king as Henry VII. (1485-1509). The Tudor kings 
 became almost despotic ; but the nation gladly supported their 
 rule for the sake of the peace and good order which it brought. 
 
 % 
 
 •''Gibraltar 
 
 Sir. of UibraUa?^ 
 
 /aF'j<ICA 
 
 SCALE OF MILES 
 6 'J5 50 loi) TSO 
 
 Spanish States, 1266-1492. 
 
 The development of Spain in the fifteenth century was little 
 short of marvelous. During the Middle Ages its history lies 
 
 _. outside the general history of western Europe, its chief 
 218. ais6 
 
 of Spain features being (1) the gradual decay of the Mohammedan 
 (1469-1516) pQ^^gj^. ^1 12), which passed to the Moors (descendants of 
 African Berbers mixed with other peoples), and (2) the rise 
 of the Christian states of Castile and Leon, Aragon, Portugal, 
 and Navarre : by 1266 the Moors were confined to the kingdom 
 of Granada, where they remained in comparative peace for 
 more than two centuries. In 1469 the marriage of Ferdinand 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 257 
 
 of Aragon and Isabella of Castile laid the basis of the per- 
 manent nnion of these countries under a single head ; then 
 in 1492 Granada was taken, and the long crusade against the 
 Mohammedans was brought to an end. 
 
 Portugal, meanwhile, for more than half a century, had been 
 taking the lead in Atlantic discovery, and in the search for an 
 ocean route to India ; and the exertions of Prince Henry the 
 Navigator (died 1460) led successively to the discovery of the 
 Madeira Islands, the Canary Islands, the Azores, and Cape 
 Verde. In 1486 the Portuguese navigator Bartholomew Diaz 
 reached the Cape of Good Hope ; and in 1498 Vasco da Gama 
 completed the work by reaching India. Seeking to anticipate 
 this result, Queen Isabella of Castile, in 1492, consented to fit 
 out the expedition with which Columbus unwittingly discov- 
 ered the New World. To both Spain and Portugal the result 
 of these efforts was the acquisition of vast colonial depend- 
 encies, and a flood of wealth. 
 
 Sicily had been annexed to Aragon since 1409 ; and the fail- 
 ure of the French kings to maintain their hold on Naples gave 
 Spain that kingdom also (confirmed by treaty in 1504), thus 
 making Spain the dominant power in Italy. At a later date, 
 fortunate marriages joined to Spain's other possessions the 
 Burgundian Netherlands, and the Hapsburg lands in Germany 
 (§§ 215, 249). The church in Spain was purified and the 
 monarchical power strengthened by a reform movement under 
 Archbishop Ximenes (§ 233). Tliis marvelous growth made 
 Spain, in the sixteenth century, the wonder of Europe. 
 
 Charles IV., the author of the Golden Bull, was succeeded 
 
 fin 1378) both as king of Bohemia and as German Em- 
 
 ^ ^ ^ 219. The 
 
 peror by his eldest son Wenzel, who proved drunken and empire 
 
 incapable, and was declared deposed as Emperor by the _ ^^^^^ *^® 
 
 ^ . ... Luxemburg 
 
 electors in 1400. After a period of confusion, in which line 
 
 several claimants were raised up to contest Wenzel's title ^ 378-1437) 
 to the imperial crown, his younger brother Sigismund, who by 
 
258 
 
 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 Imperial Arms after 
 Sigismund's Reign. 
 
 From iron work in the State 
 Museum at Frankfort. 
 
 marriage was already king of Hungary, was recognized as ruler 
 of Germany; and after Wenzel's death (in 1419), Sigismund 
 
 succeeded him as king of Bohe- 
 mia also : from his coronation as 
 Emperor at Kome (in 1433) dates 
 the use of the double-headed eagle 
 as the imperial ensign. 
 
 Sigismund's rule in Bohemia 
 was long interrupted by a na- 
 tional uprising of the Czechs, due 
 to his part in the burning for 
 heresy of John Huss, the great- 
 est religious teacher of Bohemia 
 (§ 228). Under their blind leader 
 Ziska and his successor Prokop 
 (Procopius), the Bohemians not 
 only successfully resisted crusade after crusade sent against 
 them, but devastated large areas of Germany, until dissensions 
 in their ranks permitted the triumph of their Catholic foes. 
 
 The death of the Emperor Sigismund, in 1437, brought to an 
 
 end the Luxemburg line ; and in the person of his son-in-law, 
 
 220. Haps- Albert II. (1438-1439), the Hapsburg line for a third 
 
 r^^t^r^d^ time came to the throne, of which it retained possession 
 
 (1438-1519) continuously for three centuries. 
 
 Frederick III. (1440-1493), cousin of Albert, was the last 
 Emperor to be crowned at Home. The weakness of the im- 
 perial power did not permit him to take an active part in 
 the affairs of Europe ; and indeed for twenty-five years he 
 remained secluded on his hereditary estates without visiting 
 other parts of Germany ; but his long reign and patient per- 
 sistence laid the foundations for the great growth of the 
 Hapsburg power. For years the five vowels " A • E • I • • U " 
 appeared inscribed on all his buildings and possessions : these 
 are interpreted to mean, Austrice est imperare orhi universo (in 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 259 
 
 German, Alles Erdreich ist Oesterreich unterthan) — that is, 
 " the whole world is subject to Austria." 
 
 In the latter part of Frederick's reign and the earlier portion 
 of that of his son, Maximilian I. (1493-1519), attempts were 
 made by the electors to carry through an aristocratic reform 
 of the constitution. The old Diet, or Reichstag, was to be 
 developed into an effective assembly, meeting annually, in 
 
 Town Hall of the Free Imperial City of Frankfort. 
 
 Present condition ; built 1405-1413. Here the imperial elections were held in 
 the sixteenth century. 
 
 three houses composed of the electors, princes, and representa- 
 tives of the imperial cities ; and at the same time an efficient 
 system of courts, and an administrative council which was 
 not dependent on the Emperor, were to be instituted. These 
 reforms would have done something to end the anarchy of 
 Germany, but only, by substituting an aristocratic federation of 
 the princes for the nominal rule of the Emperor. The move- 
 ment failed, and the absence of any coercive central authority 
 
260 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 continued to be one of the features of German political organ!* 
 zation : this, together with the rivalry of Spain and France in 
 Italy, proved of the utmost importance in allowing Protestant- 
 ism the opportunity to grow and spread. 
 
 While the Holy Roman Empire of the "West was becoming, in 
 the language of Voltaire (an eighteenth-century Frenchman) 
 'V^1. The "neither holy, nor E-oman, nor an empire," the Eastern 
 Empir? Empire came to an end altogether. The downfall of 
 U5i6l-1439) the Latin power at Constantinople, in 1261, restored the 
 Greek Empire, with dominions in both Europe and Asia 
 (see p. 138), but its vitality was enfeebled. On the north 
 and west its territory was curtailed by the development of the 
 Slavic states of Servia, Bosnia^ and Bulgaria ; its capital was 
 disquieted by the rivalry of Genoese and Venetian traders, and 
 by never-ceasing palace intrigues and revolutions ; more menac- 
 ing still was the advent of a new and more formidable branch 
 of the Turks in Asia Minor. 
 
 The newcomers were the Ottoman Turks, so called from 
 their sultan, Othman, under whose father they first appear in 
 western Asia in the latter part of the thirteenth century. 
 The conquest of Nicaea, in 1330, brought them to the Bosphorus, 
 and made them the dominant power in Asia Minor. A few years 
 later they crossed the Hellespont and began a series of European 
 conquests which culminated (1361) in the capture of Adrianople 
 — thenceforth for nearly a century their capital. The strong 
 walls of Constantinople long withstood them ; but the Eastern 
 Emperors were forced to pay tribute. In another way also the 
 Christian populations contributed to their own subjugation: 
 each year the Turks demanded a fixed number of children, who 
 were educated by them in the Mohammedan faith, and trained to 
 fight as their famous "new troops," or Janizaries. 
 
 The overthrow of the Ottoman sultan, in 1402, by the great 
 Tartar leader Timour (Tamerlane), only checked for a time 
 the? Tnrtish conquests. To gaih assistance against them, the 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 261 
 
 Greek Emperor and patriarch agreed to a submission of the 
 
 Greek Church to the Latin, at a council held in Italy in 1438- 
 
 14.39 ; but neither the submission nor the assistance was real. 
 
 In 1453 Sultan Mohammed II. began the final siege of 
 
 Constantinople with an overwhelming force. Mediaeval and 
 
 modern appliances were used together, the Turkish 222. Fall 
 
 cannon, constructed by foreim engineers, being of larger °^ Constan- 
 
 •^ ^ ° ' *^ '^ tmople 
 
 caliber than ever before used. The Greek Emperor, Con- (1453) 
 
 stantine Palaeologus, made an heroic defense; but his people 
 held aloof in sullen bigotry because of new negotiations for 
 union with the Latin 
 West. After fifty- 
 three days' siege, a 
 final assault was or- 
 dered, and the Jani- 
 zaries forced the gates 
 (May 29, 1453). The 
 Greek Emperor was 
 slain after a desper- 
 ate resistance ; the 
 city was given up to 
 plunder, and thou- 
 sands of the popula- 
 tion were enslaved. 
 
 Mosque of St. Sophia. 
 
 From a photograph. The tall minarets are 
 Mohammedan additions. 
 
 The great Church of St. Sophia was robbed of its treasures, its 
 frescoes and mosaics were whitewashed over by the puritanic 
 zeal of the Turks, and it was converted into a Mohammedan 
 mosque. The Eastern Empire, after surviving the Roman 
 Empire in the West for a thousand years, came to an end. 
 Constantinople became the capital of the Turkish dominions ; 
 but the Christian population was contemptuously tolerated, and 
 before the end of the reign of Mohammed II. the city enjoyed 
 more real prosperity than had been its lot for several centuries. 
 
262 RISE OF NATIONAL STATES 
 
 After the Great Interregnum (1254-1273), Germany became 
 in reality a confederation of many states, and the strength of 
 223. Sum- *1^^ Emperor depended largely upon the extent of his 
 ^s-ry family possessions ; with Frederick III. (1440-1493) the 
 
 Hapsburgs of Austria secured almost hereditary possession 
 of the imperial throne, and laid the foundations of their 
 great family power. In France the Hundred Years' War was 
 followed by a rapid recovery of the monarchy, which made 
 Louis XI. (1461-1483) practically despotic; his son, Charles 
 VIII., by his attempt to conquer the kingdom of Naples (1494), 
 began a series of wars which lasted for many years and had 
 profound results; Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, 
 planned to unite his dominions into a kingdom between 
 France and Germany ; but he was defeated and slain by the 
 Swiss confederates (1477), and his plan came to naught. Eng- 
 land, in the fifteenth century, experienced the civil Wars of 
 the Koses (1455-1485). Spain rose rapidly in importance, 
 through its union by the marriage of Isabella of Castile and 
 Ferdinand of Aragon (1469), the conquest of the Moorish 
 kingdom of Granada (1492), the hold which it acquired upon 
 southern Italy (1504), and its new-found empire in the Indies 
 (America). In the East, Christian Europe was curtailed by 
 the capture of Constantinople by the Turks, and the final fall 
 of the Eastern Empire (1453). The development of modern 
 states in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was of great 
 importance ; but even more momentous was the history of 
 the church and the intellectual changes of the period, which 
 are treated in the next chapter. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Suggestive (1) To what body connected with the papacy does the imperial 
 
 electoral college correspond ? (2) What advantages had the Swiss 
 in their struggle for independence ? (3) What advantages had 
 the Hapsburgs? (4) By what right did Louis XL of France claim 
 the duchy of Burgundy after 1477 ? (5) In what respects did the 
 
 topics 
 
DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN STATES (1254-1500) 263 
 
 German constitution at the close of the Middle Ages resemble that 
 of the United States under the old Articles of Confederation? 
 (6) What peoples kindred to the Ottomans had preceded them 
 in European history ? (7) Why did the West not come to the 
 assistance of Constantinople in 1453 ? (8) How did an English- 
 man (Richard of Cornwall) come to claim the German throne? 
 (9) Why were the English civil wars of the fifteenth century called 
 the " Wars of the Roses" ? 
 
 (10) The imperial electoral college. (11) Origin of the Swiss Search 
 Confederation. (12) Battle of Morgarten. (13) John Ziska and *°P^°^ 
 the Bohemian wars. (14) Character of Louis XI. of France. 
 (15) Charles the Bold of Burgundy. (16) Expedition of Charles 
 VIII. into Italy. (17) Conquest of Spain from the Moors. 
 (18) Character of Maximilian I. of Germany. (19) Proposed 
 reform of the German constitution in the time of Maximilian. 
 (20) Ottoman Turks. (21) Incidents of the fall of Constantinople. 
 (22) Compare the states of Europe in 1500 with those in 800. 
 
