Class L L Z KOI c. HISTORY OF SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED POPULATION CK ^ ^ I. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA iX II. STATES. By TraneSwr NOV 16 "'925 PART I. HISTORY OF SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED POPULATlOiN IN THE DIS- TRICT OF COLUMBIA. SCHOOLS AKD EDUCATION OF THE COLOEED POPULATIOI^. I. Historical development of schools for the colored population in the District of Columbia. Period L— 1800 to 18G1. Pago. Pioneers in the instruction of colored children J95 First school and school-house in J 807 ]95 Census of Washington in 1807 j95 The Bell and Browning families 19(j Mrs. Alethia Tanner iqq The school of the Resolute Beneficial Society 197 Announcement in National Intelligencer August 29, 1818 197 Mr. Henry Potter's school, 1809 ]9y Mrs. Hall's school 193 Mrs. Mary Billings's school 198 Mr. Shay's school 199 The Smothers school-house 199 John W. Prout j 99 A free school 200 The Sunday school 200 Rev. John F. Cook 200 The Snow riot, September, J 835 201 Union Seminary 201 Louisa Parke Costin's school 203 The Wesleyan Seminary 2U4 First seminary for colored girls, 1827 204 Maria Becraft 204 St. Frances' Academy for colored girls 205 Oblate Sisters of Providence Convent, Baltimore 205 Miss Myrtilla Miner 206 Seminary and plan of a female college 209 Miss Emily HowJand 210 Arabella Jones's school -211 Mary Wormley's school 211 Mrs. Mary Wall's school 212 Benjamin McCoy's and other schools 212 Thomas Tabb's school 213 Dr. John H. Fleet's school 213 John T. Johnson's school 213 Charles H. Middleton's school 214 First movement for a free colored public school 215 Alexander Cornish and others • 215 Alexander Hays 215 Joseph Mason's school, Georgetown 216 Thomas H. Mason's school 2J6 Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher's school 216 Miss E. Anne Cooke. 216 Miss A. E. Washington's school 216 Catholic free colored school 2I7 Elizabeth Smith, Isabella Briscoe, Charlotte Beams, James Shorter 217 Charlotte Gordon, David Brown, and other teachers 217 Churches, parochial and Sunday schools 217 Catholic Church — Rev. L. Neale — Father Van Lommel 217 Father McElroy — Sisters of the Visitation 218 Separate galleries — Baptist — Methodist 219 African Methodist Episcopal church 219 Episcopal church— Rev. S. H. Tyng— Rev. C. P. Macllvaine 219 Early Sabbath schools — Separate schools 220 Observations on the first half century of school history 220 Note— Prospectus of St. Agnes's Academy 222 193 194 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. Period IL— 1861 to 1868. 1. — Cities of Washington and Georgetown. Page. Eelief societies and first schools for contrabands 223 American Tract Society— National Freedmen's Relief Society 221? American Tract Society of Boston , 224 The appeal to the country for help in 1864 224 American Missionary Association 225 Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association 22r) Philadelphia Friends' Freedmen's Eelief Association — 226 • African Civilization Society 226 Reformed Presbyterian Mission — Old School Presbyterian Mission 226 New York Freedmen's Relief Association 226 New England Freedmen's Aid Commission. New England Freedmen's Aid Society 227 New England Friends' Mission — 227 Washington Christian Union • 228 Maine Universalist schools 228 Miss Rebecca R. Elwell's school 228 Statistics of Relief societies' schools in 1864 229 Day schools in ] 864-65— Night schools 1864-65 230 Day schools and night schools in 1865-66-67 - ■ 230 Withdrawal of Relief societies in 1867 2.32 Colored Orphans' Home 233 Mrs. J. F. Potter — Mrs. Pomeroy — Mrs. Breed — Mrs. Trumbull 233 Schools for colored girls by Miss Washington and Miss Jones - . 239 St. Aloysius school for girls— Mrs. E. B. Wood 239 ' St. Martin's school— J. R. Fletcher's school ' 240 Joseph Ambush — Mrs. C. W. Grove— Mrs. Ricks — Rev. C. Leonard. ,. 240 Colfax Industrial Mission— Miss Walker's Industrial school * 241 National Theological Institutes and Universities 243 Rev. Edmund Turney, D. D. — ^National Theological Institute 243 Vight schools^^Female Collegiate Institute . 244 jliss La'vinia Warner — Washington Waller — Arhngton school ' 244 Wayland Tlieological Seminary ' 245 Howard University — Rev. B. F. Morris 245 Howard Theological Seminary — H. A. Brewster 246' D. B. Nicnols— Senator Pomeroy , 247 Charter of Howard University, approved March 2, 1867 248 List of trustees and other officers. Grounds — Buildings 249 Normal and Preparatory Department. Medical Department — Law Department '251 Public schools for colored children 252 Statistics of schools and school children 253 School property —Trustees — Teachers— Grades 254 School funds — Refugees and Freedmen's fund 258. Retained bounty fund — School fund 259 Congressional legislation 260 Summary of Institutions in Washington and Georgetown 262 2. — Colored scliools in WasMngton county. Legislation in 1856 and 1862 264 Act of 1864 — Remarks of Hon. James W. Patterson 2gp School funds — School-houses — Census of 1867 270 Population of children under 20 bj^ single years 271 Mrs. David Carroll's school in 188 1 272 Schools — School lots and buildings 274 Commissioners and trustees. Summary of schools, scholars and property 280 3. — Colored schools in Alexandria. Mrs. Cameron's school — A free school — Mount Hope Academy — Sabbath schools 283 Retrocession in 1846, and its influence on schools 284 First schools for contrabands in 1861 — Julia A. Wilbur 285 Schools organized in 1863, 1864, 1865, 1866 287 Summary of schools and scholars 292 Notes — American Tract Society 294 Labors of Rev. H. W. Pierson, D. D 294 Banneker, the colored astronomer 297 Sabbath school in Georgetown in 1816. African Education Society 298 General review and conclusion 299 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. PERIOD 1.-1801-1861. The struggles of the colored people of the District of Columbia, in securing for themselves the means of education, furnish a very instructive chapter in the history of schools. Their .courage and resolution were such, in the midst of their own great ignorance and strenuous opposition from without, that a permanent record becomes an act of justice to them. In the language of Jefferson to Banneker, the black astronomer, it is a publication to which their "whole color has a right for their justification against the doubts which have been entertained of them." Though poor, proscribed and unlettered, they founded, in their humble way, an institution for the education of their children within less than two years after the first school- house of whites was buiU in the city. The sentimentagainst the education of the colored classes was much less rigorous in the early history of the capital than it was a third of a century later. The free colored people were sometimes even encouraged, to a limited extent, in their efforts. to pick up some fragments of knowledge. They were taught in the Sunday schools and evening schools occasionally, and respectable mulatto families were in many cases allowed to attend, with white children, the private schools and academies. There are scores of colored men and women still living in this District who are decently educated, and who never w^nt to any but white schools. There arc also white men and women still'alive here, who went to school in this city and in Georgetown with colored children and felt no offence. Another fact important to be considered is that the colored people, who first settled in Wash- ington, constituted a very superior class of their race. Many of them were favorite family servants, who came here with congressmen from the south, and with the families of other public officers, and who by long and faithful service had secured, by gift, purchase, or oth- erwise, their freedom. Others were superior mechanics, house servants, and enterprising in various callings, who obtained their freedom by their own persevering industry. Some, also, had received their freedom before coming to this city, and of these there was one family, to be referred to hereafter, which came from Mount Vernon. Still the number of those who could read, even of the very best class of colored people, was very small. THE FIRST SCHOOL AND SCHOOL HOUSE. The first school-house in this District, built expressly for the education of colored children, was erected by three men who had been born and reared as slaves in Maryland and Virginia. Their names were George Bell, Nicholas Franklin and Moses Liverpool. It was a good one- story frame building, and stood upon a lot directly opposite to and west of the liouse in which the mother of Daniel Carroll, of Duddington, then resided, and where the Providence Hos- pital now stands. It was built about the year 1807, and a school, under a white teacher, Mr. Lowe, was opened there as soon as it was finished. It was a full school, and continued several years, after which, for a time, the house was used as a dwelling. The following is a summary from the census- of Washington taken in 1807, the year in which this colored school-house was built : White males 2,139 White females 2,009 Male slaves 409 Female slaves ; 479 Male non-resident slaves 55 Female non-resident slaves 61 Free black males 126 Free black females 153 Free mulatto males - 95 Free mulatto females 120 Total white 4,148 Total free colored 494 Total slaves 1,004 Total colored 1,498 It is seen from these figures that when this school was put into operation there was a pop- ulation of 494 souls only to represent it that being the number of free colored persons. On the 195 196 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOKED POPULATION. other hand, with a population of more than 4,000, the white residents had the year before built but two public school-houses for white scholars, one in the eastern and the other in the west- ern section of the city, though there were three or four small private schools. The three men who built the school-house had at that time just emerged from the condition of slaves, and knew not a letter of the alphabet. Franklin and Liverpool were caulkers by trade, hav- ing come from the sea-coast in the lower part of Virginia, and were at work in the Navy Yard. How they secured their freedom is not clearly known, though the tradition is that Franklin, experiencing religion, was made free by his master, who was a member of the Methodist church, the discipline of which at that time admitted no slave to membership.* These two men worked at their trade all their lives, raised up their families with all the education their means would afford, and their grandchildren are now among the respectable colored people of this city, THE BELL AND BROWNING FAMILIES. George Bell was the leading spirit in this remarkable educational enterprise, and was conspicuous in all efforts for the benefit of his race in this community. He was the slave of Anthony Addison, who owned a large estate upon the borders of the District beyond the Eastern Branch, and his wife, Sophia Browning, belonged to the Bell family, on the Patuxent. When the commissioners were surveying the District in 1791 they received their meals from their cabin across the Eastern Branch, and the wife used often to describe the appearance of Benjamin Banneker, the celebrated mathematician and astronomer, who was one of the surveying party by invitation of the commissioners. She had a market gar- den and used to attend the Alexandria market every market day, though she had a family of three sons and a daughter. In this manner she saved four hundred dollars without the knowledge of her owner, who was Mrs. Rachel Pratt, (Bell,) the mother of Governor Pratt, of Maryland. This money was intrusted to a Methodist preacher, who bought the hus- band's freedom with it, and shortly afterwards, while the wife was dangerously sick, her freedom was bought for five pounds Maryland cun-ency by the husband. These purchases were effected about six years before the building of the school-house. Two of the sons, born in slavery, the father purchased a few years later; the third was accidentally killed in Washington, and the daughter they could not buy, her mistress declining peremptorily to relinquish her, but making her free by her will at her decease, which occurred many years later in Georgetown. These children belonged, as did the mother, to Mrs, Pratt. The two boys were purchased "running" — while on the foot as runaways — the one for $750 and the other for $450. The first free-born child, widow Harriet Dunlap, a woman of much intel- ligence and singular clearness of memory, born in 1S03, is still living and resides here, as do also Margaret, who was freed by Mrs. Pratt, and the two younger sons. The two sons that were purchased were both lost at sea. Mrs. Dunlap, and her next sister, Elizabeth, after the Bell school, as it may be called, closed, went for brief periods successively to schools taught by Henry Potter, an Englishman, by Anne Maria Hall, and Mrs. Maria Haley. There were several colored children in Mrs. Haley's school, and some complaints being made to the teacher, who was an Irish lady, the two Bell girls were sent to the school in Baltimore, taught by Rev. Daniel Coker, who subsequently, as a colored Methodist mission.ary, became conspicuously known throughout the Christian world by his wise and courageous work in the first emigration to Liberia. They remained at this school two years and a half, from 1812 to 1815. George Bell died in 1843, at the age of 82 years, and his wife some years later, at the age of 86. They left all their children not only with a good education but also in comfortable pecuniary circumstances. The mother was a woman of superior character, a,s were all the family. One sister was the wife of the late Rev. John F. Cook, and * The Methodist Discipline as amended in 1784 prescribed among other rules the following two : First. Every member of our Society who has slaves in his possession shall, within twelve months after notice given to him by the assistant, legally execute an instrument whereby he emancipates and sets free every slave in his possession. Second. No person holding slaves shall in future be admitted into our Society or to the Lord's Supper, till he previously complies with these rules concerning slavery. SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 197 another was Mrs. Alethia Tanner, whose force of character and philanthropy gave her remarkable prominence here and elsewhere among her race, and commanded the respect of all who knew her. All of the Browning family belonged to Mrs. Rachel Pratt. Mrs. Tanner commenced her remarkable career by the purchase of her own freedom for $1,400. The last payment of $275 was made June 29, 1810, and her manumission papers from Mrs. Rachel Pratt bear date July 10, 181 0. In 1826 she purchased her older sister, Laurena Cook, and five of the Cook children, four sons and a daughter. One of these sons, then sixteen years old, was afterwards known and respected for more than a quarter of a century by all classes in this community as an able and enlightened school teacher and clergyman. His name was John F. Cook. In 1828 she purchased the rest of the Cook children and their offspring as follows : Hannah and her two children, Annette and her two children, Alethia and her child, George Cook and Daniel Cook, comprising, in all, her sister with ten childrenand five grandchildren, paying for the sister $800, and for the children an average of $300 each. She also purchased the freedom of Lotty Riggs and her four children, and of John Butler, who became a useful Methodist minister; and in 1837 she purchased the freedom of Charlotte Davis, who is still living in this city. The documents showing these purchases are all preserved in the Cook family. Mrs. Tanner was alive to every wise scheme for the education and elevation of her race. It was through her efforts, combined with those of her brother in law, George Bell, that the First Bethel Church on Capitol Hill was saved for that society. When the house was put up at auction by the bank which held the notes of the society, these two individuals came forward, bid in the property, paid for it and waited for their pay till the society was able to raise the money. Mrs. Tanner, at her death in 1864, left a handsome property. Her husband died many years before, and she had no children. She was the housemaid of Mr. Jefferson during his residence at the capital, and Richard M. Johnson, who was her friend, appears as the witness to the manumission papers of Lau- rena Cook, her sister, and of John F. Cook, the son of Laurena, whose freedom she bought while Mr. Johnson was United States senator. THE SCHOOL OF THE RESOLUTE BENEFICIAL SOCIETY. After the Bell school-house had been used several years as a dwelling, it was in 1818 again taken for educational purposes, to accommodate an association organized by the leading colored men of the city, and for the specific purpose of promoting the education of their race. The courage of these poor men, nearly all of whom had but a few years previously emerged from bondage and could not read a syllable, cannot be justly estimated without recalling the fact, that at that period the free colored people were considered everywhere in the south as a nuisance, and very largely so through the north. The Savannah Republican newspaper, in 1817, in a carefully prepared article on the subject, said : "The free people of color have never conferred a single benefit on the country. They have been and are a nuisance, which we wish to get rid of as soon as possible, the filth and offal of society;" and this article was copied approvingly into leading, temperate northern journals. It will be seen from the announce- ment that this school was established upon the principle of receiving all colored children who should come, tuition being exacted only from such as were able to pay ; that it was more nearly a free school than anything hitherto known in the city. The announcement of this school, which appeared in the columns of the Daily National Intelligencer, August 29, 1818, is full of interest. It clearly indicates, among other things, the fact that at that period there were some slave owners in this District who were recognized by the colored people as friendly to the educa- tion of their slaves ; a sentiment, however, which, in the gradual prostitution of public opinion on the subject, was very thoroughly eradicated in the succeeding forty years. But what is of special significance in this remarkable paper is the humble language of apology in which it is expressed. It is plainly manifest in every sentence that an apology was deemed neces- sary from these poor people for presuming to do anything for opening to their offspring the gates of knowledge which had been barred to themselves. The document reads as follows : ^'A School, " Founded by an association of free people of color, of the city of Washington, called the 198. SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 'Eesolute Beneficial Society,' situate near the Eastern Public School and the dwelling of Mrs Fenwick, is now open for the reception of children of free people of color and others, that ladies or gentlemen may think proper to send to be instructed in reading, writing, arithmetic, English grammar or other branches of education apposite 'to their capacities, by a steady, active and experienced teacher, whose attention is wholly devoted to the pur- poses described. It is presumed that free colored families will embrace the advantages thus presented to them, either by subscribing to the funds of the society or by sending their chil- dren to the school. An improvement of the intellect and morals of colored youth being the objects of this institution, the patronage of benevolent ladies and gentlemen, by donation or subscription, is humbly solicited in aid of the fund, the demands thereon being heavy and the means at present much too limited. For the satisfaction of the public, the constitution and articles of association are printed and published. And to avoid disagreeable occurrences, no writings are to be done by the teacher for a slave, neither directly nor indirectly, to serve the purpose of a slave on any account whatever. Further particulars may be known by apply- ing to any of the undersigned otfieers. "WILLIAM COSTIN, President. "ARCHIBALD JOHNSON, Marshal. " GEORGE HICKS. 'Vice-President. " FRED. LEWIS, Chairman of the Committee. " JAMES HARRIS, Secretory. " ISAAC JOHNSON, ? ^ ... " GEORGE BELL, TrcasMrer. " SCIPIO BEENS, i^^o'nmtuee. " N. B. — An evening school will commence on the premises on the first Monday of Octo- ber, and continue throughout the season. iy°"The managers of Sunday schools in the eastern district are thus most dutifully informed that on Sabbath days the school-house belonging to this society, if required for the tuition of colored youth, will be uniformly at their service. ''August 29, 3«." This school was continued several years successfully, with an ordinary attendance of fifty or sixty scholars, and often more. The first teacher was Mr. Pierpont, from Massachusetts, a relative of the poet; and after two or three years, was succeeded by John Adams, a shoe- maker, who was the first colored man who taught in this District, and who, after leaving this school, had another, about 18'22, near the Navy Department. The Bell school-house was after this period used as a dwelling by one of Bell's sons, and at his father's decease fell to his daughter Elizabeth, the wife of Basil Sims. Soon afterwards Sims and his wife both died, leaving a handsome property for their children, which, however, was totally dissipated by the executor. The Bell school-house and lot were sold for taxes ; the children when com- ing of age vainly seeking its recovery. MR. HENRY POTTER'S SCHOOL. The third school for colored children in Washington was established by Mr. Henry Potter, an Englishman, who opened his school about 1 809, in a brick building which then stood on the southeast corner of F and Seventh streets, opposite the block where the post office building now stands. He continued there several years and had a large school, moving subsequently to what was then known as Clark's row on Thirteenth street west, between G and H streets north. MRS. hall's school. During this period Mrs. Anne Maria Hall started a school on Capitol Hill, between the Old Capitol and Carroll row, on First street east. After continuing there with a full school for some ten years, she moved to a building which stood on what is now the vacant por- tion of the Casparis House lot on A street, close to the Capitol. Some years later she w6nt to the First Bethel church, and after a year or two she moved to a house still standing on E street north, between Eleventh and Twelfth west, and there taught many years. She was a colored woman from Prince George's county, Maryland, and had a respectable education, which she obtained at schools with white children in Alexandria. Her husband died early, leaving her with children to support, and she betook herself to the work of a teacher, which she loved, and in which, for not less than twenty-five years, she met with uniform success. Her schools were all quite large, and the many who remember her as their teacher speak of her with great respect. MRS. MARY BILLING'S SCHOOL. Of the early teachers of colored schools in this District there is no one whose name is men- tioned with more gratitude and respect by the intelligent colored residents that that of Mrs. SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. 199 Maij Billing, who established the first colored school that was gathered in Georgetown. She was an English woman ; her husband, Joseph Billing, a cabinet maker, coming from England in 1800, settled with his family that year in Washington, and dying in 1807 left his wife with three children. She was well educated, a capable and good woman, and immediately com- menced teaching to support her family. At first, it is believed, she was connected with the corporation school of Georgetown. It was while in a white school certainly that her atten- tion was arrested by the wants of the colored children, whom she was accustomed to receive into her schools, till the opposition became so marked that she decided to make her school exclusively colored. She was a woman of strong religious convictions, and being English, with none of the ideas peculiar to slave society, when she saw the peculiar destitution of the colored children in the community around her, she resolved to give her life to the class who seemed most to need her services. She established a colored school about 1810, in a brick house still standing on Dunbarton street opposite the Methodist church, between Congress and High streets, remaining there till the winter of 1820-'21, when she came to Washington and opened a school in the house on H street near the Foundry church, then owned by Daniel Jones, a colored man, and still owned and occupied by a member of that family. She died in 1826 in the fiftieth year of her age. She continued her school till failing health, a year or so before her death, compelled its relinquishment. Her school was always large, it being patronized in Georgetown as well as afterwards by the best colored families of Washington, many of whom sent their children to her from Capitol Hill and the vicinity of the Navy Yard. Most of the better educated colored men and women now living, who were school children in her time, received the best portion of their education from her, and they all speak of her with a deep and tender sense of obligation. Henry Potter succeeded her in the Georgetown school, and after him Mr. Shay, an Euglishman, who subsequently came to Washington and for many years had a large coloi'ed school in a brick building known as the Round Tops, in the western part of the city, near the Circle, and still later removing to the old Western Academy building, corner of I and Seventeenth streets. He was there till about 1830, when be was con- victed of assisting a slave to his freedom and sent a term to the penitentiary. Mrs. Billing had a night school in which she was greatly assisted by Mr. Monroe, a government clerk and a Presbyterian elder, whose devout and benevolent ch aracter is still remembered in the churches . Mrs. Billing had scholars from Bladensburg and the surrounding country, who came into Georgetown and boarded with her and with others. About the time when Mrs. Billing relinquished her school in 1822 or 1823, what may be properly called THE SMOTHERS SCHOOL-HOUSE was built by Henry Smothers on the corner of Fourteenth and H streets, not far from the Treasury building. Smothers had a small dwelling-house on this corner, and built his school- house on the rear of the same lot. He had been long a pupil of Mrs. Billing, and had subsequently taught a school on Washington street, opposite the Union Hotel in Georgetown. He opened his school iu Washington in the old corporation school-house, built in 180G, but some years before this period abandoned as a public school-house. It was known as the Western Academy, aud is still standing and used as a school-house on the corner of I and Nineteenth streets west. When his school-house on Fourteenth and H sti^eets was finished his school went into the new quarters. This school was very large, numbering always more than a hundred and often as high as a hundred and fifty scholars. He taught here about two years, and was succeeded by John W. Prout about the year 1825. Prout was a man of ability. In 1831, May 4, there was a meeting, says the National Intelligencer of that date, of " the colored citizens, large aud very respectable, in the African Methodist Episcopal church," to consider the question of emigrating to Liberia. John W. Prout was chosen to preside over the assemblage, and the article in the Intelligencer represents him as making "a speech of decided force and well adapted to the occasion, in support of a set of resolu- tions which he had drafted, and which set forth views adverse to leaving the soil that had given them birth, their true and veritable home, without the benefits of education.'" The school under Prout was governed by a board of trustees and was organized as 200 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. A FREE SCHOOL, and so continued two or three years. The number of scholars was very large, averaging a hundred and fifty- Mrs. Anne Maria Hall was the assistant teacher. It relied mainly for support upon subscription, twelve and a half cents a month only being expected from each pupil, and this amount was not compulsory. The school was free to all colored children, without money or price, and so continued two or three years, when failing of voluntary pecuniary support (it never wanted scholars) it became a regular tuition school. The school under Mr. Prout was called the " Columbian Institute," the name being suggested by John McLeod, the famous Irish schoolmaster, who was a warm friend of this institution after visiting and commending the scholars and teachers, and who named his new building in 1835 the Columbian Academy. The days of thick darkness to the colored people were approaching. The Nat. Turner insurrection in Southampton county, Virginia, which occurred in August, 1831, spread terror everywhere in slave communities. In this district, imme- diately upon that terrible occurrence, the colored children, who had in very large numbers been received into Sabbath schools in the white churches, were all turned out of those schools. This event, though seeming to be a fiery affliction, proved a blessing in disguise. It aroused the energies of the colored people, taught them self-reliance, and they organized forthwith Sabbath schools of their own. It was in the Smothers' school-house that they formed their first Sunday school, about the year 1832, and here they continued their very large school for several years, the Fifteenth-street Presbyterian Church ultimately springing from the school organization. It is important to state in this connection that THE SiJNDAY SCHOOL, always an extremely important means of education for colored people in the days of slavery, was emphatically so in the gloomy times now upon them. It was the Sabbath school that taught the great mass of the free people of color about all the school knowledge that was allowed them in those days, and hence the consternation which came upon them when they found themselves excluded from the schools of the white churches. Lindsay Muse, who has been the messenger for eighteen Secretaries of the Navy, successively, during forty years, from 1828 to the present time ; John Brown ; Benjamin M. McCoy ; Mr. Smallwood ; Mrs. Charlotte Norris, afterwards wife of Rev. Eli Nugent ; and Siby McCoy are the only sur- vivors of the resolute little band of colored men and women who gathered with and guided that Sunday school. They had, in the successor of Mr. Prout, a man after their own heart, JOHN F. COOK, who came into charge of this school in August, 1 834, about eight years after his aunt, Aletbia Tanner, had purchased his freedom. He learned the shoemaker's trade in his boyhood, and worked diligently, after the purchase of his freedom, to make some return to his aunt for the purchase money. About the time of his becoming of age he dislocated his shoulder, which compelled him to seek other employment, and in 1831, the year of his majority, he obtained the place of assistant m^senger in the Land Office. Hon. John Wilson, now Third Auditor of the Treasury, was the messenger, and was Cook's firm friend till the day of his death. Cook had been a short time at school under the instruction of Smothers and Prout, but when he entered the Land Office his education was at most only the ability to stumble along a little in a primary reading book. He, however, now gave liimself in all his leisure moments, early and late, to study. Mr. Wilson remembers his indefatigable application, and affirms that it was a matter of astonishment at the time, and that he has seen nothing in all his observation to surpass and scarcely to equal it. He was soon able to write a good hand, and was employed with his pen in clerical work by the sanction of the Commissioner, Elisha Hayward, who was much attached to him. Cook was now beginning to look forward to the life of a teacher, which, with the ministry, was the only work not menial in its nature then open to an educated colored man. At the end of three years he resigned his place in the Land Office, and entered upon the work which he laid down only with his life. It was then that he gave himself wholly to study and the business of education, working with all his SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 201 might ; his school numbering quite a hundred scholars in the winter and a hundred and fifty in the summer. He had been in his work one year when the storm which had been, for some years, under the discussion of the slavery question, gathering over the country at large, burst upon this District. THE SNOW RIOT, or "Snow storm," as it has been commonly called, which occurred in September, 1835, is an event that stands vividly in the memory of all colored people who lived in this com- munity at that time. Benjamin Snow, a smart colored man, keeping a restaurant on the corner of Pennsylvania avenue and Sixth street, was reported to have made some remark of a bravado kind derogatory to the wives of white mechanics ; whereupon this class, or those assuming to represent them, made a descent trpon his establishment, destroying all his effects. Snow himself, who denied using the offensive language, with difficulty escaped unharmed, through the management of white friends, taking refuge in Canada, where he still resides. The military was promptly called to the rescue, at the head of which was General Walter Jones, the eminent lawyer, who characterized the rioters, greatly to their indignation, as "a set of ragamuffins," and his action was thoroughly sanctioned by the city authorities. At the same time also there was a fierce excitement among the mechanics at the Navy Yard, growing out of the fact that a large quantity of copper bolts being missed from the yard and found to have been carried out in the dinner pails by the hands, the commandant had forbid eating dinners in the yard. This order was interpreted as an insult to the white mechanics, and threats were made of an assault on the yard, which was put in a thorough state of defence by the commandant. The rioters swept through the city, ransacking the houses of the prominent colored men and women, ostensibly in search of anti-slavery papers and documents, the most of the gang impelled undoubtedly by hostility to the negro race and motives of plunder. Nearly all the colored school-houses were partially demolished and the furniture totally destroyed, and in several cases they were completely ruined. Some private houses were also torn down or burnt. The colored schools were nearly all broken up, and it was with the greatest difficulty that the colored churches were saved from destruc- tion, as their Sabbath schools were regarded, and correctly regarded, as the means through which the colored people, at that time, procured mirch of their education. The rioters sought, especially, for John F. Cook, who, however, bad seasonably taken from the stable the horse of his friend Mr. Hayward, the Commissioner of the Land Office, an anti-slavery man, and fled precipitately from the city. They marched to his school-house, destroyed all the books and furniture and partially destroyed the building. Mrs. Smothers, who owned both the school-house and the dwelling adjoining and the lots, was sick in her house at the time, but an alderman, Mr. Edward Dyer, with great courage and nobleness of spii'it, stood between the house and the mob for her protection, declaring that he would defend her house from molestation with all the means he could command. They left the house unharmed, and it is still standing on the premises. Mr. Cook went to Columbia, Pennsylvania, opened a school there, and did not venture back to his home till the autumn of 183G. At the time the riot broke out, General Jackson was absent in Virginia. He returned in the midst of the tumult, and iunnediately issuing orders in his bold, uncompro- mising manner to the authorities to see the laws respected at all events, the violence was promptly subdued. It was nevertheless a very dark time for the colored people. The timid class did not for a year or two dare to send their children to school, and the whole mass of the colored people dwelt in fear day and night. In August, 1836, Mr. Cook returned from Pennsylvania and reopened his school, which under him had, in 1834, received the name of UNION SEMINARY. During his year's absence he was in charge of a free colored public school in Columbia, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, which he surrendered to the care of Benjamin M. McCoy when he came back to his home, Mr. McCoy going there to fill out his engagement. He resumed his work with broad and elevated ideas of his business. This is clearly seen 202 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. in the plan of his institution, embraced in the printed annual announcements and programmes of his annual exhibitions, copies of which have been preserved. The course of study embraced three years, and there was a male and a female department, Miss Catharine Costin at one period being in charge of the female department. Mr. Seaton, of the National Intelligencer, among other leading and enlightened citizens and public men, used to visit his school from year to year and watch its admirable working with deep and lively interest. Cook was at this period not only watching over his very large school, ranging from 100 to 150 or more pupils, but was active in the formation of the " First Colored Presbyterian church of Washington," which was organized in November, 1841, by Rev. John C. Smith, D. D., and worshipped in this school-house. He was now also giving deep study to the preparation for the ministry, upon which in fact, as a licentiate of the African Methodist Episcopal church, he had already in some degree entered. At a regular meeting of "The Presbytery of the District of Columbia," held in Alexandria, May 3, 1842, this church, now commonly called the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian church, was formally received under the care of that Presbytery, the first and still the only colored Presbyterian church in this District. Mr. Cook was elected the first pastor July 13, 1843, and preached his trial sermon before ordination on the evening of that day, in the Fourth Presbyterian church (Dr. J. C. Smith's) in this city, in the presence of a large congregation. This sermon is remembered as a manly production, delivered with great dignity and force and deeply imbued with the spirit of his work. He was ordained in the Fifteenth-street church the next evening, and continued to serve the church with eminent success till his death in 1855. Rev. John C. Smith, D. D., who had preached his ordination sermon and been the devoted friend and counsellor for nearly twenty years, preached his funeral sermon, selecting as his text, ' ' There was a man sent from God whose name was John." There were present white as well as colored clergymen of no less than five denominations, many of the oldest and most respectable citizens, and a vast concourse of all classes, white and colored. " The Fifteenth-street church," in the words of Dr. Smith in relation to them and their first pastor, " is now a large and flourishing congregation of spiritually-minded people. They have been educated in the truth and the principles of our holy religion, and in the new present state of things the men of this church are trusted, relied on as those who fear God and keep his commandments. The church is the monument to John F. Cook, the first pastor, who was faithful in all his house, a workman who labored night and day for years, and has entered into his reward. 'Blessed are the dead who die in the Lord.' ' They rest from their labors and their works do follow them.' " In 1841, when he entered, in a preliminary and informal way, upon the pastorate of the Fifteenth-street church, he seems to have attempted to turn his seminary into a high school, limited to 25 or 30 pupils, exclusively for the more advanced scholars of both sexes, and his plan of studies to that end, as seen in his prospectus, evinces broad and elevated views — a desire to aid in lifting his race to higher things in education than they had yet attempted. His plans were not put into execution, in the matter of a high school, being frustrated by the circumstance that there were so few good schools in the city for the colored people, at that period, that his old patrons would not allow him to shut off the multitude of primary scholars which were depending upon his school. His seminary, however, continued to main- tain its high standard, and had an average attendance of quite 100 year after year till he surrendered up his work in death. He raised up a large family and educated them well. The oldest of the sons, John and George, were educated at Oberlin College. The other three being yoirng, were in school when the father died. John and George, it will be seen, succeeded their father as teachers, continuing in the business down to the present year. Of the two daughters the elder was a teacher till married in 1866, and the other is now a teacher in the public schools of this city. One son served through the war as sergeant of the 40th colored regiment, and another served in the navy. At the death of the father, March 21, 1855, the school fell into the hands of the son, John F. Cook, who continued it till May, 1857, when it passed to a younger son, George F. T. Cook, who moved it from its old home, the Smothers House, to the basement of the Presby- terian church in the spring of 1858, and maintained it till July, 1859. John F. Cook, jr. , who SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION 203 had erected anew school-house on Sixteenth" street, iu 1852, again gathered the school which the tempests of the war had dispersed, and continued it till June, 1867, when the new order of things had opened ample school facilities throughout the city, and the teacher was called to other duties. Thus ended the school which had been first gathered by Smothers nearly 45 years before, and which, in that long period, had been continually maintained with seldom less than 100 pupils, and for the most part with 150, the only suspensions being in the year of the Snow riot and in the two years which ushered in the war. The Smothers House, after the Cook school was removed, in 1858, was occupied for two years by a /ree Catholic school, supported by "The St. Vincent de Paul Society," a benevolent organization of colored people. It was a very large school with two departments, the boys under David Brown and the girls under Eliza Anne Cook, and averaging over 150 scholars. When this school was transferred to another house, Rev. Chauncey Leonard, a colored Baptist clergyman, now pastor of a church in Washington, and Nannie Waugh opened a school there, in 1861, that became as large as that which had preceded it in the same place. This school was broken up in 1862 by the destruction of the building at the hands of the incendiaries, who, even at that time, were inspired with all their accustomed vindictiveness towards the colored people. But this was their last heathenish jubilee, and from the ashes of many burnings imperishable liberty has sprung forth. About the time that Smothers built his school-house, iu 1823, LOUISA PARKE COSTIN'S SCHOOL was established in her father's house on Capitol Hill, on A street south, under the shadow of the Capitol. This Costin family came from Mount Vernon immediately after the death of Martha Washington, in 1802. The father, William Costin, who died suddenly in his bed, May 31, 1842, was twenty-four years messenger for the Bank of Washington, in this city. His death was noticed at length iu the columns of the National Intelligencer in more than one communication at the time. The obituary notice, written under the suggestions of the bank officers, who had previously passed a resolution expressing their respect for his memory, and appropriating fifty dollars towards the funeral expenses, says : " It is due to the deceased to say that his colored skin covered a benevolent heart," concluding with this language: " The deceased raised respectably a large family of children of his own, and in the exercise of the purest benevolence took into his family and supported four orphan children. The tears of the orphan will moisten his grave, and his memory will be dear to all those — a numerous class — who have experienced his kindness ;" and adding these lines : " Honor and shame from no condition rise ; Act well your part — there all the honor lies." John Quincy Adams also, a few days afterwards, iu a discussion on the wrongs of slavery, alluded to the deceased in these words : " The late William Costin, though he was not white, was as much respected as any man in the District, and the large concourse of citizens that attended his remains to the grave, as well white as black, was an evidence of the manner in which he was estimated by the citizens of Washington." His portrait, taken by the direc- tion of the bank authorities, still hangs in the directors' room, and it may also be seen in the houses of more than one of the old and prominent residents of the city. William Costin's mother, Ann Dandridge, was the daughter of a half-breed, (Indian and and colored,) her grandfather being a Cherokee chief, and her reputed father was the father of Martha Dandridge, afterwards Mrs. Custis, who, in 1759, was married to General Wash- ington. These daughters, Ann and Martha, grew up together, on the ancestral plantations. William Costin's reputed father was white, and belonged to a prominent family in Virginia, but the mother, after his birth, married one of the Mount Vernon slaves by the name of Costin, and the sou took the name of William Costin. His mother being of Indian descent, made him, under the laws of Virginia, a free born man. In 1800 he married Phil- adelphia Judge, (his cousin, ) one of Martha Washington's slaves, at Mount Vernon, where both were born in 1780. The wife was given by Martha Washington at her decease to her granddaughter, Eliza Parke Custis, who was the wife of Thomas Law, of Washington. Soon 204 SCHOOLS OF THE COLQEED POPULATION. after William Costin and his wife came to this city the wife's freedom was secured on, kind and easy terms, and the children were all born free. This is the accoimt which William Costin and his wife and his mother, Ann Dandridge, always gave of their ancestry, and they were persons of great precision in all matters of family history, as well as of the most marked scrupu- lousness in their statements. Their seven children, five daughters and two sons, went to school with the white children on Capitol Hill, to Mrs. Maria Haley and other teachers. The two younger daughters, Martha and Frances, finished their education at the Colored Convent in Baltimore. Louisa Parke and Ann had passed their school days before the con- vent was founded. Louisa Parke Costin opened her school at nineteen years of age, continuing it with much success till her sudden death in 1831, the year in which her mother also died. When Martha returned from the Convent Seminary, a year or so later, she reopened the school, continuing it till about 1839. This school, which was maintained some 15 years, was always very full. The three surviving sisters own and reside in the house which their father built about 1812. One of these sisters married Eichard Henry Fisk, a colored man of good education, who died in California, and she now has charge of the Senate ladies' recep- tion room. Ann Costin was for several years in the family of Major Lewis, (at Woodlawn, Mount Vernon,) the nephew of Washington. Mrs. Lewis (Eleanor Custis) was the grand- daughter of Martha Washington. This school was not molested by the mob of 1835, and it was always under the care of a well-bred and well-educated teacher. THE WESLEYAN SEMINARY. While Martha Costin was teaching, James Enoch Ambush, a colored man, had also a large school in the basement of the Israel Bethel church on Capitol Hill for a while, commencing there in April, 1833, and continuing in various places till 1843, when he built a school-house on E street south, near Tenth, island, and established what was known as "The Wesleyan Seminary," and which was successfully maintained for 32 years, till the close of August, 1865. The school-house still stands, a comfortable one-story wooden structure, with the sign "Wesleyan Seminary" over the door, as it has been there for 25 years. This was the only colored school on the island of any account for many years, and in its humble way it accomplished a great amount of good. For some years Mr. Ambush had given much study to botanic medicine, and since closing his school he has become a botanic physician. He is a man of fine sense, and without school advantages has acquired a respectable educa- tion. FIRST SEMINARY FOR COLORED GIRLS. The first seminary in the District of Columbia for colored girls was established in George- town, in 1827, under the special auspices of Father Vanlomen, a benevolent and devout Catholic priest, then pastor of the Holy Trinity Church, who not only gave this interesting enterprise his hand and his heart, but for several years himself taught a school of colored boys three days in a week, near the Georgetown College gate, in a small frame house, which was afterwards famous as the residence of the broken-hearted widow of Commodore Decatur. This female seminary was under the care of Maria Becraft, who was the most remarkable colored young woman of her time in the District, and, perhaps, of any time. Her father, William Becraft, born while his mother, a free woman, was the housekeeper of Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, always had the kindest attentions of this great man, and there are now pictures, more than a century and a half old, and other valuable relics from the Carroll family now in the possession of the Becraft family, in Georgetown, which Charles Carroll of Carrollton, in his last days, presented to William Becraft as family keepsakes. William Becraft lived in Georgetown 64 years, coming there when eighteen years of age. He was for many years chief steward of Union hotel, and a remarkable man, respected and honored by everybody. When he died, the press of the District noticed, in a most prominent manner, his life and character. From one of the extended obituary notices, marked with heavy black lines, the following paragraph is copied : "He was among the last surviving representatives of the old school of well-bred, confi- dential, and intelligent domestics, and was widely known at home and abroad from his con- nection in the company of stewards for a long series of years, and probably from its origin, SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 205 and until a recent date, with the Union hotel, Georgetown, with whose guests, for successive generations, his benevolent and venerable aspect, dignified and obliging manners, and moral excellence rendered him a general favorite." Maria Becraft was marked from her childhood for her uncommon intelligence and refine- ment, and for her extraordinary piety. She was born in 1805, and first went to school for a year to Henry Potter, in Washington, about 1812, afterwards attending Mrs. Billings's school constantly till J 820. She then, at the age of 15, opened a school for girls in Dun- barton street, in Georgetown, and gave herself to the work, which she loved, with the greatest assiduity and with uniform success. In 1827, when she was twenty-two years of age, her remarkable beauty and elevation of character so much impressed Father Vanlomen, the good priest, that he took it in hand to give her a higher style of school in which to work for her t^ex and race, to the education of which she had now fully consecrated herself. Her school was accordingly transferred to a larger building, which still stands on Fayette street, oppo- site the convent, and there she opened a boarding and day school for colored girls, which she continued with great success till August, 1831, when she surrendered her little seminary into the care of one of the girls that she had trained, and in October of that year joined the convent at Baltimore as a Sister of Providence, where she was the leading teacher till she died, in December, 1833, a great loss to that young institution, which was contemplating this noble young woman as its future Mother Superior. Her seminary in Georgetown aver- aged from 30 to 35 pupils, aud there are those living who remember the troop of girls, dressed uniformly, which was wont to follow in procession their pious and refined teacher to devotions on the sabbath at Holy Trinity Church. The school comprised girls from the best colored families of Georgetown, Washington, Alexandria, and surrounding country. The sisters of the Georgetown convent were the admirers of Miss Becraft, gave her instruction, and extended to her the most heai'tfelt aid and approbation in all her noble work, as they were in those days wont to do in behalf of the aspiring colored girls, who sought for edu- cation, withholding themselves from such work only when a depraved and degenerate public sentiment upon the subject of educating the colored people had compelled them to a more lio-id line of demarcation between the races. Ellen Simonds and others conducted the school a few years, but with the loss of its original teacher it began to fail, and finally became extinct. Maria Becraft is remembered, wherever she was known, as a woman of the rarest sweetness and exaltation of Christian life, graceful and attractive in person and manners, gifted, well educated, and wholly devoted to doing good. Her name as a Sister of Provi- dence was Sister Aloyons. From the origin of this convent at Baltimore there has been connected with it a female seminary, which last year was incorporated as ST. FRANCES ACADEMY FOR COLORED GIRLS. In this connection it is not inappropriate to give some account of this school, which has done so valuable a work for the education of the colored people of this District and the coun- try at large. For many years it was the only colored school within the reach of the colored people of this District, in which anything was attempted beyond the rough primary training of the promiscuous school, and there are women who still live in this District and elsewhere, whose well-bred families owe their refinements largely to the culture which the mothers a quarter of a century ago, or more, received in this female seminary. It was there that many of the first well-trained colored teachers were educated for the work in this capital. St. Frances Academy for colored girls was founded in connection with the Oblate Sisters of Providence Convent, in Baltimore, June 5, 1829, under the hearty approbation of the Most Rev. James Whitfield, D. D., the Archbishop of Baltimore at that time, aud receiving the sanction of the Holy See, October 2, 1831. The convent originated with the French Fathers, who came to Baltimore from San Domingo as refugees, in the time of the revolution in that island in the latter years of last century. There were many colored Catholic refugees who came to Baltimore during that period, and the French Fathers soon opened schools there for the benefit of the refugees and other colored people. The colored women who formed the origi- nal society which founded the convent and seminary, were from San Domingo, though they had some of them, certainly, been educated in France. The schools which preceded the orgauiza- 206 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. tionof the convent were greatly favored by Most Rev. Ambrose Marechal, D.D,, who was a French Father, and Archbishop of Baltimore fiom 1817 to 1828, Archbishop Whitfield being his successor. The Sisters of Providence is the name of a religious society of colored women who renounce the world to consecrate themselves to the Christian education of colored girls. The following extract from the announcement which, under the caption of "Prospectus of a School for Colored Girls under the direction of the Sisters of Providence," appeared in the columns of the daily National Intelligencer, October 25, 1831, shows the spirit in which the school originated, and at the same time shadows forth the 'predominating ideas pertaining to the province of the race at that period. The prospectus says : "The object of this institute is one of great importance, greater, indeed, than might at first appear to those who would only glance at the advantages which it is calculated to directly impart to the leading portion of the human race and through it to society at large. In • fact, these girls will either become mothers of families or household servants. In the first case the solid virtues, the religious and moral principles which they may have acquired in this school, will be carefully transferred as a legacy to their children. Instances of the happy influence which the example of virtuous parents has on the remotest lineage in this humble and naturally dutiful class of society are numerous. As to such as are to be employed as servants, they will be intrusted with domestic concerns and the care of young children. How important then it will be that these girls shall have imbibed religious principles and have been trained up in habits of modesty, honesty, and integrity." It is impossible to conceive of language fuller of profound and mournful import than are these humble, timid words of this little band of colored women, who thus made known the exalted scheme to which they had given themselves. Why this tone of apology for embark- ing in as noble a service as ever entered into the plans of a company of women upon the face of the earth, the attempt to lift the veil of moral and intellectual darkness which they saw everywhere resting like death upon their sex and race ? The sisters purchased a three-story brick building on Richmond street, in which they started their work, but have since, in the admirable success of their enterprise, built large and ample structures, and their school was never in more efficient operation than at the ])resent time. From the first it has been through all its years, almost forty in number, a well-appointed female seminary, amply supplied with cultivated and capable teachers, who have given good training in all the branches of a refined and useful education, including all that is usually taught in well regulated female seminaries. The number of Sisters connected with the con- vent and seminary has for very niany years ranged from 30 to 35. The academy has always been well patronized, comprising girls from every part of the south as well before as since the war. The number the past year was some 170, of which about 45 were boarders, a large number being from Washington and Georgetown. Attached to the convent, also, is a free school for girls and an orphan asylum, and till last year they had for many years maintained also a school for boys. In 1862 some of these Sisters established a female seminary in Phila- delphia, which has been very successful. There is also a colored female school in Washington under the care and instruction of teachers formerly attached to this sisterhood. For nearly a quarter of a century this seminary at Baltimore was the school in which the most of the colored girls of this District, who were so fortunate as to receive any of the refinements of school culture, resorted for their training from the founding of the convent down to 1852, when MISS MYRTILLA MINER'S SEMINARY for colored girls was initiated in Washington. This philanthropic woman was born in Brookfield, Madison county, New York, iu 1815. Her parents were farmers, with small resources for the support of a large family. The children were obliged to "work, and the small advantages of a common school were all the educational privileges furnished to them. Hop-raising was a feature in their farming, and this daughter was accustomed to work in the autumn, picking the hops. She was of a delicate physical organization, and suffered exceedingly all her life with spinal troubles. Being a girl of extraordinary intellectual activity, her place at home chafed her spirit. She was restless, dissatisfied with her lot, looked higher than her father, dissented from his ideas of woman's education, and, in her SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. 207 desperation, when about 23 years old, wrote to Mr. Seward, then recently elected governor of her State, asking him if he could show her how it Avas possible for a woman in her cir- cumstances to become a scholar; receiving from him the reply that he could not, but hoped a better day was coming, wherein woman might have a chance to be and to do to the extent of her abilities. Hearing at this time of a school at Clinton, Oneida county, New York, for young women, on the manual-labor system, she decided to go there ; but her health being such as to make manual labor impossible at the time, she wrote to the principal of the Clover-street Seminary, Rochester, New York, who generously received her, taking her notes for the school bills, to be paid after completing her education. Grateful for this noble act, she afterwards sent her younger sister there to be educated, for her own associate as a teacher ; and the death of this talented sister, when about to graduate and come as her assistant in Washington, fell upon her with crushing force. In the Rochester school, with Myrtilla Miner, were two free colored girls, and this association was the first circumstance to turn her thoughts to the work to which she gave her life. From Rochester she went to Mississippi, as a teacljer of planters' daughters, and it was what she was compelled to see, in this situation, of the dreadful practices and conditions of slavery, that filled her soul with a pity for the colored race and a detestation of the system that bound them, which held pos- session of her to the last day ot her life. She remained there several years, till her indignant utterances, which she would not withhold, compelled her employer, fearful of the results, to part reluctantly with a teacher whom he valued. . She came home broken down with sickness, caused by the harassing sights and sounds that she had witnessed in plantation life, and while in this condition she made a solemn vow that whatever of life remained to her should be given to the work of ameliorating the condition of the colored people. Here her great work begins. She made up her mind to do something for the education of free colored girls, with the idea that through the influence of educated colored women .she could lay the solid foundations for the disenthralment of their race. She selected this District for the field of her efforts, because it was the common property of the nation, and because the laws of the District gave her the right to educate free colored children, and she attempted to teach none others. She opened her plan to many of the leading friends of freedom, in an extensive correspondence, but found especially, at this time, a wise a.nd warm encourager and counsellor in her scheme in William R. Smith, a Friend, of Farmington, near Rochester, New York, in whose family she was now a private teacher. Her correspondents generally gave her but little encouragement, but wished her God speed in what she should dare in the good cause. One Friend wrote her from Philadelphia, entering warmly into her scheme, but advised her to wait till funds could be collected. " I do not want the wealth of Croesus," was her reply; and the Friend sent her $100, and with this capital, in the autumn of 1851, she came to Washington to establish a Normal school for the education of colored girls, having associated with her Miss Anna Inman, an accomplished and benevolent lady of the Society of Friends, from Soulhfield, Rhode Island, who, however, after teaching a class of colored girls in French, in the house of Jonathan Jones, on the Island, through the winter, returned to New England. In the autumn of 1851 Miss Miner commenced her remarkable work here in a small room, about fourteen feet square, in the frame house then, as noAv, owned and occupied by Edward C. Younger, a colored man, as his dwelling, on Eleventh street, near New York avenue. With birt two or three girls to open the school, she soon had a room-full, and to secure larger accommodation moved, after a couple of months, to a house on F street north, between Eighteenth and Nineteenth streets west, near the houses then occupied by William T. Carroll and Charles H. Winder. This house furnished her a very comfortable room for her school, which was composed of well-behaved girls, from the best colored families of the District. The persecution of those neighbors, however, com- pelled her to leave, as the colored family, who occupied the house, was threatened with con- flagration, and after one month her little school found a more unmolested home in the dwel- ling-house of a German family on K street, near the Western market. After tarrying a few months here, she moved to L street, into a room in the building known as "The Two Sis- ters," then occupied by a white family. She now saw that the success of her school demanded a school-house, and in reconnoitering the ground she found a spot suiting her 208 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. ideas as to size and locality, with a house on it, and in the market at a low price. She raised the money, secured the spot, and thither, in the summer of 1851, she moved her school, where for seven years she was destined to prosecute, with the most unparalleled energy and conspicuous success, her remarkable enterprise. This lot, comprising an entire square ot three acres, between Nineteenth and Twentieth streets west, N and streets north, and New Hampshire avenue, selected under the guidance of Miss Miner, the contract being perfected through the agency of Sayles J. Bowen, Thomas Williamson, and Allen M. Gangewer, was originally com^eyed in trust to Thomas Williamson and Samuel Rhoades, of the Society of Friends, in Philadelphia. It was purchased of the executors of the will of John Taylor, for $4,000, the deed being executed June 8, 1853, the estimated value of the property now being not less than $30,000. The money was mainly contributed by Friends, in Philadel- phia, New York, and New England. Catharine Morris, a Friend, of Philadelphia, was a liberal benefactor of the enterprise, advancing Miss Miner $2,000, with which to complete the purchase of the lot, the most, if not all which sum, it is believed, she ultimately gave to the institution ; and Harriet Beecher Stowe was another generous friend, who gave her money and her heart to the support of the brave woman who had been willing to go forth alone at the call of duty. Mr. Ehoades, some years editor of the Friends' Quarterly Review, died several years ago, near Philadelphia. Mr. Williamson, a conveyancer in that city, and father of Passmore Williamson, is still living, but some years ago declined the place of trustee. The board, at the date of the act of incorporation, consisted of Benjamin Tatham, a Friend, of New York city, Mrs. Nancy M. Johnson, of Washington, and Myrtilla Miner, and the transfer of the property to the incorporated body was made a few weeks prior to Miss Miner's death. This real estate, together with a fund of $4,000 in government stocks, is now in the hands of a corporate body, under act of Congress approved March 3, 1863, and is styled " The Institution for the Education of Colored Youth in the District of Columbia. " The officers of the corporation at this tinie are John C. Underwood, president; Francis G. Shaw, treasurer; George E. Baker, secretary ; who, with Nancy M. Johnson, S. J. Bowen, Henry Addison, and Rachel Howland, constitute the executive committee. The; purpose of the purchase of this property is declared, in a paper signed by Mr. Williamson and Mr. Rhoades, dated Philadelphia, June 8, 1858, to have been " especially for the, education of colored girls.'" This paper also declares that "the grounds were purchased at the special instance of Myrtilla Miner," and that "the contributions by which the original price of said lot, and also the cost of the subsequent improvements thereof, were procured chiefly by her instru- mentality and labors." The idea of Miss Miner in plantmg a school here was to train up a class of colored girls, in the midst of slave institutions, who should show forth, in their culture and capabilities, to the country and to mankind, that the race was fit for something higher than the degradation which rested upon them. The amazing energy with which this frail woman prosecuted her work is well known to those who took knowledge of her career. She visited the colored people of her district from house to house, and breathed a new life into them pertaining to the education of their daughters. Her correspondence with the philanthropic men and women of the north was immense. She importuned congressmen, and the men who shaped public sentiment through the columns of the press, to come into her school and see her girls, and was ceaseless in her activities day and night, in every direction, to build up in dignity and refinement her seminary, and to force its merits upon public attention. The biriklings upon the lot when purchased — a small frame dwelling of two stories, not more than twenty-five by thirty-five feet in dimensions, with three small cabins on the other side of the premises — served for the seminary and the home of the teacher and her assistant. The most aspiring and decently bred colored girls of the District were gathered into the school ; and the very best colored teachers in the schools of the District, at the pre- sent time, are among those who owe their edircation to this self-sacrificing teacher and her school. Mrs. Means, aunt of the wife of General Pierce, then President of the United States, attracted by the enthusiasm of this wonderful person, often visited her in the midst of her work with the kindest feelings, and the fact that the carriage from the Presidential mansion SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION". 209 was in this way frequently seen at the door of this humble institutii»n did much to protect it from the hatred with which it was surrounded. Mr. Seward and his family were very often seen at the school, both Mrs. Seward and her daughter, Fanny, being constant visitors; the latter, a young girl at the time, often spending a whole day there. Many other congressmen of large and generous instincts, some of them of pro-slavery party relations, went out there — all confessing then' admiration of the resolute woman and her school, and this kept evil men in abeyance. The opposition to the school throughout the District was strong and very general among the old as well as the young. Even Walter Lenox, who as mayor, when the school was first started, gave the teacher assurances of favor in her work, came out in 1857, following the prevailing current of depraved public sentiment and feeding its tide, in an elaborate article in the National Intelligencer, under his own signature, assailed the school in open and direct language, urging against it that it was raising the standard of education among the colored population, and distinctly declaring that the white population of the District would not be just to themselves to permit the continuance of an institution which had the temerity to extend to the colorecl people "a degree of instruction so far beyond their social and political condition, which condition must continue," the article goes on to say, "in this and every other slave-holding community." This article, though fraught with extreme ideas and to the last degree prescriptive and inflammatory, neither stirred any open violence nor deterred the courageous woman in the slightest degree from her work. When madmen went to her school-room threatening her with personal violence, she laughed them to shami; ; and when they threatened to burn her house, she told them that they could not stop her in that way, as another house, better than the old, would immediately rise from its ashes. The house was set on fire in the spring of 1860, when Miss Miner was asleep in the second story alone, in the night time, but the smell of the smoke awakened her in time to save the building and herself from the flames, which were extinguished. The school girls, also, were constantly at the mercy of coarse and insulting boys along the streets, who would often gather in gangs before the gate to pursue and terrify these inoffensive children, who were striving to gather wisdom and understanding in their "little sanctuary. The police took no cognizance of such brutality in those days. But their dauntless teacher, uncompromising, conscientious, and self-possessed in her aggressive work, in no manner turned from her course by this persecution, was, on the other hand, stimulated thereby to higher vigilance and energy in her great undertaking. The course of instruction in the school was indeed of a higher order than had hitherto been opened to the colored people of the District, as was denounced against the school bj' Walter Lenox in his newspaper attack. Lectures upon scientific and literary subjects were given by professional and literary gentlemen, who were friends to the cause. The spacious grounds afforded to each pupil an ample space for a flower bed, which she was enjoined to cultivate with her own hands and to thoroughly study. And an excellent library, a collection of paintings and engravings, the leading magazines and choice newspapers, were gathered and secured for the humble home of learning, which was all the while filled with students, the most of whom were bright, ambitious girls, com- posing a female colored school, which, in dignity and usefulness, has had no equal in the District since that day. It was her custom to gather in her vacations and journeys not only money, but everything else that would be of use in her school, and in this way she not only collected books, but maps, globes, philosophical and chemical and mathematical apparatus, and a great variet^y of things to aid in her instruction in illustrating all branches of knowledge. This collection was stored in the school building during the war, and was damaged by neglect, plundered by soldiers, and what remains is not of much value. The elegant sofa-bedstead which she used during all her years in the seminary, and which would be an interesting possession for the seminary, was sold, with her other personal effects, to Dr. Carrie Brown, (Mrs. Winslow,) of Washington, one of her bosom friends, who stood at her pillow when she died. Her plan embraced the erection of spacious structures, upon the site which had been most admirably chosen, complete in all their appointments for the full accommodation of a school of one hundred and fifty boarding scholars. The seminary was to be a Female College, 14 210 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. endowed with all the powers and professorships belonging to a first-class college for the other sex. She did not contemplate its springing up into such proportions, like a mushroom, in a single night, but it was her ambition that the institution should one day attain that rank. In the midst of her anxious, incessant labors her physical system began so sensibly to fail, that in the summer of 1858, under the counsel of the friends of herself and her cause, she went north to seek health, and, as usual in all her journeys, to beg for her seminary, leaving her gir's in the care of Emily Howland, a noble youug woman, who came down here for the Jove of the cause, without money and without price, from the vicinity of Auburn, New York. In the autumn Miss Miner returned to her school; Miss Howland still con- tinuing with her through the winter, a companion in her trials, aiding her in her duties, and consenting to take charge of the school again in the summer of 1859, while Miss Miner was on another journey for funds and health. In the autumn of that year, after returning from her journey, which was not very successful, she determined to suspend the school, and to go forth to the country with a most persistent appeal for money to erect a seminary building, as she had found it impossible to get a house of any character started with the means already in her hands. She could get no woman, whom she deemed fit to take her work, willing to continue her school, and in the spring of 1860, leasing the premises, she went north on her errand. In the ensuing year she traversed many States, but the shadow of the rebellion was on her path, and she gathered neither much money nor much strength. The war came, and in October, J 862, hoping, not vainly, for health from a sea voyage and from the Pacific climate, she sailed from New York to California. When about to return, in 1866, with vivacity of body and spirit, she was thrown from a carriage in a fear- ful manner ; blighting all the high hopes of resuming her school under the glowing auspices she had anticipated, as she saw the rebellion and the hated system tumbling to pieces. She arrived in New York in August of that year in a most shattered condition of body, though with the fullest confidence that she should speedily be well and at her work in Wash- ington. In the first days of December she came here in a dying condition, still resolute to resume her work ; was carried to the residence of her tried friend, Mrs. Nancy M. John- son, and ou the tenth of that month, surrounded by the friends who had stood with her in other days, she put off her wasted and wearied body in the city which had witnessed her trials and her triumphs, and her remains slumber in Oak Hill cemetery. Her seminary engaged her thoughts to the last day of her life. She said in her last hours that she had come back here to resume her work, and could not leave it thus unfinished. No marble marks the resting place of this truly wonderful woman, but her memory is cer- tainly held precious in the hearts of her throngs of pupils, in the hearts of the colored people of this District, and of all who took knowledge of her life and who reverence the cause in which she offered herself a willing sacrifice. Her assistants in the school were Helen Moore of Washington, Margaret Clapp and Amanda Weaver of New York State, Anna H. Searing of New York State, and two of her pupils, Matilda Jones of Washington, and Emma Brown of Georgetown, both of whom, subsequently, through the influence of Miss Miner and Miss Howland, finished their education at Oberlin, and have since been most superior teachers in Washington. Most of the assistant teachers from the north were from families connected with the Society of Friends, and it has been seen that the bulk of the money came from that society. This sketch would be incomplete without a special tribute to Lydia B. Mann, sister of Horace Maun, who came here in the fall of 1856, from the Col- ored Female Orphan Asylum of Providence, E. I., of which she was then, as she continues to be, the admirable superintendent, and, as a pure labor of love, took care of the school in the most superior manner through the autumn and winter, while Miss Miner was north recruiting her strength and pleading for contributions. It was no holiday duty to go into that school, live in that building, and work alone with head and hands, as was done by all these refined and educated women, who stood from time to time in that humble persecuted semi- nary. Miss Mann is gratefully remembered by her pupils here and their friends. Mention should also be made of Emily Howland, who stood by Miss Miner in her darkest days, and whose whole heart was with her in all her work. She is a woman of the largest and most self-sacrificing purposes, who has been and still is giving her best years, all SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 2il her powers, talents, learning, refinement, wealth, and personal toil, to the education and elevation of the colored race. While here she adopted, and subsequently educated in the best manner, one of Miss Miner's pupils, and assisted several others of her smart girls in completing their education at Oberlin. During the war she was teaching contrabands in the hospital and the camp, and is now engaged in planting a colony of colored people in Virginia with homes and a school-house of their own. A seminary, such as was embraced in the plan of Miss Miner, is exceedingly demanded by the interests of colored female education in this District and the country at large, and any scheme by which the foundations that she laid so well may become the seat of such a school, would be heartily approved by all enlightened friends of the colored race. The trus- tees of the Miner property, not insensible of their responsibilities, have been carefully watch- ing for the moment when action on their part would seem to be justified. They have repeatedly met in regard to the matter, but, in their counsels, hitherto, have deemed it wise to wait further developments. They are now about to hold another meeting, it is understood, and it is to bo devoutly hoped that some plan will be adopted by which a school of a high order may be, in due time, opened for colored girls in this District, who exceedingly need the refining, womanly ti-aining of such a school.* The original corporators of Miss Miner's Institution were Henry Addison, John C. Under- wood, George C. Abbott, William H. Chauning, Nancy M. Johnson, and Myrtilla Miner. The objects as expressed in the charter "are to educate and improve the moral and intel- lectual condition of such of the colored youth of the nation as may be placed under its care and influence." ARABELLA JONES'S SCHOOL. * About the time that Miss Miner commenced in the northern section of Washington, Miss Arabella Jones, a colored girl, who had just returned from the St. Frances' Academy at Balti- more, opened a female school on the island, called St. Agnes' Academy. She had been educated with the greatest care at home by her father, and had, besides, the benefit of her mother's instruction, a woman of extraordinary native sense, who was for a brief time a pupil of Mrs. Billing in her early girlhood, and from her youth through many years a favorite servant in the family of John Quincy Adams, commencing when ho was Secretary of State. Miss Jones had a good English education, wrote and spoke with ease and pro- priety the French tongue, was proficient in music and in all the useful and ornamental needle- work branches. Her father, though a poor man, had on her return from school purchased her a piano and a well-selected library, including a full set of the British poets in handsome binding, bought in London expressly to his order, among which was a specially handsome edition of Shakspeare, the favorite author of the daughter, who not only relished such works, but showed taste and talent in her own poetic eifusions, which occasionally found their way into the public press. She taught with great delight and success, for several years, till better compensation was offered to her for her skill with the needle. She was a girl of decided talents, and had her high aims and education found a more fortunate field for display, she would have done more for her sex than fell to her lot to do. In 1857 she was married, and her subsequent life was clouded. She died in 1868 in the 34th year of her age, and was borne to the tomb with distinguished marks of respect without distinction of class or color. At the time of her death she had been appointed to a government clerkship, MARY WORMLEY'S SCHOOL. In 1830 William Wormley built a school-house for his sister Mary near the corner of Ver- mont avenue and I street, where the restaurant establishment owned and occupied by his brother, James Wormley, now stands. He had educated his sister expressly for a teacher, at great expense, at the Colored Female Seminary in Philadelphia, then in charge of Miss Sarah Douglass, an accomplished colored lady, who is still a teacher of note in the Philadel- * Since the above was written, iDformation has been received that Major General O. O. Howard has ten- dered to the trustees a donation of $30,000 from the building fund of the Preedraen's Bureau, and that they will immediately proceed to erect a first-class building for a female college. 212 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. phia Colored High School. William Wormley was at that time a man of wealth. His livery stable, which occupied the place where the Owen House now stands, was one of the largest and best in the city. Miss Wormley had but just brought her school into full and successful operation when her health broke down, and she lived scarcely two years. Mr. Calvert, an English gentleman, still living in the first ward, taught a class of colored scholars in this house for a time, and James Wormley was one of the class. In the autumn of 1834 William Thomas Lee opened a school in the same place, and it was in a flourishing condition in the fall of J835, when the Snow mob dispersed it, sacking the school-hjuse, and partially destroying it by fire. William Wormley was at that time one of the most enterprising and influential colored men of Washington, and was the original agent of the Liberator news- paper for this District. The mob being determined to lay hold of him and Lee, they fled from the city to save their lives, returning when General Jackson, coming back from Virginia a few days after the outbreak, gave notice that the fugitives should be protected. The perse- cution of William Wormley was so violent and persistent that his health and spirits sank under its effects, his business was broken up, and he died a poor man, scarcely owning a shelter for his dying couch. The school-house was repaired after the riot and occupied for a time by Margaret Thompson's school, and still stands in the rear of James Wormley's res- taurant. During this period, and for some years previous, MRS. MARY wall's SCHOOL was doing a great service to the colored people. Mrs. Wall, whose husband, Nicholas Wall, died some years before she came to this District, was a member of the Society of Friends, and a most benelVolent, gentle, and refined woman. They were Vii'ginians, and were reared in affluence, but reverses at last limited her means, which she had used in her prosperous days with open hand in works of benevolence and charity. In her widowhood she left her native State, and gave much of her subsequent life to the education of the colored children of this District. As early as 1824 she had a school in a house which then stood on Fifteenth street, between the residences now owned by Senator Morgan and Representative Hooper. This school-room was always crowded, and applications, by reason of limited room, were often refused. The school-room accommodated about 40 pupils. She continued her school here quite a number of years, and some of the most intelligent and enterprising colored men of Washington owe the best part of their education to this good woman, James Worm- ley and John Thomas Johnson being of the number. Her high breeding and culture exerted the most marked influence upon the children of poverty and ignorance whom she thus took by the hand. Many colored people of this District remember her school and her loving kind- ness, and bless her memory. She belonged to the class of southern people, not small in her time, who believed in the education and improvement of the colored race. William Wall, the distinguished merchant on Pennsylvania avenue, of the firm of Wall, Eobinson & Co., is a son of this truly Christian lady. BENJAMIN McCoy's, AND OTHER SCHOOLS. About this time another school was opened in Georgetown, by Nancy Grant, a sister of Mrs. William Becraft, a well-educated colored woman. She was teaching as early as 1828, and had a useful school for several years. Mr. Nuthall, an Englishman, was teach- ing in Georgetown during this period and as late as 1833 he went to Alexandria and opened a school in that city. William Syphax among others, now resident in Washington, attended his school in Alexandria about 1833. He was a man of ability, well edircated, and one of the best teachers of his time in the District. His school in Georgetown was at first in Duubarton street, and afterward on Montgomery. The old maxim that " the blood of the martyrs is the seed of the Church," seems to find its illustration in this history. There is no period in the annals of the country in which the fires of persecution against the education of the colored race burned more fiercely in this District and the country at large than in the five years from 1831 to 1836, and it was during this period that a larger number of respectable colored schools were established than in any other five years prior to the war. In 1833, the same year in which Ambush's school was SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 213 started, Benjaiuiu M. McCoy, a colored man, opened a school in the northern part of the city, on L street, between Third and Fourth streets west. In 1834 he moved to Massachu- setts avenue, continuing his school there till he went to Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, in the autumn of 1835, to finish the engagement of Rev. John F. Cook, who came back to Washington at that time and re-opened his school. The school at Lancaster was a free public colored school, and Mr. McCoy was solicited to continue another year, but declining. came back, and in 1837 opened a school in the basement of Asbury church, which, in that room and in the house adjoining, he maintained with great success for the ensuing 12 years. Mr. McCoy was a pupil of Mrs. Billing and Henry Smothers, is a man of good sense, and his school gave a respectable rudimental education to multitudes, who remember him as a teacher with great respect. He is now a messenger in the Treasury Department. In 1833 a school was established by Fanny Hampton, in the western part of the city, on the north- west corner of K and Nineteenth streets. It was a large school, and was continued till about 1842, the teacher dying soon afterwards. She was half-sister of Lindsay Muse. Margaret Thompson succeeded her, and had a flourishing school of some 40 scholars on Twenty-sixth street, near the avenue, for several years, about 1846. She subsequently became the wife of Charles H. Middleton, and assisted in his school for a brief time. About 1830 Robert Brown commenced a small school, and continued it at intervals for many years till his death. As early as 1833, there was a school opened in a private house in the rear of Franklin row, near the location of the new Franklin school building. It was taught by a white man, Mr Talbot, and continued a year or two. Mrs. George Ford, a white teacher, a native of Virginia, kept a colored school in a brick house still standing on New Jersey Avenue between K and L streets. She taught there many years, and as early perhaps as half a century ago. THOMAS TABBS"S SCHOOL was an institution peculiar to itself. Mr, Tabbs belonged to a prominent Maryland family, and was bred in affluence and received a thorough and polished education. He came to Washington before the war of 1812, and resided here till his deatli, which occurred 10 years ago. He at once commenced teaching the colored people, and persistently con- tinued to do so as long as he lived. He was called insane by some, but there was certainly a method in his madness. When he could find a school-room he would gather a school, but when less fortunate he would go from house to house, stopping where he could find a group of poor colored children to instruct. At one period he had the shadow of a large tree near the Masonic Lodge at the Navy Yard for his school, and it was there that Alexander Hays, after- wards a teacher in Washington, but then a slave, learned his alphabet. Mr. Tabbs must have spent nearly fifty years in this mode of life, and there are many colored people, well advanced in years, who owe their tolerable education to the instruction of this kind-hearted, singular man. At one time he had a school on A street south, between Seventh and Eighth streets east, and at another had a large school, with an assistant, in the Israel Bethel church. He was an upright man, and the colored people of the older class in the eastern section of Washington remember him with respect and gratitude. DR. JOHN H. FLEET'S SCHOOL was opened in 1836, on New York avenue, in a school-house which stood nearly on the spot now occupied by the Richards buildings at the corner of New York avenue and Fourteenth street. It had been previously used for a white school, taught by Mrs. McDaniel, and v.as sub- sequently again so used. Dr. Fleet was a native of Georgetown, and was greatly assisted in his education by the late Judge James Morsell, of that city, who was not only kind to this family, but was always rega»ded by the colored people of the District as their firm friend and protector John H. Fleet, with his brothers and sisters, went to the Georgetown Lan- casterian school, with the white children, for a long period, in their earlier school days, and sub- sequently to other white schools. He was also for a time a pupil of Smothers and Prout. He was possessed of a brilliant and strong intellect, inherited from his father, who was a white man of distinguished abilities. He studied medicine in Washington, in the office of Dr. Thomas 214 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. Henderson, who had resigned as assistant surgeon in the army, and was a practising physician of eminence in Washington. He also attended medical lectures at the old Medical College, cor- ner of Tenth and E streets. It was his intention at that time to go to Liberia, and his professional education was conducted under the auspices of the Colonization Society. This, with the influence of Judge Morsell, gave him privileges never extended here to any other colored man. He decided, however, not to go to Liberia, and in 1836 opened his school. He was a refined and polished gentleman, and conceded to be the foremost colored man in culture, in intellectual force, and general influ.ence in this District at that time. His school-house, on New York avenue, was burned by an incendiary about 1843, and his flourishing and excellent school was thus ended. For a time he subsequently taught music, in which he was very proficient; but about 1846 he opened a school on School-house hill, in the Hob- brook Military School building, near the corner of N street north and Twenty-third street west, and had a large school there till about 1851, when he relinquished the business, giving his attention henceforth exclusively to music, and with eminent success. He died in 1861. His school was very large and of a superior character. One of his daughters is now a teacher in one of the public schools. While Dr. Fleet was teaching on School-house hill, JOHN THOMAS JOHNSON'S SCHOOL, on Twenty-third street west, near L north, in the same neighborhood, was also in very flourishing operation. Mr. Johnson is a well-known employe at the Capitol at the present time. He was born and educated in this District, and is a man of intelligence and force of character. He was a pupil of Mrs. Wall, of whose character, as an accomplished teacher and woman, he speaks with the deepest respect. He was also a scholar in Smothers's school and in Prout's. Ii?1838, when the persecution of the colored people of the District was still raging, he left the city, and on his route west, in search of a more tolerant latitude, stopped at Pittsburg, Pa., where, at the suggestion of Eev. John Peck and J. B. Vashon, esq., he offered himself as a candidate for teacher of the First District school of that city. He had two white competitors. The examination before the board of school managers resulted in the declaration that he was the best qualified for the place, and he accordingly took the position, and taught with eminent success for several years, to the astonishment and admira- tion of all interested in the school. He finally resigned his place for a more lucrative posi- tion as a steward on a Mississippi steamer. In 1843 he came back to his native city, and started a school, as stated in the commencement of this notice, with a zeal and boldness equalled by few of the most courageous of the colored men at that time, when their school- houses were at the mercy of the mob. Shielded by no law, he built a school-house and gathered a school, which, commencing with half a dozen, soon became very large — oncenumbering as high as 200 and more, and averaging from 150 to 170 well-dressed and well- behaved children, many of whom, now men and women grown, are among the best colored people of this District. He continued his school down to 1849, when he relinquished a work in which he had uniformly achieved decided success. As he was about to retire from the field, CHARLES H. MIDDLETON'S SCHOOL was started, in the same section of the city, in a school-house which then stood near the corner of Twenty-second street west and I north, and which had been used by Henry Hardy for a white school. Though both Fleet's and Johnson's schools were in full tide of success in that vicinity he gathered a good school, and when his two competitors retired — as they both did about this time— his school absorbed a large portion of their patronage and was thronged. In 1852 he went temporarily with his school to Sixteenth street, and thence to the basement of Union Bethel church on M street, near Sixteenth, in which, during the administration of President Pierce, he had an exceedingly large and excellent school, at the same period when Miss Miner was prosecuting her signal work. Mr. Middleton, now a messenger in the Navy Department, a native of Savannah, Ga. . is free-born, and received his very good education in schools in that city, sometimes with white and sometimes with colored children. When he commenced his school he had just returned from the Mexican war, and his enter- SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. 215 prise is especially worthy of being made prominent, not only because of his high style as a teacher, but also because it is associated with THE FIRST MOVEMENT FOK A FREE COLORED PUBLIC SCHOOL. This movement originated with a city officer, Jesse E. Dow, who, in 1848 and 1849, was a leading and influential member of the common council. He encouraged Mr. Middleton to start his school, by assuring him that he would give all his influence to the establishment of free schools for colored as well as for white children, and that he had great confidence that the councils would be brought to give at least some encouragement to the enterprise. In 1850 Mr. Dow was named among the candidates for the mayoralty, and when his views in this regard were assailed by his opponents, he did not hesitate to boldly avow his opinions, and to declare that he wished no support for any office which demanded of him any modifi- cation of these convictions. The workmen fail, but the work succeeds. The name of Jesse E. Dow merits conspicuous record in this history for this bold and magnanimous action. Mvr. Middleton received great assistance in building up his school from Rev. Mr. Wayman, then pastor of the Bethel church, and afterwards promoted to the bishopric. The school was surrendered finally to Rev. J. V. B. Morgan, the succeeding pastor of the church, who conducted the school as a part of the means of his livelihood. ALEXANDER CORNISH AND OTHERS. In the eastern section of the city, about 1840, Alexander Cornish had a school several years in his own house on D street south, between Third and Fourth east, with an average of 40 scholars. He was succeeded, about 1846, by Richard Stokes, who was a nati% of Chester County, Pa. His school, averaging 150 scholars, was kept in the Israel Bethel church, near the Capitol, and was continued for about six years. In 1840 there was a school opened by Margaret Hill in Georgetown, near Miss English's seminary. She taught a very o-ood _ school for several years. ALEXANDER HAYS'S SCHOOL, was started on Ninth street west, near New York avenue. Mr. Hays was born in 1802, and belonged originally to the Fowler family in Maryland. When a boy he served for a time at the Washington Navy Yard, in the family of Captain Dove, of the navy, the father of Dr. Dove, of Washington, and it was in that family that he learned to read. Michael Tabbs had a school at that time at the Navy Yard, which he taught in the afternoons under a larae tree, which stood near the old Masonic Hall. The colored children used to meet him there in large numbers daily, and while attending this singular school. Hays was at the same time taught by Mrs. Dove, with her children. This was half a century ago. In 1826 Hays went to live in the family of R. S. Coxe, the eminent Washington lawyer, who soon purchased him, paying Fowler $300 for him. Mr. Coxe did this at the express solicitation of Hays, and 17 years after he gave him his freedom — in 1843. While living with Mr. Coxe he had married Matilda Davis, the daughter of John Davis, who served as steward many years in the family of Mr. Seaton, of the National Intelligencer. The wedding was at Mr. Seaton's residence, and Mr. Coxe and family were present on the occasioij. In 1836 he bought the house and lot which they still own and occupy, and in 1842, the year before he was free, Hays made his last payment and the place was conveyed to his wife. She was a free woman, and had opened a school in the house in 1841. Hays had many privileges while with Mr. Coxe, and with the proceeds of his wife's school they paid the purchase money (lISuO) and interest in seven years. Mr. Hays was taught reading, writing, and arithmetic by Mr. Coxe, his wife, and daughters, while a slave in their family. When the colored people were driven from the churches, in the years of the mobs, Mrs. Coxe organized a large colored Sabbath school ill h^r own parlor, and maintained it for a long period, with the co-operation of Mr. Coxe and the daughters. Mr. Hays was a member of this school. He also attended day schools, when his work would allow of it. This was the education with which, in 1845, he ventured to take his wife's school in charge. He is a man of good sense, and his 216 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. school flourished. He put up an addition to his house, in order to make room for his increasing school, which was continued down to 1857 — 16 years from its opening. He bad also a night school and taught music, and these two features of his school he has revived since the war. This school contained from 35 to 45 pupils. Eev. Dr. Samson, Mr. Seaton, and Mr. Coxe often visited his school and encouraged him in his excellent work. Thomas Tabhs used also to come into his school and give him aid and advice, as also did John McLeod. JOSEPH T. MASON'S SCHOOL, IN GEORGETOWN, was established in 1840, in the rear of Mount Zion church, in a house near where the large free .school building for colored children now stands. Mr. Mason was a scholar in Prout's school, and in that of the elder Cook. He was an admirable disciplinarian, and his school, which rarely fell below a hundred members, was conducted with more than common system and thoroughness fer more than a quarter of a century, until he became insane, a year or two before the war. THOMAS H. MASON'S SCHOOL was commenced in 1859, in his father's house, on L near Twenty -first street west, and has continued without interruption to the present time. This school, prior to the war, averaged about 100, but during and since the war it has been about 50. He is well educated and a very excellent teacher, was a scholar under both Johnson end Fleet, and finished his educa- tion at Oberlin. His father was a cousin to Joseph T. Mason. j^ MR. AND MRS. FLETCHER'S SCHOOL was opened about 1854, in the building in which Middleton first taught, on I near Twenty- second street. Mr. Fletcher was an Englishman, a well-educated gentleman, and a thor- ough teacher. He was induced to open the school by the importunities of some aspiring colored young men in that part of the city, who desired first-rate instruction. He soon became the object of persecution, though he was a man of courtesy and excellent character. His school-house was finally set on fire and consumed, with all its books and furniture ; but the school took, as its asylum, the basement of the John Wesley Church. The churches which they had been forceul to build in the days of the mobs, when they were driven from the white churches which they had aided in building, proved of immense service to them in their subsequent struggles. Mrs. Fletcher kept a variety store, which was destroyed about the time the school was opened. She then became an assistant in her husband's school, which numbered over 150 pupils. In 1858 they were driven from the city, as perse- cution at that time was particularly violent against all white persons who instructed the colored people. This school was conducted with great thoroughness, and had two depart- ments, Mrs. Fletcher, who was an accomplished person, having charge of the girls in a separate room. ELIZA ANNE COOK, a niece of Rev. John F. Cook, and one of his pupils, who has been teaching for about 1 5 years, should be mentioned. She attended Miss Miner's school for a time, and was afterwards at the Baltimore convent two years. She opened a school in her mother's house, and sub- sequently built a small school-house on the same lot, Sixteenth street, between K and L streets. With the exception of three years, during which she was teaching in the free Catholic school opened in the Smothers' school- house in J 859, and one year in the female school in charge of the colored sisters, she has maintained her own private school from 1854 down to the present time, her number at some periods being above 60, but usually not more than 25 or 30. MISS WASHINGTON'S SCHOOL. In 1857 Annio E. Washington opened a select primary school in her mother's house, on K street, between Seventeenth and Eighteenth streets west. The mother, a widow woman, is a laundress, and by her own labor has given her children good advantages, though she had no such advantages herself. This daughter was educated chiefly under Rev. John F. Cook SCHOOLS OF THE COLOKED POPULATION. 217 and Miss Miner, with whom she was a favorite scholar. Her older sister was educated at the Baltimore convent. Annie E. Washington is a woman of native refinement, and has an excellent aptitude for teaching, as well as a good education. Her schools have always been conducted with system and superior judgment, giving universal satisfaction, the num her of her pupils being limited only by the size of her room. In 1858 she moved to the base- ment of the Baptist church, corner of Nineteenth and I streets, to secure larger accommoda- tions, and there she had a school of more than 60 scholars for several years. A FREE CATHOLIC COLORED SCHOOL. A free school was established in 1858 and maintained by the St. Vincent de Paul Society, an association of colored Catholics, in connection with the St. Matthew's church. It was organized under the direction of Father Walter and kept in the Smothers' school-house for two years, and was subsequently for one season maintained on a smaller scale in a house on L street, between Twelfth and Thirteenth streets west, till the association failed to give it the requisite pecuniary support after the war broke out. This school has already been mentioned. OTHER SCHOOLS. In 1843, Elizabeth Smith commenced a school for small children on the Island in Wash- ington, and subsequently taught on Capitol hill. In 1860 she was the assistant of Rev. Wm. H. Hunter, who had a large school in Zion Wesley church, Georgetown, of which he was the pastor. She afterwards took the school into her own charge for a period and taught among the contrabands in various places during the war. About 1850 Isabella Briscoe ojiened a school on Montgomery street near»Mount Zion church, Georgetown. She was well educated and one of the best colored teachers in the District before the rebellion. Her school was always well patronized, and she continued teaching in the District up to 1868. Charlotte Beams had a large school for a number of years, as early as 1850, in a building next to Galbraith chapel, I street north, between Fourth and Fifth west. It was exclusively a girl's school in its latter years. The teacher was a pupil of Enoch Ambush, who assisted her in establishing her school. A year or two later Rev. James Shorter had a large school in the Israel Bethel church, and Miss Jackson taught another good school on Capitol Hill about the same time. The above mentioned were all colored teachers. Among the excellent schools broken up at the opening of the war was that of Mrs. Char- lotte Gordon, colored, on Eighth street, in the northern section of the city. It was in suc- cessful operation several years, and the number in attendance sometimes reached J 50. Mrs. Gordon was assisted by her daughter. In 1841 David Brown commenced teaching on D street south, between First and Second streets, island, and continued in the business till 1858, at which period he was placed in charge of the large Catholic free school, in the Smothers house, as has been stated. CHURCHES, PAROCHIAL AND SUNDAY SCHOOLS. No religious sect has, from the earliest history of this District, exhibited so true a Christian spirit towards the colored people as the Catholic. In Georgetown, Rev. Leonard Neale, D. D., the archbishop, who resided there at an early period, and his brother, Rev. Francis Neale, the founder and first pastor of Holy Trinity church, and Father Van Lommel, jiastor of the same church in 1827, were all friends of the poor, showing no distinction on account of color. They established schools and gathered to them the ignorant and poor, both white and colored. Father Van Lommel himself taught a school in which the white and colored children were instructed together and gratuitously, in the house that Mrs. Commodore Decatur for many years afterwards occupied near the Georgetown college gate. That the Catholic church was true to the Christian doctrine of the unity of the human race and the equality of all mankind before the altar of worship, was shown in the labors of these representatives of its priesthood. In 1837, when the pro-slavery spirit was enjoying its greatest triumph in this country. Pope Gregory XVI issued his famous anti-slavery bull. He first quotes the 218 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. bull of 1537, by Paul III, addressed to the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and another, still more comprehensive, by Urban VIII, of 1636, to the collector Jurius, of the Apostolic Chamber of Portugal, "most severely castigating, byname, those who presumed to subject either East or West Indians to slavery; to sell, buy, exchange, or give them away, to separate them from their wives and children, despoil them of their goods and property, to bring or transmit them to other places, or by any means deprive them of liberty, or retain them in slavery," and then proceeds to reprobate, by " apostolical authority, all the above-described offences as utterly unworthy of the Christian name," and, " under the same authority, to rigidly prohibit and interdict all and every individual, whether ecclesiastical or laical, from presuming to defend that commerce in negro slaves,'' and to declare that, after mature delib- eration in council of their Eminences, the Cardinals of the Holy Catholic Church, he was admonished "to invoke in the Lord all Christians, of whatever condition, that none hence- forth dare to subject to slavery, unjustly persecute, or despoil of their goods, Indians, negroes, or other classes of men, or be accessories to others, or furnish them aid or assistance in so doing." Father McElroy, now a resident of Boston, eighty-seven years old, whose life has been as full of pious and benevolent deeds as it is of years, was the assistant pastor of Holy Trinity church of Georgetown, D. C, with Father De Theux, who in 1817 succeeded Father Francis Neale. In 1818 Father McElroy established a Sunday school for colored children, and labored with the utmost devotion to gather the poor and despised children under his instruction. The school was held Sunday afternoon, and was a large and interesting institution. It con- tinued two hours each day, and the children were taught spelling, reading, writing and christian doctrine. Young men and women of the first standing in Georgetown were the teachers, under the superintendence of Father McElroy, and the school was maintained with great efficiency for many years, especially dirring the service of Father McElroy, who was there five years, till he went to Frederick, Md., in 1822. There are many colored men and women still living in this District, now furrowed and gray with age, who learned to read and write in that school, including some who were slaves at the time. The Catholic church was as free in all its privileges to the black worshipper as to the white, and in the sanctuary there was no black gallery. It was so in St. Patrick's church, in Washington, under its founder. Father Matthew of blessed memory, who had the friendship of Jefferson and other distinguished public men of his time, and who recognized the poorest and most benighted negro of his parish as inferior to none in all the privileges and duties of the church. The colored people in those days, in all the Catholic churches, not only knelt side by side with the highest personages, but the pews were also free to all. Father John Donelau, the founder of St. Matthew's church, was equally Christian in his impartiality, and this has been the general treatment which the colored people have received from the Catholic church, the cases in which a priest has attempted to make a distinction having been very few and exceptional. The older and more intelligent colored people of the District will fully sustain this statement. The Sisters of the convent in George- town have also trained many colored girls in the refined and solid attainments of a good education. The parochial instruction of the churches has always embraced all the children, and it is believed that St. Aloysius church, the last that was built before the war, has not been in the least behind the earlier churches in this respect. Colored people have always held pews there on the same floor with the whites, and there is a large free female colored school in the parochial school building connected with this church, in which there is also a white female school numbering some 250 pupils. The St. Mary's Catholic church at Alex- andria in the earlier years manifested a similar Christian spirit, and has continued to do so. The colored people occupied the same floor with the white, and the free pews were occupied without discrimination of color. When the colored people were excluded from all the Protestant churches of the District in the years of the mobs, the Catholic people stood firm, allowing no molestation of their col- ored worshippers. When the Sabbath schools for colored children were broken up in every Protestant church in the District, every Catholic church steadily retained its colored child- ren under the usual Sunday instruction, and these schools embraced all ages, from the mere SCHOpLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 219 child to the hoary head. The above brief statements will explain why the colored Catholics here organized but one Catholic church, St. Martin's, though forming a considerable part of the colored population of the District. The Protestant churches in the District, like the Catholic, seem at first to have had no separate galleries; and children in the Sabbath school, white and colored, sat in the same room on the same seats. This was the case in the First Baptist church iu Washington, which was established in 1802, but at a later day this was changed, the galleries being assigned to the colored people. But most of the Protestant churches went so far as gradually to limit them to the back seats in the galleries, which so mortified their self-respect as to drive them, in spite of their poverty, to build humble religious homes of their own. When the new Baptist church was built on Tenth street, which was afterwards sold and converted into a theatre, afterwards known as Ford's Theatre, the gallery was given to the colored people. This was satisfactory to the majority, but some of the more spirited chafed under the new arrangement. The church, and its pastor, Rev. O. B. Brown, however, treated their colored members and worshippers with Christian charity. The pastor was a large- hearted Christian minister, who knew no distinction as to the color of a person's skin at the altar of worship. When they built on Tenth street, in 1833, the colored members bought the old church, corner of Nineteenth and I streets, for a chapel, in which to hold their social meetings. Soon afterwards they employed Rev. Mr. Nickens to preach for them temporarily, which resulted in about thirty of the colored members seceding, and organizing a church by themselves. These seceding members were expelled, and, as the church property was deeded to the members of the church, a controversy arose as to the title to the house, which is still litigated in chancery, between the mother church and her colored oifspring. Among the Methodists an alienation of feeling grew up at an earlier date than in the other churches. As eaily as 1820 the colored members of the Ebenezer church, on Fourth street east, near Virginia avenue, erected a log building in that vicinity, not far from the present Odd Fellows' lodge, for their social religious meetings and Sabbath school. About the same time some of the leading members, among them George Bell and George Hicks, already mentioned, becoming dissatisfied with their treatment, withdrew and organized a church in connection with the African Methodist Episcopal church. At first they worshipped in Basil Sim's rope-walk, First street east, near Pennsylvania avenue, but subsequently in Rev. Mr. Wheat's school-house on Capitol Hill, near Virginia avenue. They finally purchased the old First Presbyterian church, at foot of Capitol Hill, now known as the "Israel Bethel African Methodist Episcopal church." Some years later other members of the old Ebenezer church not liking their confined quarters in the gallery, and otherwise discontented, purchased a lot corner of C street south and Fifth street east, built a house of worship, and were organized as the "Little Ebenezer Methodist Episcopal church." About the year 18?-5 a third coloniza- tion from the original Ebenezer church took place. Among other grievances, the colored members were dissatisfied with their white pastors because they declined to take the colored children in their arms when administering the rite of bapiisra. In 1839 this alieniition grew into an open rupture, when thirteen class leaders and one exhorter left the mother church, and, after purchasing a lot on the Island, erected a house and formed a colored church, inde- pendent of the Methodist Episcopal body, under the name of the Wesley Zion church, and employed a colored preacher. Among the prominent men in this separation, still living, were Enoch Ambush, the well-known schoolmaster, and Anthony Bovven, who for many years has been an estimable employ^ in the Department of the Interior. Mr. Bovven has been a local preacher for forty years, and under his guidance the St. Paul's colored church on the Island was organized, at first worshipping in E street chapel. In a volume, by Rev. Benjamin T. Tanner, entitled "An Apology for African Methodism," published in Baltimore in 1867, the statement is made that while the Presbyterians, Lutherans, Congregation alists, and others have opened their Theological schools and colleges to colored men, the Methodist Episcopal denomination has refused them admission even in cases where the colored people have aided in establishing and supporting these schools. In this connection it may not be inappropriate to refer to the formation of the "African Methodist Episcopal church." "In November, 1787, the colored people belonging to the 220 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOKED POPULATION. Meiliodist Society of Philadelphia convened together in order to take into consideration the evils under which they labored, arising from the unkind treatment of their white brethren, ■who considered them a nuisance in the house of worship, and even pulled them off their knees while in the act of prayer and ordered them to the back seats. For these and various other acts of unchristian conduct they considered it their duty to devise a plan in order to build a house of their own, toworship God ' under their own vine and fig tree.' " The above extract is taken from the historical chapter of the ' ' Book of Church Discipline " of the ' 'African Methodist Episcojial church," and the chapter is signed by Bishop Wm. P. Quiun, Bishop Daniel A. Payne, Bishop Alex. W. Wayman, and Bishop Jabez P. Campbell. Among other prominent men of Philadelphia, Dt. Benjamin Rush was the friend of the colored people, and Bishop White also, who ordained one of their own number, after the order of the Protestant Episcopal church, as their pastor. In 1793 those of Methodist proclivities having concluded to build a church, Eev. Eichard Allen gave them the land for the purpose, and with a few others aided them in the work. Francis Asbury, always their friend, and then bishop of the Methodist Episcopal church, ofl&ciated at the consecration, and the house was named " Bethel." Thus matters stood until 1816. During this period the colored people of Baltimore, Washington, and other places were oppressed as in Philadelphia, and in April, 1816, they called a general convention in that city, which organized the " African Methodist Episcopal Church." At the same time the first bishop was ordained, Rev. William Allen, who in the year 1799 had been ordained as preacher by Bishop Asbury of the "Methodist Episcopal church." • One of the local preachers of this cliurch, Rev. Thos. E. Green, now connected with the "Pisgah chapel," Washington, when a child was bound out by the orphans' court to Jacob Gideon, a well-known citizen of Washington, and he expresses himself greatly indebted to Mr. and Mrs. Gideon for their kind treatment and the excellent instruction given him. The number of colored people connected with Protestant Episcopal churches of the Dis- trict has always been quite small. Christ church. Navy Yard, the oldest church of this denomination in the District, was as impartial and kind in the treatment of its colored worshippers as were the other Protestant churches in their early history. When the Sabbath school was organized the colored children were gathered into it, occupying seats upon the same floor with the white children, and this has been the usual custom of these church'es. In their worship the gallery, or a portion of it, has been assigned to the colored worshippers, who, at the administration of the sacrament, are wont to descend and approach the altar when the white communicants have retired. The banishment of the colored members to the back seats at the sacramental table is not, however, peculiar to this church. The Methodist Epis- copal people, even in New England, have done likewise. Not long before the war one of the most gifted colored men in the country entered the Elm street Methodist Church in New Bedford, intending to unite with the church, but what occurred while he was present made him depart without doing as he had intended. The following is his statement, [Rev. Mr. Bonney was at that time the pastor :] " After the congregation was dismissed the half dozen colored members descended from the gallery and took a seat against the wall most distant from the altar. Brother Bonney was very animated, and sung very sweetly 'Salvation, 'tis a joyful sound ; ' and after serving the emblems to all the ' white sheep,' raising his voice to an unnatural pitch and walking to the corner where his black sheep seemed to have been penned, he beckoned with his hand, exclaiming, 'Come forward, colored friends! Come forward ! You, too, have an interest in the blood of Christ. God is no respecter of persons. Come forward and take this holy sacrament to your comfort.' " In Georgetown there seems to have been less of Christian brotherhood in the Episcopal churches towards the colored people than in Washington. In 1821 Eev. Stephen H. Tyng, D. D., and Bishop Charles P. Mac Ilvaine, both then just entered into holy orders, were in Georgetown ; the former being pastor of St. John's and the latter of Christ church. These giftlBd and devout young men knew no distinction in their holy office founded upon the color of the skin, and did not fail to indicate their sentiments on the subject. When Mr. Tyng was invited to the pastorate of St. John's, the vestry made some repairs upon their church. The colored people, who had hitherto entered the same front door with their white brethren SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 221 and sisters in order to pass up into their jjallery, were now furnished a new ingress and egress. A stairway on tlie outside of the church was run up to a gallery window, which was converted into a door. It is the tradition that Mr. Tyng declined to accept the arrange- ment on the ground that the faith, which he preached, acknowledged no bacli stairs to heaven for the humble poor. "The niggers' baclc stairs to heaven," as the stairway was called, was not used, and it is believed that the colored people eu^i«»*y.^%^i|jiged the church because of the project. There was a deep feeling at this pel^d in GeocJ^owri^^g^wing out of this matter of the staircase and the well known views of these two pastors, '^^a The first attempt to found a colored Episcopaj\^urCTa"fli)(tiSSWstrict wasl|Mide in 1867, and the little " St. Mary's chapel " on Twenty-tllli^'«toet west aSa a^Qt^^huTfch and con- gregation are the results. They are not, however/ll^jmfejied a pastor oi their own race — it may be that they have none such in their ministry. TfeJsTfittks ^and of colored people are doing well. They have a large and flourishing Sabbath school, and are using much self- denial and energy in the maintenance of the interests of education in connection with their organization. The pastor is Rev. John M. E. McKee. The Unitarian church, founded in 1820, and also the Friends' meeting and the Universalist church, have always been opposed to slavery, and never tolerated unchristian treatment of the colored people. The first named was a New England church in its spirit and member- ship, as it continues to be. The Orthodox Congregational church, resuscitated after the war or near its close, was always of like spirit. The Sahhath school among the colored people in those times differed from the insti- tution as organized among the whites, as it embraced young and old, and most of the time was given not to the studying of the Bible, but to learning to read. It was the only school which, for a time, they were allowed to enter, and was consequently of vital importance in the history of tlieir education in the District. As the distinction of color in the church grew more prominent the colored Sabbath schools seem to have gradually lost favor, till in 1835 they were swept away as by a storm. The First Presbyterian church of Washington, which then worshipped in the edifice now occupied by the col- ored Israel Bethel church, at the foot of Capitol Hill, opened a Sunday school for colored people in 1826, which was held regularly every Sunday evening for many years, and in it many men and women, as well as children, learned their alphabet and to read the Bible. Michael Shiner, one of the most remarkable colored men of the District, who remembers almost everything that has occurred at the Navy Yard during his service of some GO years there, is of this number. Rev. Reuben Post, then the pastor of the church, now Dr. Sun- derland's, was the leader in this Sabbath school work, and his church and society fully sup-* ported him. There was a colored Sabbath school in the City Hall for a number of years prior to 1831. The Trinity church people were worshipping there in that period, and the school is believed to have been maintained mainly through the efforts of that society. Mr. C. H. Wiltberger and his wife, themselves slave-holders, were the teachers of the school from its organization till its dispersion at the time of the Snow riot. Christ Church, at the Navy Yard, established a Sabbath school for colored persons some years before the war of 1812. Among those most active in its organization were Rev. Andrew Hunter, the chaplain; Rev. John Chalmers, pastor of the Methodist Ebeuezer church; and Mr. John Coyle, an elder in the First Presbyterian church, and a man foremost in every humane and christian work. The school was first held in Christ church, but afterwards moved to a school-house on New Jersey Avenue, used by Rev. Mr. Hunter for a day school, opened by him about the year 1810. Here it was maintained for several years. Mr. Hun- ter, Mrs. Clialmers, Mrs. William Dougherty, and Mrs. Henry Ingle, the mother of Mrs. Wm. H. Campbell and Mrs. Harvey Lindsley, both of Washington, were the good women who entered heart and hand into these benevolent labors. There are still living in the Dis- trict colored persons who learned to read and write under their instruction. OBSERVATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS. It has been seen that when the rebellion approached, John F, Cook, George F. T. Cook, Enoch Ambush, Miss Miner, Thomas H. Mason, Mrs. Charlotte Gordon, and the St. Vincent 222 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOKED POPULATION. de Paul Society had each a very large school in operation in Washington ; Annie E. Wash- ington had a fine select school for the younger class of pupils ; Eliza J. Brooks and Elizabeth Smith had each a respectable school for primary scholars; 10 schools, with quite 1,100 scholars, in Washington. Isabella Briscoe, moreover, had quite a large school in George- town. In addition to these there were several small daily gatherings of children in private houses ; also night schools, which were largely attended by colored men, women, and children. In passing from the schools whose history embraces more than half a century under the old order of things, it is well to remark that the general character of both the schools and the teachers was of an inferior grade as compared with what followed, when the great band of accomplished teachers from the north came and took up the work in the District in the closing years of the war. Some of those earlier schools, however, have not been surpassed, it is believed, by any that have arisen under the new regi«me, and others were not much inferior to the old-fashioned district schools of the New England rural towns.* It is worthy of observation, also, that in no case has a colored school ever failed for the want of scholars. The parents were always glad to send their children, and the children were always ready to go, even when too poor to be decently fed or clothed. When a school failed it was for want of money, and not for want of appreciation of the benefits of education. The same remarkable avidity for learning was then apparent as is now so manifest among the whole body of the colored population of this District. The facts detailed in this narrative fully substantiate the following propositions : First. The impression which prevails very generally that the colored people of this District before the war had no schools is unfounded and exceedingly unjust to them. Second. Public sentiment in the earlier years of the District was not only tolerant of edu- cation among the colored people, but positively in favor of it, and it was a common thing for colored and white children to associate together in the same school. Third. The attendance of colored children at school was as large before the war as it is now in proportion to the free colored population of the District at the respective periods. Fourth. The colored people of the District have shown themselves capable, to a wonderful degree, of supporting and educating themselves, while at the same time contributing by taxation to the support of white schools, from which they were debarred, and that, too, when in numerous cases they had previously bought themselves and families from slavery at very great expense ; their history furnishing an example of courage and success in the midst of trial and oppression scarcely equalled in the annals of mankind. * NOTE. — Since the sketches of the early schools were -written,, the first prospectus of Miss Jones' school (see page 19) has come to hand, and it is given below as indicating tlie praiseworthy and honorable ambition of many of the colored people. Prospectus of St. Agnes' Academy, for colored girls, under the direction of Miss Arabella C. Jones, Washington city, March 10, 1852. The object of this academy is of great importance, particular!}' to those who are devoid of schools in their vicinity, and also to society at large. Here the poor are educated gratuitously, the orphans clothed, educated, and a good trade given them. Females in this age are naturally destined to Ijecorae either mothers of fami- lies or household servants. As mothers, is it not necessary that they should be skilled in habits of industry and modesty, in order to transmit it to posterity ? As domestics, should they not be tutored to the virtues of honesty, integrity, and sobriety? Last, though not least, many of our citizens of color are emigrating to Liberia, and it is necessary, as well-wishers of our race, that our children be well educated, in order to impart their knowledge to the illiterate. Shall we, my friends, go there to teach, or be taught? As emigrants from a land of intelligence, I answer, to teach. TERMS : Boarding and tuition, quarterly $18 in advance. French 5 " Music 10 " Bedding 2 " Use of piano 1 " Parents who are not able to educate their children can address a letter to the proprietor. Scholars are to bo provided with one-half dozen towels, all toilet articles, a napkin ring, and desert spoon. The school is situated in a locality known as the Island. A large house in the city will be procured if duly pati'onized. SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 223 PERIOD II.— 1861-18G8. 1. CITIES OF WASHINGTON AND GEORGETOWN. RELIEF SOCrETIES AND FIRST CONTRABAND SCHOOLS. The first attempt to gather contrabands into schools in Washington, though not the first in the District,, some schools having been opened in the county still earlier by colored teachers, was made by the American Tract Society of New York. Several of its agents were here early in March, 1862. Mr. N. Du Bois, a clerk in the Interior Department, who was an active man in the work, kept a careful diary of those times, from which it appears that on Sunday afternoon, March 16, 1862, a meeting of contrabands was called in Duff Green's Row, Capitol Hill, then crowded with this class of people, held as captured material of war Rev. H. W. Pierson, for some time President of Cumberland College, Ky., as an agent of this Tract Society, called the meeting, and there were present some sixty men, women, and children, fresh from Virginia plantations, all eager to learn. Mr. Pierson taught them with printed cards, having on them verses of scripture in large letters ; and, using " the word method," was very successful, they being able, to their great delight, to read a whole verse in half an hour. These meetings were followed up daily. Two or three weeks later another school was started in the basement of the colored Union Bethel church, on M street, near Fifteenth street west, by Rev. George Shearer, who had come with Mr. Pierson from the Princeton Seminary as an associate. Elizabeth Smith, who had many years maintained a colored school near this church, went to the first meeting, and attracting the notice of Mr. Shearer by her great interest in his "word method" of teaching, was at once drafted into the work as the leading teacher. The school was held in the late afternoon and in the evening, two sessions daily, and she was always there, maintaining her own day school at the same time. Dr. Lorenzo D. Johnson, then clerk in a government department, was also present before the close of the first meeting, and making known his great interest in the enterprise, was selected to superintend the work, which he did with the utmost devotion till he was appointed assistant surgeon and assigned to duty at Lincoln hospital in August, 1862, after the second battle of Bull Run. There were many in those days whose philanthropy found expression in ardent words and eloqirent resolutions ; but Dr. Johnson was peculiarly a man of action. This school speedily overflowed, and they went into the hall of the Bethel Society, in the rear of their church, continuing the excellent work till November, when it was found advisable to convert it into a day school with a regular teacher. This was done by transferring the scholars to the house of Elizabeth Smith, who, opening an additional room, incorporated them with her own school. Dr. Johnson paid her for the house and services fifteen dollars a quarter, while he continued to exercise authority over the school, down to June, 1863. Subsequently she received nothing, though the school was continued through the war. aided to some extent by the African Civilization Society. The Tract Society had its seat of operations at Duff Green's Row till July 5, 1862, when it took up its quarters at what were then known as McLellan barracks, a group of horse-stables, with some small oflicers' quarters, which were roughly transformed into the homes of the contrabands with their managers and teachers. General James Wadsworth, then in command of the District, took the profoundest interest in the schools at that place, and was a very frequent visitor and their generous supporter. The camp was at a later day called Camp Barker, and is now the seat of the fine schools and industrial operations of the New England Friends' Mission, at the junction of Twelfth street west, R north, and Vermont avenue. The work here was prosecuted with great vigor and discretion, and on Thanks- giving day, 1862, they held the first public entertainment ever given by a contraband school in the District. Senator Pomeroy; of Kansas, Avas present, and addressed them in favor of the scheme of a colored colony in Central America, which had then recently been recom- mended by President Lincoln. Another remarkable occasion was when the Proclamation of Emancipation took effect, the whole congregated multitude of contrabands, young and old, awaiting upon their knees at midnight the signal of the moment between December 224 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 31. 1862, and January 1, 1863, which was to usher in their freedom ! Scenes like this occurred in many other places in the District on that occasion. In June, 1863, the Tract Society divided its force, Mr. A. M. Sperry remaining in charge of the Camp Barker school; and one portion, under the charge of Eev. D. B. Nichols, going to Arlington Heights, where Freedmen's Village was then building. There they dwelt in tents, hovels, and out doors till the autumn, when they got into more comfortable quarters. It was at this village that the first thoroughly systematic and' genuine contraband school was established within the sight of the national Capitol. The schools in Washington were always of a mixed character, comprising many scholars, young and old, who had long lived in the District, and who had gathered some scraps of knowledge. At Freedmen's Village a spacious school-house was erec- ted, and in the late autumn of 1863, there was a school numbering some 250 children, all fresh from the plantations. Mr. H. E. Simmons, assisted by his wife, was the teacher, and he was a master of his business in the best sense of the term. The school attracted the attention of all really careful observers of the times in this District. Secretary Seward, Avith his wife and his daughter Fannie, were constant visitors there, as they had been in other years at Miss Miner's school. Mr. Seward went there with the foreign ministers and great public characters who visited the capital in those times, taking them into the school to show them a practical exemplification of the native powers of the negro in his most untutored condition. Senators and representatives also went there to see the marvellous spectacle, and those who watched the school most carefully were the most surprised, so signal were the, results. This school at one time comprised some 400 contraband children, and was continued through the war, the work being turned into the hands of the American Missionary Society, 1865, and the village entirely broken up in 1868. Miss Sallie L. DaHin, a native of Philadelphia and a graduate of the "Institute for Colored Youth " of that city, a woman of superior talent, was one of the most useful teachers at the Freedmen's Village. Tlic National Freedmen^s Relief Association, organized in Washington April 9, 1862, had two evening-schools, one at the Bethel church already noticed, and another at the Ebenezer church, under its general management and support that year. In November, 1863, they opened another day-school, in addition to that of Miss Smith's, with two teachers, and in December still another with two teachers, of whom one was colored. Mr. George T. Needham was one of the foremost in organizing and conducting both the evening and day schools at this time. This association was composed mostly of those persons resident in the District, who, realizing the great necessities developed by the war, united temporarily for the emergency, until more systematic and permanent aid could come from the north. The work they initiated was of the greatest service, and not the least portion of it was that ot enlisting the sympathies of their friends in other parts of the country. In June, 1863, Dr. Johnson organized a school at Lincoln hospital, seconded by Dr. Magee, the surgeon in charge. It was opened in the chapel, and Miss Laura Gates, of Pennsylvania, whose brother commanded the company of Veteran Eeserves on duty there, was employed as teacher. She was allowed one ration from the hospital and $20 a month, which monthly allowance was paid by Dr. Johnson for two months. He also procured books and clothing from northern friends and contributions to pay the teacher. Another teacher was subsequently employed. The school was for the contraband people about the hospital, and comprised all ages, numbering about 50. The American Tract Society of Boston was represented in the year 1862 and 1863 by their agent. Rev. J. W. Alvord, who rendered an important service in furnishing the excellent school and religious books, which the society had very wisely compiled and published for schools of that class then organizing in the District. Mr. Alvord was afterwards appointed to and still holds the responsible position of general superintendent of the educational work of the Fi'eedmen's Bureau throughout all the southern States. THE APPEAL TO THE COUNTRY. In the vain hope that Congress would give substantial aid to the cause, the friends of colored schools had struggled through more than two years, doing something to meet the stupendous emergency. In the first months of 1864 the extraordinary condition of things SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED TOPULATIOX. 225 was bronfjht to the notice of the country through the public press. It was estimated that there were in tlic District and vicinity 30,000 or 40,000 colored people from the plantations, all anx- ious for instruction, Mhilebut 2,000 or 3,000, at most, were provided with the slif^-htcst privil- eges of an educational kind. A very large number of government clerks and other friends of the cause in Washington, who had been sustaining night schools through the previous year, at this time organized an " Association of Volunteer Teachers," and sent forth an appeal under its sanction, setting forth in clear and forcible language the facts in the case. This appeal, dated April IG, 1864, was written by A. E. Newton, who had been in the work as a teticlier and who was destined to be an eminently wise and conspicuous leader in the great work which was then opening in the District. RELIEF SOCIETIES CONTINUED. The American Missionary Association sent its agents in the summer of 1862, but finding the Tract Society of New York on the ground in full force they retired ivithout further demon- strations that year. In February, 1884, they sent Mr. William J. Wilson, a well known colored teacher of Brooklyn, N. Y., to enter upon the work. He immediately started a school in the hall of Asbury church. Mr. A. M. Sperry, who, assisted by Miss Georgiana Willcts, had been in charge of the Tract Society's work at Camp Barker after Mr. Nichols took charge at Freedmen's Village, being, with his assistant, ordered south by the society in June, J 864, surrendered his school to Mr. Wilson, who immediately assumed charge, with his wife as assistant, continuing energetically in that work till the camp broke up in the autumn of 1866. The school was held in the chapel which the Tract Society built, and which the Missionary Association purchased at this time. It had one spacious hall and two recitation rooms, and here a school avenging at least 230 scholars was kept up for more than two years, the number sometimes, reaching 400 men, women, and children. It was probably the largest school ever seen in a single room in the District, and, considering its magnitude and miscellaneous nature, was eminently successful under the vigorous and intelligent manage- ment of those teachers, but it was not possible to attain-such results as were developed under the system of graded schools organized in 1865 by the Pennsylvania and New York Eelief Societies under Mr. A. E. Newton. Mr. Wilson went from Camp Barker to the Third street Baptist church in the autumn of 1866, opening there a large school, which was continued for one year by his wife and daughter under the auspices of the Missionary Association, and with excellent success. In November, 1864, this society had in operation the school at Camp Barker, a large school in Georgetown, another on the Island in Washington, and a fourth in Soldiers' Free Library, embracing II teachers, with two evening schools, in all embracing quite 1,000 scholars. This association was organized September 2, 1849, and originated in a dissatisfaction with the neutral policy of other missionary societies en the slavery question. The Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association, in response to the "teachers'" appeal, widely disseminated through the northern States, came resolutely upon the ground, and com- menced operations in May, 1864, in the Union Wesley church, Twenty-third street west, and in June opened another school in the Zion Wesley church. Island, with two teachers in each, under the superintendence of Mr. Rogers, an excellent young man from Massachusetts, who died that season of typhoid fever. In the autumn they established a school in Galbraith chapel, L street between Fourth and Fifth, and still another in Georgetown in the Mount Zion church, the Miss Chamberlains taking in charge these two last-named schools. In the Mount Zion church school a second and third teacher were soon added. In December, 1864, the society bought a house and stable on L street near Nineteenth street west, and having fitted up the latter, with an industrial establishment attached, at a cost of about $3,000, opened two schools, using the bouse for the teachers' home. January 1, 1865, Mr. A. E. Newton became the superintendent, also opening their schools in Alexandria, and at this time and the following winter the society did the largest work of any organization, and did not withdraw from the field until 1863. Some of the first merchants and men of wealth of Philadelphia were at the bottom of these operations, among whom may be mentioned J. Miller McKim, an old anti-slavery man ; the brothers Marmaduke Cope and Francis R. Cope, Friends, well known for their works of benevolence. The president of the society was 15 226 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. Stephen Caldwell, at that period acting: as president of the United States reTenuo commission. The secretary was James Rhoads, also conspicuous in many of the best efforts to improve the African race. The Philadelphia Friends' Frcedmcn's Relief Association was here with like spirit in the same month, starting their first school in Union Wesley church, Twenty-third street west. They soon bought a lot on Nineteenth street near the boundary, and built a large school- house, costing )ji;6,000, which before winter was filled with scholars under an admirable corps of teachers. The location, however, did not prove to be a favorable one, and in 1866 the lot and house were sold and the school given up. The African Civilization Society was also at work in the early summer, opening a scliool in the hall of the Union Bethel church, on M street near Fifteenth street. In 1865 and 1866 Rev. Benjamin W. Arnett, colored and a native of Pennsylvania, conducted a large school supported by this society. The Reformed Presbyterian Mission, in the course of the same summer, purchased a tract of land on First street west between N and O, (Island,) and erected sixteen dwellings, with a chapel for religious and educational purposes. This location was in the extr'eme southern section of the city, where the colored population was large and mostly made up of contra- bands, as it still continues to be. A large school was soon organized under the direction of Rev. J. Bayliss, Avho was succeeded by Rev. J. M. Armour. In the early part of 1867 Rev. J. M. Johnston was made superintendent, and in the autumn of that year the school was removed to a barrack building on Sixth street west near M street south. It is divided into four departments, with nearly 200 scholars, under the care of excellent teachers — Miss Sarah E. Moore, of East Craftsbury, Vermont; Miss Helen M. Johnston, Miss Kate E. Trumbull, and Miss Eunice A. Jameson, of Logan county, Ohio. Miss Moore entered upon the work in 1865, the others in 1867. Religious services and a large Sabbath school, under eight teachers, are held on Sundays. Nearly all the families represented in the school belonged to the slave population of Virginia, and the improvement that has been wrought in both children and parents by the persevering labors of this mission forms one of the most interesting and encouraging chapters in the educational work in the District. The Old School Presbyterian Mission in 1864 opened a school in Georgetown, in the base- ment of the Presbyterian church on Bridge street, and another in Lincoln Hospital chape), east of the Capitol. These were flourishing and useful schools, and were contii^ued until Februarj^ 1867. The first superintendent was Rev. Mr. Aiken, who was succeeded by Dr. John A. E. Walk. Among the teachers in the Georgetown school was Miss Emma L. Crane, now in charge of the grammar school in the Brick school-house. Island. In May, 1864, there were in operation J 2 day schools, with 25 teachers and about 1,300 scholars; also, 36 night schools, with 36 teachers and about 1,350 scholars. The night schools were generally continued with interest through the year, though some of those depending on volunteer teachers expired from neglect. The Volunteer Association of Teachers did good service, but was disbanded in the ispring of 1865. (This association was made up mostly of department .clerks, and was quite distinct from that organized afterwards among the regular teachers of Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria. ) The night teachers were paid $10 a month through private contributions. In the autumn of 1864, and through the winter, aid came with great generosity from the north. The New York Frecdmen's Relief Association was actively engaged in the work in 1864 with a vigor not inferior to that of any other organization in the field. For three years their schools were widely known forthe large and generous scale on which they were operated, and for their excellent character. Their M street school, as it was called, comprising from eight to ten departments, with an average attendance of over six hundred scholars, and directed by Mr. A. E. Newton, excited the deepest interest among all who were observant friends ot the cause in those years. One of the first teachers sent by this association was Rev. B. W. Pond, of Maine, who opened a school early in the summer of 1864 in the basement of Asbury church, Eleventh and K streets. This was a p'ly school, a small charge for tuition being made, but many who were unable to meet this expense were admitted. In the following winter two portable houses were sent from Boston by the association, into which the school SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 227 \vo 180 170 210 2G0 240 000 42 2, 091 Day Schools, ]865-'66. oj w OJ o ^ o ^ a o W H 9 17 8 12 8 11 3 7 2 G 4 4 2 3 2 5 1 3 2 2 1 ] 42 71 ?