 Secondary 
 authorities 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 See maps, pp. 249, 252 ; Putzger, Atlas, maps 18, 38 ; Freeman, Geography 
 Historical Geography, I. ch. ix. par. 1, ch. viii. par. 1, ch. xii. par. 
 1-2, — 11. (Atlas), map 24; Poole, Historical Atlas, maps vii. 
 xxxvi, ; Gardiner, School Atlas, maps 18, 19 ; Dow, Atlas, xiv. xv. 
 
 Henderson, Short History of Germany, I. chs. vi. vii. ; Duruy, 
 France, chs. xxxiv. -xxxvi. , — Middle Ages, chs. xxviii.-xxxi. ; 
 Lodge, History of Modern Europe, ch. i. ; Bryce, Holy Roman 
 Empire (revised ed.), chs. xiv. xvii. ; Seebohm, Era of the Prot- 
 estant Revolution, pt. i. ; Fisher, Outlines of Universal History, 
 Period IV. chs. i.-ii.; Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle 
 Age, chs. xviii. xx. ; Tout, Empire and Papacy, ch. xx. ; Lodge, 
 Close of the Middle Ages, chs. vi. vii. xvi. xxi. ; Mackinnon, Growth 
 and Decline of French 3Ionarchy, ch. iv. ; Hassall, French People, 
 ch. ix. ; Willert, Reign of Louis XL ; Freeman, Historical Essays, 
 First Series, 314-372 ; Kitchin, France, II. bk. i. chs. i.-vi,, bk. ii. 
 ch. 1. ; Hume, Spain, Lts Greatness and Decay, 1-33, — Spanish 
 People, chs. iv.-viii. ; Hale, Spain, ch. xx. 
 
 Robinson, Readings, I. 477-485 ; Henderson, Documents of the 
 Middle Ages, bk. ii, no. x, ; Memoirs of Philip de Commines 
 (Bohn), bk. i. ch. x. and bk. vi. 
 
 Victor Hugo, Notre Dame ; Scott, Quentin Durward ; W. H. G. 
 Kingston, Rocking Stone ; W. Alexis, The Burgomaster of Berlin ; 
 G. P. R. James, Mary of Burgundy, — Agnes Sorrel ; Anne Lucas, 
 Wen^eVs Liheritance, 
 
 Sources 
 
 Illustrative 
 works 
 
CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS AND THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 (1300-1517) 
 
 In the history of the church the fourteenth and fifteenth 
 
 centuries saw successively (1) a seventy years' " Babylonian 
 
 224. The Captivity " of the papacy in France, (2) a schism which 
 
 Popes at divided the nations of western Europe in their church 
 
 Avignon ^ 
 
 (1305-1377) allegiance for forty years, and (3) a series of great church 
 
 councils which sought to wrest power from the hands of the 
 
 Pope and to remedy a number of church abuses. 
 
 The " Babylonian Captivity " was the result of the triumph 
 of Philip IV. of France over Pope Boniface VIII. (§ 187) ; it 
 lasted from 1305 to 1377, during which time the Popes resided 
 at Avignon on the river Rhone. The identification of the 
 papacy with one of the monarchies of Europe inevitably in- 
 jured it with the others. When England entered upon its long 
 war with France, it treated the papacy as a French ally, re- 
 fused the tribute which John had agreed to pay, and passed 
 statutes forbidding papal appointments to English benefices 
 and appeals to papal courts (§ 171). In Germany it was the 
 feeling that the papacy Avas the organ of France that rallied 
 the national sentiment about Louis of Bavaria, and led the 
 Diet to put forth its declaration that the Pope had no right of 
 confirmation or rejection over the imperial election (§ 210). 
 
 Still more significant was the appearance of writings attack- 
 ing the theoretical grounds of the papal power. In the De- 
 fender of the Peace, by Marsiglio of Padua, a partisan of Louis, 
 sovereignty is claimed for the people, the clergy are confined 
 
 264 
 
THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS 265 
 
 to spiritual functions without power of excommunication or 
 other coercive authority, and the rights of the state are pooZe. 
 
 asserted against the papacy. In these principles we find ^^^^^^^^^^^'^ 
 "the whole essence of the political and religious theory for Reform, 
 which separates modern times from the Middle Ages." ^^ 
 
 The threatened loss of the Papal States through municipal 
 revolts and the encroachments of tyrants brought the papacy 
 back to Rome in 1377. Pope Gregory XI. died the next 225. The 
 year; and in the election which followed, the Roman ^^^i^^ 
 
 mob, dissatisfied with the series of French Popes re- (1378-1417) 
 siding abroad, demanded "A Roman Pope, or at least an 
 Italian!" The majority of the cardinals were French, but 
 their own dissensions and the fear of mob violence led them 
 to choose a Neapolitan, Urban VI. Within a few months^ 
 Urban's rough violence and obstinacy led the cardinals to 
 repent of their choice ; and on the ground of mob intimidation 
 they then tried to set aside his election, and chose in his stead 
 a Genevan, who took the name Clement VII. and set up his 
 papacy at Avignon. 
 
 A schism in the church was thus produced which lasted for 
 forty years. " All our West land," wrote the Englishman 
 Wyclif, " is with that one Pope or that other, and he that Amoldy 
 
 is with that one, hateth the other with all his. . . . wldi/Ji. 
 Some men say that here is the Pope in Avignon, for he 40i-402 
 
 was well chosen ; and some say that he is yonder at Rome, 
 for he was first chosen." France and the Spanish kingdoms 
 supported the Avignon Popes, while Germany, England, and 
 Scandinavia adhered to Urban VI. and his successors. 
 
 Since French influence was largely responsible for the 
 schism, it was fitting that France should take the lead in 
 efforts to heal it. On the advice of the University of Paris, 
 the French government tried to organize a movement to com- 
 pel both Popes to abdicate by withdrawing from allegiance to 
 either: but Charles VI. of France was subject to insanity, 
 
266 
 
 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 and Wenzel of Germany was a confirmed drunkard; and the 
 attempt at coercion came to nothing. The scandal of the 
 schism then forced the Popes themselves to take steps, and 
 an agreement was made for a conference in 1407 at Savona, 
 near Genoa, to bring about a joint abdication. Both Popes 
 professed the greatest zeal for unity, and were probably 
 sincere : but the Roman Pope, Gregory XII., was old and 
 vacillating, and his fears were played upon by his ambitious 
 nephews ; while the Avignon Pope, Benedict XIII., was too 
 tenacious of the rights of the papacy as represented by him- 
 Creighton, self. The conference, therefore, never took place. " One 
 2J3 ' ' ' Pope," said a contemporary, " like a land animal, refused 
 to approach the shore; the other, like a water beast, refused 
 
 to leave the sea." 
 
 The failure of these attempts pro- 
 duced a revival of the idea of action 
 through a general council of the 
 
 226. Coun- 
 cil of Pisa 
 (1409) 
 
 Mi 
 
 Pisa: Baptistery, Cathedral, and Leaning Tower. 
 Erected 1063-1350. 
 
 church, which was zealously urged by two members of the 
 University of Paris, Pierre d' A illy and Jean Gerson. Accord- 
 ing to the canon law, only a Pope could summon a coun- 
 cil ; the cardinals of both Popes, however, abandoned them, 
 and united in calling a council which met at Pisa in 1409, 
 
THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS 267 
 
 declared both Popes deposed, and elected a new one, who took 
 the name Alexander V. 
 
 Instead of ending the schism, this only added a third claim- 
 ant for the papacy, for neither Gregory nor Benedict recog- 
 nized the act of deposition. On the death of Alexander 
 v., in 1410, the cardinals chose as his successor John cil of Con- 
 
 XXIII., a man of infamous life, but who seemed to have stance 
 
 ',..,. , (1414-1418) 
 
 the needed political vigor to make good his position. In 
 
 1413 the capture of Rome by the king of Naples forced John 
 
 to appeal for aid to the Emperor Sigismimd; and Sigismund 
 
 demanded, as the price of his assistance, the summoning on 
 
 German soil of the Council of Constance, which lasted from 
 
 November, 1414, to April, 1418. 
 
 All the states of Europe recognized this assembly, and it 
 was thus enabled to succeed where the Council of Pisa had 
 failed. It asserted its authority in the most far-reaching terms, 
 declaring that it had power '' immediately from Christ, . 
 
 and all men, of every rank and dignity, even the Pope, Papacy, I. 
 are bound to obey it in matters pertaining to (1) the faith, ^^^ 
 
 (2) the extirpation of the present schism, and (3) the general 
 reformation of the church of God in head and members." 
 
 In carrying out this threefold pi'ogramme, the council con- 
 demned the heresies of Wyclif, and burned at the stake John 
 Huss and Jerome of Prague, who headed a movement in 
 Bohemia similar to that of Wyclif in England. Huss had sies con- 
 come voluntarily to Constance under a safe conduct from ®°^^® 
 Sigismund, the violation of which was justified by the plea 
 that faith should not be kept with those who are unfaithful to 
 God. Both Huss and Jerome of Prague met their deaths with 
 heroic constancy. This action of the council kindled a religious 
 war, in which the Hussites not merely maintained themselves 
 but carried devastation into the heart of Germany (§ 219). 
 
 In healing the schism the council was more successful than 
 in dealing with heresy. Gregory XII., who represented the 
 
268 KENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION. 
 
 line of Urban VI., sent envoys from his refuge in northerii 
 Italy to offer his abdication ; and Benedict XIII., now a fugi- 
 tive in Spain, was deposed and left without a following. 
 Great John XXIII., who opened the council as president, was 
 
 Schism appalled by the array of charges brought against his 
 
 healed 
 
 character and life, and after ineffectual efforts to avoid 
 
 his fate, submitted to deposition as ^'unworthy, useless, and 
 harmful." Representatives from the five "nations" into 
 which the council was divided were then added to the cardi- 
 nals, and the united body chose as Pope a Roman cardinal 
 who took the name Martin V. All Western Christendom 
 recognized him, and the schism came to an end (1417). 
 
 Of the reform question at Constance, a Catholic historian 
 
 says : " The great majority of the assembly were of one mind 
 
 as to the need of reform. ^ The whole world, the clergy, 
 
 question of all Christian people, know that a reform of the church 
 
 re orm militant is both necessary and expedient,' exclaims a 
 
 Pastor His- theologian of the day. ... But . . . the members of 
 
 tory of the ^ *^ 
 
 Popes, I. the council were neither clear nor unanimous in their 
 
 views as to the scope and nature of the reform." A 
 strong party sought to defer the election of the new Pope 
 until after a reform had been effected, but in this they failed. 
 Pope Martin V., after his election, speedily showed " that 
 little was to be expected from him " in this matter. "Neither 
 the isolated measures afterward substituted for the universal 
 reform so urgently required, nor the Concordats [separate 
 agreements] made with Germany, the three Latin nations, and 
 England, sufficed to meet the exigencies of the case, although 
 they produ^.ed a certain amount of good." 
 
 One of the decrees of the Council of Constance provided for 
 231 c ^'^® regular summoning of councils in the future; and 
 cil of Basel the continued demand for reform, together with the rout 
 (1431-1449) q£ successive armies of crusaders sent against the hereti- 
 cal Bohemians (§ 219), led to the assembling, in 1431, of the 
 
THE GREAT CHURCH COUNCILS 269 
 
 (Jouncil of Basel. Pope Eugenius IV. soon issued a bull to 
 
 dissolve the council ; " incorrect information and fear of the 
 
 ^rowincf power of councils induced the Pope to take this ^ 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ^ Pastor, His- 
 
 momentous step, which was a grievous mistake." The tory of the 
 council claimed superiority over the Pope, and refused ^^P^^' ^' '^^'^ 
 io recognize his decree; and after two years the Pope was 
 forced to yield and revoke the decree of dissolution. 
 
 This council proved far more radical than the one at Constance. 
 The attendance of the higher clergy at Basel dwindled until 
 business was carried on mainly by members of the lower clergy 
 and ecclesiastical adventurers. A hearing was given to the 
 envoys of the Bohemians, and a series of compacts was entered 
 into by which some of their demands were granted, especially 
 the administering to the laity the wine as well as the bread 
 in the Lord's Supper. It was no small gain that heretics should 
 be treated with instead of being repressed by the arm of 
 authority. The compacts, however, failed to end the troubles 
 in Bohemia, and they were annulled by the Pope in 1462. 
 