/: Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association, Philadelphia New York Freedmen's Relief Association, New York American Missionary Association, New York American Baptist Home Missionary Society, New York . .. Pliiladclphia Friends' Freedmen's Relief Association New England Freedmen's Aid Society New England Fiiends' Mission Old School Presbjterian Mission, Pittsburg Reformed Presbyterian Mission African Civilization Society, New York Bangor Freedmen's Relief Associaton Total 858 604 594 2^4 37 G 315 ISO 373 186 108 r>9i 5, 93U In May, 1865, the Volunteer Tt achers' Association was disbanded, and their ten Ni:rlu Schools, wifh 625 scholars, were continued by the teachers of the day schools. o >•> SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. Day Schools, 18G0-18G7. In the autumn of ISGG there was a consolidation of the tliree Relief and Aid Societies of New York, Pennsylvania, and New England, for the purpose of more systematic operations. They had their headquarters at New York city, with branch oiFices at Boston, New York, and Philadelphia. In 1806-07 the records show as follows : New York Branch Freedmen's Union Commission Pennsylvania Branch Freedmen's Union Commission . . New England Branch Freedmen's Union Commission-. American Missionary Association American Baptist Home Missionary Society New England Friends' Mission Reformed Presbyterian Mission Bangor Freedmen's Aid Society Theological Institute and University, Rev. Dr. Turney. St. Martin's Church, colored, Catholic Trustees of Colored Schools .^ Total 15 15 4 8 3 2 62 17 17 4 9 6 80 CO 1,041 849 217 507 101 267 297 74 75 350 450 4,228 In the autumn of 1867, these aid organizations nearly all concluded to withdraw from the field, upon the supposition that the Trustees of colored schools were able to fully assume their work. Mr. A. E. Newton, who had been for three years in the work, persistently urged otherwise, and the New York and Pennsylvania " branches," of which ho had been the superintendent, consented to return each 8 teachers ; the New England Friends, 5 ; the Reformed Presbyterian Mission, 2 ; the Hartford, the Bangor, and the Holliston, Mass. Associations each, 1 ; the Universalists of Maine, 1 ; the New England F. A. Commission and the Rochester Anti- Slavery Society, each a teacher of sewing. Total, 29. In February, 1867, there was 24 night schools in successful operation. The following is a general estimate of the expenditures of the leading benevolent agencies: Pennsylvania F. R. Association, (Pa. branch committee) $32, 500 New York F. R. Association, (N. Y. branch committee) 24, 000 New England F. A. Society, (N. E, branch committee) 6, 000 American Missionary Association 14,500 Philadelphia Friends 13,500 New England Friends 7,000 Reformed Presbyterian Mission 11,500 O. S. Presbyterian Mission 6, 500 American Baptist Home Missionary Society, (including N. E. F. A. Commission) 8, 000 African Civilization Society 3, 000 American Free Baptist Mission 1 , 000 National F. R. Association, D. C. (contributed from the north) 1 , 500 American Tract Society 1, 000 Miscellaneous contributions 5,000 Total Northern aid in the four years.. . . , 135, 000 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 233 Tliis estimate, made by superintendent Newton, a man of great precision, does not embrace the very extensive donations of books, scliGol furniture, and clothing. The expenditure was divided in the several years about as follows: 1863-4, $8,500; 1864-5, $39,000; 18G5-G, $35,500; 1866-7, $35, 000 ; 1867-8, $17,000. Total, $135, 000. Add to this amount $25,000 contributed in books, school furniture, and clothing, which is undoubtedly an under esti- mate, and there is the sum of $160, 000 which was, with open bands and hearts, poured into the noble and triumphant work of these years hy the patriotic North, and that too while tlie same agencies were extending their beneficence in almost all parts of the south. The character of the teachers sent into this work by these benevolent agencies was of the highest order, a large proportion of them young' women of solid and refined culture, apt to teach, experienced in the vocation, and all deeply interested in the self-denying labor. Mr. Newton was the leading spirit, and was admirably fitted for the position. While a clerk in the Quartermaster's office he commenced his work as the teacher of a night-school. In January, 1866, he was appointed superintendent by the Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association, subsequently receiving the same appointment from the New York Freedmen's Relief Association. Having resigned his clerkship, he gave himself wholly to the schools of these and other societies till, in the autumn of 1867. he was also made superintendent of the colored public schools by the trustees, fulfilling all these arduous and complicated trusts with extraordinary efSciency — giving place to a new superintendent, appointed b}" the trustees last year. The teachers in November, 18G5, were organized into an association for the purpose of securing more system and harmonious action. This association met monthly, and the whole body of teachers — nearly all females — were invariablj' present, and their meetings were con- tinued for two years, accomplishing a vast amount of good. The first teacher who had great success in bringing order out of chaos was Miss Lucy A. Flagg, of Massachusetts, who made the Boston scliool, corner of 19th and I street, in 1365, a model of order and thoroughness. The New York school, at the junction of 14th and M sti'eets, was however the first of these schools in establishing something like a graded system in the true sense of the term. This school not only had better buildings than the Boston school, but it also had Mr. Newton from the first to the last as its special superintendent. In Miss Jul'a A. Lord, the principal of its highest department, it had also a teacher eminently fitted for her place, as in fact were all the other nine teachers during those years. Nor should the name of Eliza A. Chamber- lain, of Massachusetts, be omitted, who canie here in 1866 and entered into the work in Georgetown with the greatest zeal. Her superior qualifications find an ample witness in the school in which she still continues to act as principal in that city. THE COLORED ORPHANS' HOME. This is one of the most interesting and useful institutions of an educational nature con- nected with the colored people that has been established in this District. Its origin was singular. Late in the autumn of 1862, the contraband families, which had gathered in great numbers in the contraband camps of Washington, were transferred to Arlington Heights by order of the War Office. The order, which Avas to transfer all the families, was executed, leaving some 40 or .50 orphan children, belonging to no family, in the abandoned camps in utter desolation. This contraband camp was subsequently called Camp Barker, and was on the north side of the city, between Twelfth and Thirteenth streets. The ground is now occupied by the New England Friends' school. The benevolent women of the cit}' immedi- ately made these poor outcasts temporarily comfortable in the old camp, and went resolutely to work to provide for them a Christian home. They formed an association, and fed, clothed, sheltered, taught them, and ultimately built an asylum for them and other colored orphans. The original meeting was at the rooms of Mrs. James W. Grimes, January 31, 1863. Mrs. B. F. Wade, Mrs. James Harlan, Mrs. S. C. Pomeroy, Mrs. Henry Wilson, Mrs. A. H. Gibbons, Mrs. Daniel Breed, and Mrs. J. F. Potter, were present. Mrs. Poincroy was selected to preside, and they proceeded directly to the work of establishing " an Asylum for aged and destitute Colored Refugees and Colored Orphans," of which classes there were multitudes then " collected in the contraband camps in and around Washington." The next meeting was at the residence of Sayles J. Bowen, February 5, when articles of association, presented by 234 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. Mrs. Gibbons, of New York, were adopted, and an organization effected, with tlie foUowincj ofScers: Mrs. Pomeroy, president; Mrs. Grimes, vice-president ^ Mrs. Mary E. Webster, of Connecticut, treasurer ; Mrs. Daniel Breed, secretary. The association was incorporated by Act of Congress approved February 16, 1863 ; and on the same day an organization, under tlie charter, was effected at the residence of Daniel Breed ; the officers above named as chosen under the temporary organization being all re-elected, together Avith the following board of managers : Mrs. Henry Wilson and Miss A. M. Hooper, Massachusetts ; Mrs. Harriet Underhil], Mrs. Louisa llowells, Mrs. W. R. Johnson, Miss Mary A. Donaldson, and Mrs. Rufus Leighton, of Washington; and Miss Emily Howland, of New York. Since then the successive boards of officers have been as follows : 1884. — Mrs. T. D. Eliot, president; Mrs. A. M. Gangewer, vice-president; Mrs. W. R. Johnson, treasurer ; Miss Emily Howlaud, secretary. Executive committee: Mrs. Henry Wilson, Mrs. A. H. Gibbons. Miss M. A. Donaldson, Mrs. L. Howells, Mrs. G. E. Baker, Mrs. Samuel Wilkinson, Miss Anna M. Hooper, Mrs. C. C. Leighton, Mrs. F. T. Brown Trustees : Sayles J. Bowcn, A. M. Gangewer, George E. Baker. 1865. — Miss Margaret Robinson, president; Mrs.^M. C.Hart, vice-president; Mrs. Ger- mond Crandell, treasurer : Mrs. W. L.Nicholson, secretary. Executive committee: Mrs. Jas. M. Blancbard, Mrs. H. Underbill, Mrs. Geo. W. McLellan, Mrs. S. P. Bliss, Miss S. P. Searle, Miss Eliza Heacock, Mrs Geo. B. Whiting, Mrs. Chas. Faxon, Mrs. Stephen D. Charles. Trustees : Geo. E. Baker, A. M. Gangewer, John Joliffe. 1860. — Mrs. B. F. Wade, president; Mrs. Geo. W. McLellan, vice-president; Mrs. Ger- mond Crandell, treasurer; Miss Eliza Heacock, secretary. Executive committee: Mr.s. S. C. Pomeroy, Mrs. Lyman Trumbull, Mrs. Susan Wilson, Mrs. Gen. O. O. Howard, Mrs. H. Underbill, Mrs. D. N. Coolcy, Miss Louise S. Swan, Miss D. P. Baker, Mrs. Dr. Parker. Trustees: A. M. Gangewer, S. J. Bowen, Charles King. 1857. — Mrs. B. F. Wade, president; Mrs. Geo. W. McLellan, vice-president; Mrs. Gcr- mond Crandell, treasurer; Miss Eliza Heacock. secretary. Executive committee: Mrs. S. C. Pomeroy, Mrs. Lyman Trumbull, Mrs. W. F. Nelson, Mrs. Gen. O. O. Howard, Mrs. H. Underbill ; Miss S. G. Searle, Miss L. S. Swan, Mrs. J. M. Blanchard, Mrs. R. M. Bigelow. J868. — Mrs. S. C. Ponreroy, president; Mrs. Geo. W. McLellan, vice-president ; Mrs. Germond Crandell, treasurer ; Miss Eliza Heacock, secretary. Executive committee : Mrs. Gen. O. O. Howard, Mrs. Oakes Ames, Mrs. R. M. Bigelow, Mrs. H. Underbill, Mrs. W. F. Nelson, Mr.s. H. E. Paice, Miss Louise S. Swan, Miss Sarah P. Searle, Mrs. J. M. Blan- chard. Trustees : Sayles .J. Bowen, Charles King, Geo. W. McLellan. 1869. — Mrs. S. C. Pomeioy, president; Mrs. George W.McLellun, vice-president; Mrs. Germond Crandell, treasurer; ATrs. Hiram Pitts, secretary. Executive connnittee: Mrs. Gen. O. O. Howard, Mrs. Rev. Sella Martin, Mrs. R. M. Bigelow, Mrs. Harriet Underbill, Mrs. W. F. Nelson, Miss Susan Walker, Miss Louise S. Swan, Mrs. W. F. Bascom, Mrs. J. Blanchard. Trustees : Sayles J. Bowen, Charles King, George W. McLellan. The first donations to the association v.-ere received in April, 1863— $100 frour James Arnold, of New Bedford, and $50 from Emily Howland, whose generosity had been for many years well-nigh omnipresent where money and work were demanded in behalf of the neglected race. The National Freedmen's .Relief Association soon after gave the association $1,000. At a meeting of the executive committee or board of managers, May 8th, action was t.iken to secure a building, a committee being raised for that duty, and Daniel Breed was solicited to examine the title to a certain residence on Georgetown Heights : and on June 2 lie reported to a meeting of the executive board that it stood in the name of Richard S. Cox, who had at the opening of the rebellion abandoned his property in Georgetown, gone to Vir- ginia, and as a major in the confederate service taken up arms against the Union under cir- cumstances peculiarly disgraceful and aggravating, being without the excuse of State alle- giance urged by so many. This action was suggested by the Secretary of War, who, when the association called on him for a house in which to take care of these children, directed them to look up some place abandoned by those who had gone into the rebellion. Through the efforts of the society an order was at once issued by the Secretary of War, which on tlio 1st day of June placed the association in possession of a spacious residence of some dozen rooms, well furnished, with about 80 acres of laud, including an excellent orchard. Mrs. Pomeroy, who was authorized to take possession of the premises by the Secretary of War, being sick upon what proved her death-bed, Mrs. Daniel Breed, the secretary, was deputed to act in her place in assuming the possession. Accordingly, she and her husband. Dr. Breed, e:Uorcd the premises and made them theii temporary quarters duriug the gathering in of the SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 235 children and the organization of the institution. Tlie house was occupied by a brotbcr-in- hiw cf E. S. Cox when seized by the military authorities. Ou the arrival of Cr. and Mrs. Breed the guard withdrew, and without human protection they safely passed the first uight, though in imminent danger not only of violence but of their lives. Soon after moving into their Home, a frame building was put up for a kitchen and cook- room, at a cost of $ir)0, the work being done by "contraband carpenters;" and ia the autumn of 18G3 a laundry was built, and the carriage house fixed up for a dormitory. In the spring of 18G6 v.-ater was introduced into the premises from the reservoir, which con- tributed much to the health of the inmates, who had previously suffered severely from dis- eases produced by want of cleanliness and proper sleeping apartments. The new build- dings, which had been erected by the Freedmeu's Bureau, were at this time ready for occupation, and had been furnished with a good supply of bedsteads from the Office of Medical Stores of the War Department. New clothing was also furnished, and a thorough system instituted in everything, the excellent results of which were soon manifest in the condition of the children. Rations and a surgeon had been furnished, by the order of the Secretary of War, from February, 18(34, down to the summer of 1865, and was continued through the month of May by the influence of Senator Pomeroy. In June, the attention of General O. O. Howard was called to the Home, who sent an inspector to examine the institution. The report was of the most commendatory nature, and the rations were con- tinued through his orders, the association offering to receive any children the Bureau might intrust to them. It was at this period that the association began to anticipate disturbance from R. S. Cox, who, having returned from the confederate army, was appealing to the President for pardon and the consequent restoration of the property then held by the Home. In July, lfcG'3, Cox addressed a letter to the association, offering them §1,000 to vacate the premises, which proposition was declined. At this time the Attorney General assured the association that no pardon would be granted to Cox until an arrangement satisfactory to them should be effected. It was deemed advisable at that time to present a concise and exact statement showing the aggravated nature of Cox's disloyalty, and to present the same to the President, which wa'j accordingly done. The paper v/as prepared in the form of a protest against the restoration of the proprrty, and the main facts presented were these: That in 1831 Cox v/as a clerk in the Paymaster General's office, and, refusing to take the oath of allegiance, without resign- ing went south and serv^.d in the rebel army, with the rank of major, till the surrender of Lee. Cox held the commission of colonel of the Stli regiment of the District militia when he went south, having been placed at the head of that regiment by Floyd, just before the inauguration of Pi'csident Lincoln, in place of Colonel Cruikshank, a man of undoubted loyalty and capability. In September, 1863, the Attorney General, Mr. Speed, i.ssued an order for the process of confiscation, in the case of Cox, to proceed ; and the association emi^loyed counsel to assist in the prosecution. It became evident, however, in the course of the winter of 1805, tha: Cox was receiving encouragement from the administration, and tlie earnest women interested in this Asylum resolved to go in person to the President, and present a statement of the strong claims of their Institution for protection in the possession of the property abandoned by its disloyal owner under circumstances which seemed to them to place him beyond the reach of all wise executive clemency. On the day fixed for the interview an assemblage of nearly a hundred ladies of the first social and intellectual standing in the National Capital gathered at the Executive mansion. The Secretary of War, Mr. Stan- ton, who believed in the righteousness of their purpose and who was an efficient friend of the Asylum in many emergencies, was present to give the ladies an introduction to the President. Mrs. Senator Trumbull was .selected to make the appeal, and she performed the duty with remarkable clearness and force of statement and striking dignity of manner. She began by afiirming that "treason is the greatest crime known to the law, and should be made odious," adroitly weaving her argument from the language in which the President had put himself on record so abundantly both in his own State and after becoming the Chief Magistrate of the country. After receiving a courteous but indefinite reply, the ladies withdrew, fully satisfied that an unconditional pardon would be granted to Cox. In the object sought and in the 236 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. circumstances of the occasion, the delegation was one of the most remarkable that ever pre- sented a petition at the Presidential mansion, and loyal men and women will long believe that it was deference to traitors which withheld a compliance with the request of the peti- tioners. In the summer the Attorney General signified to the association that he was in favor of pardoning Cox. It is due to Mr. Speed to say that, in taking this ground, he assigned as his reason that the class of rebels to which Cox belonged had been embraced in the President's scheme, and that he could see no just reason for making this an exceptional case. In June the pardon was granted, and on August 17 General Howard informed tho association that the President had requested him to procure a place for the orphans, in order to restore the estate to Cox. The association went immediately to the preparation of a new Home. They bought a valuable tract, consisting of five lots on the extension of Eighth street, in Washington, just beyond the boundary, paying $2,500 for the property; and the Freedmen's Bureau, under the guidance of General O. O. Howard, proceeded without delay to build a spacious, well planned, two-story frame structure for the Home. Congress, October 2, 1866, appro- priated $5,000 for the use of the association, and from this sum they paid for the land. On the 6th of November, when the time given to move by the President had expired, the Sec- retary of War, seeing that the new Home was yet untenantable, assumed tho authoriry to say that they should not be disturbed for another month. On the 7th of December Cox went to the Home, with officers, took off the doors and hinges, and removed all the furniture, renderiug it unsafe and impossible for the occupants to remain. General Howard in this emergency offered to furnish them such quarters as could be found till the new Home Avas completed, but the association decided to move at once to the unfinished house. Cox laid claim to the frame building which had been built by the association, but the question was promptly settled by General Howard, who sent a sufficient force to remove it rapidly from the premises. Cox subsequently brought an action against the association for damages, in the sum of $10,000, although the association had expended $3,000 in improving the property, these improvements including the introduction of water into the buildings. The suit, how- ever, was dropped. In the summer of 1887 the Bureau finished the house, which makes a very excellent Home. The grounds were, during the same period, terraced, and a fine lot for a garden separately enclosed, in which are raised sufficient vegetables for tho family during the summer. The parlor was handsomely furnished last j^ear by the exertions of Mrs. Madi- son, an efficient and bcnevoleut colored woman of Washington, who gathered the money for the purpose among her friends. The haste with which the association was compciied to take its children to the new unfinished home in December, 1865, caused some unusual sickness, and, it was believed, hastened death in several cases. With this exception heaUh has pre- vailed in the Asylum to an uncommon degree. ^ The Home is governed by a matron, who is subject to the direction of an executive committee, from whom she holds her office. The first matron was Mrs. PIull, chosen Jane 2. 1863, the day after the Home was moved to Georgetown, her service continuing only to the 25th of July following, when Miss Page, of Washington, took the place in the emer- gency. Miss Wilbur, of Rochester, was immediately elected ; but declining, the otfice was filled by Miss Jeannette Jackson, who, assuming charge September 18, 1863, was excced- ino-ly successful. The association, when, by reason of ill health, she resigned, January 27, 1834, expressed their deep sense of her superior work in a formal resolution of the execu- tive board. It being at that time deemed desirable to have a man and wife in charge, Mr. J. B. Walt and wife were elected to the duties. They served acceptably for several months, resigning tho charge to Mrs. LucyL. Coleman, in the summer of 1864. In September, 1864, Mrs. Coleman resigned, and was succeeded by Miss Read, who also resigued January 16, 1865, Mrs. C. J. B. Nichols, of Connecticut, being elected as matron on the same day. Mrs. Nichols continued in charge with much capacity and success till, called to other duties, she resigned February 6, 1838. Her successor was Miss Eunice L. Strong, of Ohio, who filled the arduous place from Februray, 1866, to October, 1838, with the greatest fidelity and good jadgmeat, her resignation causing universal regret among the friends of the asylum. SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. 237 She was succeeded by Mrs. Olive Freeman, who is managing the affairs of the institution ■with much wisdom and success at the present time. No assistant matron was employed in the Home till the Educational Commission of Bos- ton, in May, 1864, kindly volunteered to send Mrs. Carr to the institution for that duty. Mrs. Carr remained in the Home in various duties till February, 1866. In this period Miss Seymour served for a time as assistant matron, resigning in June, 1866, by reason of ill health. Subsequently Mrs. Songers, of New York, was filling that position, and in 1867 she was in charge of the industrial school. In June, 1866, the Young Ladies' Christian Union, of Worcester, Massachusetts, sent Miss Hattie Stickney, of New Hampshire, to the Home as assistant matron, and still continue to support her in that position, which she fills with the highest success and approbation. The Providence Colored Orphan Asylum iu April, 1863, offered to adopt into their asylum in Rhode Island 12 colored children — orphans desired — which proposition was accepted, the children being sent as soon as suitable selections could be made. The school was organized early in June, 1863, as soon as the children were gathered into their home on Georgetown Heights, and it has been continued till now with the utmost efiSciency and success. Miss Emma Brown, a very capable colored young lady of George- town, took charge of the school when it was first organized, and continued there with admi- rable success during all her summer vacation, she being at that time a teacher iu one of the Washington free schools. Miss Maria R. Mann succeeded her in September, 1863, remain- ing .till January 11, 1865. During her service miich exertion was used to secure a good school-house, the school at first being held in the parlor, and subsequently in a very incon- venient temporary structure. In the autumn of 1863 Miss Mann visited Boston under the sanction of the asylum, and in its service received from Boston friends $600 in money, besides many school-books, maps, cards, and some school charts. She also purchased about 30 second-hand school desks at $2 50 each. The school-room at Georgetown, as already stated, was always inconvenient, small, and esposed to interruptions by persons passing through the house. In December, 1863, the school numbered 2:2 children, and in the beginning of January, 1864, there were 37 scholars, at which time the asylum, which had now been at Georgetown six months, contained two aged women and Cri children. In May succeeding there were but 40 children, ranging from one year or less to twelve years of age, quite one-third being at that time, as previously, below the school age. The temporary bi*ildings in the form of bar- racks — dining room, laundry, school-room, and dormitory — had been completed when the new year, 1834, opened. It is proper to state that when Miss Maria R. Mann's connection with the school was dissolved, in January, 1835, she deemed it just to withhold from the Home the funds and property which she had collected in Boston and elsewhere for school pur- poses, including a portable school-house sent from Boston, which had been for some months stored in Washington. In this action she was sustained by her friends who had contributed largely to the funds. Miss Mann was succeeded temporarily by Miss Harding and Mrs. Carr, but in February the Freedmeu's Aid Society of Woicester, Massachusetts, through the kind offices of Mrs. A. P. Earle of that city, sent Miss Sarah Robinson as a teacher, paying her salary. Under her care the school was maintained in its excellent condition and numbered at that period 46 .-scholars. At the close of the summer term, June, 1865, Miss Robinson was compelled to relinquish her Vi'ork by reason of ill health, much to the regret of the asylum. At the opening of the autumn term, huwevei', the institution had the excellent fortune to secure the services of Miss Susan Tovvle, of Bangor, Maine. The Bangor Freedmeu's Aid Association, learning that Miss Towlo was giving her services, and thinking it unjust for her to do so, offered to pay her a salary, which the} still continue to do. The number of boys iu the Home at the close of 186G was 42, the number of girls 34; the number of children received during the year 1867 was 168, and the number remaining (It the close of the year was 87. At the close of the year 1868 there were 89 inmates, (boys £>3, girls 27, aged women [),) some 25 being below school age. This is, v.ithout any excep- 238 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. tion, one of the best conducted and most tidmirable colored schools within the District. The school-room is spacious, handsomely supplied with furniture, convenient, cheerful iu its appearance, in a healthy location, and the scholars, some 50 or 60 in number, progressing with uncommon rapidity. There is an iudustrial department connected with the school, in which the children are taught sewing, knitting, and straw-braiding, the large children being also each day employed in the labors of the household. The institution is not limited to receiving orphan children, but also offers a home to desti- tute children at the request of the parents, on their making a written surrender of their claim: also on the request of one parent, in case of gross neglect orhabitual drunkenness on the part of the other. The trustees are also authorized to bind out such children as may be deemed capable of learning trades, or of becoming useful in other occupations. The school is so divided that each child who is old enough attends the school daily. During the last year the school, in all its branches, has been managed by Miss Towle. This institution has struggled hard to maintain its work and build a Home for a class whose claims upon the benevolent are very great. The women who have engaged in this noble work cannot all be mentioned in this condensed history. Many of them are seen in the lists of the ofiicers, nearly all of whom were active, though some of the most efficient of the band do not appear in those lists. It will be deemed only a meed of justice, however, to mention Miss Eliza Hcacock, of Philadelphia, whose unremitting work for several years as secretary is recognized by all who are familiar Vvfith the history of the association. Her fidelity in the preservation of the records, which in the struggles through which the Asylum has passed has been neither a small nor unimportant duty,-extended to many other labors, contributing to the Avelfare, pecuniarily and otherwise, of the institution. The Society of Friends in various States deserve to be mentioned for their large contri- butions in money and in laborers. Of those who started the institution none were more laborious and effective than Mrs. S. C Pomeroy, Mrs. John F. Potter, Mrs. Daniel Breed, and Mrs. Lyman Trumbull, all of whom have passed to their reward, their mantles falling, it can be truly said, upon those who are still carrying onward wisely and well this elevated Christian enterprise. The Freedmen's Bureau has been the arm of strength to the association in every emer- gency, and what these children of desolation are to do when the rations of the Bureau cease does not yet appear, though it is not to be doubted that they and their Home will be main- tained by the government and by the fostering hands of humane men and women. It was feared that the aid from the Freedmen's Bureau would be withdrawn January 1, liSGO, under the limitations fixed by act of Congress to take effect at that date in the powers and work of the Bureau ; but this misfortune has been for a time deferred by the action of the Commissioner in annexing the Home to the freedmen's hospital of the District, ''so far as may be necessary for providing medical attendance, medicine, and rations for the inmates." At no distant day, however, the association Avill have to depend entirely on private benefac. ticns. Though attention has been almost exclusively directed to this Asylum as a home for the orphan, there have been aged and infirm women in its care from the first month of its exist- ence, a very few in the first years, not usually in any period numbering above a dozen at a time. Both Mrs. Potter and Mrs. Pomeroy died iu 1863, the first year of the association. The annual report says : "There were with us in the beginning two leading minds, especially distinguished by unselfish devotion to this holy cause ; Mrs. Potter, of Wisconsin, and Mrs. Pomeroy. of Kansas, two of the originators of this enterprise, have passed from works to reward. Mrs. Potter left us early, but not until the good work had felt the impetus of her earnest spirit. The loss of our president, Mrs. Pomeroy, we have great reason to deplore. The Home has been justly called her monument. Declining the rest and change she needed, she remained with us duritig the summer's heat to aid in our work, still laboring with us even when life was waning, and her parting spirit sent us back a blessing with the prophet words, ' the Home willsu?.ceed.' We remember her words : ' 'Tis for a lace, for millions we are working; let us forget ourselves.'" SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED rOPULATION", 239 In 13GG the asso;:iation " sustained the loss of another of its ovif^inal projectors anil most earnest friends," Mrs. Gulielma Breed, of Washington. The annual report further adds: " After a life of active usefulness in various departments, and many years of heroic and unflagfjirc: devotion to the cause of the oppressed and downtrodden, she uas called to her reward. In the day when the record of those who have ministered uuto Christ in tlio person of his needy ones shall be made up, many a sable son and daughter of Ethiopia will rise np and call her blessed." Last year(1868) the association was again called to mourn over the death of a distinguished member, Mrs. Trumbull. The report continues: "During the past year one of the earliest and warmest friends of the association, Mrs. Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois, has been called to her heavenly home. Although some months previous to her decease she had withdrawn from our membership, we knew that it was not from want of sympathy with our cause, but that her position as president of another and equally important charity claimed all the attention that Iier delicate Iiealth permitted her to bestow. As a beloved and valued officer of the association, and a liberal contributor to its funds, a friend wise in counsel, gentle and lovely in spirit, her name will ever be held in prateful remembrance by those who had the ])leasure of being connected with her in this worl? of labor and love. ' The sacred memory of the just shall flourish though they sleep in dust.'" MISS WA.SHINGTON AND MISS JONES. Miss Washington's excellent school has already been referred to under Period I. Subse- quemly she moved teahouse on L street near her mother's, remaining there till ISGI, when she opened a school in the hall over the feed store of Alfred Jones, in company with Matilda .Jones, a daughter of the owner of the building. Miss Jones was one of the most talented of Miss Miner's scholars, and was her assistant in 1839. She went to Oberlin through Miss Miner's influence. They continued the school with eminent success three years, averaging more than a hundred scholars through that period. In the spring of ]8f)4 Miss Jones went l^ack to Oberlin to finish her studies, and Miss Washington went in September to the Baptist church corner of Nineteenth and I streets, -to take chai'ge of the Boston School when it was first opened. When, afterwards, this school was under the charge of Miss Capron and Miss Flagg, Miss Washington became an assistant under these white teachers, and Miss Jones, returning in 1865 from Oberlin, joined the school as associate with Miss Washington, the three ladies making a corps of teachers not surpassed by any other in the District. Miss Jones became subsequently the wife of Rev. S. W. Madden, pastor of the First Baptist church in Alexandria. When the Boston School was disbanded in 1857, ]S%s Washington became connected with the public schools, in which she is still doing admirable service as a teacher. ST. ALOVSUJ.S' SCHOOL FOR GIRLS. There are ia the District but five colored schools exclusively for girls. Mrs Ellen B. Wood came here from Philadelphia, where she had been teaching many j'ears, and started a school in 1SG3 on Fifteenth street, opposite Scott square, in the western part of the cit}' ; moving to E street north, between First and Second streets west, in 1864, and thenco to the corner of Tiiird street west and G street north in 1837. The school has now taken up its home in two very good rooms, recently finished for the purpose, in the Parochial School build- ing connected with St. Aloysius church, under the auspices of which the school is now con- ducted. Mrs. Wood was boru in Ilayti, but coming early to Philadelphia was educated with white children in that city, excepting in French, which she learned in a colored school under a Haytien teacher. She taught a mixed colored and white school in Camden, New Jersey, for a period, and afterwards built up a large colored school in Philadelphia, which numbered a hundred pupils, when it was sm-rendered into the h.ands of the Sisters of Provi- dence in 1862. Her Avork in Washington has grown from a few pupils into a large school with two departments, the average number being about 80 girls. The assistant, Elizabetb Brown, a native of Philadelphia, was educated at the convent in Baltimore, where she spent five years at St. Frances Academy. She is well-educated, and competent to teach Latin, French, and music, as well as the primary branches. This school is free to all who are unable to pay. 240 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. SAINT martin's SCHOOLS. St. Martin's school for girls is under the charge of two teachers from Baltimore. The princi- pal, Mary S. Nccl, was a member of the sisterhood of the Baltimore convent, but has been detached to engage in teaching. The assistant. Miss Julia Smith, was educated at the St. Frances Academy. St. Martin's school was established in the summer of 1866 through the exertions of Eev. Charles T. White, D. D., pastor of St. Matthew's church, and is not yet fully systematised. The female academy, which is designed to be a seminary of the higher grade, has hitherto, for want of accommodations, been conducted in connection with the parochial female school of St. Martin's (colored) church. It is now in contemplation to have them separated. These schools at present occupy a large building at the junction of L street north r.nd Vermont avenue ; the academy comprising at the present time more than 40 and the parochial school 45 pupils. There is also an academy ibr boys and a parochial school for boys, each numbering about 30 scholars. The principal is Mr. John McCosker, who was educated at the Georgetown College. A small night school for adults is also kept up. MISS MANN'S SCHOOL. After Miss Mann gave up the charge of the Orphan Asylum school in Georgetown, in January, 1865, she established a private school, near the corner of 17 th and M streets, for older colored children of both sexes, intending to give it the, character of a Normal school, as far as the material of the school would allow. In the summer of 1867, however, the Trustees arranged with Miss Mann to connect the school with the public schools of the District, giv- ing it the rank of a high school. It now lurmbers about fifty scholars, those more advanced being sent to it both from Georgetown and Washington. It has been conducted with sys- tem, thoroughness, and energy, and there are several girls of tho school, who v/ill soon be fitted to act as teachers. At the opening of the year 1869, its connection with the public schools was dissolved by the action of the Trustees, and it is therefore at present a private and independent school. J. R. FLETCHER'S SCHOOLS. In the spring of 1864 Mr. J. M. Perkins started an evening school and a Sabbath school in the Soldiers' Free Library building in Judiciary Square ; both which passed into the hands of Mr. J. R. Fletcher, of tho Treasury Department, in the following autumn. Mr. Fletcher is an enthusiastic andJ^orough teacher, and familiar with the best methods of the Massa- chusetts schools. Under his excellent management the schools rapidly increased, and soon reached their present numbers, about 75 in the evening school and 110 in the Sabbath school ; three-fourths of whom were slaves before the war. The free contributions from the schohu's have paid for a part of the expenses, and he has been aided in part by one or two Aid Societies and by his personal friends, in addition to what he himself has expended. For example, the American Tract Society of Boston famished the fuel daring the first winter and the American Missionary Association the second winter, and the Unitarian Church has made some contri- butions. Teachers of different denominations have ailed him, as he desired to make it a luiion and unsectarian work. In January, 186S, Mr. Fletcher having previously been made general Superintendent of the schools under the direction of the "Washington Christian Union," his night school was included in their work, they assuming the responsibility of making up any deficit that might arise in the support of the school. It has been his aim to draw to the school older and more advanced pupils, and he has recently organized an adult class of 25 scholars in the hope, eventually, of establishing a thorough Normal course, and fitting such a class, era portion of them, to be useful and well informed teachers — at present one of the most important objects in the education of the colored people. The Sabbath school is one of the most flourishing and best organized in the District, and is quite inde- pendent of any aid or church society. It is called the ' ' Puritan Free Mission Sabbath School." JOSEPH ambush's and OTHER SCHOOLS. Joseph Ambush, a colored man, free born, opened a school in 1862, July 1, on New York avenue between Fourth and Fifth streets, which soon averaged, during a part of the year, SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. 241 75 scholars, and now averages nearly that number. Mr. Ambush's father was a slave. He himself attended John F. Cook's school, aad for many years was a servant hi the family of Commissary General George Gibson, in whose family he received a good deal of instruction. In 1SC7 he moved his school to the school room connected with Asbury church, corner of Eleventh and K streets. More than half the scholars belong to contraband families, most of them quite jjoor, but they all appear very well, and the school is well conducted. Mr. Am- bush is a nephew of Enoch Ambush, already mentioned. He speaks of General Gibson and his family as being very kind to him, and always ready to aid him in his efforts to get an education. Mrs. C: W. Grove, in 18G3, came from New York city and opened a private school on I street between Nineteenth and Twentieth streets. In the following summer she was employed by the Pennsylvania Freedmen's Aid Society in their school in Galbraith chapel, where she remained until June, 1867, when she was engaged by the Trustees of the colored public schools, at first teaching in the school on Twenty-fourth and F streets, and afterwards in the M street school. About the last of December, 18G8, her connection with the public school ceased by order of the Trustees, and she soon opened a private sAool on Twenty-third street fiear the Circle. Mrs. Louisa Ricks, who came to Washington from Texas, opened a school for girls about two j-ears ago in the barrack building on I street near Seveuteeth street west. She is assisted by Miss Eva Dickinson from Connecticut, who teaches music on the piano, the school being provided with a good instrument. The scholars number about 50, and IG are taking music lessons. January 4, 18G9, Eev. Chauncey Leonard, pastor of the Second Baptist church, (colored,) opened a day school at thecorner of Third and G streets, and has an average attendance of fifty-five scholars of both sexes, with one assistant teacher. Most of the scholars pay a small tuition fee, but the receipts do not cover the expenses of the school, and the balance is paid by Eev. Mr. Leonard, in addition to his services as teacher. COLFAX INDUSTRIAL MISSION. This institution owes its origin to an unpretending association of the teachers of the Sab- bath school at ^Visevvell barracks, which held its first meeting November 7, 1867, at tliose barracks, on the corner 7th and O streets. The Sabbath school vj^s organized by these teachers in the autumn of 1866, the American Tract Society liaviug discontinued its work at that place in the previous spring. The Sabbath school was under the superintendence of John A. Cole, and still remains under his supervision. The leading purpose of the teachers was to maintain an Industrial school, Avhich had been supported by the Tract Society. On the '20th of May, 1868, with the plan of securing a more permanent place for their school, they adopted a constitution and entered into a full organization, with the following cfficcrs : John A. Cole, President ; Charles II. Bliss, Vice President ; S. C. Hotchkiss, treasurer; Miss J. M. Alvord, secretary; John A. Cole, Eev. G. A. Hall, Sam- uel Barron, John H. Cook, Charles H. Bliss, trustees. The committee who prepared the constitution consisted of E. Whittlesey, Charles H. Bliss, Eev. J. W. Alvord. At the same meeting a committee, consisting of Mr. Alvord, Eev. John Kimball, and Mr. Wolcott, was appointed to make inquiries and report as to a lot upon wliich to build a house. They reported, at a meeting, May 9th, 1838, that a suitable lot had been found, and that the American Missionary association would furnish the requisite funds for its purchase. The lot, about one hundred feet square, on the corner of E and Eleventh streets, was purchased for $i,5U0, and the Missionary Association furnished §1,600 in part payment. Messrs. Cole, Bliss, and BaiTon were added to the committee, and they vvcre now recognized as the build- ing committee. The edifice, which was opened Avith the new year, is about 45 by 95 feet, two stories, and is composed of the same material as the Howard University. It was erected by the Freedmen's bureau and when completed will have cost about $20,000. The lower story con- bists of ous school room capable of seating eight or nine hundred persons, with two recitation 16 242 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOSED POPUL^'JION. room", ihc upper story comprising a large industrial room, and some eight or ten smaller rooms for various kinds of industrial employment. The Sunday school of this Association has an average attendance of more than six hundred scholars of all ages, and the industrial school, held every Saturday, averages about 200 girls, who are taught various kinds of work upon cloth, as well as uselul occupations connected with house-keeping. These schools a.re in the care of an as>ociation of ladies with the following officers: Mrs. C. P. Bliss, President ; Mrs. E. W. Kobinson, Vice Presi- dent ; Miss Ella Cole, treasurer, Miss J. M. Alvord, secretary. These schools were moved to the new building on new year's day, 1S69, and the American Missionary Association look it in charge, furcishing a missionary. Rev. G. N. Mardeu, of Orland, Maine, who conducts the oenevolent work. The Colored Mechanic's Association is to have its headquarters hero, and besides the schools and Suuday worship, there are to be lectures upon useful subjects. Jliss Ella Cole, formerly of the Christian Commission, is at present in the service of the Missionary association. A night school has been organized, and is attended by over 200 .scholars, who pay a small tuition fee, 25 cents a month. The Trustees propose to establish an Industrial school for, and a sm.all class of girls who are preparing to become teachers. The Soldiers' Free Library Building, on Judiciary Square, is their school house, and a large barrack building on I street, near Seventeenth, is the home of the young men — serving for dormitories and study rooms, with cooking quarters and dining hall attached— all fitted up in a comfortable manner, capable of accommodating 35 students. Sixteen are studying for the ministry. The first two years of Dr. Turney's work in this District attracted much attention, and the success with vi'hich he trained his theological class received the marked commendation of all friends of the cause here and elsewhere. His operations, down to March 1, 1867, gave the Boston friends special satisfaction, as appears from the very high encomiums which were at that period accorded to him by nearly all the leading Baptist clergymen of Boston and vicinity, in a circular issued by the managers of the enterprise. Dr. Turney's University scheme embraces the plan of a central school in the District of Columbia, with subordinate institutions ot a normal, preparatory, and industrial character, established at desirable points throughout the south. During his first year his work here included a series of night- schools for men and women, who were intending to teach or preach, and this work he prosecuted with great assiduity, showing faith in bis cause and in the mode chosen to pro- mote it. In March, 1S68, his second year, he opened a day school in a large building on Louisiana avenue, near Seventh street, and continued it till September, 1867, when it was removed to a spacious government structure, corner of Twenty-second street west and I north, where it has been to the present time. This school was large, some 45 in num- ber, at its opening, and has so continued. About thirty-five young men are pursuing Theo- logical studies-. The system of subordinate schools in the region bordering upon the city and District has been maintained from the beginning with persistency, and his friends here and abroad are firm in his support. This University is the first one, designed specifically for freedmen, over incorporated in the country. In August, 1867, he published a plan of a " Female Collegiate Institute," with a full board of instruction. Dr. Turney has an evening school in his school building of about 30 scholars, not including theological students, and in February, 1869, he opened another evening school in the Fifth Colored Baptist church on Vermont avenue, commencing with 30 men, many of whom had been his pupils. This sobool is under his personal instruction. In the same building a school for colored women, now numbering 25 scholars, is held two afternoons a week, under the management of Dr. Turney, but taught by Miss Lavinia Warner, colored. On Capitol Hill he has established an afternoon school, numbering about 25 scholars, including some of his theological students, one of whom, Washington Waller, has the personal charge of the school, which is taught five afternoons in the week. This same teacher has an evening school of about 15 scholars in the small colored Baptist church on Fourteenth street, at " Murder Bay." John Johnson, another of Dr. Turney's scholars, has a small evening school in the Pennsylvania Friend's building, on Nineteenth street west, near the boundary. Dr. Turney has also a school five evenings in the week at Freedmen's Village, Arlington, under his direction. Robert S. Laws, a scholar in the Wayland Theological Seminary and who preaches at Arlington, has the SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. '245 supervision of this school, v.'hich averages about 100 scholars. Mrs. Ellen Reeves, sister of Mr. W. Syphax, is the teacher. This is the only school now at Arlington, but a day school is about to be started under tlie direction of Dr. Turucy, with Jliss Julia Howard, a white teacher from Boston, as the instructor. In organizing and encouraging these night and afternoon schools, Dr. Turney has been doing a very useful work. WAYLAXD TIlEOLOCaCAL SEMINARY. This institution had its origin in the " Boston School," which was established in the base- ment of the First Colored Baptist Church, corner of Nineteenth and I streets, in September, ]S()4, by the New England Freedmen's Aid Commmission, an association of prominent benevolent persons of the Baptist denomination in Boston, and is not to be confounded with the New England Freedmen's Aid Society. The seminary was eminently successful, being very fortunate in its teacher, Lucy A, Flagg, and her assistanfs. Early in 18B6 the above named Aid Commission arranged with the American Baptist Home Missionary Society to take the school, and in May the Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau offered that societr a large government building for its use. The offer was accepted ; a fine lot adjoining the church was purchased by the society ; the barrack structure was transferred to the let by the Bureau, and the school opened in the autumn as a Normal School. In July, 1867, it was converted into a Theological Seminary proper, under the remarkably judicious cliarge of Reverend S. B. Gregory, President, assisted by Mrs. 8. B. Gregory and Miss Sarah Utley, all from New York State, and it lias been doing a work, for the past two years, of great value to the cause, securing the respect of all who have enjoyed or observed its mode of instruction. The present number of students is about 38. When the American Baptist Home Missionary Society was putting the Wayland School into operation in the spring of 1866, the managers of the " National Institute and Univer- sity" solicited the society to assume the charge of the University, and make Dr. Turney president. The proposition was accepted by the society, but Dr. Turney declined to co-op- erate with the Home Missionary Society. This is believed to be a correct statement of the very unfortunate course of events which have resulted in the establishment in Washington of three separate Theological schools, under the auspices of one religious denomination. It should be stated however, that " The Wayland Seminary" is not identified with the very unfortunate alienation. THE HOWARD UNIVERSITY. The originators of this institution were a small band of men earnestly enlisted in the work of elevating the colored race. They were all northern men, and nearly all of them connected with the New Congregational Clmrch and Society of Washington. The credit of originating the scheme belongs to Reverend B. F. Morris, of Cincinnati, Ohio, who was at that time in government employment in the District, and who subsequently, in a fit of melancholy, committed suicide at Springfield, Ohio. Mr. Morris was the son of Thomas Morris, one of the early anti-slavery men, a native of Virginia, who, while a senator in Congress from Ohio, from 1833 to 1830, was one of the bold, able, and foremost champions of freedom. Isaac N. Morris, a member of the House of Representatives from Illinois, during the thirty- fifth and the thirty-sixth Congress, and Jonathan D. Morris, who was a member of the thirty- first Congress from Ohio, are sons of Thomas Morris. Reverend B. F. Jlorris possessed a mind of remarkable originality, and was a man of generous and philanthropic sentiments. His original idea was to found an institution to train colored men for teachers and preach- ers. He presented his plan to his pastor. Reverend Charles B. Boynton, 1). D., who entered cordially into the scheme, and subsequently to other friends. At this time Mr. H. A. Brewster also was considering a plan for a missionary association, Avith tlie same object in view, and how the project of the latter was turned to the purposes of the former, appears in the pro- ceedings of the preliminary meetings, of which tlie following is a condensed history : On the 20th of November, 1866, the first meeting was held, which initiated this great edu- cational enterprise, and was suggested at a prayer meeting of the Congregational church held in the Columbia College Law Building, at which time Mr. Brewster made remarks on 216 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED rOPULATIOX. tbc importance of doirg scmefhing for the educatian of the colored race. .Some twenty jiersons were present, uearly all members of the newly organized Congregational church, and in sjnipalhy with Mr. Morris, who had come to the meeting to assist in turning the work in that direction. The record of this meeting says : "By invitation of H. A. Brewster a meeting was held at his house for the purpose of considering missionary interests as related to the pre- rogatives and responsibilities of the First Congregational church, and, if found expedient, to devise ways and means for the promotion of the same." Reverend Charles B. Boyntcn. D. D., a'ter opening the meeting with prayer, called upon Reverend Benjamin F. Morris, who sot forth his plan of a theological seminary, having in view the training of colored men for the ministry, Mr. Brewster having previously explained the purpose of the meeting. The views of Mr. Morris, which he stated to be " the result of reflection and consultation with other brethren," were imaniniously accepted, the name of " Howard Theological Seminary" being adopted for the institution, and the following officers elected : Chairman of meeting, H. A. Brewster; Secretary, E. M. Cushman; Trustees of seminnry, O. 0. Howard, C. B. Boynton, D. B. Kichols, B. F. Morris, H. A. Brewster, H. Barber, J. B. Hirtchinson, R. H. Stevens, Henry Wilson, Samuel C. Pomeroy, B. C. Cook; com.m.ittee on organization, C. B. Boynton, B. F. Monis, D. B. Nichols. In the course of the meeting, General Hov.'ard olTered to build a seminary structure from the educational funds of the Freedmeu's Bureau if the association would I'urniwh a lot ; and Mr. Brewster thereupon gave his verbal guaran- tee that the lot should be secured. At the second meeting, December G, the report of the committee on organization was submitted by Mr. Kichols, and on his motion the name of the seminary was changed to that of " The Howard Norm.al and Theologicallnstitutoforthe education of Teachers and Preachers." This change of name originated with Senator S C. Pomeroy, who urged the establishment of a Normal Department, which appears to have especially contributed to the change of plan from a school of Theology to that of a school of general learning. Senator Pomeroy urged, among other arguments in favor of the normal feature, that it would place the seminaiy in a position to share in the bounty which Congress was destined, as he believed, to bestow for the encouragement of this class of pro- fessional s';hools. This was apparently the controlling idea in his mind in suggesting the expansion of the plan. Mr. Nichols seems to have been the foremost to favor Mr. Pomeroy's views ; and it should be added that the mot>ions in the meeting pertaining to the name of the institution in all its modifications, including its final and permanent form, ave to be mainly accredited to him. It should still further be stated that in his report on organization, pre- sented at this meeting, Mr. Nichols used the term "collegiate" in the name which he proposed for the institution, though nothing appears indicating the idea of any distinct enlargement of the range of culture beyond what had been previously contemplated. The suggestions of Senator Pomeroy seem to have so modified the views of all the others that the report of Mr. Nichols did not assume any formal importance in the organization of the institution, though it embodied some excellent features, which were adopted. Prof. Silas L. Loomis, M. D., now connected with the Medical department of the University, who was present at the yecond meeting, urged the establishment of a department to train the students in letter writing, and suggested a professorship of Belles Lettres to that end. He also suggested, in connection with a plan of medical instiuction, the name of Howard to be applied to the institution. The fact seems to be that both the name and the plan were gradually developed in the general discussion at the meetings and elsewhere, and that neither the one nor the other originated with any one individual. The original purpose was to build a school essentially Congregational in its character, and exclusively under the control and guidance of the Washington Congregational church, and much- resistance was encountered, as the plan developed, by those who became the advocates of an expanded scheme. Senators S. C. Pomeroy and Henry Wilson seem to htive been among the most judicious and influential actors and counsellors in the whole task. The following committees were then elected : Finance, J. B. Johnson, H. A. Brewster, W. G. Finney: building and grounds, 0. 0. Howard, S. C. Pomeroy, II. Barber— S. L. Loomis being added at the next m.eeting; library, D. B. Nichols, B. F. Morris, E. Ketchum. At the third meeting, December 18, the various committees reported ; that upon building and SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATIOX. 247 grounds bidng authorized to purchase the property near the terniinus of the Seventh street raih-oad, as proposed. A committee, consistin:^ of Senator Wilson, Senator Pomeroy, and Hon. B. C. Cooke, Avas chosen to obtain a charter. The Board of Trustees was increased to 15 by the addition of W. F. Basconi, C. H. Howard, E. IL Robinson, and E. M. Cush- man, a still further increase being made at the next meeting by the addition of S L, Loomis. J. B. Johnson, and W. G. Finney. At the fourth meeting, January 8, 18(i7, the following officers were elected : C. B. Boynton, President Board of Trustpcs ; H. A. Brew- ster, Vice President; E. M. Cushman, Secretary; J. B. Hutchinson, Treasurer; D. B. Nifliols, Supeiidtendent of institution and Librarian. At this meeting, after remarks by C. H. Howard, C. B. Boynton, and PL A. Brewster, on the subject of the name of the institu- tion, on motion of D. B. Nichols, seconded by Dr. Boynton, who urged wirh much earnest- ness the propriety of sending down the name of Howard to the coming centuries in connec- tion with the institution, the name Avas again changed to that of "The Howard University," under v;hich it was chartered. Measures were also adopted looking to the organization of a Medical and Law department. At the second meeting of the Board of Trustee^ the establishment of an Agricultural depart- ment was a topic of discussion. General O. O. Howard introduced the matter of the " Miner Institution," which incorporated and holding property in the city of Washington, has in view ])Urposes cognate to those of the Howard University, and suggested the leasing of the prop- erty of that institution at six per cent, per annum upon the purchase price. At this meeting, in connection with the report of S. L. Loomis, embracing a plan of a Medical department, and on motion of D. B. Nichols it was made a condition of eligibility to a place in the board of instruction in the University that the candidate " furnish satisfactory evidence of Christian character." This provision was subsequently struck out and the following substituted : " Resolved, That every person elected to any position in the Howard University shall be a member of some Evangelical church," a change which, it is understood, the Trustees have determined to modify. At the sixth meeting, being the third of the Botird of Trustees, Dr. Boynton presented the outlines of the charter of the Michigan University as a basis for that of the Howard Univer- .sity. General 0. O. Howard then presented the bill which Senator Wilson had introduced into the United States Senate to incorporate the Howard University ; General O. O. How- ard and Senator Wilson being appointed a committee to revise and present it in its revised form to Congress. The question whether provision by the charter whould be made for the admission of females, was freely and with lively interest discussed at this time, the prevail- ing sentiment being that no distinciion should be made. General O. O. Howard was among those not favoring the admission of females. It was also voted to lease the property pur- chased by the bounty funds at $1,200 per annum, lease to date from January 2(5, 1807 ; and that a Normal and Preparatory school be forthwith opened. The original piu'pose in founding this Institution was to educate the colored lace exclusively ; lo train men for preachers, teachers and missionaries, both in this country and in Africa. This was distinctly set forth in the plan of organization, as reported by Reverend D. B. Nich- ols at an early preliminary meeting. Senator Pomeroy and Dr. Boynton took ground iu . favor of the expanded scheme as embodied in the charter, which was drafted by Dr. Boyn- ■ ton, and which extends the privileges of the institution to both sexes and all colors. It has already been stated that General Howard was averse to this feature, which contemplated the union of the sexes and colors in the school, and so expressed himself at the time the provis- ions of the charter were discussed. It is an interesting fact to observe that while Oberlin College embarked on its work as a, school for white scholars, and was changed to embrace colored, the Howard University started as exclusively a colored school, and Avas soon enlarged, and opened its door to all. It is perhaps hardly necessary to add that General O. O. HoAvard has been from the beginning, through all its stages, the great sustaining pillar ot the enterprise. Subjoined is the charter as it was passed by Congress and sanctioned by the President, March 2, 1867: 248 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. "ACT to incorporate the Howard University. ^^ Beit enacted by the Senate and House nf Representatives of the United States of America in Congiess Assembled, That there be established, and is hereby established, in the District of Columbia, a University for the education of youth in the liberal arts and sciences, under the name, style, and title of ' The Howard University.' " Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That Samuel C. Pomeroy, Charles B. Boynton, Oliver O. Howard, Burton C. Cook, Charles H. Howard, James B. Hutchinson, Henry A. Brews- ter, Benjamin F. Morris, Danforth B. Nichols, William G. Finney, Roswell H. Stevens, E. M. Cushman, Hiram Barber, E. W. Robinson, W. F. Bascom, J. B. Johnson, and Silas L. Loomis be, and tbey are hereby declared to be a body politic and corporate, with perpetual succession in deed or in law, to all intents and purposes whatsoever, by the name, style, and title of "The Howard University," by which name and title they and their successors shall be competent at law and in equity to take to themselves and their successors, for the use of said University, any estate whatsoever in any messuage, lauds, tenements, hereditaments, goods, chattels, moneys, and other effects, by gift, devise, grant, donation, bargain, sale, conveyance, assurance, or will ; and the same to grant, bargain, sell, transfer, assign, con- vey, assure, demise, declare to use and farm let, and to place out on interest, for the use of said University, in such manner as to them or a majority of them shall be deemed most beneficial to said institution ; and to receive the same, their rents, issues and profits, income and interest, and to apply the same for the proper i:se and benefit of said University ; and by the same name to sue and be sued, to implead and be impleaded in any court of law and equity, in all manner of suits, actions, and proceedings ?vhatsoever, and generally, by and in the same name, to do and transact all and every the business touching or concerning the premises : Provided, That the same do not exceed the value of fifty thousand dollars annual net income over and above and exclusive of the receipts for the education and support of the students of said University. " Sec. 3. And be it further enacted. That the first meeting of said corporators shall be holden at the time and place at which a majority of the persons herein above named shall assemble for that purpose; and six day's notice shall be given each of said corporators, at which meeting said corporators may enact by-laws, not inconsistent with the laws of the United States, regulating the government of the corporation. " Sec. 4. And be it further enacted. That the government of the University shall be vested in a Board of Trustees of not less than thirteen m ambers, who shall be elected by the corpo- rators at their first meeting. Said Board of 'Trustees shall have perpetual succession in deed or in law, and in them shall be vested the power hereinbefore granted to the corporation. They shall adopt a common seal, which they may alter at pleasure, under and by which all deeds, diplomas, and acts of the University shall pass and be authenticated. They shall elect a President, Secretary, and a Treasurer. The treasurer shall give such bonds as the Board of Trustees may direct.. The said Board shall also appoint the professors and tutors, prescribing the number, and determining the amount of their respective salaries. They shall also appoint such other oflicers, agents, or employes as the wants of the University may from time to time demand, in all cases fixing their compensation. All meetings of said Board may be called in such manner as the Trustees shall prescribe, and nine of them so assembled shall constitute a quorum to do business, and a less number may adjourn from time to time. "Sec. .5. And be it further enacted. That the University shall consist of the following depart- ments, and such others as the Board of Trustees may establish : First, Normal ; second. Col- legiate; third, Theological; fourth. Law; fifth. Medicine; sixth. Agricultural. " Sec. (i. yhid be it further enacted. That the immediate government of the several depart- ments, subject to the control of the Trustees, shall be intrusted to their respective faculties; but the Trustees shall regulate the course of instruction, prescribe, with the advice of the pro- fessors, the necessary text-books, confer such degrees and grant such diplomas as are usually conferred and granted in other universities. " Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That the Board of Trustees shall have the power to remove any professor or tutor, or other officer connected with the institution, when in their judgment the interests of the University shall require it. " Sec. 8. Aiid be it further enacted. That the Board of Trustees shall make an annual report, making an exhibit of the affairs of the University. " Sec 9. And be it further enacted. That no misnomer of the said corporation shall defeat or annul any donation, gift, grant, devise, or bequest to or from the said corporation. "Sec. 10. And be it further enacted. That the said corporation shall not employ its funds or income, or any part thereof, in banking operations, or for any purpose or object other than those expressed in the first section of this act; and that nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to prevent Congress from altering, amending, or repealing the same. "Approved March 2, 18tj7." The corporators held a meeting March 19, 18G8, and organized in the choice of a Board of Trustees, President, Secretary, and Treasurer, and a committee to prepare a code of by-laws — the executive committee, under the by-laws, being chosen at a subsequent meeting. May 6, 18G7. This committee originally consisted of Charles B. Boynton, D. D., President of the SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 249 University and ex officio chairman; O. O. Howard. William F. Bascom, and E. W. Robin- son ; and to them were confided the supervision of the building operations and financial aflairs of the corporation. The following- is a list of the trustees and other officers of the institution, together with dates of their election : Trustees. — Hon. Samuel C. Pomeroy, United States senator from Kansas, March 19, 1867; Eev. Charles B Boyntou, D. D., Chaplain of the House of Representatives, and pastor of First Cong^regational church, Washington, D. C, March 19, 1867; Major General Oliver O. Howard, United States army, March 19, 1867; Hon. Burton C. Cook, member, from Illinois, of the United States House of Representatives, March 19, 1867 ; Brigadier General Charles H. Hovvard, United States volunteers, March 19, 1867; J. B. Hutchinson, esq., March 19, 1867; Henry A. Brewster, esq, March 19, 1867; Rev. Benjamin F. Morris, March 19, 1867; Rev. Danforth B. Nichols, March 19, 1837; William G. Finney, esq., March 19, 1867; Roswell H. Stevens, esq., March 19, 1867; E. M. Cushman, esq., March 19, 1867; Dr. Hiram Barber, March 19, 1867; Rev. E. W. Robinson, March 19, 1867; William F. Bascom, esq., March 19, 1867; James B. Johnson, esq., March 19, 1867; Dr. Silas L. Loomis, March J 9, 1867 ; General George W. Balloch, March 19, 1867 ; Rev. Henry Highland Garnett, late pastor of the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian church, of colored people, Washington, D. C., April 8, 1867; Rev. Byron Sunderland, D. D., pastor of the First Presbyterian church, Washington, D. C, April 22, 1867 ; Rev. D. W. Anderson, pastor First Baptist church, of colored people, Washington, D. C, April 6, 1868; Judge Hugh L. Bond, Baltimore, May 4, 1868: Rev. J. \V. Alvord, May 4, 1868. Trustees resigned. — Rev. Charles B. Boynton, D. D., January 11, 1868; J. B. Hutchin- son, esq., March 2. 1868; E. M. Cushman, esq., March 2, 1868. Trustee deceased. — Rev. Benjamin F. Morris, June 28, 1867. Presidents of the University. — Rev. Charles B. Boynton, D. D., March 19, 1887; resigned and ceased to act as Trustee, August 27, J867 ; Rev. Byron Sunderland, D. D., August 27, 1867. Secretaries of the Board.— "E. M. Cushman, esq., March 19, 1867; resignation accepted December 20, 1867; E. W. Robinson, elected December 29, 1867. Treasurer of the Board. — General George W. Balloch, March 19, 1867. Collegiate Department. — General Eliphalet Whittlesey, Professor of Rhetoric and Belles- lettres, September 21, 1868; William F. Bascom, A. M., Professor of Greek and Latin, September 22, 1868. Law Department. — Hon. A. G. Riddle, December 29, 1868 ; John M. Langston, esq., Pro- fessor, October 12, 1858. Medical Department. — Tlie President, cx-q^cio chairman ; Silas L. Loomis, M. D., Dean; Joseph Tabcr Johu.son, M. D., .Secretary and Treasurer. Faculty. — Silas L. Loomi.s, M. D., Professor of Chemistry and Toxicology, May 4, 18(i8; Robert Reyburn, M. D , Professor of Anatomy, May 4, 1868; Joseph Taber Johnson, M. D., Professor of Materia Medica and Therapeutics, May 4, 1868 ; Lafayette C. Loomis, M. D., Professor of Physiology and Micro- scopy, September 21, 1868; Alexander T. Augusta, M. B., Demonstrator of Anatomy, Sep- tember 21, 1868. Standing Committee on Agriculture. — D. B. Nichols. October 12, 1868; J. W. Alvord, October 12, 1868; General George W. Balloch, October 12, 1868. This committee was appointed with a view to the improvement of the university reserva- tion, to the employment of students who may desire by labor to defray in part their ex^ienses, and to the ultimate complete organization of the Agricultural Department. The need of an Education Society, to give aid to deserving and indigent j^outh — especially colored youth, who are almost without exception poor — is felt by the Board; but for the present the sub- ject of aiding students, particularly by providing them labor, is referred to this committee. Z.itrarian.— Danforth B. Nichols, April 8, 1867. Preparntorij and Normal Department. — Principals. — E. F. Williams, from May 2, 1867 ; John H. Combs, September 10, 1867; A. L. Barber, April 13, 1868. Female Principal, Miss Julia A. Lord, June 25, 1867. At the late meeting, December 29, 1858, the board elected Brigadier General Charles H. Howard to the chair of modern languages, which he declined, and at the same time a com- mittee was chosen with the purpose in view to secure, if possible, the services of Major Gen- eral O. O. Howard as President of the University. It should be here stated that the Presi. dency of the Board of Trustees and the Presidency of the University, originally constituting a single office, have been separated. The University site. — The site for the university was purchased by the trustees of John A. Smith, for $147,500. The price was originally fixed at $150,000, the number of acres being by estimate 150. Thomas Coyle, however, holding the right by lease to take sand from the 250 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. liill for a term of yctirs, the owner of the land, after a protracted negotiation, finally made ihe proposition to deduct $2,500 from the price on acconnt of the encumbrance, and this offer was accepted. The deed was made April 28, 1860, but was not finally executed and delivered till May 25, ensuing. The Trustees subsequently paid Thomas Coyle $5,000 for a surrender of his lease. The terms of the purchase were $20,000 cash, the balance payable in 10 equal annual instalmentf, and the interest on the whole unpaid principal payable semi-annually. Originally, 50 acres were appropriated for university grounds. Subse- quently 10 acres were added, and still later an additional 10 acres for the park was set aside, making in all, in round numbers, 70 acres. The remaining 80 acres were laid off in lots, and mostly sold, making it certain that their proceeds will pay the entire oilginal purchase. The University huildings. — These buildings consist of a spacious university edifice proper four stories high, imposing in external appearance, commodious in its internal plan, and standing upon a commanding and handson.e as well as healthy location, looking down" upon the city and a broad expanse of the country, including many miles of the winding Potomac. There is also an ample dormitory, capable of accommodating the teachers and 300 scholars w'ith board and lodging; three stories and basement, with every appointment belonging to a first-class structure for such purpose. A very large and commodious medical building is erecting on the premist's, three stories in height, and corresponding in architec- ture and appearance with the other structures. The Normal and Preparatory department moved into the apartments in the University building, designed for that purpose, early in November last, and the teachers and students entered the dormitory with the opening of the new year of 1869. In the appendix will be found a note upon the material of which the buildings are made. The cost of the university structure and dormitory, when fully completed, w'ill be quite |100,000. The Fj'cedmen's Bureauis building these, as also the medical building, in pur- suance of an act of Congress approved March 2, 1868, authorizing the Bureau thus to aid the cause of education from the freedmen and refugees' fund, the aid in this case being justified by the fact that the University is intended to embrace within its benefits the children of freedmen and refugees. "The refugees' and freedmeu's fund" embraces all moneys belonging to the government which come into the custody of the Bureau through the iuci- dents of the war, comprising among other items those arising from rents, fines, and sales of old property. The name is used to distinguish it from the regular appropriation. Other fine school structures, similar to these university buildings, though not in any case on so large a scale, have been erected at important points in the south from the same funds. These buildings are held in the actual or constructive possession of the government, to await the direction of Congress, the expectation being that the Commissioner will be ordered to sur- render them as the property of the associations upon whose lands they stand, with the lim» itation that they are to be forever used for educational purposes. Where the principle of the common law is restrained by no statute, it is clear that the government has no valid claim upon these buildings, as they become a part of the realty. Normal and Preparatory Department.^Thls department was opened on the second day of May, 18C7, in a comfortable building which, with three acres of land, had been purchased by the authorities of the Freedmeu's Bureau, by deed dated December 21, 1836, for the sum of $12,000. The funds used in this purchase consisted of the retained bounty which accumu- lated under an order of Major General B. F. Butler, issued in 1804, at the period when State agents from the north were enlisting colored soldiers in his department in Virginia and North Carolina during the war. The purpose of the order was to save for these enlisted soldiers and their families a portion — one-third— of the large State bounty which they were receiving and wasting in dissipation. When General Howard took charge of freedmeu's affairs, this retained fund, then in the hands of numerous officers, was immediately ordered into the cus- tody of the Bureau, to be held for the benefit of the colored race, and subject to the call of legal claimants. This building and land were purchased with nmney from this fund, and lias been rented since January 1, 18C7, to the Howard University at$l ,200 per annum. The most of this retained bount}^ which, when called into the possession of the Bureau, amounted to some $150,000, has since been paid to the legal claimants, reducing the amount in August SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 251 last to about $30,000; and if the portion invested in this property shall ever be legally chaaicd it -will be at once refunded, the investment being exceedingly judicious in a pecuniary as well as in every other point of view. This money is not in any sense public funds, and is not so regarded at the Treasury Department. It is simply money belonging to colortd sol- diers, held in trust, subject to their call ; and its investment in a mode not ouly to return fair interest but also to aid in educating the colored race, can be deemed by just men only in the light of a wise and beneficent disposition of the matter on the part of General O. O. Howard. The house was well repaired by the Bureau, and since the school has vacated the premises they have been occupied by the Medical Department. The Normal and Preparatory Department has been eminently successful. It opened with five scholars in May, 1SG7, and so rapidly increased in numbers that it became necessary to employ a second teadier, the first quarter closing with an excellent school, the whole num- ber for the period on the register being 83, of whom 20 were females, not including a night school of 11 scholars, under a good teacher. At the close of the first quaitcr the principal, Rev. Edward F. Williams, a graduate of Yale College and Princeton Theological Seminary, who had given the very highest satisfaction, resigned, in order to embark in liis profession, and was succeeded by JohnH. Combs, A. M., a graduate of Williams College, who served from October, 18G7, till April, 1868, when he gave place to A. L. Barber, a graduate of Oberlin, and a gentleman eminently adequate to the position. Miss Julia A. Lord, of Port- land, Maine, the female principal, has continued to serve in this position, with the same supe- rior efliciency which distinguished her labors in the colored grammar school of AVashington, from which she was called to this place. The total number of students for the year ending in June, 18(38, was 127, and the exercises of the first anniversary fully satisfied the expecta- tions of the most sanguine friends. The fall term of 1868 proved still more satisfactory, commencing with more than 60 scholars and the number soon reaching 110, most of whom are pay scholars. Of the whole number only 12 are white. The school, since taking posses- sion of its new and very handsome and commodious quarters in the university building, has put on new strength, and an assistant teacher, a colored young man of good qualifications, has been added to the corps of instruction. The large classes in grammar, philosophy, arith- metic, algebra, and other advanced English branches, as well as the three classes in Latin, numbering in all about 30, and a small class in Greek, progress with as much rapidity and thoroughness as do scholars in the same branches in other schools of this advanced grade, and this statement is based upon extensive personal knowledge of this as well as other schools of the higher class in the District. Tuition is free to such as cannot afford to pay. Tfie Medical Department. — The Medical Department was organized by the election of three members of its faculty in the early part of May, 18G8, and in the month of September a fourth professorship was filled. The list of the university officers and faculties, to be found on a previous page, furnishes the facts in these cases. In September, also, Dr. Alexander T. Augusta, a distinguished colored physician of Washington, was elected as Demonstrator of Anatomy. Dr. Augusta is a gentleman of decided abilities, and is thoroughly educated in his profession. He is a native of Norfolk, Virginia, free-born, and served his apprenticeship as abar- ber in that city, subsequently working as a journeyman at his trade. In his boyhood he learned by stealth to read a little, and subsequently acquired, while working at his trade, some addi- tional knowledge. At a later period he read medicine for a time in the office of a respect- able physician in Philadelphia, but he could get no access to the medical college of that city by reason of his color. He went to California to get money to prosecute his purpose, and was highly successful. On his return he made another efibrt to find entrance to a Medical College, and was repulsed both in Philadelphia and in Chicago. He finally went to the University of Toronto, and was cordially welcomed to the Medical College of that very distinguished institution, second to no university in British America, and after some half a dozen years of laborious academic, classical as well as professional study he received the degree of Bachelor of Medicine, with the full honors of the college. During the war he was a surgeon in the army, and while stationed at Savannah, Georgia, in charge of a hos- pital in that city, he was repeatedly associated in professional reVations with medical gentle- men of the first eminence in that city, who treated him with uniform courtesy. They often 252 , SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. came to his hospital to observe cases interesting to the profession, and to join with him in uncommon surgical operations ; facts honorable alike to both parties. Dr. Augusta is the only colored gentleman connected with the medical faculty, so far as it has yet been organ- ized, and for this reason, as well as for the essential interest which marks his career, refer- ence is here made to him. It is a suggestive fact that after such struggles to gain access to a medical school for his own culture, he should thus be called as a teacher in the first school . of medical science founded for his race in America. The first session of this Department was inaugurated in a lecture by Professor L. C. Loomis, which, in order to accommodate the very large audience certain to be called forth on the novel occasion, was delivered in the audience room of the new Congregational church. The session was announced to open on the 2Sth of October, but arrangements were not com- plete for the lecture till the succeeding week, and it was delivered November 4, 1868. Since that date the course of lectures has proceeded regularly, three each day of the week, dis- tributed among the six members of the faculty. The class numbered six in December, and a considerable accession was expected with the beginning of the winter session, at the opening of the new year. The college is at present occupying the large building on Seventh street, recently vacated by the Normal and Preparatory Department when' that school took up its permanent residence in the university edifice. This is a temporary arrangement, for two or three months only, while the very spacious and handsome medical college struc- ture near that location is finishing. On the same square two large edifices are nearly com- pleted, into which the Freedmen's general hospital — Campbell hospital, as it is commonly called — comprising several hundred patients, is to be transferred, from the old barrack build- ings situated in that immediate vicinity. This hospital, which is freely open to the medical students of the college for purposes of instruction, contributes vastly to the value of the course of instruction. The present course of lectures embraces in its plan Chemistry, Anatomy, Materia Medica, Physiology, and clinical lectures upon operative Surgery — the four main fundamental branches of medicine — and an attendance upon the course, together with study and recitations under a respectable practising physician during the entire year, will be regarded by the University as equivalent to one year in the Medical College. Very superior and ample chemical appa- ratus, and a complete cabinet of Materia Medica have recently been received. Other Departments. — The Trustees appointed a committee, June 25, 1867, to report a plan for the organization of a Theological Department, but no action has yet been made public. Initiatory steps were also taken toward establishing a Law Department, and, in October last, John M. Langston, a graduate of Oberlin, a colored gentleman of superior attainments, was elected professor. December 30, 1868, the trustees publicly announced that the Department was organized, and a regular course of lectures would commence January 4, 1869, the faculty to consist of Professor Langston and Hon. A. G. Piddle, an eminent lawyer of Washington, and formerly a member of Congress from Ohio. On the evening of March 31, 1869, the first session of this Department closed with public exercises, in which the class of 15 colored and one white student all participated. The essays and discussions showed much study and thought, and were highly respectable as literary productions, most favorably impressing all who heard them. These students represent nearly a dozen States, and several are liberally educated. They all showed a manly grappling with their work, and the professors have ample reason to be satisfied with the opening term. PUBUC SCSfOOLS ANJ) EARLIEST LEGISLATION FOR THE CRISIS. The abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia took effect on the 16th of April, 1862, and on the 2 1st of May, a little more than a month later, Congress, believing that with their freedom the subjects of slavery must be educated for their new condition, passed an Act requiring "ten per centum of taxes collected from persons of color in Washington and Georgetown to be set apart for the purpose of initiating a system of primary schools for the education of colored children" residing in these cities. This Act made the boards of Trustees of the two cities the custodians, in their respective cities, of the funds arising both from this tax and from contributions, the two species of funds however to be kept separate. The special friends of SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 253 colored scliools in the District, entertaining solicitude as to the, execution of this law in good faith by the Trustees of the public schools, communicated their apprehensions to the friends of the cause in Congress, and on the 11th of July ensuing Congress passed another Act, under which the work of establishing colored schools was confided to a " Board of Trustees for Colored Schools for Washington and Georgetown." This board, consisting of three members, is appointed by the Secretary of the Interior, the term of one member expiiiug annually. The members of the first board, who held the office by the terms of the law one, two, and three years, respectively, were Daniel Breed, Zenas C. Robbins, and S. J. Bowen. Under this Act the municipal authorities of the two cities accredited to the colored school fixnd for the first two years as follows : 1862. In Washington §250 2S In Georgetown | Total for the two cities 1863. $110 89 G9 72 Total. $067 14 69 72 f3G 86 In 1862 no separate registry was kept of the taxes of colored people in either city, and the sum accredited for that year in Washington was a rough estimate. In 1863 there was a separate registration, but the friends of the colored schools regarded it as incomplete, and the fund not at all equal to what was justly due, as they had confidently expected full $3,000 annually. The Act of 1802 thus proving a failure, another Act was passed and approved June 25, 1864, repealing the ten per centum clause of the Act of 1862 and providing, instead of that feature, that such a proportion of all the school funds raised in Washington and Georgetown should be set apart for colored schools as the number of colored children might bear to the whole number of children, taking the last reported census of children hetwccn the ages of six and seventeen as the basis of the calculation. It v/as also provided that the moneys accruing from fines, penalties, and forfeitures under United States laws in the District should be apportioned for school purposes in the same manner. This Act was also, like the other, con- strued by the municipal authorities in such manner as to deprive the colored schools of a large portion of the funds which the friends of those schools bflieved the act intended to give them. On the 23d of July, 1866, Congress further enacted that the previous Act should " be so construed as to require the cities of Washington and Georgetown to pay over to the Trus- tees of the colored schools of said cities such a proportionate part of all moneys received or expended for school or educational purposes in said cities, including the cost of sites, build- ings, improvements, furniture, and books, and all other expenditures on account of schools, as the colored children, between the ages of six and seventeen years in the respective cities, bear to the whole number of children, white and colored, between the same ages ; that the money shall be considered due and payable to said Tiustees on the first day of October ot each year ; and if not then paid over to them, interest at the rate of ten per centum per annum on the amount unpaid muy be demanded and collected." This Act seems to have accom- plished the purpose for which it was designed, the funds which it brought into the hands of the Trustees in 18G7 enabling them to inaugurate something in the nature of a .system of public colored schools in the two cities. The main object of the bill was to provide for the establishment of primary free schools throughout the county of Washington, in the District, outside of the two cities. It was prepared by Senator Patterson, of New Hampshire, at that time a member of the House, and it was a section incorporated in it pertaining to the division of the school money in the cities of Washington and Georgetown that first eftectually placed in the hands of the colored people the funds that belonged to them. To Senator Patterson belongs the honor of obtaining this meed of justice for this long abused class. 254 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. THE FIRST PCBLIC COLORED SCHOOL m the District of Columbia was opened on the Jst of March, J8G4, in the Ebenezer Church, the original colored church of Washington— the eariiest sanctuary of their religion thus becoming the earliest home of their free public school. Miss Emma V. Brown, of George- town, an educated, capable colored girl, was appointed the teacher, at a salary of .$400, and Miss Frances W. Perkins, a generous, spirited young woman, from New Haven, Connecti- cut, went into the work with Miss Brown, at first without compensation, though she was soon supported by the New England Freedmen's Aid Society of Boston. The school commencing with 40 scholars, rose immediately to more than 100, and the house was soon so thronged that many applica.nts were daily refused. It was through the exertions of this volunteer tf'aclier, Miss Perkins, that in ]8G5 FIRST PUBLIC SCIIOOL-IIOUSE FOR COLORED CHILDREN. in the District was built. Through her solicitations, in the summer of 1864 and while at work in the Ebenezer Church, a woman of large benevolence in New Haven, Connecticut, Mrs. Parker, placed at her disposal ij; 1,000, to aid in building a house for this school. The Trustees, encouraged by this donation, gathered what they could from other sources, and after securing with some difficulty a lot, 42 by 120 feet, for the purpose, on C street south, between Second and Third streets, Capitol Hill, erected in the winter a frame building, 42 feet square, two stories, and two school-rooms on each floor. The school was moved into it May 1, 186.5, on v/hich occasion there were formal dedication exercises, an address being delivered by Eev. Henry Highland Garnet, D. D., then pastor of the Fifteenth street Presbyterian Church, now president of Avery College, Allegheny City, Pennsylvania. PUBLIC SCHOOLS CONTINUED. These schools, which began in the Ebenezer church in a suig'e room, with two teachers, in March. 1864, and iu the spring of 1865 moved into the first school house built fur public schools in the District, were increased by the Aid Societies to four schools and as many teach- ers in 1863, and to five schools with seven teachers by the Trustees in the summer of 1867. In the autumn of the last named year the Trustees commenced their school year with 31 teachers, four more being soon added, making for nearly the whole of that year 35 teachers, while through the winter and spring months the number was 41, the Aid Societies furnishing at the same time 28, making a total of 6y teachers. Tiie average number through the school year of 1867-68, was 61. The largest number of public schools sustained by tiie Trustees in the school year of 1867-'68, was41 ; average number 39 ; largest number by otlier parties 25 ; average nu)uber 21 ; largest number of scholars belonging to the schools iu any month, (February,) 2,069; average number belonging to the schools from November 1 to June 30, 2,8^6; average attendance for the same period, 2,5-23 ; per cent, of average attendance in all schools for the year, 89. In these statistics the schools of the Trustees and of the societies are combined, as they were all under the control of Mr. Newton and all subjected to the same regulations. It will be seen that the attendance, considering the material, was very excellent, and such was the case during all the years of his superintendence. The follov^ing figures are important iu this connection: Total colored population in Washington, November, 1 867 3 ! , 937 Total colored populatiou in Georgetown, November, 1867 3, 284 Total - 35,221 Increase since 1860 in Washington 20, 954 Increase in Georgetown since I860 I, ?>i9 Total - 22,303 Number of colored children between the ages of 6 and 17, in Washington 8,401 N umber of colored children between the ages of 6 and J7, in Georgetown 894 Total 9,295 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOSED POPULATION. 255 Tt tlms appeals that the laro-ost luiuibev of scholars 'a school in any month last year was much less than one third tlie number of coloreJ children in the District between the ages of 6 and 17, and when it is considered that very many above 17 years of age are embraced in the number in school, it seems safe to say that not more than one third of the children within the specified ages were at any time last year attending school, including both public and private. It may be added that the records of the present year present a still more painful condition of things growing out ot the withdrawal of nearly all foreign aid. liecnpitidatiun of Ce72sus returns. The following statemonf: shows the movement of the population of the Distri.'t, including the town and county of Alexandria before their retrocession tj Virginia. Year. Whites. Free colored Slaves. Total. 1 800 10,066 16, 079 22.614 27, 563 30, 657 37,941 60, 764 88, 327 783 2,549 4,048 6,152 8,361 10,059 11,131 38, 663 3, 244 5, 395 6,377 6, 1 19 4, 696 3 6^7 3, 185 14,093 1810 24,023 ]820 33, 029 1830 39, 836 1840 ]850 I860 43,912 51,687 75, 080 1 ^6, 990 As Alexandria, with the other portion of the District as originally constituted south of tha Potomac, was retrocedcd to Virginia ia 1846, the population of the retroceded territory in 1850 is subjoined, also the population of the cities of Washington and Georgetown separately for 18.50 and 186!.). 1850. Alexandria Washington Georgetown Remainder of District 18G0. Washington Georgetown Eemainder of District White. Free colored. 7, 299 1,413 29, 730 8, 158 6, O80 1,561 2,131 340 50, 139 9, 209 6, 798 1,358 3,827 .564 Slaves. 1,.332 2,113 725 849 1, 834 Total. 10, 094 40, 001 8 •i6C) :>, 320 61, 122 8, 733 It will be seen from the above figures that the free colored population of tlte two cities in 1860 was 10,567, and as in that year there were full 1,200 colored children in the schools of the cities, it follows that there was about one child in school to nine, of the free colored population. In 1867, the colored population of the tw'o cities was 35,221. With the same proportion of children in school as in 1860, there would be with this population, about 3,900 under instruction, which is very nearly the number now in the schools of the cities. This shows that the facilities for instruction are about the same now for the colored children as before the war. The school-houses and methods of instruction, however, are now much better than in 1860, but the proportion of children actually reached by the privileges seems to be without enlargement. 256 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. SCHOOL PROPERTY BELONGING TO TRUSTEES OP PUBLIC SCHOOLS. The schools, when the Northern societies came here during the war, were at first held in the basements and lecture halls of colored churches. A few school-houses were soon built in a teaiporary way, and as the war drew near its end the barrack buildings were liberally turned over by the government for such use, and tbeso buildings still constitute the largest portion of the school accommodations. These school rooms were rough and inconvenient, and still continue to be so. The houses built last year are, however, furnished with modern school furniture, as were a few of the old buildings previously, and these are quite com- modious and comfortable. The following is a general description of the school property belonging to the trustees of colored schools at this time : District 1.— Square 182, M street, near 17th. Land about 22,800 feet. Temporary frame building, 48x72 feet two stories ; 8 rooms, 444 seats. District 2. — Square 51 L O street, between 4th and 5th, Land about 8,640 feet. Brick school-house 45x88 feet, two stoiies ; eight rooms each 22x38 feet ; 444 seats. DJs^ric^ 2.— Square 935, corner ] 2th street east and D north. Land about 10,000 feet; donated by government. Frame building, four rdoras ; would seat 200 scholars. District 3. — Square 762, C street south, between 2d and 3d streets east. Land about 6,300 feet ; frame building, four rooms, 200 seats. District A. — Square 412, corner 9th and E streets south. Land about 8,000 feet; brick house, same as in district two. District 4. — Square (J83, Delaware avenue, between H and I streets south. Land about 7'550 feet; temporary frame building belonging to government, two rooms, would seat 200 scholars. District 5. — Georgetown, east street. Land about 5,800 feet ; frame building ; two stories, eight rooms, 444 seats ; bad location ; the best that could be obtained for the purpose when bought. The two brick houses (the one in district 2, and the other in district 4) were built last year, the contract price being some $7,200 each, and when furnished and ready for occupa- tion cost each not far from f 9,000. Erected in haste they are not what, with more time, the authorities would have made them. Besides the above specified lots and buildings, the Trustees are erecting a four-story brick edifice which they have appropriately named " The Stevens School-House," in honor of Thaddeus Stevens, of Penn. The name was suggested by Mr. William Syphas, then chairman of the board, in the following resolution, offered by him September 4, 1888: '^ Resclved, That the New school-house on Twenty-first street be called the 'Stevens School-house' in honor of the late Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, of Penn- sylvania, the champion of free schools for all." The building is located in square 72, 21st street, between K and L, on a lot embracing about 11,765 feet. House 48x83 feet ; 12 rooms with the one story for a hall, or IG rooms without hall, each room seating 60 scholars. The original plan vt'as to make the lower story a hall, to be let for public purposes, bnt it is believed that the Trustees will decide to use this very desirable part of the building lor school pur- poses, which will accord with the law governing the use of the school funds. The cost of the house, finished and furnished, including lot, will probably be about |35,000. The house, furniture, and lot in Georgetown may be estimated at $5,000 ; the house, furniture, and lot on M street at |4,000 ; and the house, furniture, and lot on C street, Capitol Hill, at $3,500. TRUSTEES OF THE COLORED SCHOOLS. The following shows the names of those who have served as Trustees together v/ith the period of their service. The act of Congress establishing the board, provides that they shall be appointed by the Secretary of the Interior. The original board was appointed July 1, 1862, consisting of S. J. Bowen, Daniel Breed, and Zenas C. Robbins. Mr. Bowen served two terms of three years each, and was succeeded last year (1883) by William Syphax, a well-known and intelligent colored citizen of Washington, who is doing his work with fidelity and excellent judgment as chairman of the board. He was born at Arlington, on the estate of Mr. Custis, who manumitted the mother and family when this son was a child, giving them a house and small tract of land on the border of the estate, which was confirmed to them by the Thirty-ninth Congress. Mr. Breed served tvvo'terms, the first being a term of one year, and v/as succeeded by Albert G. Hull, the present City Collector, w-hose term ex- SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 257 pires in 1869. Mr. Robbins served one term of two years and was succeeded in the next term of tiiree years by Rufus Laten, resigned, Stephen J. W. Tabor, resigned, J. McClary Perkins, removed, and G. E. Baker, who completed the term. Alfred Jones, a prominent colored merchant of Washington, was appointed in 18GT, his term expiring in 1870, and is the treasurer of the board. THE TEACHERS. The Trustees at this time, January, 18S9, report fifty schools in successful operation, forty- three in Washington and seven in Georgetown. The superintendent, Mr. George F. T. Cook, had been ten years the teacher of a large colored private school in Washington when ap- pointed to his new position, and is well educated. The schools are all in charge of female teachers, fifty in number, of whom twenty-five are white and twenty-five colored. The majority of the white teachers have been in these schools from the beginning of the new order of things, in 1865, and are remarkably capable and eificient. There are also some very superior colored teachers. Without in any degree disparaging others, mention may properly be made of Miss Sarah L. Iredell, who has charge of the school in what is known as the brick school house on the Island, (Washington.) She was educated at the Institute for colored youth in Philadelphia, where she graduated with the highest honors.. The charac- ter of her scholarship is by no means ordinary or superficial, as the classical course of that excellent Institution includes the reading of Virgil's Aeueicf, the Odes of Horace, Cicero's Orations, the Greek Testament, and Xenophon's Anabasis. Among the superior colored teachers, the name of Miss Emma Brown may be given. She has already been mentioned in connection with the Georgetown schools, and was educated at Oberlin. There are also other colored teachers, ec^ucated at the above-named places, or at the Baltimore convent, or elsewhere, who, in ability and attainment, are quite equal to holding important positions in their profession. Eighteen of the colored teachers are natives of this District, the others being from the north, as also are all the white teachers. Sixty scholars are assigned to each teacher under the regulations of the Board of Trustees, but in some localities this number is exceeded. The school rolls now show an average of about fifty-five to each school, making a total of about 2,750 on the rolls, with an average attend- ance of about 2,500. There are eight schools in each of the three large scl:ool-hou.ses and in the new building, the Stevens school house, there will be twelve. December 1, 1868, was the time fixed for the completion of the Stevens school house, but at this date, January, 1869, much remains to be done, and owing to want of funds, the Trustees have been obliged to suspend some portions of the work. .This is greatly to be regretted, as the building is so much needed. If opened at the time expected, every room would have been at once occu- pied, to the great benefit of those schools and scholars for whom it is intended.* The teacher in each of these buildings, who has the care of the highest school, has also the special direction of all the schools in the building. The pay of the teachers is fixed at $50 per month, with $8 per month additional for those who are in charge of the large buildings. The Trustees, conceding this compensation to be inadequate to secure and i^etaiu first-rate teachers, hope ere long to be able to make it larger. It should be especially stated that the Trustees have made it a prir-ciple in selecting teach- ers, to seek for those having the best qualifications, without regard to color, subjecting all alike to a rigid examination. In a circular issued September 10, 1868, the Trustees say: " It is our determination to elevate the character of the schools by insisting on a high standard of qualifications in the teachers. This can be done only by employing the best teachers that our money will procure, irrespective of color. While we think it right to give preference in our schools to colored teachers, thtlr quulijications being equal, yet we deem it a violation of our ofiicial oath to employ inferior teuchers when superior ones can be had for the same money. It is no discredit to admit that the number of colored teachers, at least in this District, who can compete successfully with those of the hitherto more favored class, especially those from the northern States, is at present small. When our young men and women shall have enjoyed equal advantages for a sufficient length of time, we may expect this will be changed. The present duty of the Trustees plainly is to employ the best teachers who offer themselves. 'Note. — Since the above was in type this school-houBc has been completed and opened. 17 258 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION". "The children of the people of color, for the most part, can attend school for but a few years, when they must seek employment by which to obtain a livelihood ; it is, therefore, of the highest importance that they should make the most of their brief time in school. They should have the best of teachers and the best methods. The methods of teaching have, within the past few years, been as much improved as have those of travel by the introduction of steam. Teachers, who maj'' have th'e same amount of learning, differ greatly in their ability to teach and train young minds. A skilful teacher, using the best modern methods, will accomplish more in one year, and do it far better, than a poor teacher will accomplish in three years. We deem it, therefore, little short of a crime against those for whose educa- tion we are made responsible to knowingly employ inferior teachers when better ones can be had, however worthy and deserving the former may be in other respects." CHARACTER OP THE SCHOOLS. Of these public schools, five are classified as grammar schools. There was some ex- travagance in the representations which attended the earlier efforts in the contraband schools. The avidity for instruction and the advancement made by these wild children from the plantations tilled the northern teachers, who engaged in the interesting work of first gathering them into places of instruction, with so much astonishment and enthusiasm tliat in the novel and exciting work unreasonable expectations were in some degree indulged. There were also many children of the District who mingled in those early free schools, who had already been rudely taught some of the first elements. The teachers, not knowing that there were many of this class in the District, oftentimes supposed that the children learned under their instruction what in fact they had learned before. With these considera- tions fully in view, however, it may still be justly affirmed that the progress of these colored children has been equally as rapid as that of the white. They seem to succeed in mathe- matics and other studies, which demand the exercise of the reasoning faculty, quite as well as do the children of the lower classes among the white population, and the schools in all the grades justify the best hopes which have been cherished by their friends, furnishirLg abundant grounds for faith in the capacity of the race to rise to the highest range of intel- lectual culture, and most certainly of faith in their capacity to become sufficiently intelli- gent to discharge well the prerogatives of good citizens. The whole body of white teachers, who have taught colored children in this District, since the war, are unanimous in the opinion that the black children learn just as rapidly and thoroughly as do children of any other color. Thoughtful, fan- minded men and women, who have carefully watched these schools are compelled, no matter what their prepossessions, to corroborate this judgment of the teachers. These statements are made with deliberation, and are authorized by the result of very large personal observation of the schools, as well as large personal acquaint- ance with the teachers, on the part of the person who makes them. These facts impose upon the country an imperative and stupendous work. They show that we have a million of colored children, almost entirely untaught, yet capable, and intensely eager to learn. These children must be educated or the country can scarcely stand. How can you build the house of which you have never laid the foundation. Take no timely precaution against the con- tagion to which youth is exposed, and no future care will cure the malady. Emphatically is this the ease with these children, who have come up oitt of servitude and are subjected to the most untoward home influences. They will soon be out of the reach of a teacher. Once they are grown they will never submit again to become children. So sensible of this were the wise Lacedemonians that when they were required to give fifty children as hosta- ges they chose rather to give fifty of the most eminent men in the State, whose principles were already formed, than children to whom the want of early instruction would be a loss entirely irreparable. It would be, according to the beautiful expression of Pericles, like cutting off the season of spring altogether from the year. SCHOOL FUNDS AND THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU. In has been seen in these pages that much assistance, both in money and material, and in many forms has been contributed to the work of colored education in the District by the Freedmen's Bureau. In the annual reports of the Bureau these contributions to the cause are designated as derived from funds bearing difi'erent names, and as the nature of these SCHOOLS OF THE COLOKED POPULATION. 259 funds is not well understood a concise statement of their origin may be found useful in tliis connection. Refugees and Freedmen^s Fund. — When the war closed there were found large sums of money in the hands of various military officers, the accumixlations resulting from incidents of the conflict. When the Freedmen's Bureau was organized these funds were all called into the custody of its accounting officer, and to distinguish them from those derived from the regular appropriations by Congress for the support of the Bureau, are described by the Commission as the Refugees and Freedmen's funds, derived from miscellaneous sources. The chief of these sources were the tax on cotton, wages retained from the freedmen em- ployed by the government during the war, for the relief of destitute freedmen's families, fines in the provost courts, taxes levied upon the planters and men of wealth in New Or- leans, and other parts of Louisiana, for the support of colored schools, proceeds of confisca- ted property, marriage certificates, and contracts. During the first year after the war closed a considerable amount was received from the produce of farms and other abandoned lands, from rents of buildings and lands held as abandoned, in all amounting to nearly a million of dollars. The taxes upon cotton, wages of Freedmen withheld, fines in provost courts, and donations above specified, and moneys from sales of confiscated property, mar- riage certificates, and contracts, are generalized in the reports as the Freedmen's tund, but are all embraced under the name of Refugees and Freedmen's fund. This fund, which has been constantly receiving additions, from the miscellaneous sources, as well as suffering depletions from its donations, was reduced in August last to about $16,000. In the general appropriation act, approved March 2, 1«67, is the following clause: ''Provided, That the Commissioner be hereby authorised to apply any balance on hand at this date, of the Refugees and Freedmen's fund, accounted for in bis last annual report, to aid educational institutions actually incorporated fbr loyal refugees and freedmen." Under this provision contributions have been made to such institutions in this District, as follows : The Howard University, Congregationalist, !|25,000 ; National Theological Institute University, Baptist, $10,600 ; St. Martin's Female Academy, Catholic, $2,000. Retained Bounty Fund. — This is a fund which accumulated under an order of Major Gen- eral B. F. Butler, issued in 1864, while he was in command of the department embracing a portion of Virginia and North Carolina. It was an order fraught with wisdom. This de- partment was, at the time, thronged with State agents, ofteiiug very large bounties for con- traband recruits to fill the State quotas. This order required the State agent or other person not enlisting recruits under the direct orders of the War Department, to pay one third of the bounty, in case of each recruit, into the hands of the superintendent of recruiting, and that, in default of such payment, the recruit should have his papers so certified that he could not be counted in any State quota. The object was to save the money for the benefit of the recruit and his family. When General Howard came to take charge of the Bureau, he very discreetly ordered all the fund, which was then scattered in the hands of many officers, into the custody of the Bureau. It amounted at that time to $115,236 49, and was embraced under the general name of Refugees and Freedmen's fund, but as it is in no sense public money, but essentially funds belonging to individuals, held in trust by the government, it has been kept separate and paid over to the legal claimants as fast as found. The bahince still unclaimed, at the close of August last, was $24,963 63. The Bureau has used $I2,00(t of this unclaimed sum in the purchase of the building in which the preparatory department of the Howard University was at first held, and in which the medical department is now temporarily located. It is leased to the University at an annual rent of ten per cent on its cost, thus aiding the cause of the colored race, at the same time that a liberal interest is accumulating on the fund. The property has largely enhanced in value since the purchase. School Fund. — This has been treated as a local fund by the Bureau, each assistant com- mitteeman expending it in the district in which it may have accrued. It is derived from a provision in the act of Congress of July 16, 1866, which declares that " the commissioner shall have power to seize, hold, lease or sell all buildings and tenements, and any lands appertaining to the same, or otherwise formerly held under color of title by the late so-called confederate states and not heretofore disposed of by the United States, and buildings or 260 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. lands held in trust for the same by any person or persons, and to use the same, or appropri- ate the proceeds derived therefrom, to the education of the freed people." Nothing has been received from this source in this District, and nothing expended. The General appropriation. — The act of JJIarch 2, 1867, appropriated "for buildings for schools and asylums, including construction, rental, and repairs, iive hundred thousand dollars." It is from this appropriation that the assistance in erecting houses has been extended in various waj's to the Trustees of Public Colored Schools of the District, and to nearly all the private enterprises in the District looking to the education of the colored people. Among the donations to the public schools of the District were two sums of twenty-five hun- dred dollars each, given in aid of the two branch school buildings erected in Washington in the autumn of 1 867. Liberal assistance has also been given these schools in the form of lumber and old barrack buildings. From this appropriation also the Howard University buildings are erecting, and the Colfax Industrial building, and aid has been given to nearly all the schools of the District which have the education of the colored people specially in view. LEGISLATION 1868-'69. In the early part of Jaly, 1868, some of the friends of education in Washington conceiving it to be for the interest of the schools to have them all, both white and colored, under the supervision of a single board of trustees, proposed to the Committee on the District in the Senate to transfer all the duties of the trustees of colored schools in Washington and George- town to the trustees of white schools, abolishing the board of trustees of colored schools, but leaving the schools themselves without any change in relations and condition. The members of the committee in the Senate understanding from the representations that this plan was in accordance with the wishes of the leading colored people of the two cities, through Mr. Patterson, of New Hampshire, presented to the Senate July 3d the following bill, which was passed without discussion or dissent : "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United Slates of America in Congress assembled, That the several acts of Congress authorizing the appointment and defining the duties of a board of trustees of colored schools in the cities of Washington and Georgetown, in the District of Columbia, be, and tlie same are hereby, so modified as to transler all the duties heretofore imposed by said acts on said trustees of colored schools to the trustees of public schools in said cities. All laws and parts of laws inconsistent here- with are hereby repealed." It should be stated in justice to Mr. Patterson that he had nothing to do with the matter in committee, and presented the bill under the suggestions of the other members of the com- mittee who more especially had the matter in charge. When this action of the Senate was announced the colored people specially interested in the schools went immediately to the Committee on the District in the House and made their remonstrance against the measure, and the bill, sent to the Committee ou the District in the House, lay there till February last, the colored people, and in fact most of those originally proposing the measure to the Senate, supposing, as it appears, that it would receive no further attention. It was, however, February, J 869, reported to rhe House, and passed, as in the Senate, without debate or opposition. Its passage, however, created great excitement among the colored people of the District, the great mass of whom seemed to be utterly opposed to the measure. They held a public meeting and took formal action expressive of their views, and on the succeeding Sabbath the matter was presented in all the colored churches of the two cities, an over- whelming majority being fotiud unqualifiedly opposed to the act. At the public meeting above referred to, held in the Israel Bethel church February 9, 1869, at which Mr. John F. Cook presided, the following resolutions were passed : "Whereas by an act of Congress of May 21, 1862, provision was made for initiating a system of priujary schools for tlie education of colored children in the cities of Washington and Georgetown, and the execution of the law was committed to the boards of trustees of public schools : and whereas by said boards positively refusing said executive trust, it was made necessary that Congress, by another act July IJ, 1862, should place the execution of the law in charge of a separate board of three trustees of colored schools, to be appointed by tlie Secretary of the Interior; and whereas that officer, in such ajipointincnts, has rendered perfect satisfaction to ua as a people, and we have been generally satisfied with the faithful- ness of said trustees of colored schools in the discharge of this trust ; and whereas the act SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 261 recently passed by Congfress transferring this duty from the trustees of colored schools to the trustees of public schools, thus subjecting it to the chances of being again refused, or at least being negligently or indifferently executed by persons whose positions are held by tenure of local politics and the prejudices consequent thereunto: Therefore, ''Resolved, That we, the colored citizens of Washington and Georgetown, D. C, deeply regret the action of Congress in making this transfer of the schools for colored children to the trustees of public schools until some more perfect system can be established in the District of Columbia." " Resolved, That we, the colored citizens of Washington and Georgetown, District of Columbia, do hereby tender our thanks to Messrs. Albert G. Hall, Alfred Jones, and Williaui Syphax, trustees of our schools, for the faithful perfornuiace of the trust committed to them, and do assure them of our hearty co-operation in all their efforts to promote the educational interests of oar children." The above resolutions were passed bj* almost a unanimous vote. The only opposition made to the action was based upon the idea that it was indiscreet for the colored, people to array themselves against the action of Congress, which was controlled in its measures by the friends of the colored race. The measure in itself was not defended at all. Similar reso- lutions were adopted at ciowded meetings held at the Nineteenth street Baptist church, at Asbury chapel. Union Bethel church, the Third Baptist church, the Ebeuezer church, and other churches. The last meeting was held at the Fifteenth street Presbyterian church to take final action on the matter. The pastor, Rev. J. Stella Martin, addressed the congre- gation, and the following resolution was adopted, but one person voting in the negative: "Resolced, That we are in favor of free schools and equal school rights, under a school system embracing white and colored children, and therefore we deprecate any legislation that does not abolish in Into the present system, built upon distinctions of race and color. Wo especially deprecate the bill transferring the powers from the board for colored schools, because it leaves it optional with the board to be afipointed under that bill, should it become a law. to continue colored schools ; and also because the apportionment of the proposed board will be controlled by local politics, which one year may put in our friends, and tue next year our enemies, which last, having the power of keeping up distractions in schools, gives every reason to believe they will use that power. We therefore petition Congress most respectfully to reserve all legislation on the subject till such time as they can pass a bill which will make us in the matter of school rights equal with all others before, (lie law; that we may not be dependent upon personal favor in a matter so vital, nor exposed to political hostility in cir- cumstances where we are powerless." On the 13th of February, 1869, the President returned the bill without his signature, with his reasons as follows: " The accompanying paper (preamble and resolutions of the colored people on the subject) exhibits the fact that the legislation which the bill proposes is contrary to the wishes of the colored residents of Washington and Georgetown, and that they prefer that the schools for their children should be under the management of trustees selected by the Secretary of the Interior, whose term of ot3Sce is for four years, rather than subject to the control of bodies whose tenure of office, dependmg merely upon political considerations, may be annual Ij^ affected by the elections v\'hich take place in the two cities. "The colored people of Washington and Georgetown are at present not represented by a person of their own race in either of the boards of trustees of public schools appointed by the municipal authorities. Of the three trustees, however, who, under the act of July 1), 1862, compose the board of trustees of the schools for colored children, two are persons of color. The resolutions transmitted herewith show that they have performed their trust in a manner entirely satisfactory to the colored jjeople of the two cities, and no good r(;asou is known to the Executive why the duties which now devolve upon them should be transferred as proposed in the bill. '• With these brief suggestions, the bill is respectfully returned, and the consideration of Congress invited to the accompanying preamble and resolutions. "ANDREW JOHNSON. "Washington, D. C, February 13, 18G9." With the facts which had been disclosed in relation to this matter in view, Congress declined to act further upon the measure, and thus it ended. 262 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. SUMMARY. Private and ihcorporatRd educational institutions for colored persons, Washington and town, January, ]869. Georse- Location. JlowfirdUniversit}', Normal and Preparatory Department. Mo wai'd University Law sctiool Howard Univei'sity Medical school Howard University Uollegiate Department Waylaad Theological Seminary national Theological Institute and University, Rev. E. Turney, D. O. National Theological Institute and University, Eev. G. Jl. P. King. New England Friends' Mission school Colfax Industrial school Miss Walker's Industrial School , Orphan Asylum school St. Aloysius's Parochial school : St. Jlartin's Academy St. Martins Parochial school St. Martin's Academy St. Martin's Parochial school Iteiormed Presbyterian Mission school Miss Maria II. M"aun's schcol , Miss K. A. Cook's school Thomas H. Mason's school Joseph Ambush's school Mrs. C. W. Grove's school Mrs. Louisa Ricks's school Kev. E. Tnrney-s school— Miss L. Warner, (eacher liev. E. Turney's school — W. Waller, teacher Rev. Chaiiucey Leonard's school Seventh street and boundary. Nineteenth and I streets I street, near Twenty-third. . . Judiciary Square Thirteenth street west, and S. . - R and Eleventh streets Near boundary, Fifth street Eighth street, near boundary... First street, between I and K- -. Vermont Avenue and L street.. Vermont Avenue and L street.. Fifteenth street, bet. L and M.. Fifteenth street, bet. L and M .. Sixth street west near M south. . Seventeenth and M streets Sixteenth street, bet. K and L-. L street, near Twenty-first west Eleventh and IC streets Twenty-third street and Circle. 1 street, near Seventeenth , Baptist Cburcb, Vt. Avenue Fourth street east, near D south Third and G streets Total NIGHT SCHOOLS. Colfax Industrial school Washington Christian Union Washington Christian Union J. II. Fletcher's school, (Washington Christian Union) Rev. E. Turney's school Rev. E. Turney's school Rev. E. Turney's school — W. Waller, teacher Rov. E. Turney's school — John Johnson, teacher Rev. E. Tnrncys school— Mrs. Ellen Reeves, teacher. St. Martin's school Rev. Chatincey Leonard Henry Thorps R and Eleventh streets , street, bet. Fourth and Fifth. E street. Island Judiciary Square 1 street, near Twenty-third Baptist Church, Vt. Avenue Baptist Church, Fourteenth st . Nineteenth st. we^t, near b'dry Arlington'-' Fifteenth street, bet. L and M . . Corner Third and G streets Near Navy Department Total Mixed. -- Males - .. Males - . . Male Males - . . Male.s . . . Mixed... Mixed- .. Girls.... Women - Mixed - . . Girls Girls.,.. Girls.... Boys ... Boys ... Mixed. .. Mixed... Mixed... Mixed-. Mixed... Girls ... Girls . . . Women Mixed-. Mixed-. Mixed - Mixed. Mixed. Mixed - Men .. Men .. Men .. Men .. Mixed - Males - -Mixed - Males . 112 16 8 1 35 45 50 250 200 70 55 80 40 45 30 30 200 50 30 50 65 20 50 25 15 55 1,628 212 2C0 50 75 30 30 15 20 100 15 25 20 Not in the District. Colored Public Schools, Wushinoton and Georg etoicn, January, 1869. Buildings, property of— S c d ,3 o Grade. a Location. 3 a o i s "S t— 1 3 S B 5 •d X § ■3 a > M street, near Seventeenth street Trustees 8 4 4 1 4 1 8 4 4 8 8 8 3 2 1 5 1 8 4 1 8 7 1 ] 1 2 o 1 1 2 1 1 400 102 Corner Twenty-fourth and F streets Fourteenth street, near canal ( Jovner Thirteenth and S streets L street, near Sixteenth street O street, between Fourth and Fifth streets . .. C street south, near Second street east Corner D sireet northand Twelfth street east. Corner E street south an.-i Ninth street west . Delaware Avenue. H and I streets south C eorgetowu. East street Government Rel. denomination ... N. E. Friends 100 70 1 1 220 50 Trustees 3 1 o 1 1 1 1 400 220 Government Trustees 60 1 3 2 o 1 400 ICO Trustees o 1 1 350 Total 56 50 18 12 10 5 4 2,532 1 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATIOIi. Teachers of Colored Pullic Schools. !63 Location of schools. State. i- .3-- Miss Sarah G. Brown Mrs. Anna P. Spencer Miss M. E. Brooks Miss Helen A. Simmons Mrs. M.C. Hart Miss Mary E. Garrett Miss Laura V. Fisher Miss Abby S. Simmons , Miss Annie E. Washington Miss C. A. Jones Miss Lucy A. Barbour Miss Mary F. Kiger MissG. L Fleet , Miss R. H. Ehvell Miss H. S. Macoraber Miss Mary E. Oliver Miss Mary E. Gove Miss Mary C. La^-ton Miss S. H. Pi"rce Mrs. Nancy Warrick* Miss Emma J. Ilutchins Miss Laura W. Stcbbins Mrs. E. H. Disbrow Miss C. F. Withington Miss Annie L. Foofe. Miss Annie M. Wilson Miss Maria A. Dorster Miss Rachel J. Cook MissK. G. Crane Miss .Sarah Purvis Miss Christiana Nichols Miss Helen M. Gordon Miss Grace A. Dyson Miss E. L. Crane Miss Sarah L. Iredell Miss M. R. Nason Miss Emma Prentiss Mrs. E.J. Brooks Miss G. Vv'ithiugton Miss Mary R. Goines Miss Mary E. Reed ^. . Miss Eliza G. Randall Miss Anna V. Tompkins Miss E. A. Chamberlain Miss P. T. Chamberlain Miss C. W. Moore Miss Julia Luckett Miss Mary A. Coakley Miss Sophia P. Parsons Miss Martha C. Simms Total M street, near Seventeenth street. . do .do. .do. -do. .do. -do. .do. Corner Seventeenth and I streets do do , Corner Tvi'enty -fourth aud F sts. do Fourteenth street, near canal Corner Thirteenth and S streets.. do do do .do. L street, near Sixteenth street O St., bet. Fourth and Fifth sts. .. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. C St. south, near Second st. east do do do Cor. D St. north and Twelfth st. east . Cor. E St. north and Ninth st. west. do do .do. .do. .do. .do. .do. Delavyare av., near H st. south... do East street, Georgetown do .do. .do. -do. .do. .do. Massachusetts . . . New Jersey Maryland Connecticut Miissachusetts . ., Dist. Columbia.. do , Connecticut Dist. Columbia. . , do do do do Connecticut Massachusetts . . do do , do do Dist. Columbia. . New Hampshire Massachusetts . . do Dist, Columbia. . do New York Massachusetts . . Dist. Columbia. . Maine Pennsylvania Dist. Columbia. . Massachusetts . . Dist. Columbia. . Vermont Pennsylvania M.issachusetta .. Ohio Dist. Columbia. . Massachusetts . . Dist. Columbia. . do... Vermont Dist. Columbia. . Massachusetts . . do New Jersey Canada Dist. Cclumbia. . New York Di.st. Columbia. . 18o7 1868 1868 mZi IcGrf lb(J8 i8li7 18fi5 1857 18()7 1807 1867 1867 1865 1867 1867 ISiUi 1868 1867 1861 1863 1864 1866 1868 1867 1868 186.5 1867- 1865 1868 1868 1865 1867 1865 1868 1867 1868 1867 18G7 18(i7 1868 1867 1868 1864 1864 1864 1668 186S 1865 1868 * Mrs. Warrick, an excellent colored teacher, has been already mentioned under her maiden name of Nancv Waugh, as teacher with Rev. Chauncey Leonard in the .Smother's school-house, at the lime it was destroyed by incendiaries in 1863. Soon after that event she opened a private school in the Nineteenth-street Baptist church, subsequently removing it to L street, near .Sixteenth street, where she continues to teach, having from 40 to 50 scholars. During most of the present school year, 1868-'69, her school-house has been u.^ed by the Trustees of the colored public schools, as they were needing more room, and she was also emploj ed by them to conduct the school. In April, 1869, she resumed her private school. 264 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 2. COLORED SCHOOLS OF WASHINGTOIT COUNTY. LEGISLATION — 1856, I8()2. The earliest attempt to establish a system of free schools in the District outside the cities was embraced in an Act of Congress approved August 11, 1856. This Act, however, was not to become valid unless approved by "a vote of the majority of those persons residing and paying taxes within the limits of the District in which the poll is opened," the act providing for the division of the territory into seven school districts. The result was the rejection of the act in every district. The women, who were entitled to the franchise under the act, generally voting, it is believed, with the majority. The 36th section provided that "those who are for this act shall write on their ballots ' school,' and those opposed 'no school.' " It resulted that those who wrote "no school" had it all their own way, and as this was the first experiment in giving the franchise to women by Congiess the result is the more curious. Mr. De Vere Burr, of district 5, was one of the commissioners under the law of 1856 and a warm friend of the cause. In that district three women voted, Mrs. Ann McDanicl, a large jax payer, who voted "school," and Mrs. Emily Beall and Mrs. Washington Berry, who voted "no school." Thus the matter rested till March 19, 1862, when Mr. Grimes, chairman of the District com- mittee of the Senate, introduced into that body a copy of the act of 1856, with the section making it optional with the voters of the districts to accept its provisions omitted. It was referred to the District committee, who made no changes in its provisions, except such as restricted the taxation exclusively to property owned by white people. This exemption was not a new proposition in the Senate, as the same principle was asserted in a bill for the encouragement of free schools in Washington, which passed the Senate in May, 1858, but which went to the House District Committee, and was there buried. It proposed in sub- stance to create a new school fund amounting to $50,000 from the fines and forfeitures in the District, and to paj' annually from the United States treasury to the support of the schools of the city as much as the city raised for the eame purpose annually, not exceeding $20,000 a year. When this bill was reported to the Senate by Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, chairman of the District Committee, Mr. John P. Hale, May 15, 1858, moved an additional section in amendment as follows: ^^ And he it further enacted, That all taxes levied on the estates of colored persons in the city of Washington shall be devoted to the support of schools for the education of colored children, under the direction of the government of the city." In offering the amendment Mr. Hale, in terms of conciliation, but of melancholy significance, appealed to the reason and humanity of the party then reigning in that body as follows : " I desire to state that several of these individuals have spoken of it to me as a case of extreme hardship that the colored population here are taxed for the support of schools — and it forms no inconsiderable amount of the taxes contributed — and whilst they are compelled to pay taxes, their children have not the slightest benefit of the schools. I do not propose to establish any mixed schools or anything else, but to donate the taxes collected from this class to the education of their own children under the direction of the city government, and it seems to me to be a matter of such plain justice that it will hardly be denied. They are an oppressed and degraded people, and I think it hardly comports with the magnanimiiy of their superiors to collect their money and to use it to educate their own children. I hope that this proposition will commend itself to the chairman (Mr. Albert G. Brown, of Mississippi) of the District Committee." Senator Brown, with large and enlightened ideas pertaining to free schools for his own race, was not willing to give the slightest aid, even indirectly, to encourage free schools for the colored race. "The city authorities have never made provision for the education of colored people," said he, "_and I do not believe they ever will." He would not consent to tax the colored people to aid in their enlightenment, but would exempt their property from taxation for support of education. Mr. Hale, anxious to secure any relief, however small, the dominant power would give, immediately offered the following modification of his amend- ment, which was accepted without debate: " Section — . And he it further enacted, That the estates of colored persons in the District SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 2G5 of Columbia shall be entirely exempted from all taxes levied for schools and school-houses in the District." The Act of May 20, 1862, which, as has been stated, was copied mainly from the act of August 11, 1856, -embraced amendments confining the taxation for white schools and school- houses to property belonging to white persons, in accordance with Mr. Hale's amendment, though confined to the territory outside the cities. This bill, referred to the District Com- mittee March 19, 1862, was reported March 24 by the chairman, Mr. Grimes, with the modifications above indicated, and when the bill was under discussion in final debate, April 4, he offered as an amendment the following, which was adopted as the thirty-fifth section of the act: " Section o5. And be it further enacted. That the said levy court may, in its discretion, and if it shall be deemed by said court best for the interest and welfare of the colored people residing in such county, levy an annual tax of one-eighth of one per cent, on all the taxable property in said county outside the limits of the cities of Washington and Georgetown, owned by persons of color, for the purpose of initiating a system of education of colored children in said county, which tax shall be collected in the same manner as the tax named in section thirteen of this act. And it shall be the duty of the trustees elected under section nine to provide suitable and convenient rooms for holding schools for colored children, to employ teachers therefor, and to appropriate the proceeds of said tax to the payment of teachers' wages, rent of school rooms, and other necessary expenses pertaining to said schools ; to exercise a general supervision over them, to establish proper discipline, and to endeavor to promote a full, equal, and useful instruction of the colored children in said county. It shall be lawful for such trustees to impose a tax of not more than fifty cents per month on the parent or guardian of each child attending such schools, to be applied to the payment of the expenses of the school of which such child shall be an attendant, and in the exercise of this power the trustees may from time to time discontinue the payment altogether, or may graduate the tax according to the ability of the child and the Avants of the school. And said trustees are authorized to receive any donations or contributions that may be made for the benefit of said schools by persons disposed to aid in the elevation of the colored popula- tion in the Distiict of Columbia, and to apply the same in such manner as in their opinion shall be best calculated to effect the object of the donors, said trustees being required to account for all funds received by them, aud to report to the commissioners in accordance with the provisions of section twenty-two of this act." The Act was entitled, " An Act to provide for the public instruction of youth in primary schools throughout the county of Washington, in the District of Columbia, without the limits of the cities of Washington and Georgetown," the same as the act of 1856. Both acts provided for the appointment of "seven intelligent inhabitants of the said county," outside the cities, by the levy court as school commissioners, and for the division by them of the territory under their jurisdiction into seven school districts, which districts were empowered to raise money by taxation to build school-houses and supply furniture. The levy court was required annually to impose a tax of one-eighth of one per cent, on all the assessable property in said territory "owned by white persons." The individual districts were enjoined to choose three district trustees to manage the district affairs, and a district collector. In case any district should persist in disregarding the requirements of the Act, the money annually raised by the assessment of the levy court, of which one-seventh belonged to each district, was to be held two years from the refractory districts, and then to be divided equally among the districts which had complied with the conditions of the Act. It was soon found that this legislation was so imperfect that little would be accomplished under it for white schools, while for the creation of a system of public schools for the colored people it would contribute no real assistance at all. It failed to benefit the colored people because it did not embrace in its provisions the principle vital to the free school system — that the taxable property of the State should provide for the education of all the children of the State without regard to the individuals to whom the property may belong, the children of poverty and of aiHuence standing on an absolute equality in all the rights and the privileges of the schools. The Act of 1862 was based upon ideas wholly averse to this theory. The Act of 1856 contemplated only the white race. The Act of 1862 embraced in its provisions both the white and the colored races, but in providing for the separate assessment of the property belongin00, and known as the " Jaccbs school." It was so named in honor of Mrs. Harriet Jacobs and her daughter Louisa, who were sent from New York by the Society of Friends in that city in January, 1863. This mother and daughter, born in slavery in Edenton, North Carolina, escaped from bondage some years before the war, and a book written by the mother, and edited by Mrs. Lydia M. Child, entitled "Linda," has made their history familiar to many. They made many friends in New York and other places at the north ; and among tliose whose cordial hospitality they enjoyed, were Mr. N. P. Willis and his family, with whom Mrs. .Jacobs visited Emope. She collected some funds to aid in building and furnishing the school-house. Miss Jacobs has just been placed in charge of a school in the Stevens school-house. The first teachers were Miss Louisa Jacobs and Miss S. V. Lawton, also colored. December 31, 1864, it numbered 170 scholars, and June 30, 1885, the cumber was 13,"), nearlj- all contra- bands. In 18(55 the teachers were Mr. J. S. Baufield, (white,) Miss S. V. Lawton and her sister, MissE. M. Lawton; in 1866 Mr. Henry T. Aboru (white) and the Miss Lawtons; in 1867 Mrs. E. P. Smith and Miss Hattie K. Smith, buth while. The Miss Lawtons came from Cambridge, Massachusetts, and are well educated. January 18. ^^ Fretd men's Chapel,'^ an evening school, corner of Pitt and Roanoke streets. — The teachers were Rev. W. M. Scott, Mary A. Collier, and Elvira Keltie, all white. Average number through the year about 150. The two Scotts, Rev. W. M. Scott and Rev. W. G. Scott, already mentioned, were able, untiring, and unselfish laborers. April 4. Furt IViUiam scliool ; day and evening; Mrs. Elmira Dean, with colored assistant, Mr. J. Hodge. Day school averaged about 40. April 18. " First Nationul Frecdmen's school," itnder auspices of the "New York Freed- meu's Relief Association; day and evening; Mr. Henry Fish, Mrs. Melissa Fish, and Miss Harriet E. Mitchel, colored. Enoch Bath was subsequently added as a teacher. First located north of Cameron, between Payne and West streets, but in 1865 on corner of Queen and Payne. December 31, 1864, day school numbered 170 scholars; attendance averaging through 1865 about 125. This was "a part pay school." Nearly all contrabands. May 1. " St. Patrick's school; " St. Patrick street; Miss Harriet Byron Douglass, colored ; pay school ; about one-third contrabands. Number of scholars Deceaiber 31, 1864, 35 ; and June 30, I8.)5, 28. June 14. " Secojul Naiior.al Freed nien's school," on Wolf, between Pitt and Royal streets ; Rev. M. F. Sluby and Miss Laura Phenix, both colored. It was " a part pay school " under Mr. Sluby, but free under Miss Orton. In December, 1S64, this school had an average attendance ot about 70 scholars, very few contrabands, which continued at about that average through 1865. In 1866 it rose to 100 in some months, but at the close of that school year, in June, the average attendance for the month was but 41. At the beginning of the next school year the school was in charge of Mr. I. C. Blanchard and Miss Carrie S. Orton; the average attendance for December, 1866, being 70. -In January, le67, this was raised to the rank of a "high school," under the charge of Miss Orton, principal, and Miss Susan Dennis, assistant, and was from first to last a higher style of colored school than had been known in Alexandria. It had an average attendance, in January, 1867, of 40 boys and 28 girls. It was now supported by the North Shore and Portland, Midne, Aid Societies. The school increased iu numbers and in interest through the year. Sejiteuiber 5, 1864. " Piimunj school," on St. Asaph street, sauth of Gibbon. Teachers, Mi.K M. F. Simms and Miss M. M. Nickens, both colored. A small contr.iband pay school. On the same day tlit- " ll'asldnglon street scliool," No. 65 Washington street, v.as opened by 19 290 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. Miss L. V. Lewis and Miss A. M. Thompson, both colored ; a pay school, numbering 70 scholars, and continuing throuarh the year, and all contrabands. June 30, lt<)5, it was taught by Miss A M. Thompson, colored, numbering 37 scholars. Kev. Leland Warring, colored, opened a small evening pay school, all contrabands, September 7, and September 20 Mr. G. S. Moll started the " Home evening school" a small pay school, mostly contrabands. Both schools held in barrack buildings. Mr. Mell subsequently started a small pay day school called the " Washington Square school.''' Eev. Chauncey Leonard, chaplain of L'Ouverture Military Hospital, had a flourishing .school there through the winter of ]884-'65. SCHOOLS ORGANIZED IN 1865 AND 1866. The Pennsylvania Freedmen'' s Rclinf Association organized its first school January 9, 1865, in Zion Wesley church, on Columbia near Wolf street, under the charge of Miss Caroline W. Moore, Miss R. S. Capron, and Miss Mary F. Nickens, the latter a colored teacher. Attendance Juno, 1865, was 150. The association thinking it best to concentrate its strength in Washington, withdrew from Alexandria in the latter part of the same year, leaving their operations in good hands. The Nexo York Fruedmcns Relief Association organized the " Third National Freedmen" s schooV November 20, i8ii.5, on Alfred street near Wilkes, utider Miss Emma E. Warren, ^vho was succeeded in February, 18'o6, by Miss Cornelia Jones and Miss Mary S. Eowell, the latter going into another school soon and giving place to Miss Helen Vaughan. Average attendance under Miss Warren, about 50 ; under Ler successors, two schools, the attendance in each was nearlj'' 50. Miss Kovvell went into the '■'■Fourth National scAooZ," which -was organized November 25, 1885, on West between Prince and Duke streets. In June, 1866, the six departments had an average attendance of 246, with M20 on their combined rolls. The teachers were at tiiat date Helen Yaughan, Mary S. Eowell, Frances Munger, Emma E. Warren, and Kate A. Shepard. Miss H. N. W^ebster was in the school at its organization, and Charles A. Libhy was in charge in May, 1866. This school had at first four departments, with an average atteiidanc^e of about 200. The Fifth National school was opened December 1, 1865, near the corner of Union and Franklin streets, under Eev. Edward Barker and Mr. Enoch Bath. In June, 18o6, this school had been moved to Water street, aud the average attendance that month was 85. There was a large school started at Camp Distribution in 1865, aud continued down to 1868. Julia Benedict and Frances Eouviere were the original teachers, continuing till 1887, when Thomas Corwin took the school, which averaged about 35 scholars. In the autumn of 1866 there were two schools opened at U Ouverture Hospital, one taught by Miss L. A. Hall and the other by Helen Eobertson ; also two in B'irruck buildings, one by Mary E. Fales, the other by Elmira S. Jones; another at Battery Rodgers by Emily J. Brown aud Emma E. Hawley, all white teachers. In February, 1867, Miss Haw ley's department was organized into a district school, and supported by the ^'Penn Yan, N. Y. Aid Hociety.