 No adequate results followed the discussion of reform ques- 
 tions at Basel. " Instead of the reform of ecclesiastical abuses, 
 which in many countries had reached a frightful pitch, 
 the diminution of the papal authority and the destruc- tory of the 
 tion of the monarchical character of the church became ^^^■^' ^^^ 
 the chief business of the synod." Among the ideas discussed 
 and rejected was the abolition of the requirement of celibacy on 
 the part of the clergy ; but certain reforms were agreed upon at 
 Basel, and following these both France and Germany issued 
 " Pragmatic Sanctions " limiting abuses of papal taxation and 
 appointment, which were ultimately withdrawn. 
 
 In 1437 hostilities again broke out between Pope and council, 
 and Eugenius IV. issued a bull dissolving the council and call- 
 ing another to meet in Italy. At Basel this step was met by 
 decrees suspending, then deposing, Eugenius ; and on November 
 3, 1 1:39, the schism was renewed by the election of an anti-pope, 
 
270 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 who took the name Felix V. No important nation recognized 
 
 Felix; and after ten years came the downfall of both the 
 
 Council of Basel and its anti-pope. 
 
 For the next few j^ears the papacy was engaged — under 
 
 Nicholas V., Calixtus III., and Pius II. — in remedying the 
 
 232. The damage done by the Great Schism, and in stamping 
 
 papacy ^^^^ ^^le last embers of the conciliar movement. The 
 
 after the 
 
 councils schism had doubled the financial burdens of the church, 
 
 and reunion had not lessened them ; and the demand for the 
 removal of evils and abuses in the church grew stronger as time 
 went on. In vain did Nicholas V. seek, by identifying the 
 papacy with the literary and artistic revival of the fifteenth cen- 
 tury, to recover its lost prestige. The effort also of Pius II. 
 (1458-1464), to stir up a crusade against the Turks, only re- 
 vealed more clearly that, as he himself had said, Europe looked 
 " on Pope and Emperor alike as names in a story or heads in a 
 picture." The mediaeval papacy was dead as a political world 
 power equally with the mediaeval empire. 
 
 In these circumstances the Popes confined themselves largely 
 
 to looking after the interests of the Papal States. From 1464 
 
 to 1521 the sovereign pontiffs^ may be described as Italian 
 
 princes, who united to their powers as head of the church the 
 
 political craft and perfidy and the looseness of morals which 
 
 characterized Italy in their day, and lost sight of the spiritual 
 
 side of their office. A Catholic historian quotes approvingly 
 
 this characterization of Alexander VI. (1492-1503), one of the 
 
 worst of their number : " The reign of this Pope, which 
 
 toi^y of the lasted eleven years, was a serious disaster, on account 
 
 Popes, IV. of i^s worldliness, openly proclaimed with the most 
 
 amazing effrontery, on account of its equally unconcealed 
 
 nepotism [favoritism to relatives], lastly on account of his 
 
 utter absence of all moral sense both in public and private 
 
 iPaul II. (14b'4-1471) ; Sixtus IV. (1471-1484) ; Innocent VIII. (1484-1492); 
 Alexander VI. (1492-1503) ; Julius II. (1503-1513) ; Leo X. (1513-1521). 
 
THE RENAISSANCE 271 
 
 life, which made every sort of accusation credible, and brought 
 the papacy into utter discredit, while its authority seemed 
 unimpaired." 
 
 Thus the Middle Ages end with the papacy and higher 
 clergy sunk in worldliness; but among the people "the evi- 
 dence is overwhelming," says a recent Protestant histo- 233 Span- 
 
 rian, "that the whole media3val period witnessed a ish awaken- 
 
 in ST 
 gradual deepening of the hold of religion on life and 
 
 thought. ... If the wider interests of religion are Reforma- 
 had in view, the period just previous to the Reformation ^^0^. ^ 
 
 witnessed not the lowest decline but the highest development 
 of mediaeval Christianity — high enough to be dissatisfied 
 with its state, to feel dimly the inadequacy of its institutions, 
 and the need of their improvement." In Spain, in the latter 
 half of the fifteenth century, was seen a religious movement 
 which particularly testifies to this. There a reform was car- 
 ried out, on the initiative of Ferdinand and Isabella, and 
 through the agency of Archbishop Ximenes, which purified 
 the Spanish church, and produced a religious revival charac- 
 terized by strict orthodoxy, limitation of the papal power, and 
 a more rational theology. 
 
 In Italy also a moral and religious revival was begun by 
 the Dominican friar Savonarola (1452-1498) at Florence. His 
 vivid eloquence and commanding personality aroused . _ 
 
 the people from their frivolity and sensuality, and for a vonarola 
 time he swayed the city at will. But unhappily he was ^ ~ ^ 
 led into politics; he took a prominent part in a revolution 
 which temporarily cast out the ruling family of the Medici, 
 and he turned Florence to alliance with the French when 
 Charles VIII. made his raid into Italy (§ 216). 
 
 This brought Savonarola into conflict with Pope Alexander 
 VI., whose chief object was to provide a principality in Italy 
 for his son, Caesar Borgia. This end was pursued by father 
 and son with frank disregard of morality and religion ; in- 
 
 HARDING'S M. & M. HIST. 16 
 
272 
 
 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 ■*^f 
 
 Savonarola. 
 
 deed, the Italian writer Machiavelli (1469-1527), in his work 
 entitled The Prince, took Caesar Borgia as a model of that 
 
 unscrupulous craft which was 
 ^^;r7~~7~~^v thought necessary to rule a newly 
 
 t{ , I won state. The chief danger to 
 
 the Pope's designs came from the 
 interference of France in the pen- 
 insula, and Florence was the chief 
 supporter of that intervention. 
 The persistence of Savonarola in 
 adhering to the French alliance, 
 his preaching after being excom- 
 municated, and his attacks upon 
 the Pope at length led to his 
 downfall. Although his teachings 
 were in general harmony with the doctrines of the church, 
 Savonarola was condemned as a heretic, and burned at the 
 stake in 1498. Unlike the Hussite movement in Bohemia, his 
 influence died with him. • 
 
 The reform movements of Ximenes and Savonarola were 
 orthodox efforts to effect an adjustment of the church to the 
 
 modern spirit which was manifesting itself in the srreat 
 235. Decay .^ ^ ^ ^ . rSi .- 
 
 of mediae- movement called the Kenaissance. Ihe term means liter- 
 
 valism ^lly "rebirth," and is applied especially to the intel- 
 
 lectual and artistic revival which, beginning in Italy about 
 the year 1300, went steadily on throughout the fourteenth, fif- 
 teenth, and sixteenth centuries. Fundamental!}^, it was an 
 awakening of the human intellect to wider fields of activity; 
 it was the recovery of the freedom of individual thought and 
 action. In the Middle Ages the individual was nothing; the 
 guild, the commune, the church, were everything. The world 
 and the flesh were regarded as evil, and their influence was 
 to be combated. Curiosity was to be repressed ; hence natural 
 science, which is based on observation and investigation, made 
 
THE RENAISSANCE 273 
 
 little progress. The learning most worth having was the- 
 ology, the basis of which was revelation ; and with it flourished 
 philosophy (the handmaid of theology), and law — the impor- 
 tance of which was due to the incessant conflicts of papacy 
 and empire, of church and state. 
 
 With the fourteenth century a new way of looking at things 
 began in Italy to manifest itself. Human life and this world 
 were viewed as things good in themselves, and not 236. Re- 
 
 merely as a means of preparation for the world to vival of 
 . 1 • • I? • learning- 
 
 come. Men began to give way to the stirrings ot curi- 
 osity in matters hitherto neglected. A new interest was 
 taken in the monuments of antiquity. Throughout the Middle 
 Ages, Vergil, Cicero, and others of the best Latin authors were 
 read as models of style, however imperfectly they were 
 followed; but their content was feared as pagan. Now 
 they began to be read for meaning as well as style ; and in 
 them men found that spirit of individualism, of " humanism," 
 of which they were beginning to be conscious in their own 
 breasts. 
 
 "The expression of the human mind in the Middle Ages 
 had been scholasticism, that is to say, the interpretation of 
 texts; the expression of the humanistic spirit was rea- x^, .„_ 
 
 ' ^ jLCiVlSS6, 
 
 son, that is to say, the affirmation of truth, evident or General 
 
 demonstrated." A new and exaggerated reverence for ^ew,i35 
 
 antiquity sprang up; and because the classical authors were 
 now understood, men profited by their style as never before. 
 Better Latin began to be written ; and Greek, the knowledge 
 of which had gradually died out in the West, was relearned 
 from Constantinople. " Greece has not fallen," said an Creighton, 
 Italian scholar after the fall of Constantinople; "but Papacy, 
 seems to have migrated to Italy." Under the impulse of 
 the new love for learning, the libraries of the monasteries of 
 Europe were ransacked, and many lost works were recovered. 
 Critical scholarship was born in the task of identifying and 
 
274 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 editing these treasures, and grammars and dictionaries were 
 
 compiled for their interpretation. 
 
 The chief representatives of the revival of learning, in the 
 
 fourteenth century, were Petrarch and Boccaccio. Petrarch 
 
 237. Classic (1304-1374) was born near Florence, spent his boyhood 
 
 study and ^^ Avisrnon, and in manhood passed from one Italian 
 
 vernacular o - ^ 
 
 literature court to another. He longed passionately for a revival 
 
 of the glories of ancient Rome, and was the first who zealously 
 collected Latin manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins. He tried 
 ineffectually to learn Greek in order that he might read 
 Homer; and in countless letters, each an essay in finished 
 Latin style, he spread broadcast the cultured and inquiring 
 humanist spirit. Boccaccio (1313-1375) also was a Florentine ; 
 with much difficulty he gained some knowledge of Greek, and 
 was the author of valuable dictionaries of classical mythology 
 and geography. In the fifteenth century scores of humanists, 
 of lesser genius but greater learning, carried on the work begun 
 by these two. 
 
 Along with the revival of learning went another move- 
 ment, which also owed much to Petrarch and Boccaccio. The 
 Italian, French, and English tongues, and later the German, were 
 raised to the rank of literary languages, and vernacular litera- 
 tures were created. The Florentine poet Dante (1265-1321) 
 represents "the glimmer of the dawn" of the Renaissance. 
 Born amid the strife of Guelf and Ghibelline, he spent his later 
 life in the wanderings of political exile. His epic poem, the 
 Divine Comedi/, was not merely the first important literary 
 work in Italian, but was the first great piece of modern litera- 
 ture, one of the masterpieces of all time. Petrarch's Sonnets 
 showed that the Italian language was adapted to lyric poetry ; 
 and Boccaccio, in a series of short stories called the Decameron^ 
 became the father of Italian prose. In England the poet 
 Chaucer (1340-1400) used the language of the people for his 
 Canterbury Tales ; and Wyclif used the same tongue in much 
 
THE RENAISSANCE 
 
 2T5 
 
 of his writing and preaching. In Germany the development 
 of a literature in the people's tongue was aided by the work of 
 Martin Luther in the sixteenth century. 
 
 Architecture, sculpture, and painting also felt the new im- 
 pulse, and flowered into masterpieces such as the world had 
 not seen since the days of classical Greece. In archi- £38 The 
 tecture the classical revival was felt early in the fifteenth ^^ arts in 
 century, when men restored the style of ancient Rome, 
 adapted to the requirements of modern ecclesiastical, civic, 
 and domestic building. Bramante (1444-1514) was foremost 
 
 St. Peter's, at Rome. (Present condition ; erected 1506-1626.) 
 
 in this work, and to him Rome owes the original plan and 
 part of the completed structure of the church of St. Peter's. 
 Michael Angelo (Michelangelo, 1475-1564) illustrates the 
 many-sidedness of the Italian Renaissance by the preeminence 
 which he attained alike in architecture, sculpture, and paint- 
 ing. He superintended the building of St. Peter's, and added 
 the towering dome; sculptured many figures, of which those 
 
276 RENAISSANCE AND KEFORMATION 
 
 of David, Moses, and the figures for the Medici monument 
 at Florence are perhaps most famous; and painted a series 
 of biblical pictures for the Sistine Chapel at Eome, of which 
 his fresco of the Last Judgment is probably the most famous 
 single picture in the world ; in addition he was a poet of no 
 mean note. In painting, the Italian Renaissance reached its 
 height in the period 1470-1550, which saw the works of 
 Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519), Raphael (1483-1520), and 
 others, as well as those of Michael Angelo. In Venice the 
 movement was of somewhat later origin than elsewhere in 
 Italy; but a Venetian school, of which Titian (1477-1576) 
 was foremost, gained fame for its brilliant and accurate col- 
 oring 
 
 The critical spirit which was developed in the study of the 
 
 ancient authors passed into criticism of mediaeval philosophy, 
 
 ^^^®^^*^^^ science, and mediaeval religion. Scholastic phi- 
 
 «3>7. SC16I1C6 
 
 and criti- losophy lost its hold upon the world, and the writings of 
 cism Plato were read along with those of Aristotle, whose works 
 
 now became known in the original Greek. Medicine profited 
 by the dissection of the human body ; but it was not until the 
 middle of the seventeenth century that an English physician, 
 Harvey, completely demonstrated the circulation of the blood. 
 Chemistry made important strides, though to many investiga- 
 tors it was only a means to find the mythical " philosopher's 
 stone," with which to turn base metals to gold. Mathematics 
 also experienced some advances. 
 