^^ The above-named teachers were white, aud the schools weie supported in 1866-'67 by the New York branch of the Freedmeu's Aid Commission, with an average attendance of nearly 250 scholars. CHURCHES AND SABBATH SCHOOLS. As the war advanced the contraband hamlet called "Petersburg,'" and already mentioned, became populous, at one period numbering some 1,500 people, with several hundred houses. They soon formed a Baptist churcli, anparent, and a Methodist white church edifice, whicli had been left empty by the owners, many of whom had goue into the rebellio^, was pui chased tor the ve y small sum of $3,000, their pastor going north and coUeciing funds for this object. Up to that time the Jacob's school-house hud been used for rebgious meet- ings, as well as lor school piu'poses. Just as they were about to move into the cluircb SCHOOLS OF THE 00I.01?i:[) POPULATION. 291 building tlicy had purchased the school-house was destroyed by a violent storm. This church, tlie Third Baptist, (colored,) is in a flourishiug' condition, and numbers GOO members. They are now preparing to enlarge the building. The Sabbath school is very large, and, under tlie care of some half a dozen white persons of Christian benevolence, is one of the most interesting and eftective educational institutions in Alexandria. The name of the place was changed when General Grant took command of the army from "Petersburg" to "Grant- viile," in honor of that event, the contrabands alleging that as Peter Grant, the founder of their settlement, was of the same name, in making the change they would be " killing two birds with one stone." Before the war there were but two colored churches in Alexandria, the "First Baptist" aud the "African Methodist Episcopal." They did not, however, have pastors of their own color, colored preachers being allowed to officiate only in the presence of a white minister or person detailed by him for that duty, and even in those cases the colored clergyman was not permitted to enter the pulpit. Eev. Philip Hamilton, a highly respected and well known local preacher of the Methodist church, was always subjected to this restraint. It was' when on his way from Washington to Alexandria to preach in that church that Rev. Frost PuUett was once arrested as a free negro, the laws of Virginia forbidding a free negro or mulatto coming into the State. There are now six churches of colored people in that city, the "African Methodist Epis- copal " and five Baptist churches. The " First Baptist church " was organized more than 40 years ago, and the pastor is Rev. B. F. Madden. The "Second Baptist," or " Beulah church," was organized in 18t)3 by Rev. C. Robinson, the present pastor. This people bought a lot and started their house, the pastor, like Mr. Parker, going north and gather- ing funds to complete the building. This church is large and flourishing. Those two col- ored pastors, it has been seen, started the "Select Colored School," in January 1, 18fi2, and they taught together till the "Petersburg" church bought their new house. The "Fourth Baptist," or "Shiloh" church, was organized about 1^33, at "Newton" — L'Ouverture Hos- pital — the military hospital for colored soldiers, which was located in tiie yard of Price & Birch's old slave prison, used during the war as a prison for deserters. The ancient sign "Price, Birch & Co.," in dim characters, remained upon the front of the gloomy structure' through the war; the windows with their iron grates, the lofty brick enclosure, and every aspect of the three-story spacious structuie, suggesting the lacerated human hearts and bodies, the manacles, the chains, the auction-block, and all the manifold forms of anguish which such a shocking receptacle brings before every humane and reflecting mind. The pastor of the "Shiloh" church is Rev. Lelaud Warring, a colored man, who, like the others, was a teacher during the war. There is still another Baptist colored church, the " Zion Baptist," located in the vicinity of the railroad tunnel. These churches have each a flourishing Sabbath school, in which old and young unite in learning to read and iu the study of the Bible. It should have been previously stated that the Sisters of Charity, about 45 years ago, maintained for some j-ears a small but very excellent school for colored girls, at the same period in which they had a large boarding school for white girls, in the large brick build- ing then known as "The Old Brig," on the corner of Duke and Fairfax streets, in Alex- andria. These Sisters also maintained a very large Sunday-school for colored children, in which they were instructed in spelling, reading, and in Christian doctrine. At this period the Friends also sustained a large Sunday-school in their meeting-honse, in which refined women of prominent standing in the city were wont to teach the colored people, young and old, to spell and read and to write also, the last-mentioned branch being little tolerated in a colored school at any period iu Virginia. In the Episcopal and Presbyterian churches the colored people were taught the catechism, rarely if ever to read at all. SCHOOLS IX OPERATION JANUARY L 1809. There are two colored school-houses in the city, six rooms in each; the Pitt street house, finished in April, 1867, and the Alfred street house, finished in the following November. The lots upon which these houses stand were purchased by the colored people, in 1866. 292 SCHOOLS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION. They held public meetings to rouse their people to the importance of the subject; concen trated their efforts, and raised the money in their poverty, paying $800 for the first lot, and about that sum for the other. The Freedmen's Bureau built the houses, which are very comfortable, and of a capacity each to seat 400 scholars; the estimated value of the Alfred street house and lot being $7,500; that of the other, $S,000. In the Alfied street building there are now (January, 1889) in operation five schools, under the following teachers: Miss E. D. Leonard, Massachusetts; Miss Maggie L. Silliman, Miss Jemima Silliman, and Miss Lydia Alcorn, Pennsylvania; and Miss Savira Wright, Massa- chusetts. The Misses Silliman and Miss Alcorn are supported by the Eeformed Presbyterian mission, and the others by the New York branch of the A. F. U. Commission. In the Pitt street building there are also five schools, with five teachers and an assistant teacher, as follows: Miss M. E. Stratton and Miss Faiinie A. Morgan, Connecticut; Miss Eosetfa A, Coit, New York; Miss Mary E. Perkins; Miss Laura V. Phenix and Miss Mary M. Nickens, the latter a colored teacher. These 10 schools have an average attendance of about 420 scholars, with 500 or more names on the rolls. In the two private schools tliere are 170 more, making 670 registered scholars. Eev. C. Eobinson's school numbers 100 ; Miss Sarah A. Gray's about 70. Miss Gray and the other colored female teachers mentioned ahove were born and brought up in Alexandria; the former, however, received her thorough education at the Baltimore Convent. Eev. Eichard Miles and his daughter have recently opened a school a few miles south of Alexandria, and about a mile from "Camp Distribution," a place well known during the years of the war, and where now there is a settlement of colored people, who are tiyiag to support themselves by renting and tilling small pieces of land, varjing in extent from five to 50 acres. Some of the scholars in Mr. Miles's school come a distance of three miles. SUMMARY Scholars. Scholars registered, September, 1861, to December 31, 1864 3,732 Average attendance, December, 1864. 1 , 646 Scholars registered, January to June, 1865 - 1,643 Average attendance, June, 1865 1,036 Scholars registered, January, 1»66 .. 2,215 Scholars. Average attendance, January, 1 866 . . 1 , 594 Scholars registered, January, 1867 .. 975 Average attendance; January, 1867.. 645 Scholars registered, January, 1868 .. 1, 086 Average attendance, January, 1868.. 835 Scholars registered, January, 1869 .. 777 Average attendance, January, 1869.. 6U8 Colored population of Alexandria, 1865. Children 14 years old and under 2,635 Children over 14 and under 20 1,1 44 Total colored population .1 7, 763 Number able to read 1 , 734 Slaves before the war 5, 050 Free before the war 2,713 Mulattoes 3,831 Blacks 3,932 The above summary shows some falling off of numbers in the last two years. This is to be attributed in part to the improvement of the schools, the infeiior ones being absoibed in the larger and better, and also to the moving away of many contrabands, who at first crowded in great numbers to Alexandria from the northern part of the State. It must, however, be acknowledged that the indefatigable labors of the various relief societies in gathering the children into the schools are sadly missed, and that at present the average attendance should be larger, and the school accommodations much increased. The Freedmeu's Bureau has been and still is of great service, but this will soon be withdrawn; and with no public school system in the city or the State, and in the midst of a population where hardly a single resi- dent has the least sympathy with any work for the elevation of the colored race, and where most are strongly and even bitterly opposed to such efforts, the prospect for this unfoitiinate class is far from encouraging. The Friends in Alexandria who maintained their allegiance to the Union were among the most eflective Moikcrs in tlie cause of colored schools, joining hands heartily with their SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POrULATION. 293 brethren from tbe north. It is, 'however, a remarkable fact that thQ only case in which the great body of the Friends connected witli any Friends' meeting in tbe country supported the rebellion, was that at Alexandria. Most of thein went south, and the meeting was broken up. This ■shows how extreme was the disloyalty which reigned in that city. Mr. Newton, already referred to as the etficit'nt superintendent in 1865-'C8 of the Wash- ington and Georgetown schools, under the caie of the New York and Pennsylvania frecd- men's relief societies, took, for a time, a general supervision of the schools at Alexandria, at the request of the different benevolent associations. At that time semi-montlil}- meetings ot all the teachers were held alternately in Washington and Alexandria, there ofien beiug as many as 125 present. These gatherings, or conferences, were productive of great good. This association of teachers was quite distinct from the "Volunteer association," so called, already noticed. Most of the teachers now employed have been in the arduous work for years, and it is ■only those able to endure the severest toil who have not broken down under it. The very great number of young women who have come here with faiih, fortitude, and health, and broken down, is well known to those who have been familiar with these schools, and shows that it has been a self-sacrificing field of labor. It is certain, also, that abler, better- educated, and more refined young women never entered into any benevolent enterprise than those who have given such signal success to this great educational undertaking in the Dis- trict of Columbia and vicinity. The schools and teachers of Alexandria are substantially the same in character as those of Washington and Georgetown, and the remarks of a general nature already made apply equally to them. The scholars are about as well advanced and show the sauie aptitude and zeal in the one city as in the others. As has been stated, the first three schools organized in Alexandria for colored iiistruction, after the war opened, were taught by colored persons. Colored schools in an^' form were sufficiently odious to the mass of the old white residents of that city ; but when the northern white men and women entered upon the work the bitterness was very intense. When Rev. N. K. Crow with his band of associates went there to open their school, in November, 1863, no white family in tbe city would give them food or lodging. They found a home, however, with an excellent old colored man, H. II Arnold, now more than 80 years old, but smart as an ordinary man at 50, who had seen General Washington in 1799 at Christ church in that city, and was raised in the Scott family, in Dinwiddle county. Being of Indian extraction on his mother's side, he was free-born. Arnold was the body-servant of Lieutenant General Scott for thirty-seven years, from 1811 to the close of the Mexican war, and he describes many a rough-and-tumble scuffle they had toi;ether when boys on the family plantation. This reniiuds one of the story told of Richard Henry Lee, in the memoir by his grandson: "Knowing he was to be sent to England, [to be educated,] it was his custom to make a stout negro boy fight with him every day. To his angry father's question, 'What pleasure can you find in such rough sport?' the son replied: 'I shall shortly have to box with the English boys, and I do not wish to be beaten by them.' " Arnold being in New York city at the time of the riots of 1863, was protected in General Scott's house, and was the only colored man that followed the remains of this great soldier to their last resting place, Mr. Crow's school was persecuted, and the children often stoned by the white children; and every form of contempt was visited upon the refined and cultivated teachers by the white parents. This animosity has gradually abated, but still largely pervades the society, espe- cially in the ranks of the impoverished classes of the aristocracy, who are smarting under the loss of wealth in human fouls and bodies. In January, 18G5, Miss Caroline W. Moore could find no decent white family who would receive her, and the colored people were too poor to furni>h her proper accommodations; and she with her assistant. Miss R. S. Capron, were for some time compelled to board in Washington. It was her school that was com- plained of as a nuisance, though an exceedingly well-conducted institution. She prasented her case to the mayor in person, and he discreetly dismissed the complaint. 294 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. THK AMERICAN TRACT SOCIETY AND LABORS OF DU. PIERSON. Since the main portion of this report was wiitten, fuller information has come to our hands in regard to the important initiatory and pioneer work among thefreedmen hj Eev. t)i\ H, W. PieisoD, acting as agent of the American Tract Society. The several schools organized by him were not only the foundation of all that was afterward accomplished, but the work was without precedent, the field an untried one, and formidable obstacles presented themselves at the outset, in the melancholy physical and mental condition of the freedmeu themselves, in a public sentiment, strong and fierce, opposed to their enlightenment, and in the black code of the District, at that time in full force and bristling with enactments in hostile array against such a benevolent and Christian work. The opening of the war at once drew the attention of the whole north to the I'apid release of the slaves from bondage, wherever our troops reached slave soil, and as quickly the great question arose. What shall be done for them ? At this juncture it was inevitable that many eyes should be turned to the Tract Society, with its complete organization and ample resources, and appeals were poured in on every side that it would move in this work. Dr. Pierson had resided mai;y years at the south, as the Tract Society's superintendent of colportage in Virginia, as agent of the American Bible Society in Kentucky, and as President of Cum- berland College, in that State. On graduating at the Union Theological Seminary in New York city, in ]848, Dr. Pierson was appointed by the American Board of Foreign Missions as missionary to Africa, but partial loss of health, owing to a disease of the lungs, pre- vented him from going. The following winter he went to Hayti as agent for the Bible Soci- ety. He may be truly called the life-long friend of the colored race, and in many other ways than those above referred to has he labored in their behalf in most of the southern States. To many Dr. Pierson is known as the author of a valuable work on the private life of Jefferson, the substance of which formed the subject of lectures delivered by him before the New York Historical Society and the Smithsonian Institute. On leaving Kentucky in 1861, he was so impressed by the wonderful opening offered to philanthropic men and women for effectually reaching the poor slaves with the means of instruction, and was so convinced that it was the duty of the Tract Society to enter energetically upon the work, that he pro- ceeded to New York and communicated personally with the secretaries upon the subject. He then went to Washington, and was introduced to Hon. Salmon P. Chase, then Secretary of the Treasury, by Rev. J. C. Smith, of Washington, so well known for his devotion to the best interests of the colored population of the District, a devotion wisely directed and fear- lessly shown through those many years when obloquy, persecution, and danger attended it. Dr. Pierson was cordially received by Secretary Chase, and, after several interviews with him as to the best method of organizing a plan for educating and aiding the freedmen, he was introduced by him to Mr. E. L. Pierce, of Boston, who had already been sent south by tbe government to make investigations in regard to the condition of the colored people within our lines, and had just arrived in the city. Mr. Chase desired them to confer very fully on the'subject, and Dr. Pierson presented his plan of sending to the freedmen teaching colpor- teurs, which was cordially approved by Mr. Pisrce. In a letter written soon after. Dr. Pierson says: "I was very an.xious that tbe American Tract Society should embark in this work, as my former connection with the society made me fully aware of its great facilities for useful- ness in its buildings, presses, and organization. I had been so absorbed in my own labors that I had taken no part in the discussion and excitements that it had passed through on the slavery question, but I knew that its receipts bad fallen off about $100,000 on account of the withdrawal of those who had disapproved of its course on this subject. In my free con- versations with the secretaries, I told them that they could in no way secure the sympathy of the warm friends they had lost as by entering upon educational and religious labors among *he colored people." It may be stated here that early in the winter of l8Gl-'62, a plan was under consideration among many pro.nlnent and wealthy philanthropic and Christian men in New York to organ- ize a National Society who.se leading object it should be to establish schools among the freedmen, as no efficient society then existing seemed prepared to take up the work. One SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 295 fcatWR' of this plan was to enlist, as far as possible, the services of tiic aviuy chapiaius and soldiers, at such points as was praclicable. February 6, lfiG2, Rev. Dr. Smith wrote Dr. Pierson as follows ; " Last eveniisg I had a talk with Secret.ary Chase at his house. I found him much interested about the contrabands and he wants to do somethins^effectiv-ely with and for them, and at once, soinelhiu|^ that will unite different denominations and benevolent mea in a society or a-sociation like to the Amer- ican Tract Society, with auxiliaries in other cities. The object will be to furnish teachers for the contrabands, have .schools, and in every way .seek to elevate them, 'for' said the Secretary, ' whatever may be the political results of our present troubles, these contrabands will be on another footing than heretofore.' He says immciliate steps ought to be taken, and he will co-op(>rate in every way possible in the enterprise. The heart of Mr. Chase is in the thing. I told him you were the man to execute the whole business, and he has read your two letters. There are no funds of the government that can be used, but the power of the government can be had, and will be, if the work can go on. We do not want books and tracts so much as we want men to go and be with the contrabands. Do see as many men as you cai!. The whole work is simple and ought to be pushed now. Secretary Chase attaches all importance to it, and vvil) give it his full and noble aid." Early in the winter the Tract Society as well as the Bible Society donated their publica- tions for the use of the freedmen, and the former society prepared several tracts Ibr their special needs. The Secretary, Mr. Eastman, wrote under date of February 8, 18t)2, to Rev. Dr. Smith, as follows : "Mv Ds-:ar Siri: Dr. Pierson has showed us your letter to him and we had an interview with him last evening. All I can say now is that we are deeply interested in the subject and are ready to do whatever we can to serve and promote the general object as we under- stand it. We have not, however, any plan fully matured, but will confer further on the subject. In the mean time I would say that in addition to ouv Tract Primer and Infant Primer, of which Avith other publications we have already sent the amount of 100,000 pages to Fortress Monroe and Port Royai especially for the colored people, we have now in press 24 small tracts in large type, which we have got up on purpose for them. These will b? ready in a week. We shall add to the munber as the work goes ou. We cannot now tell all that we can do, but you will hoar from us again in a few days." Later in February Dr. Pierson addressed to the Tract Society the following letter : "New York, February 2:^, 1862. •' Gentlemkn : 1 enclose herewith a letter written b}' myself to Mr. Edward L. Pierce, special agent of the Treasury Department, and his reply. It has seemed to me that a great door and effectual is here opened for the beneficent labors of your society. I am aware that the labors required are somewhat ditferciit in character, though not in spirit, from th(jse tha*^ have been for years performed by your colporteurs in the moral wastes of every part of the country. "You are aware that the American Sabbath School Union has just published a 'Bible Reader,' composed exclusively of selections from the Bible, accompanied with a series of cards embracing the most recent and philosophical improvements in the work of imparting elementary instruction, and so arranged that groups of a hundred or more can be taught in. concert to read much more rapidly than by former systems. Dr. PaL-kard informs me that he thinks that, as a rule, adults can be taught to real the Bible by this system iu a month. Moreover, the Reader is so arranged that by the time it has been mastered the pupil will be thoroughly informed as to the essential truths of our holy religion. I desire you to bring this whole matter before your committee and inform me as to these two points : First, Can your society superadd to its work that of teaching the contrabands to read the word of God ? Second, Will you commission colporteurs for this work ? If you give me an affirm- ative answer to these questions I will communicate further with the government agents, to whom this work has been intrusted. Fr.om my extended travel in the southern States, and residence there for many years, I feel a very deep interest in their v/elfare. A great educa- tional and religious work, in the providence of God, is now thrown upon the great Christian heart of the country, and it seems to me that your society is called upon to enter upon it. 296 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. but of tliat you must be the judge. Pardon me if, in my intense solicitude for these children of our common Father, so many thousauds of whom have heard from my lips the message of salvation, I charge you to consider this matter prayerfully and maturely, and that you act upon it in view of the account you must render to HijH who has said ' inasmuch as you have done it unto one of the least of these you have done it unto me.' " On the 28th of February Dr. Pierson was commissioned by the Tract Society to visit Wash- ington and other points for the purpose of establishing schools for the freedmen, and report to them further openings for similar operations. In a letter he thus briefly sketches his first experience after anivingin Washington : "I soon learned that most of the contrabands who had passed through our lines and reached the city were assembled at the navy yard and in a building iu Duff Green's row, near the Capitol. March 14, I visited Commodore Dahlgren, then in command at the navy yard, and presented a letter of introduction from Rev. J. C. Smith, stating my object and office. He received me most cordially, and indorsed my letter with these few but hearty words : ' The, commandant says certainly,'' He then directed Lieutenant Parker to send me whatever aid I desired. I told him I only wished to have the chapel opened and lighted, and all the contrabands in the yard notified to meet me there at 7 o'clock that evening. At the appointed hour I found a dusky group, such as I had seen on hundreds of plantations, awaiting my arrival and most anxious to enjoy the richest of all the privileges secured to them by their new-found freedom. It was a moment of indescribable interest — a pivotal point in their histc ry as well as my own. At any previous period of our history such a meeting on any of the plantations from which they had escaped would have been criminal in the highest degree. I had myself seen a poor Irishman in the hands of the sheriff, who told me his prisoner had been convicted of teaching negroes to read, and he was taking him to Richmond to serve out the years in the penitentiary, for which he had been sentenced. Now I had no fear of the penitentiary, nor they of 'stripes well laid on.' My method of teaching was very simple, and the same in all the schools subsequently established, and in- tended expressly for adults. I began with the first verse of the Bible, printed on a card in letters so large that all could easily see it, and hung upon the wall. Without attempting to teach or even name the letters, I began with the words, requiring them to repeat each in con- cert several times, until well distiiigirished from the others, and in this way a short verse was learned in half an hour. With this ' word method,' instruction in the letters and in spelling was afterwards combined. At the navy yard Master C. V. Morris and his wife and daughter took the deepest interest in my labors, and rendered valuable aid in teaching. I called also on Mrs. Attorney General Bates, Mrs. Senator Trumbull, Mrs. Senator Grimes, and many other ladies of like social position, and received from them all assurances of sympathy, and from many personal co-operation in the work. As the work assumed larger proportions and the old slave laws were unrepealed, I thought it best to secure military protection. On receiving Mr. Shearer's commission from the Tract Society, I called upon Biigadier General James S. Wadsworth, military governor of the District, accompanied by Rev. J. C. Smith. He received us most kindly, and listened with the deepest interest and sympathy to our expla- nations of the routine of the work. I then banded him Mr. Shearer's commission, and requested him to place upon it such military indorsement as he judged best. He took it and wrote, as nearly as I can remember, 'The bearer is authorized to visit, instruct, and advise the colored people in this District, under the military protection of the government.' This paper secured access to all prisons, jails, camps, &c., in the District, and was of the greatest value in the prosecution of the work. "On Sunday, March 30, I lectured in the Ebenezer church, (colored J Georgetown, ex- plained the nature of the work, and gave notice that I would meet them on an evening in the latter part of the week to organize a school. On Thursday, April 3, a statement ap- _peared in the Star, that, in consequence of a leport in circulation in Georgetown that a po- litical lecture would be delivered to the colored people in that church on Wednesday evening, 'considerable excitement resulted, and thieats were made to lynch the lecturer,' and that on that evening a large crowd of whites had gathered in a menacing attitude about the church. Also learning from private sources that a large number of young men had organized to SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED TOPULATION. 297 break up such a meeting, I applied to tlie mayor and directed his attention to the article. He bad seen it. I told him the nature of the work I was doing, and that I had called entirely out of regard to him and the foolish young men who had not comprehended the change that had taken place since the war began. I showed him the above paper indorsed by General Wadsworth, and assured him that if necessary I should call on the military for protection. I then made a similar visit to the chief of police. They both assured mo that I would not be molested, and I was not. " I ha%'e labored, as you know, not a little in the moral wastes of the land, and have seen many tears of gratitude and heard many thanks, but I have never seen anything that would be compared to the eagerness of these people to learn to read the word of God, or their grat- itude for my labors in their behalf. One gray-headed old woman said, 'I never expected to live to see this — to read the blessed Bible, God is as good as His word, sisters; God is as good as His word. Hain't He told us He would sanctify us by His spirit and His word ? We have felt His spirit right in here (laying her hand upon her heart) a long time, and now He has seat this man here to teach us, and ain't His word coming right along ?' " BANNEKER, THE ASTKONOMER. Benjamin Banneker, the celebrated black astronomer and mechanician, was born near the village of EllicoH's Mills, Maryland, in 1732. His father was a native African, and his mother the child of native Africans. His mother was free at her marriage, find soon pur- chased her husband's freedom. She was a Morton, a family noted for intelligence. Prior to J 809 free people of color voted in Maryland, and it was one of that family, Greenbury Morton, who, not knowing the law of that year restricting the right of voting to whites, made the famoits impassioned speech to the crowd at the polls when his vote was refused. Benjamin Banneker worked upon his father's farm. When nearly a man grown he went to an obscure and distant country school, learning to read and write and to cipher as far as Double Position. He had great inventive powers, and made a clock from the instruction he obtained from seeing a watch. He was also a profound and accurate observer of nature, men, and things. In 1787 George Ellicott, a gentleman of education, furnished him some works of the higher class on mathematics and astronomy, which he devoured with avidity, and which opened a new world to him. Astronomy was hencelbrth his absorbing study. He lived alone in the cabin upon the farm which his parents, who were dead, had left him, and was never married. In 1791 he made an almanac, which was published in Baltimore, and the publication being continued annually till he died in 1804, at 72 years of age. Ben- jamin H. Ellicott, of B:iltimore. took great interest in this remarkable man, and some quarter of a century ago gathered up the fragments of his history, which were embraced with other facts in regard to him in a memoir, prepared and read by John H. B. Latrobe, esq., before the Maryland Historical Society. Banneker sent the manuscript, in his own hand- writing, of his first almanac to Thomas .Jefferson in 1791, with a long ar.d manly letter, to which Mr. Jefferson made prompt and kind reply, thankmg him for the letter and almanac, and added " Nobo;ly wishes more than I do to see such proofs as you exhibit that nature has given to our black brethren talents equal to those of the other colors of men, and that the ap- pearance of a want of them is owing only to the degraded condition of their existence both in Africa and America," concluding as follows: "I have taken the liberty of sending your almanac to Monsieur de ConJorcet, secretary of the Academy of Sciences at Paris, and mem- ber of the. Philanihropic Society, because I consider it a document to which your whole color had a right for their justifimtiun against lite doubts which liace been enlf.rtained of them." It is notf^vvorthy that Mr. Jeffdrson calls the, colored pe >ple "our black brethren ;" elsewhere iu his writings he calls them fellow-citizens. This almanac was exiensively circulated through the middle and southern Slates, and its calculations were so exact and thorough as to excito' the attention and al miration of the philosophic and scientific classes throughout Europe, especially Pitt, Fox, Wilbeiforce, and their coadjutors, who produced the work in the British Parliament as an argument in favor of the abolition of slavery and the cultivation of the blai'k race. Banneker was buried near EUicott's Mills, and a few years ago the colored p^"ople honored themselves in raising a monument there to the memory of his great genius and tine character. 298 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. In the interesting debate in the Senate in March, 1864, on Mr. Sumner's amendment to the bill incorporating the Metropolitan railroad, (Washington city,) providing that there should be no exclusion of any person from the cars of said road, Mr. Eeverdy Johnson, in his reply to Senator Saulsbur3''s depreciation of the colored race, referred to Banneker in the following words : "Many of those born free have become superior men. One of them vi'as employed in Maryland in surveying several of our boundary lines — Mason and Dixon's particularly — and some of the calculations made on that occasion, astronomical as well as mathematical in the higher sense, were made by a black Maryland man who had been a slave." A SABBATH SCHOOL IN GEOUGETOWN. Since closing the earlier period of this history it has been discovered that a colored Sab- bath school was established in the old Lancaster school-house in Georgetown as early as 1816, and was continued many years. Mr. Joseph Searle was the superintendent of the male department, and his sister, Miss Ann Searle, of the female, both being at that time teachers in a seminary in the city. The various Protestant churches sent teachers to aid in the humane work, and among those specially interested were Francis S. Key, Captain Thomas Brown, John McDaniel, Robert Ober, Daniel Kurtz, and a large number of excellent ladies. Francis S. Key not only taught in the school, but often made formal addresses to the scholars. t THE AFRICAN EDUCATION SOCIETY. A society under the above title Was organized December 28,1829, by friends of the colored race in Washington and Georgetown. In the words of the constitution, its object was "to afford to persons of color destined to Africa sirchan education in letters, agriculture, and the mechanic arts as may best qualify them for usefulness and influence in Africa." The inten- tion was'to establish an institution for the above purpose. A hpuse in Washington, near the Georgetown bridge, was rented, and a slaveholder in the vicinity offered the free use of a farm for practical instruction in agriculture, and for aiding in the support of the institution. Mr. Isaac Orr, a graduate of Yale College of the class of 1818, at that time connected with the Colonization Society, was appointed secretary, with authority to collect funds and organize the school. In the Columbia Gazette, published at Georgetown, and in the National Intel- ligencer of July 3, 1830, it was announced that the society would open their institution September 1 ; the sum of $500 being sufHcient to establish a scholarship. Among the man- agers were Rev. Walter Colton, chaplain in the navy, and Rev. R. R. Gurley, still a resident of Washington ; but notwithstanding the high character of those originating this organization, and notwithstanding its wise provisions which could not fail to meet the approval of practical and sensible men, such was the prevailing sentiment of that time — j;he gloomiest period for the colored people in all their history — that the society failed to obtain funds sufficient for a permanent basis of operations. The following extract from the address of the managers shows the character of the enterprise and certain phases of public opinion : " It is the de- si^-n of the society to train up the youth intrusted to them from childhood ; to subject them to a steady, mild, and salutary discipline ; to exercise toward them a kind and parental care, guarding them against the approach of every insidious and hurtful influence ; to give them an intimate acquaintance with agriculture or some one of the mechanic arts ; to endow them with virtuous, generous, and honorable sentiments ; in fine, to form the whole character and render it, as far as possible, such as will qualify them to become pioneers in the renovation of Africa. In most of the slave States it is a prevailing sentiment that it is not safe to fur- nish slaves with the means of instruction. Much as we lament the reasons of this sentiment and the apparent necessity of keeping a single fellow-creature in ignorance, we willingly leave to others the consideration and the remedy for this evil, in view of the overwhelming magnitude of the remaining objects before us. But it is well known that very many masters are desirous to liberate their slaves in such a way as to improve their condition, and we are confident that such masters will rejoice to find the means by which those slaves may be edu- cated by themselves without the danger of exerting an unfavorable influence around them ; and instead of creating disquiet in the country, may carry peace and joy to Africa," SCHOOLS OF thp: colored population. 20J> CONCLCSION. The iiivestifjatiou recorded in the foregoing documeut was undertaken with a most inadequate estimate of its magnitude, though the writer had for some years been uncommonly conversant with educational matters in the District, and deeply interested in the colored schools. The subject expanded in materials and in importance as the research was pursued, till what was expected at the beginning to fill but a few pages had swelled into a volume. The work was prosecuted in the belief that everything which the colored people have attempted and accomplished for themselves in mental and social improvement in this seat of empire was worth rescuing from oblivion, and that such a chapter would be a contribution to the educational history of the country, peculiarly instructive at this time. It is quite certain that the most of what is gathered into these pages from the iirst half century of the District would have never been rescued from the past under any other auspices, and from the original, novel, and instructive nature of its character, it has been deemed best to go with much minuteness into details. There is an almost tragic pathos running through the tale of the patient sufferings and sacritices which these humble and dutiful people have^ experienced, through so many years of oppres;sicn, in their struggles for knowUdge. The facts embraced in the foregoing report have been ga,thcred with an amount of labor that can be adequately estimated only by those who have toiled in a similar field of research. Prior to the rebellion the education of this proscribed and degraded race was held in scorn and derision by the controlling public sentiment of this District, as in tha country at large, and schools for the colored people rarely found the slightest record in the columns of the press. After a thorough examination of the various journals published in the District during the first half century of its history, the first reterence to any school that can be found is in an article on the city of Washington published in the National Intel- ligencer August 3, 18J6, in which it is stated that " a Sunday school for the blacks ha.s. been recently established, whiffh is well atteuded.and promises great benefit to this neglected part of our species, both in informing their minds and amending their morals." This journal was the only one of established chaiacter that alluded in any way to these schools, and a careful examination of its files from ISOU to 1850 has disclosed only the two or three notices already referred to. The remarkable advertisement found in the volume for 1818 of the free colored school on Capitol Hill was a striking fact in it.self considered, but was otherwise of the greatest value in this work, because the names of the seven colored men subscribed tu the documeut pointed to the sources from which was procured much of the authentic intoruui- tion pertaining to the first quarter of a century of the District. In this almost tctal absence of written information it was fortunate to find in the memories of the colored people a won- derful accuracy and completeness of riscollection of almost everything pertaining to their schools. Ill the intercourse with this population which these researches have occasioned, this fact has been a subject of perpetual observation. The aged men and women, (:veii though unable to read a syllable, have almost always been found to know somethino* concerning the colored schools and their teachers. The persecutions which perpetually asbailed their schools, and the sacrifices which they so devotedly made for them, seem tw have fastened the history of them, with astonishing clearness and precision, in their minds, such as is surely not found among the educated white population pertaining to the white schools of the same period. Another interesting fact is not inappropriate in this connection. There are undoubtedly more colored people of the District of the class free before the war, who own their homes, than are found in proportion to their nuuibers among the mid- dling classes of the white population. There are also to be found in a multitude of these humble colored homes the same refinements as are found in the comfortable and intelligent white family circles. These interesting developments disclosed in every direction in the preparation of this work have stimulated prolonged research, and made what had other wise been a wearisome task a most agreeable occupation. Statesmen and thoughtful public men will discover in these pages facts which put to tlighr a class of ethnological ideas that havebeen woven by philosophers into unnumbered volumes of vaiu theories. The great and imposing truth that the colored race has been for nearly 300 SCHOOLS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. seventy years on a grand trial of their capacity to rise in the scale of human intelligence, such as lias not elsewhere in the history of the world hcen granted them, seems to have entirely escaped observation. If these records are, as they are confidently believed to be, substantially accurate in all their details, the capabilities of the colored race to rise to superior mental and social elevation, and that too under the most appalling disabilities and discouragements, is illustrated on a conspicuous theatre, and with a completeness that cannot be shaken by any cavil or conjecture. There is a colored woman in Washington, known and respected for her sterling goodness and remarkable sense, more than half a century a resident of the city, who relates that she used (iften to see Jefferson during his presidency, in the family of Monroe, in which she was brought up, near Charlottesville, Virginia ; that on one occasion, while attending the children in the hall, she heard Jefferson say to Monroe that " he believed the colored race had as much native sense as tlte whites, that they ought to be educated and freed at the age of 21, and that if some plan of this kind should not be adopted, they would in time become self-enlight- ened, in spite of every oppression assert their liberties, and deluge the south in blood;" to which Mr. Monroe, rising from his seat, with both hands uplifted, exclaimed, " My God, Mr. Jefferson, how can you believe such things?" This declaration imputed to Jefferson is well substantiated, as it not only comes from a truthful witness, but is in full accordance with the views that he has amply left on record in his writings. In his celebrated letter to Banneker, the black mathematician and astronomer of Maryland, in elevated and feeling language he expressed to this wonderful, self-taught negro his deep thankfulness for the indisputable evidence which the productions of his genius had furnished, ^' that nature has given to our black brethren talents equal to those of the other colors of men ;" and, in apology for the liberty he had taken in transmitting to the President of the French Academy of Sci- ences the manuscript copy of his first almanac he had sent to the philanthropic statesman as a testimony to the capabilities of his enslaved race, Jefferson went on to say that he had forwarded the remarkable production to that great representatfve body in the world of letters as an evidence of the intellectual powers of the black man, to which the whole colored race had " a light for their justification against the doubts which have been raised against them." With like ideas may this simple story of patient endurance and of triumph in calamities be submitted to the American people and mankind in vindication of the faith reposed by many good men in the capacity for self-government of a long down-trodden and despised portion of the human family. The history of these schools, subsequent to the breaking out of the rebellion, records the most remarkable efforts of disinterested contributions, both in money and in labor, which are to be found in the anuals of Christian and patriotic beneficence. The du;y of providing for the moral and intellectual enlightenment of a class of people who had been kept hitherto in pro- found ignorance, directly or indirectly, by the laws and prejudices of the country, pervaded the entire northern mind and heart. No pains have been spared to ascertain the fields of labor occupied by different associa- tions, and the schools taught by different individuals ; but no record can fully describe the self-sacrifice and zeal of that band of noble, refiued, and cultivated women who devoted themselves to the education nf this neglected class, many of whom fell, as truly martyrs to their patriotic labors as those who perished on the battle field ; and not a few of whom are still suffering in their own homes as great a deprivation from the loss of health in this ser- vice, as those who will bear to their graves bodies mutilated bj' t'le missiles of war. All of which, with many thanks for your personal and ofiicial co-operation in this inves- tigation, is respectfully submitted. M. B. GOODWIN. To Hon. Henry Barnard, Commissioner of Education. To this exhaustive nccount of the past rm-l present condition of schools for the colored people in the District of Cohimbia, by Mr. Goodwiu, we add a comprehensive survey of the legal status of this portion of the population in respect to schools and education in the several States. — H. B. PART II* LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION IK RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION IN THE DIFFERENT STATES. PAET II. LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION IN THE DIFFERENT STATES. Page. District of ColuxMBia. Sources of the charters of Alexandria, Georgetown and Washington 305 Plantation Laws of Maryland— 1705 and 1715 305 Baptism no exemption from bondage in Virginia 305 Case of Sir Thomas Grantham and "the monster" from India 306 St. George Tucker— Dissertation on Slavery in 1796 306 Killing a slave by correction no felony 306 Prediction of Professor Tucker's Dissertation in 1860 307 Virginia. Act to prevent negro insurrection, 1680 307 Punishment of "unlawful assemblages " 307 Revised Code of 1819 307 Nat. Turner insurrection, 1831 307 Act of April 17, 1831, relating to education of negroes 307 Punishment of white persons for instructing blacks. Law modified in 1848 308 Resolution declaring slavery abolished, 1864 30!; Maryland. Assembling of negroes restrained, 1695 308 Act of 1723, to prevent " tumultuous assemblies " 308 Penalty for violation — Modified in 1832 and 1833 309 Insurrectionary publications forbidden, 1835 309 Georgetoicn. Charter granted by Maryland, 1 789 309 Amendments of charter by Congress 309 Ordinances, 1795, 1796 309 Whipping forbidden during market hours 309 Act of 1831, forbidding night assemblages 309 Possession or circulation of newspapers (Liberator) forbidden 309 Penalties for holding meetings for instruction not religious 310 Ordinance of 1845 not enforced against schools 3]0 Persecution of colored school children 310 Alezandria. Charter granted by Virginia — Amended by Congress, 1804, 1826 310 Powers of the common council 310 Ordinances — Penalties for violation of 31 1 Case of Miss Mary Chase 311 Her colloquy with the mayor, and her fine 311 vSevere penalty' in another case 311 Miss Julia A. Wilbur 311 IVashingtori. Powers enumerated in charter 311 Supplementary act, 1 8U6 31-2 Amendment of charter, 1812 312 Charter renewed, 1820 — Ordinances 312 Ruling temper of all laws of the District 312 First ordinance relating to colored people, 1808 312 Sanctioned by Congress, 1820— Increased severity, 1821 313 Title to freedom to be proved 313 Parents to prove how any child became free 314 Conditions for a license to live in the city 314 Penalties for failure to comply , 314 Children bound out to service 314 302 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. JVashington — Continued. Penalty for "idle, disorderly, or tumultuous assemblages" 314 Penalty for going at large after 10 o'clock p. m 314 Modification of ordinance, 1827..... 315 Colored persons not.to frequent Capitol Square, 1829 315 Case of Alexander Hays at the inauguration of President Taylor 315 Restrictions increased, 1836 — Policemen bought off 315 Case of Joseph Jefferson, 1 833 316 Bonds required in 1850— Case of William Syphax, 1847 316 Commentary on this legislation 316 Seizure and couiinement of colored Freemasons 317 The diseuthrallment inaugurated in 1861 317 Speech of Senates Wilson in the Senate, 1862 318 Speech of Senator Harlan 318 Senator Hemphill of Texas, and R. M. Johnson of Kentucky 319 Bill for the education of colored* children, 1862 319 Amendment by Senator Wilson 319 Negro testimony, 1 862 320 Senator Sumner's amendment 320 Supplementary bill, July, 1862 320 Senator Sumner's amendment, 1864 320 Rights of colored people in the cars 320 Washington and Georgetown Railroad 321 Separate cars for colored people 321 Amendment by Senator Sumner, 1865 321 Debates in Congress thereon .. i 321 Colored mail carriers — Law of 1825 321 History of legislation on this subject 32 1 Action of Mr. Sumner in regard to it 322 Report of Mr. Colfax, 1862 - 322 Report of Mr. Collamer, 1864 322 Act of March 18, 1869 322 Alabama. Act of 1832 forbidding instruction of colored people 323 Authority given to the mayor of Mobile, 1 833 323 Constitution, 1865 — Revised Code, 1867 323 Schools for freedmen — General Swayne 323 Schools at Mobile, Montgomery, and.Huntsville 323 Talladega Normal School 324 Emerson Institute 324 Swayne School 324 Statistics of teachers, pupils, studies, &c 325 Arkansas. First statute relating to slaves, 1806 325 Act of 1838, permit to labor on Sunday 325 Act of 1 843, forbidding free negroes to enter the State 325 Constitution 1864, forbidding slavery 326 Constitution 1868, no distinction in citizenship 326 Act to establish common schools, 1868 326 Schools for freedmen 326 Friends' schools — Indiana yearly meeting 326 First free schools at Little Rock 326 Statistics of schools, teachers, &c 327 California. Suffrage limited to "white male citizens " 328 Revised school law, 1 866 328 Connecticut. Constitution of 1818, limitations of suffrage 328 Prudence Crandall and the Canterbury school 328 Sarah Harris — Decision of Miss Crandall in regard to her 329 Letter of sympathy from Rev. S. J. May 329 Canterbury town meeting, resolutions, and speeches 329 School opened in April, 1833 330 Application of an obsolete law 330 A special law demanded — The "black law" 330 Satisfaction of the people of Canterbury — Arrest of Miss Crandall 331 Refusal of her friends to give bonds 331 Miss Crandall placed in a murderer's cell 332 Release of Miss Crandall, bonds given 332 First trial of Miss Crandall, 1833 332 •LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 303 Connecticut— Continued. Opinion of Juflj^e Eaton — Discharge of the jury 332 Second trial — Ju(3g;e Dagj^ett 333 Verdict against Miss Crandall 333 Appeal taken — Decision of court of errors reserved 333 Attempt to burn the house of Miss Crandall 333 Determination to abandon the school 333 Francis Gillette and the repeal of the law 333 Schools for colored children in Hartford 334 Letter of Rev. W. W. Turner— Act of 1868 334 Dlir.AWAUE. Laws of 1739 and of 1 832 33.i Assemblages for instruction of colored people forbidden 335 Organization of the Delaware Association, 18ti6 335 Appeal of Rt. Rev. Alfred Lee in behalf of schools 333 Normal schools established, 18G7 336 Statistics of schools, teachers, &c 33S Florida. Immigration of free negroes forbidden 336 Unlawful assemblies, 1 846 337 Act to establish common schools, 1848 337 Provision for a school fund 337 Revision of the common school law, 1853 337 Common schools for freedmen, 1866, 1869 337 Agencies for educating freedmen 333 Schools opened at Tallahassee and other places 338 Statistics of schools, &e 338 Remarks of State superintendent 339 Georgia. Laws concerning meetings of slaves, &c 339 Laws of 1829, in regard to teaching slaves, &c 339 Consolidation of penal code, 1833 339 Ordinance of the city of Savannah ,339 Mr. F, C. Adams advocates education of slaves 33'J Schools for blacks since 1 865 31U Professor Vashon's account 330 School of Miss Deveaux in Savannah since 1830 340 Georgia Educational Association organized by negroes 340 Opposition to the schools — Report of Mr. G. L. Eberhart 310 Georgia University at Atlanta 341 Beach Institute, Savannah ;;4I Lewis School, Macon 34 1 Statistics of schools, teachers, pupils, &c lU'J Vlinois. Constitutional, legal, and social oppression of the negro 342 Report of Newton Bateman, superintendent of schools '342 \ Colored schools in Chicago 343 0IANA. \ Hostile legislation to the negro 344 ^.Constitution of 1851 — Report of Professor Hoss, 1866 344 _5Report of Mr. Hobbs, 1868 345 ^.qual privileges accorded to the negro — Statement of F. D. Wells 345 -, he word " white " stricken from the constitution 345 kistitution of 1861 345 Aral educational advantages secured by act of 1867 345 -^on of benevolent associations 346 Q Waro High School 346 IvENTL\y. Coi^itution of 1800 346 ^sgiation in regard to colored people 346 ^o l7 Act of 1855 discontinuing all separate schools 357 Michigan. Equality of school privileges to all classes 357 Mississippi. Emancipation and immigration of slaves prohibited 358 Acts relating to burial of slaves, testimony, education • 358 Freedmen's schools, teachers, scholars 359 Missouri. Legislation as a Territory and a State 359 Schools for colored children, scholars, teachers 360 New York. Constitution of 1777, 1821, 1846, 18.50, 1864 361 School for negro slaves of Elias Nean in 1704 361 Vesey — Huddlestone — Charlton — Barclay 361 Hugh Neill— Dr. Smith— Bishop Gibson 362 Oglethorpe^Parliamentary action in 1735 363 Rev. Thomas Bacon — Bishop Williams — Bishop Butler 363 Archbishop Seeker — Dr. Bearcroft — Bishop Warburton 363 Bishops Lowth, Porteus, Wilson, Fleetwood 364 Manumission Society, and New York African free school 364 Visit of La Fayette to the African school 365 Public schools for colored children 365 Organization, teachers, pupils, in 1868 367 Gerritt Smith's school at Peterboro 367 North Carolina. Earliest legislation— schools tolerated till 1835 368 Freedmen's schools in 1863 368 Schools, teachers, pupils, in 1868 369 St. Augustine Normal School 369 Biddle Normal Institute 370 System of free public schools in 1868 370 Ohio. Sutf rage denied to the negro 370 Earliest school for colored children in 1820 370 Cincinriati High School established by Rev. H. S. Oilman 370 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 305 <^ Public schools for colored scbolars o71 Wilbert'orce University 372 Oberlin College 374 Prnnsylvaxia 374 Population — colored population 374 Historical development of colored sclioc^ls 374 Eev. George Whitefield 374 Anthony Benezet — educational labors and views— extracts from the will of 374 Schools for black people by the Society of t'riends 37G George Fox in 1672— Moses Patterson in 1770 376 Joseph Clark — David Barclay — Thomas Shirley 377 Women Friends — John Pemberton '>' ' Charity, benevolent, and reformatory schools 378 Schools of the Pennsylvania Abolition Society 379 Public schools for colored children 379 Institute for colored youth 379 Richard Humphrey — association to establish institute 380 Rev. Charles Avery 382 Avery College in Allegheny City 380 Ashmun Institirte — Lincoln University 382 Endowments of $80,000 383 Rhode Island - 383 Population — separate schools abolished 383 South Carolina 383 Population — early legislation - 383 Law against instructing slaves to write in 1740 — Act of 1800 and 1834 383 Schools for the freedmen since 1861 384 Rev. Solomon Peck— Edward L. Pierce— Rev. M. French 385 Associations of Boston, New York, and Philadelphia 384 James Redpath — public schools in 1 865 385 Schools in Charleston in 1868 385 Avery Institute at Charleston 386 Statistics of colored schools, 1865 to 1868 387 Tennessee 387 Population — early legislation respecting slaves 387 School legislation in 1838, 1840, 1862, 1867 387 St&tistics of colored schools, 1866 to 1868 388 Texas 388 Population 388 Early legislation respecting schools 389 Constitution of 1866 389 Legislation reepecting schools 389 Statistics of colored schools, 1 865 to 1868 390 VmoiMA 390 Population — early introduction of slaves 390 Rev. Morgan Godwyn, and early laborers for the slave 390 Pamphlet published in London in 1680 391 Catholic and English church — Virginia and New England 392 Rev. Jonathan Boucher's sermon in 1763 392 Schools for the colored people in Norfolk and Richmond 393 Rev. John T. Raymond — Mrs. Margaret Douglas 394 Schools for freedmen at Fortress Monroe, September, 1861 395 Educational work of the Freed men's Bureau 395 American Missionary Association 396 Number of schools, teachers, and pupils, 1868 396 Richmond normal and high school 397 Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute 397 Report by President Hopkins and others in 1869 398 West Virginia 399 Act of 1863 and 1866 ., 399 Freedmeu's schools in 1868 399 Wisconsin 4C0 Population — equality of all before the law 400 Vermont 400 Early constitutional and legal protection of the negro 400 New Hampshire 400 New Jersey , 400 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION IN PvESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCxVTION. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Tlie only authority to restrain and limit the conduct and privileges of any class of the population in the Distiict is to be fcumd in the charters granted to the municipal corporations and the laws of Maryland and Virginia. Alexandria received its charter originally from Virginia, and Georgetown from Maryland, while Washington was originally incorporated by Congress. The act of Congress of Julj' 16, ITUO, establishing the seat of goveruuient in this District, provided "that the operation of the laws of the State within such District shall not be aflected by this acceptance until the time fixed for the removal of the seat of government, and until Congress shall otherwise bj' law provide;" and under the act of February 27, 1801, the laws of Virginia and Maryland, as they existed at that date, were continued in full force and effect. In order to understand the condition in which the colored classes were lawfully held in the District durir'g the existence of slavery, or for any period, it is necessary to know the powers existing in the charters of those cities under the State laws at the date last specified, and also the additional enlargements and curtailments of powers subsequently enacted by Congress. Some account of these codes, so tar as they pertain especially to education, is also essential to a just estimate of the fortitude with which the colored people have struggled through the long period of darkness over which this history extends The first settlers of both Maryland and Virginia evidently entertained the idea that a Christian could not bo a slave. In "Plantation Laws, Loudon, 1705," a law of 1692 in Maryland is cited as follows: " Where any negro cr slave, being in bondage, is or shall become a Christian and receive the sacrament of baptism, the same shall not, nor ought to be, deemed, adjud^red, or con- strued to be a manumission or freeing of any such negro or slave, or his or lier issue, from their servitude or bondage, but that, notwithstaiKling, they shall at all times hereafter be and remain in servittidc and bondage as the}- were before baptism, an}' opinion or matter to the can- traiy liotwittistanding." In 1715 the provisiou was embodied in a new act with a preamble, and this is the first act (ound in full in Bacon's Laws, the titles only of the previous laws being given. The act of the Maryland assembly of 1715 declares: " Skc. "2:5. And forasmuch as many people have neglected to baptize tli«ir negroes, or suffer them to be baptized, in a vain apprehension that negroes by receiving the sacrament of baptism are manumitted and set free: Be it hcrchij further declared itnd enacted by and with the authority, advice, and consent aforesaid, That no negro or negroes by receiving the holy sacran:ent of baptism is hereby manumitted or set free, nor hath any right or title to fi'eedoin or manumission more than he or they had before, any law or usage or custom to the contrary notwithstanding." In section 'i'6, acts of the Virginia assembly of 1705-, is the following clause: "And also it is hereby enacted and declared that baptism of slaves doth not exempt them from bondage." And in 1733 the law was re-enacted in this explicit language: "Whereas some doubts have arisen whether children that are slaves by birth, and, by the charity and piety of their owners, made partakers of the blessed sacrament of baptisme, shoula by vertue of their baptisme be made Ifree: It is enacted and declared by this grand assembly and the uuthuritv thereof, That the conferring of ba])tisme doth not alter the condition of the person as to his bondage or ffreedom ; that diverse masters, ffreed from this doubt, may more carefully endeavour the propagation of Christianity by permitting children, though slaves, or those of greater growth, if capable, to be admitted to the sacrament," In South Carolina there was a law enacted to the same effect in 1712, in which it is curiously declared "lawful for a negro or Indian slave, or any other slave or slaves what- soever, to receive and profess the Christian faith, and to be therein baptized,"' and that thereby no slave should be deemed mauumitted. The origin of this singular legislation in Virginia must have arisen from a prevailing apprehension in the public mind upon the subject at that time, 1667 ; but the enactments of Maryland and South Carolina undoubtedly had, as their immediate producing cause, two 20 305 306 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION judicial iuvestigations which occurred in England in lGSG-'87, a short time prior to these enactments. One of these cases, reported iti 3 Modern Reports, 120-1, is thus stated : "Sir Thomas Grantham bought a monster in the Indies, which was a man of tliat country, wlio had the perfect shape of a child growing out of his breast, as an cxcrescency, all but the head. This man he brought hither (to England) and exposed to the sight of the people for profit. The Indian turns Christian and was baptized, and was detained from his master, who brought a hominc rcplequiando, (a writ by which his title to retain the man as property might be legally tested.") How tills case w-as ultimately disposed of does not appear. In 1696 tlie question whether the baptism of a negro slave, without the permit or consent of his master, emancipated the slave, was argued with great rij.search and learning before the King's Bench. Jn this instance a misconception of the form of action required prevented any decision upon the merits of the case, the matter being thus in both actions left in doubt. The argument of the counsel for the defendant in this latter case is ingenious and curious : " Being baptized according to the use of the church," says the counsel, " he, the slave, is thereby niaJe a Christian, and Chvisiianity is inconsistent with slavery. And this was allowed even in the time when the popish religion was established, as appears by Littleton ; for in those days if a villain had entered into religion, and was professed, as they called it, the lord could not seize him, and the I'eason there given is, because he was dead in law, and if the lord might take him out of his cloister, then he could not live according to his religion. The like reason may now be given for baptism being incorporated into the laws of the land ; if the duties which arise thereby cannot be performed in a state of servitude, the baptism must be a manumission. That such duties cannot be performed is plain, for the persons baptized are to be confirmed by the diocesan when they can give an account of their faith, and are enjoined by several acts of Parliament to covne to church. But if the lord hath still an absolute property over him, then he might send hiul far enough from the performance of those duties, viz., into Turkey or any other countrj'- of infidels, where they neither can nor will be suffered to exercise the Christian religion. '^ * * It is observed among the Turks that they do not make slaves of those of their own religion, though taken in war, and if a Christian be taken, yet if he renounce Christianity and turn Mahometan, he doth thereby obtain his freedom. And if this be a custom allowed among infidels, then baptism in a Christian ration, as this is, should be an immediate enfranchisement to them, as they should thereby acquiie the privileges and immunities enjoyed by those of the same religion and be entitled to the laws of England." — 5 Modern Reports, Chamberline vs. Hervey. St. George Tucker, in 1796, while professor of law in the University of William and Mary and one of the judges of the general court of Virginia, delivered in the university and sub- sequently published a remarkable " Dissertation on slavery, with a proposal for its abolition in the State of Virginia," and in quoting from the act of the Virginia assembly in 1705, above referred to, is provoked to remark that " it would have been happy for this unfortunate race if the same tender regaixl for their bodies had always manifested itself in our laws as is shown for their souls in this act. But this was not the case, for two years after we meet with an act declaring: 'That if any slave resist his master, or others by his master's orders, correcting liira, and by the extremity of the correction should chance to die, such death should not be accounted felony;'" and Professor Tucker adds: "This cruel and tyrannical act, at three different periods enacted with very little alteration, was not finally repealed till 1788, about a century after it had first disgraced our code." What would this illustrious man now say were he to rise from the dead, and, standing in that university, discourse upon the blacli code of Virginia as it was in all its atrocious vigor in full force in 1880? It required a hundred years for the long descent from that first step of barbarism, embodied in the above early statutes, respecting the relation of slaves to Christian profession and bap- tism, down to that immeasurable infamy which shut with iron bars the gates of knowledge from the whole race, both bond and free, reducing them to the condition of the brute. And here again the "Dissertation," to which allusion has here been made, is so forcibly suggested that another passage from it cannot be withheld. After depicting " the rigors of the IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. d^) i police in regard to tliis unhappy race," and affirming that it ouglit to be softened, this great and far-sighted Virginia jurist goes on to inquire if with but 300,000 slaves such thirigs weie deemed necessary, what ninst bo the situation of the State wiien instead of that number there should be more than 2,000,000 in Virginia, concluding with this lofty and prophetic language: "This must happen," he says, in allusion to the increase of the slave population, "within a century, if wo do not set about the abolition of slavery. Will not our posterity curse the days of their nativity with all the anguish of Job ? Will they not execrate the memory of those ancestors, who, having it in their power to avert the evil, have, like their first parents, entailed a curse upon all future generations ? Jl'c knoic that the rigor of the lairs respecting slaves unavoidably must increase with their number;. What a blood-stained code must (hat be which is calculated fur the restraint of millions held in bondage. Such must our unhappy country exhibit within a century unless ice are both wise and just enough to avirt f om posterity the calamity and reproach which are otherwise unavoidable.^' VIRGINIA. When the act of Congress approved February 27, 1801, orgauizing the District of Colum- bia, and providing that the laws of VMrgiaia and Maryland, as those laws at thnt date existed, should continue in force in the jjortious ceded by those States respectively, became a law, there was no express restriction of the education of the colored race upon the statute-books of either State. The earliest legislation aiming at such restrictions are all embraced in the enactments pertaining to gatherings of "slaves, negroes, and mulattoes,'' denominated in the Maryland statutes " tumultuous meetings," and in the Virginia statutes " unlaicful assem- blies," the definition, in common law, of such an assembly being "the meeting of three or more [lersous to do an unlawful act." In Virginia, as early as 1G80, an act was passed for preventing negro insurrections, declaring that "the frequent meeting of considerable numbers of negroes, under pretence of feasts and burials, is judged of dangerous consequence," and such meetings were forbidden under penalty oi' thirty l<(shes. In January, 1804, an act was passed declaring "all assemblages of slaves, under what- ever pretext, at any meeting-house, or any other place in the night-time," to be an "unlaw- ful assembly,"' the offenders to be punished with lashes not exceeding twenty. An act explaining and amending the act of January was passed in June, 1805, in which it is pro- vided that nothing in such act shall "prevent masters taking their slaves to places of reli- gious worship conducted by a regularly ordained or licensed white minister." This act also forbid the overseers of the poor "to require black orphans, bound out, to be taught reading, writing, and arithmetic," showing that hitherto they had required this instruction to be given. Up to that time slaves only were restricted, but in the Revised Code of 1819 all meetings of free negroes or mulattoes, associating with slaves in such places, including assemblages at " any school-house or schools for teaching reading or writing, either in tho day or night," are embraced in the same interdiction and penalty. The same code also provides that "any icltite person, free negro, mulatto, or Indian, found in such unlawful assembly," is punish- able by fine of three dollars and costs, and on failure of present payment, "is to receive ticenly lashes on his or her bare back, well laid on." There was no further legisjatiou in the Virjiinia assembly bearing specially on this matter till the passage of the act of April 17, 1831. The Nat. Turner insurrection, in South Hamp- ton county, occurred in the same year, but not until August, showing that the law was inspired by no special alarm arising from the massacre. The following are the se.-tions relating to education of the colored people : "Sec. 4. Be it further enacted. That all meetings of free negroes or mulattoes, at any school house, church, or meeting-house, or other place, for teaching them reading or writing, either in the day or night, under whatsoever pretext, shall be deemed and considered as an 'unlawful assembly;' and any justice of the county or corporation wherein such assemblage shall be, either from his own knowledge or on the iuforaiatiou of others, of such unlawful assemblage or meeting, shall issue his warrant, directed to any s^vorn officer or ofificers, authorizing him or the2:i to enter the house or houses where such unlawful assemblage or 308 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION meeting may be, for tlio purpose of apprehendiof^ or dispersing such free negroes or mulat- toes, and to inflict, coiporal punishment ou the offender or offenders, at the discretion of any justice of the peace, not exceeding twenty laslies. " Sec. 5. Bs it fnrllicr tnti.r.ud, That if any white person or persons assemble with free negroes or mu^iattoes, at any bchool-house, church, meeting-house, or other place, for the purpose of instructing such free negroes or mulattoes to read or write, such person or persons shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding fifty dollars, and moreover may be imprisoned, at the discretion of a jury, not exceeding two months. "Sk.c. 6. Be it further enacted, That if any white person, for pay or compensation, shall assemble with any slaves for the purpose of teaching, and shall teach any slave to read or write, such person, or any white person or persons contracting with such teacher so to act, who shall offend as aforesaid, shall for each offence be fined, at the discretion of a jury, in a sum not less than ten nor exceeding one hundred dollars, to be recovered on an information or indictment." These were the exactions put upon the terrified colored people of Alexandria when the retrocession took effect. The only material change in the law of 1831 was made in 1848, when the act reducing to one the general acts concerning crimes and punishments was enacted, the maximum number of lashes being then increased to 39. The constitutional convention of Virginia, which met at Alexandria, in 1864, passed a reso- lution, March 10, declaring slavery to be forever abolished. MARYLAND. In Maryland the assembly, in 1095, passed an act "restraining the frequent assembling of negroes within the province." In 1723 an act v.-as passed to prevent "tumultuous meetings of negroes and other slaves" on Sabbath and other holidays, requiring the appointment of constables to visit monthly all suspected places, and when " negroes or other slaves " are found upon premises to which they did not belong, to break up the "tumultuous assembly," and whip the offenders with lashes upon the bare back, not exceeding 39. A quarter of a century later, in 1748, the assembly of the same State enacted that all persons entertaining any servants or "slaves upon their premises " during the space of one hour or longer should be fined 100 pounds of tobacco for each hand, and, in default of payment, to receive not exceeding 39 lashes on the bare back. Thoug'h this act specifies its purpose to be the prevention of embezzling provisions for such entertainments, and of " many grievous disorders," it is evident that the intelligence awakened by such gatherings was the result mainly deprecated. The provisions of tlie act are extended, m 1807, to embrace /ree negroes in the prohibition as well as slaves, the constable being required to repres.-J "tumultuous meetings of mulattoes, negroes, and slaves," the penalty to the offending free negro being fine and imprisonment, and to the slave the usual "lashes." In 1831, when Virginia completed its climax of obloquy and turpitude, in shutting up all its colored classes to total ignorance, Maryland, to its honor, did not allow one syllable against the edixcation of either its free or its slave population to find place in its statutes. The policy of her State vi'as at this time to prepare the way for free- dom, and a law was in this same year enacted forbidding the introduction of slaves into its territory, and a most liberal and enlightened enterprise organized to encourage the manu- mission of slaves and their emigration to Liberia. The act of 1831, upon "tumultuous assemblies," provided: " That it shall not be lawful for any free negro or negroes, slave or slaves, to assemble or attend any meetings for religious purposes unless conducted by a white licensed or ordained preacher, or some respectable white person of the neighborhood, as may be duly authorized by such licensed or ordained preacher, during the continuance of such meeting," and unless conducted in accordance with these provisions all such assemblages were declared to be "tumultuous meetings." It was, however, provided that meetings of slaves or servants upon the premises where they belonged should not be embraced in the prohibitions of the act, and that within the limits of Baltimore city and Annapolis city religious meetings of slaves, free negroes, and mulattoes, held in accordance with the written permission of a white licensed (or) ordained preacher, and dismissed before 10 o'clock at night, should be lawful. It was also provided that the free negroes and mulattoes, for any offence for which IN EESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 309 slaves were then punishable, should "be subject to the same punishment, and be liable in every respect to the sanle treatment and penalty as slaves thus offending," the punishment for this oflfence being not exceeding 39 lashes upon the bare back. Tie restrictive policy of 133i, which totally prohibited the introduction of slaves into the State, was modified in J832, in special cases, and in 1833 every barrier to the introduction of slaves for residence was withdrawn. In ]d.j5 was enacted the law against the publication and circulation of documents tending to inflame discontent and insurrection among the col- ored population— a law Avhich, everywhere enacted in the slave States, was an instrument of terror and oppression, disheartening to the cause of education. The literature of the country was so largely pervaded with denunciations of slavery at that period, that it was dangerous for a colored man, or a friend of the colored race in a slave State, to have in his possession any of the publications of the day — an old newspaper, used for wrapping pur- poses in a trunk, often visiting upon its possessor the severest troubles. THE CHARTER OF GEORGETOWN. The original act incorporating Georgetown, passed by the general assembly of Mary- land 35th December, 178D, contains nothing in the enumeration of the created powers restraining the colored in distinction from the white population, and in the amending act of the assemblj', passed January 20, 1798, the only allusion to the colored people distinctively is in the preamble, in which is set forth the want of proper powers in the corporation to restrain by wholesome laws "vagrants, loose and disorderly persons, //-cc negroes, and per- sons having no visible means of support." In the powers conferred by the act which follows the preamble, however, tLero is no allusion whatever to the colored race; nor is there any distinctive reference of the kind in the amendatory act of Congress of March 3, 18(J5, the only clause important to note being that which provided that "the said corporation shall have, possess, and enjoy all the lights, immunities, privileges, and powers heretofore enjoyed by them." In IHU9 the charter received from Congress another amendment, in which it was declared "that all the lights, powers, and privileges heretofore granted by the general assembly of Maryland, and b}' the act to which this is a supplement, and which are at this time claimed and exercised by them, shall remain in full force and effect," GEORGETOWN ORDINANCES. The first ordinance in Georgetown restiictiug the assembling of colored people was passed by the councils August 4, J795, in which were prohibited all ''irregular and disorderly meetings of indented servants and slaves," and also "the meeting of servants or slaves exceeding six" on any occasion, with a penalty not exceeding thiity-nine lashes; and in case of interference to prevent the whipping on the part of "master or mistress," a fine for the interference not exceeding £5. October 10, 179(5, another ordinance to repress "riotous and disorderly meetings of indented servants and slaves " was enacted, with a special injunc- tion upon the constables to particularly examine all persons of color as to their title to free- dom. In this act "the fighting of game-cocks and dunghill fowls " by colored people was specifically prohibited as among disorderly assemblages. Tlie punishment of whipping was so eagerly and promptly executed by the constable that the councils passed a special ordinance forbidding whipping during market hours. On the 8th of October, 1831, that year of sorrows to the colored people throughout the slave States, and of shame and infamy to their oppressors, the councils enacted : "That from this time Ibrth all night assemblages of black or colored persons within the limits of this town, except for religious instruction, conducted by white men of good char- acter, and terminated or dispersed at or before the hour of half past nine o'clock p. in., be and the same are hereby prohibited," the penalty for slaves not more than 39 stripes, and for free colored people not more than 30 days at hard labor in the workhouse. The same ordinance also prohibits "any negro or mulatto person living in this town from rcs^eiving through tlie post ofiice, or any other mode, or after lapse of ten days from the pa^^-;- age of this act to have in his possession, or to circulate, any newspaper or publication of a 310 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION seditious and evil cljaracter, calculated to excite iusurrection or insubordination among the slaves." "Subscribers to or receivers of a newspaper called ' The Liberator,' published in Boston," are emphatically proscribed; and every free negro or mulatto in any w^ay concerned in the infrino-ement of the act was to be ' ' deemed and adjudged a disorderly person, and a dangerous - and unsafe citizen." White persons aiding in the infraction of this law were punished wi h a line not exceeding $20, or imprisonment not more than 30 days ; free negroes and mulat- toes failing to pay fine and prison fees were liable to be sold to service not exceeding four months. This section against the free circulation of knowledge was the most oppressive restraint ever imposed upon the colored people. It almost absolutely shut them up from all reading, as they were afraid to have any book m their possession, scarcely even the Bible. On the 25th of August, 1845, the councils passed an ordinance declaring that — " From this time forth all assemblages, day or night, of black or colored persons within the limits of this town, except meetings for religious instruction, conducted by white men appointed by either or any of the established churches of the town, and terminated at or before the hour of nine and a half o'clock p. m., and except such other meetings as shall be espe- cially allowed by the mayor, be and the same are hereby prohibited." The penalty attached to the violation of this ordinance was, in case of a slave, stripes not exceeding 39, and in case of a free negro the punishment was confinement to hard labor at the workhouse not exceeding 30 daj-s, or a fine not exceeding $30 ; Congress having by act of March 2, 1831, prohibited corporal punishment upon a free man in the District, imprison- ment in the county jail for a period not exceeding six months being substituted therefor. This ordinance of 1845 had no sanction either in the laws of Congress or in those of Mary- land. If its provisions had been enforced, colored schools would have been placed at the mercy of the mayor, who, in the case of at least one mayor in the memory of the older resi- dents of the District, would have had no mercy on them, though of this tyranical class Henry Addison, ever a friend of the oppressed, stands forth a very noble exception. These ordi- ' nances were never enforced against the schools, though they stood there as an oppressive intimidation, necessarily engendering a spirit of disdain and contempt for the humiliated classes on the part of those, both young and old, whom the enactments made their masters. This was manifested in the persecutions which continually fell upon the colored children on the way to school and returning, it being a common custom for crowds of white boys to con- gregate at the colored school-houses for the purpose of pelting with stones and maltreating the inoffensive and unresisting children as they would flee towards their humble homes. There were no ordinances in any city of the District to shield these children from such out- rages, though the insolent and inhuman practices were always well known to the city authorities. THE CKAllTER OF ALEXANDRIA. The original charter of Alexandria enacted by the general assembly of Virginia, like that of Georgetown, confers no power exclusively applied to the colored people. The corporate authorities were invested with power " to make by-laws and ordinances for the regulation and good government of said town: Provided, such by-laws or ordinances shall not be repug- nant to or inconsistent with the laws and constitution of this commonwealth;" and in amending the charter in 1804 Congress conferred upon the city the power "to make all laws which they shall conceive requisite for the regulation of the morals and police of the said town, and to enforce the observance of said laws." In an act still further amending tho charter, approved May 13, 1826, substantially the same power is conferred as was embraced in the act amendatory of the charter of Washington, approved May 4, 1812. It enacts that the common council of Alexandria "shall have power to restrain and prohibit the nightly and other disorderly meetings of slaves, free negroes, or mulattoes, and to punish such slaves by whipping, not exceeding 40 stripes, or, at the option of the owner of such slave, by fine or confinement to labor, not exceeding three mouths for everyone offence; and to punish such free negroes or mulattoes for such offences by fixed penalties, not exceeding $20 for one offence ; and in case of the failure of such free negro or mulatto to pay and satisfy such pen- IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AXD EDUCATION. 311 v.Uy and costs, to cause sucli free negro or mulatto to be confiued to labor for any lime not exceeding six monihs for any one offence." ALEXANDRIA OIJDIXAXCES. It was under tlie sanction of the above amending clause that the common council, October 29, ISII, passed an ordinance providing '-that all meetings or assemblages of free negroes and mulattces, or of slaves, free negroes and miilattoes, at any meeting or other house, either in the day or night, under the pretence or pretext of attending a religious meeting, or for any amusement, shall be and the same are hereby prohibited, and any such meeting cr assembly shall be considered an unlawful assembly; this act not to be construed to prohibit any slave, free negro, or mulatto from attending any class or other like meeting authorized and lequiied by the present government and discipline of any religious society in the limits of this corpo- lation, for leiigious services, or at any place of public worship, when and where a white member of the said society, duly authorized by the resident minister of the said religious society to officiate at such meeting; which said meeting is to close, and the persons present to depart to their homes, at or before 10 o'clock: Protit/cd, That nothing h^ein contained shall prohibit any slave, free negro, or mulatto from attending, either day or night, any of the usual places of public worship, when and where a duly authorized white minister shall officiate ; but no separate place of worship shall be peimitted for slaves, free negroes, or mulattoes." The ordinance further specifies that nothing in it "shall prohibit any slave, or free appren- ticed negro or mulatto meeting on any other lawful occasion, by license in writing from the owner or employer of such slave, or master or mistress of such apprentice, providing such meeting be in the day-time, or if after sunset the same shall not be continued longer than 10 o'clock; nor shall any free negro or mulatto attend any meeting without the written per- mit of the mayor authorizing such meeting, which meeting is to be under the same limitation as relates to slaves and apprentices." Section 13 provides '' that if any free negro or mulatto person living in this town shall be a subscriber to or receive through the post office, or in any other mode shall, after the lapse of 10 days after the passage of this law, have in possession or circulate any newspaper or other publication, or any written or printed paper, or book, of a seditious and evil character, calculated to excite insurrection or insubordination among slaves or colored people, such free negro or mulatto shall be fined any sum not exceeding $20, or be committed to the work- house for not less than 30 days, and pay the amount of work-house fees and costs, and give security for his or her good behavior for 12 months, in a sum not exceeding $100, before he or she shall be discharged." In case the fine was imposed, and the offender was unable to pay the amount, he was committed to the work-house, to remain until it was paid. In February, ]dG4, Miss Mary Chabe, of Alexandria, an excellent colored teacher already mentioned, struck a white boy with a broom-stick because he called her vulgar names as she was sweeping the snow from her door-steps. She was arrested and taken to the mayor's office, and was about to receive sentence without a hearing. She resolutely insisted upou the right to state her case, and was allowed to speak. Her speech closed with these words: " It the boy calls me such names again, I will strike him again ; and I will strike anybody else who calls me such names." The mayor replied: "Mary, you had better not talk so;" to which she reiterated her determination; whereupon she was fined "one dollar for costs and fifty cents for the lick." In the summer of the same year a young woman, for some offence against a white man, was sentenced in Alexandria to receive 39 lashes and be imprisoned 30 days in the county jail. The sentence was rigidly executed ; and Miss Julia A. Wilbur often visited her and supplied her with useful employment, and when released furnished her a good h.ome. THE CHAR'J'ER OF WASHINGTON. in the original charter of Washington, approved May 3, 1802, the enumeration of powers conferred upon the corporation embraces nothing, either expressly or by implication, spe- cifically directed towards the colored people, nor is there any such power given in the .sup- 812 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION plementary act of J80G. In the act further to amend the charter, approved May 4, 1812, there is, however, a clause to the point, giving the authority " to restrain and prohibit the nightly and other disorderly meetings of slaves, free negroes, and niulattoes, and to punish such slaves by whipping, not exceeding 40 stripes, or by imptisonment not exceeding six calendar months, for anyone offence; and to punish such free negroes and niulattoes for such offences by fixed penalties, not exceeding $20 -for any one ofl'ence;" and in default of paying fine and costs, imprisonment not exceeding six calendar months. In 1820 the origi- nal charter, expiring by limitation, was renewed, and the above clause was inserted without alteration. WASHINGTON ORDINANCES. The same remarks arc applicable to the corporation laws of Washington which have else- where been made in regard to those of Georgetown and Alexandria. Every imaginable form of humiliating restriction upon the personal freedom of the colored people, both bond and free, pervades these laws, almost from the first year of its corporate existence. It seems to have been assumed that these humble and patient beings were ready for riot, insurrection, and every spefies of insubordination and wickedness. They were subjected to the severest penal enactments; and without the slightest legal protection from the abuse of the white race, were at the mercy of inhuman and villainous white people, in their little brief author- ity, both in and out of corporation office. No white man can do a wrong to a colored man, and no colored man willingly does rigid to anybody, is the ruling temper of all the laws in regard to "slaves, free colored, and mulatto persons," as long as slavery existed in the District. The first ordinance of the corporation of Washington pertaining to the colored people bears date December 6, ]808, and declares "that no black person, or person of color, or loose, idle, disorderly person shall be allowed to walk about or assemble at any tippling or other house after 10 o'clock at night;" thus classing the whole body of the colored people with the dregs of society; "and any such person being found offending against this law, or at any time engaged in dancing, tippling, quarrelling, or in playing at any game of hazard or ball, or making a noise or disturbance, or in assembling in a disorderly or tumultuous man- ner, shall pay the sum of five dollars for each offence." Section 9 of this act declares " that it shall not be lawful for any person to entertain a slave or slaves after 10 o'clock p. m.; and for every slave found in the house or dwelling of another after 10 o'clock p. m., the person so entertaining shall forfeit and pay five dollars," unless the slave is found to have been sent on a message by the master or mistress. The fine in every case in this ordinance is to go one-half to the complainant or apprehender, and the other half to the city; one of the most unmerciful features of this law. A striking pro- vision in this ordinance was that in which was legally fixed the value of a constable's ser- vices for whipping a negro. The fee, like the duty, was contemptible; yet there is no case on record in which the officerfailed,under any ordinance, promptly to administer the "stripes on the bare back, well laid on," and were as impatient to do their brutal business as they were in Georgetown, where the councils were compelled to pass a special ordinance forbid- ding whipping during market hours. The section fixing the value of the service at half a dollar for each whipping was as follows : " Sec. 6. Be it further enacted. That if any slave shall be convicted under this law the owner of such slave shall be liable for the same, and judgment may bo rendered against such owner by any justice of the peace upon the '.'onviction of the slave, but it shall be optional with the owner of such slave to have the whole remitted except fifty cents, on condition he or she give directions to have the offending slave whipt according to the judgment of the magistrate, who is hereby directed to remit so much thereof, the residue to go to the person who inflicts the punishment." The enumerated powers of the original charter of the city, under which this ordinance was enacted, furnishes no authority for the above provisions of the law of 1808, and it was only by the most unjust wrenchings of that instrument that any shadow of authority could have been extorted ; yet these provisions were under the same charter of 1802 re-enacted December 16, 1812, with aggravated malignancy, in the following barbarous terms : "Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That it shall not be lawful for any slave, free black. ■ TN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 313 or mulatto person or persons to assemble iu any house, street, or other place, by day or by night, in a disorderly or tumultuous manner, so as to disturb the peace or repose of the citizens.' Penalty: A slave to "receive any number of stripes on his or her bare back not exceeding twenty, and a free black or mulatto to be fined not exceeding $20 and costs, and failing to pay which to go to the work-house not exceeding 90 days." "Sec. 8. If any free black or mulatto person or slave shall have a dance, ball, or assembly at his, her, or their house without first obtaining a permit from the mayor, or other justice of the peace, he, she, or they shall each pay a fine of $20, or be sentenced to confinement and labor for a time not exceeding 30 days ; in case of inability or refusal to pay such fine a slave shall receive any number of lashes on the bare back not exceeding ten." Section 9 provided " that no slave or free black or mulatto person should be allowed to go at large through the streets, or other parts of the said city, at a later hour than 10 o'clock at night from April 1 to October 1, or than 9 o'clock at night from October 1 to April 1, except a slave who had a written permission from his or her master, mistress, or employer." Penalty : slave, not exceeding 39 stripes on his or her bare back ; free black or mulatto, fine not exceeding $20 and costs, and failing to pay, not exceeding 90 days at hard labor. The fines in this, as in the law of 1808, went half to the informer or apprehender. The question is perpetually recurring, while running through these restraining enactments, why the colored people are made the constant and exclusive victims. Why were not white persons prohibited from disturbing the peace and repose of colored persons ? The first sanction given by Congress to this barbarism was when in amending the charter. May 15, 1820, it gave the corporation power "to restrain and prohibit the nightly and other disorderly meetings of slaves, tree negroes, ana mulattoes, and to punish such slaves by whipping, not exceeding forty stripes, or by imprisonment, not exceeding six calendar months for any one offence." Why the maximum stripes were increased from 39 to 40 it is difficult to conjecture, unless it was to show that barbarism was magnifying itself. The fact that this power was introduced into this amendment of the charter is significant of the fact that the city had been hitherto transcending its authority in the inhuman restraints which had in this regard been enforced by their ordinances Emboldened by the firmer grasp upon the victims which the enlarged powers of tlie charter under the amendment of 1820 gave them, the city authorities, April 14, 1821^ took a double turn of the screw. In the ordinance of 1812 the free colored people were required simply to exhibit satisfactoiy evidence of their freedom to the register, who was thereupon to give them license to reside within the limits of the city, the penalty being a fino of $6 or 10 days in the work-house ; but the special intent of the ordinance of 1821 was to amplify and make more stringent the whole registry or license system. A thorough examination of the city was ordered, "the city commissioners to make, each in his own ward, diligent inquiry and search for all free persons of color who may then reside or be found in the city," every one to be notified to appear within thirty days at the council chamber " to present for inspection their papers or other evidence of freedom, and shall then subscribe a statement of his or her trade or occupation and means of subsistence." But, in addition to satisfactory proofs of their right to freedom, they were obliged to bring "a certificate satisfactory to the mayor from at least three respectable white inhabitants, householders, setting forth that they are personally acquainted with such negro, and that he or she live peaceable and quiet lives; " specifying also "their trade or occupation, whether she or he keep an orderly and decent house, and whether they arc industrious and honest, and not likely to become chargeable to the cor- poration." The ordinance went still further. Every free male person of color residing iu the city was required to satisfy the mayor of his title to freedom, and to ^'entf.r into bond icitli onn good and responsible, free white citizen "—a phraseology suggesting that there were white citizens not free — "as surety, in the penalty of $20, conditioned for the good, sober, and orderly conduct of such person or persons of color and his or her family, for the term of one year following the date of such bond; and that such person or persons, his or her family, nor any part thereof, shall not during the said term of one year become chargeable to the corporation iu any manner whatsoever, and that they will not become beggars about the streets.'' 314 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATIOX • Parents were also required to give a statement, in writing, showing the name, age, resi- dence, and occupation of each child, and how said child became free ; and the mayor could require, "i« his discretion " of such parents to give additional security for the quiet, peace- able, and orderly behavior of such child, in a sum not exceeding yf/Cj/ dollars, and when any security may, in the opinion of the mayor, become insufScient, he may require additional security." After all these conditions were complied with, and " the license to reside within the city" granted and duly signed by the mayor, countersigned by the register, recorded, and sealed with the seal of the corporation, the ordinance required that it should be renewed, together with the bonds, every year. In case of failure to produce evidence of freedom satisfactory to the mayor, the negro was committed to the county jail and dealt with as "an absconding slave." In case of failure to furnish the required sureties and bonds within the 30 days, the penalty was a fine of |5 for the first week, and if still found residing in the city, the man, together with his wife, was committed to the work-house for three months, from which they could be discharged, on satisfying the mayor that they would "forthwith depart the city." An additional provision was one of greatest cruelty, viz : that "the children of such persons committed to the work-house shall be bound out to service for such term as the guardians of the poor may think reasonable, not exceeding a period at which the males will arrive at the age of 21, the females at the age of 16 " " Sec. 8. It shall be unlawful for any free person of color to receive, entertain, harbor, or conceal any slave, or hire, buy from, sell to, bargain, or in any way trade or barter with any slave, unless by written consent of the owner. Penalty for first offence, line of $10; for second offence, two months in the work-houee." " Sec. 11. When any free negro shall desire to change his residence from one part of the city to another, he shall make known such intention to the register, and produce his license, on which the register shall endorse such int-euded residence and record the same." " Sec. lo. It shall be lawful for any person, at any time, to demand to see the license of any free negro or mulatto, and if within 24 hours he shall not produce such licence, or an official copy thereof, such negro may, in the discretion of any justice of the peace, be fined in any sum not exceeding $5." The determination to prevent, if possible, the increase of the free colored population from Avithout is shown in section 7, which enacted that "all free negroes coming to Washington to reside should not only be subject to all the provisions, terms, and conditions applicable to such persons already residents, but the bond to be given by them shall be in the penalty of five hundred dollars, with two good and responsible free white citizens as sureties.''^ Under this ordinance of 1821 the provisions relating to " holding dances, balls, or assem- blies," and "all nightly and disorderly meetings of free negroes," were made more strin- gent, the penalty being extended to every one present at such gatherings, and for the second offence the " license to reside in the city" was forfeited. The colored people humbly and dutifully rendered obedience to these oppressive enact- ments, which stood unchanged for the ensuing half a dozen years. On the 31 st of May, 1827, an ordinance was enacted which contained all the cruelties embraced in the legislation of the previous quarter of a century, but devised and established additional ones. The penalty affixed to " idle, disorderly, or tumultuous assemblages," was, in the case of f;ee negroes and mulattoes, the same as in the law of 1812, viz., fine of $20; but failure to pay the fine was punished with six months in the work-house, in the place of 90 days, and sureties required to be given for good behavior. For a slave the penalty was increased from 20 to " 39 stripes on the bare back;'' the option, however, being given him "to have the whipping commuted for the payment of the fine which would be imposed in such cases on free persons of color." This last provision is a notable one, and reveals a dawning con- viction, on the part of the law-makers, of the barbarism of the slave code. The fine of $20 affixed, in 1812, as the penalty for free negroes and mulattoes for "having" a dance, ball, or assembly," was reduced to $10; but the penalty for non-payment was extended from 90 days in the work-house to six months ; for a slave the number of stripes was increased from 10 to 39, and commutation of punishment as above was allowed. A similar change was made in the ordinance prohibiting the "going at large after 10 o'clock at night without a permit," viz : the fine reduced from $20 to $10, and work-house * IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 315 time doubled ; but the penalty in case of a slave remained unchanged, it being 31) stripes in 1812 as well as 1827. The ordinance relating to "having a dance, ball, or assembly," required a permit from the mayor, in which must be mentiond the place, time of meeting, number of guests, and hour of breaking up ; and a violation of any one of the conditions embodied in the permit exposed the offending party to the full penalty. In the ordinance of 1827 the provisions touching the registry and "residence license" were not essentially different from those of 1821, except in the penalty. Failure to pay the fine imposed lor not complying with the provisions necessary to a license was made punish- able with six months in the work-house, instead of three ; and in the case of new comers who failed to present the required two "freehold sureties in the penalty of Jive hundred dollars for his good and orderly conduct," no fine was imposed, but they were "to depart the city forthwith," or be sent to the work-house for twelve months instead of three. In 1829 an ordinance was passed containing the provision that colored persons should not frequent the Capitol square, the penalty being a fine not exceeding $20, or 30 days in the work-house. This enactment was peculiarly oppressive, because it was so tot'illy destitute of decent pretext. Its operation is illustrated in the case of Alexander Hays, the colored schoolmaster and teacher of music. He had a great anxiety to hear the music of the marine band in the Capitol grounds, and venturing, with a colored friend, to step a few yards inside the gate, was seized violently by a brutal officer upon the grounds, led at arm's length to the gate, and, with a thrust, directed to " be off." In the same year, 18^9, the same man Eittempted to gvt near enough on the occasion ta hear General Taylor, at the inauguration services. He crept up under the steps in a concealed place, and when General Taylor was about taking the oath was again grasped by the rough hand of a policeman, and dragged like a dog through the crowd and bid "begone," These incidents are given on the author- ity of Mr. Hays, who is known in this city as an upright and useful man. These enactments, however, did not grind these poor people to the entire satisfaction of their torturers, for nine years later some of the exactions were greatly increased, and even doubled. In an ordinance supplementary to that of 1827, dated October 29, 183i), the climax of infamous legislation was reached. The following selections from the act contain the leading features : " Section 1. Every free negro or mulatto, whether male or female, and every colored per- son who may be manumitted or made free in any manner, shall forthwith exhibit to the mayor satisfactory evidence of his or her title to freedom, and shall enter into bond, with^ce good and sufficient freehold sureties, in the penalty of one thousand dollars, conditioned for his or her good and orderly conduct, and that of every member of his or her family, and that they, or either of them, do not become chargeable to this corporation, which bond shall be renewed every year ; and on failure to comply with the provisions of this section, shall pay a sum not excei-diug twenty dollars, and shall be ordered by the mayor to depart /orZ/i- xcith from the city, and on failure to do so shall be committed to the work-house until such conditions shall be complied with, not exceeding six mouths." " Sec. 3. It shall not he lawful for the mayor to grant a license for any purpose v.'hatso- ever to any free negro or mulatto, or to any person acting as agent or in behalf of any free negro or mulatto, except licenses to drive carls, drays, hackney carriages, or wagons ; nor shall it be lawful to grant a license /or any purpose whatsoever to any free negro or mulatto who shall not, before the passage of this act, be a resident of this city, and be registered as such. "Sec. 4. Nor shall anj- free negro or mulatto, nor any person acting for any free negro or mulatto, keep any tavern, ordinary, shop, porter-cellar, refectory, or eating-house of any kind, ibr profit or gain," &c., the penalty affixed being a fine of ticenty dollars. "Sec !). All secret or private meetings or assemblies whatsoever, and all meetings for religious worship beyond the hour of lU o'clock at night, of free negroes, mulattoes, or slaves, shall be unlawful; and any colored person found at such unlawful assemblages or itieetings, or who mayconiiuue at any religious meeting after lU o'clock at night, shall pay the sum oi Jive didlars; and, in the event of any such meeting or assemblage, it shall be the duty cf any police constable to use and employ all lawful and necessary means immediately to disperse the same, and in case any police constable, after full notice and knowledge of such meetings, shall neglect or refuse to execute the duty hereby enjoined, he shall pay the sum of Jifiy dollars.'^ But in spite of this latter provision the policemen were not unfrequently bought off, and many a colored resident can witness to having paid and seen paid sundry dollars and larger 316 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION* sums to sundry policemen, when returning home, a few minutes after 10 o'cloct, from an evening meeting or party — an hour when those officials were sure to be awake and on time. These perquisites were, quite probably, of more value than the fees for whipping. There is also a most interesting petition in the files of the city councils illustrating the bearing of this particular feature of this inhuman legislation in Washington. In 1833 Joseph Jefferson, the illustrious comedian and the father of the eminent living comedian of that name, was, in connection with another gentleman, the lessee of the Wash- ington Theatre, and all the citizens of Washington, who remember that day and appreciiite what is greatest in the dramatic art, liave vivid and delightful recollections of that theatre. On the ll'ith day of July, 1833, Jeft'drson and Mackenzie, as the lessees, addressed the foUow- iag appeal to the city councils : "Dear Sir: Permit us to tdko the liberty of representing to you a burden that oppresses us most heavily, and of requesting your kind endeavors so to represent the case before the mayor and council that we may obtain all the relief that it is in their power to grant. " You must be aware that we pay nightly to the city a tax of $6 for permission to per- form in the theatre; in the year 1832 this amounted to nearly $1,400 in the aggregate; we pay this tax cheerfully, and all we ask in return is a liberal protection and support from the city authorities. "There is at present a law in force which authorizes the constables of the citj'- to arrest the colored people if on the street after 9 o'clock without a pass. A great proportion of our audience consists of persons of this caste, and they are consequently deterred from giving us that support that they would otherwise do. •'Can there be any modification of that law suggested, or will the mayor and council authorize us to give passes to those colored persons who leave the theatre for the purpose ot proceeding directly to their homes? "In the city of Baltimore, where we haTO a theatre, and pay a sm%,ller license than we do here, the law, as regards the colored people, is not acted upon when they are coming or going to the theatre. "In a pecuniary point of view, we look upon this law as a detriment to us of .§10 nightly, and we have great reason to hope that a law that rests so heavily upon us alone may meet ■with the kind consideration of the mayor and council, and be so modified as to relieve us from the heavy loss that it causes us at present to incur. "We have the honor to be, dear sir, your obedient servants, "JEFFERSON & MACKENZIE, '^ Managers of the Washington Theatre." From 1838 there was no further legislation of consequence upon this subject for 14 years. On the 13th of December, 1850, the infamous requirement of the bond demanding "Jive good and sufficient freehold sureties in the penalty ti/"! 1,000," in the ordinance of 1836, had been so thoroughly exposed in its odiousness that a relaxation of its unexampled rigor was enacted, by which " one good and sufficient freehold surety " in the penalty of $50 only was demanded. It v/as, liov/ever,, demanded that every head of a family should give "a like bond and surety for each and every member of his or her family between the ages of 12 and 21 years." This tenderness, however, was more than neutralized in section third of the same act, which required, after its passage, that every free negro or mulatto, whether male or female, within five days after arriving in the city, and on the tenth day of December there- after annually, to "record his or her name and the names of every member of his or her family on the books of this corporation, and at the same time pay for himself, herself, and every member of his or her family the sum of fifty dollars, upon which registration and payment the mayor is authorized to grant a permit of residence; and' on failure to comply with the provisions of this section shall pay a sum not less than ten dollars nor exceeding twenty dollars, and shall be ordered to depart forthwith from this city." These enactments as a general rule were inexorably enforced. Especially was this the case while the ordinances gave to the police officers — "the hounds," as they were called by the poor victims whom they hunted down — one-half the fine for their detestable work. The councils seem also to have been perpetually vigilant, re-enacting almost every year some resolution looking to the enforcement of the requirements portaiuiug to the bond. As an illustration of this official fidelity the case of Mr. William Syphax, now chairman of tho board of trustees of colored schools, is in point. After a residence in the city for 12 years, with a character as unblemished as that of any man in the District, he was sutnmoned in 1847 before a magistrate by one of these vigilant "hounds," and, as a non-resident, fmed # IN EESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 317 $10 and compelled to enter into the bond under the law of 183G, " with five good and sufifi- cient freehold sureties in the penalty of $l,OUO." Mr. Seaton, editor of the National Intel- ligencer, was one of his bondsmen. There is a curious and significant commentary on this legislation to be found in the files of the corporation of Washington. In 1839 this restriction began to make labor scarce in the city — returning with its atrocities to plague the inventors. A petition was therefore sent to the city councils, signed by some hundred of the prominent business men of the city, Avho were wont to employ colored labor, setting forth that the colored people of the city who had given their thousand-duUnr bond had apparently combined to control the pi ice of labor by informing on all colored laborers who came into the city without giving bonds, thus preventing competition. The petition prays, therefore, that the law may be modified ; not that the grasp of the brutal policemen may be removed from their humble, inoffensive victims, but that the white capitalists of 'the city may have power to grind them the more effectually in tlich- wages, which at best was but a pittance. The names upon this petition, if inserted in this connection, would make many living men ashamed. One of the most oppressive of the restraints introduced into the ordinance of 183G was that which proliibited the mayor from issuing a license to a free negro or mulatto to do any business except "to drive carts, drays, hackney carriages, or wagons," and expressly for- bidding iiny license to an agent of any colored person. The prohibition of "all secret or private meetings or assemblages whatsoever" beyond the hour of 10 o'clock p. m. was peculiarly oppressive and also inhuman, because directed against the various charitable and self-improving associations, including the Masonic, Odd- Fellow, and Sons of Temperance brotherhoods which the colored people had organized, and the meetings of which, to be dispersed before 10 o'clock, could be of but comparatively little benefit to the members These societies in those years were more or less educational in character, and an important means of self-improvement to these inoffensive people, and those who made enactments were fully sensible of that fact. These restrictions were, moreover, rigorously enforced, and it was but a few years before the war that a company of the most 1 cspectabie colored men of the District, on their return from the Masonic lodge a few minutes of 10 o'clock, were seized by the scrupulous police, retained at the watch-liouse till morning, and fined. The prohibition forbidding a colored person to be abroad after 10 o'clock at night without a pass, under a penalty of "a fine, "confinement to hard labor," or "stripes upon the bare back," well laid on," must at a glance impress every candid mind with surprise, and yet Id is only upon considerate reflection that its atrociousness is revealed. A poor colored man finds a member of his family in a dying condition at midnight, and on his way for a doctor is seized bj' a wretch in the garb of a policeman, carried to a watch-house, and, without friends or money, is sent next day-^o the work-house. A colored man has a store containing a heavy stock of goods ; it takes fire in the night, and his sons start for the rescue of their property, are seized by a relentless officer, and held, as in the other case, till morning at police head- quarters. These are not imaginary cases, and yet this was a mild restraint compared with many others found in the corporation ordinances of all three cities. It will, however, be seen that the ordinances of Washington were less stringent in their restraints upon the assembling of colored people than those of Alexandria and Georgetown, and that they were less severe in Alexandria while that city was in the District than in Georgetown. This is peculiarly surprising from the fact that while the laws of Virginia were absolutely prohibitory of education to every class of its colored population, the statutes cf Maryland contain not a word of positive prohibition even against teaching slaves. THE DISENTIIRALMENT. Thus stood this barbarous, execrable system of tyrannical legislation in the District when the Moloch of slavery marshalled its forces to overthrow the best governnicnt that human wisdom had ever devised.'' Under the operation of these hateful and inhuman enactments the liberty of a free colored person was but a delusion. "A free colored or mulatto person" was jiot a free individual, neither in the spirit nor in the phraseology of this legislation, and 318 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATIO% the change which the mere abolition of shivery in the District wrought in the condition of the bondmen v/as scarcely less than an aggravation of their jniseries, while to those who were not slaves it brought no relief at all. General Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, who had carefully studied the history of this vile legislation, and with pain and indignant emotions witnessed the deplorable condition of its victims, v/as the foremost to engage in the work of emancipation. The earliest movement looking to the repealing and annulling of the black codes of the District after the rebellion opened was the introduction into the Senate, by Mr. Wilson, of a resolution "that all laws in force relating to the arrest of fugitives from service, and nil laws concerning persons of color within the District, be referred to the Committee on the District of Columbia, and that the committee be instructed to consider the expediency of flboli.shiug slavery in the District." The chairman of the committee was Mr. Grimes. On the ICih of December, 18S1, twelve days after this resolution was offered, Mr. Wilson, apparently impatient with the delay of the committee, introduced a bill to abolish slavery in the District, and on the 24th of February, 1832, brought in a bill to abrogate and annul the black codes, which he very appropriately affirmed to be only a measure following up the bill abolishing slavery in the District. When these two measures were under discussion in the Senate, in March, 1862, General Wilson, on the 25th of that month, addressed that body in an elaborate and powerful speech in their favor, revievfing the black codes with indignant and impressive eloquence. After declaring that these infamous codes had outraged the moral sense of the American people ; that the fame of the nation had been soiled and dimmed by the deeds of cruelty perpetrated in the interests of slavery in its capital, he breaks forth in language forcible, feehng, and ji;ct, as follows: •'In what age of the world, in what land under the whole heavens, can you find any enactment of equal atrocity to this iniquitous and profligate statute; this legal presumption that color is evidence that a man made in the image of God is an absconding slave? This monstrous doctrine, a,bhorrt;nt to every manly impulse of the heart, to every Christian sen- timent of the soul, to every deduction of human reason, which the refined and Christian people of America have upheld for two generations, which the corporation of Washington enacted into an imperative ordinance, has borne its legitimate fruits of injustice and inhu- manity, of dishonor and .'shame." In relation to the fact that "the oath of the black man afforded no protection whatever to his property, to the fruits of his toil, to the personal rights of himself, his wife, his children, or his race,'' he said: "Althougli the black man is thus mute and dumb before the judicial tribunals of the capital of Christian America, his wrongs we have not righted here will go up to a higher tribunal, where the oath of the proscribed negro is heard, and his story registered by the pen of the recording angel. * -^ * These colonial statutes of Maryland, reaffirmed by Congress in 1801; these ordinances of Wash- ington and Georgetown, sanctioned in advance by the authority ot the federal government, stand this day unrepealed. Such laws and ordinances should not be permitted longer to insult the reason, pervert the moral sense, or oJfend the taste of the people of America. Any people mindful of the decencies of life would not longer permit such enactments to linger before the eye of civilized man." The denunciation of these measures by members who had been familiar with slavery all their lives was exceedingly violent, and to the coarse exclam.ation of one of these senators, "Why do you not go out into this city and hunt up the blackest, greasiest, fattest old negro wench you can find, and lead her to the altar of Hymen?'' Senator Harlan was provoked to reply in these words : "I regret very mucti that senators depart so far from the proprieties, as I consider it, of this chamber, as to make the allusions they do. It is done merely to stimulate a prejudice which exists against a race already trampled under foot. I refer to the allusions to white people embracing colored people as their brethren, and the invitations by senators to white i!;en and white women to marry colored people. Now, sir, if we \vere to descend into an investigation of the facts on that subject, it would bring the blush to the cheeks of some of these gentlemen. I once had occasion to direct the attention of the Senate to an illus- trious example from the State of the senator who inquired if 'any of us would marry a • IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 319 grcas}' old wench.' It is history tluit an ilhistrions citizen of liis State, -vvlio once occupied officially the chair that you, sir, now sit in, lived notoriously and publicly with a negro wench, and raised children by her. * * « i refer to a {gentleman who held the secor.d office in the gift of the American people; and I never yet have heard a senator on this floor denounce the conduct and the association of that illustrious citizen of our country. I hiiow of a fanyly of colored or mulatto childieu— the children, too, of a gentleman who very recently occupied a seat on the other side of the chamber— who are now at school in Ohio; yes, sir, the children of a senator who very recently (not to exceed a year) occupied a seat on this floor, a senator from a slave State." The allusion in the first of these cases was to Richard M. Johnson, who, it is well known, brought a colored woman with him when he came here as senator from Kentucky. It is due Mr. Johnson to say tliat he acknowledged his children, educated them, and left them free. The senator from Delaware might also have been reminded of a decision made in 1S33 by the highest legal tribunal of his State, declaring that a futhcr cannot hold his child as a slaic. "We ought not," says the court in Tindal vs. Hudson, (1838, 2d Harrington, 441,) '•to recognize the right of a father to hold his own children in slavery. Humanity forbids it. 'I he natural rights and obligations of a father are paramount to the acquired rights of the master." The second allusion made by Mr. Harlan was to Senator Hempiiill, of Texas, and the school referred to was the Wilberforce University, at Xenia, Ohio, founded by the Cincinnati conference of the Methodist Episcopal church "for the special benefit of colored youth;" but in 18(53 transfcired to the African Meihodist Episcopal church, and Bishop D. A. Payne made president. "While under the care of the Cincinnati coufeience it was suppoi ted," the annual report says, "mainly by southern slaveholders, who cctU their children there to be educated." The following brief statement was recently made by an officer of that institution: "Senator Hemphill came to Wilberforce University late in the autumn of IS,")!), having with him three children, a lad of about 18, and two girls, of about 12 and 10 years of age. The lad, who was evidently iiis son, he look to Washington. His two daughters, Theodora a d Heniietta, remained with us until 1862, when the pressure of the civil war constrained tl;e iiustees to suspend the operations of the institution, and tdcy went to Cincinnati, where Henrietta (the younger) cicd of ccnsuniptiou. Theodora was, at the lust time we heard of her, living in Cincinnati. The young ladies v.'cre both beautiful. Their complexion pro- claimed their mother to have been a black woman. She died before they were brought to Wilberforce. They were well supported by Senator Hemphill, who kept up his correspond- ence with them, both by letters and presents, till he left Washington ta perform his part in tiie drama of the rebellion. The last time we heard from their brother ho wrote to me from Calil'ornia touching the condition and wants of his sisters." The recital of the black laws of this Diotrict wiiich has been made in these pages fur- nishes ample reason for the solicitude which was manifested by "the slaves, free negroes, and mulatto persuns," when the above bills were under discussion, and when the bill abolishing slavery in the Distiict became a law, April IG, 1862, all classes of the colored people, bond and free, gave expression to their sense ( f gratitude by assembling in their chia-ches and ofi'eiing up homage to Gcd for the great deliverance; and when the black codes were, thirfy-fivc days subsequently, swept into the leceptacle of the wretched things that were, the feeling of relief and thankfulness was hardly less deep and universal. The mode in which this measure was accomplished was interesting. On the 2yth of April, 18G2, Mr. Giimes introduced into the Senate a bill providing for the education of coloied childieu in the city of Washington ; and on the 3Dth of the same month, when the subject was under discussion in the Senate, General Wilson moved to amend the bill by adding the following section: "Sec. 4. A7td be it further encclcd, That all persons of color in the District of Columbia, or in the corporate limits of the cities of Washington and Georgetown, shall be subject and amenable to the same laws and ordinances to which free white persons arc or may be subject or amenable; that they shall be tried for any offenc.-s agair.st the laws in the same manner as tree whites arc, or may bi; tried for the same ctfences ; and ihat upon being legally convicted of any ciin.e or oiience against any law or ordinance, such persons of coloi' shall be liable io 320 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION* the same penalty or punishment, and no other, as would be imposed or inflicted upon free white persons for the same crime or offence; and all acts or parts of acts inconsistent with the provisions of this act are hereby repealed." The object of the bill, which was simply to secure to the colored people of the District the exclusive use of the tax levied upon their property, for the education of their children, failed, as has been seen in a previous part of this history, by reason of the fact that the municipal authorities, in whose hands the execution of the law was reposed, wfere hostile to its humane and just designs. This amendment, however, did its work promptly and effectually in all particulars. In support of his amendment, after alluding to the odious old laws of Maryland and of Washington and Georgetown, which were admitted by everybody to be very oppressive to the colored people, he said: "As we are now dealing with their educa- tional interests, I think we may as v/ell at the same time relieve them of these oppressive laws, and put them, so far as crime is concerned, and so far as offences against the laws are concerned, upon the same footing, and have them tried in the same manner and subject them to the same punishment as the rest of our people." The bill, as amended, passed the Ssnate May 9, and, reported by E. H. Eollins, of New Hampshire, from the House District Com- mittee, passed that body and received the approval of the President May 21, 1862, as already stated.- The colored people of this District, who are sensible of the great practical service which Mr. Wilson has in many ways done them here and in the country at large, have repeatedly, on public occasions, since this bill became a law, signified their profound grati tude for this release, by specially designating this measure in connection with the author's name. There was a singular fitness, as has been intimated, in the mode by which this great deliverance was consummated. It had been the chief and essential idea of all this odious and barbarous legislation to shut its unhappy victims out from every highway and by-way of learning, to put out the eye of the understanding, and to doom a whole race, made in the image of God and endowed with immortal longings for knowledge, to brutal and besotted ignorance. It was, therefore, a just and signal providence which made the very cause of education, against which these infamous enactments had been formed, the avenging instru- ment in the destruction of the accursed system. The circumstance that this was the first measure for the education of the colored race over enacted by Congress renders this provi- dential coincidence still more striking. Negro testimony. — The original bill for the abolition of slavery, which, introduced into the Senate December 16, ISGI, became a law May IG, 1862, contained a provision securing to the person claimed to owe service or labor the right to testify before the commissioners who were to be appointed under the lav. This provision was expanded by an amendment incor- porated into the bill on motion of Mr. Sumner, April 3, 1862, which empowered the commis- sioners to take testimony " without the exclusion of witnesses on account of color;" "to assess the sum to be paid for each slave claimed to owe service or labor ; to examine and take the testimony, in the pending cases, of colored tcitncsscs, free or slave.''' These were the initial steps which resulted, in July following, in the full recognition of the rights of the colored people in the matter of their testimony before the legal tribunals of the District. On the 7th of Julj' Senator Wilson's supplementary bill for the release of certain persons held to labor or service in the District of Columbia was passed, and approved on the 12th, having been amended, on motion of Mr. Sumner, by adding as a new section : " That in all judicial pro- ceedings in the District of Columbia there shall he no exclusion of any loitness on account of color.'" This just measure was followed up by Mr. Sumner, who, on the 25th of June, 1864, moved an amendment to the civil appropriation bill, by adding "that iu the courts of the United States there shall be no exclusion of any witness on account of color." On the 2d of July, 1834) this bill, thus amended, became a law, and since then no distinction on account of color has been recognized in the federal courts. It remains for the just people of the Ameri- can nation, by constitutional amendment, to extend this principle to every State tribunal of the land. Paghts of colored people in the cars.— Mr. Sumner persistently followed up his efforts to secure to the colored people the privileges in the District which reason and humanity alike IN KESPECT TO SCHOOLS AXD EDUCATION. 321 ilictatcd as their due. In the Senate, Febrnary 27, 18fi3, on his motion, an amendment to the House bill to extend the charter of the Washington and Alexandria Railroad Company was added, providing " that no person shall be excluded from the cars on account of color," and this became a law March 3, 18(53. On the 16th of March, 1864, Mr. Sumner moved an amendment to the bill, then before the Senate, incorporating the Metropolitan Railroad Com- pany : " That there shall be no regulation excluding any persons from any car on account of color," and this bill, with the amendment, was passed and approved July 1, 18C4. But the Washington and Georgetown railroad was not yet reached. This road was char- tered May 17, 1862, and not being able to exclude colored people from the cars, had set aside certain cars, so designated by a sign on the outside, for such persons. It was in one of these placarded cars that the writer had the pleasure, in the autumn of 1863, of seeing Charles Sumner and Henry W. Longfellow riding up the avenue. In June, 1864, a bill being before the Senate to amend the bill incorporating the above-named railroad, Mr. Sumner moved to add a provision corresponding to the one in the original charter of the Metropolitan railroad, viz: "That there shall be no exclusion of any person from any car on account of color." The amendment was carried in the Senate June 21 by the close vote of 17 to 16, but was lost in the controversy between the two branches of Congress; but February 4, 1865, a similar provision, though of still wider application, was moved by Mr. Sumner in committee of the whole as a separate section, to be added to a bill amendatory of the charter of the Metropolitan railroad. The motion was lost, 20 to 19. The bill, with certain other amendments, was then passed, and thus coming before the Senate, Mr. Sumner, with his wonted promptness and parliamentary skill, renewed his niDtion, and two days after the vote was reached and the amendment adopted— yeas 26, noes 10. The section reads as follows, and went into effect March 3, 1865: " Sec. 5. And be it further enndeti, That the provision prohibiting any exclusion from any car on account of color, already applicable to the Metropolitan railroad, is hereby extended to every other railroad in the District of Columbia." Approved Marcti 3, 186.'). These amendiiionts produced animated debates in both houses, espt^cially whtm before them March 17, lfe64. Mr. Saulsbury, Mr. Powell, Mr. Hendricks, and Mr. Willey, in the Senate, being very determined and bitter in their opposition, while Mr. Sumner, Mr. Wilson, Mr. Morrill, of Maine, and Mr. Grimes supported them with rare force of argument. Mr. Mor- rill's speech was elaborate in discussion and eloquent in language. Mr. Eeverdy Johnson, like Mr. Trumbull and some others, though in favor of the object of the amendment, at first voted against it as unnecessarj-, maintaining in a speech of much power the right of a colored person, under the legal guarantees already secured, to ride in any railroad car in the District, and in that speech he also replied to Senator Saulsbury in a defence of the colored race in character and mental ability. He finally gave his vote for the amendment. Mr. Conness, of California, also objected to the provision as unnecessary, it beiug included, as he said, in a bill already before the Senate. Mr. Sumner replied, " I am in favor of getting what I can as soon as I can, and not postponing to an indefinite future." Colored mail cariiers. — The law prohibiting persons of color from carrying the mails was passed and approved March 3, 1825, and, as Mr. Wickliife stated iu the discussion on the motion for its repeal, "was originally enacted to exclude some men in the south who were in the habit of obtaining mail contracts and employing their negroes to drive their stages and carry the mails." The act reads as follows: "That no other than a free white person shall be employed in conveying the mail, and any contractor who shall employ or permit any other than a free white man to convey the mail shall for every offence incur a penalty of $20." The following facts as to the origin of this offensive legislation make the subject appro- priate to this history. When Gideon Granger was Postmaster General, in 1802, he wrote a letter to James Jackson, senator from Georgia, iu which, after stating that "an objection exists against employing negroes or people of color iu trauspoiting the public mails of a nature too delicate to engraft into a report which may become public," he proceeds to explain as follows : "The most active and intelligent negroes are employed as post riders. These are the 21 322 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION most ready to leavn and tlie most able to execate. By travelliiig' from day to Hay and lioiirly mixing they must, they will, acquire information. They icill learn that a man's rwhJs do nut depend on his color. They will in time become teachers to their brethren. They become acquainted with each other on the line. Whenever the body or a portion of them wish to act they are an organized corps., circulating our intelligence openly, their own privately." The words placed in italics assert ii. fact which it was the purpose of every black law and ordinance to subvert, the law under consideration being peculiarly of that nature. On the JSth of March, ]862, Mr. Sumner introduced a bill in the Senate providing " that from and after its passage no person by reason of color should be disqualified from employment in car- rying the mails." It was referred to the Committee on Post Offices and Post Eoads, and on March 27, lb62, it was reported back by Mr. Collamer without amendment, passing the Senate April 10 by a very large majority, but was defeated in the House by an equally decided vote. Mr. Colfax, May 20, 1862, reported it from the House Post Of&ce Committee, with the recommendation that it do not pass. In assigning reasons for the action of the committee, he said: "It will throw open the business of mail contracting, and of thus becoming officers of the Post Office Department, not only to blacks, but also to the Indian tribes, civilized and uncivilized, and to the Chinese, who have come in such large numbers to the Pacific coast." This argument, the best that could be urged, was sufficient — astonishing now to contem- plate — to carry the House two to one against the bill. On the 18th of January, 1864, how- ever, Mr. Sumner again introduced the subject to the Senate, and Mr. Collamer reported the old bill with an amendment, providing " that in the courts of the United States there shall be no exclusion of any icitness on account of color, it being necessary for the protection of the mail service that all mail carriers should be allowed to testify in the federal courts. The bill met with bitter opposition from the pro-slavery party, opposed also by some of the true friends of freedom, but passed and was approved March 3, 1865, and henceforth color is no disqualification in carrying the malls. To secure, still more thoroughly, to the colored population of the District full political rights, the present Congress passed the following act, which was approved by President Grant March 18, 1869: AN ACT for the further security of equal rights in the District of Columbia. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the word "white," wherever it occurs in the laws relating to the District of Colnmbia, or in the charterx)r ordinances of the cities of Washington oi George- town, and operates as a limitation on the right of any elector of such District, or of either of the cities, to hold any office or to be selected and to serve as a juror, be, and the same is hereby, repealed, and it shall be unlawful for any person or officer to enforce or attempt to enforce such limitation alter the passage of this act. This bill had twice before passed both houses, first in July, 1867, and again in December of the same year ; but in both cases failed to receive President Johnson's signature. Thus was consummated by bold and faithful statesmen the series of measures Avhich have cleared away the manifold disabilities and execrable exactions of the black codes that for more than sixty years had, disgraced this District and shed infamy upon the whole country. IX RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 323 ALABAMA. With the exception of a small portion of her territory, which belonjijecl to Florida, Alabama ^vas originally within the jurisdiction of Georgia, but became a part of the territory of Mississippi in 1800, and an independent State in 1620, her constitution haviug been adopted in 1810, by the pro%'isious of which tlie privileges of citizenship and education were confined to the white population only. Prior to the organization of the State government, the territorial legislation of Mississippi respecting the unlawful meeting of slaves, and trading with or by them, included Alabama. There was little State legislation relating to the colored people previous to the act of 1832, which provided that "Any person or persons who shall attempt to teach any free person of color or slave to spell, read, or write, shall, upon conviction thereof by indictment, be fined in a sum not less than $230, nor more than $500." This act also prohibited with severe penalties, by flogging, "any free negro or nerson of color" from being in company with any slaves without written permission from the owner or overseer of such slaves ; it also prohibited the assembling of more than live male slaves at any place off the plantation to which they belonged ; but nothing in the act was to be considered as forbidding attendance at places of public worship held by white persons. No slave or free person of color was permitted to "preach, exhort, or harangue any slave or slaves or free persons of color, except iu the presence of fiverespectable slave-holders," or unless the person preaching was licensed by some regular body of professing Christians in the neighborhood, to whose society or church the negroes addressed properly belonged. In 1833, the mayor and aldermen of the city of Mobile were authorized by law to grant licenses to such persons as they might deem suitable, to instruct for limited periods the free colored creoie children within the city and in the counties of Mobile and Baldwin, who were the descendants of colored Creoles residing in said city and counties in April 1803; provided, that said children first received permission to be taught from the mayor and aldermen, and had their names recorded in a book kept for that purpose. This was done, as set forth in the preamble to the law, because there were many colored Creoles there whose ancestors, under the treaty between France and the United States, in 1803, had the rio-hts and privileges of citizens of the United States secured to them; and because these Creoles had conducted with uniform propriety, and were anxious that their children should bo educated. The constitution adopted September 30, 18C5, provides that the general assembly shall, from tiuie to time, make necessary and proper laws for the encouragement of schools and education ; take proper measures to prcEcrve from waste or damage any lands granted by the United States for the use of schools, and apply the funds derived from them to that object ; place the school fund under the control and management of a superintendent of education, requiring such a superint(:ndent to be appointed for the whole State; provide for a county superintendent of free public schools in each county, and for the appointment ot three trustees of free public schools in each township. In accordance with the provisions of the constitution, the revised code, adopted February 19, 18G7, provides that " every child botvvcan the ages of six and twenty years shall be entitled to admission into and instruction in any of the free public schools of the township in which he or she resides, or to any school in any adjacent township." Color is not men- tioned in the chapter relating to the public school system. SCHOOLS FOU THE FREEDMEN SIN'CE J 864. Under the auspices of the assistant commissioner for the Freedmen's Bureau, for the Stato of Alabania, (General Swayue,) a great amount of local good feeling was enlisted in that Stato towards establishing schools for the colored population. School buildings were pro- vided and kept in repair at the expense of the Freedmen's Bureau. By a bill introduced into the legislature in 18G7, to establish a common school ^ystem, it was provided that the board of directors of each township iu the State should " establish separate schools for the 324, LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION education of negvo and mulatto children, and persons of African descent between the ages of six and twenty-one years, whenever as many as thirty pupils in sufficient proximity for school purposes claim the privilege of public instruction, and the fund for that purpose is sufficient to support a school for four months in the year." This movement, on the part of the citizens and legislature of Alabama, Avas seconded by northern societies, and schools were opened particularly at Mobile, Montgonery, Huntsvilleand other places, in the northern part of the State. Among the societies thus giving aid may be mentioned the American Missionary Association, the Freedinen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and- the Ameri- can Freedmen's Union Commission, operating through its Pennsylvania, Cleveland, western and northwestern branches, the latter of which had 11 teachers in its employment in 1866. In order to train their beneficiaries up to a system of self-reliance and support, all of these schools in Alabama, while closing their doors to none, enforced the principle of requiring a small tuition fee from such as might be able to pay. In this educational work the importa!)»t duty of providing far the training of teachers has , not been overlooked, and two normal schools have been established, one at Talladega and the other at Mobile. THE TALLADEGA NORMAL SCHOOL. This institution was opened m 1837, commencing its first session with 140 pupils, under the superintendence of Rev. H. E. Brown. By the aid of the government, a fine piece of property was procurred, consisting of 34 acres of land and a handsome three-story brick building, 100 feet long by 60 feet in width. This building was erected before the war for college purposes, at a cost of $23,000. EMERSON INSTITUTE AT MOBILE. The Emerson Institute is the name of the other school, which occupies a large brick edifice, with four acres of land, fronting upon Government street, in Mobile. This property- was procured by the aid of the Freedmen's Bureau and the liberality of two gentlemen of Kockford, Illinois, in compliment to one of whom it received its name. The property was formerly the seat of the " Blue College," and is estimated to be worth more than $60,000. The institute is now conducted by a corps of able instructors, having under their charge more than 500 pupils, in rooms amply supplied with furniture of approved modern construc- tion, and with a complete equipment of chemical and philosophical apparatus. ^ SWAYNE SCHOOL. The Swayne school. Montgomery, so named in honor of General Svvayne, w^as erected under the auspices of the American Missio-nary Association, and was dedicated April 21, 18S9. This is a handsome edifice, three-stories in height, built by Henry Duncan in a thorough and workmanlike manner, and provided with convenient and ample means for ventilatidn by Isaac Frazier, both of whom are skillful colored mechanics. There are six recitation rooms, with modern seats, desks, and blackboards; and by the liberality of friends at the north an ample supply of outline map-!, tablets, and other educational appli- ances have been provided, as well as an organ, costing |-200. Here, in this neat and com- fortable edifice the freed children of Montgomery find an agreeable change fiom " Fritz & Frazer's Trade House," where, within a few years past, they conned their lessons; or in :arlior and .darker days many of them may have been put up as merchandise for sale. IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 325 The following tables, compiled by Professor Yashou, exhibits the progress and couditiou of the schools for the colored population ia Alabama from 1865 to 1863 : Number of schools, teachers, and scholars, 1865 to 1863. Xumber of schools. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. -a a "S Is < Year. a .a be "a o o la S o .2 "3 "a a "3 o a 1865 13 28 175 84 15 31 1.50 109 817 3,338 9,799 4,315 1866 3,065 8,123 3,297 HI ieC7 122 53 62 55! 126 77 24 32 4,373 2,055 5,42G 2,260 82 1868 76 Studies and expenditures, 1867 and 18/38. Number of scholars iu different studies pursued. Expenditures in support of schools. Year. J3 tJ3 ti >> "E be S rf3 'Z a p a 'a 1 5 >-, >i o < H < ^ O <; K n W H 1867 3,390 519 4,385 2,314 2, 873 2. 202 3,4i7 1,698 1 782 2 888 813 $2, 974 4,207 §14 801 $17,775 8 889 1868 1,197 1,861 390 4, 682 ARKANSAS. The province ceded by France in 1803, under the general designation of Louisiana, was in in 1804 organized by Congress into two parts — the Territory of Orleans and the district of Louisiana. The latter embraced the country out of which was constituted in 1805 the Ter- ritory of Louisiana, which was again reorganized in 1812 into the Territory of Missouri, the southern part of which erected into a distinct jurisdiction as Arkansas Territory in 1819, and as a State in 1836, and another portion into the State of Missouri in 1821. The laws governing the colored population were nearly the same in both States. The first statute relating to them was passed by the governor and judges of the district of Indiana Territory in 1806, and provided that no slave should go from the plantation of his master, or other person witli whom he lived, without a pass, under penalty of "stripes at the discretion of the justice of the peace;" and if found on any other plantation without leave in writin"- from his owner, it was lawful for the owner or overseer "to give or order such slave 10 lashes on his or her bare back for every such otfence." It forbid the master, uiistress or overseer to suffer meetings of f?laves alone for more than four hours at any one time, or to go abroad to trade, on penalty of $3 for each olfence. All trading with slaves or allowino- slaves to trade was furbidden under severe penalties. All assemblages of the slaves of dif- ferent estates in the night or on Sunday, except at the church ot white people, were for- bidden. The first act relating to slaves after Arkansas became a State was passed in 1833, in which their owners were authorized to permit slaves "to labor for themselves on Sunday,' if such labor is done voluntarily by such slaves and without the coercion of the master, and for the sole use of the slave." As this was the only day allowed for such religious instruc- tion as the slave could receive, this provision cannot be regarded as being beneficent. This act forbids any white persons, or free negro, being found in company of slaves at any unlaw- ful meeting, on severe penalty for each offense. In 1843 all migration of free negroes and mulattoes into the State was forbidden ; but no law is found on the statute book directly pro- hibiting teaching slaves or persons of African descent. 326 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION In the constitution adopted in ]83o, all the privileges of citizenship were confined to the whites. In the constitution adopted in 18G4, it is provided that " neither slavery nor invol- untary servitude shall hereafter exist in this State," and " that no act of the legislatm-e pro- hibiting' the education of any class of the inhabitants thereof shall have the force of law." In the constitution adopted by the people of the State, March 13, IS63, the language of that instrument recognizes no distinction in citizenship ou account of color. The first section of article IX, relating to education, reads as follows : "A general diffusion of knowledge and intelligence among all classes being essential to the preservation of the rights and liberties of the people, the general assembly shall establish and maintain a system of free schools for the gratuitous instruction of all persons in this State between the ages of five and twenty-one years." * # * In the "Act to establish and maintain a system of free common schools for the State of Ar- kansas," approved July, 23, 1868, the State board of education, (composed of the State 'and circuit superintendents) is directed "to make the necessary provisions for establishing separate schools for white and colored children and youth," and to adopt such other meas- ures as shall be deemed expedient for carrying the system into effectual and nniforra opera- tion, and provide as nearly as possible for the education of every youth. EDUCATION AND SCHOOLS FOR THE FREEDMEN SINCE 1864. For reasons that will be apparent from the remarks that follow, fewer schools for colored persons have been established in Arkansas since 18G4 than in any other of the formerly slave-holding States. Yet the educational work was commenced there while the war for the Union was still raging t and, from its commencement, it has been prosecuted in such a spirit as promises the most satisfactory results in the future. In the third year of the rebellion, several thousands of persons liberated by President Lincoln's proclamation of freedom had sought protection within the military lines of the government, and were congregated in camps at Helena, Pine Bluff, Little Rock, and other points within the limits of this State. Destitute of all the comforts and necessaries of life, they immediately aroused the sympathy of benevolent individuals throughout the northwestern portion of the country. Associa- tions for the relief of their physical wants were speedily formed ; but thase soon discovered that the mental and moral needs of these unhappy creatures were fully as pressing as their hunger and nakedness. To break through the barriers raised by legislation in the interest of the slave pov.'er, and carry food to those starving souls as well as to their bodies, was an evident duty. In its performance, schools were established at those different cam ps ; and self-denying men and women, braving the manifold perils of those unsettled times, willingly assumed their charge. Prominent among the philanthropists who labored in this section of the country were the Friends, constituting what is known as the Indiana Yearly Meeting. First to enter upon this Christian work, they have at no time since relaxed their generous exertions ; and they now have the satisfaction of seeing them rewarded by the establishment at Little Rock and elsewhere of several graded schools, which, in their appointments and in the improvement made by their pupils, will compare favorably with those of any other locali- ties. At the outset, these schools were, as might naturally be expected, very deficient in every- thing needful for the pleasant pursuit of learning. Within the rudely-constructed shanty which served as the school-room, the only books usually found were a few tattered primers, spelling-books, and Testaments, which had already done good service for other children in far happier circumstances. But for this dearth of facilities in the acquisition of knowledge the patient assiduity of teacher and the earnest application of pupils made ample amends ; so that, in spite of all obstacles, an astonishing progress in the piimary studies was a fre- quent, indeed an ordinary, result. It was not long, however, before the kindness of northern friends supplied the wants of those humble establishments ; and, by the time that these eager scholars were ready for the use of slates, maps, and appropriate books in the differ- ent branches of learning, these articles were fitrnished to them quite liberally. The number of these schools, too, was increased by a timely measure on the part of the government. In ts efforts to restore the industrial interests of the south, and to regulate the relations between IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 327 pmploj'cvs and the emancipated laborers, it established a system by wLicii abandoned plan- tations were leased out upon certain conditions, one of which required, for every lot of 500 acres so kased, the employment of at least one teacher for the freedmen who cultivated them. The colored people thus benefited showed themselves deserving of the interest taken in their behalf by the willingness which they manifested to do everytlyug in their power for the support of these schools. Indeed it will be remembered to their credit that they estab- lished the first free schools that ever were in Arkansas. This they did at Little Rock, where, after paying tuition for a short time, they formed themselves into an educational association, paid by subscription the salaries of the teachers, and made their schools free. Notwithstanding (his willingness on the part of the freed people of Arkansas to co-operate with those desirous of educating them, (hat State has fared somewhat indifferently in the matter of schools, from the fact that it has no important commercial centers, and that, from a want of good roads, its interior is diflScult of access. These circumstances rendi-r it an uninviting- field for teachers. Still, quite a number of these have seconded the efforts made by theedu- cadonal officers of the Freedmen's Bureau to establish schools, and have cheerfully endured the dangers and fatigues of travel, in going even as far as the Red River coun(ry in the extreme southwestern part of the State, by almost impassable roads r.nd in the rudest conveyances, to enter upon their duties. The planters of Arkansas, too, have quite generally exhibited a commendable friendliness towards any movements touching the instruction of their laborino- Lands, by inviting the establishment of schools in their localities, and engaging to provide board and suitable accommodations for teachers v/ho might come among them. Lender these favorable circumstances, and through the aid of the congressional appropriation for buildin"- schools, nearly !ji30,0(;0 of which was allotted to Arkansas, quite an increased activity marked educational affairs there during 18(j7 and 1868. Thit; was in some measure checked by politi- cal disturbances, and by the privations incident to a succession of scanty harvests ; but it is to be hoped that with the prevalence of good order, and the return of prosperity, the schools for colored people in Arkansas will again begin to increase in number and to improve in condition. The following tables, prepared by Prof. Vashon, exhibit the progress of the schools from 186G to 1868: Numhcr of schools, teachers, and scholars, 1833 to J 863. Nufciber of x ehools. Numb ■'r of toacbers. Kumber of Bcholars. ■3 Year. ,_• ^ a ri > S cz > lefifi "2.j i"'io' 30 23 3.J :j:i ? 28 4) 1,584 1,(1!)2 1,2:!) 1,6Q5 ]eG7 OfiO 1, 042 "'pi Ifelig 22 i 5 Ul 31 12 43 715 8Q2 1,537 l,2i5 79 Distribution of studies and expenditures. Number of scholar.s in difforcnt studies pursued. Expenilitures in. support of scliooln. Year. .5 is t ! II ^ 1 >2 a 1 <'^ a "5, d 6 < 3 ^• 1PR7 34 201 1,197 494 811 1 573 629 787 347 38u $2, 987 3,4!5 $7, 982 7, 232 $in, 9no 10, (;47 18G8 78.) ii'> 328 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION CALIFORNIA. By ihe census of ISCO the population of California was 579,994, of which number 4,086 ■were free colored. In the constitution of California, adopted in 1849, prior to its admission into the Union as a State in IS.IO, the right of suffrage is limited to white male citizens, but the establishment of slavery or involuntary servitude, except for crime, is prohibited. In the revised school law, approved March 24, 1866, the following sections apply to colored children : Sec. 57. Children of African or Mongolian descent, and Indian children notliving under the care of white persons, shall not be admitted into public schools, except as provided iu this act : Provided, That, upon the written application of the parents or guardians of at least 10 such children to any Ijoard of trustees or board of education, a sepaiate school shall be established for the education of such children, and the education of a less number may be provided for by the trustees in any other manner. Sec. 58. When there shall be in any district any number of children, other than white chil- dren, whose education can be provided for in no other way, the trustees, by a majoritj' vote, may permit such children to attend school for white children : Provided, That a majority of the parents of the children attending such school make no objection, in writing, to be filed with the board of trustees. Sec. 59. The same laws, rules, and regulations which apply to schools for white children shall apply to schools for colored children. The superintendent of public instruction, Hon. John Swett, in his annual report for 1867, reports as follows: Number of negro children in the State between 5 and 10 years of age 709 Number of separate schools 16 Number of pupils in attendance - 400 " The people of the State are decidedly in favor of separate schools for colored children." CONNECTICUT. In 1860 the free colored population of Connecticut was 8,6.27, out of a total of 460,147 inhabitants. The constitution of 1818 limits the privilege of the elector to white male citizens, but the public schools of the State have never been restricted to any class on account of color, although in the city of Hartford, in 1830, a separate school was established under legis- lative permission granted on application made by the school committee at the request of the colored people of the city. This example was followed in two or three towns, but the system of separate schools, under special legislation or the action of school committees, was broken up by the legisla- ture in 1868, and the old practice of "schools good enough for all" revived and established by law. The legislature in 1833, under the lead of a few influential m.en, passed a law which illustrated the extent to which the prejudices of the community could be enlisted against •■lie colored people, but this law was repealed in 1838, having accomplished its object in a manner no way creditable to the State. PRUDENCE CRAKDALL AND THE CANTERBUIIY SCHOOL. The following account of the efforts made by Miss Prudence Crandall, in the town of Canterbury, to establish a boarding and day school for young women of African descent, is abridged from the "Recollections of the Anti-Slaverj^ Conflict," by Rev. Samuel J. May : In the summer of 1832, Miss Prudence Crandall, an excellent, well-educated Quaker young lady, who had gained considerable reputation as a feuLhtr iu the neighboring town of Plainfield, purchased, at the solicitation of a number of families in the village of Can- terbury, Connecticut, a commodious house in that village, for the purpose of establishing a boarding and day school for young ladies, in order that they might receive instniction in higher branches than were taught iu the public district school. Her school was well con- liSr RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 329 (luctetl, but was iuterrupted early in 1833, in Ibis wise: Not far from tbe village a w-ortby colored man was living, by tbe name of Harris, tbc owner of a ^ood farm, and in comfort- able circumstances. His dnngbter Sarab, a bright girl, 17 years of age, bad passed with credit tbrougli tbe public school of tbe district in which she lived, and was anxious to acquire a better education, to qualify herself to become a teacher of the colored people. She applied ■ ored people, and forbidding all meetings except for religious worship and the burial of their dead. The penalty for each offense was a fine of $10 and costs, and on failure to pay, to be sold into slavery not exceeding seven years, to any person residing in the county. While the free colored people were taxed to a certain extent for school purposes they could not enjoy the privileges ot public instruction thus provided, and were left for many years to rely principally upon individual efforts among themselves and their friends for the support of a few occasional schools. In 1840 the Friends formed the African School Association, in the city of Wilmington ; and by its aid two very good schools, male and female, were estab- lished in that place. In 186G the Delaware Association for the Moral Improvement and Education of the Col- ored People of the State was organized through the efforts of General E. M. Gi'egory, an- earnest and efficient assistant commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau. He was aided therein by Judge Hugh M. Bond and Francis T. King, of Baltimore, Maryland ; and also bj' the Right Reverend Alfred Lee, Bishop of the Protestant Episc^ipal Church of Delaware. 336 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION The latter gentleman penned an appeal to the public, in which he urgently pressed the con- siderations that should influence all classes to give to this movement their sympathy and co- operation. These considerations were alleged to be: 1st. The manifest equity of no longer excluding any class of the community from the advantages of mental culture ; 2d. The res- cue of a large number ot the young from indolence and vice ; 3d. The general social improvement which might be expected in the State ; 4th. The certain benefits to product- ive industry ; and, oth. The satisfaction of doing sometliing to redress a great wrong, and so pay a debt long overdue to the poor and defenseless. To the association thus founded and advocated the African School Association transferred its school property in Wilmington, valued at about $4,000, and also the income of its funds, in trust, that the former should establish and maintain on the premises transferred as high an order of schools for the colored people as their condition permitted. The Delaware Association also took charge of a school in Wilmington, which had been sustained previously by private contributions, and opened another in the school-room of the African Zion church. Besides these, it speedily estab- lished schools in the following places, viz : Dover, Milford, Seaford, Smyrna, Odessa, Chris- tiana, New Castle, Laurel, Georgetown, Milton, Newark, Delaware City, Lewis, Camden, Newport, Williamsville, and Port Penn. These schools have generally been well conducted, and attended with very satisfactory results. In their establishment the association was largely indebted to the Freedmen's Bureau, which contributed over |)1 0,000 in furnishing building materials ; and in their support it has, also, had the co-operation of the colored people themselves, who have contributed about $8,000 inpayment of tuition, teachers' board, purchase of books, and erection of school buildings. On the 3d of October, 1867, two normal schools, male and female, were opened in the old African Association building, which had been altered to suit their purposes. Of these schools Professor William Howard Day, an educated colored gentleman, who is superin- tendent of education under the Freedmen's Bureau for the States of Maryland and Dela- ' ware, speaks in very commendable terms. The following statistics for the years 18G7 and . 1868 present the educational work done in the State of Delaware during that period : Number of schools, teachc rs, and pupils- -1867- '63. Number of schools. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. bo g <5-^ a Year. Day. Kight. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. Ph i867 20 32 3' 20 35 4 10 16 25 20 35 269 767 443 510 712 1,277 581 904 81 1868 71 Studies and expenditures for schools — 1867-68. Number of scholars in different studies pursued. Expenditures in support of schools. Year. 1 < it ^ OQ Advanced readers. ti a p. 2 to < Higher br's. £ a 3 By others. Total. 1867 338 158 265 570 189 433 203 545 133 S87 282 55 L 25' $5, 800 •2, 299 $34, 963 $40, 763 1868 6, 191 8, 490 1 FLORIDA. By the census of 1860 Florida had 140,425 inhabitants, of whom 62,677 were blacks, and of these 61,747 were slaves. While Florida was still a Territory, in 1832, the immigration of any free negro or mulatto into its jurisdiction was forbidden by legal enactment ; and at the same time an act was passed forbidding any of the same class of persons, resident in the Territory, " to assemble IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 337 at any time or place" for any purpose except for labor — n*ot even for a funeral. They might, however, "attend divine worship at any church, chapel, or other place of congregated white persons for that purpose." In 184(), one year after the admission of Florida as a State, "all assemblies and congre- gations of slaves, free negroes, and niulattoes, consisting of four or more, met together in a confined t-r secret place," were declared to be iinlawful, and the most stringent measures were used to prevent them ; but no "church or place of public worship," where any religious society should be assembled, " a portion of whom" were white, could be broken into or dis- turbed " at any time before 10 o'clock in the evening." December 28, 1848, an act was passed " to provide for the establishment of common schools," and giving to any person, liable to taxation on his property for the erection of school-houses, the right to vote at the district meetings; but white children only, of a speci- fied age, were entitled to school privileges. In the same year an act was passed providing that the school fund should consist of " the proceeds of the school lands," and of all estates, real or personal, escheating to the State, and " the proceeds of all property found on the coast or shores of the State." In 1850 the counties were authorized to provide, by taxation, not more than four dollars for each child within their limits of the prosier school age. In the same year the amount received from the sale of any slave, imder the act of 1829, was required to be added to the school fund. The common school law was revised in 1853, and the county commissioners were .luthorized to add from the county treasury any sum they thought proper for the support of common schools. January 18, 1866, an act establishing common schools for freedmen was passed, providing for a tax of one dollar each upon "all male persons of color between the ages of 21 and 45" for the support of such schools, which Avere placed under the care of a superintendent appointed by the governor. In 1869, by act approved January 30, a common school law was established, in which no reference is made to the complexion of the pupils. EDUCATION OF THE FREEDMEN, Among the various agencies engaged in the work of educating the freedmen of the South are two consisting of colored people in the northern States, and known respectively as the African Civilization Society and the Home Missionary Society of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Both of these societies have shown no lack of interest in the great matter of improving the condition of their formerly enslaved brethren, and both of them have labored zealously, as far as their means would permit, either independently or in co-opevation with others,,in the establishment of schools at different points in the southern States. Several of these schools were opened at Tallahassee and other places in Florida shortly after the close of the war, and have proved important and successful instrumentali- ties for good. More sparsely settled than the other States, and lacking in the advantages of convenient roads, this State has not furnished so inviting a field to philanthropic effort as others ; yet, ' in spite of these obstacles, the northern societies have not been without their representatives here, the New York branch of the American Freedmen's Union Commission having the greatest number of teachers employed in this section. As elsewhere, their labors have been blessed in the improvement of their pupils both in school learning and in the general conduct of life. Besides the schools already mentioned there were yet others, amounting, perhaps, to one-half of the entire number of schools in the State. These last were taught by freed persons who had acciuired a little learning in their bondage. However poorly qualified they may have been to act as instructors, the existence of their schools was evidence both of their desire to labor in the elevation of their brethren and of the necessity felt by the latter for acquiring some knowledge, were it only the merest rudiments of learning. It is to be hoped, then, that even these schools were not wholly destitute of their wished-for fruit. Through the three several agencies already mentioned 30 schools were in existence in Florida at the close of 1865. Early in the following year, January 16, 1866, the State legislature created a public 22 338 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULiTION system ©f education for the freedmeu of the State. This enactment proivdes for the appoint- ment of a superintendent, whose duty is to "establish schools for frecdmeu, when the number of children of persons of color shall warrant the same," and to employ competent teachers for them. For the support of these schools it also provides that, besides a tuition fee of 50 cents per month to.be collected from each pupil, a fund, "to be denominated the common school fund for the education of freedmeu," shall bo raised by levying- a tax of $1 upon all male persons of color between the ages of 21 and 55 years. The good effects of this law were apparent in the increased number of schools during that year and the fol- lowing. The action of the legislature was heartily seconded by the freedmen themselves, who, in a number of instances, erected school-houses at their own expense, besides contributing from their scanty means towards the support of teachers. Here, too, as in other States, the Freed- men's Bureau proved itself their efficient friend. In order to enable them to secure for them- selves school-houses as well as schools, it advised the formation of "school societies," and suggested a course of procedure upon compliance with which its assistance would be extended to them. It stipulated that each society should acquire, by gift or purchase, the perfect title to an eligible lot of ground not less than one acre iu extent, to be vested in a board of trus- tees for school purposes, and that it should then secure good pledges of labor and money sufficient to provide for all the work required in the erection of the school-house and iu making needed improvements of the property. Upon these conditions it agreed to supply all the lumber and other materials necessary for the construction of the building. Not only did the freedmen accede to this plan, but also quite a number of the landed proprietors entered cordially into it, readily furnishing the school lots required. The reports of 1868 showed, in the diminished number of schools, that Florida had not been exen:pt from the sufferings which hard times had entailed upon other States. With all the advantages just mentioned, it became evident, in the stringency of money matters, that its public school system, however judicious and commendable it may be, cannot be a com- plete success until years of patient and earnest labor shall be blessed with that prosperity which such labor must inevitably secure. The following table, compiled by Professor Vashou, presents the statistics of these schools from 1865 to ]8S8 : Number of schools, teachers, and scholars, 1865 to 1833. Number of schools. Slumber of teachers. Number of scholars. d n > < Year. To 2 ■i. > "o c 1 Female. ■ Total. 3 ,fGo i 30 38 71 £4 "32 24 32 37 10 51 (14 (U 1,9(10 1,619 Igfifi i 1 2, (SG3 1807 42 33 29 21 1 , 053 1,032 ],]7.5 1 2,228 1, 150 1 2,182 1 61 1SG8 74 Studies and expenditures, 1867 and 18G8. Number of scholars ia diff^ireiit studies pursued. Expenditures in support of schools. Year. 1 < do c a a Advanced readiug. Writing. c E Si < .a K H -a >> J3 .867 1868 418 212 1,047 1,163 432 683 562 1,040 208 481 485 898 19 5 J $608 629 $20, 3fl2 18, 571 $21, 000 19,200 IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 339 The State superintendent of public instruction, in a report submitted to Governor Reed January 9, 1809, remarks, respecting the schools conducted under the auspices of northern benevolent associations : " Many of the ladies who assumed the duties of teachers were persons of wealth and high social positions at home. Coming at a time when the freed children were cast suddenly at the tin-eshold of a new life, unused to tlie responsibilities and ignorant of the duties thus thrust upon them, they were welcomed with great joy, and labored with sincere Christian devotion, amidst hardships and privations. The teachers have changed, but most of the schools are still maintained." GEORGIA. By the census of 1860 the population of Georgia was 1,057,280; and of this number 46'),(>98 were black, of whom all but 3,500 were slaves. The Province of Georgia, in 1770, adopted the law of South Carolina, passed in 1740, providing a lighter penalty only for teaching slaves to write — a fine of £20 instead of £100. The same law provided that any magistrate or constable must " disperse any assembly or meeting of slaves which may disturb the peace and endanger the safety of his Majesty's subjects;" and any slave found at such meeting might, bj^ order of the magistrate, be immediately corrected, without trial, by whipping on the bare back " twenty-five stripes with a whip, switch, or covvskin." The reason for the passage of this provision of the law was, as stated, because " the frequent meeting of slaves, under the pretense of feasting, niay be attended with dangerous consequences." The "feasting" referred to was the love feast of the Methodist church. In 1829 the following law was enacted: "If any slave, negro, or free person of color, or any white person, shall teach any other slave, negro, or free person of color to read or write cither written or printed characters, the said free person of color or slave shall be punished by fine and whipping, or fine or whipping, at the discretion of the court ; and if a white person so offend, he, she, or they shall be punished with a fine not exceeding $500 and imprisonment in the common jail at the discretion of the court." In December, 1833, the penal code was consolidated, and in it a provision from the act of 1829 was embodied, providing a penalty not exceeding $100 for tlie employment of any slave or free person of color in setting up type or other labor about a printing office requir- ing a knowledge of reading or writing. This penal code continued in force until swept away by the events of the late war. In 1833 the city of Savannah adopted an ordinance " that if any person shall teacb or cause to be taught any slave or free person of color to read or write within the city, or who shall keep a school for that purpose, he or she shall be fined in a sum not exceeding $100 fur each and every such offense; and if the offender be a slave or free person of color he or she may also be whipped, not ex".eediug thirty-nine lashes." And yet, in the face of su".h ordinances, instruction was imparted by persons of color in the city of Savan- nah, and individuals were to be found who a few years later advocated a more humane and liberal policy toward the entire laboring class of the State. In the summer of 1850 a series of articles by Mr. F. C. Adams appeared in one of the papers of Savannah, advocating the education of the negroes as a means of increasing their value and of attaching them to their masters. The subject was afterwards taken up in the Agricultural Convention which met at Macon in September of the same year. (See the INIacon Journal and Messenger, Chapman, editor.) The matter was again brought up in September, 1851, in the Agricultural Convention, and after being debated, a resolution was passed that a petition be presented to the legislature for a law granting permission to edu- cate the slaves. The petition was presented to the legislature, and Mr. Harlston introduced a bill in the winter of 1852, which was discussed and passed in the lower house, to repeal the old law, and to grant to the masters the privilege of educating their slaves. (See Millcdge- villc Recorder.) The bill was lost in the senate by two or three votes. 340 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION SCHOOLS FOR THE BLACKS IN GEORGIA. The following account of the eftorts to establish schools in Georgia since 1865 was pre- pared by Professor Vashon : Among the many secret things brought to light by the opening of the southern prison- house, there was one at least Nvhich did not challenge the public regard by its atrocity, but rather by the evidence which it afforded of the futility of oppressive enactments in crushing out the soul's nobler aspirations. This was a school for colored persons in Savannah, Geor- gia. For upwards of 30 years it had existed there, unsuspected by the slave power, and sucessfully eluding the keen-eyed vigilance of its minions. Its teacher, a colored lady by the name of Deveaux, undeterred by any dread of penalties, throughout that long period silently pursued her labors in her native city, in the very same room that she still occupies ; and she now has the satisfaction of knowing that numbers who are indebted to her for their early training are, in these more auspicious days, co-workers with her in the elevation of their common race. It is not a matter for surprise that a city favored with such an estab- lishment as Miss Deveaux's should prove a field ripe for the harvesters, or that its colored resi- dents should hail with appreciative joy the advent of a better time. Within a few days after the entrance of Sherman's army, in December, 1865, they opened a number of schools having an enrolment of 500 pupils, and contributed $1,000 for the support of teachers. In. this spontaneous movement they were fortunate in having the advice and encourage- ment of the Eev. J. W. Alvord, then secretary of the Boston Tract Society, and of other friends who were with the invading forces. Two of the largest of these schools were in " Bryant's Slave Mart;" and thus the very walls whichhad, but a few days before, re-echoed with the anguish of bondmen put up for sale, now gave back the hushed but joyous mur- murs of their children learning to read. In a very little while this effort attained to such a development as to compel an appeal for outside assistance. To the Macedonian cry, " Come over and help us," the American Missionary Association and also the Boston and New York societies responded, both by sending additional teachers and by engaging to pay the sala- ries of those already on the ground. Schools were also established at Augusta, Macon, and other places thoughout the State ; so that, at the close of the year, there were 69 schools in existence, with as many teachers, 43 of whom were colored, and with over 3,600 pupils in attendance. The same spirit that prompted the negroes of Georgia to open these schools was still mani- fested by them in a continuance and enlargement of the good work. In January, 1860, they org-anized the Georgia Educational Association, whose object was to induce the freed- meu to establish and support schools in their own counties and neighborhoods ; and, in fur- therance of this end, it provided for the formation of snbordinate associations throughout the State. The purpose of its projectors was to act in harmony with agencies already in the field, with the educational officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, and with all other parties who were willing to assist them in the moral and mental culture of their race. Thus, they hoped, by this union of effort, to accomplish much immediate good, and to lay deeply and perma- nently the foundation of a system of public .instruction which should, in time, place an edu- cation within the reach of all the citizens of Georgia. The plan thus proposed met with an approving response from the people, and schools were rapidly opened in many counties of the State. In many quarters, however, great opposition was offered to this new order of things; and the newspapers, in alluding to the female teachers, would descend to the most abusive ribaldry. In frequent instances, too, this opposition did not stop short of acts of violence and outrage. During the year 1866 seven school buildings were destroyed by white incendiaries ; and, at a number of points, teachers were forced either to close their schools or to appeal to the bureau for protection. In the following year, however, Mr. G. L. Eberhart, the State superintendent of education under the bureau, reported a wonderful change in this matter, in the following words : "At the beginning of the current school year scarcely any white persons could be found who were willing to ' disgrace ' themselves by ^ teaching niggers -^^ but, as times grew hard, and money and bread scarce, applications for employment became so numerous that I was obliged to prepare a printed letter with which IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 341 to answer them. Lawyers, pliysicians, editors, miuisters, and all classes of white people applied for eniployaieut ; and while a few by their letters evinced only tolerable qualilieations — none of them first class — a vast majority were unable to write grammatically or to spell the most simple and common words in our language correctly. Not a few appeared to think that ' (iirjhody can teach niggers.'''^ This change in popnlar sentiment rendered it possible to establish schools to a much greater extent in the country districts ; and the result was that at the close of the school year, in 181)7, 191 daj' schools and 45 night schools were reported as existing. Of these schools 9G were supported either wholly or in part by freed- men, who also owned57of the school buildings. The poverty which had contributed so much towards diminishing the prejudices of the white residents, had, on the other hand, an unfavor- able effect on the prosperity of the schools. Through its pressure many of the suVordinate societies ceased to exist, and the schools supported by them were discontinued ; and as the northern associations deemed it to be the better policy to confine their work to the cities in the training of prospective teachers, the rural districts suffered somewhat, and the exhibit of schools for 1868 was about 100 less than in the preceding year. Some compensation for this, however, was found in the establishment by the American Missionary Association of three permanent institutions of a higher grade, with brief notices of which this sketch shall be closed. THE GEORGIA UNIVERSITY, ATLANTA. Early in the year 1837 the Georgia University was incorporated, $10,000 having been contributed from the educational fund of the Freedmen's Bureau towards establishing its normal department. A desirable tract of land, consisting of 53 acres within the city limits, and known as Diamond Hill, was purchased and two brick buildings erected thereon. These are to be used as dormitories, after the completion of the main edifice, which it is the intention of the trustees to put up at as early a da,te as their means will permit. THE BEACH INSTITUTE, SAVANNAH. The Beach Institute, at Savannah, was established in 1867, and was thus named in honor of Alfred E. Beach, esq., editor of the Scientific American, who generously donated the means for purchasing the lot upon which it stands ; and it is a neat and substantial frame structure, erected by the Freedmen's Bureau at a cost of §13,000. This building, which rests upon brick foundations, is 55 feet by 60 feet, and has, at the north and south 'ends, two Ls, each 10 feet by 35 feet. On the first floor are four largo school-rooms, all of which can be converted into one when desired,, by means of sliding doors and windows. Four other school-rooms and an ante-room are on the second floor. All of these rooms have high ceil- ings, iind are well lighted, and furnished with substantial desks, seats, black-boards, &c. A staircase at each end furnishes ready egress from the upper story. On the east side of this building stands the "Teachers' Home," a neat and comfortably arranged two-story frame house, erected by the association at a cost of ip3,000. There are GUO pupils in the institution, which is under the charge o;" Mr. O. \V. Diniick, assisted by nine female teachers, eight of whom arc white and one colored. THE LEWIS SCHOOL, MACON. The Lewis School, at Macon, was dedicated, with appropriate exercises, to God, and to the Christian education of the freed people of Georgia, on the 2Qth day of March, 1866. It is named in honor of General John R. Lewis, inspector of the Freedmen's Bureau, and is a handsome two-story building 80 feet long by 60 in width, affording accommodations for over 500 pupils. The school-rooms are neatly finished with Georgia pine, and furnished with cherry desks, and all the other most approved modern educational appliances. With a corps of teachers, intelligent, refined, and thoroughly capable, there is no doubt that the Lewis School will justly continue to be, as ]t is now the pride of its founders and of the colored people of Macon. 342 LEGAL STATUS OF TPIE COLORED POPULATION Nnmhcr of schools, teachers, and pupils — 1865-'68. Number of schools. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. a Year. Day. Night. Total.* White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. 69 79 236 132 20 43 fi9 113 239 174 3, fi03 7, 792 13,481 8.542 1867 191 103 45 26 148 127 91 47 6, 033 4,035 7, 4-18 4,507 10, 231 6,708 76 ISfiS 78 Studies and expenditures — 186~-'68. Number of scholars in different studies pursued. Expenditures in support of schools. Tear. 1 ■a < i to a 'a a tX) o O < li "•3 1? S o >> p 1867 2, 600 ' 8, 987 1,560 , 4.592 2,318 2,366 3,020 3, 573 1,8.34 2,361 2,810 3, 1U2 139 253 $3o, 224 21,596 $40, 000 31,000 591, 096 1868 52, 596 ILLINOIS. Out of a total population of 1,711,951 in 1860 there Avere returned 7,628 free colored inhabi- tants. By the constitution of 1847 the right of suffrage is restricted to white male citizens, and the benefits of the school law are by implication extended exclusively to children of white parents. Hon. Newton Bateman, in his exhaustive, elaborate, and every way excellent report as superintendent of public instruction, submitted to the governor December 15, ]ti63, introduces the subject of schools for the colored population, as follows : "The nuQiber of colored persons in the State under 21 years of age, as reported for 1867, was 8,962, and the number reported for 1868 was 9,78L The number between the ages of 6 and 21 years, or of lawful school age, was in 1867, 5,492, and in 1868 the number of school- going colored children reported in the State was 6,210. * if -s "I have made every effort to obtain reliable statistics in respect to this element of our popu- lation, but there is good reason to believe that the actual number of colored persons in the State is much greater than is exhibited in the above statement. As children of color are not included in the numerical ba,sis upon which qither the tounty superintendent or the township trustees apportion the school fund, there is no special or pecuniary motive to care and dili- gence in taking this census, as there is in taking that of white children, as previously shown. Indifference and other causes have also operated, in some portions of the State, to prevent a faithful effort to collect and report the desired information in regard to these people. Taldng the figures as reported and comparing them, it will be seen that the number of colored persons under 21 has increased 1 ,505, or over 18 per centum, in the last two years ; and that the number between 6 and 21 has increased 1,279, or 26 per centum. I have no doubt that the actual number of colored children in the State, between 6 and 21, is at least 7,000, and probably more. Indeed this is demonstrated from the statistics which are given. The num- ber under 21 reported is 9,781. Of these, the number under six must be deducted. The ratio of 6 to 21 is two-sevenths ; hence, the number between 6 and 2 1 should be very nearly five-sevenths of the whole number under 21 ; but five-sevenths of 9,7dl is G,987, being an inconsiderable fraction under 7,000. While, for reasons previously given, the number reported as under 21 is undoubtedly too small, yet, being more easily taken than the number between 6 and 21, it is no doubt the more nearly correct of the two. At all events, it is not too large, and if there are 9,731 colored people in the State under 21, it is absolutely certain that there are not less than 7, 090 between 6 and 21, being a little less than one per centum of the number of white children between the same ages." " Inremarkingupou the condition of these people in respect to school privileges, in the last biennial report, the fullowiug language was used : ' For the education of these 6,000 colored children the general school law of the State makes, virtually, no provision. By the dis- criminating terms emploj'cd throughout the statute, it is plainly the intention to exclude them from a joint participation in the benefits of the free school system. Except as referred to by the terms which imply exclusion, and in one brief section of the act, they are wholly IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AXD EDUCATION. 343 ijiuorecl in all the common school legislation of the State. The purport of that one section (the SOtli) is that the amount of all school taxes collected from persons of color shall be paid back to them ; it does uot say what use shall be made of the money so refunded, although the intention (if there was any) may be presumed to be that it should be used for separate schools for colored children. Jiut if that was the object it has not been attained, except in i\ few instances, for two reasons: first, the school taxes paid by persons of color are not gen- erally returned to them; and, second, even when they are refunded, there are uot colored children enough, except in a few places, to form separate schools. In some of the citi(\s and larger towns, where the schools are under special acts and nurnicipal ordinances, the educa- tion of colored children is provided for in a maniirr worthy a just and Christian people ; and in many other instances the requirements of the law are faithfully observed, and the efforts of the colored people to provide schools I'or their children are iieartily seconded. But the larger portion of the aggregate number of colored people in the State are dispersed through the dif- feieut counties and school districts, in small groni)sof one, two, or three families, uot enough to maintain separate schools for themselves, even with the helpof the pittance paid forschool taxes by such of them as are property holders. This ^vhole dispersed class of our colored population are withont the means of a common school education for their children ; the law does not contemplate their co-attendance with white children, and they are without recourse of any kind. I think it safe to my that at least one-half of the 6,000 colored children, between the ages of (i and 21, are in this helpless condiiicn with respect to schools. They are trying, by conventions, petitions, and appeals, to reach the ears and hearts of the representatives of the pei'ple and the law-making ])ower of the State, to see if anything can be done for them. I have tried to state iheir case ; I think it is a hard one. I commend the subject to the atten- tion of the geneial assembly, as demanding a share of public regard.' " I desire again to call attention to the fact that, as 1 understand the law, those people are excluded from all participation in the benefits of the public schools, except by common con- sent, or as a matter of sufi'erance. The recurrence throughout the statute of the restiictive word 'white' leaves no room for doubt that it was the intention to provide for the education of white children only, in the free schools of the State, and upon this principle the school law has been interpreted, and the system administered, from the first. I approve the reso- lution adopted by the State Teachers' Association, ' that the distinctive word "white," in the school law and the 80th section of the same, are contrary to the true intent of the prin- ciple on which the school system is based, and should be repealed.' I regard the longer presence in the school law of this great and free commonwealth, of provisions which now exclude 7,000 children of lawful school age from all the blessings of public education, and which, if not repealed, will continue to exclude theiu a:;d the thousands which may here- af er be added to the number, as alike impolitic and unjust; the opprobium and shame of our otherwise noble system of free schools. No State can afford to defend or perpetuate such provisions, and least of all the State that holds the dust of the fingers that wrote the pro- clamation of January 1, 188'3. Let us expunge this last remaining remnant of the unchris- tian ' black lav.s' of Illinois and proclaim in the name of God and the Declaration of Independence, that till the school-guing children of the State, without distinction, shall be equally entitled to share in the rich provisious of the free school system. Nor need any one be s:cared by the phantom of blended colors in the same school-room. The question of co-attendance, «r of separate schools, is an entirely separate and distinct one, and may safely be left to be determined by the respective distilcts and communities to suit themselves. In many places there will be but one school for all; in many others there will be separate schools. That is a matter of but little importance, and one which need uot and cannot be regulated by legislation. Only drive tiie spirit of caste from its intrcnchments in the statute, giving all equal educational rights under the laic, and the consequences will take care of tlumselves." COLOUED SCHOOLS IN CHICAGO. From tlie following note of Mr. Packard, superintendent of public schools in Chicago, addressed to the State superintendent of public instruction in Indiana, it appears that the experim.entof a separate school for the colored children was tried without satisfactory results. Why the school was abolished by the legislature does not appear : •'Korcne year, 1864 and 1865, the experiment of a separate colored school was tried. The school was disorderly and much trouble existed in the vicinity of the school. The legis- lature in 1864-'5 abolished this school, and since that time colored children have been admitted to the public schools on an equality with other childreu. Not a word of complaint has come, with perhaps one or two individual exceptions, arising from seating pupils — a matter v.liich is easily remedied. Colored children are admitted to our high school ; one graduated last year; others will graduate this year. All difficulty with the children of color lias di.-a|)peared, except such as may be common to all childreu who have had uo better advantages than themselves; we certainly have less frequent complaints than in the separate system." 344 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION INDIANA. By the census of 1860 the population of Indiana was 1,350,428, and of this number ]],428 were free colored; and towards this class a violent and persistent hostile legislation has been pursued from the earliest history of the State. The constitution in 1851 provides that "no negro or mulatto shall have the right of suffrage" and after the date of its adoption, " no negro or mulatto shall come into or settle in the State," and "all contracts made with such persons are declared void ;" and "any person who shall employ such negro or mulatto, or otherwise encourage him to remain in the State, shall be fined in any sum not less than $10 nor more than $500, such fines to be appropriated to the colonization of such negroes as desire to leave the State." The general assembly are directed to pass laws to give effect to these provisions. The utterly un-American, undemo cratic and unchristian character of these provisions has been frequently exposed, and particularly by the State superintendents of public instruction. Professor Hoss, in his report to the general assembly dated December 3!, J866, remarks : " I am fully aware of the public sensitiveness on this subject, hence conscious of t)ie difficulty of preventing it. If the time ever was in Indiana when it was honestly believed, that the colored man could be kept out of the State by stringent legislatioti, that time lias passed and that belief cannot exist now, unless in an illiberal or prejudiced mind. The severe logic of events proves the trutli of this assertion. These events and agencies, such as the abolition of slavery, the enactment of the civil rights bill, the nullitication of the I'.Jth article of the constitution of Indiana, and the changed and changing tone of public senti- ment concerning the colored man, are all of too recent a date and of too great a magnitude to require presentation here. " Therefore, whereas it is clear, f rst, that the colored man is to remain with us, i. e., in our State ; second, that he is being, and is to bo, clothed with new and larger powers of citizen- ship, it follows that he is becoming a greater force in both society and the State. Any force generated iu, or injected into, the social or political organism at once suggests the necessity of guidance or control ; uncontrolled, evil if not ruin will ensue. But in a popular government like oui's, human force in the aspect now under consideration is most easily con- trolled for the good of society and the State when the party possessing and exerting such force is educated. The constitution of our State broadly and explicitly recognizes the above truth as applied to governments. The constitution holds the following : ' knowledge and learning generally diffused throughout a community, being essential (italicizing mine) to the preservation of a free government,' it becomes the duty of the legislature to provide a system of common schools and other means of securing popular intelligence, also to encour- age ' moral, intellectual, and scientific improvement.' '■ Therefore, the above granted true, it follows that the welfare of the government, i. e., the State, requires the education of all the community, hence of the colored man. A non- sequitur can hardly be pleaded here by saying the negro is not a citizen. If such were true, it is not material to the argument, as the constitution speaks not narrowly of citizens only, but of members of community in general. Hence under the narrowest logic and most pre- judiced definition of terms, the constitution includes the colored man as an element of that community throughout which ' knowledge and learning are to be diffased.' Therefore, the above true, the constitution seems clearly to contemplate the education of colored children. " But, granting the above all true, we are in the lower story of tlie argument, nan;ely, among policies and expediencies, Avhich look to the ' preservation of a free government.' Let none suppose that I do not regard this a great, a glorious object. It is both great and glorious, yet justice may be as great and glorious. "The question occurs, how far justice will sustain the State in closing, or at leastrefusing to open, the avenues of knowledge to the eager minds of several thousand members of the community. " Independent of recent events, I submit that these children are as clearly entitled to their ' share of the congressional township revenue as any children iu the State. Congress in granting this land did not use the now ambiguous term 'citizen,' but the plainer term 'inhabitant,' saying that ' section numbered 16 in every township ^' '' shall be granted to the inhabitants of such township for the use of schools.' Consequently, every colored child resident of the State, being an ' inhabitant'' of some one of the congressional townships, is entitled to its pro rata of the congressional revenue of that township. " Second and higher, I suppose it will bo granted that there are claims liigiiur than the claims of mere inhabitancy, namely the claims of a human being as such. I'ho claims of a colored man are the claims of a human being with human responsibilities, human aspira- tions, with human hopes and sympathies, and bearing as others bear, marred by sin, the image of his Creator. Hence both State policy and justice say that he should be educated. " Deference to the extreme sensitiveness of public opinion maysay, wail for a more oppor- tune time. If it be true that this be not the time, the time is coming, and couiing surely if IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 345 not speedily. 'The mills of God grind slowly, but surely.' Justice, like truth, bides her time, but executes her mission. "If the legislature shall deem it wise to inaugurate a movement looking to the above end, I would respectfully submit the following in aid of this result : " ]. That the scliool trustees open separate schools for colored children, when a given number of such children of school age reside within attending distance. Probably that number could not safely be less than 15. "2. In case in any neighborhood the number of children be less than 15, then the distribu- tive share of revenue due each colored child shall be set apart for the education of such child in such manner as the proper school trustee shall provide. " 3. Make it specially obligatory upon the trustee to make some provision for theeducation of the children to the extent of the money set apart for the same, as provided in case second." Mr. Hobbs, in his annual report submitted December 31, 1868, remarks: "We cannot avoid the grave consideration, that there is a large colored population in the State who have hitherto submitted ]3atiently to the ordeal of adverse public sentiment and the force of our statutes, in being denied participation in the benefits of our public school funds, while at the same time no bar can be discovered to their natural and constitutional right to them. By the grants of Congress, whence mainly we derive these funds, no exclu- sion is made. They were evidently designed for the citizens of the State without regard to color. Whatever additions our States may have made, they are still known as one ' common school fund.' But whatever distinctions may have been made in the rights and privileges of citizens by our laws, they have been set aside by the emendations of our national con- stitution and the 'civil rights bill.' All citizens are now equal before the law. Colored citizens, while hitherto deprived of their natural and constitutional rights, have been subject to the speriid school tax for township purposes in common with ichile citizens, and have thus paid their proportion of expense for building school-houses for white children. After being denied all privilege to the school funds and thus taxed, they have been under the necessity of levying on themselves an additional tax to build their own school-houses and for the entire cost of their tuition. The liistorian will find this a dark chapter in our history. " Whatever elements of ignorance and incompetency the population of a State may contain, is so much that may damage its prosperity and safety. How can we inspire these people with gratitude and patriotism, and win them to the support of law and virtue, when we repel them by cold indifference and deny them their natural aud constitutional rights?" To reach a safe decision, founded on the experience of other States, as to the true policy of dealing with this portion of the population, the superintendent ascertained by correspond- ence the practice of other free States in this regard, and finds that "Illinois and Indiana are alone of States north of Mason and Dixon's line" in denying educational privileges to colored citizens, and urges that " the deeply seated prejudices in the niiuds of many citizens should yield to duty, justice, und humanity." IOWA. Iowa had in 1860 a population of 674,913 inhabitants, of whom 1,069 were free blacks. By the constitution of 1857 the right of suffrage was limited to white male citizens; "but by sundry amendments," writes the late Franklin D. Wells, superintendent of public instruction, to the superintendent of schools in Indiana, " to our State constitution submitted to the people, and by them adopted at the election on the 3d of Noveaiber, 1868, by nearly 30,000 majority, a man's rights and privileges are no longer determined by the color of his skin. Colored citizens of Iowa are entitled to vote, to hold office, and hold property ; are a part of the militia, and are entitled to the benefits of our public school .system on the same foot- ing with white citizens. Wherever the word ' white' occurred in the constitution it has been stricken out." KANSAS. In 1860 Kansas had a population of 107,206, of wliidi number 625 were free colored per- sons. By the constitution adopted July 29, 1861, the right of suffrage is restricted to white male persons; but the first school law provides that equal educational advantages "shall be extended to all children in the State." A clause in the law leaves it to the discretion of the board of directors to establish separate schools for the colored children ; but the legislature, in 1867, provided that when any children are denied admittance to a public school by vote 346 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLOKED POPULATION or action of the directors, the members of such board shall each pay a fine of $100 for any school month the children are thus excluded. The people of this State have from its earliest settlement been imbued with the spirit of freedom ; and their legislation in reference to educational matters has consequently been free from invidious discriminations as to the several races. Their schools are generally open to black and to white children alike ; and it is only at a few points, where large numbers of negro emigrants are to be found, that schools for colored children exist separately. About ]5 of these schools have been established and maintained through benevolent agencies ; among which may be mentioned the American Missionary Association, the Michigan and the' Northwestern branches of the American Freedmen's Union Commission, and the General Assembly of the Presbyterian church, old school. The last of these, operating through a standing committee originally formed in 1864, and reorganized in (he following year, has labored with praiseworthy efficiency not only in this State but also in Tennessee, Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Arkansas, and the District of Columbia. Its mission in Kansas is located at Quiudaro, where, under the superintendence of the Ptev. E. Blachly, D. D., THE QUINDARO HIGH SCHOOL has been established. This institution, situated on the western bank of the Missouri river, and on the line of the Pacific railroad, is readily accessible from every quarter. In the face of great discouragements it has gone quietly forward, and had, at the date of its last cata- logue, 180 students, 95 of whom were males and 85 females. Colonel F. A. Seely, the superintendent of education under the Freedmen's Bureau, in speaking of this institution says: "In respect to orderly conduct, thoroughness of instruction, and advancement in study, this school is unsurpassed." It is the purpose of its trustees to establish a depart- ment of theological instruction, and to this end they are desirous to secure the services of an efficient teacher in that branch. The property of the institution, valued at fi6,200, con- sists at present of a commodious seminary building and three dwelling houses for teachers. Besides this, the trustees hope to secure 200 acres of land, so as to add a manual labor feature to their promising institution. KENTUCKY. Out of a population of 1,555,634, in 1880, 33 6,167 were blacks, and of these 10,684 were free and 225,483 were slaves. In 1738 Kentucky was included in what was then formed into the county of Augusta, in Virginia. In 1769 Botetourt county was cut off from the county of Augusta; in 1772 Fin- castle was cut off from Botetourt ; and in 1776, the first year of the com.monwealtli of Vir- ginia, Fincastle was divided into three counties, Washington, Montgomery, and Kentucky, the latter constituting what is now the State, and which was originally the hi;oting and bat- tle ground of the savages, north and south, from whom it received the name Cane-tuck-ee, signifying " the dark and bloody ground." In the compact with Virginia, in 1789, by which Kentucky was empowered to originate an independent State, "free male inhabitants above the age of 21 years" were designated as electors; and the constitution, adopted June 1, 1800, declared " every free male citizen, negroes, mulattoes, and Indians excepted," of the age of 21 years, to be electors. It also prohibited the emancipation of slaves by the general assembly, without the consent of the owner, but gave to slaves the right of "an impartial trial by a petty jury" in charges of felony. The first legislation in the State, on the subject of the colored people, declared that no per- sons should be slaves in the State, except those who were slaves on the 17th of October, 1785, and their descendants ; and in other respects the laws were essentially the same as those of Virginia, in relation to the colored population, until 1792. In 1816, and also in 1830, strin- gent laws were enacted to preventcruelty in the treatment of slaves, and in 18.33 theimport- ation of slaves was forbidden under a penalty of $600 for each offense. No laws are found on the statute books of Kentucky forbidding the instruction of slaves. IN EESPECT TO SCnOOLS A^D EDUCATION. 3-17 In 1830 a school system was establisLc], by which school districts had the power to tax the iuhabitants of the district for scliool purposes. lu tliis provision the property of colorotl people was included, although they could not vote nor have the benefits of the school. The provision for a full tax not exceeding 50 cents was, however, confined to "every tcliite male inhabitant over 20 years of age ; but the right to vote in the school district meelicg was iu certain cases extended to white females over 21 years of age. The Revised Statutes of 1852 provided that " any widow, having a child between six and 18 years of age should be allowed to vote in person, or by written proxy." But colored children were excluded from the district school, even though their parents were taxed for its support. In 1SG4 the school laws were revised, but the benefits of the system were still confined to free white children. In 18i>7, however, an act was passed and approved March [), " for the benefit of the negroes and inulattoes " of the State, providing that all taxes collected from negroes and mulattoes shall be set apart and constitute a separate fund "for their use, one- half, if necessary, to be applied to the support of their paupers and the remainder to the education of their children. An additional tax of $2 was also to be levied upon every male negro 18 years of age, for this fund. Separate schools may be established in each district, for the sujiport of which they are to receive their proportion of the appropriate fund. As to the operation of this law the State superintendent, (Z. F. Smith,) in his annual report, dated March 25, 1868, remarks as follows: "The new law, approved March 9, 1887, has not operated to the satisfaction of its framers, as was hoped. I think the following extract from a letter of one of our commis- sioners explains the chief ground of difficulty : " ' There were no' colored schools taught in my county in 1867, under the supervision of trustees ; consequently none reported. The trustees have all been apprised of the fact that the law makes it their duty to have colored schools taught. But they reply " the law says they niaij have, but don't say they shall liave, colored. schools taught in their districts." The trustees therefore are perfectly indift'erent iu regard to colored schools.'" " There is nothing obligatory in the laAv making the trustees responsible for neglecting its enforcement. They have no personal interest in its operations, and to leave its execution to the chance impulses of the spirit of philanthropy is a very doubtful reliance for the applica- tion of a general law. The difficulties are magnified, also, by the fact that there exists yet in some quarters much of morbid and unreasonable prejudice against legislating in any way for the benefit of the colored population, and especially for the education of their children. Trustees do not like always to encounter this prejudice, especially when they conclude that they have no personal interest in so doing, and the law is left to become a dead letter. "I prepared some amendments to the law, which, I thought, would make it practicable and efficient ; but these did not seem to meet the approval generally of the legislators, and were not adopted. But another amendment was introduced, and became a law, which requires all the revenues from taxes collected of negroes and mulattoes to be used, lirst, for pauper purposes; and, if there should beany excess, for school purposes. The amendment is published as part of this report. With the embarrassing provisions of the original law, it virtually destroys the practicability of existing legislation to furnish the colored people Avi!h any educational advantages. I think there is little hope of accomplishing any tiling for the education of the negroes until a law, independent of any pauper scheme, is passed, and the execution of 'such law left, iuits details, to agencies from among their own people." SCHOOLS FOR FREEDMEN. The attempts to establish schools for colored children have encountereij greater obstacles, perhaps, in Kentucky than in any other of the former slave States. As it did not engage in the rebellion as a State, slavery only ceased there upon the official announcement, on the 10th day of December, 1865; and until then no colored child within its limits was by law per- mitted to go to school. On accounlt of its quasi loyalty, the Freedmen's Bureau has had but little power there, while the opposition prompted by intense local prejudice to the education of the blacks has deterred northern benevolent societies from sending their teachers to a quarter where they could not expect adequate protection. Then, too, the freedmen who had enlisted iu great numbers in the Union army returned to their homes at the close of the war, with a manful worthiness well attested by courage on the battle-field, and by their eager desire for mental improvement, but hampered by a degree of poverty that hindered them in many instances from doing anything to secure instruction for themselves or their children. Yet, iu spite of all these obstacles, the educational work which had been begun in the camps 348 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION of colored troops, at such brief intervals as are afforded by a soldier's life, found its continu- ance, on the return of peace and the subsequent proclamation of liberty. More than 30 schools with an attendance of over 4,000 pupils were soon in operation at different points in the State. Most of these schools were taught by colored teachers, and mainly supported by the freed people themselves. In Lexington, Frankfort, Danville, and, perhaps, one or two other places, public opinion looked somewhat favorably upon this innovation; but else- where great opposition to it was manifested not only in opprobrious words, but often in acts of violence. Still, in the face of all these discouragements, the work of enlightenment went on increasing, until, at the close of the school-year in 1868, 178 schools were reported in Ken- tucky, with an enrolment of 8,189 pupils. For a time it seemed that liberal views would influence the legislation of this State in behalf of the education of its freedmen. By an act approved February 16, 1866, it was pro- vided that the taxes collected from negroes and mulattoes should be " set apart as a separate fund for their use, one-half, if necessary, to go to the support of their paupers, and the remainder to the education of their children." Under this law, v/hich permitted separate schools for colored children, but failed to make their establishment obligatory, a few hundred dollars were appropriated in accordance with its provisions, during the year following its enactment. In 18G7, it was amended so as to entitle each colored child attending school for at least three months during the year to receive $2 50 from taxes collected within its county. But the assembly of 1868 rescinded the doings of the preceding assemblies and directed that all taxes collected from negroes and mulattoes should be devoted only to the support of their paupers. It is well that in this desert there is an oasis or two for the eye to rest i:pon. Such an oasis is BEREA COLLEGE. Berea College was established in Madison county in 1858, and which was an outgrowth of the missionary work of the Rev. John G. Fee, a native Kentuckian, and of his co-labor- ers, under the care of the American Missionary Association. From its commencement its founders took quiet but firm ground against the spirit of caste ; and it is, therefore, not to be wondered' at that in the popular agitation consequent on the John Brown raid this school fell a prey to lawless fanaticism. Its teachers were driven into exile and its students scat- tered. The rebellion soon followed ; and, after the w^ar which crushed out both the rebellion and slavery, its cause, most of the Berea exiles returned to their homes. The school was re-opened January 1, 18G5 ; and, although its trustees steadfastly adhered to their position not to tolerate distinctions of color and race, its success has exceeded the sanguine expecta- tions of its friends. The last catalogue showed 301 students in attendance, about one-third of whom were white, and the remainder colored. Berea College has an able corps of instructors, made up as follows, viz : Rev. J. G. Fee, A. M., president and lecturer on Biblical Antiquities and the Evidence^ of Christianity. Rev. J. A. R. Rogers, A.M., principal, and teacher of Latin and Mathematics. Rev. W. E. Lincoln, teacher of Greek, Rhetoric, &c. Teachers : Mrs. Louie M. Lincoln, Miss Eliza M. Snedeker, Miss Louisa Kaiser, Miss Jen- nie Donaldson. THE ELY NORMAL SCHOOL, LOUISVILLE. The Ely normal school was formally dedicated April 6, 1868, with appropriate exercises, including addresses by the Rev. Messrs. Hayward, Cravath, Right Rev. B. B. Smith, Bishop of Kentucky, the Hon. Bland Ballard, the Hon. James Speed, and others. It received its name in compliment to General John Ely, who, as chief superintendent of freedmen's affairs, first organized the bureau in this State, and by faithful labors in behalf of the freed- men, both in redressing their wrongs and in securing their just prerogatives, had merited their lasting gratitude. This school is delightfully situated. It is located on a corner lot having one front of 100 feet on Broadway, the finest street in the city, and another of 220 feet on 14th street. In point of convenience and simple architectural beauty the building has no superior m the city. It is a two-storied structure, built of the best quality of brick, is 50 by 70 feet iu extent, and contains nine rooms suitably furnished for its purposes. The total cost of this handsome property was $20,000, of which sum the government appropriated the sum of $12,300. This institution is under the control of the American Missionary Association, and has an attendance of over 400 pupils. Mr. A. H. Robbins, a graduate of Oberlin College is its superintendent. The following tables, prepared by Professor Vashon, give the number of scholars and attendance, as well as teachers and studies for ISGT-'GS. Tabic giving the number of schools, teachers, scholars, and attendance. Year. Number of schools. Numbpr of teacht^-s. Number of scholars. rt 6 £•3 "a Day. Night. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. 1866 35 107 178 58 4,122 6,371 8,182 1867 1868 88 14 155 23 36 37 98 124 155 190 2, 765 3,741 3,606 4,441 5,396 6,236 84 76 Table shoicing the ninabcr in different studies, and cost of maintaining schools. Number of scholars in different studies pursue d. Expended in support of schools. Year. ci i li d a 1 Eb o ■ g < "3) s £ ?' o n o 1867 834 984 3,160 3,584 1,883 2,476 2.310 2,810 1,332 1,770 2, 355 2,810 388 490 $21,736 17, 138 $10,027 20, 996 $31, 763 33, 134 1868 LOUISIANA. By the census of 1880 there were 708,002 inhabitants, of whom nearly one-half were blacks, viz : 331,7-J6 slaves, and 18,647 free ; a total of 350,373. By the treaty of Paris, April 30, 1803, for the purchase of the province of Louisiana, it Avas stipulated that " the inhabitants of the ceded territory " should be admitted to " all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States." As early as January, 1805, a law was enacted bj- the territorial legislature of Orleans, containing a provision as to the mode of selling slaves at auction ; and in May of that year an act was passed " for the pun- ishment of crimes and misdemeanors," which declared that nothing iu tliQ act should be construed to extend to slaves, but that they should be punished for the specified otienscs by '■ the laws of Spain for regulating her colonies." The " Black Code," approved June 7, 1806, was rigorous, but protected slaves from outrage. By it slaves were to have the enjoy- ment of Sundays ; or, if employed, to receive 50 cents a day. But by the same code it was declared that "no slave can possess anything in his own right or dispose of the proceeds of his industry without the consent of his master," No slave was permitted to go out of the plantation to which he belonged without written permission, under a penalty of 20 lashes. Free people of color were never "to presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites ; but they ought to yield to them in every occasion, and never speak to or answer them dis- respectfully," imder the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature of the ofl'ense;" for the third offense of striking a white man, the slave might suffer death. In 1814 a law was passed forbidding any free negro or mulatto to .settle in the Territory, or remain in it more than two weeks after coming into it from another State ; and as apenalty, if unable to pay the fine and costs, he was to be sold to pay them. Louisiana was admitted into the Union April 30, 1812, and in September of that year av 3n0 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION act was passed authorizing the orgauizalion of "a corps of militia," from among the free Creoles who had paid a State tax. The cominander of the corps was to be a white man, and the corps was to consist of four companies of 64 men each. In January, ]815, " an auxil- iary troop of free men of color" was authorized to be raised in the parish of Natchitoches, not exceeding 80 men, who were to famish themselves with arms and horses. Each member of the corps was to be the owner or the son of the owner " of some real property of the value of at least $150." In 1830 the prohibitions of the act of 1814 against the immigration of free people of color were re-asserted, with additional provisions of greater rigor. This act also provided that whoever should "write, print, publish, or distribute anything having a tendency to produce discontent among the free colored population, or insubordination among the slaves," should, on conviction, be imprisoned "at hard labor for life, or suffer death, at the discretion of the court." Whoever used language having a similar tendency, or was "instru- mental in bringing into the State anyjoaper, book, or pamphlet having such tendency," was to " suffer imprisonment at hard labor, not less than three years nor more than 21 years, or death, at the discretion of the court." It was also provided that " all persons who shall teach, or permit or cause to be taught, any slave to read cr write, shall be imprisoned not less than one month nor more than 12 months." From the headquarters, seventh military district, at Mobile, on the 21st of September, 1814, General Andrew Jackson addressed a proclamation to the free colored inhabitants of Louisiana, inviting them to participate in the military movements of that section of the country, "as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable gov- ernment," with the same pay in bounty money and land received by white soldiers. On the 18th of December he reviewed the troops, white and colored, and in the address calcu- lated to awaken their enthusiastic ardor, he said to the colored soldiers: "I expected much from you, for I was not uninformed of those qualities which must render you so formidable to an invading foe. I knew that you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the hardships of war. I knew that you loved the land of your nativity, and that, like ourselves, you had to defend all that is most dear to man. But you surpass my hopes. I have found in you, united to those qualities, that noble enthusiasm which impels to great deeds." In 1847 a system of public schools for " the education of white youth " was established, by which " one mill on the dollar, upon the ad valorem amount of the general list of taxable property," might be levied for its support. The income from the sale of the public lands donated by Congress was given for the same purpose. In 1857 an act was passed forbid- ding the emancipation of slaves ; and this was the last legislation on the subject previous to the rebellion. By the act of January 3, 1864, the article of the then existing civil code which declared that there were in the State " two classes of servants, to wit, free servants and the slaves," was changed so as to declare " there is only one class of servants in this State, to wit, free servants." In 1867 an act establishing a system of free schools in Batoji Rouge limited the taxation for theiv support and their benefits to the white population. By the constitution, ratified April 23, 1868, all discrimination based on race, color, or previous condition, are pro- hibited in the public schools. Under the operations of this provision $70,000 were appi'o- priated to the support of schools for colored children. freedmen's schools. For the following account and tables of the schools for colored children in Louisiana, since 1865, we are indebted to Professor Vashon: Prior to the rebellion the only schools for colored children in Louisiana, were a few private ones in the city of New Orleans, among that somewhat favored class of mixed blood known as "Creoles." Even these schools, although not in contravention of any specific law, were barely tolerated by a community whose criminal code declared, that to teach a slave to read dtid write, was an offense "having a tendency to excite insubordination among the servile class, and punishable by imprisonment at hard labor for not more than 21 years, or by death at the discretion of the court." Thus, even the wealthy tax-paying persons of the pro- IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AXD EDUCATION. 351 scribed race, as well as its less fortunate members, were debarred from any participation iu the bcucfits of the system of public iustructiou provided by law. Only oue attempt to open a school for the poor of the colored people of this State is to be noted. Mrs. Mary D. Brice. of Ohio, a student of Antioch College, went with her husband to New Orleans in December, 1858, feeling that she was called by heaven to make this attempt. Poor and unaided, she was unable to begin her school until September, 1860 ; and so great was the popular outcry against the proceedings, that she was compelled to close it the following year. After the lapse of five months, receiving, as she believed, a divine inti- mation that she would be sustained, she reopened her school ; and iu spite of frequent warnings and threats, persisted in teaching until the triumph of the Union forces under Farragut, in April, 18G-2, made it safe for her to do so. With the advent of these forces, too, a few other private teachers appeared in response to the urgent call of the colored people for instruction. In October, 1863, the first public colored schools were established by the commissioners of enrolment, created by order of Major General Banks, then commanding the Department of the Gulf. Soon seven of these were in operation under the charge of 23 teachers, and having au average attendance of 1,422 scholars. On March 22, 1SR4, General Banks issued his general order No. 38, which created a board of education for freedmen in the Department of the Gulf, with power to establish common schools, employ teachers, erect school houses, regulate the course of studies, and have, generally, the same authority that assessors, super- visors and trustees have in the northern States, in the matter of establishing and conducting common schools. The purpose of this order was stated to be "for the rudimental instruc- tion of the freedmen of the department, placing within their reach those elements of knowl- edge which give intelligence and greater value to labor." And for the accomplishment of this purpose the board was empowered to assess and levy upon all real and personal property, taxes sufficient to defray the expense of the schools established, for the period of one year. On the first day of the following month, the schools already established were transferred to this board, which also accepted other schools that had been recently opened under the auspices of benevolent societies, and provided additional ones in 14 other parishes. In the performance of its duties the board encountered great difficulties, not only in obtaining suit- able school accommodations, but also in taking measures to guard against attacks by guerilla bauds, aud to repress the opposition of persons professedly loyal. But it labored energetic- ally, and in December, 1864, it reported as under its supervision 95 schools, 162 teachers, and U,571 scholars. The system of schools thus established continued to progress satisfactorily until Novem- ber 7, 1865, when the power to levy the tax was suspended. This suddenly deprived the schools of nearly all their support. Through the restoration of property to pardoned rebels too, many of the buildings used for school purposes had to be given up. The consequence of all this was that the number of colored schools in Louisiana, which bad increased to 150, was speedily cut down to 73. In this sad juncture of affairs the freedmen manifested the most profound solicitude, and thousands of them expresed a willingness to endure, and even petitioned for increased taxation, in order that the means for supporting their schools might be obtained. But the depression in educational matters thus caused did not long continue. The north- ern benevolent societies came to the rescue, and labored with increased zeal in this crisis. The freedmen, too, strenuously insisted upon the fuUfilment of the contracts which required planters to provide means of instruction for their children, while the planters themselves found their manifest profit in aiding to build school houses, thus securing willing and indus- trious laborers. Through the operation of these combined causes, the schools of Louisiana not only regained their highest number under the system created by military authority, but even doubled it, thus manifesting a prosperity which, it is hoped, will long continue. 352 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION" Number of schools, teachers, and pupils, 1865 to 1868. Kumber of scbools. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. a Year. Day. Night. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. 1 Total. 1865 150 73 300 225 265 90 294 273 19, 000 3, 3H8 10, 7G3 10, 745 "'2,' 09.3' 9, 383 8, 265 ]80() 62 3867 195 162 105 63 , 142 152 5, G40 5, 622 5,063 5,123 87 1868 151 ]22 76 Studies and expenses, 1867 and 1868. Number of scholars in differ eut studies pursued. Expenditures in of schools support fear. ^ "^ . b _d r ^ c .: ■3 fcDa >> tjj S =2 s cj < '" ,- •-- >, >, < H ^ .. to a W g in ii .3 •a C3 So o .2 s .a < to a ■a J3 P3 ■3 1867 638 393 3,004 2,174 1,940 2,526 2,837 3,241 1, 755 1,680 2,426 3,241 118 497 $92, 781 1868 IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 357 MASSACHUSETTS. In Massacliusetts, out of a population of 1,231,066, in 1860, there were 9,602 free colored persons. By the constitution and laws of the State, the right of suffrage, eligibility to oflace, and the advantages of the public schools of every grade, are open to all citizens without dis- tinction of color. SEPARATE SCHOOLS FOR COLORED CHILDREN PROHIBITED. In Boston, as early as 1793, a separate school for colored children was established in the house of Primus Hall, a respectable colored man, and taught by Elisha Sylvester, a white man, at the expense of the parents sending to it. In 1800 a petition was presented to the school coumiittee by 66 colored persons, praying for the establishment of a public school for their benefit. The petition was referred to a sub-committee, who reported in favor of grant- ing the petition ; but the request was refused by the town at a special meeting, in the call for which a notice that this question would be acted upon was inserted. The private school, first taught by Elisha Sylvester, was continued until 18u6 by two gen- tlemen, Messrs. Brown and Williams, from Harvard College. In 1806, the African meeting- house in Belknap street was erected, and the lower story was fitted up as a school-room for colored children, to which place the school kept in Mr. Hall's house was transferred, where it was continued until 183.5, when a school-house was erected out of a fund left by Abiel Smith, known as the Smith school-house. Towards this school the town made an annual appropri- ation of $200, the remainder of the expense being defrayed by the parents, those who were able to do so paying 12^ cents per week. The erection of the Smith school-house was deemed at the time of sufficient importance to be marked by appropriate public exercises, as part of which Hon. William Minot delivered an address. From J809 to 1812 this school was taught by the well-known Prince Sanders, who was brought up in the family of a lawyer in Thetford, Vermont, and who in 1812 became a civil and diplomatic officer in the service of Christophe, Emperor of Hayti. He was brought to the city by the influence of Dr. Channing and Mr. Caleb Bingham, and was suppor^ed by the liberality of benevolent persons in Boston. The African school in Belknap street was under the control of the school committee from 1812 to 1821, and from 182J was under the charge of a special sub-committee. Among the teachers was J.ohn B. Kussworm, from 1821 to 1824, who entered Bowdoin college in the latter year, and afterwards became governor of the colony of Cape Palmas in southern Liberia. Tlie first primary school for colored children in Boston was established in 1820, two or three of which were subsequently kept until 1855, when they were discontinued as separate schools, in accordance with the general law passed by the legislature in that year, which provided that, " in determining the qualifications of scholars to be admitted into any public school, or any district school ih this commonwealth, no distinction shall be made on account of the race, c> "3 o 1867 443 838 2,633 2,960 2,532 2,796 2,426 2,509 1,242 1,677 2,426 4,384 156 257 $2, 020 5,689 $5, 588 5,143 $7, 608 1868 10,8b;J MISSOURI. There were in this State, in 1860, 1,182,012 inhabitants, 118,503 of whom were colored; of these 114,931 were slaves, and 3,572 were free. The province ceded by France to the United States in 1803, under the general name ot Louisiana, was organized by Congress in 1804, by the names of the Territory of Orleans, and the District of Louisiana, the latter embraciug the territory now forming the States of Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, the greater part of Minnesota, and the region west of these States to the Rocky mountains. In 1805 the District of Louisiana was called the Territory of Louisiana ; and this nauie was again changed in 1812 to that of the Territory of Missis- sippi. The first legislation relating to the colored people in Missouri was while it was in a ter- ritorial condition, by the governor and judges of the Indian Territory, who were authorized by Congress to make laws for the district. This act of 1804 provided that no slave should go from the tenements of his master " without a pass or some letter or token;" the penalty was "stripes at the discretion of the justice of the peace." If a slave presumed to go upon any other plantation than that of his master, Avithout leave in writing from his or her owner, not being absent upon lawful business, the penalty was " 10 lashes." No master or mistress of slaves was peruiitted to suffer the meeting of slaves upon his or .her plantation above four hours at any one time, without leave of the owner or owners. The penalty was $?> for each offense, increased by $1 for each negro present at the meeting, above the number five. Any white person, free negro, or mulatto, who should be fouud in com- pany with slaves at any unlawful meeting, was fined $3 for each offense ; and, on failure to 360 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION pay the fine and costs, he was to receive "20 lashes well laid on hy order of the justice.' AH tradings with or by slaves was strictly forbidden, " except with the consent of the master, owner, or overseer." In 1817 the general assemblyof the Territory of Missouri passed a more stringent act against slaves traveling without permission. In 1822, after Missouri was admitted as a State, more severe penalties were attached to the offense of trading with slaves; and in 1833 "slaves or free persons of color" were forbidden to assemble at any store, tavern, grocery, grog or dram shop " at any time by night or day, " more especially on the Sabbath day, commonly called Sunday." In 1845 free negroes and mulattoes were forbidden to remain in the State except on license. Three days were allowed to depart, and one additional day for every 20 miles travel was allowed, to escape to some free State, on the penalty of fine, imprisonment, and lashes. In 1847 it was enacted that "no person shall keep or teach any school for the instruction of negroes or mulattoes in reading or writing, in this State." No meetings were allowed for religious worship, where the services were conducted by negroes or mulattoes, unlest some sheriff or other ofBcer or justice of the peace were present, "to prevent all seditions spaechts and disorderly and unlawful conduct of every kind." Such meetings, held in violation or these provisions, were deemed unlawful, and the penalty was a "fine not exceeding $500 or imprisonment not exceeding six months, or both fine and imprisonment." No free negro ar mulatto was henceforth to be permitted to come into the State. By the present constitution and laws of the State, provision is mtido for a free ptrbiJC school system ; for the appointment of a State superintendent of schools. In each county a county superintendent is elected every two years. Each congressional township composes a school district, under the control, in matters of education, of a board of education. Smaller divisions are regarded as sub-districts, under the management of local directors. The excel- lent system of public schools in the city of St. Louis includes a normal school, a high school, 31 district schools, and three colored schools. The following table, prepared by Professor Vashon, gives the progress of schools for col- ored youth from 1865 to 1868: Table giving the number of schools, teachers, scholars, and attendance. Year. Number of schools. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. a Diiy. Night. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. o 0) CM 1865 24 38 55 60 31 46 62 70 1.925 2, 6<,)8 9. 7n() 1806 . " 1,918 3, 009 1867 44 49 11 U 32 39 30 31 1,290 2,196 1 469 m 1868 2,016 4 9\-? 71 Table showing the numbers in different studies, atid cost of maintaining schools. Number of scholars in the different studies pursued. Expended in support of schools. Year. C8 .a < i . CO a 0^ n .a P, a) 3) c 1 II X: -a « . £ a cq o >> P5 'o 1867 237 757 1,074 1,623 604 2,029 881 2,520 523 1,698 837 1,995 87 695 1868 IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 361 NEW YORK. By the census of 1860 the total population of the State of New York was 3,880,735, of which number 49,005 were free colored. By the constitution of 1777 the right of suffrage was extended to every male inhabitant of full age, without respect to color; but in the revision of 1821 this right was so far abridged that "no man of color, unless he shall have been for three years a citizen of this State and for one year next preceding any election shall be seized and possessed of a freehold estate of $250 over and above all debts and incumbrances charged thereon, and shall have been actually rated and paid a tax thereon, shall be entitled to vote at any such election. And no person of color shall be subject to direct taxation unless he shall be seized and possessed of such real estate as aforesaid." In 184G and in 1850 the question of equal suffrage to colored persons was submitted separately, on the adoption of each revised constitution of those dates, and rejected by large majorities on both occasions. In 1867 the convention for revising the constitution adopted an article giving equality of suffrage to colored people, to be voted upon separately. By act of 1841 the legislature authorized any school district, with the approbation of the school commissioners of the town in which the district was situated, to establish a separate sehool for the colored children of such district. This was not intended to deny them the privileges of the regular school, to which they were declared by the superintendent to be equally with all others entitled. In the revised school code of 1864 the school authorities of any city or incorporated village organized under special acts may establish separate schools for children and youth of African descent resident therein ; " and such schools shall be sup- ported in the same manner and to the same extent as the schools supported therein for white children ; and they shall be subject to the same rules and regulations and be furnished with facilities for instruction equal to those furnished to the white schools therein." EARLY EFFORTS OF ELIAS NEAU AT NEW VORK. A school for negro slaves was opened in the city of New York in 1704 by Elias Neau, a native of France, and a catechist of the " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts." After a long imprisonment for his public profession of faith as a Protestant, he founded an asylum in New York. His sympatiiies were awakened by the condition of the negroes in slavery in that city, who numbered about 1,500 at that time. The difficulties of holding any intercourse with them seemed almost insurmountable. At first he could only visit them from house to house, after his day's toil was over ; afterwards he was permitted to gather them together in a room in his own house for a short time in the evening. As the result of his instructions at the end of four years, in 1708, the ordinary number under his instruction was 200. Many were judged worthy to receive the sacrament at the hands ot Mr. Vesey, the rector of Trinity church; some of whom became regular and devout com- municants, remarkable for their orderly and blameless lives. But soon after this time some negroes of the Carmantee and Pappa tribes formed a plot for setting fire to the city, and murdering the English, on a certain night. The work was commenced but checked, and after a short struggle the English subdued the negroes. Immediately a loud and angry clamor arose against Elias Neau, his accusers saying that his school was the cause of the murderous attempt. He denied the charge in vain ; and so furi- ous were the people that, for a time, his life was in danger. The evidence, however, at the trial proved that the negroes most deeply engaged in the plot, were those whose masters were most opposed to any means for their instruction. Yet, the offense of a few was charged upon the race ; and even the provincial government lent its authority to make the burden of Neau the heavier. The common council passed an order forbidding negroes " to appear ir the streets after sunset, without lanthorns or candles ;" and as they could not procure these, the result was to break up the labors of Neau. But at this juncture Governor Huntei interposed and went to visit the school of Neau, accompanied by several officers of rank, and by the society's missionaries ; and he was so well pleased that he gave his full approval to the work, and in a public proclamation called upon the clergy of the province to exhort 362 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION their congregations to extend their approval also. Vesey, the good rector of Trinity church, had long watched the labors of Neau and witnessed the progress of his scholars, as well as assisted him in them ; and finally the governor, the council, mayor, recorder, and two chief justices of New York joined in declaring that Neau " in a very eminent degree deserved the countenance, favor and protection of the society." He therefore continued his labors until 1722, when, " amid the unaffected sorrow of his negro scholars and the friends who honored him for their sake, he was removed by death." The work was then continued by " Huddlestone, then schoolmaster in New York ;" and he was succeeded by Rev. Mr. Wetmore, who removed in 1726 to Rye ; whereupon the Rev. Mr. Colgan was appointed to assist the rector of Trinity church, and to carry on the instruc- tion of the negroes. A few years afterwards Thomas Noxon assisted Mr. Colgan, and their ioint success was very satisfactory. Rev. R. Charlton, who had been engaged in similar labor at New Windsor, was called to New York in 1732, where he followed up the work suc- cessfully for 15 years, and was succeeded by Rev. Samuel Auchmuty. Upon the death oi Thomas Noxon, in 1741, Mr. Hildreth took his place, who in 1764 wrote that " not a single black admitted by him to the holy communion had turned out badly, or in any way dis- graced his profession." Both Auchmuty and Hildreth received valuable support from Mr. Barclay, who, upon the death of Mr. Vesey, in 1746, had been appointed to the rectory of Trinity church. OTHER EARLY L.4B0RERS FOR THE SLAVES. The labors of Neau and others in New York, for a period of half a century, had their counterpart in many other places by other laborers. Taylor and Varnod, missionaries of the society in South Carolina, bestowed diligent care in giving religious instruction to the slaves ; and they gratefully confess to have received assistance from the masters and mistresses, which was the more welcome, on account of the ill will and opposition which any attempt to ameliorate the condition of slaves provoked among most of the British planters of that day. In the ranks of the Pennsylvania missionaries was Hugh Neill, once a distinguished Presbyterian minister in New Jersey. During the 15 years of his ministry he labored with zeal and success for the instruction of the negroes. Dr. Smith, provost of the college of Philadelphia, engaged in the same work, and at the death of Neill, in 1766, was placed on the list of the society's missionaries. Dr. Jenney was rector of St. Peter's and Christ church in Philadelphia from 1749 to 1762, and during his incumbency the society appointed a catechetical lecturer in that church for the instruction of negroes and others. William Sturgeon, a student of Yale College, was selected for that office and sent to England to receive ordination. He entered upon his duties in 1747, and discharged them for 19 years. In 176.3 a complaint of neglect of duty was brought before the society against him, in not catechizing the negro children ; but, upon a full investigation by the rector and four vestry- men its falsehood was shown and his stipend was increased. In 1706 Dr. Le Jean, a missionary of the society, was appointed to the mission at Goose creek, near Charleston, South Carolina, where he labored 1 1 years, especially among the negroes, and he succeeded in carrying on a systematic course of instruction. Dr. Le .Jean was preceded in the same work by Rev. Mr. Thomas, in 1695, who had not only taught 20 negroes to read and write, but induced several ladies to engage in the work ; among them was Mrs. Haige Edward, who instructed several of her slaves. I hope, writes Rev. Mr. Taylor, their example will provoke some masters and mistresses to take the same care with their negroes. Bishop Gibson, who presided over the See of London from 1723 to ir48, did not hesitate to urge forward the work of Christian love in behalf of the negro slave. He wrote two public letters upon this subject in 1727; one exhorting masters and mistresses of families "to encourage and promote the instruction of their negroes in the Christian faith ;" and the other, urging and directing the missionaries to assist in the work. The bishop of London, in 1727, published a letter to the masters and mistresses of families in the English plantations abroad, exhorting them to encourage and promote the instruction of the negroes in the Christain faith, and in it remarks : " Considering the greatness of the IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 363 profit there is received from tbeir labors, it might be hoped that all Christian masters — those especially who are possessed of considerable uun>bers — should also be at some small expense in providing for the instruction of those poor creatures, and that others, whose numbers are less, and who dwell in the same neighborhood, should join in the expense of a common teacher for the negroes belonging to them." In the year 1733, among other Africans consigned to Michael Denton, of Annapolis, Mary- land, was one of delicate constitution, who was sold to a gentleman living on the eastern shore. One day a wliite boy found him in the woods apparently engaged in prayer, and mischievously disturbed him by throwing sand in his face. Rendered unhappy by tliis and similar treatment, he ran away to a neighboring county, where his dignified but melancholy bearing excited attention. An old negro w'as at last found who understood his language, and from him it was discovered that the slave had been a foulah in Africa. He had in his possession slips of paper on which were written certain characters, which being sent to Oxford proved to be in the Arabic language. General Oglethorpe became deeply interested in the man and redeemed him from captivity. On his arrival in England he was treated with marked attention, dined with the Duke of Montague, received a gold watch from the Queen, and assisted Sir Hans Sloane in the translation of Arabic manuscripts. This roman- tic occurrence led to much discussion as to the duty of planters to the negro, and in 1735, when Oglethorpe was member of Parliament, an act was passed prohibiting the importation of black slaves or negroes into the province of Georgia. In 1749 the Rev. Thomas Bacon, of Talbot county, Maryland, delivered some remark- able discourses to masters and mistresses, as well as to his "beloved black brethren and sisters," which were published in London, and in the present century reprinted at Winches- ter, Virginia, by the late Bishop Meade. Williams, bishop of Chichester, in a discourse before the Society for Foreign Parts, says : "These negroes are slaves, and for the most part treated as worse, or rather by some as if they were a different species, as they are of a different color, from the rest of mankind. The Spaniards are reproached for driving the poor Americans to the fort like the cattle of the field, but our slaves, on the other hand, are driven from it." Bishop Butler, author of the Analogy of Religion, declared in a discourse that the slaves of the British colonies ought not to be treated " merely as cattle or goods, the property of their master. Nor can the highest property possible to be acquired in these servants cancel the obligation to take care of their, religious instructions. Despicable as they may appear in our eyes, they are the creatures of God." Archbishop Seeker, in 1741, recommended the "employing of young negroes, prudently chosen, to teach their countrymen," and Dr. Bearcroft, in 1744, alludes to this project in a discourse before the Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts, in these words : " The society had lately fallen upon a happy expedient by the purchase of two young negroes, whom they have qualified by a thorough instruction in the principles of Christian- ity, and, by teaching them to read well, to become schoolmasters to their fellow-negroes. Tlie project is but of yesterday, but the reverend person who proposed, and under whose care and inspection the two youths are placed, hath acquainted the society that it succeeds to his heart's desire; that one school is actually opened at Charles Town, South Carolina, which hath more than (50 young negroes under instruction, and will annually send out between 3U and 40 of them well instructed in religion and capable of reading their Bibles, who may carry home and difuise the same knowledge which they shall have been taught among their poor relations and fellow-slaves. And in time schools will be spread in other places and in other colonies to teach them to believe in the Son of God, who shall make them free indeed." Bishop Warburton, in 17G6, says: " From the free savages I come now to the savages in bonds. By those I mean the vast multitudes yearly stolen from the opposite continent and sacrificed by the colonists to theii great idol, the god of gain. But what, then, say these sincere worshippers of mammon? They answer : 'They are our own property which we offer up.' Gracious God ! talk as of herds of cattle, of property in rational creatures, creatures endowed with all our faculties possessing all our qualities but that of color, our brethren Ijoth by nature and grace, shocks all the feelings of humanity and the dictates of common sense." Bishop Lowth, formerly professor of poetry in the Oxford University, speaking of negroes in America, said : " From their situation they are open and accessible to instruction, and by their subjectioK 364 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION are under the immediate influence and in the hands of those who ought to be their instruct- ors. These circumstances, so favorable in appearance, have not been productive of the g^ooJ effects which might have been expected. If their masters, tyrannizing over this people with a despotism beyond example, are determined to keep their minds in a state of bondage still more grievous than that in which they hold their bodies ; should not suffer them to be instructed ; * * * * should this in reality be a common practice among their masters, ' Woe unto you.' " Bishop Porteus, whose mother was a native of Virginia, and whose father had resided there many years, in one of his discourses alludes to plantation negroes as being generally considered as mere machines and instruments to work with, rather than beings with minds to be enlightened and souls to be saved. Bishop Wilson (Sodor and Man) was another distinguished clergyman, who watched for the opportunity to aid the missionaries who were laboring in the colonies for the instruction of the Indians and negroes ; and in 1740 he published an '' Essay towards the Instruction for the Indians," the germ of which was written by him in 1699, on " The Princijjles and Duties of Christianity," for the use of the people of the Isle of Man, and was the first book ever printed in the Manx language. He bequeathed £50 for the education of negro chil- dre:* in Talbot county. In 1711 Bishop Fleetwood preached the anniversary sermon before the society, in which he urged the duty of instructing the negroes, the effect of which afterwards, on the heart of a prejudiced planter in North Carolina, is shown by an extract from a letter by Giles Raiqs- ford, one of the society's missionaries. "By much importunity," he says, "I prevailed o>i Mr. Martin to let me baptize three of his negroes. All the arguments I could make use of would scaiee effect it, till Bishop Fleetwood's sermon preached before the society turned the scale." These are a few only of the many instances going to show the prevailing sentiment of the laborers of a cenlsary and a half ago. SCHOOLS FOR COLORED CHILDREN BY THE MANUMISSION SOCIETY. The first school for colored children in the city of New York, established by the Manumis- sion Society, was denominated "The New York African Free School." It appears that in the years 1785 and '788 the business of kidnapping colored people and selling them at the south was carried on in this city and vicinity to such an extent as to pro- voke public attention to the necessity of taking some measures to check this growing evil. In the city of Philadelphia a society had already been formed to protect the blacks from similar dangers there. A deputation was sent from New York to that sociely for infor- mation, and to procure a copy of its constitution, which assisted much in the organization of "The New York Society for Promoting the Manumission of Slaves, and Protecting such of them as have been, or may be, Liberated." The following are the names of the mem- bers of this society, who composed the first board of trustees of the "New York African Free School:" Melaucthon Smith, Jno. Bleecker, James Cogswell, Lawrence Embree, Thomas Burling, Willett Leaman, Jno. Lawrence, Jacob Leaman, White Mattock, Mathew Clarkson, Na- thaniel Lawrence, Jno. Murray, junior. Their school, located in Cliff street, between Beekman and Ferry, was opened in 1786, taught by Cornelius Davis, attended by about 40 pupils of both sexes, and appears, from their book of minutes, to have been satisfactorily conducted. In the year 1791 a female teacher was added to instruct the girls in needlework, the expected advantages of which measure were soon realized, and highly gratifying to the society. In 1808 the society was incorporated, and in the preamble it is recorded that "a free school for the education of such persons as have been liberated from bondage, that they may hereafter become useful mem- bers of the community," has been established. It may be proper here to remark that the good cause in which the friends of this school were engaged was far from being a popular one. The prejudices of a large portion of the community were against it ; the means in the hands of the trustees were often very inadequate, and many seasons of discouragement were witnessed ; but they were met by men who, trusting in the divine support, were resolved neither to relax their exertions nor to retire from the field. IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 365 Through the space of about 20 years they struggled on ; the number of scholars varying from 40 to 60, until the year 1809, when the Lancasterian, or Monitorial, system of iustruc lion was introduced, (this being the second school in the United States to adopt the plan,^ under a new teacher, E J. Cox, and a very favorable change was produced, the number o< pupils, and the efficiency of their instruction being largely increased. Soon after this, however, iu January, 1814, their school-house was destroyed by lire, whicb checked the progress of the school for a time, as no room could be obtained large enough tc accommodate the whole number of pupils. A small room in Doyer street was temporarily hired, to keep the school together till further arrangements could be made, and an appeal was made to the liberality of the citizens and to the corporation of the city, which resulted in obtaining from the latter a grant of two lots of ground in William street, on which to build a new school-house; and in January, 181.5, a commodious brick building, to accommo- date 200 pupils, was finished on this lot, and the school was resumed with fresh vigor and increasing interest. In a few months the room became so crowded that it was found neces- sary to engage a separate room, next to the school, to accommodate such of the pupils as were to be taught sewing. This branch had been for many years discontinued, but was now resumed under the direction of Miss Lucy Turpen, a young lady whose amiable dis- position and faithful discharge of her duties rendered her greatly esteemed, both by her pupils and the trustees. This young lady, after serving the board for several years, removed with her parents to Ohio, and her place was supplied by Miss Mary Lincrum, who was succeeded by Miss Eliza J. Cox, and the latter by Miss Mary Ann Cox, and she by Miss Carolina Roe, under each of whom the school continued to sustain a high character for order and usefulness. The school in William street increasing in numbers, another building was found necessary, and was built on a lot of ground 50 by 100 feet square, on Mulberry street, between Grand and Hester streets, to accommodate 500 pupils, and was completed and occupied, with C. C. Andrews for teacher, in May, 1820. General Lafayette visited this school September 10, 1824, an abridged account of which is' copied from the Commercial Advertiser of that date : Visit of Lafayette to the African school in 1824. "At 1 o'clock the general, with the company invited for the occasion, visited the African free school, on Mulberry street. This shcool embraces about 500 scholars ; about 450 were present on this occasion, and they are certainly the best disciplined and most interesting school of children we have ever witnessed. As the general was conducted to a seat, Mr. Ketchum adverted to the fact that as long ago as 1788 the general had been elected a mem- ber of the institution (Manumission Society) at the same time with Grenville Sharp and Thomas Clarkson, of England. The general perfectly remembered the circumstance, and mentioned particularly the letter he had received on that occasion from the Hon. John Jay, then president of the society. One of the pupils, Master James M. Smith, aged Jl years, then stepped forward and gracefully delivered the following address : " ' General Lafayette : In behalf of myself and fellow schoolmates, may I be permitted to express our sincere and respectful gratitude to you for the condescension you iiave mani- fested this day in visiting this institution, which is one of the noblest specimens of New York philanthropy. Here, sir, you behold hundreds of the poor children of Africa sharing with those of a lighter hue in the blessings of education ; and while it will be our pleasure to remember the great deeds you have done for America, it will be our delight also to cherish the memory of General Lafayette as a friend to African emancipation, and as a member of this institution.' "To which the general replied, in his own characteristic style, 'I thank you, my dear child.' " Several of the pupils underwent short examinations, and one of them explained the use of the globes and answered many questions in geography." PUBLIC SCHOOLS FOR COLORED CHILDREN. These schools continued to flourish, under the same management, and with aa attendance varyit ^rom 600 in 1824 to 862 in 1832, in the latter part of which year the Manumission Society, vhose schools were now in part supported by the public fund, applied to the Public School Society for a committee of conference to effect a union. It was felt by the trustees .^P6 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION that on many accounts it was better that the two sets of schools should remain separate, but, fearing further diversion of the school fund, it was desirable that ihe number of societies participating should be as small as possible, and arrangements were accordingly made for a transfer of the schools and property of the elder society. After some delay, in conseijuence of legislative action being found necessary to give a title to their real estate, on the 2d of May, 1834, the transfer was effected, all their schools and school property passing into the hands of the New York Public School Society, at an appraised valuation of $12,130 22. The aggregate register of these schools at the time of the transfer was nearly 1,400, with an average attendance of about one-half that number. They were placed in charge of a committee with powers similar to the committee on primary schools, but their administra- tion was not satisfactory, and it was soon found that the schools had greatly diminished in numbers, eiBciency, and usefulness. A committee of inquiry was appointed, and reported that, in consequence of the great anti-slavery riots, and attacks on colored people, many fami lies had removed from the city, and of those that remained many kept their children at home ; they knew the Manumission Society as their special friends, but knew nothing of the Public School Society ; the reduction of all the schools, but one, to the grade of primary, had given great offense ; also the discharge of teachers long employed, and the discontinuance of rewards, and taking home of spelling books ; strong prejudices had grown up against the Public School Society. The committee recommended a prompt assimilation of the colored schools to the white ; the establishment of two or more upper schools in a new building ; a normal school for colored monitors, and the appointment of a colored man as school agent, at $150 a year. The school on Mulberry street at this time, 1835, was designated Colored Grammar School No. 1 . A. Libolt was principal, and registered 31 7 pupils ; there were also six pri- maries, located in different parts of the city, with an aggregate attendance of 925 pupils. In 1836 a new school building was completed in Laurens street, opened with 210 pupils, R. F. Wake, (colored,) prin cipal, and was designated Colored Grammar School No. 2. Other means were taken to improve the schools, and to induce the colored people to patronize them ; the principal of No. 1, Mr. Libolt, was replaced by Mr. John Paterson, colored, a suiEcient assurance of whose ability and success we have in the fact that he has been continued in the position ever since. A " Society for the Promotion of Education among Colored Children " was organized, and established two additional schools, one in Thomas street, and one in Center, and a marked improvement was manifest ; but it required a long time to restore the confidence and interest felt before the transfer, and even up to 1848 the aggregate attend- ance in all the colored schools was only 1,375 pupils. In the winter of 1852 the first evening schools for colored pupils were opened ; one for males and one for females, and were attended by 379 pupils. In t-lie year 1853 the colored schools, with all the schools and school property of the Public School Society, were trans- ferred to the "Board of Education of the City and County of New York," and still further improvements were made in them ; a normal school for colored teachers was established, with Mr. John Paterson, principal, and the schools were graded in the same manner as those for white children. Colored Grammar School No. 3 was opened at 78 West Fortieth street. Miss Caroline W. Simpson, principal, and in the ensuing year three others were added ; No. 4, in One Hundred and Twentieth street, (Harlem,) Miss Nancy Thompson, principal ; No. 5, at 101 Hudson street, P. W. Willianas, principal; and >To. 6, at 1167 Broadway, Prince Leveridge, principal. Grammar Schools Nos. 2, 3, and 4, had primary departments attached, and there were also at this time three separate primary schools, and the aggregate attend- ance in all was 2,047. Since then the attendance in these schools has not varied much from these figures. The schools themselves have been altered and modified from time to time, as their necessity seemed to indicate; though under the general management of the Board of Education, they have been in the care of the school officers of the wards in which they are located, and while in some cases they received the proper attention, in others they were either wholly, or in part, neglected. A recent act has placed them directly in charge of the Board of Education, who have appointed a special committee to look after their interests, and measures are being taken by them which will give this class of schools every opportunity and convenience possessed by any other, and, it is hoped, will also improve the grade of its scholarship. IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 367 The organization and attendance of these schools in 1868 is shown in the following table, compiled from information received from the city superintendent of schools, Mr. S. S. Ran dall : Schools. No. 1 — Boys' department .. Girls' department. . . No. 2 — Boys' department . . Girls' department. .. Primary departm't . No. 3 — Grammar departm't Primary depanm't . No. 4 — Grammar departm't, Prima'ry departm't . No.5 No. 6. Evening schools. No. 1 No. 2 No. 3 Normal school . Total. 1820 1836 1853 1840 18.54 1868 1852 18.52 1854 Teachers. Principals. John Peterson EUza Gwynne . . . Ransom F. Wake. Fanny Tompkins. Sarah Ennalls - . . Chas. Ij. Reason.. Cath.A.Thomps'n S.J. S. Tompkins Elizabeth Pierce . Mary E. Tripp... Mary M. Moreau S.J. S. Tompkins. Ransom F. Wake. Mary JI. Moreau. Chas. L. Reason. . Carol'e Hamilton . 34 Pupils. 5399 ^380 <147 U70 (102 i207 (310 41 C) (*) (*) 2,056 149 142 (*) 64 122 46 62 143 11 C^) 739 135 Mulberry street, 14tb ward. 51 and 53 Laurens street, 8th ward. 78 West Fortieth street, 20th ward. 98 West Seventeenth street, 16th ward. One-hundred-and-twenti'tb St., (Harlem,) 12th ward. 155 Stanton st., 17th ward. In building of school No. 2. In building of school No. 4. In building of school No. 6. In building of school No. 1, on Saturdays. Gkade of Scholarship. — Colored boys' grammar schools, 78; colored girls' grammar schools, 71i; colored primary schools, 76.^ ; total of all the schools in the city, 80 3-7. (Whole number of sessions, 430 in each.) * No report. t About 45 in each. In addition to and independeitt of these schools there are four primaries in connection with the Colored Orphan Asylum at One hundred and fifty-first street. Their aggregate register last year was 264 pupils. There are also two or three small private primary schools for col- ored children in the city, and these, with the before-mentioned, comprise all those now ia existence. The teachers in these schools are, with but two exceptions — the principal of No. 6 and the assistant principal of No. 1 — of the same race as their pupils. The pupils are, for the most part, children of laboring people ; many of them are put out to service at an early age, and only get a chance to go to school when thoy are out of a situation ; while very few are able, or take sufficient interest to attend regularly all of the time ; which in part accounts for the low grade of scholarship in this class of schools ; but there has been an improvement in this respect of late, and, in view of the efforts being made in their behalf, we are encour- aged to believe that their future history will show a brighter record. GERRITT smith's SCHOOL AT PETERBORO'. In any historical survey of the progressive development of schools for colored people, the timely and liberal aid and efforts of Hon. Gerritt Smith, of Peterboro', New York, should not be omitted. This eminent philanthropist was one of the earliest to extend liberal aid to several, as well as the assurance of his sympathy to all, institutions which opened theii doors to children and youth of the colored population. He established and maintained for a number of years in his own village a school, which was attended by colored pupils from different parts of the country. He was an early and very liberal patron of Oneida Institute, the doors of which were ever open to pupils without respect to complexion or race. He gave to it between $3,000 and |4,000 in cash, and 3,000 acres of land in Vermont. He did even more for Oberlin College, in Ohio, because of its hospitality to colored pupils. He gave it a few thousand dollars in money and 20,000 acres of land in Virginia, which brought to the 368 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION institution probably more than $50,000. The New York Central College, at McGrawville, where colored and white young men and women were instructed together, cost Mr. Smith several thousand dollars more. NORTH CAROLINA. The total population of North Carolina in I860 was 992,622, of whom 361,522 were col- ored ; and of these 331,059 were slaves, and 30,463 free. It was not until 1729 that any law relating to assemblies of slaves, free negroes, and mulattoes was enacted in North Carolina, when slaves were also forbidden to hunt or range over the lands not belonging to their owner ? and when thus trespassing, the owner of the land on which they were found was authorized to whip them, "not exceeding 40 lashes." And, by the same law, "if any loose, disor- derly, or suspected person, not being a white person, was found drinking, eating, or keeping company with slaves in the night time," he was liable to a penalty of 40 lashes, unless he could give a "satisfactory account of his behavior." If negroes belonging to one man were found in the quarters or kitchens of the negroes of another man, they were liable to a penalty of 40 lashes, while those who entertained them were subject to 20. In 1741 slaves not wearing a livery were forbidden to leave the plantation to which they belonged. In 1777 it was enacted that no negro or mulatto slave should be set free, "except for meritorious services." Among other enactments of about this period were those forbidding free negroes or mulattoes to entertain any slave during the Sabbath, or to trade with slaves, the penalties for either offense being severe. In 1812 slaves were forbidden to act as pilots on the coast of the State, and in 1830 it was provided that the owner of any slave consenting to such service should forfeit the value of the slave. This law was still in force in 1 860. Until the year 1835 public opinion permitted the colored residents of this State to main- tain schools for the education of their children. These were taught sometimes by white persons, but more frequently by teachers of the same race as their pupils. After this period colored children could be educated only by finding a teacher within the circle of their own family, or out of the limits of the State ; in which latter event they were regarded as expa- triated, and prohibited by law from returning home. The public school system of North Carolina declared that no descendant from negro ancestors, to the fourth generation inclu- sive, should enjoy the benefit thereof. Thus matters continued until the success of the Union forces opened a way for educational effort. In 1863 thousands of freedmen had taken refuge at Newbern and on Roanoke island, and to both of these places the Aruericau JVIis- sionary Association sent teachers who opened schools. As in Virginia, so, too, in North Carolina other schools followed close upon the march of the United States troops. Immedi- ately upon the entry of the latter into Wilmington, in 1865, the teachers of the association also made their appearance there, and were hailed by the negro population with indescribable delio-ht. Mr. Coan, one of these teachers, thus describes the scene: "By appointment, I met the children at the church vestry the next morning. They were to come at 9 o'clock ; by 7 the street was blocked, the yard was full. Parents, eager to get ' dese yer four chil- dern's name tooken,' came pulling them through the crowd. 'Please, sir, put down des-; yer.' ' I wants dis gal of mine to jine ; and dat yer boy hes got no parents, and I jes done and brot him.' . . . The same evidences of joy inexpressible were manifest at the organ- ization of evening schools for adults. About 1,000 pupils reported themselves in les5 than one week after our arrival in Wilmington." This thirst for knowledge, which was common to the freed people throughout the entire south, was met by efforts on tho part or various benevolent agencies to satisfy it. Upon the cessation of hostihties schools wera opened in different localities, and before the end of the year nearly 100 were in operation, with an attendance of more than 8,000 pupils. Each successive year since then has been marked by an increase in the number of these schools, in spite of the obstacles which presented themselves, in the scarcity of teachers, and of suitable school buildings, and, too often, in the unfriendly opposition of white residents. To overcome these obstacles the freedmen themselves have earnestly seconded the efforts of philanthropy in their behalf. In the depth of their poverty they have sustained a large portion of the schools, and cheerfully contributed to the support of others. In 1867 Mr. F. A. Fiske, the State superintendent of IN EESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. )Gd education under the Fieedman's Bureau, reported, tbat many instances had come under his notice where the teachers of a self-supporting^ school had been sustained till the last cent the freedinen could command was exhausted, and where these last had even taxed their credit in the coming crop to pay the bills necessary to keep up the school. As evidence of the g^reat interest manifested in acquiring knowledge, the same officer mentioned a fact con- nected with one of the schools under his supervision which is, perhaps, without a parallel in the history of education. Side by side, commencing their alphabet together, and con- tinuing their studies until they could each read the Bible fluently, sat a child of six summers, her mother, grandmother, and great-grandmother, aged 75 years, the representatives of four generations in a direct line. The following tables, prepared by Professor Vashon, give the condition of the schools for the years specified : Number of schools, teachers, and pupils, 1BS5 to 1868. Year. Number of schools. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. < a Day. Night. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. 1865.. 86 136 190 342 119 ].'58 997 8,506 10, 971 12, 273 17,410 1866 1867 130 238 60 104 1.39 146 88 5,922 6.351 8,714 11, 078 71 1868 221 367 8,531 8.879 63 Studies and expenditures, 1867 and 1868. Number of scholars in different studies pursued. Expenditures in support of schools. ' Year. CS .a < a 'i a 1 J3 P. a S < S 9 a) a ■a t o P5 3 o 1867 1,363 1,286 7,425 6,310 3,462 4,043 4,005 6,200 2,879 3, 652 3.872 5,455 321 711 $3, 671 15, 510 f 48, 249 69, 258 $51, 920 84, 768 1868 There are two high schools in North Carolina, one at Wilmington, and another at Beaufort. These were established by the American Missionarj' Association. Among the other benevolent educational agencies operating in this State, mention should be made of the American Freedmen's Union Commission, working principally through its New York and New England branches, and the Friends Association of Philadelphia. The last mentioned society, besides ministering largely to the relief of physical wants and suffer- ing among the freedmen, since its organization on the 11th of November, 1863, has, also, maintained schools at different points throughout the south. Nineteen of these were within the limits of North Carolina. The Protestant Episcopal church, too, has found here a field for its Christian labor ; and its freedmen's committee has under its charge, at Raleigh, THE ST. AUGUSTINE NORMAL SCHOOL. This institution was incorporated in July, 1867, and opened in the following January for the admission of pupils, of whom 26 were enrolled. Its principal is the Rev. J. Brainton Smith, D. D. The trustees have now on hand and in pledges a fund of about $4,300. which they purpose to set apart as a permanent endowment. Besides, they have already purchased a tract of land, consisting of 100 acres, pleasantly situated just outside of the city limits. Here, in a beautiful grove, they are now erecting a commodious edifice that will, when com- pleted, readily accommodate 150 pupils ; they also intend to erect a boarding hall to serve as a home for pupils coming from a distance. There is another academical school at Charlotte. 24 370 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION THE BIDDLE MEMORIAL INSTITUTE. This institution was founded by a generous donation from the widow of the late Henry J. Biddle, of Philadelphia, and is, indeed, a fitting monument to the memory of that gentleman, who gave his life to his country in efforts to crush the slaveholders' rebellion. For this reason the Biddle institute appeals peculiarly to the regard of the freedmen, and they have not been deaf to its claims. It has been duly incorporated under the laws of North Carolina ; and through the liberality of Colonel W. R. Myers, of Charlotte, has been made the recipient of a beautiful tract of eight acres in the immediate neighborhood of the city. Upon this site two houses intended for professors' residences have been erected and paid for, and the main building is now in process of erection. To complete the entire work $8,000 are required, which, it is confidently hoped, will be readily made up by the freedmen and their friends. The first session of the institute opened on the 16th of September, 1867, and 43 students were admitted during its first school year. Great care is exercised in the admission of students, and all of them are required to devote a *art of their time to teaching among the people. This institution was established under the auspices of the general assembly's committee on freedmen of the Presbyterian church, Cold school,) whose praiseworthy labors in Kansas and elsewhere have already been adverted to, and who have, since 1865, supported 22 other schools at different points in the State of North Carolina. The present constitution of North Carolina, adopted in April, 1868, provides for "a general and uniform system of free public schools." The governor, lieutenant-governor, secretary of State, treasmy, auditor, superintendent of public works, superintendent of public instruc- tion, and attorney general, constitute a State board of education, which succeeds to all the powers and trusts of the president and directors of the literary fund of North Carolina ; and has full power to legislate and make all needful rules and regulations in relation to free public schools and the educational fund. The superintendent of public instruction has the charge of the schools. Each county is divided into school districts, in each of which one or more public schools must be maintained at least four months in the year. The schools of each county are under the control of county commissioners, elected biennially. OHIO. By the census of 1860 the population of Ohio was 2,339,511, of which number 36,673 were free colored. By repeated votes of the people the right of suffrage has been denied to this portion of the population unless they have a preponderance of white blood. The superintendent of common schools (John A. Norris) writes to the superintendent of public instruction in Indiana as follows : " Colored youths of legal school age, i. c, between the ages of 5 and 21 years, are entitled to the privileges of the public school fund. Colored youth cannot of legal right claim admittance to our common schools for white youth. The local school authorities may, however, admit a colored youth to the public schools for white youth, and as a matter of fact in the larger part of the State the colored youth are admitted on equal terms with the white youth to the common or public schools." According to his report for 1869 there were, in 1868, employed in the colored schools of the State, 241 teachers, (male, 104; female, 137.) The number of schools was 189, having 10,404 pupils enrolled, (males 5,409; females, 4,995.) The average number in daily attendance -was 5,246, (males, 2,730; females, 2,516.) THE COLORED SCHOOLS OF CINCINNATI. The first schools exclusively for colored persons were established in the year 1820, and by colored men. One of these schools was located in what was known as " Glenn's old pork house," on Hopple's allej', near Sycamore street. This school did not last long. Another was established, in the same year, by a colored man named Schooley. It was kept some- where in the neighborhojd of Sixth street and Broadway, which vicinity was then called '■The Green," which has long since disappeared. Mr. Wing, who kept a private school neat IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 371 the corner of Vine and Sixth streets, admitted colored students to his night school. During the period of time extending from 1820 to 1835 no school was regularly kept, teachers being few and patronage slack. Owen T. B. Nickens, a colored man, who still teaches at New Richmond, Ohio, was one of the prominent educators of that period. About 1835 came the begining of the anti-slavery discussion among the people of Cincin- nati. A number of young men and women, filled with a hatred to slavery and a desire to labor for a down-trodden race, came to Cincinnati and established several schools. One in the colored Baptist church, on Western row, was taught at various times by Messr.s. Barbour, E. Fairchild, W. Robinson, and Augustus Wattles. Of the ladies, there were the Misses Bishop, Matthews, Lowe, and Mrs. Merrell. They were all excellent teachers, and deeply imbued with a desire to do good, and are remembered with gratitude by those who received instruction at their hands. They were, of course, subjected to much contumely. Boarding-house keepers refused to entertain them, placing their trunks upon the sidewalks and telling them that they "had nc accommodations for nigger teachers." They were obliged to club together, rent a house, and board themselves. Frequently the schools were closed because of mob violence. A part of the salary of these teachers was paid by an educational society, consising ot benevolent whites (many of whom have lived to witness the triumph of principles which they espoused amid so much obloquy) and the better class of colored people. Among the colored men who co-operated heartily in the work, may be named Baker Jones, Joseph Fowler, John Woodson, Dennis Hill, John Liverpool, and William O. Hara. These schools continued with varying fortunes until 1844, when Rev. Hiram S. Gilmore, a young man of good fortune, fine talents, and rare benevolence, established the " Cincinnati high school," which was, in some respects, the best school ever established in Cincinnati for the benefit of the colored people. Its proprietor, or patron rather, spared no expense to make it a success. Ground was purchased at the east end of Harrison street and a commodious building of five large rooms and a chapel was fitted up. In the yard, an unusual thing at that time in any Cincinnati school, was fitted a fine gymnasium. Good teachers were employed to give instruction in the branches usual to a full English course of study, besides which, Latin, Greek, drawing, and music were taught. The number of pupils at times rose to 3U0 ; but the receipts never equalled the expenses. Some of the pupils displayed such proficiency in singing, declamations, and the like, that regularly, every vacation, classes of them, in charge of the principal, journeyed through the States of Ohio and New York giving concerts. The profits realized by these expeditions were devoted to clothing and furnishing books to the poorer pupils of the school. In some cases the time of such poor pupils as gave sign of ability was hired from their parents. Never did a nobler soul exist than that which animated the breast of Hiram S. Gilmore ! The teachers of this school were : Mr. Joseph H. Moore, Thomas L. Boucher, David P. Lowe, lately police judge of our city, and finally Dr. A. L. Childs; the musical proficiencies of the pupils was due to their thorough training by W. F. Colburn, their instructor in music. In 1848 the school passed into the bands of Dr. A. L. Childs, who was its principal at the time of its discontinuance. PUBLIC SCHOOLS FOR COLORED CHILDREN. The law authorizing the establishment of schools for colored children at the public expense was passed in 1849. An attempt to organize schools under the law was made in 1850, Trustees were elected, teachers employed, and houses hired, but the money to pay for all this was not forthcoming from the city treasury. The law orders that so much of all the funds belonging to the city of Cincinnati as would fall to the colored youth, by a per capita division, should be held subject to the order of the colored trustees. The city declared that the colored trustees, not being electors, were not and could not be qualified as office-holders under the constitution of the State of Ohio, hence they could draw no money from the city treasury. They refused, therefore, to honor the drafts of the school board. The schools were closed after continuing three months, the teachers going unpaid. The colored school board, inspired by the appeals and counsels of the late John I. Gaines, called a meeting of S72 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION the colored people, and laid the case before them. It was resolved to raise money and employ counsel to contest this decision of the city officials. The legal proceeding was in the nature of an application for mandamus. The case was placed in the hands of Flamen Ball, esq. The colored people were victors, though not till the case had been carried to the supreme court by the contestants. In 1851 the schools were again opened, but the accommodations were wretched. The amount falling to the colored schools was small. Good houses were needed, but eminent legal gentlemen declared there was no authority anywhere to build school-houses for colored children. The school board was proceeding cautiously in the matter, when, suddenly, by a change in the law, they were thrown out of power. The control of the colored schools was vested in the board of trustees and visitors which had control of the public schools for white children. This board was authorized by the new law to appoint six colored men, to whom the task of managing the schools was intrusted, except in the matter of controlling the funds. The leading colored men held aloof from this arrangement, feeling that if colored men were competent to manage the schools in one particular they were in all, and if colored men could manage the schools, colored men could select the managers as well or better than white men could. The law was again altered in 1856, giving to the colored people the right of electing their own trustees. Thus it stands to-day. The first school-house was erected and occupied in 1858. It was built by Nicholas Long- worth and leased to the colored people, with privilege of purchasing in 14 years. It has been paid for several years ago. It cost $14,000. In 1859 the building on Court street, for the western district, was erected. Since then three other buildings, two of them small, have been completed. The total value of all the property used by the colored schools is about $50,000. The rooms will accommodate about 700 pupils. The title to this, as with other school property, is vested in the city of Cincinnati. The schools are classified as primary, intermediate, and high school. Seventeen teachers are employed, all of whom are colored and former pupils, except two, who are Germans, and are employed, one in teaching the German language, the other in teaching music. The salaries paid are not so high as are paid in the other public schools of the city. The receipts for the year ending June 30, 1869, were about $24,000. The number of pupils enrolled in all departments was 1,006 ; average belonging, 522 ; average attendance, 475. WILBERFORCE UNIVERSITY. The earliest collegiate institution in the United States, founded and owned by colored men, is Wilberforce University, which originated in 1863, during the heat of the great rebellion. Although designed for the special training of colored youth, it is prohibited by its charter from making any distinctions on account of race or color, among its trustees, its instructors, or its students. The present faculty consists of five persons, three of whom are colored and two white. It is located three and a half miles east of Xenia, in Greene county, Ohio, and is under the management of members of the African Methodist Episcopal church. The first establishment of Wilberforce University, however, is due to another body of Christians. In 1853 some of the ministers and members of the Methodist Episcopal church saw and felt the necessity of a more liberal and concentrated effort to improve the condition of the colored people in Ohio and other States, and to furnish the facilities of education to them. Deeming that colored men must be, for the most part, the educators and elevators of their own race in this and other lands, they conceived the idea of an institution wherein many of that class should be thoroughly trained for professional teaching, or for any other pursuit in life. At the session of the Cincinnati conference, in 1855, this movement culmin- ated in the appointment of the Rev. John F. Wright as general agent to take the incipient steps for establishing such a college. This gentleman, with others, entered into negotiations for the purchase of the Xenia Springs property, which had been previously fitted up as a fashionable watering place, at a cost of some $50,000. This property consisted of 52 acres of land, in a beautiful and healthy region, upon which there had been erected a large edifice with numerous rooms, well adapted to the purposes of a collegiate institution. Besides this IN EESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 373 principal building, there was a number of cottages upon the place well suited to the use of private families. Mr. Wright and his associates were fortunate enough to find about half a dozen wealthy and philanthropic gentlemen to second them in their efforts, and in May, 1856, the purchase was concluded for $13,500. In the following August application was duly made for incorporation under the general law of thp State of Ohio, and every legal requisi- tion having been complied with, the institution was organized and constituted a body cor- porate under the name of the Wilberforce University. It was kept in successful operation from October, 1856, until June, 1862, at which time, as it was supported mainly by southern slaveholders who sent their children there to be educated, the war cut off the greater portion of its patronage and compelled a suspension of its operations. The institution was then laboring under an indebtedness of $10,000 ; and for this sum the trustees offered to sell out all their right, title, and interest to the African Methodist Episcopal church, whose co-opera- tion in this enterprise had been requested and declined as early as 1856. This offer was accepted ; thus the present Wilberforce University came into being. The credit for this result is largely due to the Rt. Rev. Daniel A. Payne, one of the bishops of the African Methodist Episcopal church, who had favored co-operation with the white Methodists, and who has ever since been an untiring worker in behalf of this educational enterprise. In the course of the two following years the new proprietors reduced their indebtedness to $3,000, having received aid from their white friends only to the extent of $260. The gratify- ing success attendant thus far upon the establishment of this unique institution was destined to encounter quite a serious check. On the 14th day of April, 1865 — a day sadly memorable in the annals of our country as that of President Lincoln's assassination — the college edifice fell a prey to incendiarism ; but the ardor of the friends of Wilberforce was quickened instead of being diminished by this misfortune. The amount of insurance upon the burnt building ($8,000) enabled them to discharge the obligations existing against them, and to reserve $5,000 as a fund for rebuilding. With this amount at their command, they confidently laid the foundation of a new structure 160 feet in length by 44 feet in width, at an anticipated cost of $35,000, and made appeal to their friends to aid them in their endeavors. Their call for assistance has been quite favorably responded to both by members of their own denomina- tion and other parties ; among the latter of whom may be mentioned the executors of the Avery estate, and the Society for the Promotion of Collegiate and Theological Education at the West. They are now enabled to show as the result of their persevering energy a hand- some building, suflSciently advanced towards completion to accommodate their students, about 80 in number, equally divided between the two sexes. The prospects are quite flat- tering, too, for the endowment of their requisite number of professorships, and for makino- additions to their scientific apparatus and to their library, now already numbering about 2,500 volumes. Wilberforce is designed to be a university complete in all the ordinary faculties. Those of literatuie, medicine, and theology have already been established, and additional ones in the department of science and law are contemplated. The several courses of instruction are full and thorough ; and two features included in them are deserving of especial mention as showing the laudable spirit of its board of trustees. These are, first, that, in view of anti- cipated missionary effort in Hayti, particular attention is paid to the study of French; and, second, that, with the design of training teachers for labor among the freedmen, a normal day and Sunday school has been instituted. The corps of instruction now employed at Wilberforce University is as follows, viz : Et. Rev. Daniel A. Payne, D. D., President and Professor of Christian Theology, Mental Science, and Church Government; John G. Mitchell, A. M., Professor of Greek and Mathe- matics ; Rev. William Kent, M. D., Professor of Natural Sciences ; Theodore E. Suliot, A. M., Professor of English, Latin, and French Literature, and Associate Professor of Mathe- matics. Medical Department. — William Kent, M. D., Professor of Practical and Analytical Chem- istry ; Williams, M. D.; J. P. Marvin, M. D.; Alexander T. Augusta, M. D. 374 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION OBERLIN COLLEGE. In any account of the higher education of colored youth in this country, Oberlin College must not be omitted. That institution, established in 1833, opened its doors to deserving applicants without distinction of sex, race, or color, and as early as 1836 had several colored students. The first colored graduate of the college was George B. Vashan, subsequently professor of languages in Avery College, at Pittsburg. The whole number of colored gradu- ates is 20, three of whom are females. The whole number of colored graduates in the teachers' course is 16 ; in the theological department, 1. Before the war the ratio of colored students to the whole number was five per cent, for a period of nearly 20 years ; since the war it has amounted to nearly eight per cent., making an average of nearly 50 colored stu- dents during the last 25 years. PENNSYLVANIA. By the census of 1860 there were returned, out of a population of 2,906,115, in Pennsyl- vania, 56,849 free blacks. By the constitution of the State the right of sufi'rage is restricted to whites ; but by the school law the privileges of a public school education are extended to all children, whether white or black ; and, by an act passed in 1854, the school directors of the several districts are authorized and required "to establish, within their respective dis- tricts, separate schools for the tuition of negro and mulatto children, whenever such schools can be so located as to accommodate 20 or more pupils ; and whenever such separate schools shall be established and kept open four months in any year, the directors or con- trollers shall not be compelled to admit such pupils into any other schools of the district : Provided, That in cities and boroughs the board of controllers shall provide for such schools out of the general funds assessed and collected by uniform taxation for educational purposes." To the members of the Society of Friends, in Philadelphia, and to associations originating under the auspices of that religious body, are the blacks of this country indebted for the earliest permanent and best developed schools for their children. SCHOOLS FOR BLACK PEOPLE BY ANTHONY BENEZET. Kev. George Whitefield — who visited America in 1739, partly to found an orphan house after the model of that of Franks, at Halle, purchased in 1740 a tract of land of about 5,000 acres in Upper Nazareth township; but in view of making a location further south, (in Georgia,) transferred his title to the Moravian brethren in 1843— contemplated, it is said, the establishment of a school for negro children, but accomplished nothing.* The earliest school of any kind for the education of the children of negroes, in Philadel- phia, so far as we can ascertain, was established as an evening school, by Anthony Benezet, about the year 1750, and taught by him gratuitously. This remarkable man, who was the first on this continent to plead the cause of the oppressed African race, and whose publica- tions were instrumental in enlisting the energies of Clarkson and others in the abolition of the slave trade, was born at St. Quentin, France, December 31, 1713, (old style.) His parents were among the most noted and wealthy persons of the place, but, on becoming Pro- *It is stated in Sypher's "School History of Pennsylvania " that Rev. George Whitefield commenced the erection of a school-house for colored children at Nazareth. We do not have at hand the authorities to con- firm or refute this statement; but we find in Anderson's ' ' Colonial Church " that Whitefield, on the occasion of his visit to Georgia, in 1740, censured Oglethorpe and others, who had got introduced into the charter a clause prohibiting the importation of negro slaves into the colony of Georgia. "To prohibit people from holding lands, except under the conditions which those laws prescribed, or to require them to carry on the work of cultivation in a hot climate without negro labor, was little better, he said, than to tie their legs and bid them walk. He maintained that to keep slaves was lawfi^. ; else how was the Scripture to be explained which spoke of slaves being born in Abraham's house, or purchased with his money 1 He denied not that liberty was sweet to those who were born free ; but argued that, to those who had never known any other condition, slavery might not be so irksome. The introduction, also, of slaves into Georgia, would bring them, he believed, within the reach of those mpans of grace which would make them partakers of a liberty far more precious than any which affected the body only ; and, upon such grounds, he hesitated not to exert himself to obtain a repeal of that part of the charter which torbade the importation of slaves." IN EESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. -^75 testants, their estate was confiscated, and they withdrew from their'native country and took refuge in Holland. From thence the family removed to London, and the father having engaged in commercial pursuits there, he recovered, to some extent, his lost fortune. In 1731 the family removed to Philadelphia, where they were permanently established ; and in 1736 Anthony married Joyce Marriott, of Wilmington, Delaware, with whom he lived 50 years " in love and peace." Declining to engage in commerce, from motives of a religious nature, he turned his attention to mechanical pursuits, v.hich proving unfavorable to his health, at the age of 26 he engaged as a teacher at Germantown, in the vicinity of Phila- delphia. In 1742 he became usher in the public school formed under a charter from William Penn, in which school he continued 12 years. In 175r) he opened a school for the instruction of girls, which was attended for 30 years by the daughters of the most affluent and respectable inhabitants of the city. His methods of instruction and of discipline were far in advance of those of the teachers of that period, by which he attached his pupils to himself for his gen- tleness and regard for their happiness ; among other privileges granting them a room as a place of amusement during the mtervals of study. His views of education are expi-essed in the following paragraphs : "With respect to the education of our youth, I would propose, as the fruit of 40 years' experience, that when they are profisients in the use of their pen, and become sufficiently acquainted with the English grammar and the useful parts of arithmetic, they should be taught mensuration of superficies and solids, as it helps the mind in many necessary matters, particularly the use of the scale and the compass, and will open the way for those parts of the mathematics which their peculiar situations may afterwards make necessary. It would also be profitable for every scholar, of both sexes, to go through and understand a short but very plain set of merchant's accounts in single entry, particularly adapted to the civil uses of life. And iu order to perfect their education in a useful and agreeable way, both to themselves and others, I would propose to give them a general knowledge of the mechanical powers, geog- raphy, and the elements of astronomy ; the use of the microscope might also be profitably added, in discovering the minute parts of creation; this, with the knowledge of the magni- tude and courses of those mighty bodies which surround us, would tend to exalt their ideas. " Such parts of history as may tend to give them a right idea of the corruption of the human heart, the dreadful nature and effects of war, the advantage of virtue, &c., are also necessary parts of an education founded upon Christian and reasonable principles. These several instructions should be inculcated on a religious plan, in such a waj' as may prove a delightful rather than a painful labor, both to teachers and pupils. It might also be profit- able to give lads of bright genius some plain lectures upon anatomy, the wondrous I'rame of man, deducing therefrom the advantage of a simple way of life, enforcing upon their under- standing the kind eftorts of nature to maintain the human frame in a state of health, with little medical help but what abstinence and exercise will afibrd. These necessary parts of knowledge, so useful in directing the youthful mind in the path of virtue and wisdom, might be proposed by way of lectures, which the pupil should write down, and when corrected should be copied in a neat bound book, to be kept for future perusal." While teaching this scl^ool for girls he prepared and published two of the earliest school- books printed in this country; one a spelling-book and primer, and a grammar. The senti- ments expressed in these books were such as grew out of his efforts to promote the education of youth on the basis of a true estimate of human life, "whence obedience and love to God, benignity to man, and a tender regard for the whole creation would necessarily flow;" and also from his desire to give to youth "as easy and compendious a knowledge of their c»vn language, and such other useful parts of learning, as their respective situations may make necessary to answer all the good purposes of life." In the year 1750 he became interested in the iniquity of the slave trade, and from this time he devoted himself strenuously to the amelioration of the condition of the black people till the end of his life. In this direction he took special interest in the education of their youth, establishing for them, as has been stated, the first evening school, which he taught himself gratuitously ; and he subsequently engaged in soliciting fuuds for the erection of a building for a day school ibr their instruction. From the experience derived from his own school, and Irom his intercourse with the blacks, he formed aud expressed a more favorable opinion of their dispositions and mental capacities than had been previously generally entertained. On these points lie says: "1 can with truth and sincerity declare that I have found amo:ig the negroes as great vatiety of talents as among a like number of whites, and I am bold to assert that the notion entertained by some, that the blacks are inferior in their capacities, is 376 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION a vulgar prejudice, founded on the pride or ignorance of their lordly masters, who have kept their slaves at such a distance as to be unable to form a right judgment of them." When the education of colored youth was taken up by the Society of Friends, Benezet volunteered to assist the teacher; and on several occasions, when there was a failure to pro- cure a teacher, he himself continued the school. Without dwelling further on the labors of Benezet to promote the abolition of slavery in his own State, and to ameliorate the condition of the colored people everywhere, the following extract from his will exhibits his desire to continue his work in their behalf after his death : " I give my above said house and lot, or ground rent proceeding from it, and the rest and residue of my estate which shall remain undisposed of after my wife's decease, both real and persona], to the Public School of Philadelphia, founded by charter, and to their successors forever, in trust, that tfhey shall sell my house and lot on perpetual ground rent forever, if the same be not already sold by my executors, as before mentioned, and that as speedily as may be they receive and take as much of my personal estate as may be remaining, and there- with purchase a yearly ground rent, or ground rents, and with the income of such ground rent proceeding from the sale of my real estate hire, and employ a religious-minded person, or persons, to teach a number of negro, mulatto, or Indian children to read, write, arithmetic, plain accounts, needle-work, &c. And it is my particular desire, founded on the experience I have had in that service, that, in the choice of such tutors, special care may be had to prefer an industrious, careful person, of true piety, who may be or become suitably quali- fied, who would undertake the service from a principle of charity, to one more highly learned, not equally disposed ; this I desii'e may be carefully attended to, sensible that from the number of pupils of all ages, the irregularity of attendance their situation subjects them to, will not admit of that particular inspection in their improvement usual in other schools, but that the real well-doing of the scholars will very much depend upon the master making a special conscience of doing his duty; and shall likewise defray such other necessary expense as may occur in that service ; and as the said remaining income of my estate, after mj^ wife's decease, will not be sufficient to defray the whole expense necessary for the support of such a school, it is my request that the overseers of the saiifl Public School shall join in the care and expense of such a school, or schools, for the education of negro, mulatto, or Indian chil- rlven, with any committee which may be appointed by the monthly meetings of Friends in Philadelphia, or with any other body of benevolent persons wlio may join in raising money and employing it for the education and care of such children; my desire being that, as such a school is now set up, it may be forever maintained in this city." Benezet died on the 3d of May, 1784, and his funeral was attended by the widows and )rphans and the poor of all descriptions, including many hundreds of blacks, all of whom ' mourned for the loss of their best friend." SCHOOLS FOR BLACK PEOPLE BY THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. To the Society of Friends in particular is the African slave in America indebted for the earliest efforts for his enlightenment and for the most persistent struggles for his emancipation and the abolition of the slave trade. George Fox, from the time of landing in 1672, on the banks of the Patuxent, in Maryland, never failed to impress upon' those who controlled the negro the importance of raising him above the brute. In an epistle to Friends in America, written in 1679, he says : " You must instruct and teach your Indians and negroes, and all others, how that Christ, by the grace of God, tasted death for every man." The journals of the Quaker preachers who succeeded him show they were animated by the same spirit. One of their number, a man of fine classical education, and educated as a lawyer, says: " The morning that we came from Thomas Simons's my companion, speaking some words of truth to his negro woman, she was tendered, and as I passed on horseback by the place where she stood weeping I gave her my hand, and then she was much more broken. ^ * She stood there, looking after us and weeping as long as we could see her. I inquired of one of the black men here how long they had come to meetings. He says they had always been kept in ignorance and disregarded, as persons who were not to expect anything from the Lord, till Jonathan Taylor, who had been there the year before discoursing with them, had informed them that the grace of God, through Christ, was given also to them." On the 25th of the second month, at Pocoson, not far from Yorktown, Virginia, he was * ' enter- tained in much friendship and tender respect by Thomas Nichols and his wife, but by her especially, who, though a mulatto by extraction, was not too tawny for the divine light of the Lord Jesus Christ." IN KESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 377 On the 26th of January, 1770, through the influence of Anthony Benezet, a committee was appointed at a monthly meeting of Friends, in Philadelphia, " to consider on the instruc- tion of negro and mulatto children in reading, writing, and other useful learning suitable to their capacity and circumstances ;" and, on the 30th of May of the same year, they decided to authorize a special committee of seven Friends to employ a schoolmistress of prudent and exemplary conduct " to teach, not more at one time than 30 children, in the first rudiments of school learning and in sewing and knitting." The school was to be opened to white chil- dren if a sufficient number of children of negroes and mulattoes did not apply for admission. In June a male teacher was employed — Moles Patterson — who had a salary of £80 a yeai and an additional sum of £ 1 1 for one-half of the rent of his dwelling-house. While instruc- tion was gratuitous to the poor, those who were able were requested to pa}', "at the rate of 10s. a quarter for those who write and 7s. 6d. for others." The scholars having been found on examination to have made good progress, the monthly meeting authorized the construction of a school-house for the express uses of the school. On the resignation of Patterson, David Estaugh was employed as the teacher, " he having spent some time to improve himself under our friend Anthony Benezet, who, having frequently met with us and assisted us in the trust committed to us, now kindly offered to attend daily and give his assistance to David in the sch'ol." With reference to the capacity of the children gathered in this school, the testimony of those who examined it was that it was equal to that of other children. Jacob Lehre suc- ceeded David Estaugh in 1774, the latter having resigned, "finding the employment too heavy." In 1775 the committee agreed to admit 10 or 12 white children, because there was a probability that the school would otherwise be small in the winter season, and in April 40 colored and six white children were in the school. No record of the transactions of the com- mittee from the early part of 1777 to 1782, because, as is stated, " a part of this period was remarkable for commotion, contending armies takiag, evacuating, and repossessing this city, and schools kept within the compass thereof were generally for a time suspended." John Haughton was the teacher at the latter period, and continued in that service five years, when he resioued on account of failing health, and his place was filled by Anthony Bene- zet, with "the entire approbation of the committee," until his death, in May, 1784. Just before his death he addressed the following to the " overseers of the school for the instruc- tion of the black people:" "My friend Joseph Clark having frequently observed to me his desire, in case of my inability of continuing the care of the negro school, of succeeding me in that service, not- withstanding he now has a more advantageous school, by the desire of doing good to the black people makes him overlook these pecuniary advantages, I much wish the overseers of the school would take his desires under their peculiar notice and give him such due encour- agement as may be proper, it being a matter of the greatest consequence to that school that the master be a person who makes it a principle to do his duty." The overseers decided that "the strongest proof of their love and good-will to their departed friend, they think, will be to pay regard to the advice and recommendation contained in the said letter." In 1784 William Waring was placed in charge of the larger children, at a salary of £100, and Sarah Dougherty of the younger children and girls, in teaching spelling, reading, sew- ing, &c., at a salary of £50. In 1787 aid was received from David Barclay, of London, in behalf of a committee for managing a donation for the relief of Friends in America; and the suui of £500 was thus obtained, which, with the fund derived from the estate of Ben- ezet, and £300 from Thomas Shirley, a colored man, was appropriated to the erection of a school-house. In 1819 a committee of "women Friends," to have exclusive charge of the admission of girls and the general superintendence of the girls' school, was associated with the overseers in the charge of the school. In 1830, in order to relieve the day school of some of the male adults who had been in the habit of attending, an evening school for the purpose of instructing such persons gratuitously was opened, and has been continued to the present time. In 1844 a lot was secured on Locust street, extending along Shield's alley, now Aurora street, on which a new house was erected in 1847, the expense of which was paid for in part from the proceeds of the sale of a lot bequeathed by John Pemberton, Additional 378 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION accommodations were made to this building, from time to time, as room was demanded by new classes of pupils. From a report published by direction of the committee of the "schools for black people and their descendants," it appears that up to the year 1867, covering a period of over 96 years, about 8,000 pupils had been instructed in these schools. In 1866 there were upwards of 4,000 colored children in the city of Philadelphia of the proper school age, of whom 1,300 were in the public schools, 800 in seminaries supported by charitable bequests and volun- tary subscriptions, and 200 in private schools. In ]849 a statistical return of the condition of the people of color in the city and districts of Philadelphia shows that there was then one grammar school, with 463 pupils ; two public primary schools, with 339 ; and an infant school, under the charge of the Pennsylvania Abolition Societ}', of 70 pupils, in Clifton street ; a ragged and a moral reform school with 81 pupils. In West Philadelphia there was also a public school, with 67 pupils ; and, in all, there were about 20 private schools, with 300 pupils; making an aggregate of more than 1,300 children receiving an education. In 1859, according to Bacon's " Statistics of the Colored People of Philadelphia,'' there were 1,031 colored children in public schools, 748 in charity schools of various kinds, 211 in benevolent and reformatory schools, and 331 in private schools, making an aggregate of 2,321 pupils, besides four evening schools, one for adult males, one for females, and one for young apprentices. There were 19 Sunday schools connected with the congregations of the colored people, and conducted by their own teachers, containing 1,667 pupils, and four Sunday schools gathered as mission schools by members of white congregations, with 215 pupils. There was also a "Public Library and Eeading Room" connected with the "Institute for Colored Youth," established in 1853, having about 1,300 volumes, besides three other small libraries in different parts of the city. The same pamphlet shows that there were 1,700 of the colored popul£y;ion engaged in different trades and occupations, rep- resenting every department of industry. CHARITY, BENEVOLENT, AND REFORMATORY SCHOOLS. In 1822 an "Orphan's Shelter" was established by an association of women " Friends ;" in 1850 a " House of Refuge" for children found guilty of offenses against the law ; in 1355 a "Home for Colored Children;" and in 1852 a high school or "Institute for Colored Youth." In 1858 the Sheppard school was established at the House of Industry. lu a historical memoir of this society, published in 1848, it is stated that " the con- dition of the colored population of the city and adjoining districts, although far in advance of what it was at the organization of this society, vs also a subject which still occu- pies its close attention. The schools already instituted for the education of colored children have largely contributed to benefit the people as a class, and will demand the vigilant attett' tion of the society, under whose fostering care it is hoped much may be effected towards the elevation of the colored youth of our city. It would not be difScult to point to many fami- lies amongst them whose intelligence and moral standing in the community is justl.y refer- able to the early training they received in these schools, and it has aflbrded encouragement- to many members of this society to hear the acknowledgment of many respectable individ- uals, that to these schools they were, under the divine blessing, mainly indebted for their success in life. Hence, also, has arisen that thirst for knowledge amongst the colored pop- ulation which has led to the formation of societies for promoting the exercise of their intel- lectual faculties, and for the pursuit of literary and scientific subjects." The teachers of the Institute for Colored Youth, and of all the private schools, are of their own complexion ; the others are generally white. No register is kept in any school denoting standard of scholarship, nor is there any system of rewards for exciting emulation. One of the results of the education of this class of the population has been to elevate their self-respect and to promote habits of thrift and economy, as well as to break up the habit of congregating in so large numbers in the narrow and crowded streets of the city, and to create a desire to possess houses and gardens in the suburbs. As they have become educated they have risen more and more from the condition of mere day laborers into that of skillful and IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 379 industrious artisans and tradesmen, until in 1867 it was found, as a result of statistical inquiry, that they Avere engaged in more than ]30 distinct occupations, having a fair repre- sentation in all the principal mechanical industries of the city. From an inquiry instituted in 1837 it was ascertained that, out of the 18,768 colored people in Philadelphia, 250 had paid for their freedom the aggregate sum of $70,612, and that the real and personal property owned by them was near $1,500,000. There were returns ot several chartered benevolent societies for the purpose of affording mutual aid in sickness and distress, and there were 16 houses of public worship, with over 4,000 communicants. SCHOOLS OF THE PENNSYLVANIA ABOLITION SOCIETY. The Pennsylvania Abolition Society established a school for children of the blacks, in 1794, taught by a well-qualified black teacher. In 1809 they erected for the use of the school a house at a cost of $4,000, to which, in 1815, they gave the name of " Clarkson Hall." In 1813 a board of education was organized, consisting of 13 persons, with a visit- ing committee of three, who were to visit the school once each week. In 1818 the board of education, in their report, speak in the highest terms of the beneficial effect of the Clark- son schools, which they say " furnish a decided refutation of the charge that the mental endowments of the descendants of Africa are inferior to those possessed by their white brethren. We can assert, without fear of contradiction, that the pupils of this seminary will sustain a fair comparison with those of any other institution in which the same elementary branches are taught." PUBLIC SCHOOLS FOR COLORED CHILDREN. In 1820 this society applied to the comptrollers of the public schools to obtain for the children of colored parents a share of the school education to which they were entitled by the law of Pennsylvania providing for the schooling of all the poor children of the com- monwealth at the public expense. In 1822 the comptrollers, admitting that the benefits of the law should be extended to the colored as well as to poor white children, opened a school in Lombard street for the education of the children of both sexes of indigent persons of color ; and in 1841 a primary school was opened in the same building. In 1833 the " Unclassi- fied school" in Coates street, and from time to time afterwards several additional schools of the same class in West Philadelphia were established. These schools are maintained in ihe same way as the public schools generally. INSTITUTE FOR COLORED YOUTH. By the will of Richard Humphreys, a member of the Society of Friends, who died in 1832, the sum of $10,000 was devised to certain trustees, to be paid over by them to such benevo- lent society or institution as might be established for the purpose of instructing "descend- ants of the African race in school learning in the various branches of the mechanic arts and trade, and in agriculture." At this time the idea of giving instruction to the colored race was very unpopular, even in Philadelphia, and no society was formed to carry out the design of Mr. Humphreys until five years afterwards. Thirty members of the Society of Friends then formed themselves into au association, and took measures to establish an insti- tution in accordance with the design of the legacy. lu the preamble to the constitution adopted by them they say : "We believe that the most successful method of elevating the moral and intellectual char- acter of the descendants of Africa, as well as of improving their social condition, is to extend to them the benefits of a gooil education, and to instruct them in the knowledge of some useful trade or business, whereby they may be enabled to obtain a comfortable livelihood by their own industry ; and thiough tliese means to prepare them for fulfilling the various duties of domestic and social life with reputation and fidelity, as good citizens and pious men." To enable the youth to receive instruction in " mechanic arts and agriculture," the asso- ciation, in 1839, purchased a piece of land in Bristol township, Philadelphia county, and educated a number of boys in farming, and to some extent in shoe-makiug and other useful 3^'0 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION occupations. In 1842 the institute was incorporated; and in 1844 there was an addition to its treasury of $18,000 from the estate of another member of the Society of Friends, Jonathan Zane, and several other small legacies. After the experiment of the combined literary, agricultural, and manual labor school for a time, in consequence of certain unfavora- ble circumstances, it was finally concluded, though with much I'egret, in 1846, to sispend the experiment for a time ; and the farm and stock were sold, the only endeavor of the mana- gers to carry out the objects of their trust, during the next six years, being by apprenticing colored lads to mechanical occupations, and maintaining an evening school for literary edu- cation. In IBIiO a day school was contemplated, but not established for the want of a proper build- ing until 185], when a lot was secured in Lombard street and a building erected, in whicb a school was opened in the autumn of 1852 for boys only, under the care of Charles L. Eeason, of New York ; but in the same year the girls' school was opened, the pupils being selected from those of a standing above that of the ordinary schools. These schools proved successful, giving a good English and classical education to m.an_y active youth, thus fulfiUing the design of Mr. Humphreys in qualifying many useful teachers, of both sexes, who are now scattered over the coimtry engaged in elevating the character oi the colored people. The growing want of the school for increased accommodations was met in part, in 1863, by the appropriation of $5,000 to a building fund, from the estate of Josiah Dawson, who had been a member of the corporation. Soon after two other donations oi $5,000 each were made by Friends, provided $30,000 could be raised by the board to com- plete the building fund. This step was immediately taken and resulted successfully. The institute under the charge of Professor E. D. Bassett, (recently appointed United States commissioner and consul general to Hayti and San Domingo, ) a graduate of the State Normal School at New Britain, Connecticut, would compare favorably with any institution of the same class and grade in the city. According to the last published catalogue there were on the rolls of all the departments of the institute 223. In the boys' high school there were 52; in the girls', 100 ; in the boys' preparatory school, 35; and in the girls', 36; total, 223. The library of the institute contains about 2,500 volumes. The total number of grad- uates of the institute is 48, of whom 44 are now living. Of these, 32 are engaged in teaching. AVERY COLLEGE, ALLEGHENY CITY. We are indebted to Professor Vashon, who was for a time connected with this college as professor, for the following notice of this institution, and of its founder and benefactor, Kev. Charles Avery : Immediately after entering the main gateway of Allegheny cemetery, in Pittsburg, Penn- sylvania, the eye of the visitor is arrested by a piece of sculpture which, representing a man erect upon an elevated pedestal, and attired in the costume of the present day, is indisputa- bly the most noted of all the artistic adornments of that resting place of the dead. This lifelike statue recalls, in its finished details, the well-known personal appearance of the one whom it is designed to commemorate, the late Rev. Charles Averj-, a native of the State of New York, but during the greater part of a long and honored life a resident of western Pennsylvania. Starting in life without any of the aids of fortune, he became, through efforts always characterized by the greatest probity, the possessor of ample wealth ; and never, perhaps, was wealth more worthily bestowed ; for, in his hands, it was but the means of doing good. His private charities were cheerfully and lavishly dispensed; and, among his public ones, may be mentioned the building of at least two neat and commodi- ous churches for the Protestant Methodist connection, in which he was a local preacher. At his death, too, which occurred in January, 1858, his estate passed, by his last will, into the hands of his executors, who were enjoined, after satisfying various testamentary provisions in favor of his widow and other surviving relations, to devote the residue of his estate, amount- ing to $300,000, to educating aad chi'istianizing persons of the African race. One-half O' this residue was directed to be employed in behalf of that class upon the continent of Africa, and the other half for the benefit of such as were in this country. It is understood that, as to the first half, the executors made choice of the American Missionary Society as the instru- IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 381 mentality for its employment : and that they themselves have, in the execution of their trust as to the second, made large donations to Oberlin College, Lincoln, and Wilberforce Uni- ven-'ities, and other institutions that are earnestly laboring for the educational advancement of our colored population. But the statue before mentioned is not the proudest monument to the memory of the Rev. Charles Avery. That monument is to be found in Avery College, an institution which is located in Allegheny City, Pennsylvania, and of which he was the sole generous benefactor. Having obtained an act of incorporation for it from the legislature of Pennsylvania, in 1849, he donated to the trustees named in its charter a portion of land upon North street, extend- ing from Avery to Liberty street, and running back over 100 feet. Upon this land he had caused to be erected a handsome, substantial, and well-finished brick edifice, admirably suited to the purposes for which it was intended. The amplitude of this edifice may be inferred from the following brief description of it : Its ground floor is divided qff into a lecture room and two recitation rooms ; and its second story into four rooms, two pf which are fitted up for school purposes, a third set apart for the use of literary societies, while the remaining one, elegantly carpeted and furnished, is arranged as a library and apparatus room. There is still a third story, loftily ceiled, which is appropriated to the use and occupancy of a congregation belonging to the African Metho- dist Episcopal Zion connection, and which is known as the Avery Mission church. The entire structure is surmounted by a gracefully proportioned cupola with its clock and bell. Mr. Avery donated to this offspring of his generosity a complete set of apparatus needful to illustrate all the various branches of natural science, physics, chemistry and astronomy. Mr. Avery generously met the wants of the new institution by directing the selection and purchase of about 700 volumes, comprising books of reference, scientific treatises, histories, travels, and works of general literature by standard British and American authors. The selection was judiciously made ; and thus a small but excellent library was established for the benefit, not only of the college students, but also of any of the colored people of Pitts- burg and Allegheny cities. This library was increased by the addition of about .300 vol- umes more at the death of the donor's widow, in 1665. Besides this library, Mr. Avery also donated a collection of about 1500 volumes of such text-books as are used in the insti- tution. This latter collection is knbwn as the Avery College Beneficent Library, and is open to the use of students upon the payment of a small fee per term. For the support of this institution the lamented founder provided an endownment of about $25,000, which has thus far, through safe and profitable investment, suificed for that end. The board of trustees charged with its control consists of nine members, of whom three are white and the rest colored. The following gentlemen constitute this board at present^ viz : Dr. C. G. Hussey, president ; Rev. John Peck, vice-president ; Alexander Gordon, treasurer ; Samuel A. Neale, secretary ; P. L. Jackson, E. R. Parker, Barclay Preston, Matthew Jones, and A. I. Billows. Avery College was first opened for the admission of students in April, 1850, with the Rev. Philotas Dean, A. M., and M. H. Freeman, A. M , as senior and junior professors. Upon the retirement of Professor Dean, in 185(5, Professor Freeman became the i^rincipal, and con- tinued to act in that capacity until the latter part of 1863, when he was succeeded by Georo-e B. Vashon, A. M. Both of these gentlemen had as an assistant Miss Emma J. Woodson, a graduate of the institution. After the resignation of Professor Vashon, in July, 1867, the operations of Avery College were suspended until April, 1868, when its corps of instructors was reorganized as follows, viz : Rev. H. H. Garnett, D. D., president and professor of history, rhetoric, logic, mental and moral philosophy, and political economy ; B. K. Sampson, A. M., professor of mathematics, natural sciences, and languages ; Miss Harriet C. Johnson, principal of the preparatory and ladies' departments ; and Miss Clara G. Toop, teacher of vocal and instrumental music. All of these ladies and gentlemen, with the exception of Professor Dean, are colored persons. In its religious aspect Avery College is free from any sectarian organization ; but its charter provides that all its ofiicers shall be professors of Christianity. Its discipline is strict, yet mild and parental ; and its courses of study, collegiate and academical, which are 382 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION tie same as are ordinarily adopted by other colleges and academies in our country, are open tn worthy persons of color of either sex. The number of its students at present is upwards of 7U, of whom the greater portion are females. The tuition fee is put down at the low rate of $2 per terra ; the academical year commencing on the 2d Monday in September, and being divided into three terms of 15, 13, and 12 weeks, respectively. Avery College has had a number of graduates from its academical course, but none as yet from its collegiate department. It is, however, fully empowered to confer the usual degrees in the arts and sciences ; and there is now reason to hope that, in the course of a year or two, it will be able to reckon several baccalaureates among its alumni. ASHMUN INSTITUTE—LINCOLN UNIVERSITY. At a stated meeting of the Presbytery of New Castle, October 5, 1853, after discussion, it was determined that "There shall be established within our bounds, and under our super- vision, an institution, to be called the Ashmun Institute, for the scientific, classical, and theological education of colored youth of the male sex." In pursuance of this determination, J. M. Dickey, A. Hamilton, R. P. Dubois, ministers, and Samuel J. Dickey and John M. Kelton, ruling elders, were appointed a committee to carry out this determination, by collecting funds, selecting a suitable site, and erecting plain and convenient edifices for the purpose ; also, to take steps to procure a charter from the State of Pennsylvania. On the 14th of November following this committee agreed to pur- chase 30 acres of land for $1,250, appointed a sub-covnmittee to prepare a copy of the charter, and took other measures for carrying out the plan. At the session of the legislature in 1854 the charter was granted, establishing ' ' at or , near a place called Hinsonville, in the county of Chester, an institution of learning for the scientific, classical, and theological education of colored youth of the male sex, by the name and style of the " Ashmun Institute." The trustees of this institute were John M. Dickey, Alfred Hamilton, Robert P. Dubois, James Latta, John B. Spottswood, James M. Crowell, Samuel J. Dickey, John M. Kelton, and William Wilson. By the provisions of this charter the trustees had power " to procure the endowment of the institute, not exceeding the sum of $100,000;" " to confer such literary degrees and academic honors as are ^jsually granted by colleges ;" and it was required that " the insti- tute shall be open to the admission of colored pupils of the male sex,' of all religious denomi- nations, who exhibit a fair moral character, and are willing to yield a ready obedience to the general regulations prescribed for the conduct of the pupils and the government of the institute." Oft the 31st of December, 1856, the institute was formally opened and dedicated : and retained the name first given in its charter until the dedication of the new chapel, May 23, 1867, when the name "Lincoln University" was given. In the address of the president of the trustees, on that occasion, he says : " We were compelled, on the day of our first dedica- tion, to go to Africa for a name; we could designate our new institution for the colored man by no name of any one who had labored for his freedom or for the salvation of his soul, but as foreshadowing his removal to Africa as his home. But now we take another name, the name of the martyr whose emancipation proclamation has not only closed the black man's days of bondage, but become the prelude to his full citizenship." "By the name, Lincoln, therefore, we call this chapel and this university, and dedicate both to the Triune God, Father, Son and Holy Ghost." The board of trustees at present consists of 21 members, chosen by the Presbytery of New Castle. The officers of the board are a president, secretary, and treasurer. The faculty consists of the president, professors, and tutors. The present faculty in the coilegiato department consists of Rev. I. N. Randall, president ; Rev. Alonzo Westcott, Rev. E. R. Bower, Rev. E. E. Adams, and S. B. Howell, M. D., professors of mathematics, Greek, belles 'lettres, and natural sciences, respectively; and G. Geddes, M. D., tutor in Greek, and Latin; and Albert D, Minor, tutor in mathematics. The number of students, as reported by the catalogue of 1868-9, was 114, of whom 14 were in the theological department, 17 iu the preparatory class, and 83 in the collegiate depart- IN EESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 383 meiit. Of the students now in the university, 48 are preparing for'tlie ministry and 41 for teaching. The institution has a small library of about 1,200 volumes ; and is dependent upon donations from its friends for additions to it. Eighty thousand dollars have recently been added to the endowment fund, securely invested, and devoted to the following objects : $20,000 for the endowment of the presidency, and named the Mary Dickey professorship ; $20,000 contributed by Hon. W. E. Dodge, and named the Dodge professorship of sacred rhetoric : $20,000 conveyed in invested funds by J. C. Baldwin, esq., of New York city, named the Baldwin professorship of theology ; and $20,000 assigned by the trustees of the Avery estate, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, and named the Avery professorship of Lincoln University. RHODE ISLAND. Out of a population of 174,620, in 1860, there were 3,952 free colored persons in Rhode Island, and by the census in 1865 these had increased to 4,087. As far back as 1708 the blacks constituted one-fourth of the whole population. Their social position and standing here has at all times been better than in any other portion of the country. During the war of the Revolution the negroes were permitted to enlist in the Rhode Island regiment, and many of them did so and received their freedom. At the close of the war, February 23, 1784, an act was passed providing that all children born after the first of March following of slave mothers should be free. By the first constitution of Rhode Island, which went into operation in May, 1843, the negroes were allowed to vote on the same conditions as the native American white citizens, and since that date they have enjoyed all the facilities for progress which the right of voting could give. In the year 1828 a separate school was established, on their own petition, in Providence, with one male teacher, although the children were not forbidden to attend any of the public schools in their vicinity. By an act of the legislature in 1864 all separate schools for colored children were abolished. SOUTH CAROLINA. South Carolina had, in 1860, a population of 703,708, of whom more than one-half were blacks, viz : 402,406 slaves and 9,914 free, or a total of 412,120. This State took the lead in legislating directly against the education of the colored race; in 1740, while yet a British province, its assembly enacted this law: "Whereas the having of slaves taught to write, or suffering them to be employed in writing, may be attended with inconveniences. Be it enacted, That all and every person and persons whatsoever, who shall hereafter teach or cause any slave or slaves to be taught, or shall use or employ any slave as a scribe in any manner of writing whatever, hereafter taught to write, every such person or persons shall for every such offense forfeit the sum of £100 current money." ^ In 1800 the State assembly passed an act, embracing free colored people as well as slaves in ite shameful provisions, enacting " That assemblies of slaves, free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, whether composed of all or any such description of persons, or of all or any of the same and a proportion of white persons, met together for the purpose of mental instruction in a confined or secret place, or with the gates or doors of such place barred, bolted, or locked, so as to prevent the free ingress to and from the same," are declared to be unlawful meetings ; the officers dispersing such unlawful asseaiblages being authorized to " inflict such corporeal punishment, not exceeding 20 lashes, upon such slaves, free negroes, mulattoes, and, mestizoes, as they may judge necessary for deterring them from the like unlawful assemblage in future." Another section of the same act declares, " That it shall not be lawful for any number of slaves, free negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes, even in company with white persons, to meet together and assemble for the purpose of mental instruction or religious worship before the rising of the sun or after the going down of the same." This section was so oppressive that, in 1803, in answer to petitions from certain religious societies, an amending act was passed forbidding any person before 9 o'clock in the evening " to break into a place of meeting wherever shall be assembled the members of any religious society of the Si ate, provided a majority of them shall be white persons, or other to disturb their devotions, unless -4 oLo^uM^ ^-^t*^ 384 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLOKED POPULATION a warrant has been procured from a magistrate, if at the time of the meeting there should be a magistrate within three miles of the place ; if not, the act of 1800 is to remain in full force." It was not, however, till nearly a third of a century later that the State took open and direct action against the education of its free colored population under all circumstances. On the 17th of December, 1834, the climax of infamy was attained in an act, of which the following is the introductory section: " Section 1. If any person shall hereafter teach any slave to read or write, or shall aid or assist in teaching any slave to read or write, or cause or procure any slave to be taught to read or write, such person, if a free white 'person, upon conviction thereof shall, for each and every offense against this act, be fined not exceeding $100 and imprisonment not more than six months ; or if a free person of color, shall be whipped not exceeding 50 lashes and fined not exceeding |50, at the discretion of the court of magistrates and freeholders before which such free person ot color is tried ; and if a slave, to be whipped, at the discretion of the court, not exceeding 50 lashes, the informer to be entitled to one-half the fine and to be a competent witness. And if any free person of color or slave shall keep any school or other place of instruction for teaching any slave or free person of color to read or write, such free person of color or slave shall be liable to the same fine, imprisonment, and corporeal punish- ment as by this act are imposed and inflicted on free persons of color and slaves for teach- ing slaves to write." The second section, following up the detestable purpose of the act to doom its victims to besotted ignorance, forbids with severe penalties the employment of colored persons as " clerks or salesmen in or about any shop, store, or house used for trading." The third section makes it a grave misdemeanor "to sell, exchange, give, or in any otherwise deliver any spirituous liquors to any slave except upon the written and express order of the owner or person having the care and management of such slave. This section completes the infamy of the measure, in placing the dispensing of mental instruction to a slave in the same category of crimes with that of selling them intoxicating liquors, as is seen in the penalty which declares that "any free person of color or slave shall for each and every such offense incur the penalties prescribed for free persons of color or slaves for teaching slaves to read and write." All these acts, including the old province act of 1740, stood in full force when the rebellion came. SCHOOLS FOR THE PREEDMEN. The following account of the efforts to establish schools for colored children since 1861 was drawn up by Professor Vashon : This State, famous in American annals as being the most determined advocate of the servitude of the African race and foremost in the secession movement made to secure its perpetuity, was, through the retributive workings of Divine justice, the next one after Vir- ginia to witness the efforts of philanthropy in behalf of its oppressed free colored residents and of its peeled, broken, and imbiuted bondmen. It is true that South Carolina had never, like other slave States, formally prohibited by law the maintenance of schools for free col- ored persons; but, by a statute enacted December 17, 1834, it had forbidden any individ- ual of that class to keep such a school, and it visited with severe pains and penalties any one guilty of the offense of teaching a slave to read or write. The thick clouds of moral dark- ness thus formed were destined, however, to be rent and dissipated by the fierce-flashing lightnings of war, and that, too, before secession was a year old. In the month of Novem- ber, 1861, the Port Eoyal islands were captured, and, on the 8th day of the following Jan- uary, the Eev. Solomon Peck, D, D., of Boston, with the sanction of the military authori- ties, opened a school at Beaufort. In the latter part of the same month Mr. Barnard K. Lee, jr., a superintendent of "contrabands," opened another one at Hilton Head. The destitution upoii which these schools cast the first cheering ray was indeed forlorn. All oi the whites had fled from these islands, leaving there about 8,000 negroes, steeped in igno- rance and want. Their deplorable condition appealed strongly to the officers of the govern- ment for relief, and did not appeal in vain. Early in January, 1862, Edward L. Pierce, esq., was sent out by Secretary Chase, of the Treasury Department, to examine the condition oi the abandoned plantations on these islands ; and, about the same time, the Kev. Mansfield IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. S85 Fiencli was deputed by the governinent to examine tlie conditic-a of the negroes alonp- the ■whole southern coast. Ho was accompanied by a teacher of the American Mission Associa- tion, who opened another school at Beaufort on the 1st of February, 186'i. About the middle of the same month other schools were opened on Hilton Head island by three teach- ers whose services had been secured in reply to appeals addressed by Mr. Pierce to the Revs. E. E. Hale and J. M. Manning, D. D., of Boston. Upon Mr. French's return he brought with him letters from General T. W. Sherman and Commodore Dupont urging the benevo- lent of the north to bestir themselves in behalf of the destitute within the limits of their com- mand. In response public meetings were held at once in Boston, New York, and Philadel- phia, which resulted in the formation of three freedmen'.s aid societies, viz, the Boston Edu- cational Commission, on February 7th ; the Frecdmen's Relief Association, at New York, on February 22d; and the Port Ro^'al Relief Commission, on March 3, 1862. On the same day that this last society was organized in Philadelphia .52 teachers, missionaries and super- intendents (40 men and 12 women) sailed from New York for Port Royal. Twenty-nine of these (25 men and 4 women) were under the commission of the Boston society. To these persons transpcrtation and boarding were furnished by the government, which also, after a short time, paid the salaries of the superintendents. Upon their arrival at their field of labor schools were immediately established, the salaries of the teachers being paid by the societies which had sent them out. Other teachers were soon sent out by the Philadelphia society, and, in the following June, 86 persons were reported in the field. On the 28th of the last mentioned month this work was transferred to the War Department and placed under the •supervision of General Rufus Sa.xton, then military governor of South Carolina. Words would fail to depict the noble devotion and self-sacrifice of these sea island teach- ers as they carried on their philanthropic labors during the remaining years of the war. With a courage worthy of comparison with that of their brothers on the tented field, they remained at their posts, braving all the perils and privations of their situation. Heaven smiled upon tlieir efforts, and, although they were called upon to instruct beings whom oppression had degraded almost to the intellectual level of the brute, they were enabled to attain to rcsuks which might be triumphantly compared with those of other educators in far more favorable spheres. Those results are their highest praise, and doubtless the same God v.ho blessed their labors will also bestow upon them their merited reward. With the capture of Charleston a new and extended impulse was given to educational work in South Carolina. Immediately thereafter Mr. James Redpath was appointed super- intendent of education for that city, and entered upon his duties with laudable energy and zeal. On the 4th of March, 1865, he took possession of the public school buildings and reopened them for the use of black and white children in separate rooms. He invited all former teachers of these schools to continue their labors, and sent at once to the northern societies for experienced teachers to aid in their reorganization and instruction. Within a week's tim.:! he reported 300 white children and 1,200 colored ones as being in attendance. The societies which he liad appealed to became responsible for the salaries of the southern teach- ers, of whom 68 were employed, a large proportion being colored. Other teachers were sent on from the north, and, at the expiration of the school term in July of that year, an enroll- niout of 4,000 pupils was reported. The creation of the Freedmen's Bureau, March 3, 1865, with General O. O. Howard, the indefatigable and impartial friend of white and black, as Chief Commissioner; the recom- mendation of the national council of Congregational churches, held in Boston in the follow- ing June, that $250,000 should be raised for the work among the freedmen, with its indorse- ment of the American Missionary Association as an agency providentially fitted for its employment, and the final concentration of the various freedmen's aid societies of the north and west into the American Freedmen's Union Commission were all circumstances pro- ductive of salutary effects upon the schools in South Carolina as well as elsewhere through- out the south. The several societies already mentioned in this paper have since been known as the New England, New York, and Pennsylvania Branches of the Union Commission. The increase in the number of schools established and of teachers employed by them in 18G7, proved that their energy and efficiency were not diminished by their coalition. South 25 386 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION Carolina lias been fortunate, too, in having, in the person of Mr. Reuben Totnlinson, a State iiiperinteudent of education under the Freedmen's Bureau, an of&cer whose hearty co-ope- ration and sympathy with the various agencies at woi'k there rendered its schools as great a siiccess as the means at command would permit of. And, although a comparison -of these schools in ]868 with their condition in the preceding year shows a falling oif, that result is attributable to the greater poverty of the freedmen themselves rather than to any diminution of effort or zeal on the part of their friends. In spite of this falling off, t-he following state- ment, made in March, 1868, by Mr. Arthur Sumner, a teacher employed by the New Eng- hmd branch, makes quite an interesting exhibit of the schools in Charleston at that time : The Shaw school, (New England branch F. U. C.,) 360 pupils. Mr. F. L. Cardozo's school, (American Missionary Association,) 3G-0 pupils. Z:on Church school, (Presbyterian, ) 525 pupils. Franklin Street school, (Episcopalian,) 665 pupils. Tivoli Garden school, (Baptist,) 150 pupils. Morris Street school, (municipal,) 500 pupils. It is to be remembered that to the 2,560 children then in those schools are to be added about 500 others who belonged to private schools. And, speaking with reference to educa- tional matters in the entire State, it is also to be remembered that this sketch of the South Carolina schools is by no means a perfect measure of the enlightenment there. The Rev. J. W. Alvord, general superintendent of schools under the Freedmen's Bureau, made the following statement in his third serai-annual report, January, 1867 : " From iaformation at our command, it is safe to assert that at least 30,000 colored persons, men, women, and children, have learned to read during the last year." And there is no doubt that every year since the cJose of the rebellion the number of colored persons Avho have learned to read and write in South Carolina has been far in excess of the number reported as attending the schools. In conclusion, the following description, copied from a Cfiarleston paper, of a school recently established there and dedicated with appropriate exercises on May 7, 18C3, may prove interesting : THE AVERY INSTITUTE, CHARLESTOX. "This new and handsome school building is named in honor of frhe late Rev. Charles Avery, of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, from whose bequest .$10,000 were given to the American Missionary Association, and applied by it to the purchase of the lands on which this edifice stands, and to the erection of a mission home. The normal school ed'iSce was built for the association by the Freedmen's Bureau at a cost of $17,000. "The building is 88 feet long, 68 feet wide, 50 feet high, and to the top of the flag-staff, 90 feet. It is raised on brick pillars, with spacious brick basements and a large cistern underneath. On the first floor are four large class rooms, two for the first class of boys and two for the first class of girls. Two of these rooms are of double size, divided by sliding glass doors, and intended, when built, for the preparatory and higher classes of a normal department. Each of the class rooms is capable of accommodating from 50 to 75 pupils, and is fitted up with handsome desks. The hall-way is also furnished with convenient clos- ets and racks for the reception of hats, cloaks, &c. On the second floor is a commodious assembly hall, with four long rows of seats, and a desk and platform for the principal. On this floor are also two large class rooms, and running round the walls of the class rooms is a composition blackboard. On either side of the building are spacious piazzas running the entire length, and opened upon from the class rooms. The building is finely ventilated on a new and improved plan." IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 387 Tbc following tables exhibit the statistics of the colored schools from 1865 to 1868: Nuvihcr of schools, teachers, and pupils, 1865 to 1868. Number of schools. Year. Xumber of teachers. Number of scholars. Day. ] Night. Total. I White. Colored ^1 iefi.5 I I 48 ! [52 1865 ..I I 113 ; 98 liT'^ I 1-24 36 ' 160 1 139 1868 87 26 i 113 138 Total. Male. 764. 88 T.. r7f 188 &34 j 7,963 200 ! 7, 167 Female.! Total. <*■ i 10,000 I I 12,017 I 8,687 16,650 l 13,289 7, 733 ; 14, 900 9, 606 Sttidies and expenditures, 1867 and 1868. Number of scholars in different studies pursue d. Expenditures in of schoolt suppor* bb p Year. .5 \ "^ . >> a t, "£ a ^ o J3 a c B ^1 tUg a G; .= ^ -SS 'S to .a K S v.. c CS < ^ .a o < H !? O < « e ^ 1867 3 750 5 835 fi 1C* 9 902 2 850 8, 934 574 $12, 200 $80, 800 50, 162 $93, 000 57, 000 1868 1,898 4, 097 C, 107 5, 918 3,602 6,810 442 6,838 TENNESSEE. There were in this State, in 1860, 283,019 colored persons, out of a population of 1,109,801, of whom 27.5,719 were slaves and 7,300 free. The territory constituting the State of Tennessee was a part of North Carolina until ceded to the United States, in 1790; and the laws of North Carolina then in force were to continue till superseded by the legislation of the proper authorities. Among the laws which continued in force down to 1821 was one enacted in 1741 by North Carolina, forbidding the whipping of "a Christian .servant naked, without an order from the justice of the peace," on penalty of 40 shillings ; and another, enacted in 1779, punishing " the stealing of slaves with inten* to sell them" by "death, without benefit of clergy." Another law enforced in Tennesser was that of 1787, that " if any free negro or mulatto shall entertain any slave in his or hei house during the Sabbath or in the night, between sunset and sunrise," he or she might be fined $2 ,50 for the first two and $5 for every subsequent ofi^ense. Tennessee became a State in 1796, and in 1799 an act was passed " to prevent the willful and malicious killing of slaves." There was no specific act forbidding the assemblies of slaves until 1803, when such assem- blies were forbidden, witjiout a written permission from the owner, imder a penalty of $10. In 1806 "any white person, free negro, or mulatto" attending any such unlawful meeting, or "harboring or entertaining any slave, without the con.sent of the owner," might be fined not more than $20 nor less than $i 10 for each offense : and the negroes so found were to receive " 15 stripes on the bare back, well laid on, under the direction of the patrol." In 1831 "all assemblages of slaves in unusual numbers or at suspicious times and places, not expressly authorized by the owners," were to be deemed unlawful. In 1836 an act was passed concerning incendiary publications and speeches, forbidding "words or gestures, with intent to excite any slave or free person of color to insubordination, insurrection, or rebellion;" also " the circulation or publication of seditious pamphlets," the penaltj^ for which was confinement in the penitentiary from 5 to 10 years for the first and from 10 to 20 years for any subsequent offense. The revised code of 185S retains all these severe restrictions. In 1838 a system of common schools was established, according to which the scholars were designated as " white children over the age of six years and under 16 ;" but in 1840, in the act S88 LEGAL STxiTUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION amendiDg this system, discrimination of color is not mentioned, but it is provided that '' all children between the ages of 6 and 21 years shall have the privilege of attending the public schools ;" and the act of ]862 also comprehended all children. This State never enacted any law positively forbidding the instruction of colored people ; but, notwithstanding the language of the law, the benefits of the common school system were confined exclusively to white chil- dren. The school fund of the State was composed of the proceeds of certain school lands, bonuses from the banks and other incorporated companies, from licenses, fines, and taxes, to Avhich the free colored people contributed no inconsiderable share. The fund, in 1858, con- sisted of $1,500,000 deposited in ^ Bank of Tennessee, together with property given by will for the purpose ; the proceeds of sales or rents of escheated lands, or lands bought by the State at tax sales, and of the personal effects of intestates having no kindred entitled by the laws thereto ; besides taxes on certain mineral lands. In March, 1867, an act was passed "to provide for the reorganization, stipervision, and maintenance of free common schools," which declares that the school fund for annual dis- tribution shall consist of the school funds already provided by law, together with a tax of two mills on the dollar of all taxable property, and an addition of 25 cents to the poll-tax pre- viously levied by law, which fund shall be for "the benefiE of all the youth of the State." The distribution of the income of this fund is made in proportion to the numbei- oJ school children in each district. By the same act the boards of education and other officers having authority, in each district or city, were authorized and required to establish within their respective jurisdictions one or more special schools for colored children, when there are more than 25, so as to afford them the advantages of a common school education, the schools so established to be under the control of the board of education or other school oiiScers having- charge of the educational interests of other schools. If at any time the number of children attending the school should fall below 15 for any one month, the school may be discontinued for a period not exceeding five months at one time. The following statistics give the condition of fche colored schools for th* years specified: Number of schools, teachers, and pupils, 1866 to 1868. Year Number of schools. Nnmber of teachers. Kttmber of sehofers. Day. ! Kight. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. Avera tends Per c 1866 ! -J 42 128 17S 125 154 203 9,114 9,451 10, 770 6 279' 68' ioa ig 146 1 32 Ill 131 43 72 4,215 5,190 5,206 5, 580 6 377 6? 1868 7, 758 71 Studies and expenditures, 1867 and 1868. Number of scholars in different studies pursued. Expenditures in support of schools. tb 1 a Year. ■H 13 . r3 Oj T- >> .9 tH ^ a TD a, C3. S '^ a p. a Ed o g o 3 o •< H ^ cs < « « . b* 1867 1,344 4,501 4, 507 3, 691 3,306 2,092 3,308 4,609 557 110,152 [$61,575 12,235 .59.426 $71, 72T 1868 1,509 4,615 4,023 3,168 691 71,661 TEXAS, In I860 there were in Texas 182,921 colored people, out of the whole population of 604,215, Df whom only 355 were free, 182,566 being slaves. Slavery existed in Texas while it was a Mexican province, but different from that in the United States. In a decree of the congress of Coahuila and Texas, September 15, 1827, it IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 389 i-s provided that "in each change of owners of slaves, in the nearest succession even of heirs apparent, the tenth part of those who are to pass to the new owner shall be niannmitted," the manumission being determined by lot. This provision is to be understood only in con- nection with the fact that slaves in Mexico were transferred with the real estate. By the same decree it was declared that " the ayuntamientos, under the most rigid responsibility, shall take particular care that free children, born slaves, receive the best education that can be given them, placing them, for that purpose, at the public schools and other places of instruction, wherein they may become useful to society." The ayuntamientos correspond to mayors and aldermen. aA In 1827 there was another decree that the slave who, for convenience, wished to change his master should be permitted to do so, " provided the new master indemnify the former for what the slave cost him, agreeably to the consequence." In 1836, in accordance with the express provisions of their constitution, the congress of Texas made the penalty for introducing any "Africans or negroes" into the republic, except from the United States, to be an offense to be punished with "death, without benefit of clergy;" and by the same act the introduction of Africans or slaves from the United States, except such as were legally held as slaves in the United States, was declared to be piracy, and punishable in the same manner. In 1837 it was enacted that "free Africans and descend- ants of Africans" who were r-esidiug in the republic at the date of the declaration of inde- pendence might remain free. At the same time a law was passed forbidding any slave or free person of color from using insulting or abusive language to or threatening any white person, under a penalty of "stripes, not exceeding 100 and not less than 25." In 1840 free persons of color were forbidden to immigrate into the republic, under a penalty of being sold into slavery ; and the same act gave two j'ears' time for all free persons of color to remove from the republic, at the same time providing that those found in the republic at the expiration of that period might be sold as slaves. In 1841 and in 3845 a few were excepted from the provisions of this act by special enactment. This was the nature of the legislation in 1845, when Texas came into the Union. At the first session of the legislature of the State of Texas, in May, 1846, an act was nassed forbidding any one to allow slaves to go at large more than one day in a week, except at the Christmas holidays, the penalty being a fine of not more than $100. "All negroes and Indians, and all persons of mixed blood descended from negro ancestry, to the third gener- ation, though one ancestor of each generation may have been a white person," were declared incapable of being witnesses, " except for or against each other." The last act of leo-islation relating to the free colored people, previous to the rebellion, was one in 1851 permittino- one Thomas Cevallas, a free man of color who had resided in the State since 1835 and been wounded in the defense of the country, "to remain a rei5ident of the county of Bexar." There is nothing in relation to the education of .colored people, free or slave, on the statute books of the State. As the free colored people were geueralh' banished, there was no neces- sity for aiiy enactments in regard to their education. The new constitution of the State, adopted in the convention April 2, 18G6, declares that "Africans and their descendants shall be protected in their rights of person and property by appropriate legislation." The legislature, in 1866, took care to protect the school fund of the State, so far as it remained, and took measures to establish a system of common schools. But by an act passed in 1867, providing for the education of indigent white children, it appears that the " system " is not entitled to be called a common school system. It provides that " the police courts— at their discretion — of the several counties may levy and collect a tax annually, not to exceed one half of the State tax, and upon the same subjects of taxation, (Africans and the descendants of Africans, and their property, excepted,) to be applied solely to the education of indigent tchite childrcn.^^ 390 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION The following tables, compiled by Professor Vashon, exhibits the condition of the schools under the superintendents of the Freedmen's Bureau : Number of schools, teachers, and scholars, 1865 to 1868. Number of schools. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. 8)9 g Year. Day. Night. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. ^ 1865 10 6 16( 90 102 76 ^ 10 43 98 81 1,041 4,590 4,198 2,604 1866 1S67 68 51 34 25 58 55 40- 26 1,960 1 2.238 2,923 2,176 6£ 1868 1,235 1,369 8? Studies and expenditures, 1867 and 1868 Number of scholars ia different studies pursued. Expenditures in siipporl of schools. Year. 1 .a n. < §-§ < a .a c Si o S < ll s 9 P pq o "3 1867 682 254 1, 765 888 1,696 1,183 1,607 1, 259 486 602 1,263 1,077 77 240 $11,340 2,093 $823 5,739 $12, 16S 7,835 18G8 VIRGINIA. By the census of 1860 the population of Virginia, including the territory since occupied "as West Virginia, was 1,596,318, of whom 548,907 were colored, and of these 490,865 were slaves and 58,042 were free. To Virginia belongs the bad pre-eminence of having been, if not the birthplace and nursery, the great commercial mart of involuntary domestic servitude, and of having fixed the legal status of slavery in the slave States of this Union. By the several acts already cited the information and culture which are the results of travel, the free intercourse with others more Intelligent and refined, the printed page, the living views of educated teachers and preachers, the choice and practice of varied mechanical, as well as agricultural labor, and all the inspiring motives of political privileges and the responsibilities generally of business and of family and social position, were denied. Fifty years after the introduction of slaA'es into Virginia, Sir William Berkley reports the population of the province at 40,000, of whom 2,000 were black slaves. Continual importa- tions from Africa, increased the number rapidly, and in the reign of George the First alone not less than 10,000 were brought into the colony. At the beginning of his reign, out of the population of 95,000 in the colony, 23,000 were negroes ; and in 1756, when the population reached 293,000, the negroes amormted to 120,000. But in that early day the church of Virginia was careful to give to the slaves the benefit of Christian instruction, inasmuch as an act was passed October, 1785, declaring "that baptism of slaves doth not exempt them from bondage." The difficulties in the way of instructing the slaves, even when permission was given, as in this early period, were very great, since Sunday was the only day of rest for them, and the great distances of the plantations from each other made it impracticable for a teacher to keep up any systematic plan of visitation. In addition to this was the indifference or oppo- sition of most planters, who considered the negroes as little above the brutes, and that to attempt to give them moral and intellectual culture was worse than useless. REV. MORGAN GODWYN AND EARLY LABORERS FOR THE SLAVE. Virginia was not without early witnesses to the evils of slavery and advocates for the amelioration of its condition. Rev. Morgan Godwyn, who was a student of Christ church, IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 391 Oxford, aud for several years an ordained minister of tlie Church of England, m "Vire:iuia, and ai'ierwards for a few years in Barbadoes ; and Eev. Jonathan Boucher, rector of Hanover, and subsequently of St. Mary's parisli, in Virginia, and dean of Queen Ann's parish, in Maryland. Godwyn, in a pamphlet published by him in London, in 1680, and written while he was in Barbadoes, entitled "The Negroes and Indians' Advocate, suing for them admission into the church, t&c.," in the preface of this work, states that his efforts to baptize and train cegroes in the knowledge of Christian truth had been opposed; (1) by those who declared it to be impracticable ; (2) by those, who regarded it as a Jjfork savoring of Popish supereroga- tion, and utterly needless; ans! (3) by those, the most numerous, who condemned it as likely to be subversive of their own interests and property, and strove to put it down by ridicule. The planters vindicated their treatment of the negro by saying that, although he bore the resemblance of a man, he had not the qualities of a man— a conceit of which Godwyn boldly asserts, "atheism and irreligion were the parents, and avarice and sloth the foster nurses." The Quakers of that time also upbraided the church for the continuance of the evils oi slavery, and issued "a petty reformado pamphlet" on the subject, in which the question was asked, "who made you ministers of the Gospel to the white people only, and not to the tawneys and blacks also ?" Godwyn, in his sermon, maintains the following propositions: " (1) that the negroes, both slaves and others have naturally an equal right with other men to the exercise and privileges of religion, of which it is most unjust in any part to deprive them; (2) that the profession of Christianity absolutely obliging to the promoting of it, no difficulties nor inconveniences, how great soever, can excuse the neglect, much less the hindering or opposing of it, which is, in effect, no better than a renunciation of that profession ; (3) that the inconveniences here pretended for this neglect, being examined will be found nothing such, but rather the con- trary." The delivery of this sermon exposed its preacher to the most barbarous usage, and another of the clergy, who, upon another occasion, urged from tlie pulpit the like duty, was treated witli seventy by the planters. The negroes, also, in consequence of these efforts ou the part of the clergy of Barbadoes to help Uiem, were exposed to still more brutal treatment. In one case a negro, whose crime was neither more nor less than receiving baptism on a Sunday morning at his parish church, from the hands of the minister, was reproved by the brutish overseer, and given to understand " that that was no Sunday work for those of his com- plexion ; that he had other business lor him, the neglect whereof would cost him an after- noun's baptism in blood, as in the morning he had received a baptism with water ; which he accordingly made good. Of which the negro afterward complaining to the minister, and he to the governor, the miserable wretch was forever after so uinnercilully treated by that inhu- man devil, that, to avoid his cruelty, betaking himself to the woods, he there perisiied." Godwyn represents that the persevering, " officious" Quaker incurred the enmity of the authorities of the island, who secured in IGTG and JG7B the passage of several acts for the express purpose of preventing Quakers, under severe penalties, from bringing negroes to their meetings. One of these acts (1676) contained a clause that no person should be allowed to keep a school unless he tirst took an oath of allegiance and supreuiacy ; a pre- caution perhaps not impolitic in a colony where labor was of more utility than learning. The clergyman who administered the rite of baptism in the case referred to was obliged to I'indicate himself in a tone of apology for having done that act of ministerial duty. To Morgan Godwyn belongs the credit of having first borne his testimony against the lawfulness of trading in the persons of men ; although Bishop Sanderson, about the same period, gave his testimony against it, as well as Baxter, in his Christian Directory, where he gives rules for the mastere of slaves in foreign plantations to give their slaves instructions. Mr. Godwyn also published a sermon in 168.3, entitled "Trade Preferred before Religion," which was first preached at Westminster Abbey, and afterwards in divers churches in Lon- don, and dedicated to the King. In- this dedication he states that the end and design of his discourse was "to stir up and provoke your Majesty's subjects abroad, (and even at home also,) to use at least some endeavors for the propagation of Christianity among their domestic 392 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION slaves and vassals." In his preface he notes the spreading of the leprosy of mammonism and irreligiou, by which the efforts to instruct and Christianize the heathen were paralyzed, and even the slaves who were the subjects of such instruction became the victims of still greater cruelty ; while the ministers who imparted the instructions were neglected or even persecuted by the masters. Among the mptives presented for the English people and the English church to take up the subject of instruction of the slaves were the following, as set forth in his own language as printed : " This ought to be reformed in respect of the dishonor from thence redounding to our church and nation and even tdphe whole Reformation. First, to the church ; for it occa- sions her enemies to blaspheme. Hence a certain Romanist demands of us, where are the indefatigable missioners sent by you to the remotest parts of the icorld for the conversion oj heathens? a, noble functiomcherein the Catholic (that is their Roman) church only and most histly glories ; whilst you like lazy drones sit at home not daring to icet afoot, Sfc. And by another it is objected against both ourselves and our equally zealous neighbors, that never anything for the -propagation of Christianity in foreign parts hath by either nation been at any time attempted. And from thence a third person very roundly infers the nullity of cnr church and religion, viz : Because we have no zeal, therefore no faith, and therefore no church nor religion among us.'''' "Again, when the great industry of our people in New England shall be rehearsed, their converting of nations, turning the ichole Bible into the Indian tongue ; their college built and endowed for the education of Indian youth; their missioners sent forth and lands 'purchased for their maintenance ; and all this out of a barren soil some 60 years since no better than & rocky wilderness ; whilst ours, out of better conveniences and more happy opportunities, {swch are our grateful returns !) have not produced the hast grain of hai-vcst to God's glory in those parts; but upon all occasions shifting it o^ with the unfitness of the season and pretending that the time is not come; Yii-oc\a,\m.mg it impracticable and impossible, though effected by others of smaller abilities ; or, like Solomon''s sluggard, setting up lions and tigers in the way ; raising obstructions and creating difficulties, when upon experience there are no such to be found. Now when these mighty works shall be hereafter rehearsed, how will that glorious name of the Church of England stand as it were in disgrace, not only among those primitive worthies who at first so cheerfully entered upon this work and afterwards endured the heat of the day ? but when compared even with these moderns, whom we bespeak as schismatics and idolaters, yet do each of them give those testimonies of thwr zeal and charity which are equally requisite and would be no less commendable in us also." JONATHAX BOUCHER. The evils of slavery, both in its moral and economical aspects, were clearly seen and for- cibly presented by Rev. Jonathan Boucher, in a discourse " On the Peace in 1763," preached in Hanover parish, King George's counfey, Virginia. After pointing out the objections to war, Mr. Boucher dwells on the advantages, pursuits, and duties of peace. Among the latter he urges an immediate improvement in the present practice of agriculture, by which all the varied advantages of climate and soil are neglected for the culture of a single staple, which, he says, he is "at some loss how to characterize, either as a necessary of life or a luxury. A necessary it certainly is not, since it can neither be used as food nor raiment ; neither is it a luxury, at least in the sense of a gratification, being so nauseous and offensive that long habit alone can reconcile any constitution to the use of it," Such culture as is now going on, he adds, in the language of Scripture, will "make a fruitful land barren, for the wick- edness of them that dwell therein." He sums up his views on this part of the subject by citing the opinion of "an ancient," who, in drawing the picture of a happy people, says : "It is necessary peace and good laws should prevail ; that the ground should be well cultivated ; children well educated ; and duo homage paid to the gods." The next duty of a state of peace, he says, is to attempt the civilization of the Indian tribes, whom, he says, the white men have made it a kind of religion to exterminate; but whom he believes "it is in our power to convert into freemen, useful subjects, and good Chris- tians." He concludes thus: " But Indians are by no means the sole or chief objects of our IN RESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. 393 pr&sent attention ; the united motives of interest and humanity call on us to bestow some con- sideration on the case of those sad outcasts of society, our negro slaves ; for uiy heart would smite me, were I not, in this hour of prosperity, to entreat you (it being their unparalleled hard lot not to have the power of entreating for themselves) to permit them to participate in the general joy. Even those who are the sufferers can liardlj' be sorry when they see wrong measures carrying their punishment along with them. Were an impartial and competent observer of the state of society in these middle colonies asked, whence it happens that Vir ginia and Maryland (which were the first planted, and which are superior to many colonies, and inferior to none, in point of natural advantage) ar% still so exceedingly behind most of the other British trans-atlantic possessions in all those improvements which bring credit and consequence to a country ? he would answer — they are so, because they arc cultivated by slaves. I believe it is capable of demonstration that, except the immediate interest which every man has in the property of bis slaves, it would be for every man's interest that there were no slaves ; and for this plain reason, because the free labor of a free man, who is regu- larly hired and paid for the work he does, and only for what he does, is, in the end, cheapei than the extorted eye-service of a slave. Some loss and inconvenience would, no doubt, arise from the general abolition of slavery in these colonies ; but were it done gradually, with judgment, and with good temper, I have never yet seen it satisfactorily proved that such inconvenience would either be great or lasting. North American or West Indian planters might, possibly, for a few years, make less tobacco, or less rice, or less sugar; the raising ol which might also cost them more ; but that disadvantage would probably soon be amply compensated to them by an advanced price, or (what is the same thing) by the reduced expense of cultivation." * * * " If ever these colonies, now filled with slaves, be im- proved to their utmost capacity, an essential part of the improvement must be the abolition of slavery. Such a change would hardly be more to the advantage of the slaves than it would be to their owners. An ingenious French writer (Iklontesquieu) well observes, ' the state of slavery is, in its own nature bad; it is neither useful to the master nor to the slave. Not to the slave, because he can do nothing through a motive of virtue ; not to the master, because, by having an unlimited authority over his slaves, he insensibly accustoms himself to the want of all moral virtues, and from thence grows fierce, hasty, severe, voluptuous, and cruel.' " I come now, in the last place, to exhort you not to disappoint the pious wishes which our pious king had iu thus publicly summoning us to hai^ the Lord of lords and King oj kings tcitk songs of deliverance, for ha,\mg given his people the blessing of peace.'' "And notwithstanding all that a discontented party has said, or has written, on the idea that the conditions of the peace arc inadequate to our great success, so far as they concern us we can have no objection to them." SCHOOLS IN NORFOLK AND RICHMOND. Of all the States in the American Union, Virginia is, on several accounts, peculiarly asso- ciated with the history of the colored people of this country. Upon its shores, in 1620, a Dutch vessel landed the first cargo of human merchandise that had ever been brought from the ill-fated continent of Africa into a British colony. Through the slave labor thus intro- duced, its eminent agricultural resources were developed during the following century and a half so largely that, at the epoch of the Revolution, it ranked first in importance among the 13 original constituents of the confederation since known as the United States of America. Its slave population, too, had increased to such an extent as to enable it to supply from its excess of laborers the requirements of the other slaveholding States ; and thus Virginia became and continued to be, during all the days of servitude, the great breeding slave mart of the Union. But the curse thus destined to work so much ill both to Africa and America did not prove to its immediate victims one of eutuely unmitigated severity. In Virginia, as elsewhere, the relation of master and slave soon led to the existence of a class in whose veins the blood of the oppressed was mingled with that of the oppressor ; and, in behalf of this class, the voice of nature did not m many cases plead iu vain. Besides, the constant and daily intercourse rf slaveholding families with that porti.u of their property known as house servants was 394 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION frequently illustrated by such marked instances of devoted fidelity upon the part of the latter as appealed successfully for a grateful recognition from their owners, in return. To these fortuu»T,te individuals, either the offspring or the favorites of their masters, the rudiments of a common education were often imparted. Through manumission, too, and the privilege granted to slaves to purchase their freedom, quite a large free colored population was added to society in Virginia ; and, in Richmond, Norfolk, and other of the principal cities, a few schools were tolerated for the benefit of this class. These schools were generally taught by colored persons who had acquired sufficient education for that purpose ; and, through their instrumentality, a knowledge of r€»,ding and writing and the other common branches of learning was quite extensively disseminated. About 40 years ago there v^^ere two excellent schools of this description in the city of Petersburg, one of which was taught by a Mr. Shep- herd, and the other by the Rev. John T. Raymond, a Baptist minister, living in Boston, Massachusetts, in 1869. These schools existed for several years, although in the midst of a continually growing feeling of dissatisfaction in regard to them on the part of the white portion of the commu- nity. It was suspected that, in addition to the influence which they might have in render- ing the slaves discontented, they were also the means of enlightening some of them, as well as their free brethren. This led to the enactment by the general assembly of Virginia, on the 2d of March, 1819, of a law prohibiting " all meetings or assemblages of slaves, or free negroes, or mulattoes, mixing and associating with such slaves, at any meeting-house or houses, or any other place or places, in the night, or at any school or schools for teaching them reading and writing, either in the day or night." For the violation of this law any justice of the peace was authorized to inflict the penalty of 20 lashes upon each and every offender against its provisions. But, although the instruction of slaves was thus guarded against, schools for free colored people were still allowed until the occurrence of Nat Turner's insurrection had aroused terror and dismay throughout the entire south. Then public opin- ion almost universally demanded the prohibition of these establishments. Accordingly, on the 7th day of April, 1831, the general assembly of Virginia enacted a law with the following among other provisions, viz : " Sec. 4. And he it enacted, That all meetings of free negroes or mulattoes at any school- house, church, meeting-house, or other place, for teaching them reading or writing, either in the day or night, under whatsoever pretext, shall be deemed and considered an unlawful assembly ; and any justice of the county or corporation wherein such assemblage shall be, either from his own knowledge, or on the information of others of such unlawful assem- blage or meeting, shall issue his warrant directed to any sworn officer or officers, authoriz- ing him or them to enter the house or houses where such unlawful assemblage or meeting may be, for the purpose of apprehending or dispersing such free negroes or mulattoes, and to inflict corporal punishment on the offender or offenders, at the discretion of any justice of the peace, not exceeding 20 lashes. " Sec. 5. And he it enacted, That if any white person or persons assemble with free negroes or mulattoes at any school-house, church, meeting-house, or other place, for the purpose of instructing such free negroes or mulattoes to read or write, such person or persons shall, on conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding $50, and, moreover, maybe imprisoned, at the discretion of a jury, not exceeding two months. " Sec. 6. And be it enacted. That if any white person, for pay or compensation, shall assem- ble with any slaves for the purpose of teaching, and shall teach any slave to read or write, such person, or any white person or persons contracting with such teacher so to act, who shall offend as aforesaid, shall, for each offense, be fined at the discretion of a jury in a sum not less tham $10 nor exceeding $100, to be recovered on an information or indictment." Upon the revision of the criminal code of the Commonwealth of Virginia, the laws already referred to and quoted were retained, with a few alterations, under the head of "Offenses against tlie public policy." Nor was this law prohibiting colored schools a mere brutum fuhnen, as it was made apparent in 1854, when Mrs. Margaret Douglass, a white ladj^, born in South Carolina, was imprisoned in the common jail of the city of Norfolk for having vio- lated its provisions, although ignorant of their existence when she begau her school, in 1851. IN feESPECT TO SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION. S95 That vindicatiou of the laws may have served its purpose by putting a stop to auy open Instrnction of colored children ; but, from the time of the first prohibition until then, schools for that purpose were secretly maintained in the principal cities of Virginia, although the colored aspirants after knowledge were constrained to keep their books and slates carefully hidden from every prying eye, and to assume the appearance of being upon an errand as they hurried along and watched their chance to slip unnoticed into the sedulously concealed school-room. Such was the thirst for enlightenment on the part of the proscribed children of Virginia, and such the determined severity of that State towards them, at the very time when she was beginning to awaken to the necessity of securing the benefit of a common scliool system for her white people. SCHOOLS FOR FREEDMEN. It was reserved for Virginia herself to abrogate all this iniquitous legislation by her con- senting to become a party in the movement to break up the federal Union. It was reserved for her shores, that had witnessed the inception of the wrong, to behold also the first step in the expiation. In the close neighborhood of the very spot where the first cargo of slaves had been disembarked stands the little brown building that served as the first school-house for the freed men. Securely it nestled under the guns of Fortress Monroe, with the military power of the nation pledged for its maintenance. Six months had not yet elapsed since the clouds of war had gathered when this earliest sunbeam of a dawning civilization burst through to relieve their gloom. On the 17th day of September, JS6I, the school v.as opened. It had an appropriate and, at the same time, a competent teacher in Mrs. Mary S. Peake, a lady of whom one of the ancestors on the maternal side might possibly have come over to this country on the Dutch vessel already alluded to. The honor of its establishment is due to the American Missionary Association, which had labored, even before the war, for the educational advancement of the colored people in Kentucky and elsewhere, and whose keen- eyed philanthropy eagerly caught sight of this "opening of the prison-house to those who were bound." With the advance of the Union armies in the ensuing years of the war the labors of these friends of humanity kept steady pace.. In 186*2 their eiforts in the State of Virginia secured the establishment of four additional schools, one of which was at Norfolk, two at Newport News, and the fourth one opened in the old court-house at Hampton. Besides establishing these they sent books to another school, begun by a colored man in Suffolk. They were aided, too, in their noble work by the Boston Education Commission, organized in the early part of that year under the presidency of the late Governor John A. Andrew. This latter association sent south more than 70 teachers, three of whom opened schools at Norfolk and Craney island. The year 18G3 was ushered in by the emancipation proclamation of President Lincoln, which conferred legal freedom upon all the slaves of the nation except those of certain specified localities, and actual freedom upon all such as might come within the lines of the national armies. The consequent enlargement of the area of philanthropic labor was followed by a corresponding increase in the number of earnest and efficient laborers. Hundreds of ladies, tenderly nurtiu'ed, and refined by all the accomplishments of modern culture, hastened to this field, now whitening for the harvest, and, braving privation and the vicissitudes of war, eagerly enrolled themselves among the teachers of the freedmen. In the State of Virginia the schools already established increased largely in the number of their pupils, while many others were opened in different localities to meet the importunity of those newly liberated thirsters after knowledge. The abandoned homes of "the first families" were in many instances pressed into the service of their former bondmen, and their elegant mansions were occupied — like that of ex-Governor Henry A. Wise — as schools for colored children and homes for their instructors. It is safe to say that the number of these schools, including those held at night, was at least 50. One of them, in the city of Norfolk, was so large within the first week of its establishment as to compel the employment of 15 colored assistants, and, in the course of the year, its attendance attained to the number of 1,200 pupils. In the follow- ing year — 1864 — additional schools were opened and the force of teachers at least doubled. 396 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLOEED POPULATION The pecuniary outlays necessitated by these operations were cheerfully made by numerous freedmcn's associations throughout the north, acting generally as auxiliaries to the two agencies already mentioned. The year 1865 was marked by the fall of Richmond and the close of the rebellion. The 3xtended opportunity thus offered for philanthropic labors was straightway embraced, and schools were opened at every feasible point. The aid of the government also was secured for their maintenance. On the 3d of March, of this year, the Freedmen's Bureau had been created by act of Congress, and through the kind ordering of an All-wise Providence, Major General O. O. Howard, the gallant Christian soldier, was, in the following month of May, assigned to duty as its Commissioner. In his circular No. 2, dated May 19, 1865, he said : "The educational and moral condition of the people will not be forgotten. The utmost facility will be offered to benevolent and religious organizations and State authorities in the maintenance of good schools for refugees and freedmen, until a system of free schools can be supported by their organized local governments." But the co-operation of the Commis- sioner with these benevolent agencies did not stop here. He gave them efficient aid by turning over for school purposes the disused government buildings, and those seized from disloyal owners, which were under his charge ; by affording transportation for teachers, books, and school-furniture, and by assigning quarters and rations to all engaged in the work of instruction, at the same time that protection was given to them through the department com- manders. By his directions, too, the " refugee and freedmen's fund " was used to assist in the maintenance of schools supported, in part, by the freedmen themselves, and in each State superintendents of schools were appointed, whose duty it was " To work as much as possi- ble in connection with State officers who may have had school matters in charge, and to take cognizance of all that was being done to educate refugees and freedmen, secure protection to schools and teachers, promote method and efficiency, and to correspond with the benevo- lent agencies which were supplying his field." Thus, under the beneficent administration of General Ploward, this bureau has been, in the matter of education, as in many other respects, of efficient service to the freedmen, and has helped to prepare them for a right exer ;i3e of the franchises with which they are now invested as citizens. To bring about this result, too, the vai"ious religious denominations of the country have all labored, to a greater or less extent, with commendable zeal ; and to aid in securing it, the American Freedmen's Union Commission, which unites in its organization the various undenominational freedmen's aid societies of the land, with the exception of the American Missionary Association, has shown itself the worthy co-adjutor of that body. This commission was formed on tjie 16th day of May, 1886, and its object, as stated in its constitution, is "To aid and co-operate with the people of the south, without distinction of race or color, in the improvement of their condi- tion, upon the basis of industry, education, freedom, and Christian morality." In all the advantages that have been mentioned the State of Virginia has participated, and, as a consequence of the several influences at work, its schools have increased in num- ber, and have prospered greatly, every year since the close of the rebellion. True, they have had to contend witii much prejudice and opposition on the part of a large majority of the white population. But there is reason to believe, from present indications, that these hostile sen- timents are gradually diminishing, and that many, who are biRcrly opposed to the political equality of the negro, admit the expediency and justice of providing for his education. The following tables, which present a statistical view of these schools for the last three years, will, on examination, give a very satisfactory exhibit of their increase, cost of main- tenance, and the advancement of the pupils in the several studies pursued during that period : Number of schools, teachers, and pupils, 1866 to 1868. Year. Number of schools. Number of teachers. Number of scholai-s. "S d fcn ^ a Day. Night. Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. 1866 123 251 264 200 295 Ml 11,784 16,115 16, 708 8,951 10, 890 11,816 76 1^67 195 23y 56 45 197 206 98 155 8,076 8,180 8,039 8,528 68 1866 71 IN EESPECT TO SCHOOLS AXD EDUCATION, Studies and expenditures, 1867 and .1868. Number of scholars in different studies pursued. Expenditures in support of schools. Year. a < to n 1 1 13 . 1 .a c C5. O C O o •■a o a •5 II Bo freedmen. o 1867 1868 1,986 1,U97 7,953 7,532 5,102 0,750 7,119 8,240 4, 221 0, 214 G, 409 7,877 960 754 *|7, 3'^2 13 12, 472 15 *|85, 792 57 84, 079 28 ^^•$93,144 70 93, 551 43 * Estimated upon reports of the Bureau Superintendent of Education, for six months of the year. A brief account of two normal scLools recently established will form an appropriate con- clusion to this sketch of school matters among the colored population of Virginia. The first of these iu the order of their establishment is — THE RICHMOND NOUMAL AND HIGH SCHOOL This institution was opened for the admission of pupils in October, 1867, having been duly incorporated, with a board of trustees consisting of five members, by charter granted by the cncuit court. The principal building, which is a handsome new brick edifice, erected at a cost of about $5,000, is 52 feet long by 32 feet wide, and two stories in height. Substantially built and amply provided with school furniture of the best modern styles, philosophical apparatus valued at $350, and a judiciously selected library of about 500 volumes, it is rendered still better adapted to its purposes by having its different rooms adorned with historical paintings and other works of art. It accommodates 100 pupils, whose studies arc directed by the prin- cipal, Mr. Andrew Washburn, aided by two assistant teachers. The course of study pre- scribed is that wh:ch is usual in our normal schools ; and the moral effect of the institution is apparent, not only in the wholesome instruction and discipline afforded to its pupils, but in its influence upon the community at large, awakening the nobler aspirations of colored youth, and diminishing the blind and unreasoning prejudice entertained against them by their white fellow-citizens. This school derives its support from the normal school fund ot the English Friends, the Pcabody fund, the city council, and the Freedmen's Bureau. Tha ulterior design of its founders is to prepare competent teachers for the hoped-for public school system, which is to follow in the train of reconstruction in Virginia. TlIE HAMPTON NORMAL AND AGRICULTURAL INSTITUTE, of which Mr. S. C. Armstrong is principal, is also designed to take part iu raisico* up teach- ers ; its purpose (as stated in a circular issued shortly after its establishment) being to prepare '• youth of the south, without distinction of color, for the work of organizing and instructino- schools in the southern States." It was opened in April, 1868, under the au.spices of the American Missionary Association, and was duly incorporated in the following September. It is also a manual labor school, and connected with it is a farm of 120 acres provided with all the appliances needful for the instruction of its students, in both the theory and the prac- tice of the most profitable methods of agriculture. All of the house-work, too, in the boarding department is performed by the female students. The circular further states that "this 'Whipple farm' lies upon Hampton Eoads. The school and home buildings, valued at $20,000, occupy a beautiful site upon the shore. They are so furnished and arranged as to offer to the students the helps to right livino- which belong to a cultivated Christian home." There is a three years' course of study, embraciuo-, among other branches, English grammar and composition, arithmetic and bookkeeping, geography and natural science, lectures, physiology, agriculture and agricultiu-al chem- istry, with analysis of soils and experiments by pupils, &c., Sec. Opportunities for enabling students to acquire experience in imparting instruction are enjoyed through actual teaching in the Butler and Lincoln model schools, which are in the vicinity of the institu- tion. Thus far this new enterprise has been attended with the most gratifying results. 398 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION Its students have earned, upon an average, a small amount per week above expenses to them; and its gross sales of produce in the northern markets have been over $2,000, It possesses, too, the well-selected nucleus of a library; for enlarging which, as well as for providing scientific apparatus, together with cabinets of minerals and of natural history, it hopes to find the means in its own income, aided by the generous co-operation of friends. The following report to the American Missionary Association, drawn up by President Hop- kins, of Williams College, Massachusetts, calls special attention to this institution : I. Location. — In this there is a historical fitness. It is within the capes, and not far from the spot where the first slaves brought to this country were landed. It is where General Butler first refused to deliver up the fugitives, calling them " contraband of war," and whero a city of refuge was provided to Avhich they thronged. by boat loads, and Avagon loads, and in caravans, and were housed and fed by the government. It was here, too, that the first school for freedmen was established. It was tlie site of the hospital barracks of McClellan's and Grant's armies, where fifteen thousand sick and wounded were under treatment at one time, and the farm connected with the institute includes the United States cemetery contain- ing the bodies of nearly six thousand United States soldiers, together with the granite mon- ument to those martyrs in the cause of freedom, which is in full view from the institute, Not far distant is seen the flag of Fortress Monroe, and it is within sight of the spot where the battle was fought between the Monitor and the Merrimac, The location has also advantages as regards convenience, economy and the coast. It is accessible by water, and so by the cheapest possible transportation, from the region of the Chesapeake Bay, of the Potomac, York and James Rivers, and of the Pamlico and Albe- marle Sounds, a region including a colored population which has been, if it be not now, of greater relative density than any other. With a steamboat landing on the farm it has ready access to the principal sea-board cities of the North, both as markets and as sources of supplies. It is also relatively beautiful, having the advantages of sea breeze and oppor- tunities for sea bathing. The place was indeed formerly the seat of a large female seminary, and was a summer resort for health and recreation. II. History. — As has been said, this was the site of the first school for freedmen, and here the Butler school is still kept in the large building originally built for it on the premises, and is taught by pupils from the institute. This, however, did not involve the idea of the institute as a normal school and a seminary of a high order. That was originated by General Armstrong, who had charge of the freedmen's bureau at this point, and who first compre- heii'ded the facilities afforded by the place, and the greatness of the work that might be done here. At his suggestion, and chiefly through his efforts, the American Missionary Associa- tion heartily co-operating, the estate now called the Whipple Farm, including a hundred and twenty-five acres of excellent land, together with the mansion used by the United States officers for their headquarters, the Butler school-house, and the hospital barracks, was pur- chased. The whole cost, including improvements, has been about $45,000. III. Object and plan. — The object of the institute, as stated in its act of incorporation, is " to prepare youth of the South, without distinction of color, for the work of organizing and instructing schools in the southern States." Its object is the diffusion throughout the South, where normal and agricultural schools have not been established as yet, of the best methods and advantages of education; and if the benefit of the colored people be more immediately anticipated, it is only from the apprehended ^rnwillingness of others to avail themselves of the advantages of the institute. Whatever provision may or may not be made for the gen- eral education of the South, it is clearly among the most imperative duties both of the North and of the South to provide in the best manner practicable for the enlightenment, the more perfect christianization, and the full manhood of the freedmen. This is now the point of trial for this nation before Him who has begun to vindicate the rights of a long-suffering people, and scarcely more for their sakes than for our own. and for the sake of the whole African race, should this duty be accepted by us. But if the duty be accepted, it is not seen how it can be performed without some institu- tion which shall combine, as this institute proposes to do, education and training vyiih oppor- tunity for self-help. In these two, education and self-help, we have the object and plan of the institute. It would provide a body of colored teachers, the best and the only availa- ble agency for the work, thoroughly trained, not only in the requisite knowledge and in the best methods of teaching, but also in all that pertains to right living, including habits ot intelligent labor. Emotional in their nature, unaccustomed to self-control, and improvident by habit, the freedmen need discipline and training even more than teaching ; and the insti- tute would avoid the mistake sometimes made on missionarj' grounds of so training teachers as to put them out of sympathy with the people in their present condition and in the strug- gle that is before them, if they are to rise. It would, therefore, make much of the feature of self help, not only as relieving the benevolent from a burden, but as inspiring self-reli- ance, and as tending to a consistency and solidity of character that are especially needed. It would aim at reaching (and to be effectual it must reach) those who cannot pay their way except by their own labor. LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. 399 With these views a large agricultural interest has been organized both for instruction and profit. So far this has succeeded well in both respects, and with suitable management it cannot fail to do so in future. The soil is rich and varied, adapted both to fruits and vege- tables. On the farm are large quantities of muck and sea mud and fish guano from the neighboring fisheries. It is intended to make the- culture varied, and to introduce improved metnods to be put in practice wherever the pupils may go. The farm, thus furnishing food for the school, iu connection with the adjacent fisheries, which make living cheap, will enable the poorest youth to meet all his necessary expenses, and, at the same time, receive good educational advantages. This department is under the superintendence of Mr. F. Richard- son, who is admirably qualified for the position. The farm is for the men ; but, as at the North s.o at the South, and more and more, the teaching is to be done by the women. an&I for tlieir education and training too ample pro- vision cannot be made. Young women at the institute are on equal footing iu all respects with the young men, except that their opportunities for supporting themselves by tlieir own labor are not as good. Something, much, indeed, has been done. An industry has been organized by which the pupils are paid for making up garments, which are sold at a small profit. This is beneficial in every way. About twenty can also be employed the greater part of theyear in teaching. This department needs and should receive efficient aid. IV. Present condition and prospects. — Of these we do not hesitate to speak with satisfac- tion and high hope. The school was opened in April, 1368, and there have since been sixty- six pupils in attendance, of whom fifty-two were boarders. Of these, eight have been em- ployed as teachers in freedmen's day schools, doing, under careful superintendence, the work done iu previous years by northern teachers, and giving good satisfaction in it, and thus, wiiile keeping up with their classes in the normal school, paying their necessary expenses. Three hundred children have thus been taught during the past year by under-graduates of the institute, and it is expected that twice that number will be thus taught during the year to come. In the present vacation, including July and September, twelve pupils have gone out to te^ch, and will not have less than five hundred children in their schools. The closing examination and exercises of the school indicated a thoroughness and faith- fulness on the part of tha teachers that nothing but missionary zeal could have inspired. Hitherto the teachers of the institute have all been ladies, and here, as in many places throughout the South, northern ladies of high character have done and arc doing a most Christian and heroic work, looking for their richest reward in the thanks of the lowly and the smile of Him who came that the Gospel might be preached to the poor. On the part of the scholars there was indicated a diligence and proficiency quite remarkable, and that would have done credit to students similarly situated of any race or color. Not only has the teaching been diligent but of the highest order, and the results correspond. There was great correctness in reading and spelling. Nearly all wrote a good hand, and the blackboard exercises in map-drawing, with the new method of triangulation, would have been creditable to the pupils of any normal school at the North. The whole results furnish the fullest encouragement to future effort. We are thus doing for the freedmen through this institute, with such modifications as their condition demands, just what we are doing for ourselves in those States that are furthest advanced iu education; and if the southern people could but wisely co-operate, the experi- ment with the freedmen could at once be fairly made. Fortunate in its position, and com- prehensive in its aims, the institute is adapted to do a great work for the African race, both iu this and their fatherland. It is just the agency needed through which benevolent indi- viduals and the fund of Mr. Peabody, now bo magnificently enhirged, may work. In the plan of it nothing is wanting ; to carry it out, executive ability and business talent of a high order will be needed, especially at first. These we think it now has in those at the head of each of its departments, and we heartily commend the enterprise to the confidence, to the prayers, and to the benefactions of the good people of the whole country. WEST VIRGINIA. The legislature of West Virginia, at its first session, December 9, 1863, passed an act for- bidding slaves to be introduced into the State or removed from it, with intent to deprive them of the right to freedom guaranteed by the constitution. An act was also passed at the same session establishing a system of free schools, providing for the enumeration of " all the youth between the ages of 6 and 21 years, distinguishing between males and females." The township boards of education were authorized and required to establish one or more separate schools for free colored children when the whole number enumerated exceeded oU, the schools so established to be under the control of the board of education ; but when the aver- age attendance of free colored children was less than 15 for any one month, the school might be discontinued for a period not exceeding six months at one time ; and the money raised on the number of free colored children, in case the attendance was less than 15 and the num- ber enumerated was less than 30, was to be reserved to be appropriated for the education of colored children in such a way as the township should direct. 400 LEGAL STATUS OF THE COLORED POPULATION. In 1865 the school law was revised, and the word "free" in connection with the colored people was struck out. In 1866 township boards of education were authorized to furnish school-houses for their respective towns, and to levy a tax, not exceeding $7 on the $300 of the taxable property for that purpose; but this proviso was added: "Provided colored children shall not attend the same school or be classified with white children." The following- tables exhibit the condition of the freedinen's schools : Number of schools, teachers, and scholars, 1867 and 1868. Number of sclioolts. Number of teachers. Number of scholars. V a a Year. Day. Night., Total. White. Colored. Total. Male. Female. Total. ^ 18ii7 . ... 10 11 2 1 12 12 4 4 8 8 12 12 295 32G 380 3U4 575 630 486 545 84 1S68 se St It fifes and expend ture of schools 1867 and 186S Number of scholars in different studies pursue d. Expended in support of schools. Year, 1 si 1 CD in .3 tJO 0) .a a o "3 Oh C3 -5 ■-' ^ § 'S bC.5 >> (>i c < H < o < w « H i8G7 . 48 56 287 395 143 198 299 387 247 375 278 392 23 33 S30 861 $5, 915 6,315 $5, 945 1868 7,176 WISCONSIN. \ This State had a population in 1860 of 775,881, of whom only 1,171 were colored. There ^re no constitutional or legal restrictions upon the colored people which are not shared alike %: the whites. The colored people exercise the franchise in the same manner as others ; their children attend the public schools with the white children, there being no separate schools for either class. .*> VERMONT. There were in Vermont only 709 colored persons in 1860 out of a population of 315,093. The declaration of rights, after asserting that all men are born equally free and independent, concludes as foMows : "Therefore, no male person, born in this country or brought from over the sea, ought to be Iiolden by law to serve any person as a servant, slave, or appren- tice, after he arrives to the age of twenty-one years, nor female, in like manner, after she arrives to the age of eighteen years, unless they are bound by their own consent after they arrive to such age, or bound by law for the payment of debts, damages, fines, costs, or the like." The constitution declares every man of the full age of twenty-one years, vrith cer- tain conditions alike applied to all, to be entitled to all the privileges of a freeman; and the laws make no distinction in regard to color. NEW HAMPSHIRE. There were in New Hampshire in 1860 only 494 colored persons out of a total population of 326,073. The constitution of this State makes no distinction in its provisions in regard to race or color, and the "bill of rights" declares that "all men are born equally free and independent;" but, in face of this declaration, in 1835, when the principal of the academy at Canaan udmitted colored pupils to his classes, a mob could be raised, without rebuke and without resistance by the town or the State, to remove the building from its site and transfer it to a neighboring swamp. NEW JERSEY. This State had a population in 1860 of 672.035, of Avhom 2.5,336 were colored, and of these 18 Avcre slaves. By the constitution the right of suffrage is limited to white male citizens of the United States of the age of twenty-one years ; but it is provided that the funds for the support of public schools shall be appiied for the equal benefit of all the people of the State. Colored children are entitled to the privileges of this fund and are admitted into the public schools. 1^^^ <:j2^^.^^.K.o. V/^ (^^7 SOME. EEFLEOTTONS ON" EACE IN EDUCATION, WITH SPECIAL EEFERENCE TO THE NEGEO PEOBLEM. By Prof. Wm. Taylor Thom, Georgetoivn, D. C. It is proper to state, in advance, that the term "negro" will be used throughout this paper for the sake of convenience, because, first, it is the correct term, " African" being too broad and tending to divert the mind away from this country; and because, in the second i)lace, the term "colored man" is both somewhat ridiculous in itself, and has the very serious objection that it is Uioroughlij misleading, inasmuch as it suggests a false ideal. The " colored man," as he is known to the northern part of the Crniteook learning," should be, as far as possible, industrial, both in the technical and in the moral sense of the word. 777 540 EDUCATIONAL CONVENTIONS AT NEW OELEANS EXPOSITION. There seems no good reason why the State systems of public iustruc- tiori should not include industrial institutions of low grade as well as agricultural and mechanical colleges ; nor why these low grade insti- tutions should not be available for each race; nor why some of the public money wasted annually in x>ushing studies beyond the reason- able limits of instruction at State expense should not be used in fitting the youth of the country for the actual demands of daily life by practi- cal industrial training. If the intelligent among the young negroes could, along with their rudimentary book instruction, acquire the practical information necessary for them to become eventually good carpenters, and cooks, and house-maids, and mechanics, and dairy- maids, and bricklayers, and hostlers, and dining-room servants; could learn something real and tangible about the crops and the soils which they are to cultivate, and the horses, and sheep, and cattle which they are to tend, undoubtedly the public common school would become a,t once a prolific source of blessing to the country as well as to the negroes themselves, who are essentially an agricultural people. But such a scheme of education, perhaps it is objected, seems to relegate the negro, broadly speaking, to the peasant condition. Unquestionably it does, and rightly and wisely does ; or rather it recofimzes this Ms act- ual condition as Ms proper condition. His proper condition, if he is in- capable of rising above it; and his proper condition, too, if his future be great. For it is impossible to imagine that the negro race, as a race and not as individuals, is to escape or ought to escape the burden which has been borne by every people in the history of the world who have achieved a commanding position. That he will be helped and fa- vored beyond any other race in his struggle to make the most of him- self, by being under the influence and protection of a people far in ad- vance of his own, is evident. That he should be exempt from working- out his own race-salvation himself, is neither to be expected nor to be desired. Our forefathers did this very thing for hundreds of years and lifted themselves gradually, by dint of the strength and virtues slowly acquired during that long time ; our blood kin are doing this very same thing to-day in this very country, in England, Scotland, Ireland, Holland, and Germany. King Alfred set his subjects the example of labor with hand and brain; William Shakespeare worked for his living; Ben Jonson was a bricklayer; John Bunyan was a roving, half-starved tinker ; stalwart John Smith toiled and bled for the Virgin Land ; George Washington worked for years surveying trackless forests ; Abraham Lincoln mauled rails. It is in the sweat of such men's brows that our race has earned the bread upon which it has grown so great. For the negro race to escape this probation would mean to condemn them to rapid lapse back to barbarism, perhaps to extermination at the hands ot the whites. Unless they know how to work and do work, their destruction seems a natural consequence. The history of the American Indians makes fur- ther insistence on this jioint unnecessary. Freedom has usually been earned slowly, at the cost of such toil and blood as, in comparison, would laugh to scorn the worst features of American slavery. In this case, freedom came as a sudden gift, and in a way tending to disturb, if not destroy, character. Therefore let the negro race prove itself worthy of freedom by earning it over again, yet without ever again losing it. No amount of philanthropic good- will can do for them what they alone can do for themselves ; but good-will and wise guidance can and should give them the help and encouragement not inconsistent with the i)riuclple of self-heli). Some of the negro's 77d INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF EDUCATORS PAPERS. 541 ^vorst enemies have been among his most unselfish but misguided IVicnds. lu the education of a i^eople the blunder as to method is usually fatal for the generation which makes it, though reaction is possible, and blunders many and weighty have been made about this people. I pause to note a brilliant exception. Not among the blunderers stands Gen- eral S. O. Armstrong, of the Hampton Normal Institute in Virginia, who, so far as my information goes, is doing a more excellent work for and with the negroes than any man in the South. He teaches them to study, and he teaches them to work, and to respect themselves because they have duties and recognize them and perform them. It is a pleasure to refer to him and to his sensible and successful methods. In this light alone does the solution of the negro problem look hope- ful ; that is to say, by means of a system of education confined, for the masses, to rudimentary instruction in text-books, supplemented by such instruction and training in industrial handicrafts, in real worlc, as will be practical and effective for the individual and for the community. This, of course, need not exclude provision for those proving them- selves, capable of higher things. But private enterprise and philan- thropy will provide for that, should the State not do so. That has been the history of education in this country, so far, and will continue to be^ It is by this means alone, further, that there can be formed, soon enough, a " better class," an " upper society," among the negroes them- selves, who will become the natural leaders of their race, as has been the case with other races in the past. To the formation of this •' better class" foreseeing men are looking with hope as the means of averting trouble and disaster between the two races. As long as the negroes follow the lead of designing, selfish white men, so long must the antagonism of conflict continue, and so long must the negroes be thrown back upon their own race instincts and upon what is worst in the civilization of the whites. That is most unfortunate for them. Such a better class implies property, intelligence, and the sense of responsibility accompanying them. Under its lead the negro race will become more and more American and less and less African, since the very fact of the existence of these native leaders will show that they have themselves attained the white man's standpoint in attaining and successfully maintaining their own position. Led by this class, helped by the whites, the negro race may hope for the attainment of ideals homogeneous, perhaps identical, with those of the Anglo-American rulers of this country ; not well otherwise ; nor otherwise does harmonious co- existence of the two races seem probable. The formation of that class means the partial solution of the negro problem. The history of the United States is that of a tremendous experiment in government, and on an enormous scale. The negro element is In itself a vast experiment in civilization, and its presence renders the general experiment much more complicated and difficult. It is the sin- gle element in our population containing dangerous tendencies which are distincthj race tendejicies. The Indians are too few to affect us ma- teriall}'. The American-born child of European immigrants is, gen- erally speaking, an American, the difference of race not being marked enough to prevent such rapid absorption. Not so with the negroes of • The Report of tlie Commissioner of Edncatiou for 18S2-'p3 shows fifty-six normal schools, forty-three institutions for secondary instruction, eighteen universities and colleges, and twenty-four schools of theo.logy.for the exclusive beuetit of the negro race, wliich have been established and are supported by private persons or associa- tions. That enumeration does not include the million-dollar Slater Fund, nor other large contributions made since the report was compiled. 779 542 EDUCATIONAL CONVENTIONS AT NEW ORLEANS EXPOSITION. the southern States. Eace, previous condition of servitude, ingrained habits, all tend in the other direction. And besides, amalgamation un- der existing conditions \\'ould be most disastrous to both races. The peaceful solution of the problem depends upon the partial destruction of the inherited African spirit, by its absorption into the American spirit — upon the firm establishment of American race ideals as the com- mon standard for ail Americans, white and black, in the practical needs of life and of citizenship. That process is now going on; to hasten it is most desirable. For the completion of that iDrocess, lapse of time is necessary, and earnest, persistent, sober adaptation of means to the end in view, as contingencies may arise. The limitations of the discussion of Eace in Education in this paper, it will be seen, are twofold : as to the States representing the white race, the assumption that it should give the negroes rudimentary instruction and industrial training ; as to the negro, the assumption that, as a race, he should not be carried forward in mere intellectual instruction too fast. These limitations are arbitrary; they are in fact a compromise between the whole public and a part of it. They do not possess that logic of system, so dear to the theorist. But it is believed that the ideas herein set forth are thoroughly in accord with the method of our Anglo-Ameri- can race, which has ever shown its wisdom in dealing with great ques- tions by recognizing plainly that life is not logic, either for the state or for the individual. The history of England a,nd of the United States is one long succession of compromises between social theories and princi- ples, either made to avoid impending logical results or brought about by means of those logical results. This paper moves, then, in the national course of procedure which is tentative, which would allow the race ele- ment time and opportunity to do its own work. That only is true liberty which is developed freely by a race itself. It cannot be made to order at once by a proclamation, by a school system, or by anything else ; but it can be cultivated, helped forward, educed. The actual liberty of the negro is not true liberty, not American liberty. The proper educa- tion which will cultivate in him this true freedom, and at the same time train him to meet all its requirements, to use it and not to abuse it — that is a great part of the greatest problem before the American people to- day. To quote the language of a great thinker: You are undertaking the greatest political experiment that has ever been performed by any people whatever. You are at this j)i'esent centenary a nation of forty mill- ions of people. At your nest centenary rational and probable expectation may look to see yon two hundred millions, and you have before you the problem whether two hundred millions of English speaking, strong-willed people will be able to hold together under republican institutions and under the real despotism of universal sutirage ; whether States' rights will hold their own against the necessary centraliza- tion of a great nation, if it is to act as a whole, or whether centralization will gam the day without breaking down republican institutions. The territory you cover is as large as Europe, as diverse in climate as England and Spain, as France and Eussif), and you have to see whether with the diversity of interests, mercantile and other, Avhich arise under these circumstances, uatioual ties will be stronger than the ten- eoi)le. But it must be education adapted to the conditions of the |)eoi)Ie's life. When these conditions change the type of popular education can be changed or enlarged. One-sided or over-hasty intel- lectual growth is dangerous. Semblance becomes mistaken for sub- stance. The negroes are essentially an agricultural race. Their edu- cation should proceed in accordance with that fact. Thereby will they be enabled to rise most surely to whatever attainment their race may be capable of under its very advantageous surroundings. Their educa- tion at present ought to be chiefly agricultural and industrial; such education must be to them power and not a delusion. Unfortunately, as a <;lass, they already regard the mere smatterings of primary tuition, the simple going to school, as education. Let us beware of setting np for them a "• fetich" to worship in mere school instruction, especially now just as our institutions in the higher education seem, under the wise lead of Washington and Lee University in Virginia, and of Harvard University in Massachusetts, on the point of breaking away from the too exclusive \vorship of the "college fetich," by substituting for it the cultivation of our mother tongue and of the sciences which i>rop civili- zation. In conclusion, the ])oint of view of this paper is American; it is neither Southern nor Northern, for educational questions know no such territorial limitations; and it is believed that the views herein set forth are in consonance with the present imperative needs of American pop- ular institutions. Plain language has been used to m-ake plain state- ments, not to imply censure nor to make harsh criticisms. The aim of the i>aper is educational, not controversial; to elicit truth, not to make a ])oint ; to avoid a race conflict, not to stir up strife. If anything con- tained in it should be found helpful in furthering the great interests which have called us together from so many parts of our common country, the purpose of its writing will be fulfilled. 781 MEMORANDUM EBSP FORM EXAMINATIOU EDUCATION DEF TARIO/OANADA. OTING SIMULTANEOUS AND UNI- S UNDER REGULATIONS OF THE ARTfMENT FOR THE PROVINCE OF ON- By Secf^tarv to the Ed ALExiNDER Marling, LL. B., ication Department, Ontario, Canada. iuations in the literary and In the Province Vf Ontari) there are uniform and simultaneous exam- scientiflc course required as a condition of obtaining certificate ary) schools The candidates who^ schools, and after a per in the brainches that teach the several subjects tically tested The certificates granted The preliminary or non July. The question papers aminers appointed by the j tion of the Minister of Educa Prof. G. P. Young, of Univ inspectors of normal and hig schools. Suitable regulations are mhd' the presiding examiner for CLiss locality being a pubhc school of qua ification to teach in the public (or element- hese are eligible for admission to training such attendance they are examined chiefly re distinctly professional, their ability to a public school course being also prac- of Class III (lowest), Class II, and Class I. fessional examination is held annually in e prepared by a central committee of ex- vincial Government on the recommenda- on, the present committee consisting of ity College, Toronto, as Chairman, the phools, and certain inspectors of public for the conduct of the examinations, I and Class III examinations in each nspfector or a substitute approved by the Minister. The papers are co ifidei^tially printed in the Education De- partment and transmitted to examinations at about one hu is usually a high (secondary prepared at those institutions ply to receive and distribute ijhe pape servanceof theregnlations, an ' Department in Toronto. The tee, assisted by about forty s ommendation of the Ministeri If a candidate is reported Iby the comi amination, he is awarded a ttrelimiuary the keveral inspectors, who conduct the idred Venters. The place of examination school the candidates being generally The (^uty of the local examiner is sim- , to preside, to enforce the ob- t the answers to the Education e then referred to the commit- also appointed on the rec- i totransi answers ub-examin< ce allow him to ttee to have passed this ex- tificate of Class II or Class ndertake teaching until he model school, and received III, which does not, howeven has been trained and examiu d at the count his full (or professional) cert ficate Those awarded Class II a : the non-profess\onal examination are ex empted from further examination in these saibjects as a preliminary condition of admission to th4 provincial normaRschool, to be trained for the Class II professional (or full) certificate; bik they are required, as well as the Class III candidiites, to undergo traxuing: and examination before the local examiners ^t the county model 78? hool, for the Class HI INTEIWfATIONAL CONGRESS OF EDUCATORS PROCEEDINGS. 