 Above all, the study of the stars passed from the astrologer 
 to the astronomer. For centuries the teaching of the Greek 
 philosopher Ptolemy had prevailed, which made the earth the 
 center of the universe, about which turned sun, moon, and 
 stars. Copernicus (1473-1543) now taught that the sun is the 
 center about which the earth revolves with the other planets, 
 turning at the same time upon its axis. Galileo (1564-1642), 
 with the aid of the telescope, which he so improved as to make 
 
THE RENAISSANCE 277 
 
 practically a new invention, explored the heavens and made 
 discovery after discovery ; but because of the opposition of 
 the theologians, he was obliged to withdraw as heretical the 
 teaching, which he borrowed from Copernicus, that the earth 
 moves around the sun. 
 
 The same sort of critical investigation which led to these 
 scientific discoveries enabled Lorenzo Valla (1405-1457) to 
 prove that the alleged Donation of Constantine (§63), by which 
 were defended some of the papal claims to temporal power, 
 was a clumsy forgery. 
 
 A development of the arts of war and of navigation also 
 marked this period. The improvements in the arms and 
 handling of foot soldiers, which made them superior to 
 the mounted and armored knights (§§ 185, 193, 215), were of war and 
 accompanied by the introduction of gunpowder, which ^^^^S^ ^°° 
 robbed the feudal castle of its strength. Prom a very early 
 date gunpowder was used in India and China for rockets 
 and fireworks. Its introduction into Europe, and use in 
 cannon, took place in the fourteenth century ; but it was not 
 until the fifteenth that improvements in its composition and 
 in appliances made it an effective instrument of war. The 
 musket and pistol do not appear until the sixteenth century 
 
 The art of navigation also owed much to the Far East. 
 About 1300 the mariner's compass was introduced into Europe 
 from China, where it had long been known ; and the astrolabe 
 and cross-staff, used to ascertain latitude, were adapted to 
 purposes of navigation in the fifteenth century: these were 
 among the few instruments possessed by Columbus and Vasco 
 da Gama on their famous voyages. Longitude, however, could 
 not be reckoned with any degree of accuracy until the inven- 
 tion of the watch, in the eighteenth century, made compara- 
 tively easy its calculation by differences of time. 
 
 Geographical knowledge was greatly increased by the accept- 
 ance of the view that the" earth is a sphere (a fact known to 
 
278 
 
 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 the ancients, but rejected on theological grounds by the Middle 
 Ages), and by a system of rational maps in place of fantastic 
 and mythical representations of the world. In the sixteenth 
 century the invention of Mercator's projection — a form of 
 map in which all meridians and parallels are straight lines 
 intersecting at right angles — made possible sea charts for 
 compass sailing on courses drawn as straight lines. 
 
 Spread of Printing during the Fifty Years following its 
 Introduction into Mainz. 
 
 The boundaries are modern. 
 The intellectual awakening came earliest in Italy, and gradu- 
 ally spread to the lands beyond the Alps. The great church 
 241 Inven- ^o^^^^cils of the fifteenth century were an important help 
 tion of in its spread by bringing the scholars of Italy into touch 
 
 (abou?^ with those of other lands. The greatest aid, however, 
 1450) was afforded by the invention of printing. As late as 
 
 1350 practically all books in Europe were prepared entirely 
 with the pen. Some time after that date the practice arose of 
 
THE RENAISSANCE 279 
 
 printing tracts and short books, for whicli there was a large 
 sale, from engraved blocks of wood. Such crude "block books" 
 were a step in advance ; but it was not until separate types 
 were cast in metal, making possible their use in many combina- 
 tions, that the art of printing was really born. The honor of 
 this invention is usually given to Johann Gutenberg of Mainz, 
 in Germany, who printed from movable types about the year 
 1450 ; but the date, place, and original discoverer of the art 
 are all disputed. The invention cheapened books and spread 
 broadcast the means of culture. By the end of the century, 
 printers had established themselves in more than two hun- 
 dred places in Europe, and books and pamphlets were multiplied 
 at an unprecedented rate. Leaflets containing woodcut pic- 
 tures, illustrating the questions of the day, made an equally 
 powerful appeal to the illiterate. 
 
 In Italy, in the latter part of the fifteenth century, scholars 
 became almost pagan in their devotion to the learning of 
 Greece and Rome ; and frank disregard of religion and 242. The 
 
 morality spread among all classes. North of the Alps a Renais- 
 . "^ -11 -1 sance be- 
 
 more serious tone characterized the movement; without yondthe 
 
 neglecting the classical authors, scholars turned more to "^^P^ 
 
 the study of early Christian writers. In England, John Colet, 
 dean of St. Paul's cathedral at London, labored for an educa- 
 tional and religious revival. In Germany, Reuchlin became the 
 center of a bitter literary and theological quarrel, because of 
 his Hebrew studies and his desire to save the books of the 
 Jews from burning at the hands of bigoted scholastics ; and 
 to defend him, a group of younger humanists, of whom the 
 brilliant but dissolute Ulrich von Hutten was one, published a 
 series of satirical letters entitled Eijistolm Ohscurorum Virorum, 
 purporting to be written by Reuchlin's opponents, and designed 
 to cast ridicule upon them as a stupid party. 
 
 The best example of northern humanism is offered by 
 Erasmus of Rotterdam (1467-1536). After passing a few 
 
280 
 
 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 years in a Netherlands monastery, he studied at Paris, in Eng- 
 land, and in Italy ; his home thenceforth was wherever there 
 243 E were literary friends, books, and a printing press. In 
 
 mus biting satire he attacked the evil lives of monks, the 
 
 C 7- 36) arrogance of theologia,ns, and superstition and ignorance 
 everywhere. He devoted himself especially to editing and 
 printing works of the early church fathers, and thus became 
 the founder of a more learned and comprehensive theology. 
 Scores of books were j)ublished by him : the most widely read, 
 
 perhaps, was his satirical Pi-aise 
 of Folly, the most important 
 was his edition of the New 
 Testament (1516), making ac- 
 cessible, for the first time in a 
 printed volume, the original 
 Greek text. Owing to the 
 knowledge of Latin possessed 
 by all educated men, his works 
 were everywhere read. He de- 
 sired a reformation in the church 
 " without tumult," carried 
 through by education and by 
 appeal to the reason. In his 
 own day he possessed an influ- 
 ence such as few scholars have had. Though his plan of 
 orderly reform could not avert the uprising against the church, 
 Sef^rd ^^^ work profoundly affected that movement as well as 
 
 Reforma- the church itself. "The Eeformation that has been," 
 
 tion of the . « . • t i i 
 
 Sixteenth says a writer of our own time, " is Luther s monument : 
 
 Century, 73 perhaps the Reformation that is to be will trace itself 
 back to Erasmus." 
 
 Erasmus 
 From the painting by Holbein. 
 
 In reviewing the history of the seven centuries between 800 
 and 1500, we see Europe in a constant state of transformation. 
 
THE RENAISSANCE 281 
 
 The prosperity of Charlemagne's reign was followed by the 
 political and ecclesiastical disintegration of the ninth and 
 tenth centuries. Through feudalism, military efficiency 
 was recovered and the Continent saved from conquest mary of the 
 threatened by Saracens, Hungarians, and Northmen. Middle Ages 
 
 The refounding of the Holy lioman Empire by Otto I. (962) 
 again gave Europe theoretical political unity, and led to the 
 purification of the papacy and the church through the Cluniac 
 reforms (tenth and eleventh centuries). The conflicting claims 
 of papacy and empire then produced a series of struggles be- 
 tween these world powers, lasting from 1075 to 1268: these 
 include the Investiture Conflict (1075-1122) begun between 
 Gregory VII. and Henry IV. ; the long struggle with Frederick 
 Barbarossa; and the contest which ended in the death of 
 Frederick II. (1250) and the final downfall of the Hohen- 
 staufens (1268). 
 
 National states meanwhile were arising; and with France, 
 the first of these, the papacy came into disastrous conflict in 
 1296-1303. Then followed the "Babylonian Captivity" at 
 Avignon, the Great Schism, and the church councils, which 
 ended the papacy as a world power. The political supremacy 
 of France which followed was checked by a long war with 
 England (1337-1453) ; and again at the end of the period it 
 was about to be eclipsed by the newly grown power of Spain. 
 
 The Crusades (1096-1291) were almost exactly contempora- 
 neous with the struggle of papacy and empire. In one view 
 they were an expansion of Europe eastward; similar move- 
 ments were the conquests from the Slavs on the northeast of 
 Germany, the Northman colonization of Iceland and Greenland, 
 and the Spanish and Portuguese discoveries of the fifteenth 
 century. The Middle Ages were also the period of the rise 
 and vigor of the towns, of the universities, and of monastic 
 organizations of various sorts. Chivalry, scholasticism, and 
 Gothic art are manifestations of the earlier period, which 
 
282 
 
 RENAISSANCE AND REFORMATION 
 
 gradually change as the revival of learning grew in the four- 
 teenth and fifteenth centuries. All iu all, the Middle Ages 
 were a period of transformation, when the old classical civiliza- 
 tion, Christianity, the vigorous Teutonic races, and elements 
 drawn from the Mohammedan East combined in bewildering 
 variety. It was essentially the period when Europe became 
 Europe, and made read}^ to found new Europes across the seas. 
 
 TOPICS 
 
 Suggestive 
 topics 
 
 Search 
 topics 
 
 (1) Was Urban VI. or Clement VII. the true Pope? Give your 
 reasons. (2) Why should England and France tp^ke opposite sides 
 in the Great Schism ? (.3) Compare the powers claimed by the 
 Council of Constance with Gregory VII, 's memorandum of the 
 powers of the papacy. (4) Was the council's claim constitutional 
 or revolutionary ? Was it necessary or unnecessary ? (5) Why did 
 the councils fail to reform the abuses in the church ? (6) Compare 
 the character and European position of the Popes after the councils 
 with the character and European position of Pope Innocent III. 
 (7) Contrast the mediaeval with the modern way of looking at the 
 world. (8) Why was scholasticism insufUcient as an intellectual 
 training? (9) Why should the revival of learning come first in 
 Italy ? (10) How did printing help on the Renaissance ? (11) Why 
 were the northern humanists more serious and religious-minded 
 than the Italian ? 
 
 (12) Effects of the Babylonian Captivity and the Great Schism 
 on the papacy. (13) Incidents of the Council of Constance. 
 (14) John Hnss. (l.j) The Emperor Sigismund. (16) The 
 papacy under Julius II. (17) The reforms of Ximenes in Spain. 
 (18) Savonarola. (10) Dante. (20) Petrarch. (21) Michael 
 Angelo. (22) Raphael. (23) Leonardo da Vinci. (24) Invention 
 of printing. (25) Reuchlin. (26) Erasmus. (27) Discoveries of 
 ancient works of art. (28) Discoveries of ancient literary works. 
 
 Geography 
 Secondary- 
 authorities 
 
 REFERENCES 
 
 See map, p. 252. 
 
 Adams, Civilization during the Middle Ages, chs. xv. xvi, ; See- 
 bohm, Era of the Protestant Eevolution, pt. i. chs. i.-iv., pt. ii., 
 ch. i. ; Henderson, Short History of Germany, I. chs. ix. x. ; 
 Thatcher and Schwill, FAirope in the Middle Age, chs. xxi. xxiii. ; 
 Van Dyke, <^i/e of Renascence, 1-34, 62-121; Walker, Reforma- 
 
CHURCH COUNCILS AND RENAISSANCE 
 
 283 
 
 tion, chs. i. ii. ; Lodge, Close of the 3Iiddle Ages, ix.-xi. xxii ; 
 Wylie, Council of Constance, lectures v. vi. ; Maurice, Bohemia, 
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 Modern Art, chs. i. iii. vi. xiii. xiv. 
 