49 ProfessorNHoggwas followed by Mons. B. BuissoN, Eepresentative of the French Ministry of Education at the Exposition, who/presented a paper on " Th6 Recent Reforms in Public Instruction, an^ especially in Primary Instruction, in France." (See p. 111.) Before enterin'g on the subject of his paper, M. Bnij^son, as delegate of the French Government and representative of several public and private educationsk institutions which took part in/the Exposition, as- sured the members of the International Congress that he was the bearer of a warm and hearty message of symp^hy to them, and was commissioned to salute in a spirit of true brot)ierhood the teachers of America in the name 6f the teachers of France After the reading or^. Buisson's paper th^ session adjourned. JVENTH SES The Seventh Session of me Congress was held in Tulane Hall, Friday, February 27th, at 2 p.m., Dr. M. A. N;bwell in the chair. The first thing in order onythe programme was the presentation of a paper by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, entitled " An Historical Sketch of Indian Civilization and Educataon." (See p. 508.) The Chairman announced as »ext in order on the programme a paper by Dr. T. W. Bicknell, entitlesa\" History of Educational Journalism in New England." (See p. 51//.) Upon the completion of tile reading of Dr. BicknelPs paper, it then being 4.15 p.m., the session^adjourne* ^EIGHTH SE^ION. The Eighth Session^of the Congress waa held in Tulane Hall, Friday, February 27th, at 8^0 p.m.. Dr. M. A. Newell in the chair. The first paper Announced was read by Dr. L. G. Barboue of Vir- ginia, on " Competitive Studies and Resultant Prizes." (See p. 532.) After the reading of Dr. Barbour's paper, the Chairman announced a paper on " Race in Education," by Prof. W. T. Thom of Virginia. (See p. 537.) — ' Dr. E. E. White said at the conclusion of Professor Thorn's paper : I have been deeply interested in the paper just presented, and I rise to say that I do not feel entirely competent to speak on this great prob- lem. The more I understand it, the more deeply I am impressed with that feeling. It is a problem requiring great wisdom, but there is one assertion in that paper which I think is an inadvertence, yet I have heard it once or twice, and that assertion is that moral education has no place in the public school. The paper assumed that position — that the moral education of the negro was to be treated as impossible under our American system of free schools. As many of you know, for a good many years I have been quite familiar with American educational ideas and features. One of the 287 50 EDUCATIONAL CONVENTIONS AT NEW OELEANS EXPOSITION. questions on which American teachers as a body are agreed, is that fehe vital moral training of the pupils of the public schools is its highest commission and its supremest duty, and we never concede that the work of the public schools is not open to this class of education, and it is vastly better that this generation of scholars shall go out alive to truth and virtue and honor and God, than that they should go out trained in the best methods in the scholastic phase of education. I go further. We never concede the point that virtue bas no place in education. It is true that there have been some appearances which would indicate that religious influences would disappear, but that is exceptional. So far as my experience goes, the education of the schools is Christian. The great body of American educators bring to-day the influence of religion into the school. It may be that religion is not taught directly in the school, but everywhere, with few exceptions, there is the recog- nition of God as the supreme authority. There is the recognition of man's duty toward God everywhere, in the school. The conscience of our youth is fortified with religious influences. We do not teach de- nominational theology, but the recognition of God and the influence of religion must be in every school if you are going to have any vital moral training. Our whole system of moral training must be vitalized by religious influences breathed by the teacher from his life and spirit into it. I repeat that I think that statement of the paper was an inadvert- ence. The American school does not ignore the importance of vital moral training. Hon. G. J. Ore : I feel a little as though I should like to trespass on the regular order. I feel so deeply upon this question that I rise to say a few words. There never has been a people put in the position of the people of the South. We feel this question much more deeply than our brothers coming from the other quarters of the nation can feel it. The question of what shall be done with the negro is the greatest question among us. The negroes are in our houses, they mingle with our chil- dren, they are of us, and this is our i^roblem. It is the greatest ques- tion that has ever been considered in this country, or perhaps in any other. I agree with Dr. White. If you teach these people simply in- tellectual training, and the moi^al training is neglected, no one can tell the result. One great help to training that race is wanting. They know nothing of the family and its influences. The Bible teaches me that the family is at the foundation of the Christian Church. You can- not build up a church and make it such a church as it ought to be until all the obligations growing out of it are observed at home by the head of the family. The family rests at the bottom of everything in the Church, and at the foundation of everything valuable in the State. This feature has been entirely wanting. The moral training given in the homes of the American people has been what has saved this country in the past. These people have been without it, and we know the result. We know the morals of that people. I have not heard a paper during 288 INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF EDUCATORS PROCEEDINGS. 5i the sittings of this body that was so very valuable, so full of sugges- tions, that discussed this greatest question of all questions with so much temperateness and in such a philosophical way. While saying this, I must also say that it was wanting, I think, just at the point Dr. White mentions. My notion of the treatment of that people is that the Christian Chur(;hes, all of them, must come in and labor with them, in order to form a proper sentiment among them and give them a relj^ious training. Let us give them an intellectual training, and let every church come in and labor in their moral training. This is the missionary field of the churches. I have felt that myself in relation to this people. They have no truer friend upon this great continent than myself. Their presence among us incites this matter of national aid. But for their presence we would not ask any help, we would be able to manage that question ourselves. In my own State 1 believe we have 128,000 whites over ten years of age who are unable to write, and 392,000 colored, mak- ing a grand total of 520,000 out of a population of one and a half million. They call Georgia the Empire State of the South. She is a State great in resources, great in achievements, great in many directions, and, as the census shows, great in illiteracy. The Southern States, as I have said, are the States that are affected immediately by the presence of this population among them. I have been studying this question for years past ; for seven long years I have been laboring in the cause of national aid to education ; I have gone to every assembly of citizens where it was discussed ; I have used all the influence I could in its favor. It is because I feel that we have a problem with which we are unable ourselves to deal. It is beyond our power to grapple with it, and a wise man hath said, " Hope deferred maketh the heart sick." I did hope that the present Congress would help us by the passage of the Blair Bill, but information comes to us from the Capitol that we are not to have it. Will you agree with me here to begin anew in that direction? Will you promise to take hold and labor with us ? I ask you as brethren to give us help. I feel that I can say that there is no longer a Korth and a South, no longer two sections. We are one people. While I say that, let me say a few words more in the same con- nection. I wish to make an appeal to you tonight that you take the same ground upon this question, which we feel to be essential. I said a while ago that this was our question. True, Massachusetts and Min- nesota and all the States are interested, and if we go down we drag them down; we either sink or swim together; but while this is true, we are more immediately affected, and we will go down first. What I wish to say is this : — Numbers of us are studying the question. We are do- ing all that can be done, and we ask you simply for help. We feel that whatever is done must be put in the hands of some one. Now I do not object to discussion by my brethren from the North. They can give us valuable suggestions. But let me say to-night that it isim- 289 52 EDUCATIONAL CONVENTIONS AT NEW ORLEANS EXPOSITION. possible, for you to understand this question as those of us who are connected with it understand it. I should not feel that I was fully qualified to deal with the question of how the city of Boston should be managed in her school interest. I should feel that my friend Dr. Bicknell and others understood that •question better than I did. But reared on Southern soil, and having mingled with the population from my earliest infancy to this hour, I thinlf I know them. There are certain things connected with the ques- tion that no man can know who has not been a long resident among them. The Southern States are the States to work out this great ques- tion. We welcome aid from abroad, we feel that you are acting mag- nanimously when you rise up and help us. I think I understand the temper of the people of my own State, and I feel just as well assured as I can be of anything that is not an actual occurrence, that they would not accept outside help unless they are left to work it out themselves. He who assumes to put conditions upon us will injure the people whom he seeks to benefit. I feel that we ought to be trusted. Let me say what I said to Senator Blair. I found him with a bill creating a com- mission, and I said this to him in reply to a conversation : "I am known all over the South as an advocate of universal education. I have labored in that field for thirteen years, but if you jiass such a measure as that I tell you the people would not accept the tendered aid ; it would be re jected." Twelve months ago, as a member of the sub-Committee of Edu- cation and Labor that traveled over this Southern country, he tele- graphed me to come to the Parker House in Atlanta, as they wished to examine me. I went and was examined for an hour and a half. When I finished giving that testimony he said : " When 1 was here a few years ago 1 felt that we could not .trust the South. I have been traveling over your Southern country. I have had men before me representing all conditions of society, and I feel thoroughly convinced that I was wrong in my estimate." He went back to Washington and framed a bill which the great majority of people in my State will accept gladly. Professor Thom: I desire to correct a misapprehension. As far as 1 gathered from the remarks of the gentleman who followed me, it seems to have been understood that I was not in sympathy with the work done by the several denominations in the South. It is exactly this which I do appreciate. If I may be allowed to say so, I think they have wisely pursued the right course, and I am heartily in sympathy with them. Professor Baktholomew next delivered an address, in which he made some remarks on educational progress in Kentucky ; he said : The work in Kentucky is to be judged by its results; and when you come to our State and see the results produced, that is suffi(;ient to de- termine the character of the work. There is no man in this country to- day who stands higher morally than does Albert S. Willis, of Kentucky, and he is a graduate of the public schools of Louisville. We met with 290 INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF EDUCATORS ^PROCEEDINGS. Od opposition, but education was the victor; and when the Superintendent of Public Instruction made his report, after an earnest contest of nearly eighteen years, then it was that the existence of great illiteracy was demonstrated; then it was that the people appointed a convention to meet at Frankfort, out of which grew the inter-State convention of Louis- ville, and the State of Kentucky called to its aid in the solution of this problem gentlemen who are here to-night, the Chairman, Professor White, Mr. Hancock, Mr. Harris, and gentlemen from the South. A committee was appointed to memorialize Congress in reference to Federal aid to assist us to bring our people up to the jjroper standard, and Kentucky to-night ex^tends to you her profoundest gratitude for the work which you have done in influencing the State Legislature, which gave to the State a new law which has incorporated all good features, which has established systems of instruction, and which takes an in- terest in favor of popular education. If you will pardon me, I want to say something in regard to ray native State, and I want to mention one point here which seems to me works in beautifully in reference to tbe discussion just had. If you are agreed that popular education is nec- essary for the white man in order that he may properly be prepared to exercise citizenship, how does it come to pass that the white man should have it and not the negro ? If it is necessary in one case, it is necessary in the other. In Kentucky a colored man stands upon the same level as a white man. I desire to say that we are proud of our system of public instruction. The city of Louisville has its primary schools, its intermediate schools, and its high schools, extending to the same level for each race, except that the negro is in a separate school. The same qualifications for teachers are required, the same rules are in force, the same course of study is pursued, and the same salary is paid; and I believe that the public school system of the city of Louisville to-day is built upon a foun- dation which will reflect honor and credit upon itself and upon the State. It is not necessary for me to enlarge further in reference to the pro- visions which have grown out of the last convention held at Louisville. Nearly everything recommended by that convention was incorporated in the new school law. It only remains for me, in the spirit of our great son, Henry Clay, to place the hand of the northern brother in the hand of the southern brother, and say that the teachers of this country are the saviors of this country, and that in the work of removing illiteracy and elevating the intellectual and moral standards you must adopt the motto of my State, " United we stand, divided we fall." Dr. Hancock, from the Committee on Kesolutions, reported the fol- lowing resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : To the International Congress of Educators : The undersigned committee, appointed to draw up suitable resolutions to express the pleasure and interest which the members of this body have derived from their in- spection of the extent and perfection of *hi8, the largest of world expositions ever 291 54 EDUCATIONAL CONVENTIONS AT NEW OELEANS EXPOSITION. held, and to set forth in fitting terms their gratification at the friendly zeal and as- sistance manifested by its managers in the cause of education, which has thus been enabled to offer for study so complete a display of educatioual work and appliances* hereby offer the following resolutions : Besolved, That this Congress bears its testimony to the fact that the "World's Indus- trial and Cotton Centennial Exposition is not only more extensive in its buildings and space occupied, but may claim precedence on the far more just grounds that it has ap- plied the skill gained by former experience in similar expositions in such a way as to bring together all the valuable devices heretofore discovered for showing to the eye at a glance the resources of a country, the quality and peculiarities of mechanical construction, and usefulness of goods and machinery, offering in this respect an exhi- bition of new phases and aspects of national wealth not before thought possible to make objects of display. Besolved, That this Congress expresses its feelings *of grateful acknowledgment to the managers of this Exposition for the recognition they have extended to education as one of the important elements of national strength and development, especially as related to industry and the production of wealth. Besolved, That this Congress hereby returns its sincere thanks to the citizens of New Orleans, to the members of the Louisiana Educational Society, the New Orleans Teach- ers' Association, and especially to the President, trustees and officers of the Tulane University, for the warm hospitality and obliging attention with which they have wel- comed it to their city and provided it with all the facilities for holding its sessions. JOHN HANCOCK. WM. T. HAKRIS. J. W. DICKINSON. Dr. M. A. Newell then read a list of papers which were received by the Congress, but which were not read. Dr. M. A. Newell then said : Before we adjourn I wish to express my personal thanks to the mem- bers of the Congress for the great kindness they have shown me in the arduous task I had in making the necessary arrangements, and also my gratitude to the citizens of New Orleans for the attention which I have received from them. At the conclusion of these remarks, at 10 p. m., the Congress adjourned sine die. 292 DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE. 123 FIFTH SESSION. Thursday Evening, February 25, 1886. W. E\Sheldon, Ohairmaii of Committee on Resolutions, reported the follow)>ng preamble and resolutions in memory of the^eath of John D. Philbricfiyof Massachusetts, which were unanimoijmy adopted by a rising vote : Whereas, we theNjfficers and members of the Departmeat of Superintendence of the National Educational Association having learned of/ihe death of John Dudley Pliilbrick, LL.D., of Massachusetts, who for more tha^n twenty-five years has been an active and enthusiastic member, and an ex-Presidfiiit of the Association, and desir- iug to place upon record \pr appreciation, estee^, and love of him, adopt the fol- lowing: Resolved, That this associatido mourns the Le^ss of one of its most devoted and in- telligent workers in the cause ofVpopular ediJcation. As a teacher, superintendent, and writer upon educational topicsrfor mo;?© than a third of a century, he has ranked among the foremost educators of thia^omitry. Wise and discreet in counsel, ener- getic and euthusiastic in action, helppl^and sympathetic in his relations with his co- workers, he has left behind him a r&6ord>&ill of inspiration and worthy of imitation. Besolved, That the cause of geii«'al education has sustained a heavy loss in being deprived of the zeal, energy, au^wisdom whrt^h have pre-eminently characterized his long career. Besolved, That the Department of Superintei^ience especially desire to recognize the eminent services of Mr. Philbrick in their special field of educational work, in which he labored for nearly a quarter of a centuryVachieving not only a national, but a world-wide repntation as a superintendent of jmblic instruction. Besolved, That tnese resolutions be entered upon thX minutes of this association, and that a copv/of them be sent to Mrs. Philbrick, to wijjom we tender our incere sympathy in^Jier great bereavement. W. E\SHELDON, ^ ANDREW J. RICKOFF, R. W. STEVENSON, Committee. The following address was then delivered by the Hon, S. M. Finger, of North Carolina: ^^_^^^ ^ (N^e . ^:^ Vu Z, \ v-vq,. THE EDUCATIONAL AND RELIGIOUS INTERESTS OP THE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH. Since the storms that beat upon our ship of state subsided, we tind her anchored in the harbor of freedom and equality of all men before the law. Twenty-one years have elapsed, and as the clouds clear away, it becomes us to take our reckonings. Almost a generation has passed away, and other men control, other ideas prevail. It is wise that we lay aside all sectional feelings, and without crimination or recrimination discuss all the great problems that confront us, and especially the ne- gro problem, which, I submit, is perhaps the most difficult of them all. I desire to have it understood that in anything I shall say it is furthest from my purpose to offend any man, white or black, north or south. 124 CIECULAES OF INFOEMATION FOR -1886. Born and reared in the South, having a southern ancestry ante-dat- ing the Eevolution of 1775, the son and the grandson of an owner of slaves, I have had opportunity of studying the negro in his home in the South, before and since the late war between the States. Educated in New England, and having had business intercourse with the people of the northern section of the Union, I have had opportu- nity of studying the negro in the North also, both before and since his freedom. Add to this the circumstance that I was taught by my father to look with suspicion upon the institution of slavery, and that consequently I had a degree of sympathy for the slaves. In view of these facts, I trust that I can enter upon the discussion of the negro question with freedom from i^rejudice against the colored people, and with sufficient opportunity to have learned something about them from actual contact and. to enable me to keep up with changing public sentiment about the negro, both North and South. But with all these opportunities to study and observe the negro, I am free to confess that I do not know that I fully understand him ; and 1 cannot, with satisfaction to myself, forecast his future or form a defi- nite conclusion as to his capabilities. So far he is an undetermined quantity in the problem of civilization. Whether the size of his brain and his other peculiarities mark him as the white man's natural infe- rior, or only emphasize his want of opportunity, is an unanswered ques- tion, and it must remain an unanswered question until he shall have been tried and cultivated for more than one generation. It is, however, but fair to state that when we consult history, any claim of the negro, or of any other of the .colored nations, to equality in intellect or force of character with the Indo-European nations, rests up- on a very slender foundation. History shows that the Aryan family of nations overcame all other nations with whom they came in contact. So far as the negroes in Africa were concerned, the grand, ancient civili- zation around the shores of the Mediterranean sea did not stir them. While the Egyptians built the pyramids and their magnificent cities; while the Carthaginians grappled in successful conflict with the Eomaus ; while the Greeks and Eomans made their arts of war and their fine arts felt and known throughout the then known world; while in later days, even down to the present, civilization and Christianity have been devel- oped by the European and American people, — while all these things have been going on, the negroes in Africa have never, to any considerable extent, been aroused by them, notwithstanding in modern times special eftbrts have been made to civilize and Christianize them. History is against the claims of the negro to equality with the white nations. He would seem to be immovable, incapable of progress, except as he is brought into immediate personal contact with the whites. However this may be, the white people of the southern section of the United States, as well as those of the northern, desire to give him a fair DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE. 125 trial. In this there seems now to be very fair unanimity of sentiment. So far as the thing to be done is concerned, there is not much diversity of opinion. He is a citizen, equal before the law to any other citizen in all the States of this Union. The conclusion is, therefore, irresistible that he must be educated, intellectually, industrially, and religiously, not alone for his benefit, but for the protection of our government. But when we come to consider hoiv this is to be done, intelligent and good people have different plans and theories. These plans and theories have foundation, in the minds of those who hold them, according to the glasses through which the negro is seen. One man sees in him capa- bilities equal to those of the white man, and he fits his plans and theo- ries of education to his estimate of the negro's natural ability. Another man sees the negro as an inferior being, and he fits his plans and theories to his belief. Still another man sees him as an untried and unknown factor in civilization, now far behind in intelligence, morality, and religion, and so his ideas as to how to educate him take shape. It is exceedingly interesting to watch these ever changing and devel- oping views about the negro himself, and the consequent ever changing and developing plans and theories as to what is the best way to deal with him and educate him, both for his own benefit and for the benefit of the white people. Indeed, the whole matter would be amusing if we could forget the exceeding importance of the problem. One man says. The race line is providential, and therefore it ought to be perpetuated. Another replies that the race line has already been broken down, and he goes on to argue that all laws that favor the sep- aration of the races in schools, and all laws that forbid intermarriage between the races, ought to be repealed. He says that no harm would come to the body politic by allowing intermarriage, because there would be very little of it anyhow. Thus one of the reasons urged why inter- marriage should not be forbidden, serves to show that legitimate social instincts have been given to the races by their Creator, which will per- petuate the race line in spite of law. Still another man says. This race question can never be settled until by intermarriage between the races the white race is made to absorb the colored race; and he advocates mixed schools and mixed churches, because h» thinks this policy will lead to mixed marriages. I repeat that these different views would be amusing, if it were not for the momentous consequences involved in the adoption of a correct policy — such a policy as will be right in the highest sense of that word, and as will be for the best interests of both races. Whether or not the negro is naturally equal or inferior to the whites is disputed, but his equality or inferiority need not now enter into the discussion as to how he should be educated. In a practical point of view, there is common ground enough to stand upon. The ground upon which this discussion should proceed is his real status now. We should recognize his intellectual and moral condition as it u, and not too eagerly 126 CIRCULARS OF INFORMATION FOR 1886. inquire what it will be after some generations of training shall have been given him. The future will take care of itself if we faithfully take care of the present. Let us now inquire what his real status is. I do not think that any man who has not lived in the South for many years and observed the negro in his country home, as well as in the cities and towns, will be likely fully to understand his real condition, intellectual, moral, and religious. He may read all the literature touching upon it; he may travel through the South, and even sojourn for years in the South, and not comprehend it. Far the greater jjart of the negroes live in the country, on the plantations, and a traveler would be apt to form his opinions by what he saw in the cities and towns, where the most intel- ligent of the negroes congregate, and where their eduQational and relig- ious oi>portunities are better than in the country. One who sees the negro in the cities and towns only will fail fully to comprehend his con- dition, even if he is free from any preconceived opinions about it. Consider the case as it is. A race of the most barbarous people on the face of the earth, and perhaps the most ignorant, brought to the United States but a few generations ago at most ; sunk into the lowest depths of heathenism ; bound in all their worship by the most abject fear and degrading superstition ; subjected to slavery without any effort, worth the name, to cultivate their intellects; suddenly released from their bondage in the condition of j)aupers; suddenl}-^ made citizens equal before the law to their old masters, who had been civilizing and developing for a thousand years; taught for twenty years in the bad school of politics; embittered against their former owners and for a time virtually ruling them; with only a few years of limited education by the impoverished South — with this history and this treatment, what in the very nature of the case must be their condition and disposition now, even if we assume their natural equality with the whites? Let any intelligent man free himself from any preconceived notions and answer as his reason dictates. We could but expect them to be ignorant still; averse to labor, and so still living in poverty; ruled largely by superstition and fear in their worship; without providence for the future, spending their earnings, day by day as they receive them, if not for the necessities of life, for its pleasures and frivolities ; inclined to immorality; the present gener- ation, in large part, growing up in idleness and worthlessness, because of their surroundings and home life. - These surroundings and home life are, as a ruLe, of the most unfavor- able kind. In the country, as well as in the cities and towns, in many cases whole families — fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters — live in small houses, often containing but one room, the parents exercising no restraint, or an impatient and passionate restraint, over their chil- dren, and the children having no elevating companionship. Of course there are exceptions, but I am not now noting the exceptions. With DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE. 127 such surroundings in the formative, ftimily life of the colored children, before they reach the school age, and with such companionship, they have a most unfavorable start for the formation of character. Add to these home influences the physical inheritances transmitted to them — inheri- tances that are apparent to the sight, and add to these still the inheri- tances of mind and soul which are invisible to mortal sight, but which are no less real than the physical, and we can have some appreciation of the real condition of these children. I have drawn the general picture. I am glad that I can note many exceptions. As we visit the hotels and barber shops, we find almost all the service performed by well-behaved, intelligent, and decent col- ored persons, whose very service has brought the elevating contact with the white people, just as it does in the northern States. Then, too, we have in the South a large number of old negroes, iudustrious and well behaved — good men and women. The schools Lave elevated quite a goodly number into respectable teachers and preachers, and some have advanced in other walks of life. But all of these compose but compara- tively a small proportion of the great mass. In this connection it should be noted, too, that in those sections of the South where the farms were small before the slaves were freed, and where the whites labored with the slaves, the negroes are far more advanced in intelligence, good manners, and good morals, than are those who lived on the large cotton, rice, and sugar plantations. The difi'erence is marked both as to the older negroes and their children. But I cannot now examine the different sections of the South in detail. I have time to draw only a general picture of what the negro's' condi- tion is in the South, and I desire to draw it strictly in the light of facts; and in making this list of exceptions, I am willing to leave a number of blank pages to be filled by any person to suit his section ; and still the general picture, as I have drawn it, will be found substantially true. I am willing to concede that the negroes, as a whole, are improving slowly intellectually, and yet I want to impress the fact that the great mass of them are at the bottom round of the ladder of civilization, and that there are hereditary tendencies which any proper system of educa- tion must take into consideration. One of the great mistakes many northern teachers made when they came South and took charge of colored schools was not to take note of these hereditary tendencies, both physical and mental ; and the result was that the moral development of their pupils did not keep pace with their intellectual development. Some of these northern teachers, who have had charge of colored schools for j'ears, now understand the real status of the negro children as to intelligence and character, and they hesitate about training their own children in association with them in the school- room. These teachers had seen the negro in the North only, where the brightest of them had found their homes before the War ; where they 6742— No. 2 4 128 CIRCULA.RS OP INFORMATION FOR 1886. did not number one in fifty of the population ; wiiere, from the very fact .of there being comparatively so few of them, contact with the whites was a necessity in the daily labor of the negroes, because, wherever they turned to find employment, they rubbed against the whites ; where they had the very best opportunities that any people so low down in the scale of civilization ever had in the whole history of the world; where, on account of the comparative smallness of their numbers, they had no appreciable effect upon the multitude of superior white people; where the one negro child, elevated by constant contact in every-day life with white people, had been educated with a multitude of white children without any appreciable deleterious effect upon them. These teachers, with ideas about the negro formed by what they saw of him under such circumstances, came south and expected to deal with him in the same way that they had dealt with him north. After years of labor, many of them, I think, are discouraged with the slow progress their jiupils have made, especially in the development of character. Aristotle wisely said, twenty-two hundred years ago, that the same ed- ucation would not produce the same virtues in different i^ersons, for the formation of character in each person is dependent upon three things — nature, habit, and instruction. This was true as applied then to the progressive Greeks, and it is true as applied to all people. Shall we not recognize it now as applied to the negroes *? Shall we attempt to educate the negroes of the South in the same school- room with the whites'? Shall we ignore the fact that the nature and hab its of the col- ored children are widely different from the nature and habits of the white children ? Shall a false philanthropy cause us to attempt to do an unnatural and an impossible thing? Many things have been done since the War that have been damaging to the educational and religious interests of the negro. The passions of the hour ran so high that we went to work to advance him to a posi- tion far beyond what he was prepared for. He was given the ballot, of which he was not worthy. He was taught that to be free he must leave his old master's premises, if only to remove to an adjoining plan- tation; that he must leave his old master's church and organize a church of his own; that education was a jjanacea for all the ills of life ; that he must have teachers and preachers of his own color; that the southern people would, if they could, i3ut him back into slavery. The color line was drawn in this way, and to a large extent it is kept up yet. Because of jirejudices growing out of their bondage, and be- cause the southern people resisted giving them the ballot at the time it was done and in the way it was done, it was easy to align the negroes against the whites in politics, and to separate them from the whites in every other way. This separation lessened their contact with the whites, and set them back in a religious point of view, because of the dense ignorance of those who assumed the office of preachers. In this respect they yet suffer great loss, for in very many cases their preachers DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE. 129 are still deaselj^ igiioraut, aud the preaching is unmeauing words — mere sound and fury. But the prejudices between the two races, which were perhaps stronger on the part of the negroes against the whites than on the part of the whites against the negroes, are breaking down ; and I do not think it will be long until a much better state of feeling will exist between them. What I desire specially to say in this connection is, that the American people have been pursuing a wrong policy with the negro, in that they have placed him in an unnatural state of advancement, and have spoiled him. The negro's burden as a slave was forced labor ; to him, freedom and the ballot and education meant exemption from manual labor, especially with such teaching aud treatment as I have alluded to. With all this history as slaves and as freemen and citizens, and with their ignorance, it could but be expected that many of the negroes would become more and more worthless as laborers, and that their children would be trained to avoid labor as the curse of curses, and so be more worthless than their pareuts. The negro's liead, so to speak, has been turned by the very novelty of his new condition. In proportion, however, as they have been properly educated and have been led to see their condition as it is, and have learned that their freedom is secure, and that the white people of the South mean to as- sist them to such degree of elevation as they may prove worthy of, they become more contented. The state of feeling towards the whites is continually growing better. So, too, the white i^eople are more and more adapting themselves to the situation. More and more there is a settled conviction that not only are the negroes citizens, and here to stay, but that they are best adapted to the development of, at least the agricultural possibilities -of the South. With a judicious system of education, and with just such treatment as they may merit from time to time, they will improve and make valuable citizens. Just now it is of the utmost importance that a determined effort shall be made to properly train the negro children in schools and Sunday schools, and to improve the home life of the colored people, and to inspire them with a higher idea of the Christian religion. Not only is this of the utmost importance, but it is a work of the utmost difficulty, and one in which the white people must guide. In my judgment we must not only have separate schools for the colored people, but also have separate churches ; and these schools and churches must be taught and ministered to by colored teachers and preachers, so far as colored people will ])repare themselves to fill these offices. This is so because both races, as a whole, want it so, and be- cause the relative condition of the races makes it a necessity. Any at- tempt at a general system of mixed schools and mixed churches would be a signal failure. 130 CIKCffLARS OF INFOEMATION FOR 1886. I knojv that some philanthropists claim that no aid should be given to schools or churches in the South except upon the condition of open- ing their doors to both races. They have a theory that must not be de- parted from. Judging them by their words and acts, they believe it to be wrong, a sin, to open a school for the colored peoiDle and at the same time not allow the white people to patronize it; also that it is wrong to open a school for the white people and not allow the colored people to attend it. Likewise they hold the same belief in reference to churches. They believe in the promiscuous mixing of the races in the churches, and in many cases this course is urgently advised. The result of this teaching has been a continual clashing of the races, and it has threatened to break down the public schools of the South. In some sections of the South strong efforts have been made to es- tablish mixed congregations for public worship, and the colored people have been invited and even urged to join the white congregations, but they almost invariably refuse to do it as long as there is a colored con- gregation in the neighborhood. I see it stated that quite recently the Florida Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church North divided on the color line, forming two conferences in the same territory, one white and one colored. In making this division it was argued that this step had become a necessity for the progress of this church in the South. Thus slowly is the truth dawning upon men's minds that these races are so different in nature and habits that they are not now suited for such associations. The colored people really prefer to have their schools and churches separate from those of the whites, and the whites demand that their schools and churches shall be separate from those of the colored people. This disposition of the races to separate from each other is explained by those who advocate mixed schools and mixed churches by saying that at the bottom of the whole matter is race prejudice. Those who advocate separation say that this disposition rests upon legitimate so- cial instincts, and not upon race prejudice. Whatever is the true, ex- planation, the fact is hardly disputed by any intelligent person, and as a fact it must govern our policy. The most intelligent of the colored people know that the policy of mixed schools would inevitably break down the whole public school system of the South, and so deprive them of the educational opportu- nities which they now have at public expeuse. They know, too, that a policy of mixed schools means that white teachers, and not colored ones,- would be employed, if such a policy could be adopted without breaking down the schools entirely. They know, too, that mixed churches mean white ministers and not colored ones. If the colored i^eople are to make progress they must, as far as prac- ticable, be thrown upon their own efforts, educationally and religiously, as well as in a material point of view. In these particulars the same rule applies as in the whole animal and vegetable economy — effort and DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE. 131 exercise. The colored people can never be made to stand alone unless they are encouraged to depend upon their own efforts and resources. Mixed schools and mixed churches inevitably take away the occupa- tion of colored teachers and colored preachers, and continue the colored people's dependence upon the whites. There may be mixed schools and mixed congregations presided over by colored teachers and colored preachers, but, if so, I do not know where they are. I do not mean to say that the colored people are far enough advanced educationally, morally, or religiously, to stand alone, and to make fur- ther progress in these particulars without the assistance and guidance of the whites. Indeed, I am free to say that I do not believe they are. I think it is evident now that if all assistance by the whites and all contact with them were withdrawn, the colored people, in the aggregate, would go backward instead of forward. One thing, however, is very much to the negro's advantage : his fac- ulty of imitation is very strongly developed. He seems naturally to imitate his white neighbors and to follow their guidance, especially when he is not controlled by prejudice. Therefore everything but principle should be conceded by the whites in order to breakdown all prejudice. That done, the whites will have access to the colored people and will be able to guide them. Then good examples will be imitated and good in- struction will be heeded; then will the whites be able more successfully to teach colored teachers and colored preachers, and to gather colored children into Sunday-schools and instruct them in the principles of morality and the Christian religion. But the colored people must be encouraged in every practicable way to help themselves. Just as a child, when being taught to walk, does not learn to walk, no matter how much its mother may help it, until it puts forth its own i^owers and tries to help itself; just so must the col- ored people, weak as they are, be led by the whites, but in such way as to cause them to try — cause them to call into exercise all their powers. In accordance with this principle, I think it best for them to have teach- ers and preachers of their own color so long as they may want them. By pursuing this course the two races can, I believe, live in the South together in peace, each helping the other; and there will be some field of intellectual work open to the negro. In this country, where there are seven whites to one negro, with such a wide difference between them in every way, it is not reasonable to suppose that there can ever be any considerable field for intellectual work for the negro unless he finds it among his own people. Without some opportunity to exercise his intellectual faculties he will soon be discouraged, and lose his appe- tite for education, and become a mere serf or peon. Already there are signs of discouragement. As the negroes realize that labor is a neces- sity, and that education does not free them from it, they relax their efforts and are not so anxious to send their children to school ; and under any system that it will be practicable to adopt, wo will see more and more 132 CIRCULARS OF INFORMATION FOR 1886. of this as time rolls along. They, however, have a commendable race pride. They have always been dependent upon the whites, and the whites have always claimed that this dependence was natural and nec- essary for the welfare of both races, and have always claimed superi- ority, lu more ways than one, since the War, the negroes have been taught that they are not naturally inferior to the whites, and that all they lack of being equal to the whites is education and a proper sense of self-dependence, or rather independence. Even if this is not so, their believing it stimulates their race pride and makes them struggle harder to advance. This is very much to their advantage upon the principle, universally acknowledged, that a faithful trial is half the battle, in every enterprise and with all people. I think, therefore, that so long as the negroes prefer teachers and preachers of their own race, they ought to be encouraged in their preference, provided colored persons will qualify themselves for the work ; but there must be a rigid superintendence of all school work by the whites. From another standpoint I insist that this is the correct i)olicy. The negro's prejudice against the whites of the South has been intense for two reasons: (1) because he was held in the bondage of slavery, and (2) because in the days of reconstruction the whites resisted his being allowed to vote. These prejudices will sooner be broken down by al- lowing freedom of action in all particulars where no wrong principle is involved. To accomplish this end, it is better to allow them reasonably competent teachers of their own race, even if, for the time being, better qualified white teachers could be employed to serve them. After per- fectly friendly relations are established, and after the negroes see that it may be better for them to have white teachers, they will seek them — then plenty will be found to serve them. I have said that there are signs of discouragement among the negroes, because freedom, the ballot, and education have not brought the bene- ficial results which they so confidently expected. So, too, many of the white people are also discouraged. Out of their poverty, the southern States are spending for the education of the negroes perhaps as much as five million dollars per annum, without satisfactory results. In this work both the southern negroes and the southern whites deserve the encouragement of Congressional aid. But that question I do not pro- pose to argue at length; it seems to me to be a self-evident proposition. It will encourage the negroes as well as the whites, and it should be given in such way as to allow a part to be used for building and fur- nishing school-houses. Comfortable and well-furnished houses are ne- cessities, and of such the South is very sadly in need. The aid now proposed by Congress is confessedly mainly for the South, and I can see no good reason why it should be limited to the payment of teachers' salaries. It should, by all means, be put into the school treasuries of the States, and be used in common with State funds for all school pur- poses. If Congress will consent to encourage the school workers of the DEPARTMENT OF SUPERINTENDENCE. 1^3 South by extendiug- this aid, let it be done iu such ii way as uot to hamper them. If it were uot for the negroes, the southern States woukl uot need this aid and would not ask it, and if it were not for the negroes no member of Congress wonld propose it. It is due to the South in com- mon fairness, and the people of the South have shown that they are in earnest iu educating the negroes aud are worthy of it. I honor north- ern meu who favor it, aud I am surprised at southern men who oppose it. I honor northern men more who favor it without hami^eiiug re- strictions, and I am the more surprised at southern men who oppose it when it is proposed that the funds shall be managed by State authori- ties. So far as the question of civil rights as distinguished from social privileges is concerned, that is fast working itself out, and the less force ajiplied to it the better. It is no unusual thing now in the South to find negroes riding in first- class cars with the whites. I have seen negroes in the political con- ventions of both political parties; I have seen them serving with the whites as jurymen in the trial of important causes. Recently, in a city of the South, at the dedication of a public school building, I saw white and colored aldermen seated on the same rostrum during the ceremo- nies. In all such intercourse proper conduct aud qualifications can be made requisites. Indeed, in all social aud semi-social intercourse the correct policy is to apply as little force as possible, and let people's likes and dislikes and the free spirit of our republican institutions con- trol. The white people of the South insist rigidly upon but two things as to intercourse between the races: (I) That there shall be separate public schools for both races, and (2) that there shall be no inter-mar- riages between the races. The negroes, or rather the too sanguine friends of the negroes, who do noi, know them, will act wisely if they will make no contest on these two points. These are matters of public policy which the States have a right to control, and about which there is almost unanimity of sentiment. In this paper I have spoken of education iu a general way onlj^, using the term iu its broadest signification. While education iu books, espe- cially in the fundamental branches of English, is, perhaps, of prime imjiortance, industrial education is of scarcely less importance, aud it is pressing for proper recognition in our systems. How and to what extent it can be applied for the benefit of the negroes I cannot now dis- cuss, more than to say that it is most highly probable that an unusually large proportion of them will always find their places on the farms, and that therefore special efforts ought to be made to teach them the most imprdVed methods of farming. Farm life is itself a very fine industrial school, aud as the general farming interests of the South are improved the negroes will share largely in the benefits. 134 CIRCULARS OF INFORMATION FOR 1886. SIXTH SESSION. Friday Morning, February 26, 1886. President Easton called the meeting to ord^ at All Souls' Church at 10 A. M. Prayer was offered by Prof. J. A/B. Lovett, of Alabama. Hon. Warren Higlby, President of the American Forestry Congress, read the following i)apeir: FORESTRY IN EDtrCATION. In appearing before yoii to discuss the subject of " Forestry in Edu- cation," and to -advocate the introduction of its study into our Ameri- can schools, I am not unmiadful of me fact that the number and variety of subjects now taught in the public schools are quite alarming to those whose school experience was rounded by the "three R's"j nor do I forget that the spirit pervadilng the philosophy of our modern education prompts to the suitable introduction of all those branches of knowledge that are deemed essential tolche highest usefulness of the citizen. I therefore trust that the importance of this subject may soon be so recog- nized as to be given a suitable place in the curriculum of public school instruction. It is a trite saying, but lio le^s a true one, that our public schools form the bulwark of our national strength 5 and "Education, the guardian of liberty" is a motto whose exalting truth we delight to recognize. But how the public schools /shall couiiuue to be the bulwark of our Ameri- can institutions, and what education shall be the sure guardian of lib- erty, are the grave qoiestions submitted to you for consideration and answer. It is evident thayt the educatioln of our American youth should be directed with reference to their future sovereign citizenship ; that while they are trained into an accurate knowledge of the fundamental branches upon which science, literature, an 1 philosophy rest, they shall also be led to observe tMe working of Nature's laws in her various manifesta- tions, and the effects produced by Something 01 history and of the to be added t(ythe "three R's" by exercise of tl/e right of franchise ; man's violation of them, science of government are necessary way of i)reparation for the intelligent and instruction in those departments of American' economics that most/ nearly touch the j)roductive energies of the peop/e and affect most seriously the results of their labors should by no means be omitted in the common school curriculum. It is not so much the mere knowledge that is gained in the brief period of school/life that educates, as the inspiration there given to know more, and the/avenues there opened and the means pointed out by which that higher /and larger knowledge can be gained through individualj persist- ent effort. *► CHAPTER VI. FREE SCHOOLS AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. Altbough South Carolina was settled in tlie last quarter of the sev- enteenth century, there was no s^^stematic eifort of the people as a whole toward providing popular education until 1811. But it is not to be inferred from this that there were no educational advantages at all. Most of the people were able to educate their own children with- out aid, but the middle class needed assistance, although it was not large enough to warrant the maintenance of schools throughout the country for its especial benefit. The country was sparsely settled, as there had been from the earliest foundation of the colony a tendency to- ward the formation of large iilantations. Owing to this condition of affairs the hand of charity was stretched forth to aid the poor white people at an early period. EARLY FREE SCHOOLS.^ The first free school successfully established in South Carolina was founded in Charleston in 1710. Previous to that time the people of the State had conceived the idea of establishing free schools, but it was not until 1710 that legislative action was taken in that direction. In 1712 another act was passed, incorporating certain persons under the desig- nation of commissioners, for founding, erecting, governing, and visiting a free school for the use of the inhabitants of South Carolina, with full authority to receive all gifts and legacies formerly given to the use of the free school, and to purchase as much land as might be deemed nec- essary for the use of the school, and to erect thereon suitable buildings. The gentlemen named in this act constituted the first Board of Free School Commissioners in the State. There was a feeling in favor of popular education with many of the leaders. Sir Francis Nicholson, the first Royal Governor, was a great friend of learning, and did very much to encourage it, and men of wealth bequeathed large sums for establishing free schools. The Society for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts was active in founding schools and supplying books. It started a school at Goose Creek in 1710, and another at Dorchester in 1724, in response to a peti- tion for aid. But as indicating the spirit of the people, it is important ' For a more detailed acconut of some of these scliools, see Appendix III. 110 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAEOLINA. to notice the act of February, 1722. By this it was provided that jus- tices of the couuty courts be authorized to erect a free school in each county and x)reciuct, to be supported by assessments on land and ne- groes. Such schools were bound to teach ten poor children free, if sent by the justices. The private donations, also, were liberal for a small colony. Eichard Beresford, in 1721, bequeathed six thousand live hundred pounds for the education of the poor; in 1732 Eichard Harris bequeathed one thousand pounds for the same object; and in 1728 Kev. Eichard Ludlam gave his whole estate of two thousand pounds, which with other bequests amounted to over fifteen thousand pounds by 1778. "For nearly a century four schools were maintained with the proceeds of this latter bounty," and they were flourishing up to the War, when the fund was finally swept away. There were other funds, but it is needless to refer to them, as these are sufhcient to show the state of feeling. There were a number of societies organized at intervals down to 1811 that were of great assistance in this work.^ In 1798 another attempt seems to have been made by the Government, in the appointment of trustees to ex- amine free schools in Orangeburg, but with no definite results. GENERAL FRANCIS MARION ON POPULAR EDUCATION. That there were prominent men who keenly felt the need of popular education by the Government is seen in a conversation that General Francis Marion, the "Swamp Fox," held with his biographer in 1795. The emphatic reference to the Legislature shows that some attempt had been made in that body to establish free schools. " God preserve our Legislature from such penny wit and pound foolishness. What ! Keep a nation in ignorance rather than vote a little of their own money for education I * * * Wefoughtfor self-government; and God hath pleased to give us one better calculated, perhaps, to protect our rights and foster our virtues and call forth our energies and advance our con- dition nearer to perfection and happiness, than any government that ever was framed under the sun. But what signifies this government, divine as it is, if it be not known and prized as it deserves ? This is best done by free schools. "Men will always fight for their government according to their sense of its value. To value it aright they must understand it. This they cannot do without education. And, as a large portion of the citizens are poor, and can never attain that inestimable blessing without the aid of government, it is plainly the duty of government to bestow it freely upon them. The more perfect the government, the greater the duty to make it well known. Selfish and oppressive governments must ' hate the light and fear to come to it, because their deeds are evil.' But a fair and cheap government, like our republic, ' longs for the light 1 See Davis's sketch in Haud-Book. FREE SCHOOLS. Ill and rejoices to come to the light, that it may be manifested to come from God,' and well worthy of the vigilance and valor that an enlight- ened nation can rally for its defence. A good gov^ernment can hardly ever be half anxions enough to give its citizens a thorough knowledge of its own excellences. For, as some of the most valuable truths, for lack of promulgation, have been lost, so the best government on earth, if not widely known and prized, may be subverted." There are other evidences that there was a strong interest felt in tbe matter even among the great rank and file of the people. Although the daily papers of that time contained very little matter of any sort, and even less of a local nature, yet there is a complaint in the Charleston Courier of October 15, 1803, from a i)rivate correspondent, concerning the indifference to education shown by the editor of the paper. "We see great incomes made and great incomes wasted, great grandeur in equipage and household circumstances; * * * but we do not see the country studded up and down with those precious jewels of a state, Free Schools.''^ He regretted that everything hinged on politics; even the discussion on the yellow fever had taken a diplomatic turn, and we might expect to see the whole matter settled by a ruling of the State Department. Mr. Barnwell, a member of the Legislature, followed this in the next meeting of the Legislature with the introduction of a bill " for establishing public schools in the several districts of the State."^ FREE SCHOOL ACT OF 1811. Matters continued thus until the act of 1811,^ when the people took hold of the question. This act was recommended by Governor Henry Middleton in his message of November 26, 1811. On the following day Senator Strother presented petitions for free schools from citizens of Fairfield, Chester, Williamsburg, Darlington, Edgefield, Barnwell, York, Saint Stephen, Saint James, Santee, Saint John's, Colleton, and Saint Peter's. Hon. Stephen Elliott, of Charleston, was chairman of the joint committee, and to him belongs most of the honor of the measure. The bill drawn by him i^assed the Senate without a roUcall, and was adopted in the House by a vote of seventy-two to fifteen. "The act established in each district and parish free schools equal in number to the representatives in the Lower House. Elementary instruction was to be imparted to all pupils free of charge, preference being given to poor ori^hans and the children of indigent parents. Three hundred dollars per annum were voted to each school. Commissioners varying in num- ber from three to eleven in each district and parish, serving without pay and without penalty, were intrusted with their management. Until a sufficient number of schools should be established, the commissioners were permitted to move the schools annually, but no school should be established until the neighborhood had built a school-house. The funds 1 Charleston Courier, December 26, 1803. ^ statutes, Vol. V, p. 639. 112 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAEOLINA. of the free school might be united with the funds of the public schools. The aggregate appropriation was about $37,000 a year." Two years after, in 1813, an attempt was made by a large minority to repeal the act, but it was saved through the efforts of one of Charles- ton's lieijresentatives. The people of Charleston, as a whole, have al. ways shown great willingness to uphold the State institutions. Wil- liam Crafts, Jr., made a ringing speech in support of the act, and in reply to the charge that the population was too sparse in some places to de- rive any benefit from it, said : " This evil time will of itself remove, and what kind of inference is that which would abolish a general good to get rid of a partial eviH"^ It was a fitting monument in after years to name one of the public school-houses of Charleston in honor of this gentleman. The number of schools established the first year was one hundred and twenty-three. In 1821 a pamphlet was issued at Columbia contain- ing an attack on the system.^ Up to 1821, $302,490 had been expended by the State, of which at least one hundred thousand dollars had never been accounted for by the commissioners. In fact, the reports were so few that there were no checks at all on the system. It was probable that the commissioners and teachers had an understanding in the expenditure. Careless, ineffi- cient teachers were employed, and it was said that " in some of the lower districts they have actually converted the schools into gymnastic acad- emies, where, instead of studying philosophy in the woods and groves, as the Druids did of /)ld, they take delight in the more athletic exercise of deer and rabbit hunting ; and that it is a fine sight to see the long, lean, serpentine master * * * at his stand, * * * while the younger peripatetics are scouring the woods and hallooing up the game." But the matter of free schools still attracted attention ; legislative re- ports were almost annually made on the subject, and public men were deeply interested in the question. Nearly every Governor referred to it during his term in at least one of his messages. NEED OF A SUPERINTENDENT. George McDuffie used the following language in his message of 1835 : •' In no country is the necessity of popular education so often proclaimed, and in none are the schools of elementary instruction more dej)lorably neglected. They are entirely without organization, superintendence, or inspection of any kind, general or local, public or private." Governor after Governor sent in a stirring message urging an improvement of the system. It is somewhat singular that nearly all the suggestions referred to the need of a central supervising head, corresponding to the present State Superintendent. Even as far back as 1822, Governor Thomas Bennett ' From Mayor Courtenay's Education in Charleston. '^Review of pamphlet in North American Review, Vol. XIV, pp. 310-19. FREE SCHOOLS. 113 rt'coumieiidud the iippointment of a "com miss iouer of the school fund," and believed that this would realize the anticipated beueQts of the "immense sums annually appropriated." In 1838 a committee con- sisting of Eev. Stephen Elliott and James H. Thorn well was instructed to report to the Legislature after having conferred with the various commissioners. They incorporated in their report communications irom the commissioners, the whole making a very interesting paper. A large part of it consists of the paper bj' Hon. Edmund Bellinger, of Darnwell, a graduate of South Carolina College in 1826, containing a great deal of information, historical, statistical, and otherwise. In the report of Messrs. Elliott and Thornwell, and in many of the communi- cations from the commissioners, the need of a State Superintendent is strongly emphasized, and this is one of the suggestions formally made to the Legislature by the committee. The act itself, as pointed out by Ivr. F. W. Alston in 184C, seemed to contemplate the appointment of such officer in the twelfth section, in providing for reports from the commissioners to "such person as the Legislature may direct." Uenry Summer, in a report to the Legislature in 1847, added another to tlie list of those favoring this suggestion. The report of the conmiittee of the House of Representatives, to whom was referred the Governor's message on the subject of free schools, concurred in this view. Finally Governor Manning, in 1853, rose to the highest conception of the whole question, and recommended the establishment of this central ofitice, de- claring that the system "should not be an eleemosynary proffer, * * * but rather a fountain flowing for all, at which they may freely par- take." But a great obstacle to the appointment of such officer came from the "combination schools." The act allowed the commissioners to erect free schools entirely, or unite with schools already established. The teachers of such schools did not wish to have any authority over them. Yet in many such schools there was some good. The teacher acted ahnost as the agent of a compulsory system. It was to his advantage to have as many pupils as possible, and he practically forced the children into the school. In spite of all the numerous suggestions, however, nothing of im- l»ortauce was done. In 1835 Judge Frost introduced an amendatory act, providing i)enalties for nonperformance of duty \j^' the commis- sioners, but no one was designated to enforce the law. REPORT OF 1839. Others also urged the appointment of a supervising officer; among these were Thornwell and Elliott, who strongly recommended it in the report of 1839. The committee of the Legislature reported at this time that although deep interest had always been manifesti'd by the Legislature, yet there seemed to be a general oj)iniou all over the State lllOG— No. 3 8 114 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. that the system was a failure. Messrs. Thornwell and Elliott rejected the Prussian system on account of the sparseness of the population, and the New York system on account of its cost, and also the "manual labor system," since such schools had proved "egregious failures in almost every instance.-' They recommended the establishment of a " teachers' seminary," and the increase of the appropriation to fifty thousand dollars. They also showed how the original act was de- fective in apportioning the money according to representation in the Legislature, which was based on taxation and population. As a con- sequence, the richer a district the more schools it had, and the poorer the fewer it had. But Edmund Bellinger's communication was the fullest. It brought out most clearly the defects of the system. Regular returns had been made in five years only, and in 1817 thirty-one of the whole forty-five failed to report. The amount spent bore no proportion to the scholars educated. In 1813 one dollar per scholar had been expended, but in 1819 about sixteen dollars per scholar. There was no regularity in the appropriation for a district. Barnwell County received one thousand one hundred and fifty-three dollars in 1825, and only seven hundred and twelve in 1826. Edgefield in 1818 received eleven dollars per scholar, but Laurens not quite two. The average attendance for the twenty- seven years was 6,018, while the average expenditure had been thirty- five thousand dollars. No wonder that one of the commissioners re- ported that " there is nothing systematic in the whole scheme but the annual appropriation for its support." Even in this year of special re- ports only one-half of them had made returns. Out of the twenty-two whose reports are preserved, it is interesting to note that thirteen fa- vored the extension of the system to all children, and of the remaining iiiiiB only two or three were emijhatic in restricting its operation to the poor children. As illustrating the feeling in the State, nearly all favored the study of the Bible, or other religious instruction, in the public schools. One was far in advance of the present even, in recommend- ing the study of the form of government of the State and the United States. These were suggestions that have not been acted on to this day. One believed in the efficacy of "manual labor" schools as a so- lution of the public school problem. It is interesting to note that an attempt is now being made in the State to establish an agricultural school. All lamented the ignorance and inefficiency of the average teacher, and some strongly favored the establishment of a State nor- mal school ; this has not yet been done, as a separate department. But the result of it all was " splendid nothings," as Mr. Henry Sum- mer said in his report to the Legislature in 1847. So little had been done up to that time that this gentleman could incorporate in his report : " It was declared on the floor of this hall during the last session of this body that the free school system was a failure; and no one contradicted it; it seemed to be conceded by all," FKEi: SCHOOLS. 115 IJ. F. W. Alston liiul uiadc a r(?port to the Agiicultunil Society in 184.G. Afteiwiiiil, wlieii be was Governor, he einpliasizod tlie iuipor- tuiice oT local taxation to supplement ILe State appropriation, eveii op- jiosiiii4' a larger appropriation unless the right of local taxation for sup- port ol" the schools was introduced. At last, in 1852, a forward stej) was taken in tin; increase of the appropriation to seventy-four thousand four hundred dollars, just double what it had been for forty years. This was only accomplished after a hard struggle, and a close vote in the Legislature. LATElt STATISTICS. Jn order to see the growth of these schools, some statistics of attend- ance may be helpful. In 18L'S, seventeen years after theii' iirst estab- lishment, there were 840 schools in the State, with 9,03G pui)ils. In 1810 there were 503 schools with 12,520 pupils. In 1850 there were 724 free sc^hools with 17, 8.>8 pupils.' In 1800 there were 724 schools with 18,015 pupils, while the expeinli- lures were $127,530.41. It is interesting to compare these (igures with the ap[>roxiu)ate number of children of school age: Yiar. I'npil.s of School Ago. Number in Freo Schools. 1830 .. 1810 .. 1850... 1800 .. I><80 .. 51, 000 52, 000 50, 000 00, 000 101,000 8,572 12, 52G 17, 838 18,015 Gl, 2iy The tignres for the number of pupils of school age, except for the last year, are calculated at something over twenty per cent., as l^r. Warren, the statistician of the Bureau of Education, thought that the school i)opulation between six and sixteen would be about twenty-one per cent. The ligures are for the whites all through, in order to preserve the same factor of com])arison. The figures for 1880 are taken from the report of the State Superintendent of Education for 188G. From the above table one would be .justified in calling the system a failure; it was indeed openly (Umounced as a failure all over the State; and it was a failure as far as furnishing a general scheme of education for the ma.sses. ItEASONS FOli THE FAILUIIE OF THE SYSTEM. The favoring of paupers was probably the greatest cause of the fail- ure of the system. This was i)ointed out time and again by several, but the majority were opposed to any change. " The wealthier and higher classes * * * will not avail themselves of the free schools. * * * The poorer citizens, * * * from pride and delicacy of ' 15. J. Eamayo. Free Schools iu South Carolina, Johus Ilopkius Studies, I, No. 12, 116 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. feeling, will rather keep their cliiltlreu at home altogether than, by sending them to the free school, attach to them, as they think and feel, the stigma of being poor, and of receiving an edncation as paupers." These words of Eev. Mr. Thrnramell, of All-Saints, in 1839, express the feeling of both classes toward the system, though but few of the prominent men or of the commissioners saw the trouble as clearly as this gentleman. Even Mr. Bellinger, who made so elaborate a re- port in this year, emphatically called for the restriction to the poorer classes, llev. James H. Thornwellj one of the most gifted men of the State, was jast as emphatic in limiting the fund to the poor, though he never proposed to limit the college to that class, although it was a State institution. This spirit was an outgrowth of the class distinction in the State, a perpetuation of the antagonism of the two classes. The lower classes had sutHcieut pride to reject the proffer. But there is one redeeming feature in this sketch of the system ; and that is the recognition by some clear-headed observers of the urgent need of a general system of schools for all, and not for the pauper classes alone. While in different parts of the State many had seen this, on]y the commissioners in Charleston had attempted to supply the deficiency. FREE SCHOOLS IN CHARLESTON. The commissioners in Charleston had seen the intent of the orig- inal act, and had set to work to carry it out. Public schools had suc- ceeded in Nashville and ISTew Orleans, and why not in Charleston ? This is what Mr. Barnard pointed out when he had prepared a commu- nication on public schools at the request of Governor Alston, Mr. Mc- Carter, and others. The schools in Charleston had followed the general course of the others in the State. Under the law, five houses had been erected and furnished by the tea^chers, on a salary of nine hundred dol- lars. The attendance had been, in 1812,1*00; in 1818, about 300 5 in 1823, about 320; in 1829, about 407; in 1834, about 525. But the Charleston commissioners, especially C. G. Memminger, A. G. Magrath, and W. Jefferson Bennett, roused from their lethargy, and in the face of bitter prejudice revolutionized the system. They worked on a totally different plan. Their aim was to provide schools for all, and not for pauper pupils only. In 1855 they built a house on St. Philip's Street, at a cost of twenty-five thousand dollars, to accom- modate eight hundred pupils. Three years later they erected another, on Friend Street, at a cost of thirty thousand dollars. A kind of nor- mal school for teachers was formed, to meet every Saturday, under the direction of the superintendent of public schools. They also built a high school for girls at a cost of twenty-five thousand dollars, of which the State paid ten thousand dollars and the citizens of Charleston the remainder. The expenses of its maintenance were ten thousand dolhirs annually, of which the city paid half, and the State guaranteed the FRKE SCHOOLS. 117 Other half on condition of being i)eriiiitte(l to send ninety pnnils. A normal department was attached to this. The whole s^'stem was inangnrated with appropriate ceremonies on July 4, 185G, when Dr. S. II. Dickson delivered an address. It was modelled on the " New York " plan, and tlie heads of the schools were brought from the North, so that teachers thoroughly acquainted with the system would direct the management. Miss Agnes K. Irving, an accomplished teacher from the Orphan Asylum on Randall's Island, was made principal of the Orphan Uousc School. The native southern teachers were forced to take subordinate pkices at reduced salaries, in a short time the number of children in attendance was one thousand ibur hundred, and there were more applications than could be granted. In ISGO the attendance was four thousand.' This was done in the face of strong opposition. " Fair Play " openly charged that the change had been made in order that the new board might get the benefit of tlie " spoils," and claimed that they had over- stepped their limits in setting up common schools^ when the act only called foryVee schools. He also called attention to the resolutions ol" the last session of the Legislature, which had " re-announced the fact that the free schools are for the i^oor." lie concluded by confidently venturing the prediction " that the new system, unsupported as it is by law, will not succeed." But it did succeed, and according to a writer in Barnard's Journal,^ "revolutionized public sentiment in that city, and was fixst doing it for the whole State when the mad passions of war consummated another revolution." GRADUAL IMPROVEMENT IN THE SYSTEM. A gradual but slow improvement is evident in the working of fhe system. When first begun, no qualifications ibr teachers were required, except what each board might imi)0se oC its own will. In 182S a certili- cate of qualihcation signed by three persons in the vicinity was required, and in 1839 an examination by the commissioners in person. The ap- propriations had commenced with thirty-seven thousand dollars annu- ally, but in 1852 had been increased to seventy-four thousand dollars. And, finally, the great success of the Charleston schools would seem to warrant one in believnig that the system would have extended to the whole State in a few years. Moreover, the reports of the years immedi- ately before the War show an increase in atteudancie. SYSTEM SINCE THE WAR. During the War and up to 1808, nothing of importance was done in the schools. In that year a new Constitution was adopted, and the/ree schools were superseded by the public schools. By this act of recon- ' Davis, in TT.iikT P.nnk, p. 4G2. ^ VoL XXIV, p. HIT. 118 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. struction it was provided tbat a State Superintendent, elected bien nially, should have the general oversight of the whole system. It was also provided that a commissioner for each county, to be elected by popular vote, should hav^e oversight, under the State Superintendent, of the school matters of the county, while trustees under him were appointed for each school district. By this instrument the people ob- tained the central supervising officer that so many prominent men had wanted for half a century. Since the establishment of this excellent system the progress has been as fair as one could wish. That most efScieut superintendent, 11. S. Thompson, began to work in 1877 to disentangle the schools from the mass of debt and ignorance. He labored for six years, and gradu- ally built them up. On his elevation to the Governor's chair in 1882, Col. Asbury Coward worthily filled his place until the election of Mr. J. rr. Rice in 1886. The Superintendent from 1868 to 1876 was J. K. Jillson. From the last report of the Superintendent we may get some idea of the present condition of the public schools and the progress tbat has been made. The whole number of children of school age (six to sixteen), by the census of 1880, was 281,664; the total enrolment in the schools last year (1888) was 193,434. The average length of session is three and one half months 5 this is short, but it is as much as the taxes will sup- l)ort, and the tax rate is as high as the average in New England. So they are doing as much as the people of that section. The number of schools is 3,9225 teachers, 4,203. The average monthly compensation of teachers is, for males, $26.68 ; for females, $23.80, SOME OPPOSITION. It can not be denied that there is some opposition to the public schools in some retired i)laces, and it is very justly charged that with their three months' free tuition they have broken up the old academies, while not substituting anything for those excellent training institutions. Many openly declare for the abolishment of the public schools on this ground; but if they could be improved this opposition would cease. There is some opposition also on grounds of religion, but it is no stronger than in any other section. But a gratifying feature is the increase of the graded town schools, supported b^^ local taxation. A constitutional amendment of 1876 had imposed a levy of two mills tax for school purposes, besides the poll tax. But this was found insufficient for the cities, and under the authority of an act so framed as to throw tlie matter into the hands of the property holders, several cities have a very improved system of graded schools. Some of them, especially in Charleston and Columltia, will compare f;i,vorably with those of any section of the country. Another encouraging feature is the organization of State normal in- stitutes each summer, one for white teachers and one for colored teach- FREE SCHOOLS. 110 ers. These liave bceu held annnally since 1880, witli oue or two excep tions. So the outlook on the whole is very encouraging, and hopeful for the future. PRESENT CONDITION OF THE PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM. Superintendent J. II. Rice, in his last report (1888), i)resents a hope- ful view of the future of the public school system. His cheering words give every assurance tliat op[)Osition will eventually cease, and that the efficiency of the system will be advanced. He says: "There is an increase of 18,417 pupils in the enrolment of 1888. * * * There is also an increase of 14,03G in the average at- tendance, a most notable proportion. The last ten years have been a transition period in our educational work. The plans of private indi- viduals crumbled to pieces, and many have lamented the decay of schools once prosperous. But the State Legislature has been quietly and firmly laying the foundations for broader work. South Carolina * * # desires that the advantages once bounded by the horizon of private effort should be widely diffused through the power and benevolence of a great State. The free school has been pushed into every locality." He points with pride to the fact that there were one hundred and sixty-two more schools on the list than the year before, and refers to the ambition of the small towns in the State to establish graded insti- tutions. " Winnsborough and Eock Hill have spent about twelve thou- sand dollars each on their school buildings, Greenville begins with eighteen thousand dollars and * * * Spartanburg levies a tax of twelve thousand dollars, with a special local tax for her schools. Smaller and larger towns, and country districts the State over, are rap- idly putting their money into modern school-houses."' WINTHROP TRAINING SCHOOL. During the years of trial with the free school system, the inefficiency of the average teacher was pointed out repeatedly, and the establish- ment of a normal school was urged. This has never been founded, chiefly for want of means. But in the last two years, through the munificence of George Peabody and the energy of the efficient super- intendent of the schools of Columbia, facilities have been provided in the Winthrop Training School for training female teachers and thus largely meeting the demand. From a letter of John P. Thomas, Jr., in 1887, the following sketch of it is taken : " The Winthrop Training School was opened in Columbia on Novem- ber 15, 1886, in the buildings of the Theological Seminary, whicli have been temporarily secured for the use of the school. The school was organized under the general powers conferred by law upon the board of school commissioners of the city of Columbia. But the school » Report for 1888, pp. 5-6. 120 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. liiul not been in operation long before the idea was conceived to enlarge its scope. With this view, application was made to the General As- sembly for a charter. Under the i)rovisions of this charter the school will be operated for the benefit of the whole State. The school is named in honor of the venerable and philanthropic chairman of the Peabody board, and it is by the liberality of this board that the school is mainly snpported. It has been in successfnl operation since its oi^ening under the following corps : Prof. D. B. Johnson, superintendent ; Miss M. H. Leonard, principal ; Miss A. E. Bonham, practice teacher ; Mrs. T. C. Ivobertson, teacher of drawing. "The school has been attended by twenty-one young ladies. The 'up-country,' 'low-country,' and middle section of the State have all been represented. During the short time the school has been in session, tlie following work has been accomplished : the pupils have been taught tlie methods of the various classes in the city graded schools, and they have had the opportunity to observe, by personal inspection, the prac- tical working of these schools and their successful wa^^sof management. In addition to this, each training pupil has had a week's practice in the school-room, instructing and controlling children, under the direction of the practice teacher. "Their class work has included psychology, physiology, methods of teaching reading, arithmetic, English language, geography, history, penmanship, music, drawing, and calisthenics. Lessons on 'forms and ])lants,' as bearing on i)rimary instruction, have been given. The school is open to all those in the State wishing to prepare themselves for the teaching profession." The generous Legislature of 1887 again showed its public spirit by establishing thirty-four scholarships, one for each county, yielding one hundred and fifty dollars apiece. They are limited to those who have not tlie necessary means, and are chosen by competitive examination by the State Superintendent of Education. They may be held for a year, and the holders, on completion of the course, are required to teach for one year in the common schools of the counties from which they come. TRAINING OF TEACHERS. In addition to the Winthrop school, there are other facilities in the State for training teachers. There is a normal college, with a two years' course, within the State University. The head of it is Dr. E. E. Sheib, of Baltimore, who studied for five years in Germany, and received the degree of doctor of philos- ophy in pedagogics at Leipsic. Previous to being called to Columbia, he w^as for several years president of the State Normal School of Lou- isiana. Claflin University, at Orangeburg, has also a normal course of three years. There is, in addition, a special teachers' class every spring for TUAININO OF TEACHERS. 121 those wlio cannot take tli«> full conrso. Five otlior institutions in tlie State also provide normal instruction for colored teachers. The Saturday Normal School at Chaileston has a four years' course of study, with free tuition. The teachers of Columbia hold monthly meetings for the study and investigation of the principles which under- lie their science. Besides these facilities, there are the State and county institutes, which continue for a few weeks during the summer, and an^. conducted I>y skilled and experienced teachers. Often there are educators from hirge cities, where their opportunities have made them i\cqnainted with tlie most improved methods of teaching. These institutes are usually very largely attended. The State is also entitled to ten scholarships in the Peabody Normal School at Nashville. The recipients of this bounty are under obliga- tions to teach for a term of years in their native States after grad- uation. There are other means for pedagogical instruction less definite in <;haracter, though their inlluence cannot be doubted. The Carolina Teacher, a pedagogical monthly at Columbia, aiul the reading circjles voluntarily formed among the teachers, probably reach more of those engaged in training youth than the normal schools and institutes can. PEABODY AND SLATEE FUNDS. South Carolina has been greatly benefited by the appropriations from the Peabody and Slater Funds, but especially from the former. The awards of these philanthropical bequests have been devoted to the aid of the public, graded, and normal schools, teachers' institutes, and for scholarships in the Peabody Normal School at Nashville, Tenn. South Carolina is entitled to ten of these scholarships, which are con- ferred after competitive examination, and yield the holders free tuition and two hundred dollars each per annum. It is now the settled poli(ry of the trustees of the Peabody Fund to expend the greater portion of the income in assisting to train teachers. AVhile the total amount received from the Peabody endowment is large, the advantage to the State cannot be measured in money. By means of these gifts a stimulus is furnished to local effort, and new and improved methods of teaching are introduced into i)laces that would have known nothing of them but for the exertions of the General Agent. The prisent Superintendent of Education for the State, in fitting words, makes acknowledgment of the debt of gratitude for the noble munificence of George Peabody: "I need not again call attention lo the beneficent results fiowing from the annual bounty of the Peabody Fund. It is difficult for us to see how we should have begun our higher school work without this aid, and it is surely true that we would have been compelled to abandon our county institutes. * * * Peabody, 122 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAEOLINA. dead, yet lives, radiant in the grateful hearts of bis countrymen, and, more valuable than all, sbrined in the many bumble bomes wbere bis charity bas lighted the lamp of knowledge." ^ The following amounts have been disbursed by the Peabody Fund in South Carolina for educational purposes: In 1808, |3,550; 1809, $7,800; 1870, $3,050; 1871, $2,500; 1872, $500; 1873, $1,500; 1874, $200; 1875,1100; 187G, $4,150; 1877, $4,300; 1878, $3,000; 1879, $4,- 250; 1880, $2,700; 1881, $4,050; 1882, $5,375; 1883, $4,225; 1884, $4,400; 1885, $5,000; 1880, $5,000; 1887, 4;000; 1888, $8,000— making a total of $78,250.2 The Slater Fund has also distributed the following sums: In 1883, $2,000; 1884, $750; 1885, $3,500; 188G, $2,700— making a total of $8,950.=' EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. The education of the negro is so largely elementary that it more prop- erly falls under tlie subject of public scliools tlian elsewhere. Slavery came in with the first settlers of the province, and the negroes increased rapidly in population, until, by the eighteenth century, they outnumbered tlie whites. Coming directly from Africa, they first had to learn the language, and embrace the Christian religion. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts was active in providing for their spiritual welfare. In 1705 the first mis- sionary, Eev. Samuel Thomas, reported that about twenty negro slaves regularly attended church in Goose Creek Parish, and others were able to speak and read the English language. The first systematic eflbrt made for their education was said to be the establishment of a school in 1744 by Eev. Alexander Garden, the building of which cost £308 Ss 6d. This was perhaps for free negroes, of whom there were many throughout the State during the time of slavery who owned slaves themselves, and were as much affected by the results of the 9th of April, 18G5, as the whites. This school was doubtless established by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, since it is stated in the Proceedings of the society for 1752, " that a flourishing negro school was taught in Charleston by a negro of the society, under 1 Report of State Superintendent of Education for 1888, p. 18. 2 All these figures, except for the last year, are taken from the Reports of the United States Commissioner of Education for 1885-86 and 1886-87. Those for 1888 are taken from the report of the State Superiuteiideut of Education of South Carolina for that year. The amount for 1887 does not include the aid furnished by the Agent to pub- lic schools in the State. The last Report of the Commissioner of Education gives the sum total granted by the Peabody endowment for public schools in the ten States, but not the appropriation for each State. So the grand total would probably be several thousand dollars larger. •'Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1885-86. There is no reference to this fund in the last Report, either of the United States Commissioner of Education, or of the State Superintendent of Education of South Carolina. EDTTCATION OF TTTE NEGRO. 123 the inspectiou and direction of the worthy rector, Garden, by which means many poor negroes were taught to believe in God and in His son, Jesus Christ."' This good work was farther carried on by the religious training of the negroes, on every plantation and in every household. But the idea arose that it was dangerous to educate the slaves, and this was strength- ened by several insurrections, which, later, caused it to be forbidden by law to give the negro instruction in reading and writing. This act was passed in 1834, in spite of the earnest protests of many of the leading men of the State. But the God-fearing men and women, in defiance of the law and of public opinion, boldly taught some of their slaves to read, in order that they might know the way of life. A Baptist minis- ter was threatened with expulsion from his churcli, but he went on with his work and overcame local prejudice. But oral religious instruction went forward in every denomination, and "experiences "of several hours'length were reverently listened to by tlieir devout, educated white brethren, who compared them with the visions of Ezekiel and Jeremiah. The two races sat under the same preacher and received the sacrament from the same hands. The diiJer- ent churches made reports of one race as regularly as of the other. Special missionaries, some of them very prominent, were sent to labor among the blacks. Every large i)lantation had its own house of wor- ship for the slaves. The number of communicants, of marriages, of con- verts, of Sunday school scholars, of each race was reported regularly. Their condition, while not equal to that of the working classes in the North, "compared favora])ly with the lower classes in many countries of Europe, at least."^ All the trades requiring skilled labor were in their hands, and during lleconstruction they suddenly became orators, parliamentarians, and statesmen. With the War came the upheaval. The schoolmaster followed the soldier, and in the track of the army of destruction were erected the temples of peaceful education. On the spot where the first slave set foot on southern soil, two hundred and forty-one years later, only five nu)nths after Sumter, was established the first negro school. As the northern soldiers pushed their way down the Mississippi and gained a foothold on the Atlantic and the Gulf, the agents and missionaries of the dilferent churches followed. Among the different agencies none were more active than the American Mis- sionary Society, and the Ereedmeu's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Tlie Baptists also worked vigorously, and the Pres- byterians were not behindhand. In all, the amount sent by the benev- olence of the ISTorth to the negro in the South, up to the present time, is over twenty-six million dollars. The first places in South Carolina where negro schools were estab- lished were Saint Helena and Beaufort. Northern benevolence, large R. Means Davis, iu Ilaml-Book, p. 523. -Ibid., -p. — . 124 HIGHER EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. and generous as were its gifts, could never liope to do more tliau es- tablish schools at widely distant jioints, and train a few who would be an example to the many. The general education of the masses had to be done by the loeople of the section, if ever done at all. On the reor- ganization of the State government in 1SG8 a public school system was ]3rovided, as far as the changed conditions would i^ermit. The plan was thorough, but the administration during Eeconstruction was ineffi- cient. But still the enrolment of the negroes increased from 8,103 in 1870 to 103,331 in I888.1 But these schools give only the most elementary instruction, and can not give much of that, since the period of instruction lasts only about three months in a year. The State was so prostrated financially as to be unable to provide schools for advanced instruction, and these would probably not have been soon established without gifts from the North. The Baptists established Benedict Institute at Columbia, for the educa- tion of ministers of the Gospel, and of teachers, male and female ; the Northern Presbyterian Church founded Brainerd Institute in 1871 at Chester, as a normal school, and also the Fairfield Normal Institute at Winnsborough in 1869; the American Missionary Society established Avery Normal Institute in Charleston on the 1st of October, 1805 ; the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church North i)ur- • chased the buildings of the Orangeburg Female College in 1869, and opened Claflin University ; the African Methodist Episcopal Church or- ganized Allen University at Columbia in 1881 ; while warm friends at the North established other schools, such as the Schofield at Aiken, and the Shaw Memorial School in Charleston. None of these, of course, conld have a very advanced collegiate course, and most of them do not aspire to it, but are contented to give good high school training. One of them, however, does furnish a grade of instruction almost equal to that of any white college in the State. CLAFLIN UNIVERSITY. In 1809 the buildings of the Orangeburg Female College (white) were bought by Rev. A. Webster, D. D., and T. Willard Lewis. A charter was obtained from the Legislature on December 18, 1809, and the in- stitution was named in honor of Hon. Lee Claflin, of Boston, Mass. It has been largely through his aid and that of his son, the Hon. William Claflin, that the University has reached its present efficient state. The body of trustees, as provided in the charter, could never be less than seven nor more than twenty-one, and was to be self-elective. Section five of the instrument contained this provision: "No instructor in said University shall ever be required by the trustees to have any i^articular complexion or profess any particular religious opinions as a test of office, and no student shall be refused admission to or denied any of the ^ Report of State Superiutendeut of Education, 1888, p. 43. EDUCACION OF THE NEGKO. 125 piivi!cfjes, honors, or degrees of said University, ou accoiiut of nice, comi)lexion, or religious oi)iuions wbicU lie may entertain: Provided, nevertheless^ That this section, in reference only to religious opinions, shall not apply to the theological department of said University." The University was opened with a president and three assistants, be- sides several teachers in the ])riuiary department; the attendance the lirst year was three hundred and nine. In 1872, under the educational act of Congress, the State College of Agriculture and Mechanics' In- stitute was located at Orangeburg in connection with Clatlin Univer- sity, and a farm of one hundred and sixteen acres was provided. In 1870 the buildings, library, etc., were unfortunately burned, but they were soon replaced by structures of brick. Ou the change of party in /877, the Agricultural College was made a branch of the State Uni- versity, and was retained at Orangeburg in connection with Clatlin University. The exi)euses are met in part by an income of $5,800 from productive funds of the value of $95,7oO,i portion of the Congressional land grant. Other assistance is given by the Slater and Teabody Funds, and by the Methodist Episcopal Churcli. Tlie departments of the University have been gradually increased. In 1877 the normal department was added, and shortly after this the gran] mar school, preparatory to the normal departnumt, was estab- lished. The mechanical department, sustained by the Slater Fund, and the Girls' Industrial Home were soon jirovided, and good indus- trial training is furnished. A course in science and agriculture was in- stituted, and instruction in the latter is also practical. As was to be expected from the condition of the race, the classical department is not very fully attended, there having been only eigh- teen students in 1880. But tlie work is of a high grade and thorough. For aduiission, plane geometry, Caisar, Koman history, Greek grammar and history, and the Anabasis are required. The course covers four years. Latin and Greek are each studied three years; mathematics goes tlirough conic sections, surveying, and mechanics. The other usual collegiate studies are included. The faculty now includes a president and thirteen assistants, and the attendance in 1880 reached four hund- red and ten, all but two being from South Carolina. Both sexes are admitted, but there are no white students in the institution. The num- ber of graduates reached fifty-three, of whom eleven were in the college proper and the remainder in the normal course. The expenses are mar- vellously low, being only about Mty dollars for the entire school year. The Charleston News and Courier, the largest paper in the State, sent a staff correspondent to attend the commencement exercises in 1888, and gave four and a half columns to the report. The next day a column editorial was devoted to the University, in which it was said : " Clallin University is truthfully designated as the model University of the South for colored people. * * * There were ten thousand persons ' lleport of the Cominissioner of Educatiou, 1884-85, \>r628. 126 illGIlEK EDUCATION IN SOUTH CAROLINA. at tbe comniencenu3ut exercises. Tbe University luis seventeen teach- ers, iburteeiisuperiuteudeuts, aud nine hundred and forty-six students. It exceeds in size the famous school at Hampton, Va. More than five huudred students actually pay for their own education by the work of their hands. In the curriculum are six courses of study, with instruction in nine different industries, represented, by the nine special schools of agriculture, carpentry aud cabinet-making-, printing, tailoring, shoe- making, painting and. graining, blacksmithing, merchandising, and domestic economy. The University was founded by Mr, Clattin, of Boston, but it is upheld by South Carolina, which gives it both finan- cial assistance and moral support." Dr. Atticus G. Haygood, who delivered the address, said that it was the largest University between the Potomac and the Rio Grande, and. the least expensive. ALLEN UNIVERSITY. This is chietly controlled and managed by the negroes, and it is very interesting to note the high aim they have set in their efforts to educate themselves. The aim, as set forth by the Eight Rev. W. F. Dickerson, is as follows : " To aid in the development of the highest type of Chris- tian manhood; to prove the negro's ability to inaugurate and manage a large interest ^ * * * to train them not only for the pulpit, the bar, the sick room, and school-room, but for intellectual agriculturists, me- chanics, and artisans ; * * * to educate, in the fullest sense of that comprehensive word, is the work, mission, and cause for the establish- ment of Allen University."' The race has had to receive its instruction from the whites, so far. But as they are educated, they demand thie places for the blacks, and very probably they will in a few years be trained by colored teacliers alone. In Charleston nearly all the teachers in the colored i^ublic schools are white, and in the schools maintained there by northern charity the instructors are also of that race. In Allen University, on the other hand, the work is done by colored teachers. iR. Meaus Davis, Hancl-Book, p. 527. APPENDIXES. 79 lias heea here over three years, and to-day tl/e boy from school will do better, cleaner, ne.iter, qnicker work byVar than the other/boy. One boy learns the trade by imita- tion, while the other learns it by reason a/nd study. The boy from the school is more precise and neat about hisVvork, grasps a; new idea more readily, looks upon new feat- iires of the business with gVeater intelligence, and is better able to direct others and to bear responsibilities. H^ias better/command of language and can impart to others the ideas he wishes them to abtain. Xvhen a difficult point arises, the school boy will labor with it nutil he conquers it, w^ile the other boy will study a while, then give it up. Were I to need a clerBL apprentice, or draughtsman, I would and do give the Manual Training School boys '^he preference, because I get much better results with less trouble. The above letter I quote from ray book, The Manual Training School ; its Aims, Methods, and Results (D. C. HeVth & Co. Boston, 1887). Chapters V and VI are devoted to the "Results." 1 4m Vempted to add, as a final word, the testimony of a graduate himself (one out o^two hundred) and the work he is doing. He says : The principal part of my/work isUhe making of wood and brass patterns and core- boxes, and keeping them in order ; \I also do the greater part of the drawing for the shop ; but I am by no means limitedto these, as, for the last three or four days of each month, I am called to help get work out, and to help Mr. Jones figure, etc. ♦ » » / usually get the ivork that is out of the ordinary line. Your obedient servant. C. M. WOODWARD. IM^ OwVt). ^^y^\ '"^"^^ II. THE NEED OF EDUCATED LABOR IJ^ THE SOUTH. AN ADDRESS BY W. H. COUNCIL, PRINCIPAL OF THE ALABAMA STATE NORMAL AND INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL, MONTGOMERY, ALA. [The following address was delivered at a recent session of the Alabama State Teachers' Association (colored). As a i)lea for the industrial training of the negro, made by one who is himself of that race, it has been deemed to possess sufficient value to be published in this connection.] Like the Sphinx, which stands peering down through the mists of ages, caste, founded upon occupation, is becoming a thing of the past, and will soon be found only in the dim and antiquated annals of Egyptian and Oriental aristocracy, mon- archy, and oppression. Some of the deleterious atmosphere from this Upas of Ori- entalism was borne across the seas to mix with our new civilization; but affinity is lacking, and it is being driven out by the beams of our Christianity, which adorns, dignifies, and elevates honest labor. Here the honest toiler, faithfully filling his spl~ere in life, is a man, the equal of the Chief Magistrate of the nation. The professions were long erroneously regarded as the ruling positions in industrial society. This place-worship caused manual labor to despise itself. The professions have been sought, also, on account of their supposed ease and affluence, and this mistaken idea has become a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence to countless thousands. My paper will be confined to the South, because we are more immediately con- cerned about its welfare ; and I hope that I shall not be considered narrow if I limit this necessarily brief discussion to the Negro of the South. We are to deal with him. It is to him that we must go, holding up high the torch of Christianity, education, and industry. In God's name we must bring him into the light of this age of Chris- tian civilization. We are to seek him in the attics and damp cellars of the cities ; we are to seek him in the fertile valleys and upon the unyielding hill-sides, and pour into him the elements of true manhood. The conditions of labor in ante-bellum days had a tendency to create a wrong con- ception of the responsibility and honor of labor. It is true that the planter, surrounded by his htmdreds of slaves, dictated the policy of Southern institutions, and beside this planter professional gentlemen were social and financial pigmies. The planter was simply a nominal agriculturist. He did not even come in contact with his slaves. His children did not labor. The manage- ment of his affairs was generally committed to the charge of men who were regarded to be of humble birth and station in society. The negro performed all the work, until finally nearly all Southern whites came to regard labor as the natural inheri- tance of the negro, and they willingly conceded his right to monopolize it. Black man was only another word for workman, and this idea, coupled with that of slavery, brought manual labor— in fact, labor of every kind— into great dishonor. It was a natural sequence of this condition that the negro should regard labor and slavery connected by the unholy bonds of thraldom, and ease and leisure and un- earned comfort as the concomitants of their divorcement, or the invariably necessary 80 APPENDIXES. 81 atteudauts of emancipation. His ideal freeman was one of leisure, a man who could dress well, who stood idly around jjublic places and discussed current events. For this reason 1870 found an unnaturally lar^e percentage of the race engaged in politics, the ministry, and other supposed easy vocations. Those who are acquainted with the history of those timesknow these to be stubborn and stern facts, although painful to us. But notwithstanding this unreliable and unsettled state of labor, there were cer- tain influences which held the negro in the labor market, and which to-day give to him the control of a large part of that market iu the South, and I hope he may keep this control forever. As leaders of the race, as moulders of race character, as guardians of the interests of our people, we must strive to prepare them to maintain their present vantage ground in the labor market of the South. We want places for our boot-blacks, bar- bers, porters, cooks, washerwomen, chambermaids, carpenters, masons, blacksmiths, farm hands, manual laborers, and domestics of every kind. If we succeed in procuring and securing these for and to our peoi)le, the few minis- ters, lawyers, teachers, doctors, and journalists will care for themselves. The negro population of Alabama is 600,102. Of this number 39i percent., or 237,000, are bread winners. Ninety-nine per cent, of these bread winners are engaged in agriculture, personal and domestic service, including a small but increasing per cent, in mining and manufacturing. It is thus clearly seen that not exceeding 1 per cent, of our race iu this State is engaged iu professional i)ursuits. What is true of Alabama is true of the whole South. Our few professional laborers must realize the fact that they are dependent upon the 99»per cent, for support, and not the 99 per cent, ujjon them. But there is some- what mutual dependence. The Brooklyn bridge, that mighty consummation of genius and architectural skill, has only a few massive pillars and great iron cables. These do not make the bridge. But there are hundreds of bolts, bars, screws, nuts, and nails, ■without which there would be no Brooklyn bridge to challenge the admiration of the mechanical world. As I have above intimated, the conditions of labor in the South have produced ab- normality iu both servant and master classes — employer and employ6. But with the new life coming into the New South, superior labor, and greater excellence and com- petency will be demanded. In every walk in life more skill and reliability will bo required. Purely business principles are becoming the woof of our iudustrial warp. The abnormal standard of labor accomplishments is the outgrowth of ante-bellum institutions, and has been sustained by the frailest of props, sentimentalism. Those institutions being changed by the new conditions and relations of master and servant, the laborer of the future must stand or fall on his owu merits. Right here iu the South a new element of competition is seeking to enter the labor market, formerly mouo]5olized by the negro. The daughters of the ex-masters are learning to do work which formerly was performed only by the slaves. The sons are becoming expert iu many things which, fifty years ago, were left exclusively to the negro. In fact, day by day shows that the negro is no longer conceded to be the sole and rightful ruler of the labor market. His heretofore undisputed right of inheri- tance is being sharply contested by Southern white boys and girls in every avenue "which produces bread and leads to wealth. Besides this competition, there are a quarter of a million of able-bodied white men and women, common laborers and do- mestics, in the State of New York alone, who would be glad to seek occupations in Alabama if negro labor were not preferable. As I have said before, this preference for negro labor, at present, has its most powerful support in sentimentality, and the influx of Northern people introducing Northern white servants may lead to the dis- placement of the negro in such a measure as to drive him from many occupationa ■which now supply his food and raiment. 1297— No. 5 6 82 INDUSTEIAL EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. Here is food for serious reflection on tlie part of tliose to -whom God has given thi^ important work of elevating the negro race in the South. What shall we do to keep the negro laborer in the market ? We must educate him in the fundamental principles of a common school course ; develop his consciousness of truth and justice implanted in every human heart by the Almighty, and give him that industrial training which will make him such, a factor in our industrial mathematics that he can not be thrown out without serious detriment to the labor problem of the South. This education, development, and train- ing should proceed, from the earliest intelligential susceptibility, conjointly and sys- tematically. In regard to the period of commencement of the training of a child, Oliver Wendell Holmes says it should begin a hundred years before the child is born. Dr. Josiah Strong says : " If a community produces or fails to produce good citizens and able men, the records of the founders will rarely fail to afford an explanation, for the influence of the early settlers continues operative until their descendants are dis- placed by some other stock." As a body set in motion continues, unless acted upon by external influences, to move, so character and principle, good or bad, in a people move on from generation to generation, until a new race comes upon the stage, or external forces check the old motion and inaugurate reform. This external influence and reform is the need of the labor element of the South to-day, in view of the con- ditions and relations herein above mentioned. The character of education necessary to check these baneful influences and set in operation new and healthful energies is no hard question for us to determine, if we can thrust aside the delusions and surmount the prejudices of centuries that have favored university and college education. I do not undervalue the benefits of higher education to the world and science. But it is not only not a necessary ingredient in popular education, but it would prove a dangerous element under present methods. It always has been, and from its very nature and utility, always will be, confined to a puny minority of mankind. The negro has poorly developed powers of discriminative judgment, and it is but natural that all should want their children taught branches of study without any reference to the future occupations of those children, often insisting that the classics be included in the curriculum. And strangely enough, many of our teachers are too willing to encourage this nonsensical worship of learning for learning's sake. We ought not to regard learui ng as an end, but as means to an end. The end of all knowl- edge should be the useful and the good. In a healthful state of economy demand precedes supply. I fear that this prin- ciple is not observed by our universities and colleges. I greatly fear that we are throw- ing into the community many young people educated beyond the ability of efi'ective assimilation with the balance of the race, and, must I say it ? — educated beyond their legitimate sphere according to the demands of the age and the requirements of the race. Education in the hands of an evenly and roundly developed constitution, ex- panded in the line of truth and industry, is what a new sharp hatchet is in the hands of a good boy. It is an instrument to repair and build. But education under other conditions is as the hatchet is in the hands of a bad boy, a vicious boy — an instrument of destruction and mischief, by which the little criminal cuts and hacks his way into the prison and down to perdition. Industrious, virtuous ignorance is preferable to idle, vicious intelligence. Industrial training is as necessary to the education of an individual as oxygen is to the composition of common air. We need not only the theory, but practical industry taught in all of our common Bchools. We must instil into the minds of the youth that " Labor is one of God's greatest gifts to man ;" that labor has led man from the lowest grades of fetichism up to the true God. We want housekeeping taught as well as grammar. We need a cook-book in the hands of our girls as well as a geography, the mechanical arts as well as history. The battles of Thermopylte, Marathon, Carthage, Babylon, and Waterloo, in which only a few millions were engaged and only a few hundreds of thousands APPENDIXES. 83 were left dead and dying upon the field, are not to be compared witli the battle being fought to-day for bread by one and a half billions of souls, and where ignorance and wrong leave millions of dead and dying upon the field. One Cuvier is sufficient to arrange the present animal life into tribes, and marshal into beautiful and symmetrical rationality the fossiliferous and fragmentary remains of ancient and extinct generations. But the nation needs one half of a million of persons to handle the animals required in our market. One LinuEeus is sufficient to discover the sexuality of plant life and give to vege- tation a phytological classification. But seven millions of beings are needed to cul- tivate the plants necessary to sujiply our nation with food and raiment. We need comparatively few young men who can grapple physico-theology and metaphysical sciences; young men who can take the wings of thought and imagina- tion and sound the depths of the universe, measure the breadth of creation, and plow through the deep, sublime, serene ocean of limitless thought ; who can grasp the flying clouds of erudition, and from them forge shafts of intellectual electricity to hurl from the mortars of logic, carrying admiration or consternation, reformation or revolution, into the ranks of mankind. But the plodding millions move on as they have moved since the human family set out on its plodding march through time, and the plodding millions will continue to be plodding millions until matter shall, at the command of God, creep back into the womb of nothingness. What most con- cerns these millions is the getting of bread — the struggle to occupy middle ground. We must teach them a way of getting a living, and of living. We can not hope to move the mass at once, but individual training will be found to be the lever by which the mass may be raised. Guizot says, " The prime element in modern Euro- pean civilization is the energy of individual life, the force of personal existence." A learned man has laid down the following educational platform, which I adopt; " In order to the common weal there are, in general, four things that an adult man or woman ought to know; four things, therefore, that the State ought to see that its children have a fair opportunity to learn, namely, to think, to work, to behave, and to love their country." Does any one doubt that is the correct principle of common school education ? Will any one assert that this is the principle adopted and operated in our common schools? We have been giving our young people a certain class of learning at the expense of the hand and heart, and we have succeeded in throwing into the body politic the germs of agnosticism, idleness, and socialism. Truth is a cardinal virtue, and should be the foundation of every human pursuit and institution. We all are painfully familiar with the appalling lack of this virtue among the laborers of to-day. Nine-tenths of our workiugmen never stop to think of the importance of faithfully keeping an obligation to begin work at a certain time, or fiuish it in a certain style, or complete it at a given hour. How often have our blacksmith, carpenter, and shoemaker disappointed us ? Now, we seldom expect to liud our roof patched according to agreement. We never expect the work to be begun until several days past the appointed time. This lack of truth, and the absence of a feeling of high responsibility on the part of the laborer, are a source of great annoyance and many losses. These things can not be overcome except by trained labor, guided by ethical rules. There are two hundred and sixty-five occupations followed by the citizens of thje United States. Only ninety-eight are plied in Alabama and most of the other South- ern States. With the development of the varied natural resources of the State a very large percentage of the other occupations must be introduced, as well as the present ones improved. To meet these changes on a high ethical and skilled basis, labor must be trained by a wise method of common school instruction vigorously prosecuted. The South is being transformed almost magically from the state of desolation in which slavery and the War of the Eebellion left it, to the most active industrial theatre of the world. On account of the advanced state of the civilization coming 84 INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. into the South, our labor can not be developed by the old methoda. This n^w wine of industrial fermentation will not be safe in the old labor bottles, any more than the skin bottles of the first centurv would subserve our chemical experiments of to-day. If the laborer could have climbea up, step by step, through the centuries with thi» high civilization, he might have developed by the old processes. But this civilization has burst upon the South like a ilood of golden light from the great sun, without pre- monitory dawn and mellow beams, the forerunners of the king of day, and the South has become one vast workshop in a single generation. Will any sane man say that our future laborer will be prepared to join this industrial procession without indus- trial training ? The decision of experience, the judgment of time, dictate the wisdom of the popular drift in enlightened countries to industrial education. It is said that every member of the imperial family of the German empire must learn a trade. When a boy leaves any one of our common schools he should go as well prepared to enter the battle of life, on biological principles, as the cadet who passes muster at West Point or Annapolis is to defend his country from invasion or to punish a dis~ regard of its flag wherever its citizens tread the globe. We need, most of all, educated labor to prevent crime. The old adage that an idle mind is the devil's workshop is as true as the philosophical axiom that all bodies are in space. I heartily agree with the writer who said, "Industrial ignorance is the mother of idleness, the grandmother of destitution, and the great-grandmother of socialism and nihilistic discontent." If the metaphysical triplicity of man is doubted by any, all will readily concede his trinity as to brains, hands, and legs. These, ac_ cording to a necessary and universal law of our nature, must be constantly employed, and they produce good or ill according as they are engaged. The State which fails to educate its children bequeaths to posterity paupers ; the State which fails to give industrial training to its youth transmits to posterity pau- pers and criminals. Statistics show that a lack of industrial education produces more criminals than a want of religious, ethical, and intellectual culture. Astounding as this statement may appear, the fact is even more amazing. Let us examine the records of the State of Illinois for a given year on this point. That State maybe taken as a fair representative of the others. The number of con- victs in the Joliet penitentiary was 1,492. Of this number only 151 were illiterate . 127 could read but not write; 1,087 had a fair education ; and 129 were graduates of colleges or universities. Therefore 90 per cent, were educated, as the word goes, so that their crimes could not be due to the lack of intellectual training. Also 91 per cent, had been Sunday-school scholars, and 18 per cent, temperance men. Evidently they did not lack religious and ethical instruction. But 77 per cent, had no trades or regular occupations, 16 percent, simply "picked up" trades, and only 7 per cent. had been systematically taught some trade. Here is the root of the evil. Here is the foundation of crime. Here is the fruitful source of supply of the inmates of our prisons and alms-houses. Here is an appeal to legislators and others having control of the organizing and conducting of our systems of education. Here is an appeal, loud and clear, to parent, teacher, patriot, philan- thropist, all, to awake and check this mighty rush of our children to the prisons, and from them to hell. The fact that nearly 20 per cent, of the inhabitants of the State of Illinois are for- eio'n born, does not favorably alter the case in the least; rather would it tend to aggravate the matter. An analysis of the foreign-born population of Illinois shows that nearly 50 per cent, are from the German empire, with its justly boasted common school system. The fact that Illinois has very destructive labor troubles is certainly significant. The germs of anarchj^, socialism, and nihilism are found in industrial ignorance. The failure of the South to nip these evils in the bud by a liberal and wise system of com- APPENDIXES. 85 mon schools will produce a race of communistic Brobdingnags, who will defy law and stamp order and the sacred rights of person and property under their colossal feet. The South has ample premonition. The warning notes from France, England, and Russia are borne across the sea. In our own country some of the older States, writh- ing and bleeding in the clutches of those evil monsters, admonish the new South to build her new institutions upon the sui'e foundation of industrial intelligence. Will the South heed now ? Fools are taught by experience only, but wise men by the ex- perience of fools. Chicago (111.) pays |18.93 per year for each pupil attending its public schools. This same city pays $33 for each arrest of criminals, but np to the time of the collation of these statistics not one cent had been spent in industrial education. The city of Lon- don, England, expends annually $385,000 for industrial schools. London had on© arrest to every forty-eight of its population, while Chicago had one to every fifteen. Must I uncover prostitution, and show that it prevails most in the ranks of the in- dustrially ignorant ? Must I spread before you the statistics showing that 95 per cent, of illegitimate births are found among mothers wanting industrial training ? These are startling facts, but are in accord with the economy of nature. Does not the remedy suggest itself to every thinking mind? The laborer should be educated — should be trained, in order to protect his own life and health, to relieve him of many burdens which accompany inexperience and ig- norance, and to enable him to carry law and system into his life and work. " How beautiful and glorious to thought is law ! Law governs the sun, the planets, and the stars. Law covers the earth with beauty and fills it with bounty. Law di- rects the light and moves the wings of the atmosphere, binds the great forces of the universe in harmony and order, awakens the melody of creation, quickens every sen- sation of delight, moulds every form of life. Law governs atoms and governs sys- tems. Law governs matter and governs thought. Law springs from the mind of God." This system, this order, this law, this beautiful harmony, must be carried into the life of the laborer to insure competency, to guarantee reciprocity, and to sweeten toil. This must be done in the school, the training school, the industrial school. What would you think of a man unacquainted with machinery assuming the conduct of a large mill, or moving carelessly among its wheels, bauds, and shafts? Would you not expect each moment to see his body taken up by some swiftly- moving ma- chinery and dashed again to the ground a lifeless and mangled corpse ? And do you expect a man totally ignorant of the great and wonderful laws and systems and work- ings of nature to move unharmed among her machinery or enter her laboratory in safety ? Carpentering, blacksmithing, shoeraaking, cooking, washing, fire-making, scrub- bing, farming, and gardening are all governed by positive and immutable laws. They are as much science as mathematics, grammar, or natural philosophy, and should be taught with the same care that is bestowed upon these more favored branches. There is science and art in fire-making. Has not our breakfast often been delayed and the whole day's plans disarranged because there was ignorance of the philos- ophy of fire-making? Has not our food often been brought to the table so com- pletely divested of its native zest and sweetness that the most rapacious appetite and epicurean stomach would at once declare themselves in rebellion against the table ? How many thousands go annually to premature graves by this system of cookery the great God alone knows. Some poor victim of untrained cooks has said, "God sends the victuals, but the devil sends the cooks;" and Owen Meredith, in Lucile, exalts cooking thus: "We may live witliout music, poetry, and art, "We may live without conscience, we may live without heart, "We may live without friends, we may live without books, But civilized man can not live without cooks. 86 INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. Who does not detest the work of a "jack-leg " mechanic ? He would starve were it not for his cheapness, which is indulged by ijopular ignorance and stupidity. A recent writer estimates that more people die of the want of properly ventilated homes than of any other cause. Here the science and art of house-keeping has not been taught. It is true that the death rate from this cause is two and a half times greater among the manual laboring people than any other class of our population. Should a girl be sent from the school-room to take charge of a home — to rear chil- dren — who does not thoroughly understand the science and art of a thousand little but important things connected with her life-work, upon which her happiness and the comfort of others, here and hereafter, depend f Would not a knowledge of these things be of more benefit than at least half of the geography, grammar, geometry, and metaphysical speculation crammed into the mind at the expense of the methods of obtaining a livelihood ? It is more important for the present generation to understand the uses of the vari- ous hand tools, how to build houses, and how to live in them, than to write better Greek than Homer, better Latin than Cicero, or recite the transactions of antiquity in a more charming style that Xenophon or Herodotus or Csesar. From across the great ocean — from Rome — the cheering news comes; **Hi8 Holi- ness dealt with the industrial question, speaking unfavorably of state socialism, but insisting that governments should make the material interests of the working class of the population their care." And thus the cause of the toiling millions gains strength wherever thought is led out by Christianity. Let us throw ourselves abreast of these advanced thinkers, and endeavor to move the press, the church, and the powers of state in behalf of the cause of industrial education, and move the laborer to prop- erly appreciate the dignity and responsibility of his calling. CHAPTER XIII. EDUCATION OF THE COLOEED EACE. I.— THE COMMON SCHOOLS. The former slave States have a white population of 15,493,323, and a white school enrollment of 3,422,785, or 22.1 per cent of the white population. The same States have a colored population of 6,954,840, and a colored school enrollment of 1,289,944, or 18.5 per cent of the colored population. The colored form 30.98 per cent of the total population, but colored pupils foj'm only 27.37 per cent of the total school enrollment. These figures show that the colored school enrollment is not relatively equal to the white. It exceeds the white, as compared with the population, in the District of Columbia, North Carolina, and Texas; in the remaining States it falls behind the white — in Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and West Virginia far behind. The ratio of average attendance to enrollment is 03. 3 for white and 62.4 for colored in twelve States. 1073 ED 90 68 1074 EDUCATION REPORT, 1889-90. COCD?DOr- OS C£> ?- l^ (MOiOlOOiCST-JiftOOlfS^OOQOCOOCO C01>O0S'*OCi5--— "OsO^COCOi-'U^i-' T-H 1^ «3 -^ 00 O L- 00 C-» »-- O lO ?0 '^ -rlH iC CO i-(iO£>i-iCOTfico^Gi«oooiCir:i ri ;::; ' ci ?>' o 00 to CO -H o to' «' -h" c» oo' tJ rt 1-1 rt T- CJ rH C ! -^ »J ei I! « I-J M i-l i-H •tg-*oMcoto!>covna>r-cotom(Ncoi>to S c-i o 05 iri ■* CO e>) lo i>^ j-^ CO OS C5 CO o ^' lo tjC5 01»HT-iN-lClt>tW^t-C»00CsO0C«DC0 gcoeocoi-HcoiococoE-i-Hi^ii-imT-icocDCsi ooDco-«diooo--coc>oi'<^vr5«5vrfcic©3^'ticnoooi-^OiOi OiCiJiOCOOOOT-HCOi"-'*OQOQOOS>lf:)C^J rf^ioeoi^it-t-T-.ooiraGo^cco'^oco »f:)0:!'^co{>o-*cocDOff^}5DT-ias-*CQ?D i-iirs i-fcOiOin-^coi'-coi-ii-iosocM iftcoco"^'^u':iO!Do^r-io-^o^T-HTHO>-f:i GJ o i- 1- a: Ci in lO I* ci H ^ J-» Tf O >— ' CO T-icD.t^iOi-(ir:)C'i'^aocoirscx)coai-^C'-ii> CD CO ?D CO lO O Tfi -rJH I^ OS 4^ in Ci 00 C'l O O OOCDCM'TiiraCOiOQC'^'^CCOOO-^fXJCsJOO o o o fl 'SocJiCOiOOinS'JOT-'THlCi^lOt-CO'-tCOO sjococ-io'y303>vhOii-Hi>i— i^iOi-Hi-'-TiH Sln^^l-^cocQ^>■^ooo6ldlrao•^'^iQ9TJ^ 5^ "* cr-3 1-1 CO Tfi ^ i-i ifs C'j m CO ?c c-i (M CO 'O ^s^-rHOi-f^aiiCT-ir-^ooicr-cooG^i CI ?0 CO ^^ CD OS O l^ Tf* Oi •— I VO OS -^ 00 O CO (>JOOOO>CiO.-iODC^CX)t-3>';OiOCOCOiC G-.ti-iOsO^DCOCOCOOOOS-^QOC^-^-^i-iCO OOi-((MS>tD':OJ^?Dr-.'^lOCDOSCOOS'*CO ':OC0 T-.00(?JlOC-li>i-^ir3?D-C?Sf>iT-(MC0 O'©Ci-Tt^->#C0lf5TH^^0s*+t CO C'J '^ irS CO -^ 1-! (M GDooi-H»-^cMosinmco»ritooTt^coi>oi> CM 1-1 T-t rH i-( woo 11 p. ^2 &0 ^:_ ra ,— ( f— < I M W If r? cl ^ P^.r^ CS c3 © c3.f: o -3 ri O) m S , i 33 CO 3 — - ;::;>. a,.;:.^ ° S 5 5 =^-S^ S g g Ifc!^ e«'^'- EDUCATION OF THE COLOKED EACE. Table 2. — White and colored teachers^ salaries. 1075 state. White. Colored. State. White. Colored. $23. 04 (b) 38.25 661.10 864. 99 $21. 05 (b) 26.55 589. 75 984. 16 Missouri ib) $25. 80 22.95 (b) 48.17 50. 80 81.19 38.10 38.58 47.67 («>) Arkansas North Carolina : Males Delawai'e -. $22.72 District of Columbia: c Primary and grammar Females South Carolina 20.36 (b) schools Tennessee -.. (6) High schools Texas: Males— In community coun- ties In district counties.... In independent dis- tricts Florida. Georgia Kentucky: d In counties 32.76 126.11 48.2a 140.50 86.39 38.20 32.18 386.28 38.77 32.09 37.82 67.35 42.77 83.30 44.66 40.33 In cities- Male."? 53.32 Females Females— In community cotm- ties In public high schools- 35.12 Females In district counties In independent dis- . tricts 34.20 Louisiana: Males 28.98 26.24 364. 88 26.83 20.48 37.97 Females Virginia Maryland^ West Virginia (b) (.b) Mississippi: d Males Females a Country schools only, b Not classified by color. c Annual salaries. d In 1888-'89. AL.\B.\MA. Apportionment of funds beticeen the races in Alabama. — The Alabama State dis- tributable school fund has heretofore been apportioned among the townships and districts according to the number of children of school age, the fund of each race being kept separate. This has caused much dissatisfaction. " It is alleged that in portions of the Stats the colored race gets well-nigh all the school fund, whilst that race pays a very small per cent of the taxes that make up that fund ; also that the colored race is as yet, in general, only capable of receiving and profiting by an elementary education, which costs comparatively much less than that suitable for the white race in its more advanced stages of civilization." The State superintendent, without discussing whether these complaints are well grounded or not, says that there are individual cases of peculiar hardship, and suggests the following plan : •' Let the school fund be apportioned by this office to the different counties and townships in proportion to the number of children without regard to race, and let th?. township officers apportien the fund to the schools of the town.ship in proportion to the number of children who will prob- ably attend each school. They, being on the ground and acquainted with the wants of the different neighbci'hcocls, can do this to better advantage than it can be done by this office. In additioii to this, there should be fixed by statute a gradation of teachers' licenses, so that v»"ell-qualified and successful teachers should receive greater compensation than the teacher who can barely stand an examination for a third-grade certificate. In all other departments persons are paid in proportion to the quality as well as the quantity of work done by them, and why should not this rale apply in the payment of teachers ? Under our present apportionment of funds such is frequently the case — that the poor teacher of the colored race gets much better salary than the well-qualified white teacher. If this were left to the local school authorities such injustice and inequality would not be allowed." This is practically what is done at present in the larger Southern cities with the local school funds (city appropriation) ; the municipal school boards apply the local funds to the various schools, v/hite and colored, in their discretion. It is believed that the city colored schools are amply provided for under this sys- tem. Whether it would work as well throughout the country districts, adminis- tered often by trustees prejudiced against negro education, and especially against negro education at the white man's expense, is problematical. That Superinten- dent Palmer does not think it would workinjustics is evident, when he declares: '•Allow me here to say that I have no sympathy with those who would deprive the colored race of an equal participation in the benefits of the public-school 1076 EDUCATION REED:^T, -J 889-90. fund. I believe that it is not only our solemn duty but best interes.t to see that the coiored race is educated and elevated so as to fit him for good citizenship, of which, in my opinion, there is not the slightest probability that he will be de- prived. Nor am I in sympathy with those who would apply only the tax raised from our race for the education of that race. Such a law or provision of a State constitution would be declared by the courts unconstituiional as being against public policy and as contravening the letter and spirit of the Fourteenth Amend- ment of the'Constitution of the United States. The plan herein suggested will go far towards remedying the evils complained of, and that, too, upon sound prin- ciples—that teachers should be paid in proportion to the quality of the work performed by them." Superintendent Palmer^ s suggestion adopted — The laiv amended. — The legislature in 1891 changed the law so as to provide for three township trustees (instead of one) who are to dispose of the school funds derived from the State virtually as Superintendent Palmer has suggested. Mr. J. N. Hutchinson, himself a town- ship trustee, explains their duties relating to the disposition of funds under the new law, as folio sv^s: They are required to "establish and apportion to each school just such an amount of the public funds as they deem just and equitable to carry on the schools in their township, not according to number of scholars pro rata as heretofoi-e, but apportioning and giving unto schools as they deem best to promote free education in their township with due regard to all neigh- borhoods. For as the law was, where one school could get only ten pupils, in pro rating it was not suificient to employ a suitable teacher to teach those chil- dren, and other schools had the advantage, especially the colored, which gen- erally outnumbered the whites, receiving the most money, and the colored peo-' pie paying less taxes. Hence some neighborhoods were deprived to a great extent of the benefit of schools, not being able to procure a suitable teacher On account of insufficiency of funds. "I take the position that one teacher's time is worth as much to them as an- other teacher, without reg-ard to the number of scholars they teach in the pub- lic schools, and the trustees should see that all children are offei-ed the benefit of schooling, and that this is the intention of the law, which was wise in our legislature in so changing it, and now it becomes the duty of the trustees to carry out the law without regard to the whims and complaint of some." The new State superintendent, Hon. John G. Harris, further explains the situation as follows: "It is the duty of the township trustees to establish a sufficient number of schools in their township to meet the necessities of school children according to justice and equity, having reference to the amount of money apportioned to such township, paying to the teacher of each school an amount which will secure continuation of all the schools of both races, the same length of time. " This law confers upon the township trustees the power to contract with teachers at an agreed amount per month for three months or more. The entire amount belonging to each township must be divided among the white schools and colored schools by the trustees. according to 'justice and equity,' not per capita. One teacher may be secured to teach a certain school at one price, while another teacher may be employed to teach a different school at a greater or less sum. Trustees must vise their very best judgment, looking to the highest in- terest of all the children to be taught. The greatest good to the greatest number must govern. Such, in my judgment, is the spirit of the law. ' Equal rights to all, special favors to none.' " The words italicized, " same length of time," are evidently designed to be the watchword under the new order of things. The law only covers the State school fund prop-er. The apportionment of the State poll tax remains as before — poll tax collected from the whites goes to white schools exclusively, ditto colored. Colored education in Alabama. — W. B. Paterson, conductor of colored teachers institutes in Alabama, says in his i-eport to the State superintendent: "The county superintendents and other white citizens attended the sessions of the in- stitute, and showed much interest in the education of the colored race. I find that where a colored teacher is competent and devotes himself strictly to the work of teaching, that he can depend upon the support of the best people of the community. The county superintendents, too, discharge their duty regardless of race, and everywhere they expressed a desire to get the very best teachers pos- sible for the colored schools. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1077 "The colored people arc licing' encouraged to build school-houses, and their white neighbors are contributing liberally towards this object. "These facts are given to make more foi"cible the following statement: The schools are retarded in their jorogress by a want of unity and harmony among the colored people themselves. Desiring to get control of the schools, they are imposed upon by incompetent tsachers, who establish a denominational or ahigh school, with an absurdly long and very illogical course of study, and the means of the people, which migiit be used very profitably to double the public-school term, are wasted. I have reference here only to the efforts made in small towns to build up a college on local patronage at a tuition of $1 per month. It would be good policy for the present to let Talladega College, Selma University, Payne Institute at Selma, and the State normals at Huntsville, Tuskegee, and Mont- gomery attend to the higher education and let the efforts cf the people be di- rected to improving the public schools. Not one-tenth of the pupils entering the above institutions from the public schools are prepared to take up a normal course of study." ARKANSAS. Apportionment of funds between the races in Arliansas. — A statement in the An- nual Report of this Office for 1888-89 was calculated to create an erroneous im- pressiorT as to the distribution of the State school moneys. With reference to this subject State Superintendent Josiah H. Shinn v/rites to the Office : '• The law apportions to all children irrespective of color. Each child in Ar- kansas, black and white, of school age receives the same amount of money by State apportionment. Each county in the State, irrespective of color, gets an amount of money equal to the sum of the amounts given to its children of school age ; or the multiple of the equal pro rata per child into the number of childi^en of school age in the county. The county judge then apportions the fund received from the State in the same way to the districts. Each distriet gets from the State a sum of money in every case equal to the multiple formed by the pro rata into the number of children in the district. "So far the money has been apportioned as though no color line existed. " The money is now in the hands of the county treasurer, subject to the order of the [district] directors. Each district may have three funds, and must have two ; (1) The State apportionment made by the State superintendent ; (2) the poll-tax apportionment made by the county judge; (3) the local tax voted upon the property of the district and paid by the collector to the treasurer of the county for the use of that district alone. "I desire to emphasize this point again. Up to this point in our financial management — the point when the directors are to open the schools— no distinc- tion whatever has been made. It has been a question of cold calculation without one drop of blood. If any discrimination is made now, the fault will lie with the directors. The law requires them to hold separate schools for the races. There is no restriction upon the black man's right to hold the office of school director. In eastern Arkansas in a large majority of the districts the directory is black. Two plans have been adopted by directors, irrespective of color. "1. To hold a three months' school for each color, and as much longer as their proportionate share of the. distriet funds will continue it. This share is deter- mined by taking the ratio of the black and white children of school age, respect- ively, to the whole number of children. "2. To hold two schools of equal length, irrespective of these proportions. "(a) As to the first iDroposition, the division is always more favorable to the colored race than to the white. Where but eight or ten children of either color were to be found in any district a trouble followed in nearly every case. Black directors saw little vise in running a school for less than ten white children ; so did the white ones. The legislature cured this last winter by permitting any number less than ten to transfer to the adjoining district. "(6) The second proposition is on the broadest basis of fairness, and reaches the widest stretch of justice. No more can be claimed. It would be unjust to my fellow-citizens not to say further that the great majority of our school di- rectors follow the second plan. " In the following cities and towns the terms and all the other arrangements are equal: Little Rock, Helena, Marianna, Pine Bluff, Monticello, Lonoke, Camden, Texarkana, Hope, Nashville, Washington, Prescott, Malvern, Conway, Moulton, Newport, Augusta, Russellville, Fort Smith, Van Buren, and Hot Springs." 