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 Literary Source Book of the German Benaissance ; Robinson 
 and Rolfe, Betrarch, 53-55, 59-76, 117, 189-174, 178-190, 191-196, 
 210-214, 243, 261, 275-278, 298-325, 384 ; Emerton, Erasmus, 36- 
 38, 149-151, 188, 232-235, 298-307, 310-319, 347-349, 360, 373-374, 
 Nicholas, Ep.istles of Erasmus ; Froude, Life and Letters of Eras- 
 mus, 39, 95-96, 97-100, 121-123, 207-210, 221-225, 243-249, 253- 
 255, 259-272, 278-280, 284-286, 293-296, 300, 305, 317-318, 327-332, 
 340, 342-343, 356, 363-365 ; Benvenuto Cellini, Life (Symond's 
 trans.), 380-392,416-427,443-457; Machiavelli, The Brince, esp. 
 ch. xviii. ; Vassari, Lives (biographies of Raphael, Michelangelo 
 Buonarroti, Leonardo da Vinci) ; University of Pennsylvania, 
 Translations and Beprints, IV. No. 6, pp. 14-15, I. No. 1. p. 8, 
 
 III. No. 6, pp. 9, 14, 26-32 ; Erasmus, Braise of Folly ; Commines, 
 Memoirs (Bohn), IL 189-191, 284-287. 
 
 Charles Reade, Cloister and the Hearth; "George Eliot," Illustrative 
 Bomola; G. P. R. James, Leonora d''Orco; Mrs. Beecher Stowe, """'O'^s 
 Agnes of Sorrento ; C. Baker, The Gleaming Dawn, — The Cardi- 
 naVs Bage. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Diacritic marks : a as in late, ; a as in fat \ a as in far ; a as in last ; a as in care ; a as 
 in fall ; «, eh, as in cask, chasm ; f as in ice ; G as in me ; o as in m^<, berry ; g as in t'eil ; 
 e as in term ; e as in <Ae/"e ; e as in novel ; g as in g'e'w ; g as in g^o ; g, German c/i ; i as in 
 ice ; i as in <i?i ; i as in police ; k, German ch ; ?i as in ^ finger ; n, the French nasal ; 6 as in 
 note ; o as in not ; 6 as in .son ; 6 as in for ; o as in do ; o as in wolf; s as in neics ; u as 
 in tune ; u as in nut ; u as in rude ( = <..)^ ; u as in full ; ii, French u ; y as in 7»y ; y as 
 in lady. Single italic letters are silent. 
 
 Aachen (a'Ken), 39, 40. 
 
 Abbots, 87, 88, 108. 
 
 Ab'elard, 92. 
 
 Absolution, 80. 
 
 Acre (Ji'ker), in Crusades, 134, 135, 140. 
 
 A'dolf of Nassau, 246. 
 
 A'drian IV., Pope, 152. 
 
 Ad-ri-an-o'ple, conquered by Turks, 200. 
 
 Af-g/ian-is-tiin', 118. 
 
 Ag'incourt (ii-zhiiN-koor'), battle of, 289. 
 
 Agriculture, medieval, 178, 179. 
 
 Black Death affects, 233. 
 
 Crusades influence, 142. 
 
 Mohammedan, 117. 
 
 monks influence, 87, 89. ^ 
 
 Aids, feudal, 56. 
 
 Aix-Iti-^ha-peU^', and Charlemagne, 39-41. 
 Al'aric, 21. 
 
 Albert I. (of Austria), Emperor, 247. 
 Albert II., Emperor, 258. 
 Albigen'seg, 216, 217, 219. 
 Al'cuin (-kwin), 38. 
 Alexander III., Pope, 153, 154, 155. 
 Alexander V., Pope, 267. 
 Alexander VI., Pope, 270, 271. 
 Alex'ius Comne'nus, 114, 120, 123. 
 Alfonso X., of Castile, 246. 
 Alfred the Great, of England, 193. 
 Allodial estates, 52, .55. 
 Alps, 16, 17, 14. 
 
 A-miil'fi, early commerce of, 186. 
 Amiens (ii-me-aN'), cathedral, 90. 
 Ana^'ni (a-nan'yG), Pope seized at, 223. 
 Anath'ema, 81. 
 
 An'gevin kings of England, 200. 
 Angles, 21, 191. 
 Atiglo-Saxon Chronicle, 193. 
 Anion (iiN-zhoo'), Charles of, 168, 169, 221. 
 Annals, 19, 37. 
 Anne of Beaujeau (France), 255. 
 
 MED. 28 
 
 An'ti-o€A, in Crusades, 123-126, 129. 
 .Vnt'werp, commerce of, 186. 
 Ap'en-nineg, 17. 
 
 AquT'nas, Thomas, 94. • 
 
 Aquitain^', 49, 200, 204, 213, 237, 242. 
 .\quita'nians, 32, 71. 
 Af'ilbs, 28, 116, 117, 118. 
 Ar'agon, 162, 221, 256, 
 Archbishops, 81-83, 86. 
 Archdeacon, 81. 
 Architecture, 89-91, 275. 
 A'rian Christians, 22, 84. 
 Ar'istotle, 94, 118, 276. 
 Arks, 49 ; see Burg'undy. 
 Armagnacs (iir-mun-yak'), 239, 240. 
 Arms and armor, 57, 58, 117, 197, 230, 231, 
 277. 
 
 influence of Crusades on, 140. 
 Army, feudal, 58. 
 
 Franks', 52. 
 Arnold, abbot of Citeaux, 216, 217. 
 Arnold of Brescia, 152. 
 Ar'nulf, 49. 
 
 Arques (iirk), chateau of, 171, 172. 
 Art, 91,275, 276. 
 Artois (iir-twa'), 239. 
 .\ryan peoples, 13. 
 Asca'nian house, 157. 
 As'trolabe, introduction of, 277. 
 Astronomy, 276. 
 At'abek, 131. 
 At'tila, 22. 
 
 Augsburg, commerce of, 186. 
 Austria, beginnings of, 65, 152, 246, 259. 
 
 Hapsburgs acquire, 246. 
 Antun (o-tuN'), 54. 
 Auxerre (o-sur'), 54. 
 Avars, 32, 63. 
 
 Avignon (a-ven-yoN'), 208, 224, 264, 265. 
 A-z6r('s , discovery of, 257. 
 
286 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Babylonian Captivity, 224, 264. 
 
 Bag-diJd', 116, 118. 
 
 Baldwin of Flanders, 138. 
 
 Baptism, 79. 
 
 Bar'di, commercial compan\', 187. 
 
 Bii'ri, captured bj' Normans, 73. 
 
 Barons, in England, 198, 205, 206. 
 
 Ba'§el, Council of, 269, 270. 
 
 Basques (basks), 71. 
 
 Bava'ria, and Charlemagne, 32, 35. 
 
 early history, 65, 14S, 152, 157. 
 Ba-y6n7ie', English possession, 238. 
 Beaucaire (bo-kar'), fairs at, 187. 
 Beauvais (bo-va'), bishop of, 242. 
 Becket, Thomas a, 201. 
 Bedford, Duke of, 240, 242. 
 Belfry, 181, 182. 
 Belisa'rius, 22. 
 Ben'edict, Saint, 86. 
 
 Benedict, XIII., Avignon Pope, 266-268. 
 Ben-e-dic'tine monks, 87, 88, 89. 
 Ben'e-fige, 51-53. 
 Benefit of clergy, 78. 
 Beneven'to, battle of, 167. 
 Ber'gamo, in Lombard League, 155. 
 Ber'gen, Hanseatic station in, 188. 
 Bern, Joins Swiss Confederation, 249. 
 Bernard, Saint, 89, 92, 131. 
 Ber-ri', Charles of, 251. 
 Bishops, 80-83, 86, 94. 95. 
 
 investiture question, 104-108. 
 Black Death, 232-234. 
 Black Prince, 231, 234, 235, 237. 
 Blanche of Castile, 219. 
 Boc-cti'ccio (-cho), 274. 
 Bohemia, early history, 63, 66, 247, 248. 
 
 electorate,, 248. 
 
 Hussite revolt in, 258, 268, 269. 
 Bo'he-mond, 122. 
 Bohmerwald (be'mer-valt), 17. 
 Bologna (bo-lon'ya), 92, 149, 155. 
 Bon'i-face VIII., Pope. 169, 222. 
 Bor-deaux' (-do), 238, 242. 
 Bor'gi'a, Csesar, 271, 272. 
 Boj'nla, 260. 
 
 Bo§' worth, battle of, 256. 
 Bourges (boorzh), French court at, 240. 
 BQU-vine.s' , battle of, 163, 204, 214. 
 Bramiin'te, 275. 
 Bran 'den-burg, 65, 248. 
 Brem'en, 187. 
 Brenner pass, 17, 186. 
 Brescia (bru'shC'-ii), Arnold of, 152. 
 Bretigny (bn-ten-yi'), treaty of, 237. 
 Bretons (brit'imz'), 32, 71. 
 Britain, 191. 
 
 Britons, Celtic, destruction of, 191. 
 Brittany, relations to France, 254. 
 Bruce, David, 229. 
 Bru'gL-s. 182, 186, 188. 
 MED. 
 
 Bruns'wick, duchy of, 157. 
 
 Bul-gfi'ri-a, 27, 114, 260. 
 
 Burgun'dian party, in France, 239, 240, 242. 
 
 Burgundians, 21, 35. 
 
 Bur'gundy, Charles of, 251-254, 262. 
 
 Burgundy, duchy seized by king. 254. 
 
 dukes of, 238-242, 251-254. 
 
 kingdom of, 49, 99. 
 By-zan'tinf architecture, 89. 
 Byzantine Empire, see Eastern Empire. 
 
 Cabochiens (ka-bo-shi-aN'), 239. 
 
 ■eaT'ro, 116, 117. 
 
 Ca-lfiM-', 232, 237, 242. 
 
 Calendar, 19, 20. 
 
 Cii'liphs, 24. 
 
 Calix'tus III., Pope, 270. 
 
 Cannon, 232, 242, 277. 
 
 Canon law, 78, 150. 
 
 ("anons (clergy), 81. 
 
 Canos'sa, Henry IV. at, 105, 106. 
 
 Canterbury, 83. 
 
 Ca-nutf', i95, 196. 
 
 Ca'pet, Hugh, 71, 211, 212. 
 
 Ca-pe'tian (-.shan) kings, 211. 
 
 Capit'ularies, 19. 35, 36, 38, 51. 
 
 Cardinals, 84, 102. 
 
 Carolin'gian Empire, 32-50. 
 
 Carolingians, 25, 32-50, 42, 44, 70, 71. 
 
 Car-ro'ccio (-cho), 155. 
 
 Carthu'sian (zhan) monks, 89. 
 
 Castile' and Leon, 256, 237. 
 
 Castles, 171, 172, 174, 175, 50, 200. 
 
 Cath'a-ri, 216. 
 
 Cathedrals, 81, 182. 
 
 Catherine of France, 240. 
 
 Catholics, see Church, Pope. 
 
 Celibacy of the clergy, 78, 98, 99, 269. 
 
 Celtic Church, 191. 
 
 Celts, 13. 
 
 Ce-\ijn7ies', 17. 
 
 (^ham-paj/ne'. Count of, 54. 
 
 Chapter, cathedral, 81. 
 
 €haris'mians, 139. 
 
 Qhav'le-miigne, 32-42. 
 
 descendants of, 44. 
 Charles IV., Emperor (Charles of Bohemia), 
 
 248, 257. 
 Charles of Anjou, 168, 169, 221. 
 Charles IV. of France, 224. 
 Charles V. of France, 237, 238. 
 
 as Dauphin, 285-237. 
 Charles VI. of France, 238, 240. 
 Charles VII. of France, 240-243, 251. 
 Charles VIII. of France. 254, 255. 
 Charles Martel', 24, 26, 52. 
 Charles the Bald, of France, 45, 46. 
 Charles the Bold, of Burgundy, 251-254, 262. 
 Charles the Fat, Emperor. 48, 49. 
 Charles the Simple, of France, 48, 49. 
 
INDEX 
 
 287 
 
 Charter, Great, 205, 206. 
 
 Charter of Henry I. of England, 199. 
 
 Charters, town, 180, 181. 
 
 Chateau Gaillard (sha-to gii-yar'), 172, 214. 
 
 Chaucer, Geoffrey, 274. 
 
 ghivalry, 173, 174. 
 
 Christianity, in 800, 27, 28. 
 
 spread of, 62, 75. 
 
 See Church, etc. 
 Chronicles, 19. 
 Church, mediaeval, 77-96. 
 
 buildings, 89-91, 182, 215, 275. 
 
 councils, 84, 264-270. 
 
 Eastern and Western, 109, 78, 84, 261. 
 
 feudalism and, 51, 58. 
 
 reform in, 98-108, 268, 269, 271. 
 
 services and worship, 91, 92. 
 
 See Pope, etc. 
 Cister'cian (-shan) monks, 89. 
 Citeaux (se-t(V), 89. 
 Cities or towns, mediaeval, life in, 180-189. 
 
 in France, 180-183, 214, 215. 
 
 in Germany, 158, 186-188. 
 
 in Italy, 149, 153-156, 186. 
 Civil law, 149, 150. 
 Clair-vaux' (vo'), monastery, 89. 
 Clement VII., Avignon Pope, 265. 
 Clergy, 77-83, 86, 92, 94, 95. 
 
 celibacy of, 78, 98, 99, 269. 
 
 feudalism and, 52-55. 
 
 investiture of bishops, 104-108. 
 Cle'ri-cis Ld'i-cos, 222. 
 Clerks (clergy), 78. 
 Cler'mont, council of, 120. 
 Climate of Europe, 12, 13, 16. 
 Clo'vis, 25. 
 
 Cluny (klii-ne') order of, 88, 89, 94, 95. 
 Col'et, John, 279. 
 Co-lo^rne', 187, 248. 
 
 Columbus, Christopher, and Spain, 257. 
 Comets in Middle Ages, 189. 
 Commendation, 51. 
 Commerce, Crusades influence, 141. 
 
 early routes of, 184-186. 
 
 mediaeval, 183-188. 
 
 Mohammedan, 117. 
 Commons, House of, 207. 
 Communes, of France, 181. 
 Communes, of Italy, 148, 149, 153-156. 
 Compass, mariner's, introduction of, 277. 
 Compurgation, 195, 203. 
 Concor'dat of Worms, 108. 
 Concordats of 1418, 208. 
 Conrad I. of Germany, 65. 
 Conrad II., 99. 
 Cunrad III., 182, 145-148. 
 Conrad IV., 167. 
 Con'ra-din, 167,168. 
 Con'stance. C^ouncil of, 267, 268. 
 
 treaty of (1183), l.'.K. 
 
 HAKI)IN(;'S MKT). HIST. 
 
 Constance of Sicily, 158, 164. 
 
 Con'stan-tIn« ihe Great, 20, 21, 85. 
 
 Constantine Pa-l*-ol'o-gus, 261. 
 
 Constantinople, 116, 136, 137, 139, 261. 
 
 Coper'nicus, 276. 
 
 Cor'dova, 116, 117,23. 
 
 Cornwall, Ptichard, Duke of, 246. 
 
 Costume, see Dress. 
 
 Councils of the Church, 84, 264-270. 
 
 Count, 36, 53, 55, 65. 
 
 C;ount Pal'atine, elector, 248. 
 
 Countess Matilda of Tuscany, 105. 
 
 Co?tr-trai', battle of, 222. 
 
 Crecy (cra-se'), battle of, 230-232. 
 
 Crossbowmen, 230. 
 
 Crusades, 119-14:3. 
 
 causes of, 119, 120. 
 
 First Crusade, 120-127. 
 
 Second Crusade, 131, 132. 
 
 Third Crusade, 133-135. 
 
 Fourth Crusade, 135-139. 
 
 later crusades, 139, 140. 
 
 results of, 140-143. 
 
 Albigensian Crnsade, 216, 21T. 
 Curfew, 182. 
 
 Cy'prus, and crusaders, 131, 134, 140. 
 Czechs (cheks), rebellions of, 258. 
 
 D' A illy (da-ye'), Pierre, 266. 
 Damas'cus, 116, 117, 132. 
 Dtim-i-et'ta, and crusaders, 139, 140, 220. 
 Dan'do-lo, 136, 189. 
 Dane'law, 193, 48. 
 
 Danes (Northmen), 193, 195; see Northmen. 
 Dan'te, 274. 
 Danzig (diin'tsiK), 187. 
 Dark Age, 11. 
 Dau'phin. 235. 
 Dauphine (do-fe-na'), 235. 
 De-cre'tum Gra-ti-a'ni, 150. 
 De-me&u«', 177. 
 
 Denmark, early history, 28, 75, 162, 188. 
 De-si-de'ri-us, Lombard king, 83. 
 Dextra'rius, 58. 
 
 Diaz (de'iis), Bartholomew, 257. 
 Diet, of Roncaglia, 153. 
 Di-nar'ic Alps, 17. 
 Di'o-ce-ses, 80-82. 
 Di-o-cle'tian (-shan), 20. 
 Diplomacy, Byzantine, 115. 
 Doge of Venice, 136. 
 Dom^g'day Book, 199. 
 Dora'inic, Saint, 217. 
 Domin'icans, 217-219. 
 Donation of Constantine, 85, 86, 277, 
 Don'jon, 171, 172. 
 Drama, origin of, 92. 
 Dress, 41, 176. 
 
 Dii Guesclin (ga-klaN'), Ber-traNrZ', 238. 
 Duke, 55, 65, 147. 
 17 
 
2S8 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Dun'stan, 194. 
 
 Dyeing-, in Middle Ages, 176. 
 
 Efd'donueii, 194. 
 
 Karls, 196. 
 
 Eastern Church, 109, 78, 84, 261. 
 
 Eastern Empire, 22-25, 27, 75, 114-116. 
 
 crusaders and, 120, 128, iy6-189. 
 
 fall of, 260, 261. 
 ]!:chevins (ash-vaN'), 181. 
 Ecurnen'ical councils, 84, 264-270. 
 E-des'sa, 129, 131. 
 Edgar of England, 194. 
 Edward I. of England, 206, 207, 223, 140. 
 Edward II., 208. 
 
 Edward III., 208, 225, 229-282, 287. 
 Edward lY., 255. 
 Edward the Confessor, 196, 197. 
 Egbert, king of Wessex, 198. 
 Egypt, 132, 139, 140. 
 Einhard (In 'hart), or Eginhard, 34, 40. 
 Elbe Kiver, 18. 
 Eleanor of Aquitaine, 213. 
 Electors of Empire, 248, 259. 
 Emperor, election of, 151, 247, 248, 259. 
 
 Pope and, f^ee roi)e. 
 
 weakness of, 258, 259. 
 
 See Holy Koman Empire, and names of 
 emi)erors. 
 England (449-1 509), 191-209, 229-244, 255, 256. 
 
 Black Death in, 233. 
 
 feudalism in, 198, 54, 59, 225. 
 
 France and, 229-214. 
 
 government of, 194, 203. 
 
 Hundred Years' War, 229-244. 
 
 literature of, 274. 
 
 population of, 188. 
 
 Wars of the Roses, 242, 
 E-ra§'mus, 279, 2S0. 
 Erz'ge-b'ir-ge (erts'-), 17. 
 Estates, In France, 181, 222. 
 Estates-General, 222, 236. 
 Eth'elred, 195. 
 
 JSa'eha-rist (or Lord's Supper), 79, 91, 109. 
 jE'u-ge'ni-us lY., Pope, 269. 
 Europe, geography of, 12-18. 
 Eveg'ham, battle of, 206. 
 Ex-ar'€/<ate of Ravenna, 24, 25, 26. 
 Ex-eheq'«er, EngUsh, 202. 
 Exchequer, French, 220. 
 Excommunication, 81. 
 Extreme unction, sacrament of, 80, 79. 
 
 Fai-ne-iiN^' kings, in France, 25. 
 Fairs, 'of Middle Ages, 186, 187, 161. 
 Falconry, 174. 
 False Decretals, 85, 86. 
 Faubourgs (fo-boor'), 181. 
 Fe'alty, 56. 
 
 Felix v., anti-popp. 270. 
 MED. 
 
 Ferdinand of Ai-agon, 255, 256. 
 Feudal government, 58-60, 250. 
 Feudal Hfe, 171-189. 
 Feudal system, 50-60, 74. 
 
 Crusades influence, 142. 
 
 in England, 198, 225. 
 
 in France, 226. 
 
 in Germany, 225, 246. 
 
 In Palestine, 180. 
 Feudal warfare, 57-59. 
 Feudatories, see Lords (feudal). 
 F/ef, 51-53. 
 Field of May, 36, 37. 
 Fil-i-o'qne, in Nicene creed, 109. 
 Finns, Finland, 27. 
 Fist-right, in Germany, 59. 
 Flag'ellants, 233. 
 
 Flanders, and France, 221, 229, 254. 
 Florence, 176, 271, 272. 
 FoNte-nay', battle of, 45,46. 
 Food, in Middle Ages, 175, 176, 187, 188. 
 France, 46, 48,49; (886-987), 69-71; (987- 
 1453), 211-244; (1453-1500), 251-255. 
 
 P,lack Death in, 284. 
 
 cities in, 180-1S3, 214, 215. 
 
 Crusades influence, 142. 
 
 feudalism in, 54, 59, 226. 
 
 Hundred Years' War, 229-244. 
 
 Italy and, 255, 256. 
 Francis, Saint, of Assisi, 218. 
 Francis'cans, 218. 
 Franco 'nia, duchy of, 65. 
 Franconian Emperors, 98, 99, 101, 103-108. 
 Frankfort (on the Main), 187, 247, 259. 
 Franks, 21, 25-27, 32-12. 52. 
 " Franks," crusaders. 123; .see Crusades. 
 Frederick I., Barbarus'sa, Emperor, 150-159, 
 
 183. 
 Frederick II., Emperor, 163-167, 139. 
 Frederick III., Emperor, 258, 259. 
 Free companies, in France, 237. 
 Friars, 89, 217-219. 
 Fr/eg'land, 65. 
 
 Gal-i-le'o, 276. 
 Gli'ma, Yils'eo da, 25T. 
 Ga-ronne' River, 18. 
 Gaul, 18, 21. 
 
 General councils, 84, 264-270. 
 Gen'o-a, commerce of, 130, 131, 141, 186. 
 Geography of Europe, 12-18. 
 Ger'bert, Pope Sylvester, II., 68. 
 Germanic migrations, 21, 22, 48, 191. 
 Germany (843-1024), 46, 48, 49, 63-69 ; (1024- 
 1268), 98-110, 145-170; (1254-1500), 
 246-249, 251-253, 257-260; see Austria, 
 Bavaria, etc. 
 
 cities in, 158, 186-188. 
 
 Crusades influence, 142. 
 
 feudalism in, 54, 59, 225, 246. 
 
liNDEX 
 
 289 
 
 Germany, government, see Emperor. 
 
 literature of, 158, 2T5. 
 
 mediajval king of, election, 151. 
 
 subdivision of, 157, 1*56, 252. 
 Gerson (zhnr-soN'), Jean (zhiiN), 266, 
 GAib'el-lineg, 147. 
 
 Glo(<oes'ter, HHm[)hrey, Duke of, 240. 
 Godfrey of Bouillon (boo-yoN'), 122, 129. 
 Godwin, earl of Wesse.x, 196. 
 Golden Bull. '248. 
 Gothic architecture, 90, 91. 
 Goths, 35, 71 ; see Ostrogoths and Visigoths. 
 Gra-nii'da, kingdom of, 256, 257. 
 GriiNde ^har-tre?^§e', 89. 
 GriiN-soN', battle of, 251. 
 Gra'tian (-shi-an), canonist, 150. 
 Great Charter of England, 205-206. 
 Great Council of England. 207. 
 Great Interregnum, 167, 246. 
 Great Schism, 265-268. 
 Greek Church and Empire, see Eastern. 
 Greek fire, 115. 
 Greenland, settlement of, 72. 
 Grego'rian calendar, 20. 
 Greg'ory I., Pope, 25, 110. 
 Gregory VI., 99. 
 
 Gregory VII. (Ilildebrand), 99-106, 110. 
 (Gregory IX., 164, 166. 
 Gregory XII., 266-268. 
 Guelfs (gwelfs), 147. 
 Vrin-i-mie', 225, 229. 
 Guilds, 148, ISJi. 
 
 Gunpowder, introduction of, 277. 
 Gu'ten-berG, Johanu, 279. 
 
 Hamburg, 187. 
 Ilan'over, 157. 
 
 Ilan-se-at'ic League, 187, 188, 184, 185. 
 Ilapsburg Castle, 250. 
 