1078 EDUCATION REPORT, 1889-90. DELAWARE. The colored schools of Delaware. — "There are only 46 [coloi-ed] schoolhouses in the State and 79 schools. Thirty-three of the schools are held either in private houses or churches, mostly the latter. All the schoolhouses occupied have heen built by the coloi-ed people themselves, and some of the buildings are in the last stages of dilapidation. Some of the cchools find it necessary to charge a tuition fee°and others raise funds by subscription in order to secure sufficient money to pay the teacher's salary." Ths State superintendent suggests " that it would be wise to increase the State appropriation to these schools in order that they may be made free schools in fact. If education is a safeguard it would seem to need no argument that the colored schools should be made as efficient as possible." The sum of $6,000 was appropriated for these schools in 1889-'90, or a little over SI for each colored child of school age in the State. FLORIDA. Cc(pacity of colored students — Appreciation of school advantages. — The principal of the Florida State Normal College for Colored Persons reports : "The students are specially drilled in the abstract sciences in which they are the weakest, while their strong linguistic powers are given the fullest exercise. The imperfect at- tainments in the common studies which they bring to the institution are dis- placed by a severe training in the same studies, when they are carried through algebra to quadratics and through several books of geometry. In all these studies they can compete favorably with scholars of similar grade anywhere. In the Latin, the only classic thus far taught, they are carried through several books of Csesar's Commentaries, just enough to give them a proper foimdation to continue the study of the thoughts of the iron-hearted masters of the ancient world after graduation. Although it is less than two years since the senior class began the study of Latin, several of them can now read Csesar with an ease and elegance that would do credit to scholars who have been engaged twice the length of time in studying this language. ' ' The surest test for the appreciation of the race for the school is in the sacri- fices made by pati'Oils in sending and maintaining scholars here, and the eager- ness of the latter to avail themselves of the opportunity offered them for instruc- tion. With limited means or from daily earnings parents send their children to this school from distant parts of the State and meet all the financial engage- ments incident to the education of a young person during the entire session of nine months. Although this is the second year since the school has had dormi- tory halls, not only has every patron met all his obligations, but the demand for more room in the dormitories is restrictsd by our inability to provide for any more new-comers. "The promptness and regularity of attendance at the daily sessions of the school is another proof of high appreciation. No sevei"er punishment for breach of discipline can be inllicted on any of them than to be ordered to leave school for even part of a day. They seem to feel that every day and hour are too pre- ciovs to b3 lost from the prosecution of the purpose for which they have come hither from their homes. This strong regard and attachment for a school but lately established is one of the mcst pleasing features which promise for it, let it be hop^d, a long career of usefulness." GEORGIA. State School Commissioner James S. Hook : "It is due the colored people to say that everywhere in Georgia, as far as they have come v^rithin my observa- tion, they are anxious for improvement, and in proportion as they become in- terested in the schools I note growth in moral sentiment, less interest in parti- san politics, and more anxiety to make themselves useful and respected citizens." The University of Atlanta, as is well known, has, under the provision of the State constitution forbidding the coeducation of whites and colored, forfeited its State grant. Some of the prominent colored educators of the State are set- ting on foot a movement to obtain this suspended grant in order to establish a normal school for training colored teachers. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. 1079 What the county siqyerintendents say. Cratcford County. — Colored schools were well attended, but a decrease in niim- ber of schools, on account of not being able to get tsachers that could make the required percentage in examination. Houston County.— The colored people manifest a great desire to have their children educated ; their schools were kept full and the average attendance was good. The colored children of our county outnumber the whites almost 4 to 1, and all their schools ai'e full to overflowing whenever opened. In some parts of the county the white people are so sparsely settled that it is impossible for them to have schools. Jasper County. — There is not a child of school age in the county, white or black, but what has a schoolhouse conveniently located and can attend school most any kind of weather. Mitchell County. — The colored people of our county are very manifest in their interest of education. Many of our colored schools, if allowed, are crowded be- yond accommodations. Oconee County. — By no means tax the whites to educate the blacks. This has made a •'skeleton " of what otherwise would have been a corpulent and muscular man — a giant [referring to the school system]. Putnam County. — We should have more money, negro or no negro. Something isnacessarily obliged to be done or the whites will not keep up with the darkey. MARYLAND. Tltc colored schools of Maryland. — Dr. .James L. Bryan, school examiner of Dor- chester County, Md., reports as follows : "There is great pleasure and just pride in stating that our colored schools are a credit to our system. When I began my work in this county in 1867 there were no colored schools connected with the public-school system. There were two or thi^ee run by friends outside of the State. The school board of that day made a small appropriation to two of those schools, and gradually increased the amount until the new school law of 1872 placed such schools directly under the control of the school board. Since that day these schools have increased from two or three to forty, and the teachers, compare favorably with the white teachers, considering the poor advantages they have had to make themselves exjiert teachers. With two or three excep- tions these schools occupy houses belonging to the school authorities, built gen- erally for school purposes, and with comfortable furniture, blackboards, etc. One house, in Cambridge, used by colored i)upils, cost nearly $2,500 ; another, in East Newmarket, cost over $1,000. " There is small but a steady increase in the numbers attending the schools, and the. results are quite gratifying. "It is a great credit to the pow'ers that be that this work has been done so well. It is honorable to the authorities, and should dispel all doubts of fairness in the matter of educating this class of our people." And the examiner of Harford County says: "In a number of cases we lack suitable houses and furniture for the colored schools ; but our greatest drawback in this line is an efficient corps of teachers. I do not hesitate to say that I have more difficulty in securing twenty-two suitable colored teachers than one hun- dred and fourteen white ones. I anxiously look forward to the day when we may rely upon the colored normal school of this State for our colored tetichers. "In many cases, too, it is difficult to secure prompt and regular attendance of colored children. Having satisfied their ambition by enrolling their names at school, the very ones most in need of its benefits are the ones mo3t apt to be ab- sent. Recognizing the large factor they have become in some sections, I see no higher duty the State has to perform than to do what she can to educate this large class of her citizens." NORTH CAROLINA. Causes of opposition to negro education. — State Superintendent S. M. Finger, of North Carolina, says ; "There is much opposition to public schools in the State, and in the South generally, because of the small amount of the taxes paid by the negroes. The opposition is intensified by the belief, that is more or less preva- lent, that education spoils the colored people as laborers, to their own damage and the damage of the white people. It is said that when you 'educate a negro you spoil a field hand.' 1080 EDUCATION REPORT, 1889-90. ■ "On this point it may be said with truth that the negro's sudden freedom and citizenship, for which he was unprepared, the privileges of education, and all the new experiences he had at and soon after the war. including much bad lead- ership, completely turned his head, so to speak. Forced labor to him had, dur- ing slavei'y, been his peculiar hardship. In his ignorance he thought the new conditions, and especially the privilege of education, were to relieve him from this curse of labcr. The old negroes v/ent earnestly to work to learn to read. They failed, but attributed their iailvire to lack of early opportunities. But they resolved that they would secure education for their children, and, with this special end in view, the escape from manual labor. The present generation of younger neg'oes has been educated too much with this purpose in view, and, because of this wrong idea, it is true that a smattering of education to many of them has caused idleness and laziness. If education is to be given them in any liberal sense by the State they must show a much higher appreciation of it. They must recognize it not as a means of relief from labor, but as a help to suc- cesSiul labor. "Many of their best teachers are striving now, by precept and example, to connect these wrong ideas as to what education is to do for them, and my earnest advice to school committeemen is that they do not employ teachers who are above manual labor. A man or a woman who depends upon the money he can make by teaching a three or four months school per annum and will not apply himself to some useful labor during the balance of the time is not fit to direct the education of children and should not be employed to teach. " The colored people must not lose sight of the fact that manual labor is the lot of almost all people, white and colored, and that this is now and will be their lot to a la-'ger degree than that of the white people, because of the peculiar con- ditions and circumstances that surround them. The destiny of the negroes of the United States is in their hands, with the powerful help of the white people as they may show themselves worthy of it. Let them pay their taxes and show that education does not spoil them as laborers, at least to any greater degree than it does the whites, but that it does add to their efficiency as laborers and to their usefulness as moral and upright citizens, and all the help they need that the State can, in her financial condition, reasonably afford will be extended them. "The white people must not lose sight of the fact that it is the labor of a country that makes its wealth, and that, therefore, the education and elevation of the children of the laborers is a proper charge upon the property of any country. If Ave did not have the negroes we v/ould have some other poor peo- ple, whose children would have to be educated in the public schools. But, what- ever may be said about educating the negroes, we can not afford not to improve our educational facilities, whether we consider our financial condition and progress or the perpettiation of our civil and religious liberties. " If it is said that we are too poor, then I reply that the way to get rich is to ediicate our people intellectvially and industrially, so that they may be able suc- cessfully to apply labor to the development of our many resources. The history of the world points out this way, and we can not fail if we walk in it. With good schools in the country districts there will be less incentive for the country people to crowd into the cities and towns to educate their children, much of the discontent and restlessness will disappear, and better success will attend their labors." TENNESSEE. . Seports of Tennessee county superintendents. Marshall County : Our colored schools are improving very fast. At their in- stitute this year there was an increase of teachers and an inci'ease in interest. All of them seem to be striving for an education, and we have some very bright minds in the colored race. McNairy County : I have held four institutes — three for the whites and one for the colored. They were all well attended. We had some excellent workers at the normal institute at Purdy in June. I have the colored teachers better organized than the whites. Morgan County : There are only forty-seven colored population, and they are promiscuously scattered along the railroads ; hence no colored schools. Tipton County : There seems nothing at present that promises to discourage the advancement of the public schools in this county further than that there is a growing disposition on the part of the white people of the county, who pay EDUCATION OF THE COLOIIED EACE. 1081 ninety-five one-hundredtlis of the taxes, to discontinue the iiublic education of the *• brother in black,'" who, notwithstanding the fact that he pays less than five one-hundredths of the taxes of our county, receives more than 50 per cent of the ijublic-fcchool moneys. This, the white people argue, is wrong, and should be remedied ; and 1 heartily agree with them, and join them also, in the further opinion that the negro should bear the burden of his own education. Wayne County : Our colored schools are progressing very well. We have some very good teachers among the colored population of our county. They are creating quite an enthusiasm among their race of people for education. " Wc can build our ouii schoolhouses.'' — The New York Age (edited by a colored man): Vast sums have been given by philanthropists to sustain such moral, re- ligious, and intellectual work in the Southern States as are usually supplied from tlie general tax funds of the State affected and by the charity of the benevolently disjoosed citizens of such State. The past and the present generations of Afro- Americans have, therefore, been educated to look to the Federal Government for the protection usually afforded to the citizen by the State in which he resides and which does not inhere at all in the Federal authority as one of its conceded rights ; and, worse yet, they have been educated to look to others to think and do for them to- such an extent that self-reliance has been hampered in its devel- opment, so that if we want money for educational, religious, or other laudable pur- poses, we appeal too often to white men or to the Federal Government, instead of x-elying upon ourselves for it and working in combination and cooperation to secure it as others do. We can build our own churches and colleges and school- houses, and support them, if we would do so, out of the money wasted by us upon unnecessary pleasures and upon downright humbug ; and we have got to do it in the not remote futvu-e, because the opinion is steadily gaining vantage that we are getting old enough to stand upon our own heels in this matter of self-help. II.— SECONDARY AND HIGHER EDUCATION. OCCUPATIONS OF GRADUATES. The question is sometimes asked. What does the colored man do after com- pleting a regular course in one of the universities or colleges'? In order to an- swer this question somewhat definitely, a table has been prepared showing upon what lines of business the graduates of 17 institutions reporting this item had entered. These 17 institutions represent very fairly the work of the colored schools. Howard University is not included in this statement, as a considerable portion of its graduates are white. The first thing to attract attention is the large number engaged in teaching, more than one-half being thus employed. As these institutions were mainly founded to supply the demand for competent colored teachers and preachers, they seem to have well accomplished their purpose. The whole number of graduates of these 17 institutions is 1,542. If from this number we subtract 82 deceased, 46 engaged in post-graduate studies, 97 married women, and 74 not reported, of the remaining 1,243 there are 720, or 58 per cent, engaged in teaching, 27 of these being professors in colleges and universities. Of pi'eachers there are 117, or 9 per cent ; of lawyers, 116 ; doctors, 163. Five have their whole time em- ployed as editors of papers, while othei'S are partly engaged in editing. There are 36 in the United States Government service, employed as clerks in the de- partments at Washington, as postmasters, as custom-house insx^ectors. as mail- carriers, etc. Although in all of the institutions given in the list, without exception, instruc- tion was given in different kinds of industrial work, such as carpentry, tinning, painting, brickmaking, plastering, shoemaking, tailoring, blacksmithing, farm- ing, gardening, etc., and in many of them special attention was given to such in- struction: still out of the 1,243 graduates only 12 arefarmei^s, only 1 a carpenter, and 2 mechanics. The painters, tinners, brick-makers, shoemakers, plasterers, tailors, and blacksmiths seem to have graduated from their trades when they left their alma mater. It should not be inferred, however, that their handicraft availed them nothing, for it is frequently stated in the catalogues that those gradu- ates who are engaged in teaching so long as the school term continues immediately enter upon their trades at the close of the term. The evidence of the table, however, is that a full collegiate education tends to draw away the colored stu- dent from the class of pursuits mentioned and to lead him into professional work ; and as greater opportunities ai-e annually being offered him for medical and legal education the number in these professions is yearly increasing. 1082 EDUCATION REPORT, 1889-90. •3SnOT[ (M m t> 05rt '^ C3N ■" 15 00 & •pai^'^s aoN in til CI i 1 w ffj m a -ICS CO T-ll-l •sjms.inc[a8n^0 CO «0 CO ^ 1-1 rl 1 ; lin O CO •sjnopnis a^i'Bnp'Bif) N rjl CO CO M M £, o 51^ CO 'Jl •sj.atiD;nfr ; CO i i i CO ■soun3ii09]A[ -> -- i ; N ■si9;uiJcI T-1 -" : C-! •si8d83J]:40og - - -1 «o 00 ■sja^uodano " '^ •sjaraju^g: CO c> o ^ \ CM •sin'BT[Oj.aM Oi^T-l -'-^ -■ rHi-iM in ■sjoiipa 1 Icj i 1 i 51 -' in •s.iossajo.id eSsnoo (N rt M ?J 1 ICl rH,-l 53 o ^ ■S.IOlAl'S'l in 0} CJ tH I lO ^ ^ O-! CO CO •SITOTOTS^UsI -)< -Hoooin '-I •sjaqo'Goj;, oocococn^ooc^coin^icic^cooc;!?^ S,! ^ r-, CO O 00 :0 -rt >-. S-! rj XT lO CO CO CO ■pesTisoaa Ci05QOCOCGCOy3WG:j C-!CO T^.- i 5 'S O ® !> e c2 1 < c hi 03 O o £ -OJ t/ 2 a "a O > •r- C3 a O a> o a o CO a '< 61 a o O xi -1- 1 u pa c; '.= Ph (D a P 0) a > P r-i Hi b! O K P .5 y. a f~^ OJ c3 1 5 P o •"P 03 (B r- +3 o c3 pj 'a P o ij )^ '5 ;-< CI p t) +3 b m a P 5 < ■t-3 P3 « P M .1 +^ CO r- 'd P! 1— ( S ■u 0) fcj: 0) m o 3 o •rH CD CD i> •iH d P CD O U a EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1083 COLLEGIATE STUDENTS. The number of universities and colleges for the education of the colored race given in the tables of 1889-90 is 22, with an attendance of 811 students. The number of institutions is the same as reported in 1888-89, but in the number of students there is quite a reduction. This reduction is owing to the fact that students in the preparatory departments have been classed under the list ol in- stitutions foj" secondary instruction. It is well known that in many of the colored univer^^ities and colleges there are only a dozen or so of student? iia the college grade, while there are, perhaps, S3veral hundred in the preparatory and primary grades. To include the latter among university and college students would be misleading. On this point President Horac3 Bumstead, of Atlanta University, says: "It is a mistake to suppose that the higher education of the colored people is being overdone. There is a very grave misapprehension on that point among the goad people of our land. We have so many institutions in the South that are named universities and colleges that the idea prevails that all the students in these in- stitutions are learning Latin and Greek and the higher mathematics and getting in general the higher education. This is not s.o. Dr. Haygood a few years ago investigated this matter with some care and arrived at the conclusion that in these institutions with the high-sounding names not over 5 par cent of the pu- pils are really getting a strictly 'higher education.' Commissioner Harris thinks there may be as many as 10 per cent, but even that is a very small i^ro- portion. ''Take Atlanta University, for instance. We have had this last year about 600 students enrolled, whose names are printed in our catalogue. How many of these are getting the higher education"? Just 20 of them are in the college course; .51 more are in the college pi-eparatory course ; 71 out of 600 are getting the higher education, and this is probably a larger proportion than can be found in almost any other institution in the South. When one remembers the comparatively small number of the colored people who are in these schools and then considers the small proportion of those in them who are getting the higher education it does not seem as though the thing were being overdone." In 1888-89 the number of institutions for secondary instruction was 53 and the number of students 11,480; in 1889-90 the number of institutions was 71 and of students 12,420, an increase of about 1,000. This increase is to be accounted for, to some extent, in the same way as the decrease in the number of university and college students, viz, the including college pi'cpai-atory students in the tables of secondaz*y institutions. Hence, although there was apparently a decrease in the number of collegiate students, it was only an apparent one ; but at the same time the actual number given is so small that it may well serve to stimulate the friends of colored educa- tion to renewed eilorts in their behalf. In the number of theological students there v/as apparently a decrease, but there was an increase of about one- third in the number of both law and medical students. The value of the grounds and buildings of the 22 universities and colleges, as reported, was over $2,700,000, but only a few of them had any endowment fund, the endowment funds of all of them only aggregating $807,425. Benefactions to the amount of $167,591 wei-e received during the year. Only three of them re- ceived any State aid — Southei'n University. New Orleans, $7,500; Wilberforce University, Ohio, $6,000 ; and Claflin University, South Carolina, $10,800. The tuition fees received by all of them only aggregated $47,216. Without the aid extended by missionary societies and other benevolent funds they would have labored imder great difficulties. The American Missionary Association was one of the largest contributors towards the support of these schools. It gave help to six chartered institutions— Fisk University, Atlanta University, Talladega Col- lege, Tougaloo University, Straight University, Tillotson Normal Institute — with 2,871 students in all the departments ; also to 21 normal and graded schools, with 5,797 students, and to 53 common schools, with 4,727 pupils. The Freadmen's Aid and Southern Education Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church also contributed a large amount towards the education of the colored race, but it is impossible to determine the amount accurately, as the expenditures for institu- tions of the white race and for ministers' salaries are included in the same ac- counts with those for colored schools. The whole amount disbursed from the Slater fund from 1883 to 1891, inclusive, was $321,991. 1084 EDUCATION REPORT, 1883-SO. The apportiomnont among the institutions rocoivinj Slater fund in 1889-90 was as follows : aid from the John F. i,oso 460 GDO 800 1,000 1,100 500 700 Mount Hermon Female Institute, Clin- ton, Miss.. $1,000 New Orleans University, New Orleans, La Paul Quinn OoUesje, Waco, Tex Payne Institute, Augtista, G a Philander Smith College, Little Rock, Ark . Roger Williams University, Nashville, Tenn _ Rust University, Holly Springs, Miss . . Schofielcl Normal Institute, Aiken, S, C Scotia Female Seminary, Concord, N.C Shavv^ University, Raleigh, N. C 1,800 Spelman Female Seminary, Atlanta, Ga _ _ !_.. 2,000 State Normal School, Montgomery, Ala 1, 100 State Normal School, Tuskegee, Ala... 1,000 Straight University, Nevi^ Orleans, La . 1, SOO Talladega College, Talladega, Ala 1,400 Tillotson Institute, Au&tin, Tex 900 Tougaloo University, Tougaloo, Miss. . 1, 500 Training School, Knoxville, Tenn 600 To special objects 500 Total 43,910 Atlanta University, Atlanta, Ga SI, 600 Ballard Normal School, Macon, Ga 500 Benedict Institute, Columbia, S, O 1,000 Biddle University, Charlotte, N. C 1, 000 Brainerd Institute, Chester, S. C 700 Central Tennessee College, Nashville, Tenn 1,100 Claflin University, Orange bm-g, S. C . . . 1, 800 Clark University, Atlanta, Ga. (general appropriation)-.. 1,800 Clark University, Atlanta, Ga. (special . appropriation) 3,200 Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn 1, 800 Gilbert Seminary, Winsted, La 800 Hampton Institute, Hampton, Va. (general appropriation). 1,500 Hampton Institute, Hampton, Va. (special appropriation)... 1,000 Hartshorn Memorial Institute, Rich- mond, Va 650 Jackson College, Jackson, Miss 800 Jacksonville Graded School, Jackson- ville, Fla 800 Leonard Medical School, Raleigh, N. O. 500 Le Moyne Institute, Memphis, Tenn ... 1, 300 Livingstone College, Salisbury, N. C. . . 700 Meharry Medical College, Nashville, Tenn 1,000 The sum of $47,428.27 was received from the income of the Daniel Hand fund, and was used in extending- aid to deserving- and promising- students, in provid- ing good school buildings at different places, and in securing teachers foi' places where they could not otherwise he obtained. The Daniel Hand fund at the time it was granted consisted of interest-bearing securities to the amount of $1,000,894.25. It was j)laced in charge ol the Ameri- can Missionary Association, and only the income of it is to be used. The bonds and property are " to be received and held by said American Missionary Associ- ' ation xipon trust, and for the following purposes, viz : To safely manage the said trust fund, to change investments whenever said association may deem it neces- sary or advisable, to reinvest the principal of said trust fund in such securities, property, and investments as said association may deem best, and to use the in- come thereof only for the education of colored people of African descent resid- ing in the recent slave States of the United States of America hereinbefore specified. " Such income to be applied for the education of such eoloi-ed people as are needy and indigent, and such as by their health, strength, and vigor of body and mind give indications of efficiency and usefulness in after life." In December, 1891, at his home in Guilford, Conn., occurred the death of Mr. Daniel Hand, the donator of the above fund, who with intelligent foresight gave from the living hand that which probably for years to come will confer its bene- fits upon deserving youth. ^ 1 "Daniel Hand was born in Madison, Conn., July 16, 1801, and was therefore in the eighty- eighth year of his age when he made his gift for the education of the colored people at the South. His ancestors resided in that town for several generations, and were aUvays landholders, in- dustrious, quiet, and respectable. To this ancestry Mr. Hand is probably indebted under God lor his physical vigor, long life, strength of charp^cter, and success in business. He was the fourth son of seven, and was on the farm under his father's direction until he was 16 years of age, when he was put in charge of his second brother, Augustus F. Hand, who was then a merchant at Augusta, Ga., and whom he succeeded in business. In 1854 Mr. Hand went to New York in connection with his Southern biisiness, and remained there in that capacity until the beginning of the war in 18C1. He resided in some portion of the Southern Confederacy during the entire war, and was never treated with violence in any way, and no Confederate officer ever offered him indignity or even an unkind word. "Mr. George W. Williams, a native Georgian, was, at about the age of 16, employed by Mr. Hand as a clerk in Augusta, and in a few years was tj^,ken in as partner. Mr. Williams sug- gested a branch of the business in Charleston, and conducted it successfully. When the war came on Mr. Hand's capital was largely engaged in the Chai'leston business, which Mr. Wil- liams, as a Southern man, continued, having the use of Mr. Hand's capital, which the Confed- .erate government vainly endeavored to conflscate by legal proceedings against Mr. Hand as a Northern man of pronounced antislavery sentiments. After the war Mr. Hand came North and left it to his old partner, Mr. Williams, to adjust the business and make up the accounts, allow- ing him almost unlimited time for so doing. When this was accomplished Mr. Williams came North and paid over to Mr. Hand his portion of the long-invested capital and its accumulations. "Mr. Hand, having been early deprived by death of wife and children, decided to devote a share of his large fortune to benevolent purposes. At one time he intended to make bequests to some Northern colleges, but at length, recalling the fact that his property was accumulated In the South, and knowing so well the needs of the ignorant negroes, he turned his attention to them. "The well-known and magnificent gift of $1,000,894.25, October 24, 1888, to the American Mis- sionary Association, for the benefit of the colored people of the Southern States, was the re- sult.' EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1085 George B. Smith College. Sedalia, Mo.— On March 27, 1888, two daughters of Gen. George R. Smith, Madams Smith and Cotton, donated 25 acres of land, valued at $25,000, in Sedalia, Mo., for the establishment of an institution of learn- ing for the colored race, on condition that a $25,000 building should be erected on it by January 1. 1892. The building was partially erected within the required time, but the donors kindly extended the time to January 1, 18i>4. As the insti- tution is to be in charge of the Freedmen's Aid and Southern Education Society of the M. E. Church, it will very probably be completed within the required time. It will be the first institution of higher grade in Missouri for colored people. INDUSTRIAL TRAINING. In nearly all, if not all, of the institutions for the secondary and higher edu- cation of the colored race of the South industrial training forms a very im- portant part. It is one of the conditions required before aid can ba received from the John F. Slater fund. The cost of its introduction was very consider- able, in the purchase of sufBcient grounds, in the erection of suitable buildings, and securing the necessary machinery and apparatus for the different kinds of work. And not only was its introduction expensive, but its maintenance as well, for it has not been the pvu'pose to make i^rofits, or even in many cases to meet expenses, but to impart the largest amount of useful and practical knowl- edge and to train in habits of carefulness, diligence, and order. But at the same time many indigent students wei'e instructed in branches of industry by which they weve soon able to contribute largely towards defraying their ex- penses, and afterwards to earn a good livelihood. It was found, too, that the phys- ical exercise and the temporary mental diversion from studies was very conducive to health and vigor and was a source of enjoyment to students, while it in no way hindered progress in their studies. It also indicated that hard labor on the farm or in the workshop was not to be confined to the ignorant, poverty-stricken wretch, but that there was nothing in it inconsistent with an educated, progres- sive. Christian character. As to industrial training. Dr. A. G. Haygood, general agent of the Slater fund, says : "The essential goodness of industrial training in connection with the ordi- nary school training is now universally admitted by experienced and practical people. In the schools aided by the Slater fund during the school year 1889-90 as many as ten thousand young people were taught in books and in some branch of useful industries. This sort of training is vital now. Mere book schooling with poor and illitera,te people breeds wants faster than it develops the ability to provide for them. The outcome is misery. Tool-craft helps to realize the aspi- rations that book learning inspires." Table 4. — Amount and distribution of the sums disbursed from the Slater fund, from 1SS3 to 1891, inclusive. states. 1883. ?3, 100 Alabama..... Arkansas .,.., Floi'ida „.. Georgia ...._„ I 6,200 Kentucky Louisiana ^..J Mississippi 1,000 Nor t h Carolina _ . . 2, 000 South Carolina ... 2, 000 Tennessee P50 Texas i Virginia | 2,000 District of Colum- bia. .....| Special Totals 16,250 $3,450 500 1,000 592 2,000 740 750 4,325 eoo 2,000 1,C00 550 1885. $5,000 17, 107 6,814 1,000 1,400 2,000 4,400 3, 500 7,600 600 3,000 1,000 450 36,764 1886. $3,800 5,100 700 1,000 2,000 3,600 2,700 5,800 600 3,650 600 450 1887. $4,400 600 30, 000 6,200 700 3,100 4,450 4,200 3,660 6,500 900 4,190 600 500 40, 000 1888. $4. 600 800 1,000 6,850 700 3,500 4,800 5,300 4,300 6,500 1,360 4,190 600 500 45,000 1889. $3, 600 800 800 9,700 4,100 4,400 5,100 4,000 6,800 1,360 3,150 500 44, 310 1890. 1891. $3,600 800 800 9,700 $4,900 1,000 1,0C0 10,500 3,100 4,400 4,700 4,000 6,800 1,360 3,150 500 42, 910 3,700 5,300 5,700 5,000 7,400 1,500 3,150 500 49, 650 Total. $34,450 4,000 3,600 61,564 4,100 20,492 30, 9.50 35, 740 29, 910 52, 675 8,280 28, 480 3,800 3,950 321,991 1086 EDUCATION REPORT, 1889-90. Table 5. — Distrihution of money derived from Daniel Hand fund in 1889-90. Alabama : Student aid ... _ S3. 592. 85 Teachers 4,100.55 Buildings 728.21 — $7,421.61 Florida: Teachers 1,037.66 Georgia: Student aid 2,116.44 Buildings 7, 1.54. 03 Kentucky : Student aid 86.95 Teachers , 1,258.58 Louisiana: Student aid 2,000.00 Building 5,460.44 9, 271. 03 1,345.53 , 4G0. 44 Mississippi: Student aid $2,100.00 Teachers... 1,088.20 Buildings 1,-500.00 North Carolina : Studencaid.. 772.00 Teachers 3,564.44 Buildings 400.00 South Carolina: Student aid.. Building $4, 688. 20 115.00 ,719.91 Tennessee: Student aid 2, 058. 67 Teachers.. 1,173.75 Virginia : Teacher . 7, 834. 91 3, S33. 42 400. 00 Total 47,428.27 Table 6. — Statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored roxe,for 1889-90. Location. Name. Religious denomina- tion. In- struct- ors. Stu- dents. Huntsville, Ala Do Mohile, Ala.. '. Montgomery, Ala ... Talladega, Ala Tuskegee, Ala Little Rock, Ark Pine Bluff, Ark.... Washington, D. C . Do. Tallahassee, Fla... Atlanta, Ga.. Augusta, Ga New Orleans, La . . Do. Holly Springs, Miss.. Jackson, Miss Tougaloo. Miss Ashboro, N. C Fayetteville, N. C... Fran.klinton, N. C Goldsboro, N. C Plymouth, N. C Salisbury, N. C Do_ Aiken, S. C Charleston, S. C Greenwood, S. C Knox ville, Tenn Memphis, Tenn Morristown, Tenn Nashville. Tenn NORMAL SCHOOLS. Central Alabama Academy State Colored Normal and Industrial School . Emerson Institute * State Normal School for Colored Students.. Normal Department of Talladega College*.. Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute.. Normal Department of Philander Smith College. Branch Normal College of Arkansas Indus- trial University. Miner Normal School Normal Department of Howard University. State Normal College for Colored Teachers. Normal Department of Atlanta University.. The Paine Institute Normal Department of New Orleans Uni- versity. Normal Department of Stra,ight University. Mississippi State Colored Normal School... Jackson College Normal Department of Toiigaloo University. Ashbcro Normal School — State Colored Normal School do do... do .do. Do. Do. Austin, Tex Hempstead, Tex . Hampton, Va Petersburg, Va Harper'sFerry,W.Va Normal Department of Livingstone College. Schofield Normal and Industrial School Avery Normal Institiite Brewer Normal School Training School of Knoxvllle College Le Moyne Normal Institute Morris"town Normal Academy Normal Department of Central Tennessee College. Normal Department of Fisk University Normal Department of Roger Williams Uni- versity. Tillotson Collegiate and Normal Institute... Prairie View State Normal School Hampton Normal and Agricultural Insti- tute. Virginia Normal and Collegiate Institute ... Storer College . Coloi'ed normal students in various North- ern schools. M.E Nonsect. Con.g Nonsect. Cong.... Nonsect. M.E Nonsect... Nonsect... Nonsect... Nonsect... Nonsect... M.E. So... M.E Nonsect.. Nonsect.. Bapt Cong Friends .. Noirsect-. Nonsect.. Nonsect-. Nonsect.. Nonsect . A. M. E. Z Cong.... Cong.... Nonseci; Cong M.E M.E Cong Bapfc Cong Nonsect Cong Nonsect Nonsect. Total . * In 1888-89. a In all the departments. 5 5 10 al8 15 126 a836 35 225 13 176 40 136 10 81 50 36 59 75 263 33 86 140 137 115 47 119 33 185 260 300 37 155 201 21 37 231 138 559 320 176 144 6,201 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE, 1087 Table G. — Statistks of insi Hut ions for thcinstniction of the colored race, for 1889-90 — Coutinued. Location. Athens. Ala Prattville, Ala Selma, Ala Talladega, Ala- -- Little Rock, Ark Washington, D. C... Jacksonville. Fla. Key West, Fla.... Live Oak, Fla .... Athens, Ga Do - Do Atlanta, Ga Do Do. Do Cave Spring, Ga... La Grange, Ga Macon, Ga Thomasville, Ga .. Waynesboro, Ga . . Berea. Ky Lexington, Kv New Castle. Ky ... Williamsburg, Ky Alexandria, La New Iberia, La New Orleans, La . . Do Do Do Do. Winsted. La Baltinioi'e, Md ... Clinton, Miss Holly Springs, Miss.. Meridian, Miss Tongaloo. Miss. Beaulort, N. C Blowing Rock, N. C. Charlotte, N, C Concord, N. C Greensbpro, N. C . Raleigh, N. C Salisbury, N. C . . . Winton, N. C South New Lime, Ohio Wilberforce, Ohio Lincoln University, Pa. Oxford, Pa Charleston, S. C ■._ Chester S. O Columbia, S.C Do Progmore, S. C... Orangeburg, S. C . Bolls, Tenn Knoxville. Tenn... Mason. Tenn Morristown, Tenn. INSTITUTIONS FOR SECONDARY INSTRUC- TION. . Trinity School Prattville Male and Female Academy Preparatory Department of Selma Unlvex'- sity. Talladega College Preparatory Department of Philander Smith College. Preparatory Department of Howard Uni- versity. Co ok ni an I n s t i t u t e Convent of Mary Immaculate Florida Institute Jewel Normal School Knox Institute Pierce Chapel* Atlanta Baptist Seminary _ Preparatory Department of Atlanta Uni- versity. Preparatory Department of Clark Univer- sity. Spelman Seminary. Mercer Female Seminary*... La Grange Academy Ballard Normal School Industrial Institute Haven Academy Preparatory Departmtjnt of Berea College.. Lexington Colored Normal School* Christian Bible .School Williamsburg Colored Academy* Alexandria Academy _ Motint Carmel Convent La Harps Academy Preparatory Department of Leland Uni- versity. Preparatory Department of New Orleans University. Preijaratory Department of Southern Uni- versity. Preparatory Department of Straight Uni- versity. Gilbert Academy Morgan College Mt. Hermon I^'emale Seminary Prep.iratory Department of Rust University. Meridian Academy Tougaloo University Washbuiii Seminary Colored Academy Preparatory Department of Biddle Univer- sity. Scotia Seminr„ry Bennett Seminary Preparatory Department of Shav,' University Preparatory Department of Living-st on Uni- versity. • Chowan Academy Nevr Lime Institute Preparatory Department of Wilberforce University. Preparatoi-y Department of Lincoln Uni- versity. Oxford Academy Wallingford Academy Brainerd Institute Benedict Institute Preparatory Department of Allen Univer- sity. Penn Industrial and Normal School Prei)aratory Department of Clafliu Univer- sity. Bells Male and Female Academy. Knoxville College _ West Tennessee Preparatory School* Morristov.m Seminary and Normal Institute *Inl888-89. Religious denomina- tion. Cong Nonsect. Bapt Cong . M.E.. Nonsect M.E. Cath. Bapt Bapt Nonsect. M.E. Bapt Bapt . Cong Non.se c Cong . . Christ. Cong . . Bapt . M.E. Nonsect.. Cong M.E M.E Nonsect. M.E M.E Cong . Cong . Pi'csb Presb M.E Bapt A. M. E. Z Bapt In- struct- ors. A. M. E . Presb .. Nonsect. Pi'esb ... Bapt ... A.. M, E . Nonsect. M. E .... Nonsect.. U. Presb . M.E ME. 1088 EDUCATION REPORT, 1889-90. Table 6. — Statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race, for 1889-90- Continued. Location. Nashville, Tenn . Do. Do. Hearne, Tex... Marshall, Tex . Do Waco. Tex Walnut, Tex... Norfolk, Va ... Richmond, Va . Do........ Selma, Ala Little Rock, Ark Washington, D.C ... Atlanta, Ga = Do. Berea.Ky.- New Orleans, La Do Do Do....... Holly Springs, Miss. Rodney, Miss Charlotte, N.C , Raleigti,N.C , Salisbury, N. C Wilber f or ce, Ohio Lincoln "University, Pa. Columbia, S. C ... Orangeburg, S. C ... Nashville, Tenn ..... Do. Do. In anao. INSTITUTIONS FOR SECONDARY INSTRUC- TION— Continued. Preparatory Department of Central Tennes- see College. Preparatory Department of Fisk University Preparatory Department of Roger Williams University. Hearne Academy Bishop College. Wiley University Paul Quinn College Central College Norfolk Mission School Moore Street Industrial School Hartshorn Memorial College _ _ , Colored pupils attending various other sec- ondary schools. Total ._ , UNIVERSITIES AND COLI^EGES. ( Selma University Philander Smith College... Howard University Atlanta University... Clark University Berea College. Leland Univer.sity New Orleans University Southern University Straight University Rust University Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege. Biddle University Shaw University Livingstone College Wilberf orce University Lincoln University Selma, Ala .„ Talladega, Ala Tuscaloosa, Ala Little Rock, Arl= Washington, D. G . Do ,., Atlanta, Ga Do New Orleans, La., Do Do Holly Springs, Miss Charlotte, N.C Raleigh, N. C Do All en University Claflin University Ceil tral Tennessee College ^ Fisk University Roger V," illiams University Colored students attending various North- ern universities and colleges. Total . SCHOOLS OF THEOLOGY. Theological Department of Selma Univer- sity. Theological Department of Talladega Col- lege. Institute for Training Colored Ministers Theological Department of Philander Smith College. Theological Department of Howard Univer- sity. V/ayland Seminary Atlanta Seminary Ga.mmon Theological Seminary , Gilbert Haven School of Theology (New Or- leans University). Theological Department of Leland Univer- sity. Theological Department of Straight Univer- sity. Theological Department of Rust University Theological Department of Biddle Univer- sity. Theological Department of St. Augustine's Normal School. Theological Department of Shaw Univer- sity, a Students in preparatory departments are not included here, Religious denomina- tion. In- struct- ors. M. E. Cong Bapt Bapt Bapt M. E , A.M. E... Nonsect- U. Presb . Bapt Bapt M.E Nonsect Nonsect M.E Nonsect. Bapt M.E Nonsect Coug M.E Nonsect. Presb... Bapt A. M. E . . A. M.E.. Presb ... A. M. E . M.E.... M.E.... Cong ... Bapt ... Bapt . Cong. Presb M.E... Nonsect Bapt , Bapt M.E-, M.E., Bapt ., Cong., M.E.., Presb P. E.. Bapt . 6122 Stu- dents. See Secondary schools. 6 Many of these gave instruction to students in the preparatory departments also. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1089 Table G. — Statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colorcdrace, for lSSO-90 — Continued. Location. Name, Religious denomina- tion. In- struct- ors. "Vvilbcrforce, Ohio... Lincoln University, Pa. Columbia, S. C Do Orangeburg, S. C Nashville, Tenn Do Do Richmond, Va Washington, D. C Raleigh, N. C Wilber force, O Columbia, S. C Nashville, Tenn Washington, D. C. New Orleans, La . . Raleigh, N. C Nashville, Tenn... Littlo Rock, Ark Do St. Augustine, Fla.. Cave Spring, Ga Macon, Ga Danville, Ky Louisville, Ky Baltimore, Md Jackson, Miss Raleigh, N. C Cedar Spring, S. C. Knoxville, Tenn ED 00 SCHOOLS OF THEOLOGY— continued. Theological Department of Wilberfotce Uni- versity. Theological Department of Lincoln Univer- sity. Benedict Institute Theological Department of Allen University. Parker Theological Institute Theological Department of Central Tennes- see College. Theological Department of Fisk University. Theological Department of Roger Williams University. Richmond Theological Seminary A.M. E. Presb .. Bapt ... A. M. E . M.E.... M.E.... Colored students in theological schools de- signed for whites. Cong.. Bapt.. Bapt . . Total SCHOOLS OF LAW. Law Department of Howai'd University Law Department of Shaw University Law Department of Wilberforce University. Law Department of Allen University Law Department of Central Tennessee Col- lege. Colored students attending law schools de- signed for whites. Total SCHOOLS OF MEDICINE, DENTISTRT, AND PHARMACY. Hov/ard University : Medical Department _ Pharmaceutical Department Dental Department Medical Department of New Orleans Univer- sity. Leonard Medical College, of Shaw Univer- sity. Central Tennessee College: Meharry Medical Department Dental Department Pharmaceutical Department Colored students attending schools designed for v^^hitcs. Total SCHOOLS FOB THE DEAF AND DUMB AND THE BLIND. Arkansas School for the Blind (colored de- partment ) . Arkansas Institute for Deaf Mutes Florida Institute for the Deaf and the Blind. Georgia Institute for the Deaf and Dumb (colored department). Georgia Academy for the Blind (colored de- partment). Kentiicky Institution for the Education of Doaf Mutes (colored department). Kentucky Institution for the Education of the Blind (colored department). Maryland School foi- Colored Blind and Deaf "Mutes. Institution for Education of the Deaf (col- ored department) . North Carolina Institution for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind (colored department). South Carolina Institution for the Educa- tion of the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind (colored department). • Tennessee School for the Deaf and Dumb (colored department). a Instructors in both white and colored depari -G9 fl6 a\Q 017, c9 5 «S alO «5 filO ments. 1090 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1889-80. Table G. — Statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race, 1SS9-90 — Continued. Location. Name. Religious denomina- tion. In- struct- ors. Stu- dents. Nashville, Tenn SCHOOLS FOB THE DEAF AND DUMB AND THE BLIND — continued. Tennessee School for the Blind (colored de- partment). Institution for Deaf and Dumb and Blind Colored Youth. Colored students in various institutions de- signed lor whites. Total clO 2 14 Austin, Tex . Co DO 109 4£3 a Instructors in both white and colored departments. Table T. — Summary of statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race, for 1SS9~90. states. Enrollment in common schools. Nor mal schools. Institut] ary ons for -second- instruction. Schools. Teach- ers. Pupils. Schools. Teach- ers. Pupils. 115, 490 59, 468 4,656 13,333 37, 281 150, 702 54,716 a 48, 137 36, 372 176, 541 32, 804 116,689 6 2 53 4 1,600 189 4 1 15 2 617 28 District of Columbia Florida 2 1 19 3 6 176 10 131 1 3 12 4 8 1 4 5 15 75 25 C3 10 27 . 40 273 Georgia 2, G7S S58 2 95 2,293 1.51 "^ 14 371 701 North Carolina 7 ■ 21 677 8 6 7 5 3 23 16 7 35 50 33 14 1,003 Ohio 270 Pennsylvania .. 140 South Carolina Tennessee 111,888 99, 009 101,471 122, 059 e,S29 1 T 21 13 51 8 745 672 336 879 176 144 1,076 1,169 Texas . 596 Virginia 341 Other states 83 Total 1,289,014 39 -.253 6,201 71 415 12, 4)20 - a In 1889. Table 8. — Summary of statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race, for 1889-90. States. Universities and col- leges. Schools of theology. Schools of law. Schools. Teach- ers. Pupils. Schools. Teach- ers. Pupils. Schools. T|-^-Pupils. 1 1 1 1 4 2 3 1 1 2 3 5 3 6 12 9 19 11 17 6 10 10 14 9 12 25 33 38 102 107 7 96 30 ,92 3 1 2 S 3 10 7 64 20 80 122 District of Columbia 1 5 29 Kentiicky 3 1 3 1 1 3 3 1 7 4 7 4 7 6 5 4 56 26 71 18 25 69 73 64 46 1 Mississippi ::::::::! :::::::: N or th Carolina Ohio 1 1 1 3 8 3 Pennsylvania South Carolina.. Tennessee „ 1 1 1 9 8 Other States 238 6 Total 23 130 811 24 71 734 5 11 63 EDUCATION OF THE COLOKED RACE. 1091 Table 9. — Summary of statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race, for 1889-00. States. Schools of medicine. Schools for the deaf and dumb and the blind. Schools. Teachers. Pupils. Schools. JTeachers. Pupils. Arkansas .. 2 15 23 District of ColumMa 1 1 10 j 121 1 2 10 26 11 1 50 63 Louisiana 1 4 11 Maryland .. .. ..-. 1 1 1 . 1 1 5 8 10 5 48 Mississippi 18 North Carolina Soutii Carolina .. . .... 1 7 44 56 23 Tennessee 1 5.'5 71 20 ' 36 Texas ... 2 65 Other States 63 96 Total 4 52 310 14 , 109 483 Table 10.— Number of schools for the colored race andenrolhnent in them hy institu- tions ivithout reference to States. Class of institutions Schools. Enroll- ment. Public schools Normal schools Institutions for secoudai-y instruction Universities and colleges Schools of theology Schools of law Schools of medicine Schools for the deal' and dumb and the blind Total . 1,289,944 6, 201 12, 420 811 734 63 310 l,iilO,Wl NEED OF GREATER ACCOMMOD.\TIONS. The number of (students in the colleges and schools for secondary instruction of the colored race does not show the ra])id increase from year to year which would naturally be expected, when we consider the large number of children that have been attsnding the common schools, many of whom should now be qualified for entering higher institutions. But an examination of the reports of colored schools and of journals devoted to colored education soon discloses one reason why there is not the increase expected, viz, the vv^antof accommodations for more students. Many of the colored schools of higher grade are already badly overcrowded ; some of them are so crowded as to seriously endanger the health of the studentsand htmdreds of others have been refused admission on account of want of room, whilo others still have not applied because they already knew there was no place for them. Very fevi^ new schools of the higher grades are established for colored students, as the colored people themselves have not the means for doing so, and the missionary societies generally content themselves with sustaining or a.t least strengthening the institutions they have already established. INIany of the schools adopt all sorts of expedients to make room for applicants bogging for admission, allowing them to s'e^p on cots in the halls, making use of old build- ing.^ which had been discarded as nolonger fit for occupancy, and vei'y generally crowding the students in excessive numbers in the buildings designed for them. Judg-ing from the accounts given it would seem reasonable to suppose that the number of colored students would be largely increased immediately if there were accommodations for them. A want of accommodations is especially to be regret- ted when it is consideved how anxiov:s the young men and women are to receive an education and what sacrifices both students and parents willingly make in order that they may receive on 9. A few quotations on this subject are given from various sources. Dr. C H. Parkhurst, editor of Zion's Herald, says: "Wo should have ten schcols where 1092 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1889-90. we now have one. Every institution is crowded to overflowing. If God is say- ing anything in this jubilee hour to the church it is, enlarge, enlarge, enlarge your beneficence ; enlarge the scope of operation ; enlarge the teaching and boarding capability. We rejoice over the achievements of these twenty-five years ; but at the same time we are humbled that the church has done so little." Morristoivn Normal Academy, Tennessee; number of students, 306. — "This insti- tution is situated in the midst of a colored population of not less than 250,000. To meet the educational requirements of this vast number of people, there is only one other school of a similar grade within a radius of 300 miles. The peo- ple are realizing, as never before, tlieir great need of an education, and are crowding every room to its utmost capacity. Last year scores of bright, earn- est, and self-sacrificing young people were sent away for want of room." "The present dormitory is entirely too small for the number of students crowded into it. For the last two years we have been compelled to put three students in each bed, and to place cots in the halls. Even then it was difficult to satisfy applicants that we were crowded and could not accommodate them." Grand View, Tenn. — " The classes are full and the accommodations inadequate. The school numbers one hundred and eleven. It is necessary to crowd four boys into each i::-?>n of the boys' hall. Four boys are boarding themselves in a shackly log building at the foot of the hill. Their grit is admirable." Tougaloo, Miss. — "Both the dormitories are crowded. The ladies' hall is sup- prsed to accommodate 75 girls. One hundred and six are crowded into it to-day. We have turned away nearly one hundred more because we had not room for them. Every indication is that the crowd of applicants will be greater next year than ever. Already applications are coming in." Meridian, Miss. — "The work of the school is hindered by lack of room. We have enrolled this year 232 pu.pj.ls, and many have been turned off because we could not seat them. We opened in December of 1888 with 28 pupils. A school for more advanced pupils is needed in this part of Mississippi. We have 30 young- people in school who come from the five adjoining counties." Straight University,^ Neio Orleans. — "It has been a golden year for Straight University. Financially it has been, our best year. A larger proportion of stu- dents able^ to jDay came to us. We want to grow, and have every opportunity to do so save that our quarters are too small. We have turned away during the year probably 200 applicants, many of them for the boarding department. We have had to put cots in nearly all the rooms, packing them too full for comfort, as it was very hard to say No to young people who came hundreds of miles f.nd begged tearfully for admission. ' The school has grown dvu'ing the last eight years from 200 to 600 and is not 1,000 only because we had no room for them. Our gradiaates are filling important positions all over the South. Several are superintendents in Texas, Kansas, Mississippi, and Louisiana. One holds an important office in Honduras ; others are doing good work in Cuba and Mexico. Eight are filling important positions in this city. We have no trouble in get- ting positions ifor our young people. Indeed, we can not supply as fast as de- manded. Often as many as twenty are called for when we have none to send." Bennett College, Greensboro, ISf. C— " Our chief need is a new dormitory building. The present building, though large, is far too small for the increasing demands upon us for more commodious quarters. Students are pouring in upon us every day, and still we hear of others coming." iViley University, Marshall , Tex. — "There should be at once erected a large central building, which would be at once filled with students." Gilbert Academy, Winsied, La.— ^^ We could have an attendance of a thousand students within a year if we had buildings to accommodate them." Central Tennessee College. — " The attendance during the past year (1889-90) is such as to encourage the thought that the desire for education, and that more advanced, is growing rather than diminishing among the colored people. The number in attendance during the past year has tested our buildings to their utmost capacity. We need additional accommodations. This educational work has really just begun, and the outlook is that all our schools will be crowded more and more. We need a new chapel. Our present one is not sufficiently large to seat our students. We have been compelled to fill up the platform and crowd every seat, and yet have not room for all our students. We, need a larger chapel for our ordinary purposes, and a much larger one for our public occasions," 1 In January, 1892, the main building of Straight University, New Orleans, La., was consumed by fire. Fortunately, however, the property was adequately insured, and a larger structure if now being erected in its stead. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1093 " For our young women we need dormitories ; and for the purpose of teaching, cooking, nursing, domestic economy, we need enlarged facilities. We need these, not for our necessary school purposes only, but to create a desire for neatness and pleasant surroundings in the homes that these young women are to make in the future. The need of additional buildings is more especially evident when it is understood that every room on the grounds is occupied by students or teach- ers." From the Daniel Hand School, New Orleans. — It is the old story — 200 turned away for lack of room. A few have come from the country without ever thinking that they might not find a place, and stand hopelessly on the street corner talk- ing it over. Another teacher says : " We are crowded to overflowing in every grade of the school but one, in which we have three unoccupied seats. In the normal depart- ment twenty pupils are without desks. Yesterday one of the ministers of the citj'^ applied for admission of his two daughters, wlao had completed the course in the public schools — just the class of pupils we like to have come — but I could not admit them for want of room." From report of President T. D. Tucker, of Florida State Normal College for Col- ored Students. — "The surest test of the appreciation of the race for the school is in the sacrifices made by patrons in sending and maintaining scholars here and the eagerness of the latter to avail themselves of the opportunity offex-ed them for instruction. With limited means or from daily earnings parents send their children to this school from distant parts of the State, and meet all the financial engagements incident to the education of a young person during the entire ses- sion of nine months. Although this is the second j^ear since the school has had dormitory halls, not only has every patron met all his obligations, but the de- mand for more room in the dormitories is restricted by our inability to provide for any more newcomers. "The promptness and regularity of attendance at the daily sessions of the school is another proof of high appreciation. No sever-er punishment for breach Ox discipline can be inflicted on any of them than to be ordered to leave school for even part of a day. They seem to feel that every day and hour are too pre- cious to be lost from the prosecution of the purpose for which they have come hither from their homes. This strong regard and attachment for a school but lately established is one of the most pleasing features, which promise for it, let it be hoped, a long career of usefulness. * * * Wherever the services of our undergraduates have been once had, there they are held most in demand — a tes- timonial to their efficiency and the need of them as workers in the common schools." From report of the Ame^-ican Missionary Association committee in 1S91. — "The total number under instruction during the year has increased by several hun- dred, and almost every school is crowded to overflowing, compelling in many cases the sad necessity of sending away great numbers of applicants from lack of room for their accommodation. It is evident that the thirst of the colored people for knowledge, shown go remarkably from the moment of their emanci- pation, has not diminished, but is constantly increasing." INDUSTRIAL TRAINING. At Claflin University, South Carolina, a large number of students were in- structed in trades and industries ; in agriculture, including gardening and horti- culture, 40 students; in architectural drawing, 13; in art needlework, 20; in blacksmithing, 98; in brickmaking, bricklaying, plastering, and frescoing, 92; in carpentry and cabinetmaking, 1^'5 ; in cooking, 35 ; crocheting and lacemak- ing, 120 ; domestic economy, 13 ; dressmaking, 3ii ; mechanical engineering, 15 ; merchandising, 1 ; nurse-training, 14; painting, graining, and glazing, 81 ; print- ing, 69; steam laundry ing, 50; steam planing, sawing, turning, 26; steam mill- ing, grinding cereals, 4; shoemaking, 21 ; plain sewing, 190. President L. M. Dunton, of Claflin University, says : "In the past the negro has been a laborer. For years to come he must be a laborer. A few of course will be educated and will enter the ministry, the law, the medical profession ; but the vast majority must labor with their hands. It is therefore vei'y impor- tant to give them this manual training. We are very enthusiastic about this, and we do not allow any young woman to graduate until she can measure, cut, fit, and make a dress, and make it in style. They also learn cooking and artistic needlework. The young men are required to learn the principles of different trades, and to learn one trade thoroughly. We require a certificate from some 1094 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1889-00. one of the industrial departments that they have accomplished- the required work before they can graduate from the institution. During the vacations these young men and women work at these trades that thej'' have learned at the institution. We have boys now earning a dollar and a half a d.ay at house painting, others earning $2 a day laying brick or at carpentry. In our blacksinith department they make all the tools they use ; they even make their own razors. This in- dustrial feature has been an inspiration to the literary department." At Gilbert Academy, Winsted, La., there are 12 students in the printing office, 14 in the carpenter shop, 1(3 on the farm, 53 girls in the sev/ing room, 3 in the bakery, besides a large number in the laundry. Philander Smith College, Little Bock, Arlc. — " The industrial department is car- ried qn in a two-story frame building erected by the stud_ents. In this depart- ment there are 114. The citizens of Little Rock have given over $SGO towards paying for the building. A large number of young men have been taught the use of tools. In the printing department several young men and young ladies have been taught," Bust University, Mississippi. — In the carpenter shop 35 young men were in- structed in the use of tools and methods of construction, from the most common articles in use in home and on farm to fine cabinet work. Twenty-seven were taught shoemaking, from the making of cheap shoes to the finest French kid boot. Eleven were instructed in the printing office, and a monthly paper was published. The young men below the college course, who wei-e not assigned to some trade, were put in the department of agriculture. In the sevraig depart- ment 102 girls received useful instruction in that line. ClarJc University, Atlanta, Ga. — "At Clark University we have one of the best located as well as one of the best equipped industrial schools south of the Ohio. We have one large brick building, Ballard Hall, 100 by 40 feet. The first floor is divided into two parts ; one-half is occupied by the wheelwright shop. The second floor is divided into four rooms, one occupied by the printing oflice, one by the varnish and finishing department, another by the harness and trimming shop, while the remaining one is devoted to an office and mechanical drafting. The machinery is driven by a 30 horse-power engine. We have a blacksmith shop 40 by 30 feet, brick, three forges, drills, benches, etc. We have afoundry, 60 by 40 feet, supplied with the latest improved cupola. " The Woman's Home Missionary Society has a building worth $6,000, built after the best models and thoroughly equipped with appliances for teaching in the culinary department, needlework, dressmaking, and all that a wife in a well- regulated home ought to know. The university physician has a class in nu.rse- training in this home also. A shoe shop and a machine shojp are among the things now under contemplation." Central Tennessee College. — "On October 15, 1890. the mechanic arts sho|) was dedicated to the training of young men for useful work in wood, iron, brass, and 'steel ; in the manufacture of steam engines, scientific, and philosophical appara- tus. Rev. H. G. Sedgwick, M. s., who is a genius himself in mechanics and can readily impart instmction to others, has during the year had excellent work done by students in v/ood- turning, shaping and planing, castings, steel, and brass. One engine has been built and considerable repair work done. This is the best shop, and the only one of the kind, open to colored youth in this country." Br. Atticus G. Haygood, gener&l agent, of the Slater fund, sajs: "It hai been demonstrated that an hour or two a day in the workshop or the S3 wing room does not hinder in the least education in books. It has been found, as a rule, that the best men in the shop are the leaders in the class room. Experienced teachers say that industrial training fosters good discipline s/nd the upbuilding of strong and reliable personal character. Outside the important fact that a great number have learned enough of the trades to pursue them profitably, it is certain that thousands have learned enoiigh to be independent as citizens and far more capable as heads of families. That 'head, heart, and hand training' should go on together in these institutions is now the accepted doctrine in all quarters. "It can not be doubted that the success of industrial training in the negro schools has had much to do with the development of opinion throughout the Southern States of the importance of this-part of education in the white schools ■of the country." Gsn. S. C. Armstrong on industrial training. — "Labor is a great moral and edu- cational force. Next to the grace of God, hard work, in its largest sense, is the most vital thing in Christian civilization. Subtract from any neighborhood. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1095 witliiu a radius of ten miles, all industi^y, and in six months, in spite of churches and schools, what would become of ordei- and decency ? Look at the fairest civ- ilization, and you will see that the worst lives are at the top and at the bottom — those who are too rich and those who are too worthless to work. Wherever you find industry you find charactar and moralitj^ "The main thing, then, in the industrial system is to open as widely and broadly as possible opportunities for agricultural, mechanical, and household in- dustries, which shall provide negro students means to support themselves and to develop character. Character is the foundation. The training that our pu- jiils get is an endowment. An able-bodied stud.ent represents a capital of pei"- haps a thousand dollars. We propose to treble that. When they learn a trade they are v/orth threefold more in the labor market. Last Saturday I gave my final words to our graduating c'ass. I said to those 45 scholars, ' How many of you can go out into the world, and, if you can not get a school, how many can work in some line of industry and so support yourselves'?' There v»''as a roar. Every one said, 'I can,' and every one laughed. They go out into the world smiling at difficulties, happy in their pluck and purpose and skill. "We are convinced that the negro needs physical as well as mental and Christian training. He needs the ten hours' drnidgery v/hich he gels in the shops to put him in shape for the struggle of life. He must go to his work with an appetite.'' Bcv. li. II. Allen, Concord, N. C. — "We have now a large boarding school for colored girls. If you ever save the negroes you must save the girls and women. You will not elevate any ra.ce until wives and mothers can teach the gospel in their families. You must save the daughters of the freedmen. They are to be the wives and mothers and home-makers of the future. At Concord you will see 234 girls in a seminary, with all the appliances for education and the industrial arts. They do the whole work of the school— all the washing, iron- ing, cooking, scrubbing, and dreismaking. We take a girl for $45 a year. We say to her, Go to work during the vacation and make $15 or $20 and we will help you to the balance of the $45. In such schools, by a practical education of the head, hand, and heart, the girls are all well prepared to take their part in life. We help them to make character." Eev. Fmnh G. Woodicorth , president Tougaloo Tlniversity, Mississippi. — "The ordinai-y laborers en plantations do not often receive more than from 75 to 90 cents per day. I want to speak of the value of industrial education. Boys Avho come to us untrained, often able to earn only 75 cents a day, are sent out as car- penters, blacksmiths, or tinsmiths, able to earn from $1.25 to $2.50 a day. We are having that repa>ated constantly. That is the bread-and-butter view of in- dustrial education, and it is worthy of mention. The mechanics who receive $2 a day do not live in a one-room cabin. They are getting to have goyd little homes of their own." Jlxe Idgher education helps the demento.ry. — President Horace Bumstead, of Atlanta University : " It is a mistake to forget that the higher education of the few is contributing most efficiently to the elementary education of the many. What are the graduates of these higher institutions doing ? Are they going- out and enjoying their cultui'e, and making a selfish use of it? Take Atlanta University. We have sent out, in the last IG or 18 years, over 200 graduates from our collegiate and normal courses, two-thirds of whom are to-day engaged in teaching. They are doing this very work that we are reminded is the most important work to do— helping up the masses, educating the people. One must remember the relationship between the higher and the more elementary work. Where would these Southern States get their teachers for the colored public schools if it were not for these higher institutions '? " Colored teachers wanted. — President E. C. Mitchell, of Leland University, New Orleans : "More colored teachers must be educated. The appeals made to our institution to furnish teachers qualified for the higher work, or even the com- mon work, are far beyond the power we have to meet. If we had four times as many graduates, we should not be able to meet the demand made upon us for tsachers ainting, turning, and printing. It of course follows, that while such schools may and do turn out many skilled laborers, they i)roduce but few master mechanics. Their graduates have no difficulty in securing work, as the demand for in- telligent skilled labor is a constant quantity. As long, then, as they send forth young men, who, with a sound general education and the self-respect which the consciousness of such a possession is sure to en- gender, have been thoroughly trained in the management of farms, the use of machinery and the handling of tools, there can be no rea- sonable objection raised to the manner in which they fulfill the pur- poses of their organization, and no legitimate excuse for any change in their policy and their metliods. MILITARY INSTRUCTION IN COLLEGTeS OP AGRICULTURE AND THE MECHANIC ARTS. Perhaps no department of instruction maintained by the institutions whose work is described W the present report has been the subject of more criticism and adveree^omment than that which aims to add to the general and technical education oifered by them some knowledge of military science and som)B training in the use of arms and the dis- cipline of the field and bayracKS. As we have seen froi^ omAexamination of the several acts of Con- gress in aid of colleges of agriculture and the mechanic arts, and from the iireceding review of the growth and develoi)ment of these colleges, and the already highly satisfactory results achieved by them, the Gen- eral Government ha[,s maintainedVtowards such institutions a most gen- erous policy from /the first. Instruction in the liberal arts and practi- cal industrial training have been thus placed within the reach of all desirous of profiting thereby. Aigreat stride has been made towards the goal at which all enlightened modern nations have been aiming — ED 91-r^40 626 EDUCATION REPORT, 1890-91. the liigiier educatiou of the industrial classes. In this ^e have an exhibition of what the'State has done for the individual. In speaking of the heretofore somewhat wides^^read fefeling of aver- sion to the introducoion of military training m colleges yof agriculture and the mechanic ar^s — a feeling which, while by no means confined to the farming element of their patronage, has certamly received its most frequent and opeb expression from that qnarter-7-it is but just to the spirit of fair-mindep. American i^atriotism to say/that such opi^osi- tion has arisen from ignorance of the ends proposed by such instruc- tion and from a lack of appreciation of the true value to the body politic of the military trainingiof the youth of tlie land. /To convey as clear an idea as possible of ihe purpose -and plan of jKhese deiiartmcnts of military science and tactics and the beneficial /results to be derived from them by the State and by the students, it will be well to consider the subject under the following distinct heads; I. How they have been\provided for, and ho/v these provisions have been met. II. What is exi:fected of Vhem on the part of the State. III. The manner in whictt they are of ben/fit to the college of whose organization they form a loaVt. IV. The manner in which they benefit ihdividual students. PEOVISIOKS FOR DEI\A-11TMENTS OH MILITARY SCIENCE. In section 4 of the original land- grant act of Congress of 1862 it is provided that the interest of the invested proceeds from the sale of granted land or scrii^ shall be a]3propriated "by each State which may take and claim the benefit of this/act, to the endowment, support, and maintenance of at least one college, where the leading object shall be, witjiout excluding other scieraifio and classical studies, and includ- ing military tactics, to teach such ^ranches of learning as are related s, etc." The act of 1890 being for colleges established in accordance considered as containing the same to a'griculture and the mechanic the more comx^lete endowment o with the act of 1862, may fairly provision In order to render practicable/ thte carrying out of the purpose in thus including military tactics iii the course of study to be offered by the endow^ed colleges, an act was passed and ap]3roved July 2, 1866, providing for the detail of army ofificlfers to act as instructors in such colleges. This act, as amended by the act aj)proved September 26, 1888, is as follows Sec. 1225. The President may,/upoii the npiVlication of any established military institute, seminary or academy, college or university within the United States, hav- ing capacity to educate at the same time not less than one hundred and fifty male students, detail an officer of the Army or Navy to act as superintendent or professor thereof; hut the number of officers so detailed shall not exceed fifty from the Army and ten from the Navy, being a maximum of sixty, at any time, and they shall be apportioned throughout the United States, first, to those State institutions applying ^CHAPTER XXVI. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACB I. Public Schools. The following table gives in detail the public school statistics of the former slave States, classifiecl by race: PiihUc school statistics, classified hy race, 1SOO~91. State. Alabama a Arkansas a Delawarcft District of Columbia Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland' Mississippi Missouri North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia West Virginia Total Number of persons 5 to 18 years. White. 290,935 296, 117 38,755 40, 307 75, 310 33G, 525 527, 800 187, 600 239, 455 195. 201) 802, 400 362, 000 161, 963 461, COO 621, 900 334, 885 251, 600 5, 218, 352 Colored. 219, 201 112, 472 8,736 21, 633 59, 690 315,817 90,400 199, 900 69, 045 281,200 48, 900 217, 000 271, 837 155, 800 190, 500 238, 315 10, 400 2, 543, 936 Percentage of the whole. Enifolled in the public schools. White. Colored. White. 53.85 72.06 81.60 61.51 55.79 51.59 85.38 48.42 77.62 40.71 94.26 62.52 37.34 74. 77 76.55 58.43 96.04 67.23 46.15 27.94 18.40 35.49 44.21 48.41 14.62 51.58 i 22. 38 I 59.29 5.74 37.48 I C2.60 25. 23 23.45 41.57 3.96 32.77 180,125 163, 603 26, 778 24. 239 56, 677 236, 595 370,913 75, 688 154, 418 154, 477 605, 107 214, 908 93, 024 377. 879 394, 150 219, 141 191, 948 Colored. 3, 539, 670 115,400 59, 468 4, 656 14, 147 37, 342 150, 702 55, 574 55, 021 34, 796 173, 378 34, 622 115, 812 116, 535 105, 458 121,929 123, 579 6,428 1, 324, 937 State. Per cent of persons 5 to 18 years en- rolled. Average daily attendance. Per cent of enrollment. Length of school year in days. Number of teachers. White. Col'd. White. Color'd. White. Colo'd. White.'Color'd. White. Color'd. 1 8 9 lO 11 13 13 14 15 16 ir 63.98 56.39 69.10 00.14 75.26 68. 52 75.28 40.34 64.49 79.15 75.41 59.37 57. 44 81.80 63.37 65.44 76.28 46.33 52.87 53.30 65.40 62.56 47.72 61.48 27.53 50.40 61.01 70.80 53.37 42.87 67.69 64. 01 51.86 61.81 110, 311 72, 156 59.27 62.48 73.9 72.8 4,182 3,770 005 530 1, 950 5,009 7,915 2,116 3,331 4,334 13, 258 4,177 2, 592 6, .505 8,556 5,710 5,416 2,136 1,246 16, 798 18, 504 2,851 10, 500 62.73 76.34 61.23 74.26 175 al78 109.5 al77 96 District of Columbia . 265 685 2 500 213, 816 53, 503 88, 897 93, 282 31,593 38, 317 17, 273 104, 298 57.65 70.69 57.57 60.39 56.85 69.64 49.64 60.16 WOO 104 185.7 6100 946 175.2 1 240 Louisiana 887 636 3,212 7'>2 Xorth Carolina iso, 747 67, 599 265, 136 71,016 81,004 72, 682 60.84 72.67 70.16 61.32 C9. 51 68.92 60,7 59.5 2,358 1 671 1 745 Texas 118. 74 116 111.30 116 2 553 126,818 120, 176 66, 688 3,811 57. 89 62.76 53.96 59.29 2 008 184 Total 67.83 52.08 62. 48 62.14 79 002 24,150 aInl8S9-"90. ED 91 Gl i Estimated by State suiicrintendent. SGI 962 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1890-91. From tlie foregoing table it appears that dnriug tlie scliool year 1890-91 tlicre were 3,539,670 white pupils enrolled in the public schools of the States under con- sideration, and 1,324,937 colored pupils. The white pupils formed 67.83 per cent of the total number of white persons 5 to 18 years of age, and the colored pupils only 52.08 per cent of the colored persons 5 to 18. The per cent of the colored population 5 to 18 enrolled exceeded that of the Avhite only in Texas and the District of Columbia. In nearly all the remaining States the per ceut of colored enrollment fell largely short of the white enrollment. In Louisiana scarcely more thau one-fourth of the colored population 5 to 18 j'cars of age were enrolled in school (27.53 per cent). This is only about two-Hfths of the general average for the United States. Nowhere else in the Union is there so poor a school attendance as among the colored jieople of Louisiana. The regularity of school attendance, as indicated by the relation of the average daily attendance to the total number of pupils enrolled, was nearly the same for botli races. About five-eighths of the whole enrollment of each race were present daily on an average. The percentage of the school poiiulation (5 to 18) enrolled, both white and colored, has made some gain since the preceding year The change is slight, it is true, but the movement is in the right direction, as will be seen from the following : Per ce'j.t of population 5 to IS years caroncLl la tlio public scliools : < QqI^qj-^^ 1890-91. II. Secoxdary akd Higher Ixstitutioxs for the Color>;d Eace.o ]S'"ormal selioola. I Institutions Universities and colleses. for secondary Pupils. instruction. Students. States. >s i^ s >> t H, 5 tA .=1 a ^ o ,_4 A d ; P< a c« p. d OJ ^ a ti (U Fh 73 H ^ Ph Fh H xn H Ph m H U FM Ph H ^ 70 877 69'' 805 " 374 4 32 949 1 7 10 35 480 525 3 1 18 160 46 80 '286 1 15 14 29 264 307 Delaware 3 13 154 52 39 67 68 260 11 13 04 5136 3 473 1 9 38 23 74 940 Kansas (> Kentucky 2 7 242 1 18 31 07 "5S 356 Louisiana 3 9 156 ioo 4 31 655 4 63 16 95 1,571 1,682 Maryland 1 4 77 77 1 3 62 1 9 4 50 40 94 Mississippi 4 38 293 156 403 852 3 9 563 2 17 119 90 280 495 1 10 53 42 937 103 18-1 182 205 1,303 1 7 46 05 1,459 North Carolina 3 23 107 159 240 506 Ohio 1 5 27 27 54 1 1 9 14 12 143 - 25 63 127 16.t Pennsylvania South 'Carolina 1 6i 300 206 5 29 613 201 523 1,337 + 28! 1,544 2 25 •;i5 139 1,108 1,272 (> 'Ifi 440 149 506 1 155 1 S SOR 72 93 97 194 1 4^0 Texas 9 14 168 o 168 338 1, 027 185 160 207 4 20 18 937 666 1 H 11 147 185 Virginia 2 1 2 5] 8 12 501 185 160 207 5,011 467 59 2 "West Viro-inia Dist. of Co'luinbia . 1 9 24 160 40 64 Other States 80 160 52 375 Total 2,178 2, 853 10, 042 47 317:11,837 25 324 808 1,071 6,517 8,396 a For further statistics of education of the colored race, see Piirt ill of this Keport. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 963 Sccondanj and lu ffhcr institi iious for th e colo red ra ce — Coutiniicd. Schools of theol- ogy- i Sclicols of medi- Schools of law. cine, clentisfry, and pharmacy. Schools for the deaf and dnrab and the blind. States. o CO o t a H o 3 i o o S o H a 3 CO to "o o o £ 1 o 'a 3 1 7 57 20 ! 1 1 i io 2 1 2 2 23 6 19 26 32 rioriila i 15 Ocor"ia 1 3 1 1 7 2 7 3 2 iio 19 46 8 9i . ...1 1 50 59 1 1 1 C 18 1 1 1 1 4 11 33 10 22 1 1 18 i 1 1 i 17 3 1 7 69 G 22 65 05 1 1 1 2 9 i 1 7 48 57 Oliio 1 1 2 3 1 3 7 7 7 j: 1 1 1 ""a 1 1 2 1 2 20 4 24 1 18 93 42 Texas 68 4 IG CO 78 71 1 1 1 5 G3 20 1 15 74 63 132 1 1 Totals 25 i 79 755 5 1 n i 121 i 5 47 306 1 16 1 158 536 Number of each class of schools for the colored race, and enrollment in them. Clas.s of institutions. Normal schools.. Kormal students Prejiaratory , Elementaiy Schools. Total. Institutions for secondary instruction (including clerap:itary pupils). Universities and colleges Collegiate students Preparatory Elementary Total . Schools of theology Schools of law Schools of medicine, dentistry, and pharmacy. Schools for the deaf and duml) aad the blind.. Grand total . Enroll- ment. 5,011 2,178 2,853 10, 042 11,837 808 1,071 6,517 8,396 121 306 536 31, 993 Amount and distribution of the sums disbursed from the Slater fund from 1SS3 to 1S93, inclusive. 18S3. Alabama $2,100 Aikiiiisas ! El.rida Gi oit_ia Krntueky X.o)iisiaiia Missis.-ipi i North Carolina. Sniiili Carolina. Tennessee Texas $2,430 >5,0J0 ;$3,830 Virgi ia Districi of Coluaibia Special Total- 1,0-0 2, OOil 2, 00) 950 ,000 16, 250 1831. 1885. 188S. 50!) 1.0)0 5^2 2, UOJ 740 750 4, 325 600 2,000 1,000 550 17, 107 6,814 1,00J 1.400 2, OUO 4, 400 3. .500 7,600 600 3,000 1, !;oo 450 36, 7o4 5,100 700 1, OJO 2,000 3, 600 2, 700 5,800 COO 3,650 COO 450 1837. $4,400 600 1888. 6,200 7O0 3,100 4, 450 4,200 3,060 6, 50 ) 900 4,190 eoo 500 $t,6J0 800 1,01)0 6,850 7U0 3, 500 4,800 5,30!) 4, 300 C, r.DO 1,360 4,190 600 500 1889. 0,000 40,(00 $3, 600 800 8 JO 9,700 $3, 600 800 80:i 9,700 4,100 4, 400 5,100 4,000 0, SOU 1,360 3,150 45, 000 500 4,310 1890. 3,100 4,40;i 4,700 4, 000 6, 80 I 1, 360 3, 150 500 42,910 1891. *4, 900 1,000 1, OOU 10, 500 3, 700 5,300 5, 700 5,000 7, 400 1.50' 3, 15i) 500 49, 650 U, 700 6C0 1,000 8.400 3,500 4, ilCT 5, 300 5, 0(0 7,100 1 , 500 3,150 15, 217 Totals. $39, 150 4,600 4, 600 69, 964 4,100 23, 9H2 35, 917 41,010 3 i, 910 59. 775 9, 78 ) 31.0:0 3,8 :i.<'.^0 3(j7, 208 964 EDUCATION REPORT, 1890-91. III. Prksext Statu;* of Colored Education as Recorded in State School Reports. ALABAMA. Observations of W. H. Councill, conductor of institutes for colored teachers in Alabama: The ]iight mass meetings, held at all the institutes, were largely attended — crowded — and always encouraged by the best white people in the communities, many of them attending all the meetings. While holding these meetings from year to year I have observed: (1) That there is great progress among the cclored teachers in every way. (2) That the desire for industrial instruction is firm and widespread. (3) That the masses are mak- ing marked progress in general intelligence and in support of education. (4) That the Avhite peoi)le and colored peoxile are increasing in good feelings on all moral, re- ligious, temiTerance, and educational questions, and that the whites everywhere are willing to aid the colored people along the lines. (5) That the proper kind of moral, industrial, and intellectual training is a check on any inclinaJtiou or temptation to racial conflict, and guarantees an honest, peaceful, industrious citizeushii> to the State. (6) That the institutes are of incalculable good to popular education. KENTUCKY. Encouraging prospects. — The superintendent of Mason County: The condition of the colored schools in our countjj^ has been to mo a matter of surprise and congratu- lation. The capacity of the negro children for acquiring education surpasses any thing I had supposed concerning this race. There are fifteen colored districts in our county, and most of them are taught by well-educated and trained teachers. At I)resent our teachers mostly come from Cincinnati, Dayton, Cleveland, and Steu- benville, Ohio. They bring with them a knowledge of common school training and drill which enables them to conduct their schools successfully, and I am able to report the colored schools of our county as being in a very encouraging condition. The suiierinteudcnt of Nicholas County also reports that the colored schools are progressing very Avell, and that the colored people seem to take a greater interest in the schools than the whites do. Superintendent of Scott County: The colored people are making material progress in regard to schoolhouses and equipments. Several houses will be improved this year, and two new ones built. They are very much in earnest in the matter of edu- cating their children, and are doing probably as much as they are able to do to accomplish that end. Teachers are improving in efficiency and qualification for their work. I am very hopeful of our colored schools. The people have the right spirit, and resi)ondto all school demands to the limit of their ability. The tvouMe loith colored trustees. — Superintendent of Bourbon County: A public school was taught in every colored district the past year. The colored peoi)le are too poor to support a private school. However, in a few places, school is continued beyond the public term, though with little profit to the teachers. The trustees are ignorant, and, in reality, not competent to select a teacher. With many ai^j)licants before them demanding the same compensation, thej^ often pass over the best for poor teachers. They do not understand, and can not properly appreciate, the dif- ference between the several grades of certificates. I may also add that in some cases I have had strong suspicion that the trustees of the colored schools have been bribed. But it is impossible to get any information on a subject as to which all par- ties, trustees and teachers, are equally interested in keeping quiet. So that the guilty go unpunished for want of sufficient evidence. It would be well if the su- l^erintendent could, out of the applicants for a school, select a certain number — say two or three — out of which number so selected the trustees would be compelled to employ. This would enable the trustee to get a qualified teacher, and at the same time allow some margin for their choice in the matter. Without some limitation of the kind, or some guard of this nature thrown around them, they are wholly at sea, unable to discharge their duty. The colored teachers are imi:)roving, but they are not, as a class, well qualified to teach. The list of certificates granted show that few get over a third-class certificate. This is an evil which can bo cured onlj'- by time. In a few years we will doubtless have capable colored teachers. Tlio younger teachers are generally the best qualified. Better training of teachers is much needed. LOUISIANA. The relations hetircen the races. — State Superiiitendeut W. II. Jack: The relations of the two races are harmonious andhapiiy, and each seems actuated by a true spirit to reach the highest possible standard of mental and moral culture. We are educating EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. 965 the negro in the same Avay that we are educatiug onrown children, and are succeed- ing in developing him to an extent that is highly gratifying. Oiir method of solving the race problem is not by amalgamation or deportation, but bj^ educating the uegro children and bringing them under the renovating inliuences of white civiliza- tion. I would take occasion to observe, just here, that there is no such thing, in point of fact, as "race antagonism." The very kindest relations naturally exist between the two races, and there is not, and has never been, any such innate prejudice or antijiathy on either side as would prevent the two races from living happily together. They understand each other perfectly, and govern themselves accordingly. The white man feels the native superiority of the Caucasian height- ened by centuries of civilization, and the negro knows and recognizes the fact in all its meaning. * * * I know of no reason why the negro, by jiroper training and direction, can not be made a good citizen and his race be elevated to a much higher plane than he now occupies. Ignorance of negro teachers; one of hco iklngs should he done. — At a meeting of the Louisiana Educational Association, July, 1890, Col. T. Sambola Jones, of Baton Rouge, said: " Multiplicity of tongues and differences qf religion have made private, public, and sectarian school interests seem to retard rather than advaiice the cause of education. But there is no influence that has so reduced our general average, scattered our funds, or weakened the efficiency of our system half so much as the colored contin- gent in the public schools. Like the rain from heaven, that falls alike upon the just as well as upon the unjust, the funds obtained almost exclusively from the Caucasian element of the population are divided, share and share alike, with the children of their brothers in black. With a furtive glance at duty we do not consider binding, we appropriate funds for colored country schools and emj)]oy the ignorant and super- stitious to teach ignorance and superstition. Better have no education whatever than be organized into schools and clans where falsehood takes the place of truth, where A'irtue is turned to vice, and prejudice and hatred of their white superiors encouraged and taught." Here Col. Jones related some ludicrous incidents which occurred that forcibly demonstrated the capacity and standing of the average teacher of a negro public school, showing how uniit they were to advance the ignorant under their charge. He went on to say : "If, iudeed, j)overty and dejection occasionally drive a belated soul to such a pro- fession, the finger of shame is pointed, and while we pity we scorn and despise. No young ittan or woman here or elsewhere dares cross the black line or take a stand at the head of a negro school to teach good morals, sound philosophy, or beautiful rhetoric. If we must educate the negro let us no longer follow the unwise and sui- cidal policy of importing aliens, impractical, half-educated men and women, unac- quainted with the relationship of the races and the duties and responsibilities of one toward the other, to teach the inferior race heresies, to poison and j)rejudice them against their own welfare and our safety." Turning to the president, Col. Jones said: ''It is your duty as the head of the educational interest of Louisiana, asmolders of public opinion and directors of pub- lic thought upon the question of education, to do one of two things. You should stimulate public opinion in behalf of honest, upright, competent, and learned white instructors for the colored schools, or you should prick the huge bubble that claims for them equal rights, equal education, and an equal share of the public funds with the children of our own white race." iridic teachers for colored schools. — The following resolutions were adojited by the Louisiana Educational Association at its Shreveport (1890) meeting : Resolred, That we recognize it as the duty of those interested with the employ- ment of teachers for our public colored schools to select only those whose moral and intellectual worth shall fit him or her to the task of attempting to elevate the colored race. Iicsolved, That we henceforth bend our energies to having teachers thus qualified employed in the colored schools regardless of color. In another resolution the same association affirmed the ability and the duty of the people of the State of Louisiana to educate all its children. MAUYLAND. Schools for colored pupils.— Br. James L. Bryan, school examiner of Dorchester County, says in his rcjiort : The same generous and just appreciation of the rights of our fellow white men, leads naturally to the fair appropriation of common State funds for educational pur- poses to the colored people of the State. The school law, in Chapter xviii, section 96, says: "It shall be the duty of the board of county school commissioners to 966 EDUCATION REPORT, 1890-91. establisli one or more inilalic schools in cacli election district for all colored youths between 6 and 20 years of age, to -which admission shall be free, and which sha'l be kept open as long as the other public schools of the particular county, provided the average attendance is not less than 15 scholars." And yet the necessary funds for the purpose are not pro\'ided. The State appro- priates more pro rata to the colored pupils than to the white ones, but the county appropriations are not so divided, nor are they sufficient to carry out the j)urposes of the law in this regard. We should never forget that public school systems result from the conviction that the education of the whole people of a State can not be accomplished in any other way than by a State system and by State aid. That to be of benciit to the very class which would be most injurious to a true republican statehood, the very means of education must be furnished systematically, regularly, and fairly, and this can best be done by a tax upon all the property of the State. Such tax once raised be- comes the property of the cause or interest for which it was levied, and then there can bo no difference between white and colored j)upils. Separate schools for the two races are a necessity, but there the difference ends, and all the expenses of the schools, their accounts, reports, are and should be upon a common basis and fairly proportioned. IV. iNriusTRiAL Training. In all of the twenty-five universities and colleges except two, Lincoln University, Pennsylvania, and Morgan College, Baltimore, Md., instruction was given in differ- ent lines of industry. In some of the institutions special attention v\'as given to such in.'truction. In CI afl in University, South Carolina, more than a dozen industries are taught and $20,000 have been expended in procuring the necessary outiits, and no student is allowed to graduate until he or she has mastered, some line of industry. At C^lark University, Atlanta, Ga., and Rust University, Mississippi, great attention is also given to training in the industries. Among the young men carpentry and printing, and among the young women plain sewing and dressmaking are the favor- ite branches. This is what was to be exjjected. Carpentry affords opportunities for earning good wages, besides having other inducements, while printing furnishes a good livelihood and at the same time offers excellent opportunities for educational advancement. Carpentry is tanght in all but five of the institutions, and printing in all but six. Sewing also is taught in all but five. Farming, gardening, shoe- making, and cooking were the other most frequent employments. A statement of the carpentry work done at Claflin University represents very fairly the work at other institutions. The cari^enter sliop at Claflin University is furnished with several sets of tools. But little machinery h.is been introduced, as it is the purpose of the managers to make the students familiar with hand tools, such as they would be most likely to use after leaving school. Students are taught the names and uses of tools a,nd how to keep them in order. A great variety of workhasbeenperformed, such asbuilding cottages, shops, repairing buildings, making and repairing furniture, ornamenting buildings and campus, building and repairing fences, making and repairing agricultural implements, making Avardrobes, etc. At Clark University, Atlanta^ Ga., students are taught how to make carriages and harness, which are sold in the market in comjietition wdth other manufacturing establishments. Buildings are fully equipped with tools,, machinery, and steam power for the prosecution of the following industries: (1) General blacksmithing, (2) carriage-making and carpentrj^, (3) carriage-painting, (4) carriage-trimming, (5) harness-making, (6) shoemaking, (7) x^rinting, (8) iron and com]Dosition molding, (9) planing-mill w^ork, (10) drawing and designing. "These courses of instruction are designed to fit i)ui)ils to become journeymen and foremen in the trades represented. The student is employed in model work until he acquires a sufficient knowledge of the use of tools to engage in the actual production of goods for the market. The sales of goods manufactured in these shops during the present year will amount to about $15,000. We compete with other shops and factories, and find sale for more than we can make. This is one of the very few schools in the South which combine tlieory, or model work, and the actual manufacturing of arti- cles for the markets. The graduates from our shops go at once as full journeymen into regular manufacturing establishments, and some of them as foremen. We could find places for ten times as many as we send out." EDUCATION OF THE COLOEED RACE. 967 Industrial training in universities and coUcrjcs; numUr of students in each industry. Institutions. Sclma TTni versify Philander Smith College Jloward Uuivcrsity Atlanta University Clark University Berea College Leland University Now Orleans UuiVcrsity Soutliern University Straight University Morgan College Enst University Alcorn Agricultural and Mechan- ical College Biddlc University Shaw University Livingston College "Wilberlbrce University Lincoln University Allen University Claflin University Knoxville College Central Tennessee College Pisk University Eoger A\'illiani8 University Paul Quinn College (a) I (a) 21 I 60 (a) j (a) (o) 1 (a) 10 ' 20 (a) [.. (a) i («f U I 61 ....!(«) (a) (a) .... (a) I (a) (a) («) (a) (a) (a) I (a) .... 35 (a) (a) (a) (a) (a) (a) (a)j(a) \a)\\a) («) (.a) 79 ilC5 («) 1 («) 14 ! 34 19 (a) 8 21 5 (a) 02 (a) 21 (a) (a) («) (a) ....|(a) (a) (a) --.-!(a) (a) (a) .... (a) .... (a) - , (a) (a) (a) (a) (a) I (a) (rt) (a) («) (a) ; (a) .... (a) («) («) (a) 108 .... (a) .... (a) 19 i («) (a) j (a) 08 I 15 9 ha) --- (a) I (a) i(«) I 14 (a) (a) j (a) I (n) '(a) («) («) (a) (a) ....l....i(a) 35 ISO !305 (a) Il50 I («) (n) jlGS (a) I (a) ....1(a) (a) (a)l 1C7 292 17TBD {a) (a) I (a) (a) ;(a) o Indicates that instruction was given in that branch, hut the number of students was not given. At the meeting of the general committee of the Freedmau's Aid and Soutliern Edu- cation Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church, held in Harrisburg, Pa., Novem- hcr 7, 1892. the report on manual training in 23 colored schools was asfollovrs: Male students in manual training and trade schools as follows: Printing, 123; tailoring, 6; painting, 43; c arp entry ,"32.5 ; cahinetmaking, 9; machine shop, wood, 6; machine shop, iron, 14; blacksmithing, 48; wagon-making, 1; tin shop, 8; masonry, 23; bakery, 4; shoemaking, 28; harness-making, 25; laundry, 95; agriculture, 91. Female students in domestic economy : Housekeeping, 195; sewing, 1,117; cooking, 276; dressmaking, 248. V. — Coeducation of the Eaces. In the catalogues of many of the colored institutions it is stated that students will be received regardless of race or sex. Usually, however, there are not many white students in colored scliools. In quite a number of Northern institutions there can be found from one to five colored students, but generally these arc in scliools where the stiulcnts arc grown young men and whore their intercourse is practically limited to the lecture room. So far as reported th.e number of colored students in .Nortlicrn and Western schools in 1890-91 was as foUov.'S : In secondary schools, 80 ; universities and colleges, IfiO; normal schools, 207; theological, 71; law, 20; nu'dical, dental, and pharnuiccntical, 63. Most of the normal students here reported were attending nor- mal schools supported by the State or city. Wherever a suflicient number of col- ored students are fouiid'for a .separate institution, there is apt to be an institution for each race. On this subject of coeducation of the races, Eev. J. E. Rankin, D. D., president of Howard Univeivity, Washington, D. C, said at the :Mohouk Conference in 1891 : "It is true that tlie colored mancau go to Northern institutions of learning. That is, as an individual, one of him. But ten of liim together Avouhl break up any college class. Even Harvard would ceas-^ to elect him class orator. He can not be edacated in large numbers, except in institutions established and maintained especially for his benefit. He can go into a few of the white churches, but not in any largo number. There is scarcely a white church in the land that could exist long witli 50 colored people as members, if they came en masse, if there were a colored revival. I ani not complaining of this. I am speaking cold facts, frozen facts. I am not looking for it at present to bo otherwise. Christian as are our theological seminaries, I believe that while the white students of a class would regard 1 colored man as a curiosity, 968 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1890-91, a phenomenon, and 2 colored men as a double enigma, 10 colored men vrould pu^ 10,000 of them to flight. If, therefore, yon want to givo'colorcd men higher theologi- cal training, it must be provided for in schools established for colored mcn.'^ Eev. Samuel W. Boardmau, president of Maryville College, Teun. , says : "Not long ago there were said to be about 20 Afro-Americans in the different departments of Harvard University. NoAvhere have I seen such students appear to be more at home than in the libraries, reading rooms, and on the shady walks of Cambridge. It is well known that they are made welcome in the universities of England, France, Germany, and other countries of Europe. At Yale, Cornell, and other American col- leges, they have been well represented. They have Avon i^rizes, and received in some cases the especial recognition of their classmates in apiiointmcnts to class honors." There is probably a greater intermingling of the races at Berea College, Ky., and at Orange Park, Fla., than at any other places. Both of these institutions are as- sisted by the American Missionary Associatioji.,-aBdrit is stated in the catalogue'of Berea College that the school is intended as' a source of educational, moral, and social reform. The number of colored male and female students at Berea was 188, and of white students male and female, 166. They mingle together both in the school rooms and in the boarding departments. "At the Orange Park, Fla., school there are about 35 colored boys and girls and almost as many whites Avho board, together Avith many day pupils of both races. It seems that the majority of the whites in Orange Park are New Englauders, whohaA-e been there for some years. Having sj)ent their money to fix themselA''es in the South and, after getting there, failing to realize what they had hoped, they becajne poor — too poor to send their children off to schocl. Not satisfied that their children should forego the training giA^en in the Orange Park School, they were, because of circum- stances, forced to send there. It is a bitter pill, hoAveA^er, because many of them are Southernized Northerners. At first they strongly objected, and more than once used tlieir influence to haA'e the colored pupils withdraAvn, but Avith no effect. "In the beginning the white pupils separated themselves as much as possible from the colored pnj)ils. As the school work progressed and all the pupils became inter- ested in the common cause of education, the differences were forgotten, the storm outside abated, and the white pupils naturally became more intimately associated with the colored pupils in class work." VI. Vauious Expressions op OpiKioisr kegardixg Negro Education and Ad- vancement. THE education OF THE NEGRO. [From an article by V^'". T. Harris in tlic Atlantic Monthly, June, 1802, with annotations hy reprcscnta- tiA'e men to Avhom it had been sulamitted for criticism.] The negro was brought to this country as a slave almost from the date of its first settlement. Two hunclred and fifty years of bondage had elapsed Avhen the issue of civil war set him free. Ho had brought with him from Africa the lowest form of cIa^- ilization to be found among men — that in which the most degrading superstition furnishes the forms of public and priA'ate life. His religion was fetichism. But by contact with the Anglo-Saxon race in the A'ery close relation of domestic seiwitude, living in the same family and goA'erned by the absolute authority Avhich character- izes all family control, the negro, after tAvo and a half centuries, had come to possess what we may call the Anglo-Saxon consciousness. For the ne'gro of the South, Avith the exception of a stratum of j)opulation in the dark belt of large jilantations, Avhere he has not been brought into contact Avith white people through domestic servitude, but segregated as oxen and horses are — the negro of the South, with this exception, I repeat, is thoroughly imbued with nearly airthe ideals and aspirations which form the conscious and unconscious motiA'cs of action Avith the white people among Avhom he liA^es.i It would be very easy to couA'ince one's self of this by free conA'ersation with any specimen of the colored race, and a comparison of his thoiights with those of a newly arrived immigrant from Ireland, Italy, Germany, or Scandinavia. It would be found that the negro is in thorough sympathy, intellectually and emotion- ally, with our national point of Adew, while the immigrant looks through the dark glass of his own national presniiiiositions, and misinterprets most that he sees around him here. Only in the second generation, and after association with the natiA'e pop- ' It is a matter for cTiscussion Avhethcr the negro has come into the possession of Avhat may be called " the Anglo-Saxon consciousness." I can not see hoAV, so long as the peojile of this race constitute a distinct and insoluble entity in our political society, it will be possible for them to acquire the charac- teristics Avhich it has taken such a long period of time to develop in the Caucasian race. {li. L. Gib- ton.) EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 969 ulatiou in common scliools, the worksliop, and tlio political meetiug, docs the Eui'o- peau contingent of ouv population become assimilated. ^ Of course I do not say this in disparagement of the Euroj^ean immigrant, for he stubbornly resists our national idea only in proportion to the value of his o\yn. But I do insist on the practical fact that the negro of the South is not an African in his inner consciousness, but an American Avho has acquired our Anglo-Saxon con- sciousness in its American tyjie througli .seven generations of don stic servitude in the family of a Avhite master. That this has been acquired so completely because of the inherent aptitude of tbe African race to imitate may be admitted as probable, and it follows from this that the national consciousness assumed by the black race is not so firmly seated as in otlier races that have risen througli tlieir own activity to views of the Avorld more advanced than feticbism. Hence wo may expect that the sundering of the negro from close domestic relatious witb the white race will be accompanied witb tendencies of relapse to the old fetich worship and belief in magic ; and this would be especially the case in the dark belt where the large plantations are found. « ^ * Here is the chief problem of the negro of the South. It is to retain the elevation acquired through the long generations of domestic slavery, and to superimpose on it the sense of personal responsibility, moral dignity, and self respect which belongs to the conscious ideal of the white race. Those acquainted with the free negro of the South, especially with the specimens at school and college, know that he is as capable of this higher form of civilization as in slavery he was capable of faithful attach- ment to the interests of his master. The first step- towards this higher stage which will make the negro a valued citi- zen is intellectual education, and the second is industiial education.^ By the expres- sion "industrial ediication" I do not refer so much to training in habits of industry, for he has had this discipline for two hundred years,^ but to school instruction in arts and trades as applications of scientific principles. Kor do I refer even to niJinual and scientific training, valuable as it is, so much as to that fundamental training in thrift"' which is so essential to the iirogrcss of industry. Tlie negro must teach himself to become a capitalist. There are two stages to this: First, that of hoarding; second, that of profitable investment. The first stage of thrift may be stimulated by adopt- ing the postal savings device. If it be true, as is j^lausibly asserted, that the so-called poor white of the South is less thrifty than the negro, such adojition by ourGovern- 1 Witlidi\iwn by force from liis original physical and moral environment, the negro lias adapted liimself to Iiis American surroundings, and in doing so lias necessarily acquired, so far as his lower intelligence permitted, the ideals and aspirations of the people to whom he was bound so long in slav- ery; but he is essentially still an African in the controlling tendencies of his character. When left to a7i exclusive association with his own people, there is a powerful iuclin.ation on the part of the Southern negro to revert to all of the distinctive features of his African ancestors. This is a fiict of the utmost importance in the consideration of the proper means to be emploj'ed for the improvement of his character. The principal cause of the many failures ■which have been made in the eftbrt to pro- duce this improvement lias been the unfortunate "misconception that the Soutliern negro jof to-day is simply an ignorant white man with a black skin. The American descendants of European immigrants are, in the second generation, tlioronghly assimilated with the surrounding -white population. The grandsons of an American, a German, and an Englishman difler but little, if at all, in the basis of their character. It c.in hardly be said that the negroes even of those Northern communities in which their race has enjoyed freedom for five generations are so assimilated with the surrounding white popula- tion that they are not to be discriminated from it in racial characteristics. (P. A. Bruce.) 2 The first step really to be taken must be by the whites about him iu letting the negro feel that he possesses inalienable rights. "What he now possesses is by suffcrauco only. He knows that he is neither a citizen nor a man, in the full sense. (L. H. Blair.) ^ I should prefer to define the course thus: Eirst, religious; second, industrial; and thixd, intellec- tual. An ideal public-school system for tlie Southern negroes for many generations to come would bo a system nndcr the oi^eration of which each schoolhouso would be devoted to the religious instruction of the colored pupils, witli a sufl'.cient amount of Indus? rial training to imp.art h.ibits of industry, and a sufficient amount of intellectual training to facilitate the inculcation of the religious teachings'. As far as possible the public-school system sliould be made supervisory of the moral life of the pu])ils; it should take the place of the parental authority, which is so much relaxed, now that the watchful eye and firm support of the slaveholders have been withdrawn. (P. A . Bruce.) * One of the discouraging features in the character of t\^e young Southern negro is that apparently hs has inherited but a small share of the steadiness and industry which were acquired under compul- sion by his fathers. I am referring now to the young negro to he found in llio agricultural commu- nities. He is in a marked degree inferior to the former .slave in agricultural knowledge and manipu- lating skill, for the very simple reason that his employer is nnablo to enforce the rigid'attention to all the details of work which ho would do if the young negro were his property. (7^. A. Bruce.) Br. Harris seems to me to overestimate the value of the slave's experience in developing the habits of punctuality and obeilience in descendants who were never slaves. I fear that the result is far other; that iii iho descendants of the slave there is an inherited disposition to be disobedient to law as a proof of the newly acquired freedom. (Anon.) * There is need of the inculcation and of the adoption in homo life, in daily conduct, of sounder principles of economy and of consumption. What to eat, what to wear, how to cook, how to provide and preserve homo conveniences and comforts, how to lay by for a rainy day, must be indoctrinated, ingrained, and become a habit. In other days the African slave was cared for from cradle to coffin, and literally tcok no thought for (he morrow. Comparatively few negroes now living were ever slaves, but the habits of servitude have been transmitted. (J. L. M. Curry ) 970 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1890-91. mcnt of the postal savings institution would be a blessing to botb races.' We linow, indeed, that the poor ^vhite in the North is chiefly in need of the tlirift that has a habit of hoarding — tliat is, the habit of saving something from its weekly pittance, no matter how small. The introduction of manufacturing industries throughout the South is favorable to the rise of the poor white from his poverbj^. In the early days of cotton manu- facture in New England, the unthrifty white iieople, who hitherto had lived in cot- tages or hovels near the large farms, removed to the villages tliat were springing up near water privileges. They learned how to " work in the mill," all the members of the family, from the oldest to the youngest, and the aggregate wages was wealth compared with what they had known before. In fact, they earned more than the ■well-to-do farmers in whose service they had formerly labored. The children now earned more wages than the parents had earned before. The work on the farm Avas A^aried and intermittent, depending upon the season. PloAving, planting, Aveed- ing, haying, haiwesting, thrashing, marketing, wood-cutting, etc., are regulated by the farmer's calendar. There are rainy days, when the day laborer loses his hire; and, besides these, there are interA^als betAveen the season of one species of work and that of the next, in Avhich no employment is offered him by the farm proprietor. If he had thrift he would find work of some kind for himseff at home; he would saA'e money and own his house. But thrift he does not possess. Hence, what he earns in the days of .the working season is jsrodigally expended while it lasts, and the days of idleness after harA^est are days of want in the household. The children are educated in the same habits of unthrift. Tlic rise of manufactures- and the removal of the ill-to-do families from the farm to the mill put an end to the j)eriodic alternation of want and plenty in the house. Plenty now preA'ails, but does not generate thrift, for there is less occasion for it. The week's wages may be expended as fast as earned, thanks to the demoralizing institution of credit at the grocery kept by the proprietors of the mill. But, nat- withstanding this drawback, there is more self-respect on the j)art of the children, Avho now liaA^e the consciousness that they earn their living. Manufactures and commerce bring about urban life as contrasted Avith rural life. The A'illage grows into the city; the railroad carries the daily newspaper from the metropolis to the suburbs and to all toAvns on its line, and thus extends urban life indefinitely. The difference between these two orders of life, the urban and rural, is quite im- portant, and its discussion affords us an insight into a process going on rapidly throughout the South. The old regime of the large farm, with its cordon of dcr pendent families, rendered possible a sort of patriarchal constitution. The farm proprietor, in the North as well as in the Soiith, Avielded great power over the un- thriftj^ families of day laborers V\'ho liA'cd near him. He helped them do their think- ing, as he mingled Avith them in the daily work. He was called upon to assist Avhen- ever their unthrift pinched them. His intellect and will in a measure supplanted the natiA'e intellect and will of his hired laborers, not merely in directing their work on his farm, but also in their private matters, it being their habit to consult him. The farm proprietor thus furnished a sort of substantial will power that gOA'erned his small community as the head of a family governs his. This semi-j)atriarchal rule which exists in the exclusiA'ely agricultural community produces its own peculiar form of ethical life. The head of the farm, who does the thinking and willing for the others in all matters that are not fixed by roiatine, so penetrates their liAa-s that he exercises a moral restraint OA^er them, holding them back from crime of all kinds. Such ethical influence is, hoAVCA-er, of the lowest and most rudimentary character in the stage next aboA'e slaA'ery. It presupposes a lack of individual self-determination in tho persons thus controlled. They are obsessed, as it Avere, by his will and intellect, and fail to develop their own natn-o capacities. He rules as a clan leader, and they are his henchmen. They are repressed and are not educated into a moral character of their own. There is'little outAvard stimulus compelling them to exorcise their independent choice. Hence agricultural commu- nities are conservative, governed by custom and routine, taking up very slowly any new ideas. The change to urban life through the intermediary step of village life breaks up 1 ITntil the negro learns thrift he Avill never be a man, no matter Avhat his scientific or inclnstrial education may be ; therefore postal savings banks are especially desirable, indeed necessary, for him. (L. H.Blair.) ^Itisvainto loolc for mannfactnres in the South. Manufactures flourish only in a cool climate. Manufacturing has for years been diminishing in the South, nress reports to the contrary notwith- standing. (L. II. Blair.) Tlie recent statistics of American cotton manufacture issued from the Census OfRce shoAV that great strides have been made by the Southern States between ISSO .and ISCO. Tlie atnount of capital invested in that iudusty in the Southern group has advanced from $21,070,713 to $01.12-1,090; the num- ber of hands employed has .advanced from 20,827 to 41,481, and the value of the manufactured products lias been raised from $21,038,712 to $40,971,503. This compares very favorably with the pr02:rcssniade by any other group of States within the same iuterval. (J. S, Means, in the '' Hoiithcrn States" for March, -1893.) EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 971 this patriarclial cliuisliip, ;iud cultivates iu its place independence of opinion and action. Tlie laborer in the "'miH" recognizes his right to choose his cni]do5er and his place of labor, and exercises it to a far greater degree than the farm laborer. He migrates from village to village; in the city he lias before him a bewildering variety of employers to choose from. The city emjiloyer does not act as patriarch, nor permit his laborers to approach him as head of a clan. The urban life protects the laborer from the obsessing iullucnce of the employer, and throws a far greater ■weiglit of responsibility on the individual. Hence the urban life stimulates and develops independence of character. * In the case of the Southern slave there was none of this alternation between idle- ness and industry, plenty and want, that comes to tlie j^oor white at the North and South by reason of his freedom. But his will and intellect were obsessed more elfectually because the slave could not be allowed the development of spontaneous, independent, self-activity. Since the civil var, however, the condition of the negro has changed, and in the agricultural region it now resembles more nearly the status above described as that of the poor white in rural in contradistinction from urban surroundings. Where the country is sjiarsely settled the proiirietor farmer retains the dominant influence. "Where the villages are getting numerous the tendency to indeiieudeiice manifests itself in a partial revolt from the patriarchal rule of the plantation, and the struggle leads naturally to an unpleasant state of aifairs for all parties. But the urban factor in the problem is certain to gain the ascendancy, and we must see in the near future, with the increase of railroads and manufacturing centers, the progressive decadence of the patriarchal rule. The old system of social morality Avill perish, and a ncAv one will take its place. In the formation of the new one the present danger lies. If the negro separates entirely from the white classes so far as domestic relations are concerned, and forms his own independent family, he separates from the clan influence also, and loses the education of the white master's family in manners.' He loses, too, the education of the master's counsel and directing influence. Unless this is counterbalanced by school education, it will produce degeneracy; for to remove the weight of authority is productive of good only when there has been a growth of individuality that demands a larger sphere of free activity. In case of entering upon village life and mechanical industries greater freedom from authority is demanded, and its efiects are healthful; but with the isolated life on the planta- tion the opposite holds. The remedy for evils incident to these changes is, as before said, school education, provided it is inclusive enough to furnish industrial and moral as well as intellectual training. Education, intellectual and moral, is the only means yet discovered that is always sure to hell) people to help themselves. Any otlier species of aid may enervate the beneficiary, and lead to a habit of dependence on outside help. But intellectual and moral education develops self-respect, fertility of resources, knowledge of human nature, and aspiration for a better condition in life. It jiroduces that divine discon- tent which goads on the individual, and will not let him rest." How does the school produce this important result? In what way can it give to the negro a solid basis for character and accomplishments? The school has under- taken to perform two quite diti'erent and opposite educational functions. The first produces intellectual training, and the second the training of the will. The school, for its intellectual function, causes the pupil to learn certain arts, snch as reading and writing, which make possible communication with one's fellow- men, and imjKirt certain rudimentary iusights or general elementary ideas with which jiractical thinking may be done, and the i)upil be set on the way to comprehend 1 Tlic increasing isolation of tho negro of the South from the Tvliites is, so far as his o"wn advancement is conceriied, the most siiiiiificr.nt fact connected ■« ith Lis present condition. In one j)oint only does ho cor.io in contact with the white man, and tliat is in the formal relation of employed to employer. The negro and the white man arc driven into this relation of necessity. In their social spheres they are as wide apart as if tliey inhabited dilierent countries. They have'scpaiate churches and separate schools, and it is only a question of time for them to have, in all parts of the South, sejjarate jniblic conAcyances. The two races resemble two groat streams that flow side by side, never commingling nor converging. There is no disposition to unite. On tho contrary, tho tendency is to swerve still farther apart. This is a fact of sv.pren^.e importance in its bearing upon the prospects of the negro race in tlie South, for that race is essentially imitative and adaptive in its character, sliowing a parasitic loyalty to its environment. In a state of servitude, the ncOTO was disciplined into a tixed and indnstrion.s life by tho regulations of the system which enslaved liim; he was improvi d iu man- ners and elevated in his general conceptions by his daily association with the individuals of a superior white caste. This semi-military discipline of slavery is gone, and no social or personail tic now unites the home of the negro with that of the v.hite man. (P. A . Bruce.) 2 Self-respect is near aliin to self-support. Any one who has lived in a foreign land where class dis- tinctions prevail knows how inefiaceable is deference to r.ank, sometimes ajiproaching servility. The negro seems to assume, to feel, to act on, his inferiority. The action of the Government, of party managers, of religious organizations, of givers of pecuniary aid, of adniiuis^trdtors of cliaritable bene- factions, lias tended to make him look to and rely iqion Hercules. Slavery .subordinated will, repressed intelligence, did not cultivate individuality or self-determination, and wliat is needed for the Atrican is a strengthening at weak points so as to build up self-reliant character. (J. L. If. Curry.) 972 EDUCATION REPOKT, 1890-91. his environment of nature, and of humanity and history. There is taught in the huniljlcst of schools sonietiiing of arithmetic, the science and arts of numbers, by ■svhose aid material nature is divided and conibined — the most practical of all knowl- edge of nature because it relates to ihe fundamental conditions of the existence of nature, the quantitative structure of time and space themselves. A little geography, also, is taught; the pupil acquires the idea of the interrelation of each locality with every other. Eacb place produces something for the world-market, and in return it receives numerous commodities of useful and ornamental articles for food, clothing, and shelter. The great cosmoxiolitan idea of the human race and its unity of inter- ests is born of geography, and even the smattering of it Avhich the poorly taught pupil gets enwrajos this great general idea, which is fertile and productive, a veri- table knowledge of power from the start. All school studies, moreover, deal with language, the embodiment of the reason, not of the individual, but of the Anglo-Saxon stock or peoijle. The most elementary language study begins by isolating the A\'ords of a sentence, and making the pupil conscious of their separate articulation, spelling, and meaning. The savage does not quite arrive at a consciousness of the separate words of the language, but knows only whole sentences. All inflected languages preserve for us their primitive form of language consciousness, the inflections being the addition (to the roots or stems) of various subjective or pronominal elements necessary to give definiteness of appli- cation. The Turanic languages are called "agglutinative," because the power of an- alytic thinking has not proceeded so far as to dift'erentiate the x^arts of speech fully. Every sentence is as it were some form of a conjugation of its verb. Now, the steps of becoming conscious of words as Avords involved in writing and spelling, and in making out the meaning, and, finally, in the study of grammatical distinctions between the parts of speech, bring to the iiupil a power of abstraction, a power of discriminating form from conteiits, substance from accidents, activity from passivity, subjectiA'^e from objectiA'e,' which makes him a thinker. For think- ing depends on the mastery of categories, the ability to analyze a subject and get at its essential elements and see their necessary relations. The jieople Avho are taught to analyze their speech into AA'ords liaA^e a constant elcmentarj' training through life that makes them reflective and analytic as compared Avith a totally illiterate peoiile. This explains to some degree the elfect upon a loAver race of adojiting the language of a higher race. It brings up into consciousness, by furnishing exact expressions for them, complicated series of ideas Avhich remain sunk below the mental horizon of the savage. It enables the rudimentary intelligence to ascend from the thought of isolated things to the thought of their relations and interdependencies. The school teaches also literature, and trains the pujjil to read by setting him les- sons consisting of extracts from literary works of art. These are selected for their intensity, and for their peculiar merits in exj^ressiug situations of the soul brought about by external or internal circumstances. Language itself contains the catego- ries of thought, and the study of grammatical structure makes one conscious of phases of ideas which flit past without notice in the mind of the illiterate person. Literary genious invents modes of utterance for feelings and thoughts that Avere hitherto below the surface of consciousness. It brings them above its Ica'cI, and makes them forcA^er after conscious and articulate. Especially in the realm of ethi- cal and religious ideas, the thoughts that furnish the regulative forms for living and acting, literature is jireeminent for its usefulness. Literature may be said, therefore, to reveal h^lnlan nature. Its A-ery elementary study in school makes the pupil ac- quainted with a hundred or more i^ieces of literary art, expressing for him with felicity his rarer and higher moods of feeling and thought. When, in mature age, we lookback OA'c-r our liA-es and recall to mind the influence that our schooldays brought us, the time sj)ent over the school readers seems quite naturally to hav^e been the most A^aluable part of our education. Our thoughts on the conduct of life liaA'e been stimulated by it, and this ethical knoAvledge is of all knowledge the nearest related to self-j)reservation. The school, eA^en in its least efficient form, does something on these lines of intel- lectual insight. For the most fruitful part of all intellectual education is the acqui- sition of the general outline and the basal idea — the categories, so to speak, of the provinces of human learning. This intellectual i^art of school education could not well be more accurately directed to aid the cause of civilization. For the kind of knowledge and mental discipline that conserA^es civil life is the knoAvledge that giA'cs an insight into the dependence of the indiAddual upon society. The school is busied vrith giAing the pupil a knoAvledge of the conditions of physical nature and human nature ; the former in mathematical study, the latter in language study. The school also educates the Avill through its discipline. It demands of the iiupil that he shall be obedient to the rules of order, and adopt habits that make it possi- ble to combine with one's fellows. The school is a small community, in which, many immature wills are combined in such a way as to prcA'ent one from standing in the way of another, while each helps all and all help each. For the pupil learns more EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 973 by seeing the efforts of his fellows at mastering the lesson than he docs by hearing the teacher's explanations. In order to secure concert of action, the seniiniechanical moral habits of regularity, punctuality, silence, and industry are insisted on. Moral education is not accomplished by lectures on morals so much as by a strict training in moral habits. The American school is proverbially strict in the matter of these semimechanical moral habits. They constitute the basis of self-control as related to combination -with one's fellows. Lea^■« out punctuality and regularity, and no combination is practicable; leave out silence and industry, and the school work is not possible. AVithout industry and abstention from meddlesomeness (and this is the equivalent of silence in the school) there can be no combination in civil society at large. The school secures jieaceful cooperation, repressin,g the natural quarrel- someness that exists among boys who are strangers to one another, and insuring civil behavior. Good behavior is the general term that characterizes the ideal aimed at by the school in the matter of will-training. A mastex'y of the '' conventionalities of intelligence," as the "three R's'' are called by a thoughtful observer, characterizes in like mauner the ideal of its intellectual training. From these considerations Ave can sec how the common school may work, and does necessarily work, to civilize the intellect and will of the child, and how it must affect any lower race struggling to master the elements of civilization. For this scholastic training gives one the poAver to comiirehend the siirings of action that move the races Avhich ]iosscss the directive power, and thus he can govern himself. It enables the pupil to see the properties and adaptabilities of material things, and he can sub- due nature and convert things into wealth. Here is the ground for the addition of industrial training to the traditional course of study in the common schools. The negro must learn to manage machinery, and make himself useful to the comnuniity in which he lives b^' becoming a skilled laborer.' Every physical peculiarity may be converted by the cunning of intellect into some knack or aptitude which gives its possessor an advantage in productive industry. But the skill to use tools and direct machinery is a superior gift. luA'en- fion is fast discounting the value of special gifts of manual dexterity. Science is the seedcorn, Avhile artisan skill — yes, even art itself — is only the baked bread. The first step above brute instinct takes place when man looks beyond things as he sees them existing before him, and begins to consider their possibilities; he adds to his external seeing an internal seeing. The Avorld assumes a new aspect; each object appears to be of larger scope than in its present existence, for there is a sphere of possibility euA^irouiug it — a siiherc Avhich the sharpest animal eyes of Ij' nx or eagle can not see, but which man, endoAved with this ne\y faculty of inward sight, per- ceives at once. To this insight into possibilities there loom up uses and adaptations, transformations, and combinations, in a long series, stretching into the infinite behind each finite real thing. The bodily eye sees the real objects, but can not see the infi- nite trails; thej' are invisible except to the inward eye of the mind. . What we call directive power on the part of man, his combining and organizing capacity, all rests on this ability to see beyond the real things before the senses to the ideal possibilities iuAusible to the brute. The more clearly man sees these ideals, the more perfectly he can construct for his behoof another set of conditions than those in wiiich he finds himself. The school, in so far as it gives intellectual education, aids the pupil by science and literature. Science collects about each subject all its phases of existence under different conditions; it teaches the student to look at a thing as a Avhole, and sec in it not only Avhat is A'isible before his senses, but also Avhat is invisible — what is not realized, but remains dormant or potential. The scientifically educated laborer, therefore, is of a higher type than the mere "hand laborer," because he has learnecl to see in each thing its possibilities. He sees each thing in the persiiectiA'e of its history. Here, then, in the educated laborer, we haA-e a hand belonging to a brain that directs or that can intelligently comprehend a detailed statement of an ideal to be worked out. The laborer and the oA'erseer, or "boss," are united in one man. Hence it is that the productive power of the educated laborer is so great. The school may indefinitely reenforce the effect of this general education by adding manual training and other industrial branches, taking care to make the instruction 1 It is well lo imderst.'md clearly tlie formidable character of the obstacles which the iiegro mechanic will be called upon to OAcrcome before he can acquire, in the mechanical trades, anj^ substantial advan- tage from the prosperity Avhich may surround him. In the first place, he AA'ill encounter race prejudice ; employers will prefer mechanics of their oAvn race, if other conditions are equal. Then he will h.ave to submit to the stress of modern competition. The skilled white mechanic protects himself by his trade union; into that he is not likely to admit the negro mechanic. If the skilled negro mechanics form their own trade unions, the superiority of the members must be of the most striking character to create a preponderating influence in tlieir favor in the mind of the employer, who naturally leans towards individuals of liis own race. Let the negro unions work at cheaper rates and tlic white mechaiiics be forced to come down to the same wages, the former would at once be exposed to those destructive con- ditions to which I have referred. These are tlie influences that diminish the prospect of the negro taking an active piart in the manufacturing development of the South, except in those branches of labor which are distinctly beloAV such as require special skill and training. (P. A. Bruce.) 974 EDUCATION REPORT, 1890-91. scientific; for it is science that gives scope and iiower of adaptation to new condi- tions. The instrument of modern civilization is the labor-saving machine. The negro can not share in the white man's freedom nnless he can Icaru to manage ma- chinery. Nothing but drudgery remains for a race that can not understand applied science. The productive power of a race that works only with its hamls is so small that only one in the hundred can live in the enjoyment of the comforts of life. The nations that have conquered nature by the aid of machinery can afford luxury for large classes. In Great Britain/ for example, 30 per cent of the families enjoy incomes of $1,000 and upwards per annum, wMle the 70 per cent, constituting the so-called "worlving classes," have an average of $485 to each family. When we con- sider how much this will buy in England, we see that the common laborer of to-day is better oft' for real comforts than the nobleman of three hundred years ago. In France, 76 per cent, including the working classes, receive $395 per family, while tlie 24 per cent, including the wealthy, get an average of $1,300 and nj)wards. But in Italy the income returns show (in 1881) only 8,500 families with incomes above $1,000, while more than 98 per cent of the population average less than $300 for each familj-.^ Agri- culture without manufactures and commerce can not furnish wealth lor a large frac- tion of the people. But with diversity of industry there is opportunity for many, and will be finally for all. The increased use of machinery multiplies wealth, so that production doubles twice as often as the population in the United States. This is the significance of manual training in our schools. The youth leojus how to shape wood and iron into machines, and thus how to construct and manage machines. The hand worker is to be turned into a brain worker; for the machine does the work of the hand, but requires a brain to direct it. Human productive industry needs more and more directive power, but less and less mere sleight of hand. The negro, educated in manual training, will find himself at home in a civilization which is accumulating invention of all sorts and descriptions to perform the work necessary to supply the people with food, clothing, and shelter at so cheap a rate as to have a large surj)lus of income to p-archase the means of luxury, amusement, and culture. The friends of the education of the negro. North and South, have seen the impor- tance of providing industrial education for him. So long as he can work only at the cultivation of staple crops he can not become a salutary element in the social wh'ole."' When he acquires skill in mechanical industries his jiresence in the com- munity is valued and his person respected. Many colored institutions have been founded for the special promotion of skill in the arts and trades, and nearly all of the higher institutions have undertaken to provide some facilities for industrial education. " * « With the growing isolation of the negro in his state of freedom comes the neces- sity of a well educated clergy* to counteract an increasing tendency to relapse into fetichism and magic and all manner of degrading superstitious. The profession of Christianity in empty words does not avail auj^hing, and the practical interpreta- tion of those words by means of the ideas of fetichism secures and confirms the low- est status of savagery. The more highly educated the colored clergy, the more closely are the masses of the i^eoplo brought into intelligent sympathy with the aspirations and endeavors of the white race with whom they live. For it is not the abstract dogma that gives vital religion, important though it be as a symbol of the highest. It is the correct interpretation of that dogma in terms of concrete vital issues which make it a living faith. One must be able to see the present world and its Sphinx riddles solved by the high doctrines of his creed, or he does not i)05sess a " saving faith." The preacher who can not, for his illiteracy, see the hand of ProA'i- dence in the instruments of modern civilization — in the steamship, the railroad, the telegraph, the morning newspaper, the popular novel, the labor-saving machine, the investigations in natural science — is not likely to be of much help in building up a ' See Mulliall's Dictionary of Statistics (new edition, 1890-'91), pages 320-322. ( W. T. H.) ' Tlie English laborer has a greater income than the Italian, because England is tlie common manu- facturer for Italy . Southern climates, "whether occupied by negroes or Caucasians, are fatal to the rigorous demands of scientiiic iudiistry. (L. H. Blair.) ^As yet public sentiment coniines him principally to agricultural or other similarly unrcmnncrativo employments, (i. S. Blair.) ^ The improvement of the character of the negro preachers is even more important than the improve- ment of the character of the negro teachers ; but it is an end more difficult to reach, because the iireachers can not be selected like the teachers alter submission to an ordeal that tests their fitness for the posi- tions tobe filled. As a rule, the present spiritual guides of the Southern negroes are self-appointed. The most ieasible i^lan for promoting this improvement of character seems to^be the establishment of a largo number of seminaries, to be controlled absolutely by the white religions denominations, in ■which the general system of instruction now pursued in the normal institutes, with religious courses . predominating, shall be employed for the education of the students. A second Peabody or Slater, instead of leaving alarge fund for the advancement of the usefulness of the normal schools for the South- ern negroes, should set aside the same amount lor establishing new seminaries for the education of negro preachers or enlarging the scope and improving the methods of those already in existence. (P. A. Bruce.) EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 975 new civilization, altliougli lie may, it is true, administer consolation to souls world- sick and wcavy.* The Christian religion, as interpreted by the modern spirit, mc^us not only the preparation for death, but, more than this, a preparation for living. The true mis- sionary spirit is thoroughly of this character. It bids each Immau being lielp his brother in all ways that may secure his self-help. Hence the conquest of nature, first bj' means of natural scitmce, and secondly by means of useful inventions, to the endthivt man may be lifted forever above a life of drudgery iuto a life of intelligent, directive power, where brains count more than hands — this conquest is demanded by religion as a preliminary missionary movement. The labors in social science directed to the end of discovering the best means of administering charity so that it may create activity and enterprise rather than demoralize society's weaklings; the improvement of tenement houses, hygienic pre- cautious, public parks, and innocent amusements, all that goes to increase the interest of man in his fellow men, and especially all that goes to lift the burden from child- hood — the burden that is premature and causes arrested development, stunting the soul in its growth — these ai'e Christian instrumentalities, and are seen to be such by an educated clergy. But an illiterate clergy condemns them as works of Antichrist, because it can not see the spirit of the doctrines which it preaches. It sounds like a, paradox to say that the illiterate is bound by the letter and can not seethe spirit, but it is true. It is quite important that the higher education of the negro should include Latin and Greek. The Anglo-Saxon civilization in which he lives is a derivative one, receiving one of its factors from Rome and the other from Athens. The white j'outh is obliged to study the classic lauguages in order to become couscious of these two derivative elements in his life, and it is equally im]x>rtant for the colored youth. A " liberal" education by classic study gives to the youth some acquiiintauce with his spiritual embryology. * * * , It is clear, from the above considerations, that money expended for the secbndary and higher education of the negro accomplishes farmore for him than similarexpcndi- tures accomplish for the white people. It is seed sown where it brings forth a hun- dred fold,- because each one of the pupils of these higher institutions is a center of diffusion of superior methods and reiiuing intiueuces among an imitative and impres- sible race. State and national aid as Svell as private bequest should take this direc- tion lirst. There should be no gifts »r bequests for common elementary instruction; this should be left to the common schools, and all outside aid should be concentrated on the secondary and higher instruction, inclusive of industrial cducatioii. « * * The three symbols of our most advanced civilization are the railroad, the morning newspaper, and the school. Tlie rural population everywhere is backward in its sympathies for these "moderns." The good school is the instrumentality which mvist precede in order to create this sympathy. But the good school •will not spring up of itself in the agricultural community. It must be provided for by the urban influence of the State and nation. By judicious distribution of general funds, coupled with provisions requiring local taxation as a condition of sharing in these funds, even the rural districts may be brought uj) to the standard. The State as a whole gains in wealth and in the priceless increase of individual ability by education. It was revealed by thi' census of 1880 that the colored race furnished a dispropor- tionate share of illiterates even in the Northern and Pacific groups of States. In the Northern group the percentage of colored illiterates was nearly live times as large as the percentage of white illiterates — 16 jier cent for the colored and 3^ per cent for the white. In the Pacific group the same disproportion iirevailed. In the Southern section of the colored population of the ages 15 to 20 years the illiterates amounted to C7 per cent, while the white illiterates were only 17 iier cent of their quota; colored illiterate's froju 10 to 14 were 70 per cent and the white 30 per cent of their respective quotas. The illiterate person is ajit to be intolerant and full of race prejudice, and to this cause we may attribute the larger portion of the feuds ^ between the races wliere- ever they have existed in the South. But the worst feature of illiteracy is to be _' One of tLe chief dra-wliacks to higher civiliz.ition in the negro race is the exceeding difficulty of giving a pi'edominaiit ethical cliaractor to his religion. In the black belt religion .ind virtue are oi'ten considered ns distinct and separalde tlnngs. The moral element, good character, is eliminated from the essential ingredients of Christianity, and good citizenship, womanliness, truth, chastity, honesty, cleanliness, trustworthiness, are not always of the essence of religious obligation. An intelligent, pious, courageous ministry is indispensable to any hopeful attempt to lift up" the negro rao. (J. i. M. Curry.) 2 The wisest course to pursue .at present is to employ every means to widen the scope and perfect the methods of the norgial schools for tlie negroes. The Ilampton Institute rejirescnts in an eminent degree tlie true principle to 1)0 applied in this a,go to their improvement throueh the public school, that principle being eni!)odiod in the careful selection of the best material which the race aifords for instructors of the young. (/'. A. Bruce.) ^Tlio feuds spvi 'g .almost wholly from the enmity of the whites. The negroes generally stand for the lamb drinking below and muddying the stream above. (L. U. Blair.) 