 Hapsburg house, rise of, 246, 247, 258, 259. 
 Ilar-di-ca-nut^', king of England, 196. 
 Harold of England, 196-198. 
 IIA-io»n'-al-Kash'id, 40. 
 Harvey, William, English physician, 276. 
 Hastings, battle of, 197. 
 He'felo, quoted, 101. 
 He-gl'ra, the, 19. 
 Henry I. of England, 199. 
 Henry II. of England, 200-203, 213, 214. 
 Henry III. of England, 206, 220. 
 Henry IV. of England, 239. 
 Henry V. of England, 239, 240. 
 Heury VI. of England, 240, 242. 
 Henry VII. of England, 256. 
 Henry I. of France, 212. 
 Henry I. of Germany, 65. 
 Henry II. of Germany, 69. 
 Henry III. of Germany, 99, 101. 
 Henry IV. of Germany, 101, 103-lOT. 
 Henry V. of <Terniany, 10". 
 MKI). 
 
 Henry VI. of Germany, 159, 162. 
 
 Henry VII. of Germany, 247. 
 
 Henry the Lion, 152, 155, 156, 157. 
 
 Henrj^ the Navigator, 257. 
 
 Henry the Proud, 146, 147. 
 
 Hep'tar-€hy, in England, 191. 
 
 Ilil'de-brand (Gregory VII.), 99-106, 110. 
 
 Ho'Aen-stau-fen (-stou-), 14(>-170. 
 
 Holy Roman Empire, 67, 74, 98-110; S66 
 
 Emperor, and Germany. 
 Hom'age, 56. 
 Ilos'pitalers, 130, 131. 
 Mngh Ca'pet, 71, 211, 212. 
 Humanism, 273. 
 Hundred Years' War, 229-244. 
 Hunga'rians, 63, 65, 66. 
 Hun'gary, 65, 66, 167. 
 Huns, 21, 22. 
 Huss, John, 258, 267. 
 Ilut'ten, Ulrich von (ool'riK fon), 279. 
 
 Iceland, settlement of, 71. 
 Iconoclas'tic Controversy, 25, 109. 
 Immunity, 36, 53. 78. 88. 
 Innocent III., Pope, 135-137, 162, 163, 204,216. 
 Innocent IV., 166. 
 Inquisition, 218, 219. 
 Investiture, 94. 
 Investiture Conflict, 104-108. 
 l-(Vna, island of, 191. 
 Ireland, England conquers, 201, 202. 
 I-rG'ne, Eastern Empress, 34. 
 Irne'rius of Bologna, 149. 
 Iron crown, the, of Italy, 33. 
 Isaac An'gelus, 136. 
 Isabella of Castile, 257. 
 Isabella of France, 240. 
 Isau'rian emperors (Eastern Empire), 114. 
 Italy (before 887), 21, 22, 24, 47,48; (887- 
 1125), 66-69, 72-74, 106; (1125-1504), 
 145-170, 226, 255-257, 271-279. 
 
 art of, 275, 276. 
 
 cities in, 148, 149, 153-156, 186. 
 
 literature of, 274. 
 
 Mohammedans in, 63, 72, 73. 
 
 Normans in, 72-74. 
 
 Pvenaissance in, 273-276. 278, 279. 
 
 Jacquerie (zhak-re'), 236. 
 
 Jan'izaries, 260, 261. 
 
 Jeanne (zhan) d'Arc (.Joan of Arc), 240-242. 
 
 Je-rome' of Prague, 267. 
 
 Jerusalem, captured by Turks, 119. 
 
 Crusades, 126, 129, 132, 139, 164, 165. 
 Jews, 122. 
 
 Jo-an' of Arc, 240-242. 
 John of Burgundy, 239, 240. 
 John of England,' 202, 204-206. 
 John of France. 234, 235, 237. 
 John XXII., Pope, 247. 
 
290 
 
 INDEX 
 
 John XXIII., Pope, 267, 268., 
 
 Julian calendar, 19. 
 
 Julier (yool'yer) pass, 186. 
 
 Jur.y trial, in England, 203. 
 
 Justin 'ian, 22. 
 
 Jiit^s, invade Britain, 191. 
 
 Keep, of castle, 171, 172. 
 
 King of the Komans, 165. 
 
 Knights, 54, 55, 58, 173, 174. 
 
 Knight's fee, 55. 
 
 Knights Hospitaler of St. John, 130, 131. 
 
 Knights Templar, 130, 131. 
 
 Knights, Teutonic, 130, 131. 
 
 Ko'ran, 23. 
 
 Labor, in Middle Ages, 183, 233. 
 Land'fr*e-den (Hint'-). ^.9. 
 Land tenure, feudal, 51-53, 56, 57. 
 LaN'gr^.s\ 54. 
 LiiN-gwe-ddc', 210. 
 Lat'er.an Council (1215), 84. 
 Latin Eininre of Constantinople, 138. 
 Law, development of, 149, 150. 
 Lawyers of 12th century, 150. 
 Legnano (la-nyii'no), battle of, 155. 
 Leo I., Pope, 25, 110. 
 Leo III., 34. 
 Leo IX., 99, 100. 
 Liege (le-azh'), revolt of, 251. 
 Life, Crusades influence, 141, 142. 
 in mediaeval castle, 171-176, 189. 
 in mediaeval Germany, 157, 158. 
 in mediifival town, 1S0-1S9, 148, 149. 
 of mediaeval peasants. 176-179, 188, 189. 
 Literature, Arabian, 117, 118. 
 EngUsh, 274. 
 German, 158, 275. 
 Italian, 274. 
 
 medifeval Latin, 37, 38, 273, 274, 280. 
 Loire (hviir) River, 18. 
 Lombard League, 154, 155. 
 Lombards, 24-26, 33, 35. 
 Lom'bardy, 148, 149, 152, 153, 15.5, 156. 
 London, Hanseatic station in, 188. 
 Longbowmen, 231. 
 Lords, feudal, 51, 53, 54, 56, 57, 59, 173-176, 
 
 177, 180, 189. 
 Lords, House of, Enghsh, 207. 
 Lord's Supper, sacrament of, 79, 91. 
 'Lor-riiine', 65. 
 Lorris', charter of, 180. 
 Lothair', Emperor, 45-47. 
 Lothair II., Emperor, 145. 
 Lothair of France, 70. 
 Lotharin-'gia, 65. 
 
 Louis of Bavaria, Em[)eror, 247, 248. 
 Louis IV., D'Owtr^-mer', of France, 70. 
 Louis VI., 212" 
 Louis VII., 132, 213. 214. 
 MED. 
 
 Louis VIII., 217. 
 
 Louis IX., 217, 219-221, 140. 
 
 Louis X., 224. 
 
 Louis XI., 251, 254. 
 
 Louis, Duke of Orleans, 239. 
 
 Louis the Child, 49. 
 
 Louis the German, 45, 46. 
 
 Louis the Pious, 45, 85. 
 
 Lii'beck, 156, 187. 
 
 Lu-cerne', joins Swiss Confederation, 249. 
 
 Luxemburg, Henry of. Emperor, 247. 
 
 Luxemburg house^^ 247, 248, 257-259. 
 
 Lv'ons, Council of, 167. 
 
 ft 
 
 Macedonian Emperors, 114. 
 
 Mii-€hi-a-vel'li, 272. 
 
 Ma-dei'ra Islands, discovery of, 257. 
 
 Miio'de-burG, 66. 
 
 Mag'na ■Char'ta, 205, 206. 
 
 Mag'yars. 63. 
 
 Mainz (mints). Archbishop of, 83, 248. 
 
 Mal'ta, 131. 
 
 Man'fred, 167. 
 
 Maniehe'ans, 216. 
 
 Manor, mediaeval, 179. 
 
 Manufactures, Crusades influence, 142. 
 
 mediaeval, 182-185. 
 
 Mohammedan, 117. 
 Miin'zi-kert, captured by Turks, 120. 
 Marcel', Stephen, 236. 
 Marsiglio (mar-sel'ye-o) of Padua, 264. 
 Martin IV., Pope, 221. 
 Martin V., 268. 
 Mary of Burgundy, 254. 
 Mass, 79, 91. 
 
 Matilda, Countess, of Tuscany, 101. 
 Matilda of England, 200. 
 Maximilian I. of Austria, 254, 255, 259. 
 May Field, 36, 37. 
 Mayors of the [)alace, 25. 
 Mc'diatizing, feudal, 59. 
 Me'di-ci' (-die), commercial company, 187. 
 Medici, ruling family in Florence, 271. 
 Mendicant Orders, 217-219. 
 Merca 'tor's projection, 278. 
 Merchants, in Middle Ages, 187. 
 Mer'cia (-shi-a), kings of, 193. 
 Merovin'gian kings, 25, 26. 
 Messi'na, crusaders at, 133, 134. 
 Metropolitan, ecclesiastical, 81. 
 Michael An'ge-lo, 275, 276. 
 Middle Ages, 11, 12, 281. 
 Mil'an, 152-156. 
 Min'nesingers, 158. 
 3[is'si do/nin'ici, 36. 
 Moham'med II. of Turkey, 261. 
 Mohammedans, 23, 24, 28, 63, 11&-119, 256, 
 257 ; see Tui-ks. 
 civilization of, 116-118. 
 Monasteries, 87-89, 55. 
 
INDEX 
 
 291 
 
 Monks, 86-89, 130, 131, 217-219. 
 
 UoNt BlaNc', 16. 
 
 M6n< Q^-nis' pass, 17. 
 
 Mont'fort, Simon de, of England, 206, 207. 
 
 Montfort, Simon de, of France, 216. 
 
 Moors in Spain, 256. 
 
 Mo-ra^', battle of, 251. 
 
 Mora'via, in ninth century, 63. 
 
 Mor-gar'ten, battle of, 249. 
 
 Mo-gc'Ue' River, 17. 
 
 Mosul', atabek of, 131. 
 
 Mu/d'dorf, battle of, 247. 
 
 M u'nieh, 156. 
 
 Niifels (na'fels), battle of, 250. 
 
 Nan'cy, battle of, 254. 
 
 Naples, Charles of Anjou rules, 169, 221. 
 
 France and, 255. 
 
 Frederick II. rules, 165, 166. 
 
 Pope and, 162, 169. 
 
 Spain (and Aragon) and, 255, 257. 
 Nar'se§, 23. 
 Nassau, Adolf of, 246. 
 Na-varr-e', 256. 
 Nave, in architecture, 90, 91. 
 Navigation, 277. 
 Ne'potism, 270. 
 
 XibelungeiUied (ne'bg-loong-en-led), 158. 
 Nl-ffp'a, Council of, 84. 
 
 taken by crusaders, 123. 
 
 taken by Turks, 120, 260. 
 Nicholas I., Pope, 109, 110. 
 Nicholas V., Pope, 270. 
 Nobles, see Lords (feudal) . 
 Nor'bert, Saint, 148. 
 Normandj, 69, 70, 190, 199, 212, 242. 
 Normans, 69-72. 
 
 in England, 196-199, 205, 209. 
 
 in southern Italy, 72-74, 106. 
 Northmen, 48, 63," 69, 71-74, 193, 195. 
 Northumbria, kings of, 193. 
 Norway, 28, 75. 
 Not're-Dame Cathedral, 215. 
 Nov'go-rod (-rot), Hanseatic station in, 188. 
 Nunneries, 89. 
 Nu'rem-berg, 141, 186. 
 
 O'der Eiver, 18. 
 O-do-u'cer, 22. 
 Ordeal, 195, 203. 
 
 Or'leanists (15th century), 239, 240. 
 Or'le-ans, siege of, 241. 
 Orleans, Duke of (Louis), 239. 
 Os'trogoths, 22, 23. 
 Oth-man', 260. 
 Otto I., Emperor, 66-68. 
 Otto II., Emperor, 68. 
 Otto III., Emperor, 68. 
 Otto IV., Emperor, 162, 163. 
 Otto of Wittelsbach, 157. 
 Ottoman Turks, 260, 261. 
 MED. 
 
 see Pope (temporal 
 
 Palace School, 38. 
 Pal'a-tlne Count, 248. 
 Pal'es-tlne, see Crusades. 
 Palfrey, 58. 
 
 Papacy, 77, 83 ; see Pope. 
 Papal States, 162 ; 
 
 power of). 
 Paris, 215. 
 
 captured (by Northmen), 49 ; (by Fr.), 242. 
 
 rebellion of (1358), 236, 237. 
 
 University of, 92. 
 Parishes, 80. 
 
 Parlamen'tum of Italian towns, 149. 
 Par-l^,-ment' (-miiN') of Paris, 220. 
 Parliament, English, 207. 
 P.as'€hal II., Pope, 108. 
 Patriarchs, ecclesiastical, 83. 
 "Peace," the, 58. 
 
 Peasant revolt in France (1358), 236. 
 Penance, SO. 
 Pep'in the Short, 26, 32. 
 Peter, Saint, and Rome, 83. 
 Peter the Hermit, 122. 
 Pe'trareh, 274. 
 Philip I. of France, 120, 212. 
 Philip II., Augustus, 214-216, 133-135, 202, 
 
 204. 
 Philip III. of France, 221. 
 Philip IV., the Fair, 221-224. 
 Philip V. of France, 224. 
 Philip VI. of France, 225, 229-232, 234. 
 Philip of Swabia, German king, 162, 163. 
 Philip the Good, of Burgundy, 240, 242. 
 Pignaces (pen-yas')- 176. 
 Pilgrims, mediteval, 119. 
 Pi'sa, 130, 131, 141, 186. 
 
 Council of, 266. 
 Pius II., Pope, 270. 
 Plan-tag'e-net kings of England, 200. 
 Pointed style of architecture, 90. 
 Poitiers (pwa-tya'), battle of, 234, 235. 
 Poles and Poland, 66, 162, 166. 
 Ponthieu (pox-tye'), 237. 
 Pontiff (Supreme) or Pope, 100 ; see Pope. 
 Pope (and papacy), 83-86. 
 
 and councils, 84, 266-270. 
 
 and Crusades, 120-122, 135, 139. 
 
 and Eastern Church, 109. 
 
 and Emperoi', 84, 67, 6 
 145, 150, 152-156, 159, 
 
 and England, 204, 208. 
 
 and France, 222-224. 
 
 and Franks, 25-27, 33, 34. 
 
 and Guelf party, 147. 
 
 at Avignon, 264, 265. 
 
 decline of papacy, 270, 271. 
 
 election of, 102, 154. 
 
 Great Schism, 265-268. 
 
 powers of, 81, 83-86. 
 
 temporal power of, 24-26, 38, 85, 102, 223. 
 
 85, 96, 98-100, 
 0, 163-170, 247. 
 
292 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Population in Middle Ages, 1S8. 
 Portugal, 256, 257. 
 Praemunrre, Statute of, 208. 
 Pragmatic sanctions, ecclesiastical, 269. 
 Prag«^, 248. 
 
 Premonstraten'sian Canons, 148. 
 Priests, 78, 79, 80, 86, 92. 
 Primate, ecclesiastical, 83. 
 Primogeniture, 56, 199. 
 Prince of Wales, 206. 
 Printing, invention of, 278, 279. 
 Priors, 88. 
 
 Procession of the Holy Ghost. 109. 
 Pro'kop, Bohemian leader, 258. 
 Pi-o-vence' (viiNss'), kingdom in, 49. 
 Pi-ovinces, ecclesiastical, 81, 82. 
 Provisors, statute of, 208. 
 Ptol'emy, geographer, 276. 
 Purgator\', 92. 
 PjVe-nee§, 17. 
 
 Quadriv'ium, 93. 
 
 Eaph'a-el. 276. 
 
 Eat'is-bon, 65, 141, 186. 
 
 Pvaven'na, 24-26, 33. 
 
 Eay'mond IV., Count of Toulouse, 122. 
 
 Raymond VI., Count of Toulouse, 216. 
 
 Eegular clergy, 86. 
 
 Edehs'tag, mediiBval German, 259. 
 
 Eehcs, 19, 92, 137. 
 
 Eeliefs, feudal, 56. 
 
 Ee-naM-saNf<?', 272-280. 
 
 influence of Crusades on, 14:3. 
 
 influence of Italian communes on, 156. 
 Eeuchiin (roiK'lin), Johann, 279. 
 Eevival of learning, 273, 274. 
 E/a-/m§, S3, 84, 241. 
 Ehine Uiver, 17, IS. 
 Ehodes, held by crusaders, 131, 140. 
 Eichard I., €oear de Li-6n', of England, 202, 
 
 204, 133-135. 
 Eichard II., 238, 239. 
 Eiehanl III., 256. 
 E/O'gen-ge-birG'e. 17. 
 Eobber barons, 59. 
 Eobert II., of France, 212. 
 Eobert of Normandy, 122. 199. 
 Eobert G«is-car(^', 73, 102, 106. 
 Eobertians, 44, 70. 
 Eoger I., of Sicily, 73. 
 Eoger II., 145. 
 Eolf the Ganger, 69. 
 Eoman Empire, decay of, 20-22. 
 
 See Eastern limini-e. Western Empire. 
 Eomanesque architecture, 90. 
 Eome, Commune of (1154), 152. 
 
 map of, 84. 
 
 Otto III. and, 68. 
 
 Pope and, 25. 
 
 MED. 
 
 Eom'ulus Augus'tulus, 22. 
 
 Eon-cag^l'ia, diet of, 153. 
 
 Eoses, Wars of the, 242, 255, 256. 
 
 Rowm, Sultanate of, 120. 
 
 Eoyal domain of France, 211, 212, 217, 254. 
 
 Eudolph I., Emperor, 246. 
 
 Eule, monastic, 86. 
 
 Sacraments, 79, 80. 
 
 St. An'gelo, fortress of, 105. 
 
 St. Bernard passes, 16. 
 
 St. Denis (saN-de-ne'), monastery of, 54, 213. 
 
 St. Gall, monastery of, 88, 87. 
 
 St. Goth'ard, Mt.,'l6. 
 
 St. Peter's Church, in Eome, 275. 
 
 St. Sophi'a, Church of, 90, 261. 
 
 Saints, veneration of, 92. 
 
 SJiFadin, 132, 135. 
 
 Sa'lian Emperors, 98. 
 
 Sal'ic law, 225. 
 
 Saone (son) Eiver, 18. 
 
 Sar'acens, 32 ; see Mohammedans. 
 
 Sardinia, 73. 
 
 Savo'na, proposed conference at, 266. 
 
 Sa-vo-na-rd'la, 271, 272. 
 
 Saxons, 22, 32, 33, 35, 104, 191. 
 
 Saxony, duchy, 65, 148, 157, 248. 
 
 Saxony, electorate, 248. 
 
 Se/iek/t Eiver, 46. 
 
 SoAigm, Great, 265. 
 
 of Council of Basel, 269, 270. 
 
 of East and West, 108, 109. 
 S«ho-las'tic philosophy, 94. 
 Schwyz (shvets), canton of, 248. 
 Science, US, 276, 277. 
 
 Arabian, 118. 
 Scotland, Edward I. and, 207. 
 
 Henry II. and, 202. 
 Scu'tage, 202. 
 Sec'ular clergy, 86, 94. 
 Sees, ecclesiastical, 80-82. 
 Seigneur (sen'yer), 51. 
 Seine (san) Eiver, 18. 
 Seljuk'ian Turks, 118-120, 123-127. 
 Semit'ic races, 13. 
 Sempach (zem'paK), battle of, 250. 
 Sen'lac, battle of, 197. 
 Sens (siiNss), 54. 
 Serfs, 55, 142, 177. 
 Servia, 260. 
 Service, feudal, 56. 
 Sicilian Vespers. 221. 
 Sicily, Charles of Anjou rules, 168, 221. 
 
 Frederick II. rules, 165, 166. 
 
 Mohammedans (Saracens) in, 63, 72, 73. 
 
 -Normans in, 73, 74, 145. 
 
 Pope and, 14.5, 162, 168. 
 
 Spain (and Aragon) and, 221. 
 
 See dim Naples. 
 Sig'ismund, Emperor, 257. 258, 267. 
 
INDEX 
 
 293 
 
 Sim'e-6n Sty-ll'teg, 8T. 
 Sim'ony, 94, 9S, 99. 
 Sitn'plon pass, 16, 17. 
 Slavs, 18, 27, 63 ; see Poland. 
 
 German conquest of, 66, 148, 156. 
 Sluys (slois), battle of, 280. 
 Spain, 2.56-258, 262. 
 
 church reform in, 271. 
 
 Mohammedans in, 24, 75, 256. 
 
 Visigoths in, 21. 
 Stephen (ste'ven) of Blois (blw;i), crusader, 
 
 124. 
 Stephen of Blois, king of England, 200. 
 Striiss'burG, 158. 
 Subinfeudation, 54, 55. 
 Suger (sii-zhfi'), French minister, 218. 
 Suzerain, 56, 59. 
 Swu'bia, 65. 
 Sweden, 28, 75, 162. 
 Sweyn, Danish king of England, 195. 
 Switzerland (Swiss Confederation), 248-250, 
 
 254. 
 Synods, 81, 805. 
 
 Tam-er-lane', 260. 
 Telescope, introduction of, 276. 
 Tell, William, 248. 
 Templars, 180, 181. 
 Teutonic Knights, 130, 131. 
 The^-ns, 194. 
 TAeIss River, 68. 
 Theod'oric the Great, 22. 
 Theopha'no, 68. 
 Third Estate, 181, 286. 
 Thurin'gia (900-1100), 65. 
 Time, methods of reckoning, 19, 20. 
 Ti-mowr', 260. 
 Tithes, 81. 
 
 Titian (tish'an), Venetian painter, 276. 
 T6-le'do, 117. 
 Tonsure, 78. 
 
 Torto'na, destro5^ed by Frederick I., 152. 
 T<,m-\ou§e', and Albigensian Crusade, 217. 
 Tournament, 57. 
 Towrs, battle of, 24. 
 Towns, see Cities. 
 Trade, see Commerce. 
 Transubstantiation, 79. 
 TrC'v^g, archbishop of, elector, 248. 
 Trial, modes of, 194, ]95, 203. 
 Tripoli (Asia), county of, 129. 
 Triv'ium, 98. 
 TroM'ba-d<mrs, 216, 217. 
 Troyes (trwa), treaty of, 240. 
 Truce of God, 5S. 
 Tudor, house of, 256. 
 Tu'nis, 140. 
 Tura'nian peoples, 18. 
 Turks, C'harismiaii. take .Terusalem, 139. 
 Turks,, Ottonaan, 2r,0, ^(U. 
 ]vii:i). 
 
 Turks, Seljukian, 118-120, 123-127. 
 Tuscan League, 154. 
 Tus'cany, lUl. 
 Tyler, Wat, 283. 
 
 Ulm, 186. 
 
 U'nam 8((nc'tam, papal bull, 223. 
 
 Universities, median-al, 92-94. 
 
 Un-ter-wiil'den (-viiF-), canton of, 249. 
 
 U'rals, 17. 
 
 Ur'ban II., Pope, 92, 107, 120, 121. 
 
 Urban VI., 265. 
 
 U'ri, canton of, 248. 
 
 Usufructuary tenures, 51. 
 
 Va'lens, Eastern Emperor, 21. 
 
 Val'la, Lorenzo, 277. 
 
 Valois (val-wa'), house of, 225. 
 
 Vandals, 21, 28. 
 
 Varan'gian guard, 115. 
 
 Vassalage, 50, 51, 56, 57; see Serfs. 
 
 Ven'ice, art in, 276. 
 
 commerce of, 180, 181, 188, 141, 186. 
 
 Fourth Crusade, 135-139. 
 
 in Lombard League, 155. 
 
 treaty of (1177), 156. 
 Ver-duN', partition of, 46, 47. 
 Vik'ings, 40, 68, 71, 72. 
 Vil'leins, 55, 56, 177-179 ; see Serfs. 
 Vil'lenage, effects of Black Death on, 283. 
 Vinci (vln'che), Leonar'doda, 276. 
 Vinland, Northmen in, 72. 
 Vig'igoths, 21, 22. 
 Vosges (vozh) Mts., 17. 
 
 Walclen'seg, 216. 
 
 Wales, annexed to England, 206. 
 
 Walter the Penniless, 122. 
 
 Wed 'more, treaty of, 193. 
 
 Welf, house of, 146, 147, 156, 157, 162. 
 
 Wenzel (vent'sel), Emperor, 257, 258. 
 
 Weser (va'zer) Kiver, 65. 
 
 Wessex, kingdom of, 193. 
 
 Western Empire, 22, 38-87, 40, 44-50 ; s 
 
 Holy Roman Empire. 
 Whit'by, synod of, 191. 
 William I., conqueror of England, 196-199. 
 William II., Rufus, of England, 199. 
 William of the Iron Arm, 73. 
 Wisby (vis'bii), and Hanseatic League, Is 
 Wit'an, 194. 
 
 Wittelsbach (vit'tgls-baK), house of, 157. 
 Worms (vorms), Concordat of, 108. 
 Wyc'lif, John, 208, 209, 267, 274. 
 
 Xi-me'neg (zi-), Archbishop, 257, 271. 
 
 Zach-a-rl'as, Pope, 26. 
 
 Zis'ka, John, Bohemian leader. 25<5. 
 
 Zu'rieh, joins Swiss Confederation, 249, 
 
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I 
 
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