976 EDUCATION REPOET, 1890-91. found ill tlio fact that it is impenetrable to the influence of the aowspaper. En- lightened public opinion depends so much on the daily ncATspaper that it is not pos- sible 'O'ithout it; and lacking this, an ideal self-government is not to bo thought of. The most advanced form of government is that by i^ublic opinion. This is essen- tially a newspaper form of government. The extension of the railroad system into all parts of the South will carry the urban influence to the towns and villages, every station being a radiating center for the daily newspapers of the metropolis. The education that comes from the daily survey of the events of the Avoiid, and a delib- erate consideration of the opinions and verdicts editorially written in view of tliese events, is a supplement or extension of the school. It takes the place of the village gossip which once furnished the mental food for the vast majority. School educa- tion makes possible this participation in the world process of thought by means of the printed page. The book and periodical come to the individual, and pre»,-ent the mental paralysis or arrested development that used to succeed the schooldays of the rural population. With tlie colored people all educated in schools and become a reading people inter- ested in the daily newspaper; with all forms of industrial training accessible to them, and the opportunity so improved that every form of mechanical and manufac- turing skill has its quota of colored working men and women ; with a colored min- istry educated in a Chistian theology iuterioreted in the missionary spirit, and find- ing'its auxiliaries in modern science and modern literature — with these educational essentials, the negro problem for the South will be solved without recourse to violent measures of any kind, whether migration or disfranchisement or ostracism. i Mu- tual respect for moral and intellectual character, for useful talents and industry, will surely not lead to miscegenation, but only to what is desirable, namely, to civil and political recognition. SusccptihUifii of the negro to advancement. — Prof. H. Clay Armstrong, jr. (Alabama) : We have but to look at his condition to-day and the illustrious examples of negro achievement in individual instances and compare these wdth the barbarian of two hundred and fifty j^ears ago and less, or even twenty-five years ago, to convince us that chopping cotton is not the limit of negro cai)ability. * ^ * In fact there are dangers tliat in some sections of the Soutii the negroes may win in the race for edu- cational advan cement. They are worshipful of intellect, and ambitious, you may Siij, as a race, and especially so in some communities; fond of exhibit, perfectly able and willing to live scantily and send their children to school when their white neighbor would think it necessary to have his sons to help him maintain his more j)i'etentious standard of life ; perfect children in their love of approbation; with these charac- teristics we need never fear that the negro will lose the elFects of all our educational efforts for him. We had rather fear that the result of the race between the negro and the plebeian class that now, as noticeably as before the war, stand between the slave owner and the former slave will be victory for the negro. Hace characteristics of the negro. — Dr. J. T. Searcy, in an address before tJie Alabama Educational Association: In the acquiring department, as exhibited on the planta- tions and in the schools, negroes are very apt up to a certain age — w' hen they begin to reach adult life. In the plays of childhood snid in the acquisitions of the primary schools, the negro children show abilities which compare very favorably, and taken as criteria- of mental abilities to come they are often misleading. The negro chil- dren who show the same acquiring abilities in childhood, fall further and further be- hind, as a rule, as the activities incident to adult life come into play. They fall behind then in acquiring abilities, further behind in judgment and reason, and still further behind in tenacity of purpose and decision of cihLaracter. Such differences come into strong relief as age advances, and as the tests of competitive life bring them into view. I believe it is very evident that the more advanced the type of race, the later in life do brain capacities ripen, or fully mature. This is another point in which individuals in the same race diff'ei', and one in which races diifer. These facts all contribute to explain the manifold disappointments of those enthu- siastic friends, who in the past twenty-five years rushed into the field, filled Avith the wildest expectations, believing, on the basis of old-fashioned philosophy, that all that is necessary in his case is to give him instruction and education, wlicn he would stand out in all the cajjacities of the highest manhood, fully able to hold his 'Preeclom itself is ecTticatory. The energy of representative institutions is a valuable sclioolmaster. To control one's labor, to enjoy tlie earnings of it, to make contracts freely, to have tlio right of loco- motion and change of residence and business, have a helpful influence on manhood. TJu-ao concrete and intelligible acts atfect the negro far more than abstract speculations, or effiLiive sontiincnt, or the low processes of remote and corabiued causes. They require proaipt and spontaneous action, and one learns from personal experience that he is a constituent member of society. Unquestionably, he some- times makes ludicrous mistakes, is gailty of offensive self-assertion, but despite these errors there is perceptible and hopeful progress. (J. L. If. C.) EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 977 own ill the competitions of tlie Enroiiean society wliicli surrounds liim. I have been showing that such ideas are often a delusion as regards the children of European parents, and it is the most natural of all facts that it should be the case with the African children. The philanthropists of the past have held these ideas to their practical disappoint- ment in a great many cases as regards the civilization of the so-called heathen races. They have thought that all that is necessary, in their several cases, is that some one shall he sent to instruct them in the ways of the civilization of the advanced races of Europe, when they would be equally as capable. The history of such work all over the world has shown that the races civilize just to the level of their several inherent abilities, and afterwards maintain civilization in accordance with their capacities. The ethnologist could almost anticipate the degree of the success of the missionary by a study of the type and lineage of the race, and by giving an opinion on their inherent mental abilities. * * * I have said that no race or people is uniform in membership. There are some notable exceptions to the general average among the negroes, which can be accounted for on natural principles. There are higher and lower grades among the negroes, because there were to some extent differences smong them when first imported and, secondlj', to their forced artificial culture and improvement during their servitude; thirdly, to causes known nowadays as natural and sexual selection, and, fourthly, to miscegenation. These causes have produced some lines among them pointing towards excellent ability to compete, safety, and sur\ival, but the very large major- ity hold the level, in the European society that surrounds them, of the classes point- ing towards elimination. In intellectual and in ethical abilities they occupy the ranks of the eliminating classes as a rule. Like all such classes of men, white or black, the negro does not bear success well. Acquisition of proi)erty, more rapidly than among the Avhites, begets at once inac- tivity and idleness, and consequent rapid deterioration of line. The children of for- tunate parents among them, by reason of idle deterioration of ability, rapidly lose their property, and when in some lines examples of excellent intellectual abilities are shown, because it is excej)tional in the course, the next generation seldom show it. Time and the same natural processes that are of universal applicatioTi over the whole world, by which races have risen into excellence and again fallen into deca- dence, prevail among the negroes as well, notwithstanding synij)athy and sentiment have endeavored to show their case as an exceptional one. There is abundant lati- tude in this country for the negro, as well as evei-ybody else, to help himself. Self-help improves. Strength and accomplishment come only by practice and exer- cise. The auto-activity of the line of descent alone gives permanency to capacity, and it can not be donated, it can only be acquired. Progress of tJie negro. — Samuel J. Barrows (Boston) : My recent trip through the South covered about 3,500 miles. It led me through portions of Virginia, theCaro- linas, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Tennessee, and Kentucky. I spent proportionately more time in the black belt. 1 visited the great centers and went through the agricultural districts. I paid special attention to social, industrial, and educational conditions. One question was constantly before me : What is the result of twenty-five years of freedom? Four lines of inquiry Avcre constantly pur- sued : What is the negro doing for himself? What is the white man doing for him? How are the two races getting on together ? What is the negro's view of the situation? Industrially. — There Avere many who predicted that, when freedom came, Uncle Ned, in the spirit of the old song, would " lay down de shobel and de hoe;" but Uncle Ned did nothing of the kind. He took a firmer grip upon it, and advertised for a situation. He did not have to go far to seek one. His old master was the very one who Avanted him. I Avas impressed in the South Avith the general fact that the negro had remained pretty much Avhere the Avar left him. Pie was at first only a farm laborer. Many haA-e since become farm renters, and others are on the way to become farm owners. The economic conditions are hard. 'J'he negro is handicapped by the mortgage system, or the lien upon the crop. He buys his goods on time. The time price is twice as high as the cash price. lie pays exorbitant rates of in- terest, and heavy commissions for freight.age, storage, etc. Zaccheus still exists, but it is the colored man who is up the tree. Yet there are thousands of negroes AA^ho haA'^e shown that they can break from this commercial bondage. In the mechanical trades, in commercial life, in the professions, the doors stand open to them, and they are entering into them. There is a new stimulus to inventive genius. Socially. — It is possible to see the negro in all stages of social evolution. In the black belt you find the one-roomed cabin without windows; but cabins with one window, or two windows, with two rooms instead of one room, are becoming more common in the agricultural districts. Home-buying is rajiidly going on. There is ED 91 G2 978 EDUCATION REPOET, 1890-91. a steady accumulation of property. Social refinements are increasing \v'itli the bet- ter environment. Gradually a prosperous and moneyed class is rising. The love of color and the love of music, two fine tastes of the negro^ may he expected to become important factors in his development. Educationally.^ — The interest of the negroes in education is immense. They have discovered that it is the ladder on which they must rise. Both children and parents are malring great sacrifices to secure it. They are not only availing themselves of the primary schools, but are supplementing the school fund and establishing and supporting higher schools. The enrollment of colored children in schools has im- mensely increased. In some districts they literally fill the doors and windows of the schoolhouses. Their capacity for higher education has been demonstrated. A new interest in industrial education is exhibited. Keligiou. — The negro has always been marhed by strong religious feeling. It has found expression mainly in emotional forms. His religion has been marked by Toodcoism and other superstitions. With his growth in education, he is breaking away from these. There is a marked difference between the rising generation and their parents in this respect. In the cities, especially, the extravagant emotionalism that characterized the slave days is much less frequently found. Ethically. — Before the war the negro had no rights of property. He therefore could have little conception of Avhat rights pertained to property. With the acquisition of projjerty he is learning the difference between mine and thine. The family relation was not respected. There is still a great work to be clone in" elevat- ing the moral standard of the colored race, but a gain is evident. Too much de- pendence must not be placed upon criminal statistics. A great many negroes are put into prison or the chain gang who do not belong there. The fault is more with the system and its administration than with the offender. Indeed, the prison system of the South, both as relates to white and colored i^eople, greatly needs reformation. Cooperative tendencies. — The negro has had to learn how to organize. The growth of building associations, benevolent associations, banks, and, in a few cases of cooperative organizations, illustrates the deA'elopment of the organic spirit. What is the Avhite man doing for him? I have sj)oken of what the negro is doing for himself, but a chapter might be written also on what the white man is doing for him. Statistics will show how large a sum j)roj)ortionately to their means the white people are paying for the education of the negro. The Southern whites of the better class recognize the fact that the colored man must be educated. This sen- timent is finding fresh expression in educational, religious, and political gatherings. Many instances might be given of the individual generosity and helpfulness of Southern whites toward their colored neighbors. I simply wish to recognize in a general way the kindly, helpful, and sympathetic spirit which the better class of Southern white people exhibit toward the education and development of the negro. My third question, How are the two races getting on together? will, perhaps, be sufficiently answered in the fourth. What is the negro's view of the situation? In going through the South I was greatly interested to find what the average negro and the great mass of colored people, educated and imeducated, think of the situation. I visited the centers of negro jjopulation and sought the testimony of their acknowledged leaders in social, industrial, and political matters. * * * What impressed me in these conferences was the cheerful, manly tone of the stu- dents when they gave their own opinions. Their grievances were the last thing they spoke of. In one respect their testimony was nearly unanimous — that the col- ored peoxjle can do more to settle the negro problem than the white people can do for them. Another fact seems equally eAndent to the negro and to the intelligent white man. It is that the problem, such as it is, is to be settled in the South. The negro is there, and means to stay there; and the white man means to have him there. The problem can not be shifted by emigration or any other device; first, because the negro is taking root just where he is ; and, secondly, because the white man is rooted alongside of him. A colored man in Alabama saitl: '' If a colored man knows how to use his muscle, I think he can do as well in Montgomery as in any other place." Another said : "In regard to living in the South, I think if a man has a trade he can g-et along there as well as anywhere else. He can do better than in some j)laces." Another man from Georgia said: " A good point in the South is that all trades are open to colored people. They do not seem to be shut out of any. My brother is a carpenter, and he builds as many houses for whites as for colored. I have just re- ceived a letter," ho said, "from my brother, saying that he had bought a white man's home i)lace. The white men are going to the cities, and the colored men are buying their property." The same man from Georgia said: " I do not think our condition in the South is so bad. Under the circumstances, I think it is very good. The prospects of the colored man in the South are better than in the North. It is for him to come up, and show himself worthy of what he has got." Similar testi- mony was given by a colored lawyer in Baltimore: EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 979 "My belief is that the best avenue for the colored man is in the South. In the North he gets a better show for civil privilege, but in the South he gets a better chauee to accumuhue sonu'thing." This man was born in Virginia. In a public ad- dress he said: "■ The best friends of the colored man are at the South. The colored people are not among the Northern people in sufficient numbers for them to line a policy in regard to them. Baltimore is a city intensely Southern in seutimeut, but this city oft'ers every opportunity that the white man h.is. I have almost as much white practice as colored practice. AVe lind members of all the learned professions to be of the better class of people. If they meet a man, they expect him to be up to his profession. If they are going to -meet him on equal grounds, they expect him to be equal to them. I do not ask anything for the colored man except an equaf op- portunity with the white man; and then, if he can not keep up, let him take aback seat." Such testimony might be multiplied. It is the testimony of the colored peo- ple on the ladder, the men who have climbed and the men who are climbing. The colored man is rapidly learning another lesson: That the dollar will buy not only food and clothing, but social position and influence. The colored preacher does not now often j)reach that ''the love of money is the root of all evil." Avenues of employment. — Rev. J. Braden, president of Central Tennessee College, Nashville, at Colored P^ducators' Convention, December, 1891 : To the query, Wbat can the highly educated colored man do? What places of honor, trust, responsibility are or will be opened to him? AVo answer that we need not cross a river till we reach it, nor climb a mountain till it is in our path. Let us give the white i>eople a little credit for the usual amount of common sense and common selfishness which behmg to our common humanity. In the days of slaverj- they knew how to avail themselves of our labors, of our skill as mechanics. They took some pleasure in employing us because we could do the work they wanted done. They found that we could clear and plow their plantations, and they let us do it. Wo could cook their food, wash their clothes, nurse their children, and we did it. They found we could mend their plows, shoo their horses, make their wagons, build their fences, their pens, their stables, and even their houses, and they let us do it. They found that we were good to black shoes, brush their clothes, wait on table, drive their carriages, and they let us do it. As freedmcn they have been equally as willing to employ us in all these avoca- tious. They have done more. They have let us work their land as renters, work on shares, paying for rent often as much as the land was worth. Scmietinies we have come out a little ahead, but more frequently behind. But what is that when we have been trusted with the responsibility of managing a plantation in our own way ? We have bossed the job, and have nobody to blame, perhaps, but ourselves, the man who weighed the cotton, and the merchant who sold us the corn meal ;aul bacon. But they have done more than this; they have taxed themselves to build school- houses for us, and have actually put thousands of us in these schoolhouses as teachers of our own children. They have done more; they have perm tted us to educate many of our young men in medicine on this sacred southern soil, and have licensed them to practice medicine without limiting that practice, by law, to colored peoi)le; they have turned these colored M. D's loose in this southland to practice on patients who may choose to call on them, when needing medical aid. They have admitted our young men to practice in all the courts of the country, and the gentlemanly, cultured, well-equipped lawyer who has the ability to conuuaud the respect of the bench and other members of the bar, has it, though he be black enough to be invisible. The white man has found it to his interest to use us as slaves, as servants, and to open the higher avenues of labor to us in the professions. If he has done all this for us, will he not use us in any capacity in which we can serve him, when we are prepared for it? What cares the sick man for the color of the man whom he believes is most skill- ful in diagno-sing his disease and jirescribing the proper remedies? What cares the injured man, whose broken bones need the skill of the experienced surgeon, about the color of the hands that set the bones and give him back the use of his limbs? What does the dying man care about the color of the hand that ties an artery and saves his life? What does the man care for the color of the lawyer who wins his case, saves his home, and keeps his family from want? What the country is waiting for is white men or black who have develojied to the utmost their intellectual power, who have schooled themselves to think soberly, deeply, righteously; who have con- victions on the great, live questions of the day, and who have both the ability and courage to maintain these convictions. Training schools. — Rev. J. E. Rankin: Schools of training for the African arc espe- cially needed, because no man will take him as an apprentice, and no man wants to work by his side as only his equal. This is one of the fangs of slavery which will be slow to come out. Here are 8,000,000 of people. Shall they not have the i)rivi- 980 EDUCATION REPORT, 1890-91. lege of building lionses for themselves and for each other ? Must the Anglo-Saxon insist upon the great industries as his monopoly? The problem which Afro-Amcri- caus have to solve is not really solved without that independence which can come only from a kuowled,!;e of handicrafts. Intellectual culture should go hand in hand with industrial training. The African ought to be supplied with men of his own color, competent to plan houses and build them, to take the lead in any of the trades. Thus, and thus only, can he stand alone; wherever you throw him he will land on Ms feet. Need of colored dentists. — G. W. Hubbard, m. d., of Meharry Medical College, Nash- ville, Tenn. : It was formerly supposed that colored people seldom required the serv- ices of a dentist; however this may have been in the past, it certainly is not true now, and at the present time one or more well qualified colored dentists would be well patronized in every large city in the South; and as the peox)lo increase in intel- ligence and wealth they will realize more and more the importance of caring for and preserving their teeth. Owing to public sentiment the Southern white dentists can not, in many localities, treat colored patients, and they would gladly Avelcome well- educated colored dentists Avho could relieve them of this embarrassment. Industrial excellences of the colored man. — Judge A. W. Tourgee, at the Mohonk Conference : So much has been said this morning about the industrial deficiencies of the colored people of the South that I have been greatly surprised at the omis- sion of any reference to the other side of the question — their industrial excellences. I have always been less impressed with the industrial needs of the colored man than his industrial achievements. From 1865 until 1880 I had a peculiarly good oppor- tunity for observing his qualities both as an agricultural and mechanical laborer, having first and last had some hundreds in my employ, and during much of the time each year travelling in different parts of the State in which I then lived. As a re- sult of constant study of their conditions since emancipation, I do not hesitate to say that the colored people of the South have accomplished more in twenty-five years, from an industrial point of view, than any peojjle on the face of the earth ever before achieved under anything like such unfavorable circumstances. The manner in which they live and the things they do not do have been alluded to here as if they were racial qualities, and not fortuitous, resulting conditions. I was much impressed with the suggestions of more than one who has spoken as to Avhat they should be taught to do, as if they were industrial babes. I would like to sec any of their advisers give the colored man lessons in the management of a mule, or teach him to raise a crop of corn or cotton or tobacco, or Avork a bad hill- side at the South. In those forms of industry which they have had an opx>ortuuity to acquire, they have shown an aptitude and success which are simply amazing, when we consicler their previous lack of opportunity to learn management, thrift, and economy. The Northern man is always prompt to criticise their agricultural methods, yet the Northern farmer who goes South and relies tipon his own judgment and his own labor is very generally a failure. Industrial education. — Gen. S.C.Armstrong: The main thing, then, in the indus- trial system is to open as Avidely and broadly as possible opportunities for agricul- tural, mechanical, and household industries, which shall provide Negro students means to support themselves and to develop character. Character is the foundation. The training that our pupils get is an endowment. An able-bodied student repre- sents a capital of, perhaps, a thousand dollars. We propose to treble that. When they learn a trade they are worth threefold more in the labor market. Last Satur- day I gave my final words to our graduating class. I said to those forty-five schol- ars : "How many of you can go out into the Avoiid and, if you can not get a school, how many can work in some line of industry and so support yourselves?" There was a roar. Every one said, "I can," and every one laughed. They go out into the world smiling at diflicnlties, happy in their pluck and purpose and skill. CHAPTER XXVII. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. Puhlic school sfaiinfics, classified hy race, 1891- D2. Estimated number ppr<.oi,tao-P of th« of persons 5 to 18 ■^^'^*'®"!^^ff,''* ^^^ years of age. yMaole. Enrolled in the pub- lic schools. Per cent of persons 5 to 18 years en- rolled. "White. 1 Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. Alabama a 290, 935 302, 600 39, 850 42, 320 78, 150 347, 020 535, 900 190, 930 242, 120 197,700 819, 540 364, 650 164, 330 467, 700 644, 000 339. 360 255, 700 249, 291 117, 300 8,980 23, 280 61, 950 325, 680 91, 800 303, 370 69, 880 488, 000 49, 860 218, 650 275, 770 157, 800 197, 200 241, 440 10, 500 53-85 72-06 81-60 64-51 55-79 51-59 85-38 48-42 77 -62 40-71 94-26 62 -52 37-34 74-77 76-55 58-43 96-04 46-15 27-94 18-40 35-49 44-21 48-41 14-62 51-58 22-38 59-29 5-74 37-48 62-66 25-23 23-45 41-57 3-96 186, 125 187, 261 28, 316 25, 188 57, 181 240, 979 332,160 80, 972 154, 855 161, 986 606, 286 215, 919 92. 430 380, 456 395, 517 218,946 194, 332 115, 490 64, 191 4,858 14, 490 36, 599 156, 836 57, 700 59, 261 34, 274 178, 941 34, 513 119,439 113, 219 107, 051 132, 797 116, 700 6,457 63 61 71 59 73 69 61 42 63 81 73 59 56 81 61 64 76 98 87 03 51 13 43 97 40 97 92 98 21 25 34 42 52 00 46 -33 54-71 54-07 62-34 59-07 IMst. of Columbia.. Florida 48-16 62-86 29 -15 Marj-land Mississippi 49-10 62-13 69-20 is""©!!!! Carolina South Carolina 54-64 41-06 67-84 Texa.s 67-33 48-34 West Tirginia 61-23 Total 5, 322, 805 2, 590, 851 67-26 32-74 3, 558, 909 1, 352, 816 66-87 52-21 Average daily attendance. Per cent of enroll- ment. Length of school year in days. ^Number of teachers. White. Colored. White. Colored . White, j Colored. White. Colored. Alabama a 110,311 72, 156 59-27 62-48 1 73 -9 j 72 -8 4,182 4,468 734 562 2,006 5,383 8, 204 2, 255 3,384 4,634 13, 034 4,524 2,C11 6,783 8,047 5,752 5,560 2,136 1,173 & 19, 746 18, 929 &2,947 10, 833 69-74 75-17 60-66 74-75 6166 185 6126 185 106 Dist. of Columbia. . Florida 283 776 142, 289 210, 684 56, 372 88, 007 96,818 91,942 35, 508 40, 103 17, 056 100, 457 59-04 63-43 69-63 56-82 59-77 58-63 56-34 67-66 49-76 56-14 2,731 clOO 109-8 184-9 ClOO 06-8 179-6 1,296 Louisiana Maryland 930 667 Mississippi 3,288 711 Korth Carolina 132, 001 67, 934 274. 482 261, ,549 123, 545 124, 181 06, 746 80, 827 75, 001 74, 708 62, 481 3,863 61-14 73-50 72-15 66-11 56-43 63-90 55-87 71-38 79-07 56 -25 53 -54 59-83 63-3 60-7 2,426 1,787 1,829 107-3 118 100-8 118 2,374 2,041 187 Total d 63 -77 d 60. 09 83, 325 24,741 1 a In 1890. 6 Apjiroximately. c Average of most of the schools. d Average of 14 States. 863 864 EDUCATION REPORT, 1891-92. Secondary and Higher Institutions for the Colored Race, 1891-92. Normal schools. 1 o CO Pupils. Nor- mal. Second- ary. 95 Ele- men- tary. Total. 5 3 1 1 3 3 1 6 3 6 1 2 1 2 67 15 6 5 18 39 7 28 24 37 9 43 7 19 780 407 79 43 142 191 42 434 83 392 34 456 171 222 75 1,395 8 2 270 415 79 43 142 22 153 125 504 '"'313' 620 676 140 277 695 205 769 856 1 193 174 733 171 District of Columbia 222 Other States 75 Total 38 324 3,551 558 3,933 8,042 Institutions for second struction. ary in- UniTcrsities iind colleges IE E-i Pupil 3. .a Students. '6 1' 8 'So . '6 IB 1 H Alabama 5 5 2 11 2 9 1 1 9 24 21 10 65 11 19 5 32 2 43 46 315 815 901 583 3,563 277 274 84 919 65 1,721 1 1 8 13 12 7 101 30 292 329 Florida 44 226 539 1,562 2 1 4 1 2 41 15 71 10 21 16 31 12 4 97 168 77 115 49 143 716 225 1,602 137 230 900 333 Louisiana Maryland 6 193 1,729 190 Mississippi 257 54 209 435 11 933 470 Missouri 3 1 1 2 4 1 33 9 14 37 77 12 129 21 143 29 96 30 120 30 63 185 221 267 114 "246" 1,015 803 165 Ohio Pennsylvania 1 12 5 4 6 6 60 25 89 34 50 104 250 596 300 3,289 755 1,219 1,403 206 Soutli Carolina 1 034 Tennessee 1 332 Texas 305 90 688 603 215 Virginia District of Columbia 1 8 27 137 55 82 Other States 09 69 137 Total 72 396 1,460 6,125 16, 237 25 369 791 1,256 4, 838 8,116 States and Territories. Schools of theology. Schools of law. Schools. Teachers.' Students. 1 Schools. iTeachers. Stiiilents. Alabama 3 1 2 1 3 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 2 6 1 9 1 6 2 8 3 8 4 4 4 9 70 17 94 10 32 8 74 10 28 5 38 60 87 44 1 Arkansas 1 Georgia 1 Kentucky 1 Louisiana j Maryland 1 North Carolina 1 1 1 3 9 Ohio 2 Pennsylvania South Carolina 1 1 2 5 4 3 Virginia District of Columbia 1 5 77 Other States 19 Total 22 65 577 5 16 119 a Totals larger than sum of elements becau.se in some schools the -whole number of pupils only was given. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. 865 Bigher institutions for the colored race, 1S'J1-'D2 — Continued. States and Territories. Arkansas Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Texas District of Columbia Other Stales...,, Total Schools of medicine, dentis- try, and pliariuacy. Schools. Teachers. Students. 73 is? 137 78 Schools for the deaf, dumb, and blind. Schools. Teachers. Students. 1 1 1 1 * 2 1 139 581 Number of each class of schools for the colored race, and enrollment in them. Class of institutions. Normal schools . . Normal students. Secondary . Elcmentaiy Total Institutions for secondary instruction (incliuliiig elementary pupils) . Universities and colleges Collegiate students Secondarj' Elementary Total (including unclassified) Schools of theology Schools of law Schools of medicine, dentistry, and pharmacy. Schools for the deaf and dumb and the blind. . Schools. 38 Grand total . Enroll- ment. 3,551 558 3,933 8,042 16,237 791 1,256 4,838 8,116 577 119 457 581 Univkhsities axd Coli.kges for the Coi.or.Ei) Race. There are twenty-five universities and colleges, located mainly in the Southern States, devoted to the education of young men and women of the colored race. These twenty-five institutions have grounds and buildings estimated at $3,054,433, and they have permanent productive funds to the amount of $757,446. The two univer- sities in Atlanta, Ga., have property valued at half a million dollars, while thothreo in Nashville, Tenn., have property valued at considerably more than half a million, Fisk University alone having a valuation of $350,000. Lincoln University, Pennsyl- vania, has property valued at $185,000 and an endowment of $237,450. The most salient point in connection Avith colored education in professional schools is the rapid increase in the number of students engaged in the study of medicine and law in the last few years. In theology the number has not increased of late years ; in fact, there seems to have been a slight decrease. In 188G-'87 there were 033 theological students ; in 1889-'90 there wero"734 ; in 1891-'92 there were 577. In the law schools, however, the number has been increasing; 81 students in 1886-'87 and 119 in 1891-'92. But in the medical schools we find a still larger increase; 165studcntsin 1886-'87, 310 in 1889-'90, and 457 in 18tll-'92. It is very probable that there will bo an increase for some years in all of these lines, for, notwithstanding the occasional averment of moral obliquity in some of the clerical order, the devout will only recog- nize the greater need of earnest, consecrated men to proclaim the saving truth and to establish the people in the paths of rectitude, while the less punctilious will feel that there should be more of that charity which hopctli all things and is not easily » ED 92 55 866 EDUCATION proYoked, and all will be attracted by the opportunities of coming before the people and exercising the oratorical gifts which they so frequently i^ossess. It is but natu- ral to expect, too, that the thousands of colored people will furnish employment to many of their race both in healing the sick and in representing their claims in the courts, and so long as there shall be room for more iu these pursuits the candidates will probably not be lacking. For the last three years the number of students reported as engaged in collegiate studies has been about 800. The question may be asked, why is it there are not more collegiate students when there are twenty-five universities and colleges pre- pared to receive them? In the first i>lace, a large number of colored boys and girls, especially those living in the rural regions, do not have the opportunity of finishing even the elementary studies with much success, on account of the brief term of three to five months in the public schools and the defective instruction imparted therein. This eliminates a very large number of possible candidates for higher education. In many of the schools for white children, when the public term expires, the school is continued without interruption, each pupil payiug a small tuition fee; but here- tofore the colored people have not been able to continue their schools in this way. Again, in the Southern States it is comparatively easy for a young colored man of energy and a good secondary education to find employment which at once enables him to begin saving np something and to get a start in the world. When he once begins to accumulate means, the desire to increase the amount comes to him just as to others, and consequently he soon has plans formed in which further education is not considered, especially when ho sees that it would take several years to secure the funds and finish the course. He naturally concludes to let well enough alone. As there are comparatively few colored parents able to bear the expense of sending their children through a college course, those who are qualified to begin higher studies fall in the number just mentioned and do not attend for the reasons there stated. The work of the colored universities and colleges, therefore, is at i^resent to a largo extent, below the grade of a university, but they are now only laying the foundation of their future work. Many of their students who are grown young men and women aro only engaged in secondary work, and they are entitled to commenda- tion for that degree of progress. The colored boy in getting an education encounters manj' difficulties. The school which he first enters probably continues three or four ' mouths; the rest of the year he labors at whatever he finds to do, and if he fortu- nately gets a good place he probably keeps it for a year or two. Then he spends another short term in a school which probably scarcely deserves to be called a school — the teacher incompetent, no apparatus whatever, possibly not a single blackboard, and children of all ages and sizes crowded into a building seemingly constructed to avoid any financial loss when the cyclone shall have leveled it to the ground. After several years spent in this haphazard way of getting an education, he resolves to enter a college, but as his i^arents have little means, he has to work his way through. But all through the course and in after years he labors under difficulties on account of his defective elementary education. But notwithstanding the difficulties under which they labor, many young colored men manage to acquire a very valuable training. " A law student at Shaw University helped to support a widowed mother and worked his way up, teaching a school of 80 scholars 4 miles in the country, walking both ways, and yet studying law and reciting at night, nearly a mile away from home. He Avas finally graduated with honor and admitted to the bar, sustaining decidedly the best examination in a class of 30, all the others white, mostly from the North Carolina State University, and he as black as you will often see, yet com- plimented without stint by his white competitors and by the chief justice himself." — [^American Missionary , June, 1893. While the controversy is going on as to whether the negro is capable of receiving the higher education, and while many reasons are being advanced why he is not, the colored man himself is saying nothing about it, but is going forward learning all he can and endeavoring to increase the number of object lessons with which the theorist must contend. The number of highly educated colored ministei's, lawyers, doctors, and educators is small, indeed, as yet, and they are scattered over a wide expanse of territory, but each year sees the number increasing, for the very rarity of the highly educated coloredman is best known by his own race, and hence when they see oueof their number possessing talents so cultivated as to command the admiration of all, or when one of them is able to secure a positioii of high honor and distinction, it is observed by none more quickly than by the colored people themselves. One colored man in the House of Eepresentatives of the U. S. Congress will excite a thou- sand hopes and aspirations in the breasts of his admiring friends, and for every one who is thus able to rise to distinction hundreds of others will enter the doors of some university or college resolved that if they shall not be able to reach the acme of their ambition, they will at least attain to the highest point their oppor- EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 867 tunities and diligence will permit them. The colored parent, too, -will be stimulated to give his children the advantage of every educational facility possible, even though he recognizes that it will require great sacrilices on his part, for ho feels that in so doing he will be assisting in the elevation of his race, something in which he takes a personal interest. NORTIIEKN AID TO COLORED SCHOOLS. The great work of educating the colored race is being carried on mainly by the public schools of the Southern States, supported by funds raised by public taxation and managed and controlled by piiblic school officers. The work is too great to be attempted by any other agency, unless by the National Government, the field is too extensive, the officers too numerous, the cost too burdensome. Societies and churches may temporarily take hold of places neglected by public-school officers and show by their work what is needed, but they can not attempt the work legiti- mately belonging to the public schools. This aim is kept steadily in view by the societies which have been long engaged in helping the colored child lift itself up in the world and begin work on a higher plane. But while the work as a whole can bo carried on only by public taxation, it is being aided very substantially by the societies and churches in the Northern and Western States, which have had their missionary teachers engaged there since the first oj)portuuity was offered them, even before the war had ended. Most of the aid given by these States goes through the regular channels of some organization, but there are quite a number of colored schools which depend entirely on appeals to individuals for help. At the close of the war the different denominations began to vie with each other in the education of the freedmen, who had hitherto not been allowed in a schoolroom. Young men and women full of missionary spirit left home and friends to go into dis- tant parts of the Soiith to educate children, parents, and grandparents, for they were all in the same classes, and they began at the beginning. These teachers soon found that it required a missionary spirit indeed, for there was something of pathos as well as romance in the work. Now, scattered all over the South, at one place representing one denomination, at another place some other denomination or society, are to be found schools filled to overflowing with eager learners, taught generally by teachers selected for their comjietency and missionary zeal. These schools are not intended to antagonize the public schools. Generally they are of a higher grade than the public schools, and when not they serve as model schools and are carried on in .a way to enable needy children to work out an education. Not only have such schools been established and maintained and help given to deserving pupils, but with almost every school a church has also been established to furnish religious instruction. But reference is intended to be made here to school work only. The Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Episcopal Church was one of the earliest to enter upon the work of colored education, and it is now one of the most important factors in the work. The extent of its eifort among colored people in 1892-'93 is indicated by the following summary of institutions, teachers, students, and property: Schools, 23; teachers, 214 ; students, 5,396; property, $1,183,000. In addition to the regular teachers, 165 practice teachers were employed from the nor- mal departments. Its expenditure for colored schools in 1892-'93, after deducting tuition fees paid by the pupils and the amount paid by the State of South Carolina to the agricultural school at Clafliu University, was about $200,000. Another very important factor in the work is the American Missionary Association, one of the pioneers in entering upon this work of education and one of the largest contributors up to the present time. The Daniel Hand fund, amounting to $1,000,894, was placed in the hands of this association by Mr. Hand himself, while still living, and the income (but the income only) is to be used in educating colored boys and girls in the recent slave States. The John F. Slater fund is held by a board of trustees, of whom Dr. J. L. M. Curry is the general agent, and the income is distributed to various schools, but not nec- essarily to the same schools each year. It is intended mainly to supplement local funds and to stimulate local effort. The Peabody fiind also aids very materially in this work. The Board of Missions for Freedmen of the Presbyterian Church is taking an active part in the education of the colored race. During the year 1892-'93 it had 86 schools, 15 of them being boarding schools, 2.52 teachers, and 10,520 pupils. Biddle Univer- sity, Charlotte, N. C, Scotia Seminary, and Mary Allen Seminary were among those supported by it. Schools have also been established by the Baptists, Lutherans, United Presbyterians, Catholics, Episcopalians, and Friends. There is a wonderful contrast in the character of the schools established for col- ered children. Many of the schools, especially those in the remote rural regions, are as defective as one could imagine a school to be ; but, on the other hand, most 868 EDUCATION REPORT, 1891-92. of those established by the missiouary societies, are better managed, and have a bettei class of teachers. These teachers have generally been educated in the best Northern schools; and coming as they do from different States, they com- bine the best methods of different schools. Freqiicntly, too, they have undertaken the work from philanthropic motives and are filled with aspirations not only to ele- vate the intellectual capacity of their pupils, but to implant in them high and ennobling principles, and by means of this training given at school to elevate the entire race. In some cases these teachers have refused much larger salaries, in order to continue what had become to them a labor of love; they preferred the satisfac- tion of helping to build up a race rather than to enter into the contest for pelf. SCHOOLS CONDUCTED BY COLORED INSTRUCTORS. That the institutions for the colored race are beginning to accomplish the purpose for which they were mainly founded, namely, that they might train up leaders for the colored people from their own race — preachers, teachers, doctors, lawyers, etc. — is shown by the fact that there are now some institutions of high grade and of growing popularity that are conducted entirely by colored instructors, and these are educating others who will be able to fill their places with equal if not greater success. While many schools are being conducted wholly oi in part by colored teachers, a few conspicuous examples are given of what they sometimes accomplish. Allen University, Columbia, S. C, was established in 1881 by the African Metho- dist Episcopal Church, and has been conducted solely by colored teachers. From the very first it has enjoyed great success, and during the year 1891-'92 there was an attendance of 465 students. In Biddle University, Charlotte, N. C, all of the eleven instructors except one in the industrial department, are colored. This institution ranks among the very best in the land for colored education of high grade. Although it is a school for colored Btudents and taught by colored teachers, it has some of its strongest friends among the white people who live in that part of the State, and who are therefore well acquainted with the work accomplished by it. Senator Zebulon B. Vance and Dr. Drury Lacy, lately president of Davidson College, North Carolina, have spoken of it as accomplishing great good for both the educational and religious welfare of the race. (Further notice of this school on page 869). One of the most conspicuous results of colored enterprise and ability is the Tus- kegee Normal and Industrial School, of Tuskegee, Ala. This institution is an achievement of Mr. Booker T. Washington, a graduate of the Hampton Normal Insti- tute. Opened in 1881 with 1 teacher and 30 pupils, it attained such success that in 1892 there were 44 officers and teachers and over 600 students. It also owns x)roperty estimated at $150,000, upon which there is no incumbrance. Gen. S. C. Armstrong said of it: "I think it is the noblest and grandest work of any colored man in the land. What compai'es with it in genuine value and power for good? It is on the Hampton plan, combining labor and study, commands high respect from both racies, flies no denominational flag, but is thoroughly and earnestly Christian; it is out of debt, well managed and organized." In Alabama Mr. Booker T. Washington is rec- ognized by all as one of the leaders of the race, facile pnnceps. His efibrts and influ- ence are not confined to building up and sustaining the large institution which he has established. Several conventions of leading colored men have been held at Txis- kegee, at his suggestion, to consider ways and means for the moralj educational, and financial elevation of the colored people in general. INDUSTRIAL INSTRUCTION. Most of the colored institutions bear a close resemblance to a large household which carries on the work of education, the cultivation of the farm, the building and repairing of houses, the raising of cattle, and in which the pupils are furnished an object lesson in the proper management and conduct of a household of which they form part, and can therefore continue afterwards when oisportuuity shall present itself. Tougaloo University, Mississippi, for instance, is situated about half a mile from the Illinois Central Railroad, and 7 miles north of .Tacksou, the capital of the State. The grounds cmbrsjco about 500 acres of land, and furnish a temi^orary home for a family of about 200 persons, who have built the houses in which they live, who raise the largo quantities of corn, Vi'heat, potatoes, fruits, and vegetables necessary to supply their table, who raise their own cattle, milk their own cows, cook their own food, laundry their clothes, and, lastlj^, provide for their own instruction. In a word, they are, to a largo extent, independent of the rest of the world. This method of training is the kind specially needed by them, for, on account of their meager circumstances, they are too little acquainted with model home and family life. Once EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 869 having felt and learned to appreciate its elevating influences, however, they have an ideal to which they ever afterwards aspire and without which they can never rest contented. Moreover, the education they receive in these collective households will enable them to earn good wages, teach them how to use their earnings to the best advan- tage, and consequently they will in all probability have the opportunity of carrying out on a smaller scale their ideal home methods. In fact, the desire to own a homo is already quite common among the colored peo- ple, and that many of them are beginning to do so is shown by the great increase during the last decade in the amount of property which they own in Georgia. la that State there is kept a separate account of the assessed property of colored peo- ple. In 1882 the amount of assessed property held by colored people in Georgia was $6,589,876; in 1892, the amount was $14,869,575, an increase of more than 100 per cent. In Claflin University, South Carolina, is to be found the same family life as that of Tougaloo University, but on a still larger scale. Although specially adapted to the needs of the race, it is probable that this methofi of conducting an educational institution was not selected as being tberaort desirable, but rather because it was well recognized that in no other way coula the attendance of a large number of students be expected. What would be regarded as a very moderate cost of education in most of the institutions for white students would have been beyond the reach of most colored students, but by the plan adopted at Claflin the expenses for board and tuition are reduced to $8.50 per month, and at Allen University to $5.50 per mouth. Quite frequently, too, part of these expenses is paid by manual work, either for the institution or for adjacent residents. It is by reason of this low cost of education that we And over 600 boys and girls attending Claflin University, and in fact that avo find all of the colored schools tilled to overflowing. Many of the students begin a school year with about as much means as would be thought sufflcient for a month or two, but they manage to pull along the entire year, and after three more mouths of work, instead of that much time spent in idleness, they are again found on the grounds of the institution, happy on account of their growing independence and ability'. They have no fear of not being able to find some work to do, for they know how to work and above all are willing to work, and when one possesses these two qualifications he will rarely lack employ- ment. INSTITUTIONS KOK THE COLOIJED KACE. Value of grounds and buildings and amount of permanent productive funds, in 1891-93. lustitulions. Selina University, Selina, Ala Philander Smith Colloge, * Little Rock, Ark Howard University, Washington, D. C Atlanta University, Atlanta, Ga Clark University, Atlanta, Ga Berea College, Berea, Ky Leland University,* New Orleans, La New Orleans University, New Orleans, La Southern University,* New Orleans, La Straight University, New Orl(;ans, La Morgan College,* Baltimore, Md Rust University,' Holly Springs, Miss Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical College, Kodney, Miss Biddle University,* Charlotte, N. C Shaw University, Raleigh, N. C Livingstone College,* Salisbury, N. C Wilberforce University, Wilborforce, Ohio Lincoln University,* Lincoln University, Pa Allen University, Columbia, S. C Claflin University, Orangeburg, S. C Knoxv ille College, KnoxviUe, Tcnn Central Tennessee College, Nashville, Tenn Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn Roger Williams University, Nashville. Tenn Paul Quinn College,* Waco, Tex Total 3, 05-1, 433 Value of grounds and buildings. $30, 20, 400. 207, 250, 125, 150. TOO, 33, 100, 45, 40, 51, 80, 175, 100, 92, 185, 20, 100, 75, 90, 350, 200, Amount of permanent productive funds. $185, 000 27, 873 100, 000 95, OOO 22,000 31, 000 20, 623 237, 450 8,000 500 15, 000 15, 000 757,446 870 EDUCATION REPORT, 1891-92. Lincoln University, Fa. — Rev. W. P. White, in Church at Home and Abroad says: Of institutions making the advanced education of colored youth and their training as teachers and preachers to their own people a chief end and aim, one of the fore- most, as "well as the earliest established, is Lincoln University. It is located in eastern Penusylvania, ou the line of the Philadelphia and Balti- more Central Railroad, 46 miles from Philadelphia and 61 miles from Baltimore. No better physical or geographical location could be found. It is near enough to the border line of the South to be easily accessible to the great majority of those needing and desiring its benefits, and yet far enough from the associations and influence to which they have all their lives been subjected. It was founded in 1854, si^ years before the war which gave emancipation to the colored race. During this period it had to contend with prejudice strong and bitter. The negro's right to be a man and to receive the blessings which Christ offers freely to every race was not then so universally admitted. Previous to 1864 it was known as Ashmun Institute, but in that year an amended charter, with additional privileges, was obtained for it, and a new name was assumed, one that will be forever linked with the freedom of the negro and with the most eventful crisis of American history. Since then the institution has grown largely in resources, in influence, and in adaptability to the end for which it was established. The results of its work will compare favorably with those of any institution of like age in the history of our country. Five hundred young men have been sent from the preparatory depart- ment and from the lower classes of the collegiate department, many of whom are engaged in important positions as teachers in the Southern States. Nearly 400 have been graduated from the collegiate department' after a course of instruction extending through four and in many cases seven years. Most of these graduates are engaged in professional and educational labors in the South. About 200 have graduated in the theological department and received ordination as ministers in different evangelical denominations. Thirteen have gone to Africa as missionaries of the cross. The institution has so commended itself to noble men and women of wealth during the past twenty-five years as to lead them to place it upon a firm financial basis, thus securing to it a large degree of success in its work. Mr. Fayerwether, in including it, a few years since, with other representative institutions of the land, for a share in his munificent bequest to the extent of $100,000, testified in the most striking way to its importance and tisefulness. The campus or grounds of the university consist of 78 acres, on which are four dor- mitories for students; Livingston Hall, for commencement assemblies, capable of seating 1,000 persons; University Hall, a four-story building, containing eighteen rooms, designed largely for recitation and class purposes, carefully constructed and conveniently arranged, and surmounted by a revolving observatory for the reception of the telescope recently presented to the university; and the Mary Dod Brown Memorial Chapel, containing an audience room for Sabbath services, seating 400 persons; a prayer hall for daily use, communicating with the chapel by sliding frames, and two class-rooms similarly connected with the prayer hall. The nine professorships, including the president's chair, are all endowed and filled by able and efficient scholars and teachers. ■ For twenty-seven years Rev. Isaac N. Rendall, D. d., has been its president, and to his eminent fitness for the position is owing largely its success and present proud position among institutions of its kind. The connection with it in earlier years, as instructors, of such men as Revs. E. E. Adams, E. R. Bower, Thomas W. Cattell, and Casper R. Gregory served to give it its wide reputation. Each successive year of its history has brought to it an increased number of stu- dents, until now 240 crowd its halls and tax to the utmost its measure of accommoda- tion and means for their support. These 240 students represent twenty-two States of the Union, the West Indies, South America, and Africa. Among them are seven sons of alumni. Three-fourths of them at least are professing Christians. Perhaps one-half of them will study for the ministry. In their eager desire for knowledge and in their aptness of reception of it, in their application to study and their readiness in recitation ; in their observance of the rules of the institution and in the conduct of their devotional meetings, little difference is observed between thein and those of white institutions. From the Howard Quarterly, January, 1S93. — The fact that the 141 colored students in white colleges keep up with their classes without difficulty, and in many cases have been the recipients of special honors for proficiency in their studies, shows that they can pursue these higher branches with a success equal to that of their white classmates. Many individual examples may be cited besides that of the colored class orator of Harvard two years ago. The last one is from the Chicago University, where a colored girl led the entire entrance class in the December examinations, and EDUCATION OF THE COLORED KACE. 871 received a very substantial reward in a scholarship Avhich will pay all expenses of the four ycars'course. This young lady prepared for college at Howard University. Private HcliDoJs should not antar/onhe public schools. — J. L. M. Curry: In some of the towns and cities there is, possibly, an unwiso multiplication of denominational or independent schools. Christian denominations are rivals in their establishment, in getting the largest number of pupils, and in making the most attractive exhibition. It seems to be a weakness and an error common to all to seek to catalogue as many names as possible. The aggregate means not the habitual and average attendance, but all who, for any time, one day or several months, have matriculated. This mili- tates against the usefulness and popularity of the free schools. In so far as these institutions, not under State control, impair tho efliciency of, or divert attendance from, the public schools, they are mischievous, for the great mass of children, white and black, must, more in tho future than at present, dei^eud almost exclusively upon the State schools for the common branches of educat'on. These schools, permanent, not subject to caprice or varying seasons, incorporated into the body politic, into the organic law, must be the chief factor in the education of the people. At great sacrilices, the Southern States have provided means of education, constantly improv- ing and enlargiug, for- the colored children. The large number at school, over 1,200,000, is the proof that no obstacles are thrown in tho way of their getting such rudiments as tho common schools impart, and of occasionally rising to higher grades. An educational charity would sadly fail of its purpose if any, the least imiiedimeut were placed in the path of free shools. George II. Sviilli College, Sedalui, Ala. — The cornerstone of George R. Smith College was laid June 1, 1893, Rev. J. C. Hartzell, of the Christian Educator, being master of ceremonies. This institution dates its inception from the gift of 25 acres of land, valued at $25,000, at Sedalia. Mo., by two daughters of Gen. George R. Smith. The building, when completed and furnished, it is estimated, will cost $35,000. The superintendent of construction, Mr. La Port, will take a lively interest in the work, not only from his connection with it, but on account of his own dramatic history^ Born a slave, he ran away at 12, but afterwards worked fourteen years to obtain the money necessary to secure his freedom. He is now worth $75,000, and supports his aged mother and the widow of the master from whom ho purchased his freedom. Of the amount required for building, the conferences of Missouri assumed $14,000, of which amount $3,000 was paid at the time tho cornerstone was laid. Rev. P. A. Cool was appointed president of tho institution, and will devote his attention to raising funds until the building is completed. American Missionary, December, 1SD2 — We have one woman 48 years old, mother of 9 children, who walks daily to and from her house, 3 miles distant. She brings with her 2 daughters and an adopted son, but leads them all in her classes. This woman was a slave before the war and having brought up a family since, this is her hist chance to attend school. The Tribune. — It is an interesting and significant circumstance that tho highest honor at Boston University this year has been awarded to a colored man, Thomas Nelson Baker, who was born a slave in Virginia in 1860. He has j^aid his own college expenses by teaching, and the disadvantages under which he has labored account for the fact that his age is considerably greater than that of the average college graduate. He was fond of books from hi.s boyhood, and was bound to get an education. AVhat he has accomplished should be an inspiration to others of negro blood. Straight Vniversily, New Orleans. — On the night of November 30, 1891, the uni- versity building of Straight University, New Orleans, was destroyed by fire, together with the library of 2,500 volumes, printing press, chemical and philo- sophical apparatus. A new building, however, was soon planned and has been finished. It is three stories high, of a pleasing style of architecture, and contains on tho first floor the chapel (seating 350 j)ersons), four recitation rooms, a large college room, music room, libraries and offices ot the president and treasurer; on the second floor are the rooms set apart for the chemical department; and on the third floor are dormitories for theological students and their reading room. Biddle University, Charlotte, N. C. — Rev. E. P. Cowan: The present faculty of 11 men, all of whom are colored but one, arenotonly engaged in attending to the duties of their respective places as professors, but they are also engaged in demonstrating before the world the proposition that educated colored men are caiJablo of success- fully carrying on the education of other colored men. The proposition to many is so simple that it seems hardly to need demonstration; yet some have doubted. As not ali educated white men are capable of successfully administering the affairs of large institutions designed for the education of their kind, so it is not claimed that every educated colored man is capable of becoming a successful educator; but it is claimed that out of the product of our educational work of the last twenty- f^'ght years more than enough selected meu can bo found x)erfectly comijetent to do 872 EDUCATION REPORT, 1891-92, the work to be done even at so large ami important an educational center as Biddle University. The best argument in favor of Biddle University, as at present organized, is the good condition in which it now is, and the good worli that is now being done. This can bo seen by any one who will take the time and trouble to visit the place and examine for himself. The number of students has largely increased, and the gradu- ating class will be the largest that has ever gone out from the college since it obtained its present charter. The order and decorum of the students is remarkable. The rules are stringent, and are obeyed. The buildings are well kept, as far as the age and dilapidated con- dition of some of them Will allov^. The industrial department is better organized and more eflficieut than it ever was before in the history of the institution. Prof. Hunt, a graduate of Atlanta Univer- sity, is a x^ractical carpenter. Under his direction the students have just finished building a dwelling house for one of the professors. ^ > '- Look into the shoo shop and you find a dozen young men (the room will hold no more) who, an hour before, were reading Greek and Latin; now they are sitting on cobbler's benches and are driving wooden pegs. In the next room a dozen more are setting type, while two others are turning a large printing press, and a third man is "feeding" the machine. In all these industrial departments the students spend one hour a day that is regarded as practice, and this is set down to " tuition." Later in the day the same student gives an hour to some industrial work, which is regarded as "service." For this he is paid, or leather he is allowed so much to his credit on his individual account with the institution. If a young man receives pecuniary aid, as many do, he does not get this help for nothing. He must render service, either in Prof. Hunt's indus- trial department or Prof. Carson's home department, of which service an accurate account is kept and the worth of his work is charged up to his credit. In this way the student does indeed get aid; but ho also is made to feel that he is, at least par- tially, working his way. This arrangement is admirable, and is all that could be desired. » • * The institution is now running up to its utmost capacity as regards numbers. The enrollment so far this year,"l893, is 236. The boys are stowed away in their cheap dormitories, in many cases eight in a room. Two students sleep in the engine room and over thirty in the main building, which was never intended for dormitory purposes. If the university only had the necessary accommodations and scholar- ships, the roll Avould easily run uj) to 500. Higher cducailon of the negro race. — Dr. F. G. Wood worth : For the sake of the race as well as for their own sakes, those individuals who have the capacity should have opportunity for and be urged to seek the so-called higher education, and the highest and broadest culture they can obtain. There will be constant and increasing need of leaders for the negro race, men who will be able with wise forethoiight and ripe judgment to guide the people on an upward way. The great uplifters of the race must bo from the race. They must be men who can be in wholly sympathetic touch with those whom they would ben- efit, a sympathetic touch found only in kinship, understanding their needs fully, feeling their heart-beats, the stirringof their aspirations, able to touch their natures, as wo can not touch them who are cast in the Saxon mold. If the white race, with its advantages and its inheritances of culture, needs the stimulua of men of high education, how much more the colored people? Perhaps I may be met by the skepticism whether the negro can take on this higher culture. This rests on the assumption that the negro is essentially inferior. It is an assumption. No apriori assumption can determine the question either way. It must be settled by facts as time shall bring them to light. To-day the evidence of facts points in the direction that some of the negro race can and do take on the higher education, and make valuable use of it. Each year sees additions made to the small army of cultured and successful doctors, lawyers, teachers, and preachers. EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 73 <;omprehend the profound sigDificance of this missiou wrought iu their midst by their sisters of the North, or oa the other hand recognize what a service has already been rendered to the welfare of Southern society by the young Negro men and women in the common schools; while different classes iu both sections are sometimes pushing this work in a narrow spirit of sectarian proselytism and mutual distrust; and while the lower strata of politicians, by their miserable jealousies and malignant misrepresentations, have arrested the wise and benevolent scheme of national aid for the overcoming of Southern illiteracy; and the so-called upper strata of whole sections of the country i)roclaim a boycott of the New Testament law of love by drawing the social line at a white woman teacher in a negro school ; yet the good Providence that has waited on our national develoi)ment from the first has been calmly superintending and directing all beneficent endeavors for the ultimate good of the children and youth, bringing nearer the time when all these conflicting parties will confess, with wondering gratitude, that they have been the instruments of a higher power. It is not strange that a work so difficult, gigantic, and original, begun amid the receding waves of a prodigious civil war, should, for a time, have separated its best workers into hostile camps, apparently striving for irreconcilable ends. As a noble fleet caught by a tempest in mid- ocean may be threatened with wreck by collision or blown apart by raging hurricanes, only to find itself together iu some far distant haven on another slope of the globe, so the powerful rival forces engaged in educating the Negro for American citizenship, even yet almost incapa- ble of mutual understanding, are destined, even in our day, to a great awakening, when all shall cry out with joyful amazement, ''Stand still and see the salvation of God." XLIV. The fit appreciation of this educational work depends on some knowl- edge of its origin and growth. With this view we invite the reader to a brief sketch of the beginning and progress of the effort to educate the Southern Negro successively as '' contraband of war," '' freedman," r.nd " citizen of the United States," during the past thirty years. With no attempt at detail, the account of this iuterestiug experiment is offered from authentic sources. Negro slavery was not established in the British American Colonies as a missionary institution, but never in human history was a transfor- mation so vast and rapid effected in the life of any great body of people as in the condition of the ancestors of the seven millions of our Negro American citizens. During the past two hundred and seventy years these people have been transported from a condition of absolute barba- rism and paganism in the dark continent, 3,000 miles away, to the only country that had ever been in fit condition to attempt their emancipa- tion and elevation to republiean citizenship. For, in spite of the roman- 74 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE EECENT tic legends whicb captivate the imagination of some of the historians of this people, our British and colonial fathers, three centuries ago, only knew the Negro as an African savage and pagan, gathered at home into contentious tribes and nationalities, "easy to be entreated" to sell his own flesh and blood to supply the greed of servile labor for a new country. From 1620 to 1808 a steady current of these people was pouring across the Atlantic into our Southern States, how many can only be guessed. The legal suppression of the slave trade, in ItOS, only checked the current. The traffic lingered in New England till 1820 and was never entirely suppressed in the Gulf region of the South until the final abolition of slav^ery. Whatever may have been the horror and waste of life in the transfer, the African slave " increased and multiplied," until in 1860 there were hardly less than five millions of servile and a quarter of a million of free Negro population in the country, all but 200,000 of whom were to be found south of Mason and Dixon's line. With such a people, so circumstanced, education through books and schools could have little to do. The majority of the N'orthern States, up to 1860, were shamefully negligent of their duty to their colored people, and schooling was an impossibility for the slaves. In the earlier periods there seems to have been less public opposition to the teaching of the Negroes in the South, perhaps from general indifference to edu- cation. But after the first great political division over slavery exten- sion in 1820, with the growth of the abolition sentiment in the North, the lines were more closely drawn. The leading Southern States enacted severe laws against the instruction of the slaves, and, in the absence of law, public opinion forbade it in them all. Later, the free blacks found the slave States no place for comfortable living. Yet, by the nature of the case, such laws were liable to frequent eva- sion. The slaves were owned by the cultivated and ruling class of the South. Probably at no time were more than 2,000,000 of its white peo- ple directly concerned with the institution. These 2,000,000 largely mo- nopolized the educational, social, religious, financial, and civic forces of fifteen States. With the 5,000,000or6,000,000ofnonsiaveho]ding whites, the Negroes had little to do. Thus it was practically impossible to pre- vent any slaveholder, especially of those who lived in the open country, from giving to favorite servants such instruction as bis good nature or sense of religious duty might demand. A considerable number of supe- rior house servants, in this way, picked up a good deal of instruction, and the schooling of free Negroes was not absolutely neglected in the larger cities. . In Washington, for thirty years before the war, there had been per- sistent and successful efforts to establish schools for the free Negroes. The result of this schooling was a body of remarkable colored people in the District who took up the work with the advent of freedom. The present excellent colored schools of Washington are supervised by the EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. ?5 the sou of OTie of these okl scboolmastiirs, assisted by two young men who were born in freedom in Louisiana. The heroic effort of Myrtilla Miner to establish a normal school for colored girls in Washington was for several years represented by the training school for teachers, built up by an excellent woman of that race, Miss Briggs, born and educated in Massachusetts. The Catholic Church had also done something in this direction in Washington, Baltimore, and Louisiana. But the chief educational training of the southern Negro before 1860 was in the severe university of slave life. It could not be otherwise than that a savage people thus distributed through the superior class of fifteen republican States should greatly profit by the contact. Apart from occasional exceptions, the condition of these people was not one of special hardship; indeed, it was favorable to the growth of the strongest attachments in the more favored househouid servants. For more than two centuries the American Negro received the most effec- tive drill ever given to a savage people in the three fundamental condi- tions of civilized life: First, regular and systematic work ; second, the language; and, third, the religion of a civilized country. During the same period the American Indian, in the exercise of a haughty independ- ence, rejected all these conditions and, with exceptions that emphasize the rule, remains a savage to-day. It was a prodigious step towards civilization when these Africans were put to steady labor and trained even to the slow and unskilled type of agricultural industry developed in the South. Their abler work- men became mechanics, and at present the leading builders in some of the Southern communities are of the same class. The plantation of the Davis families was once owned and well managed by a man who before 18G0 is said to have become the commercial agent for the sale of the plantation products in New Orleans. It was another step towards civilization to learn the English language, the great language of free- dom. It was imperfectly learned by the masses, but the upper class learned and used it with better effect than a considerable portion of the present inhabitants of the British Islands, and along with this came a marked cultivation from the conversation and social life of the supe- rior sort of white people. The better off Negro was really the humbler member of the family in thousands of the best homes of the South, and with his great natural aptitude for language and manners his educa- tion went on apace. The most important element in his training was his reception of the Christian religion at the hands of the ruling Southern people. It is easy to ridicule the mixture of pagan and Christian faith which is the actual religion of multitudes of our colored citizens, and they have fallen too easily into the crowning heresy of white Christianity, the separation of religion and morality ; but no man except a professional enemy of Christianity can doubt the prodigious influence for good of the religious training of the Negroes in their estate of slavery. The Chris- IG southp:rn ^\omen in the recent tiau master and mistress, aad a large i^ortion, often the most distin- guished of the clergy, wrought faithfully oa this line ; and never was a more genial soil for profound religious impression than the tropical nature, intense imagination, and kindly social aptitude of this child of the sun. XLV. So when the ruling class of the South made war for the disruption of the Union and the establishment of a new confederacy, they were not only able to bring in a majority of the nonslaveholding whites, but to control the valuable services of an equal number of slaves for the con- duct of things at home. It was not because the Negro was cowardly and stupid that he stood by the South everywhere until liberated by the advancing armies of the Xorth. As fast as the Nation set him free he worked and fought, 200,000 strong in the Union Army, for freedom. But he stood by " the old folks at home," till he saw the Stars and Stripes, as the best thing to do. He loved the women and children, served them with beautiful fidelity, and loves them to-day best of all on earth. Bishop Haygood, the foremost educational observer in the South, declares that the conduct of the Negroes during the war was largely owing to their sense of religious duty. But they were wise enough to know that this "white man's war" was all for them. No body of people, 5,000,000 strong, so circumstanced could have gone through that awful period as they bore themselves, without a most effective schooling in the fundamentals of civilized life, the result of their training in the university of Southern society through two hundred and fifty years. By one stroke of the pen slavery was abolished, on paper, and by the fall of the Confederate armies, in fact, in 1865. Within the subsequent five years these 5,000,000 emancipated freedmen found themselves citi- zens of the world's chief Republic, voters, members of legislatures, filling every oflSce but the highest in State and Nation. And, as by a dramatic change of scene, a plantation of the Confederate presidential family became the property of a family slave, and the immediate suc- cessor of Mr. Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, in the Senate of the United States was Mr. Eevels, the first colored member of that body. The fact that this prodigious revolution, apparently the wildest experimentin human affairs, did not swamp the Southern States in hopeless anarchy and destroy the Nation, we owe, first, to the training of the Northern people in republican institutions and the rapid development of the American! idea of self governD:!ent which, in 1876, practically forbade the persist- ence in the insane attempt to govern 15,000,000 of people by their own emancipated slaves. We owe it also to the republican training of the Southern white people, who, through a good deal of violence, did place their State governments right side up and compelled the Northern people to stand by the rale of the upper strata of society. EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 77 But now comes iu another element in the problem, even yet half de- veloped, tlie education of the freedmen for reliable American citizenship, and this is the last word concerning Southern aifairs. If the Souch- eru Negro, within half a century, can be reasonably trained in the edu- cation of the heart, the head, and the hand, he will find his own place, and an honorable place at that, in the great brotherhood of our new republican life. Otherwise, the most thoughtful man has the most profound concern for the woes that will befall that devoted portion of our land. The education of the freedmen now inv^olves the whole ques- tion of republican civilization in our Southland, not only the success of free labor and free government, but the higher question of the social, mental, and religious progress of the white population of these States; for the grandest work given to any people to-day is the duty and privi- lege offered to the Southern people to educate the Negro citizen for the Republic that is to come. The effectual doing of this work, with the help of the North and the Nation and the sympathy of all civilized peoples, will lift it into the highest place in the confidence and love of Christendom. XL VI. In the stormy years of the past centuries we read of the priesthood of the Catholic church following the conquering armies of the European powers on two hemispheres to convert the conquered peoples to the Gos- l)el of Christ. But in the history of the human race there is no record like that of our great civil war; when, in the very midst of the conflict, the Christian people of the North and the National Government sent forth an army of teachers and poured forth money without stint to carry the knowledge of letters into the very heart of a hostile country, among a population in revolt against the existence of the Union itself. It was inevitable that, at first, the helping hand thus offered should be taken by the colored people that were thrown across the track of the advancing Union armies. Very early in the war, the Government forces came in possession of large districts along the Southern Atlantic coast, of the city of New Orleans, the valley of the Mississippi as far as Vicksburg, and a good portion of Tennessee. At the same time, multitudes of vagrant freedmen and destitute whites were thrown across the border, often a serious incumbrance to military operations at critical points. With an instinct that seemed to behold the outcome of this great conflict the friends of Christian education in the North pressed in wherever there was an open door. As early as September, 1861, the American Missionary Association, representing the evangelical Congregational church, opened its first school for "the contrabands," at Hampton, Va. In thefollowing January schools were opened at Hilton Head and Beaufort, S. C. In March, 1862, 60 teachers were sent to the eastern Atlantic coast from Boston and New York and in June, 1862, SQ teachers were at work at va- 78 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE EECENT rious points between HainiDtou Koads and Hilton Head. The great influx of destitute colored people along this shore compelled the mili- tary authorities to appoint Gen. Rufus Saxton to the superiutendency of these people in the Oarolinas and the work grew apace. In March, 1862, the American Tract Society gathered 50 destitute contrabands in a building near the Capitol at Washington, D. C, with Dr. Johnson for instructor. Under the encouragement of Gen. Wadsworth this school increased and multiplied until more than 2,000 pupils of all ages were being instructed in 1864, partly by act of Congress appropriating a portion of the taxes of the District, but largely by the free gift of the people from the North. Early in 1862 teachers were sent to Tennessee, who began the work of instruction in the same way. In 1863 the gathering of vast crowds of colored people threatened the most serious embarra.ssment to the armies of Gen. Grant advancing upon Vicksburg. With the remarka- ble pov-zer of laying his hand npon the right man for important military duty, characteristic of this great commander, Gen. Grant called to his office in Holly Springs, Miss., the youngchaplain of an Ohio regiment^ the Rev. John Baton, a native of New Hampshire, teacher in Cleveland, and superintendent of public schools in Toledo, Ohio, and placed in his charge perhaps the most distracting task given to any mania those days: the duty of superintending the colored people through the en- tire region included in the Army operations. This meant, first, the separation of these people from the active Army, the employment of their effective men and women in various kinds of labor, the snpi)ort of the myriads of their poor, with an indefinite military authority to do all things possible for their welfare. Gen. Grant had not mistaken his man, and to John Eaton the country owes the largest and most eifective system of educational operation in any one district of the Southern States between 1863 and 1865. Without definite instructions the military authorities in the Valley of the Mississippi began to encourage the teachers from the Northwest. They gave them transportation, rations, opportunities to gather their -schools; turned over vacant buildings to their use, and, in various ways, assisted in their work. The desire of the freedmen to learn was something marvelous. In their ignorance they associated knowledge with power, and multitudesof their adult people flocked to these schools. When enlisted in the army, their white chaplains became schoolmasters, and 20,000 of the 80,000 enrolled in the armies of the Southwest were thus taught to read. The work assumed vast proportions, and in 1866 Col. Eaton had 770,000 of these people under his superiutendency, with several sub- ordinate officers in charge, and a vast system of instruction in four States. In Memphis nearly all the colored children of school age were gathered in schools, and multitudes of adults were willing to pay from 25 cents to $1.25 per month for tuition. Within six months the freed- EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 79 men paid $87,000 for schooling and perhaps a quarter of a million dollars was first aud last gathered from their scanty earnings for the instruc- tion of themselves and their children in school. Industrial schools were also opened for women, and orphans were gathered in temporary asylums. The teachers who througed to this work were an excellent representative of the best miud aud heart of the North. Many of the men who went in at that time have become the presidents and prin- cipals of important seminaries for both races, aud hundreds of the choicest women from Eastern and Western homes gave their time aud often their life to this beneficent work. The poor white people were not neglected whenever it was possible to include them in this dispensation of letters. Indeed, there was never in the history of Christendom a movement that had in it less of any base alloy, more thoroughly born out of the heart of Christian good will, than this spontaneous advance to the educational front by the Christian people of the North. The churches of every denomination engaged at once in this most Christian endeavor to give the Negro that mental and moral training without which his new-found freedom would be only a curse to himself and a peril to the country. Foremost in tiiis effort was the American Missionary Association, for many years the most thorough, intelligent, and successful of all our Christian agencies for the schooling of the col- ored race. This association had its central support from the Congre- gational churches, though, at first, assisted by people of all creeds and assisting wherever its means would permit. The Freedman's Education Commission, including all churches, was established, with branches in the New England, the Middle and the Western States. Large sums of money and vast stores of provisions and clothing were disbursed through these channels. One book-publishing house in Cin- cinnati, Ohio, sent $15,000 worth of school books to the front for free distribution at the occupation of Nashville, Tenn. The beginnings of the colored school which has since grown to Fisk University were laid in the barracks of that cityj and Nashville, which had already gained an enviable reputation for its public aud private schools for white j)eople, before 1860, rapidly grew into the great educational cen- ter for the Southwest which it has now become. XLVII. But already the educational work was outgrowing the ability of the military authorities to control it, while the zeal of rival organizations in the North threatened complications at every point. lu 1805 the Govern- ment of the United States appeared npou the field in the organization of the Freedman's Bureau. For seven years, under the superintend- ence of Gen. O. O. Howard, this organization besides doing a great deal of other work was the central agency through which the Govern- ment aud various orgauizatious among the people of the North aud 80 SOUTHEKN WOMEN IN THE RECENT foreign lands contributed to this great work of education. All funds in the hands of the military superintendents of freedmeo, rents licenses, fees from abandoned plantations, and properties of various sorts thrown into the hands of the Government during the war, were consolidated into the "refugees and freedmen's fund." The sale and rents of property belonging to the (confederate States were, by act of Congress in 1866, turned over to the Freedmau's Bureau for the sup- port of schools. Another large source of income was the direct appro- priation of money by Congress. From these three sources, beginning with the moderate sum of $27,000 in 1865, the income of the Freed- mau's Bureau reached nearly a million dollars ($976,853.89) in August, 1870. Between January 1, 1865, and August 31, 1871, when the Freed- man's Bureau ceased to exist, the sum of $3,700,000 in money passed through its hands, which, added to $1,500,000 worth of other than cash appropriations, amounted to more than $5,000,000 expended under the direction of the G-overnmeut of the United States for the education of the Negro in seven years. At the close of its labors not less than a quarter of a million of pupils were receiving instruction in the various schools under its supervision. Normal schools for the instruction of teachers and the foundations of academical, collegiate, and professional schools were then laid, which have since risen to commanding importance in the various Southern States. There is no record more intensely interesting to every friend of humanity or more deeply instructive to the student of pedagogy than the enormous literature which grew up around this work between the years 1861 and 1871. In the reports of Su^jt. John Eaton and others in the early period, and in the subsequent voluminous docu- ments issued by Secretary Alvord, of the Freedman's Bureau, and the various agents in all the Southern States ; in the records of a score of Christian and other educational associations that vied with each other and with the Government in this great enterprise, and in the enor- mous amount of writing in the newspaper and periodical press. Con- gressional debates, political and educational addresses of the period, will be found the materials for a volume of thrilling incident and in- structive history in the record of that eventful time. In 1861 Gen. N. P. Banks, in command in Louisiana, made the first regular attempt to tax the Southern people for the support of a system of free schooling, and for a time the scheme had as much success as could be expected under such circumstances, 50,000 colored people hav- ing learned to read. During the existence of the provisional govern- ments the national authority was invoked for the protection of these systems of popular education established in several of these States. While much can doubtless be said in disparagement of this early effort to plant the common school in these conquered Commonwealths with- out the consent of their leading classes of people who were still dis- franchised, there is no doubt that much was accomplished in the way of EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 81 awakening an interest in popular education among the humbler classes of the people. The men from the North in official position during this period were not veteran schoolmasters, but youug soldiers. Their Southern associates in office, of both races, were largely untrained, either in civic or educational affairs. It was a hazardous experiment to impose a complete school system, like that in the North, upon a people who never had enjoyed and were largely distrustful of it, and to support it by a taxation often absurdly beyond the means of the country. In some quarters the attempt was made to force the coeducation of the races. In others dishonesty and ignorance made a wreck of the enter- prise. It was well that this great effort to push the cause of popular education finally gave place to the proper activity of the Southern people, restored to their civic duties. Yet this effort, revolutionary as it might be, was largely instrumental in preparing the ground for the work of coming years. XLVIII. Meanwhile, it may be well to follow out the work of the National Government incidental to the Freedman's Bureau, and show how far the South is indebted to national interest in education to-day. From 1861 till the present year Congress has given a great deal of incidental aid to education in all these States. In many cases, as at Harpers Ferry, Hampton, and other points, it gave valuable Government prop- erty and facilities for both races. At Charleston, S. C, it passed over to the hands of Dr. Porter a valuable property, the United States Bar- racks, to be used in his admirable school for white boys, the sons of reduced people in that State. Every session of Congress has witnessed more than one grant of this sort for the encouragement of education in the South. Some of the more recent of these appropriations are the gifts of valuable military properties in Fort Smith, Ark., and Baton Kouge, La., also Government swamp lands in Louisiana, and a' rich mineral tract in Alabama. All these have been donated outright by Congress for the common school, secondary, and university, and, in one instance, denominational education of -white youth. In 1862 Congress paused amid the tumult of war to make a ne^ ap- propriation of public lands for the establishment of agricultural and mechanical colleges in all the States, and the sixteen Commonwealths of the former slaveholding region have received 3,420,000 acres of land from this munificent donation. Every State has made some use and several a valuable use of this fund both for its white and colored people. In 1 890 Congress supplemented this gift of public lands by voting a sum of money to the agricultural and uiechanical colleges of all the States — $15,000 a year at first, increasing in ten years to $25,000, with a proviso that the colored citizens should be fairly considered in the distribution. Every Southern State is now supporting or preparing to support indus- trial education for the Negro under this form of national aid. 8819 6 82 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE EECENT The National Government has also established and contributes largely to the support of the admirable system of public schools for white and colored children in the city of Washington. These schools for colored pupils are a model for all similar communities in the States southwest of the national capital. The system includes all grades, with a high school and training school for teachers of both races, which ^re attended by many children of the most distinguished o£&cials of the Government, and are, beyond question, the best schools in the city. The Government also laid the foundation of and still subsidizes Howard University, Washington, which offers the most ample opportunity for collegiate, legal, medical, and normal training at moderate cost to colored youth of both sexes from the whole country. XLIX. With the close of the Freedman's Bureau, in 1870, the direct action of the National Government upon the growing education of the South came to an end. One by one the Southern States were organizing a system of elementary common-school instruction for both races, which, although painfully inadequate to grapple with the fearful illiteracy of the poorer classes and not entirely in favor with the leaders of pub- lic opinion, was yet gaining ground and promised to become the same permanent agency of Southern society as it had long been in the North. The various private and church movements that had been largely occu- pied with elementary education now gradually withdrew, and for the past ten years there has been no general habit of aiding in the school- ing of Southern children below the age of twelve, either by the contri- butions of money or the supply of teachers from the North. Butit soon became evident that, for many years to come, the impoverished South- ern people would not be able to offer to the freedmen any general sys- tem of secondary or higher education, or even the normal training of teachers to take charge of the common schools for the colored race. And upon this point especially has the Northern private and church work for the freedmen been concentrated since 1870. The great mass of work now done by the North for the colored peo- ple is concentrated in a score of associations, representing the different religious bodies, acting without interference, in a field so vast that there is room enough for all. The Catholic Church has not forgotten its old habit of bringing instruction to the colored people, and is repre- sented in several useful establishments, latterly by the munificent gift of Miss Drexel, for the training of the superior children which are the upper grade of its system of parochial schools. The Episcopal Church seems waking up to the same obligation, and at Raleigh, N. C, supports a flourishing seminary for the training of colored clergymen, besides ef- forts in various localities through these States. The Friends, in i)ropor- tion to their numbers and means, for the past thirty years, have done a great deal for both the colored and white children of the South, and still EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 83 are supporting a considerable number of schools. It is not unlikely that this small religious body has contributed near half a million dol- lars to these efforts since 1860. The Presbyterian Church, North, now supports 58 schools, with 6,000 pupils, white and colored. Of these, the most important are of the higher sort for the freedmen. The Baptist Missionary Society has several large and nourishing colleges for the freedmen, and its labors and expenditures for the last twenty years must be estimated at mau^'^ hundred thousand dollars. Several of the smaller denominations, both of the evangelical and liberal churches, have contributed with great generosity ; the latter chiefly through the constant donations of tbeir wealthy people to institutions like Miss Bradley's school for whites at Wilmington, N. C, the Hamp- ton, Va., Normal and Industrial Institute for Negro and Indian students, and the excellent Normal Institute at Tuskegee, Ala. L. Butthe most prominent of these agencies has been the Freedmen's Aid Society, representing the Northern Methodist and the American Mis- sionary Associations, chiefly supported by the Congregational churches of the country. At present the Freedmen's Aid Society supports 21 schools for col- ored pupils, at an annual expense of $220,000. During the past twelve years $1,577,917 have been expended in its colored and white in- stitutions of learning in the South. Its 21 schools for colored pupils employ 233 teachers and contain 4,971 students. Several hundred thousand children are now being taught by the colored teachers trained in its seminaries. Several of these larger schools have valuable de- I)artments for educating ministers, for housework for girls and farming and carpentry for boys, and support an excellent school of medicine. This organization also is establishing schools of superior grade for white pupils, and seems on the point of a prodigious eftbrt to which its pres- ent achievement is only the introduction. But perhaps the most notable success in the secondary, normal, and higher training of colored youth has been achieved by the American Missionary Association. Since the day, in 1861, when it set up its first little school for "the contrabands" in sight of the beach vexed by the first slave shiptbat landed at Hampton, Va., this association has been indefatigable in dev^eloping that peculiar type of academical and colle- giate education among the freedmen which has made the Congrega- tional body of Christians so famous in the higher educational life, first of New England, and afterwards of the northern portion of the West. The American common school was esfablished in New England when this denomination was in the ascendant, and it is only justice to say that no body of Christians has, on the whole, been so firm in its allegiance to the common school. At present its labors in the South are largely directed to training superior colored youth of both sexea for the work 84 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE EECENT of teaching in the new public scliools. It now supports six institutions called colleges and universities, in which not only the ordinary English studies are pursued, but opportunity is offered for the few who desire a moderate college course. In each, special attention is given to training common- school teachers and in most of them a valuable department of education for boys and girls is under way. There are besides, 73 schools of a less pretentious type, being practically high schools, for the colored people in the larger cities of the South. Last year this associa- tion disbursed ^287,000 for 13,395 pupils of various grades. During the past thirty years, $10,000,000 has thusbeen. wisely and economically admiral nistered for the colored people of a dozen States, and probably more than a million children have been taught by its graduates. LI. Nearly all these institutions educate young men and women together, and the majority, theoretically, are open to white pupils ; but only at Berea, Ky,, and afew smaller schools, is there a noticeable mingling of the races. Their school buildings areuniformlythe most striking and modern of any in the South, occupying conspicuous positions, often surrounded by spacious grounds, and in many cases including a well-cultivated farm and workshops. Their teachers are almost entirely white people from the North, although colored and white Southern teachers are being in- troduced. They all require tuition fees, and the larger schools furnish board, in spacious dormitories, where the young women are instructed in domestic pursuits. The ordinary expense is usually within $100 a year, and a considerable proportion of their pupils are able, by work at the schools and teaching at vacations, to raise that sum, although the majority are more or less supported by student aid from the North, The presid(Mits, professors, and teachers in all these schools are an ex- cellent representative of American schoolkeeping, the men and many of the women being graduates of leading colleges, normal schools, and higher institutions. Through all these schools is constantly passing a throng of distinguished visitors from North and South, who contribute valuable addresses and sometimes courses of lectures. Several years ago the Congregational and Baptist schools were placed under the able super- vision of superintendents of instruction, and all are rapidly improving as educational institutions. They are all under the most pronounced Christian influence, each with its church afiBliation, and the moral, re- ligious and social training is perhaps the most valuable part of the work. It is impossible to estimate the widespread influence of this group of 22 colleges and 100 normal and academical schools, disj)ersed from Harper's Eerry to Texas, with 25,000 of the superior young colored peo- ple under instruction. No less than S 15,000,000 have, first and last, been put into this special work. Already the leaning people of the South are thoroughly awake to the great value of these establishments, Each of EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 85 them includes distinguished Southern men ou its board of trustees and the States of Virginia, West Virginia, South Carolina, and Mis- sissippi make an annual appropriation for the industrial and normal de- partments of several of them. At present the chief support of this class of schools comes from the Xorth. Within the past few years large sums have been contributed for new buildings and facilities, Mrs. Valeria Stone of Massachusetts being one of the largest contributors. Mr. John F. Slater, of Connecti- cut, made a bequest of $1,000,000 for the education of colored youth, and a corporation similar to the Peaoody education fund, with ex- President E,. B. Hayes for president and Bishop Atticus Haygood, of Georgia, and Dr. J. L. M. Curry, of Washington, as secretaries, has been formed for the distribution of its income. Mrs. Mary Hemenway, of Boston, has been conspicuous among the large number of Northern women who have been known as generous contributors to these insti- tutions. Mr. Rockerfeller has largely aided Spelman Seminary, in Atlanta, Ga., and United States Senator McMillan, of Michigan, has made a generous contribution to the Mary Allen school for colored girls in Texas. The most conspicuous of these recent gifts is the great dona- tion of $1,000,000 by Mr. Daniel Hand, of Connecticut, to the American Missionary Association, to be used largely for student aid. Indeed, it would be impossible to do justice to the wise and persistent benevo- lence of the !Northern churches and individuals, moved by the Chris- tian and patriotic impulse of training these 2,000,000 of colored chil- dren and youth for American citizenship. The present policy of all these associations seems to be the development of these great colored seminaries for the jjermanent use of the South, encouraging the South- ern people to unite in their management and support, until they shall become the future universities for the higher professional and industrial education of the superior class of the colored race. In this way have the North and the Nation extended the helping hand to the Southingiving, first, to the freedman the elements of knowledge, and, of late, that higher training which has raised up a body of many thousand colored teachers, clergymen, and enlightened young people, who are now the most powerful agency in the new leadership of the race. When it is objected that all this schooling, above the primary grade, has been of little value to the Negro, the objector forgets that no people can get on without a head ; a genuine aristocracy of character, intelli- gence, and executive power. The head that the great body of our col- ored citizenship will ultimately follow is not found on the shoulders of any class of white men. The American white man can do, just now, but one radical thing for the colored man, outside respect for his equal- ity before the law, and that is to help him to that education which shall develop a genuine upi)er class which will lead him to his own place in American affairs. 86 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE EECENT LII. With the information afforded by this brief sketch of the rise and progress of this vast adventure of educating the American Negro for his new American citizenship, I now proceed to record my own expe- rience in a twelve years' careful observation of that portion of the work especially in charge of the Christian churches and people of the North- ern States. In a subsequent chapter of this circular I will treat of the corresponding effort of the Southern people, in the establishment and support of a system of free common schools for the Negro in every State, now supplemented by normal and industrial training for the same race. In the winter of 1880, after a previous summer tour of observation in Virginia and North Carolina, I finally entered upon the "ministry of education," which for the past twelve years has engrossed my entire energies and carried me into all the sixteen States once known as the South. I came up to this deeply interesting ministry through many years of observation, study, journalism, lecturing, and service on edu- cational boards of all departments of school life that occupied the leis- ure of a crowded ministry in the TJniversalist and Unitarian churches in the Eastern, Middle, and Northwestern States. For the past twelve years the Southern work in the field has occupied two-thirds of each year, the remaining months having been spent in the equally important service, through speech, the press and private communication, of giving to the Northern educational public a truthful account of Southern life, as far as it is involved in the great educational movement for the last twenty years ; the most interesting and characteristic feature in what is sometimes called the New South. The work done in the Southern States has almost entirely been " a labor of love," including the visitation and careful observation of all varieties of educational institutions, constant school talks to children and students of every age, courses of lectures to teachers in all classes of seminaries, common scliools, normal schools, and institutes, with frequent public addreses and preaching and con- stant intercourse with all classes of people of both races. For six years this work was combined with an important position as chief editorial writer in the New England and National Journal of Education, and the press of all sections has been with great unanimity opened for my use. A small library of pamphlets has also been written and distributed con- taining the results of ray observation ; two of these published by the National Bureau of Education. Several of these pamphlets, now out of print, by the suggestion of the United States Commissioner of Edu- cation, are included in this circular, as throwing additional light on the subject and further illustrating the work of Southern and Northern women in this department. It should be said, in justice to my own religious denomination, that, for the past twelve years, this ministry of education has been supported EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 87 by the American Unitarian Association and benevolent men and women, chiefly with a view to its operations in behalf of the common- school system and the education of the colored people. It shonld be understood, in this connection, that, outside its own theological schools and a somewhat indefinite connection for a time with Harvard Univer- sity, Antioch College, Ohio, and an occasional undenominational acad- emy, the Unitarian is the only Christian church in the country that has never seriously attempted the work of what is called denominational Christian education. Its distinguished representatives in the educa- tional field, following the leadership of Horace Mann, in every State, have been foremost in the support of the people's common school and every phase of popular education. It is, therefore, perfectly in the line of this educational policy that the present representative of this min- istry of education has been probably the only educational missionary sup- ported by the people of one religious denomination for a work through the Southern States entirely disconnected with theological or ecclesias- tical obligations, the primary object of which is the development of the American system of common schools, in their best practical methods of operation, in every community of these sixteen States. The uni- versal approbation with which this ministry has been received by all classes of the Southern people, with full understanding of its meaning, is one of the most significant indications of the steady growth of pub- lic confidence through all these great Commonwealths in the people's co?uuion school ; a warning that may well be taken to heart by every class of the opponents of this, the most radical, essential, and inde- structible of the foundations of republican government and American society. LIII. Under these circumstances, I have regarded it a subject of personal congratulation and an evidence of a growing liberality in the religious public that, through the past twelve years, almost every religious de- nomination — Christain, Hebrew, or Ethical — has cheerfully afforded me the most ample opportunities for my work, with constant invitations for public addresses on every day in the week. But the most valuable of these opportunities have been found in the universal invitation to visit every class of educational establishment, with the most thorough opportunity for observation of their work ; with friendly and even con- fidential communication with their teachers and managers. The first invitation of this kind, and one of the most important in its results, was the proposition in the year 1880, the first year of my continuous work, by the American Missionary Association (Congregational) and the Freedmen's Aid Society (Methodist) to visit all their mission schools for the Negro in the Southern States, deliver courses of lectures to their students and teachers on the art of instruction, meanwhile carefully in- specting their entire educational management. These schools wereestab- 88 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE RECENT lished in every Soutliern State at the most vital centers, and in no way could such correct information be obtained concerning the entire status of the Negro population of the South as by this familiar communication with their students, drawn from every portion of this vast area. For two years this engagement held, only suspended because the special work contemplated was accomplished. It involved a residence in these institutions during a considerable portion of these years, with every op- portunity for close observation. It was soon apparent that, without ofti- cial invitation, I was expected to visit the similar schools of all the religious denominations of the North on my line of operations, with sub- stantially the same opportunities. The intimate connection with this class of schools was no bar to the most friendly reception by every class of educational institutions through these sixteen States. Armed with the best testimonials, I placed myself at once in connection with the public-school authorities, State, municipal, and local. I also found the ''latchstriug out" of every important private and Protestant denominational and collegiate school for white students in every Southern State, with opportunities for observation and work only limited by personal ability. I was con- stantly among the new Southern common schools for the Negroes, and in constant and friendly relations with the educational public of the sec- tion. In this way I was saved from the chronic temptation to a partial view, enabled to compass the entire circle of life in which the question of Negro education is involved. Meanwhile I have never lost my hold on this body of Northern Mission Schools, which still remains practically the citadel of the whole system of the schooling of the seven millions of these people, furnishing a large majority of their superior teachers and professional leaders. I regard it a peculiar advantage in the just estimate of this depart- ment of Southern education that I have been able to study it from a point of view singularly favorable. I have traversed all the Southern States as an educational observer, fully committed to the most advanced ideas of universal education, with no question concerning the essentials of American civilization; with as little partisan, sectarian, or sectional prejudice as is consistent with a devout belief in the religion of Jesus Christ and an immovable faith in American republican civilization ; with a sincere and growing appreciation of and affection for all classes and both races of the Southern people. My first impression of Negro education at Hampton, Nashville, Mem- phis, New Orleans, Austin, Montgomery, Talladega, Atlanta, and other important centers of the secondary and higher instruction was a pro-' found astonishment at the intelligence, mental vivacity, teachableness, remarkable subordination to discipline, and general good conduct of the pupils in all these great schools. During these first two years I probably saw in them 10,000 colored students in all the Southern States east of the Mississippi, besides Texas. I found in them all an audience EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 89 for my familiar lectures, not alone on school work, but ranging tbrougli the whole theme of their new American citizenship, which gratitied me by its intelligent and responsive appreciation, and let me into many of the secrets of effective public speecL. Since those years I have rarely prepared an educational address, even for a Northern university, which has not been "tried on" as a familiar extemporaneous talk before a colored audience; and the talks that most deeply interested them have proved to be, with due elaboration, the most acceptable to the critical student crowd in the college chapel or the great assembly on com- mencement day. LTV. I was constantly asking myself and everybody I met, how this con- dition was to be explained ? These students were generally from the superior class of colored people, at least the class which had the great- est desire for good schooling. But, as late as 1880, they were chiefly the children of parents who had once been enslaved, with small oppor- tunity for scholastic treatment at home and receiving little advantage in the poor country schools from which they came. They had not been so long under the influence of their present discipline as to be essentially changed in these particulars. It was the first of the numerous puzzles in Negro education which I encountered, and I doubt if I should so soon have begun to unravel this tangled skein had I not all this time been among the people who, in some respects, know more of the general ca- pabilities of the Negro ; certainly have been more intimately connected with him, than the people of the North. I found the more zealous of the workers in these schools quite carried olf their feet by this i^henom- euon which, along with the mysterious " magnetic " quality of the race, often seemed to involve the whole life of their teachers in a mental and spiritual mirage, in which all things were magnified, and these children of nature loomed uj) as a new-found superior race. Not only was it claimed by many of these teachers, especially the religious workers, that the Negro student was as capable as his brother in white of every grade of mental training, but in religious capacity was actually the superior of the American white child and youth of European descent. Many of the Northern churches and communities were lifted to a strange and i^owerful enthusiasm by the fervid reports of this class of workers, enforced by the interesting platform exercises and pathetic singing of the troups of traveling students that usually accompanied the missionary. It was certainly a temptation to the young college graduates, often sol- diers, who were appointed to the supervision of these great schools, to believe the testimony of their mthusiastic subordinates concerning their new constituency. They honestly enough assumed the titles — president and professor — in institutions christened by the most venerable educa- tional names — college and university — and governed essentially on the same plan as Harvard, Yale, and Princeton. It was no disparagement 90 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE RECENT of these teachers, often gathered from the best schools of the North, al- ways drawn from a good social class, frequently reijresenting the most distinguished society, that in the mental and moral intoxication of this singular environment, possessed by a coDsecration in which religious and patriotic considerations were intimately blended, they should be swept along the swift " tide of successful experiment." Successful it was, in a striking degree, in the enthusiastic desire for education and the sacrifice it inspired in thousands of these young people, their parents audfriends ; successful in the devoted and exhausting toils of their faith- ful teachers — living under the same roof, bound with a tie almost as close as the family relation to this palpitating crowd of dependent, affection- ate and exacting boys and girls ; uniformly successful in the glorified reports of the work before excited congregations of Northern Christian people, trained by fifty years of missionary support in foreign lands, elated by the still recent triumph of the national arms, emancipation and reconstruction in the South, ready to put forth more money and receive with distinguished honors their own children and friends re- turning from the Southern field for the usual summer campaign at home. LV. But I could not fail to see what an advantage it would have been at the early stage of this great enterprise, could these workers liave been brought into friendly relations with the superior class of ihe Southern people, who within twenty years had been the masters and mistresses of this enslaved race, and who had j^eriled and lost their all in an hon- est and heroic defense of Southern society as it existed up to 1860. It would have given these new comers the inside view, without which the most vital facts concerning a people so circumstanced can not be cor- rectly known. It would have somewhat cooled the ardor of the early enthusiasm, dimmed the rainbow hues of many a splendid prophecy, but also have saved many a noble man and woman from the reaction into a disappointment and disgust as misleading as the mount of exal- tation from which they had descended. Still, only in this way could the marvelous fact of this wonderful liveliness and eagerness of mind and undeniable capacity for many sorts of information find an intelligent explanation. But, unhappily, this intimate communion even with the Christian people of the South had not then become possible, and even today is very imperfectly established. I found a group of admirable Southern men, as often laymen as clergymen, in all these educational centers, with a remarkable appreciation of the service rendered to the South by these schools ; ready to welcome all the sensible teachers and work- ers to a personal acquaintance that often ripened to friendship 5 in all practicable ways standing between the schools and the majority of the community. And there were " noble women not a few " who, in spite of EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 91 the disparagement of society aud tlie indiffereoce or hostility of the churches, persisted in a close cotnmuiiiou with the correspoudiug class of these workers, always ready to aid to the uttermost of their power. But the work was so exacting in itself, the situation of the majority of the schools so remote from the residence of the better sort of people in the towns, and the home and outdoor duties of their Southern friends so overwhelming, that less came from this acquaintance than could be hoped. And it must be remembered that some of these work- ers were neither qualified by previous culture nor breadth of view to appreciate anything beyond the immediate task at hand. This class re- garded themselves, honestly enough, as persecuted apostles in heathen- dom ; often interpreting as slights, neglect, and malignant opposition what had no such real intent. At all events this was the situation in 1880. And such, in a modified degree, it remains, after the growing mutual understanding of the past ten years. But meanwhile the more thoughtful educational and religious pub- lic at the North has learned to put a more sober estimate on the ac- counts of this work by its immediate workers ; while direct opposition and unfriendly feeling in the South has gradually subsided, with a decided movement in State and church among the Southern people for building up institutions of the same grade for the same object. Indeed, several of the more important of these great seminaries are already un- der a mixed management of Northern and Southern trustees, or subsi- dized by the States or communities in which they are established. LVI. But the radical j)roblem still remained unsolved. How should I account for the condition in which the better sort of these students presented themselves at these schools, or even for the singular aptitude of considerable numbers who came up from the most unpromising sur- roundings ? One reasonable explanation could only be found ; the pre- vious training of tbe colored people through their generations of servi- tude, especially by the Southern women aud the clergy. Whatever may have been the original aptitudes or disabilities of the native African, three centuries ago in his home beyond the sea, and what- ever of truth there may be in the enthusiastic estimate of his capabilities for all sorts of excellence by some of his new teachers, this factor must come, as a large element of the situation, as I first observed it, in the year 1880. Any race, in circumstances similar to the colored people previous to 1860, finds a way of concealing its higher aspirations and develops the habits essential to making a comfortable estate of an inev- itable system of bondage. The friendly Northern and European man, especially the woman, does understand the upper side of the Negro nature as it can hardly be divined, even by the most faithful worker for his uplifting of Southern birth and association. Still, the lower side of this people is best known through long and troublesome expe- 92 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE UECENT rience in the communities of which they are a vital part. Unhappily, the average Southern white man and woman have become so accus- tomed to the " often infirmities " of the " brother in black" that the suggestion of a common human nature is somewhat of a strain upon the imagination and the story of his actual advancement, under the educational discipline of freedom, is apt to be rejected as a delusion or resented as an affront upon the superior race. On the other hand it is almost impossible for the Northern man of British descent to con- ceive the possibility of any growth toward the higher estate of man- hood in such a condition of chattel bondage as enveloped the colored race previous to the civil war. But a little exercise of the reason and that interpretative imagination, without which logic is the champion liar and even experience the chronic misleader in human affairs, should long ere this have opened the eyes of fair-minded people to the indebtedness of the American Negro to this element in the schooling of his house of bondage. And when, as in my own case, an exceptional opportunity was offered for jearsto observe and work, in the confidence of all sides of Southern society, save an occa- sional jealous, conceited, or grumbling schoolmaster or a small editor spoiling for a E^orthern " head to hit," I should be unfaithful to our American civilization in all its varied constituents did I not bear hearty testimony to the great work of preparation on the old Southern planta- tion for the new schoolhouse imported from the North. LVII. Here is a great estate in the heart of a wide country, connected with others, great and small, by broad spaces of partially occupied lands. The family in possession stands to its working class in a relation more nearly resembling the patriachal family of the Oriental world than is elsewhere possible. If of the superior class, it is a group of people educated by the usual methods of the secondary and higher academical and college training of half a century ago, possibly one or two members improved by travel and graduation from Northern or European schools. But, whatever may be the attraction abroad, the home life offers the one quality that appeals most strongly to the educated man and woman; the opportunity for the exercise of an almost absolute power and an influence practically irresistable. The men of the household, if ambi- tious and able, represent at home and abroad the most powerful aristo- cratic class in Christendom. The women of similar qualifications are received at the National Capital as social magnates and pass for their full worth as guests, even in portions of the country in a growing polit- ical hostility to their own. But the mass of good women in any country are not magnates of fashion ; rather home-keepers, careful mothers of children, good man- agers of the domestic environment. And here is the center of the mar- velous power exerted by the Southern woman of the better sort through EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 93 long geueratiou"!. Powerless to cUange the social organization into whicli she was born, early schooled to turn away from more than one pit of perdition, along the slippery edge of which she moved in her daily round, she turned to the genial social life of a new country in a South- ern clime for entertainment. But her best womanly energies were con- centrated on the few points in her home life, where her own will was law. We have seen how her influence prevailed in the home and family education of the Southern girl, often compensating for the serious defects of the old academic school system of the South. But even more exact- ing was her relation to her husband's slaves. This whole area of men- tal and moral destitution lay open beneath her gaze. Whatever may have been the fidelity to the higher duties of mastership in the mascu- line side of that old plantation life (and I am disposed to credit the master with a good deal of good service, especially in the arrangement of outward affairs and the administration of practical justice between, man and man), still the peculiar relation of almost irreponsible power sustained by the white man to the slave woman was a temptation at once to self-forgetfulness and the capricious overindulgence of his favorites that no quality of saintship yet developed this side the water has been able to resist. With full comprehension of the perils amid which she walked, the wise Christian woman was forced to become a missionary at every point. All that woman's power could accomplish was done by her. Even the woman of the world, if not hopelessly de- moralized by vanity and childishness, instinctively acquired some of the most valuable elements of the religious character in such a " strait between two " as her life must be. LVIII. The most promising of the young slaves in such a place come espe- cially under the eye of the mistress and are promoted to household service. And that youth must be a "fool and blind" who does not profit, in a score of ways, by the university of the old-time planter's home, with its attractive habits of confidential life and outspoken sen- timent and opinion, abiding in an atmosphere of genial social inter- mingling, with its everlasting '. 098 ■i.'i9, 770 27, 905 22, 760 52, 000 200, 786 288, 460 74, 034 145, 388 147, 373 579, 373 211, 498 89, 761 342, 089 281, 958 217, 776 181,319 38.9 26.1 14.1 36.3 39.5 37.5 12.8 41.0 19.0 53.9 5.3 37.3 53.8 21.6 25.6 35.4 3.3 61.1 73.9 85.9 63.7 60.5 62.5 87.2 59.0 81.0 46.1 94.7 62.7 46.2 78.4 74.4 64.6 96.7 64 72 84 95 81 65 61 39 72 96 105 88 63 92 63 71 91 77 73 99 91 108 99 81 82 92 118 112 88 96 111 62 100 112 69, 273 102, 828 Perct. 05.9 Per ct. 62.3 Arkansas Delaware * District of Columbia I'lorida 2,017 8,597 19, 254 19, 022 44.0 77.0 08.9 77.3 Georgia t Kentucky 28, 833 37, 656 15, 227 102, 708 193, 721 52, 895 83, 993 90, 411 67.8 73.1 44.7 59.0 67.2 71 5 Maryland 57.8 61 3 North Carolina* .. South Carolina 75, 230 |69, 892 64, 711 133, 427 t59, 357 244, 258 59.8 66.9 68.5 Gi.l 66.1 71 4 6.5, 618 3,580 129, 907 116, 401 55.0 57.8 59.6 West Virginia 64.2 Total 1, 213, 092 3, 187, 408 27.6 72,4 72 91 1162. 3 1165. *In 1887-88. t In 1888. I There were also 7,109 not classified according to race. § A few counties not reporting are estimated. II Includes only the States tabulated in the same column above. Table 10. — Length of school term, and number of teachers, with their monthly salaries, in coUtred and ivhite schools, mainly for 1888 -'89. State. Average number of days the public schools were kept. Number of teachers in colored schools. Average monthly salaries of teachers. Colored. White. Colored. White. 1 3 3 4 5 6 75a 751 1,968 *1, 500 84 202 700 51,987 1,200 730 590 3,097 686 2,617 1,622 1,564 2,278 1,951 180 $22. 33 38.00 $23. 15 46.25 Arkansas 117 179 150 168 182 150 District of Columbia Florida Georgial Kentucky 93 91 172 1191 94 95 190 1191 38.78 33.00 34.58 LouisianaJ 27.50 Marvland • 24. 28 34.93 Missouri North Carolina! 61.5 64 2L84 24.62 Total 1189.2 1I28-6 22, 956 1127. 35 1132.74 * Approxim ately. tInl887-'88. I In 1888. § Number of colored schools, excluding those in cities under local laws. II County schools only. ITIncludes only the States tabulated in the same column above. EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 203 BemarJcs upon the tables. Numher of colored children in the schools. — It will be seen that, taking all the above States together, the colored children form 32.7 per cent, or a trifle less than one-third of the total school population 6 to 14 years of age, while the colored pupils form only 27.G per cent, or little more than one-fourth of the total enrollment ; i. e., the colored popula- tion supplies considerably l«ss than its due proportion of pupils to the public schools. This is the case in each of the fStates iudividually, with the exception of North Carolina and Texas, where the proportion of chil- dren and of school enrollment is about the same, and the District of Columbia, where the proportion of colored children is 35.3 per cent and of colored pupils 36.3 per cent. Looking at the actual number of pupils enrolled for each 100 chil- dren of 6 to 14 years of age (columns 6 and 7, Table 9) it is found to be 72 for the colored population and 91 for the white, a decided diflfer- ence; and if the number of white children receiving an education out- side of the public schools could be taken into consideration a still greater discrepancy would appear. Regularity of attendance. — Not only are there fewer colored pupils than white enrolled in proportion to the number of children, but the regularity of attendance of colored pupils is less than the white. Tbe summaries of columns 10 and 11, Table 9, show that out of every 100 colored pupils enrolled 02.3 on an average attend each day ; and out of a like number of white pupils 05 attend each day on an average. This is not a very great difference, however, and under all the circumstances may be considered a satisfactory relative showing. In Alabama, Ken- tucky, Louisiana, and South Carolina the regularity of the colored pupils exceeds that of the white. Length of school term. — The colored schools are kejit an average of 89.2 days in the nine States which furnish the necessary data for deter- mining this item, and the white schools an average of 98,0 days (columns 2 and 3, Table 10). Delaware furnishes a large part of this difference, due to the colored people being left mainly to their own resources in that State. In Maryland, also, there is a considerable difference in the length of the school terms. Outside of these two States the difference is trifling. Teachers^ icages. — The average of the monthly wages of colored teachers in six States reporting this item is $27.35 ; of white teachers, $32.74 (columns 5 and 6, Table 10). This difference may be considered to proceed in part from the circumstance that among the white teachers there are a greater proportional number of the higher and better-paid grades than among the colored, thus raising their average. In Kentucky the average wages of the colored teachers exceed those of the white. This results from the colored districts being larger than the white districts, containing more children, and therefore drawing more of the State money, which is applied exclusively to the payment of the district teacher. '204 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE RECENT Table II.— Amount and disposition of the s^iins disbursed from the Slater fund from 1883 to 1889, itichisive. 1883. 1884. 1885. 1886. 1887. 1888. 1889. Total. $2, 100 $2, 450 $5, 000 $3, 800 $4, 400 600 $4, 600 800 1,000 6,850 700 3,500 4, 8C0 5,300 4,300 6,500 1,360 4,190 600 500 $3. 600 800 800 9,700 '"4,'io6" 4,400 5,100 4,000 6,800 1,360 3,150 ""560" $25, 950 2,200 1,800 6,200 500 1,000 592 2,000 740 750 4,325 600 2,000 1,000 550 6,814 1,000 1, 4U0 2; 000 4,400 3,500 7,600 000 3,000 1,000 450 5,100 700 1,000 2,000 3,600 2,700 5,800 600 3, 650 600 450 6,200 700 3,100 4,450 4,200 3,660 6,500 900 4,190 600 500 41,364 4,100 13, 692 1,000 2.000 2,000 950 21, 250 25, 340 20,910 38, 475 5,420 2,000 22, 180 District of Columbia 3,800 2,950 16, 250 17, 107 36, 764 30, 000 40, 000 45, 000 44, 310 *229, 431 ' The sum of $45,000 lias been appropriated for the year 1889-'90. Tablr 12. — Expenditure of moneys derived from Peahody Fund, classified by race. ALABAMA, 1888-'89. White : Thirteen scholarships at Nashville $2, 600 Normal schools 2, 250 Birmingham Training School 500 ^ $5,350 Colored: Normal schools 800 Unclassified : Teachers' institutes (13 white, 9 colored) 1,250 Public schools : 1> 000 2,250 8,400 ARKANSAS, 1888. White: Ten scholarships 2,000 Unclassified: Public schools • 2, 200 Teacher's institutes • 1,608 3, 808 5,808 GEORGIA, 1888. ^ White: Fourteen scholarships 2, 800 Unclassified : Newiian public schools 500 Teachers' institute 1, 042 1, 542 4, 342 LOUISIANA, 1887-'88. White: Eight scholarships 1, 600 StateNormal School 2,000 3, 600 Unclassified : Public schools I1OOO Teachers' institutes • 1 , 000 2, 000 5,600 EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 205 Table 12. — Expenditure of moneys derived from Peabody Fund, etc. — Coutinuad. NORTH CAKOLINA, 1887-'88. White : Fourteen scholarahipa $2,800 Normal schools 2 013 „ , , " '— H815 Colored : Public schools 200 Normal schools 180 QQA Unclassified : Public schools 2 105 7,300 SOUTH CAROLINA, 1888-'89. "White : Ten scholarships 2 000 Normal school 2, 000 „ , , ' 4,000 Colored : Normal school 1 oqC Unclassified: Teachers' institutes 167 Public schools 4, 450 '■ 4, 617 9, 617 TENNESSEE, ]886-'87. == White: Fourteen scholarships 2, 800 Peabody Normal College 10 000 TT 1 ■« 1 ' 12,800 Unclassified : Teachers' institutes (6 white, 3 colored, in 1888-'89) 1,200 14,000 TEXAS, 1887-'88. White : Nine scholarships 1^ gOo Normal school 2, 000 '■ 3, 800 VIRGINIA, 1887-88. == White: Fourteen scholarships 2 800 Normal school 2, 000 Teachers' institutes 1 , 691 n ^ 1 '■ 6,491 Colored : Normal school 5O0 Teachers' institutes ". 380 880 7,371 WEST VIRGINIA, 188fr-'87. White : Eight scholarships 1 gOO Unclassified : Normal schools 1 OOO Institutes _«.....__. 1, 500 '■ 2, 500 4,100 206 SOUTHEEN WOMEN IN THE RECENT Table 1;-5. — Statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race, for 1888-'! Location. Name. Eeligioiis de- nomination. NOKMAL SCHOOLS. Huntsvillc, Ala Do Mobile, Ala Montgomery, Ala... Talladega, Ala Tuskegee, Ala — . . Helena, Ark Pine Bluff, Ark Washington, D. C Do Tallahassee, Fla Atlanta, Ga Augusta, Ga Cuthbert, Ga..... Thomasville, Ga New Orleans, La Do .. Holly Springs, Miss . . . Jackson, Miss Touaaloo, Miss Jeflferson City, Mo ... Ashborough, N. C Favetteville, N. C Goldsboro, N. C Plvmoutb, N. C Ealeigh, N.C Salisbury, N. C Aiken, S. C Charleston, S. C Greenwood, S. C Kiioxville, Tenn Memphis, Tenn Morristown, Tenn Nashville, Tenn. Do Do Austin, Tex Hempstead, Tex Hampton, Va Petersburg, Va Harper's I'erry, W. Va. Central Alabama Academy State Colored Normal and Industrial School Emerson Institute State Normal School for Colored Students Normal Department of Talladega College Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute So!ithland College and Normal Institute * Branch Normal College of Arkansas Industrial University. Miner Normal School Normal Department of Howard University State Normal College for Colored Teachers Normal Department of Atlanta University The Paine Institute " Howard Normal School * Normal and Industrial School * Normal Department of New Orleans University Normal Department of Straight University Mississippi State Colored Normal School Jackson College... Normal Department of Tougaloo University Lincoln Institute* Ashborough Normal School State Colored Normal School do do St, Augustine Normal School and Collegiate In- stitute.* State Colored Normal School * Schofleld Normal and Industrial School Avery Normal Institute , Brewer Normal School* Slater Training School LeMoyne Normal Irstitute Morristown Normal Academy Normal Department of Central Tennessee College Normal Department of Fisk University Normal Department of Roger AVilliams University Tillotson Collegiate and Normal Institute Prairie View State Normal School Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute.. Virginia Normal and CoUegiate Institute Storer College M.E Non-sect Cong Non-sect Cong Non-sect Non-sect . . . .. do .... ...do .... ...do .... ...do .... M. E.,So. Non-sect- M.E .... Non-sect. ... do .... Baptist . . Cong . ... Non-sect. Friends.. Non-sect. ..do .... ...do .... P.E Non-sect. Cong do Cong .... M.£ ... do .... Cong .... Bapt Cong Non-sect. Cong Non-sect. ....do .... Total INSTITUTIONS FOR SECONDARY INSTKUCTION.t Athens, Ala Marion, Ala Prattsville, A la Talladega Ala Sacramento, Cal ... Jacksonville, Fla .. Key Wesf, Fla Live Oak, Fla Athens, Ga , Do Do Atlanta, Ga Do. Do (/ave Spring, Ga . .. Mcintosh, Ga Macon, Ga Do Mt.Zion,Ga Savannat, Ga Tullehassee, Ind. T Lexington, Ky Trinity School Colored Academy Prattville Male and Female AcademyJ Talladega College St. Joseph's Academy Cookman Institute Convent of Mary Immaculats*| Florida Institute Jewel Normal School Knox Institute Pierce Chapel Atlanta Baptist Seminary Spelman Seminary Storr's School* Mercer Female Seminary Dorchester Academy* Ballard Normal School Lewis Normal Institute* Mount Zion Seminary * Beach Institute * Creek Freedman School Lexington Colored Normal School Cong .... ...do. ... Non-sect. Cong .... Cath M.E Cath Bapt Bapt.. ...do. Cong. Bapt.. Cong . Cong M.E- Cong Bapt. Cong 140 257 280 325 35 399 61 200 40 163 54 110 129 124 367 17 40 168 220 25 168 75 153 89 106 155 129 302 250 186 239 176 269 188 48 221 234 140 651 326 194 7,462 186 293 427 300 241 120 92 125 95 77 148 551 589 25 248 430 372 124 321 * Statistics of 1887-'S8. tl69 students not included here were attending schools designed for whites. |This institution is opeu to botb races, and the figures given include some whites. EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 207 Table 13. — Statistics of institutions for the instructionof the colored race, for 1888-89- Continued. Location. Name. Religious de- nomination. Louisville, Ky Williamsburg, Ky "Winsted, La Clinton, Miss Meridian, Miss Ashborousb.N. (J Concord, N. C Leicester, N. C Greeimboro, N. C WilininjrtOD, N. C Soutb New Lyme, Obio Pbiladelpbia, Pa , Oxford, Pa Chailestou, S. C Columbia, S. C Frogmore, S. C Grand View, Tenu Jonesboro, Tenn Knoxville, Tenu Mason, Tenn Morristown, Tenn .... Pleasant Hiil, Tenn . . Hearne, Tex Mar.<)ball, Tex Do "Waco, Tex "Walnut, Tex Abbyville, "7a Norfolk, Va Kichraond, Va Do State University Williamsburg Colored Academy Gilbert Academy Mouut Hermon Female Seminary Meridian Academy Friends' Academy* Scotia Seminary Brown Seminary* Bennett Seminary * Gregory Institute* New Lyme Institute Institute for Colored Toutb* Oxford Academy Wallingford Academy Benedict Institute Penn Industrial and Normal School Colored Academy* Warner Institute* Knoxville College West Tennessee Preparatory School Morristown Seminary and Normal Institute. Colored Academy* . ." Hearne Academy Bishop College. Wiley University Paul Quin College Central College* School of the Bluestone Mission* Norfolk Mission Scliool Moore Street Industrial School Hartshorne Memorial College Total . UNIVERSITIES AND COLI-EGES. t Selma, Ala Little Rock, Ark ... Atlanta, Ga Do "Washington, D. C... Berea, Ky New Orleans, La Do Do Do Holly Springs, Miss . Jackson, Miss Rodney, Miss Charlotte, N. C Raleigh, N. C Salisbury, N. C Wilberforce, Ohio . . . Columbia, S. C Orangeburg, S. C Nashville, Tenn Do Do Selma University , Philander Smith College Atlanta University Clark University Howard University^ , Berea College Leland University New Orleans University Southern University Straight University Rust University , Jackson College - . . . Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical College . Biddle University Shaw University Livingston College Wilberforce University Allen University Clafliu University ,. Central Tennessee College Fisk University , Roger Williams University Total SCHOOLS OF THEOLOGY. Talladega, Ala ... Tuscaloosa, Ala. . . Washington, D. C. Do Atlanta, Ga Do New Orleans. La. . Bapt.... Cong . . . M.E.... Nonsect M. E ... Friends. Presb . . . M.E.... ...do ... Friends . - Nonaect . Presb Bapt Nonsect . Cong . . . . ....do .... U. Presb. M E .... ....do.... Cong Bapt ...do .... M. E .... Af. Meth Nonsect . U. Presb . ...do.... Bapt. Talladega College Institute for Training Colored Ministers Theolosical Department of Howard University... Wayliind Seminary Atlanta Baptist Seminary Gammon Theological Seminary Gilbert Haven School of Tlieoilogy (New Orleans University). Theological Department of Leland University Theological Depaitraeut of Straight University... Centenary Biblical Institute Cong Presb Nonsect .. Bapt ...do M. E ..do .... Bapt . . . Nonsect M. E ... 307 299 229 185 82 224 100 127 300 282 427 74 651 236 240 92 112 257 149 282 76 48 209 230 107 223 220 453 95 100 11, 480 Bapt M.E Nonsect M.E Nonsect ...do B.ipt M. E Nensect ...do M.E Bapt Nonsect Piesb Bapt Af. M. E . . . . .. do - do Nonsect . . . M. E Cong Bapt 13 13 9 20 17 8 238 187 356 68 59 334 170 240 360 432 201 216 138 180 124 241 946 244 451 63 5,010 Do Do Baltimore, Md * Statistics of 18S7-'88. t Not including profe.s.sional departments. 1 Number of instructors in all the departments. 6 55 white students are enrolled in the different departments of Howard University. II 40 colored students of theology not included here were attending schools designed for whites. 16 26 38 43 147 70 9 30 20 195 208 SOUTHERN WOMEN IN THE RECENT Table 13. — Statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race, for 1888-89- Continued. Location. Charlotte, N.C.... Raleigh, N.C .... Do "Wilberforce, Ohio Columbia, S. C Do Orangeburg, S. Nashville, Tenn . Do Do Marshall, Tex Richmond, Va . . . "Washington, D. C New Orleans, La. Columbia, S. C Nashville, Tenn . ■Washington, D. C Raleigh, N.C Nashville, Tenn . . St. Augustine, Fla . Danville, Ky Louisville, Ky Baltimore, Md Jackson, Miss Raleigh, N.C Cedar Springs, S. C Nashville, Tenn . .. Austin, Tex Name. Bapt Af. M. E Bapt Af.M.E..., Theological Department of Biddle University Presb . Theohigical Department of St. Augustine's Nor- P. E-. mal School. Theological Department of Shaw University Theological Department of "Wilberforce Univer- sity. Benedict In stitute Theological Department of Allen University Baker Theological Institute (Claflin University). Theological Department of Central Tennessee College. Theological Department of Fisk University Theological Department of Roger Williams Uni- versity. Bishop College Richmond Theological Seminary do Religious de- nomination. M. E. Cong Bapt. Total 6CHO0LS OF LAW. Law Department of Howard University Law Department of Straight University Law Department of Allen University Law Department of Central Tennessee College. Total SCHOOLS OF MEDICINE, DENTISTRY, AND PHABMACY.* Howard University : Medical Department Pharmaceutical Department Dental Department , Leonard Medical Collpge (Shaw University) t Central Tennessee College: Meharry Medical Department , Dental Department ■- Total SCHOOLS FOK THE DEAF AND DUMB AND THE BLIND. J Florida Institute for the Deaf and the Blind § Kentucky Institution for the Education of Deaf Mutes (colored department). Kentucky Institution for the Education of the Blind (colored department). Maryland School for Colored Blind and Deaf Miites. t Institution for the Education of the Deaf (colored department). North Carolina Institution for the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind (colored department). South Carolina Institution for the Education of the Deaf and Dumb and the Blind (colored de- partment). Tennessee School for the Blind (colored depart- ment). Institution for the Deaf and Dumb and Blind Colored Youth. Total . 15 236 9 1,008 22 42 109 16 11 39 55 11 241 10 36 19 18 44 87 17 12 44 * 30 colored students not included here were enrolled in schools designed for whites, t Statistics of 1887-'88. I There were 106 colored pupils not included here in institutions designed for whites. § Has 3 white pupils. II For the white and colored departtaents. EDUC.\TIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. 209 Table 14. — Siimman/ of statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race for 1888-'89. States and Territories. Alabama Arkansas "California Delaware Florida 'Georgia Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maryland MissiMSippi Missouri North Carolina Ohio Pennsylvania South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia "Went Virginia District of Colnmbia Indian Territoiy Public schools. Colored school pop- ulation. 226, 925 106,300 Total 1,213,002 *7, 070 +52, 865 1 267, 657 ; 109, 158 §176,097 68, 409 11273, 528 48, 478 [216,837 180, 475 162, 834 139, 939 265, 347 10, 497 118,200 Enroll- ment. 105, 106 56, 382 t4, 587 34, 008 ►120,390 42, 526 {51,539 34, 072 172, 338 32, 168 1 125, 844 104, 503 1 94, 435 **96, 809 1 19, 172 6, 209 13, 004 Normal schools. Schools. Teach- ers. Pupils. 1,445 261 54 730 57 413 168 707 738 1,141 374 977 194 203 316 7,462 Institutions for second- aiy instruction. Schools. Teach- ers. Pupils. 906 '366 453 3,105 607 299 414 833 282 501 1,127 968 817 354 11,480 Universities colleges and Schools of theology. Schools of law. States and Territories. m '0 rn it '5. a .a ■ft 3 Schools. 1 i H 1 1 2 3 42 7 187 2 1 4 33 18 45 424 334 1,202 2 9 2/- 3 1 6 15 1 4 g 3 3 1 15 20 13 417 318 124 68 Norlji Carolina 3 11 Ohio 1 j 2 2 3 29 49 1,187 758 3 i io 3 ' <*■ 1 8 1 4 2 14 ?4> ].'. 17 63 HI ^ 1 5 5 Texas District of Columbia 1 9 59 1 5 22 Total 22 238 5,010 22 : 8!i J, 0(18 4 15 42 * In 1886. t In 1887-'8S. 8819- l In 18i^8. ^ Estimated. II In 18S7. 1[ U. S. Census of 1880. ■u ** Aiijiroximately. it In 1885, 210 souther:n- women in the recent Table 14. — Summary of statistics of institutions for the instruction of the colored race for 18e8-'89— Continued. ' Schools of medicine. Schools for the deaf and dumb and the blind. states and Territories. o o m S H 'p. 3 P4 to o o m IS H 1 2 10 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 25 5 8 7 2 8 3 55 44 18 1 39 87 17 1 15 66 12 Texas 44 1 15 136 Total 3 30 241 9 60 287 Table 15. -Number of schools for the colored race and enrollment in them iy institutions, without reference to States. Class of institutions. Schools. Enrollment. Public schools ^Normal schools Institutions for secondary instruction Universities and colleges Schools of theology Schools of law Schools of medicine Schools for the deaf and dumb and the blind Total 1, 213, 092 7,462 11, 480 5,010 1,008 42 241 287 1, 23S, 622 EDUCATIONAL MOVEMENT IN THE SOUTH. TABLE No. 16. 211 We close this essay by a table copied from the New York ludepend- ent, compiled from several reports by Prof. James H. Blodgett, of the Census Bureau. /Statistics of puhlic, ])rivaie, and ^Mrocliial schools in the United Stales. states. Alabama Alaska Arizoua Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware District of Columbia Florida , Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa , Kansas Kentucky — lionisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska , Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey New Mexico New York North Carolina North Dakota Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Khode Island South Carolina South Dakota Tennessee Texas '. Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming Total 361,273 | 11,236,072 Teachers ,291 18 233 ,016 ,434 ,376 ,226 701 745 ,577 ,503 389 ,296 ,285 ,507 ,260 ,722 ,673 ,080 ,826 ,324 ,990 ,947 ,386 ,795 549 ,355 251 ,104 ,465 472 703 865 894 156 14 566 493 378 321 356 376 097 680 400 523 610 491 037 259 White pupils. 186, 794 903 7,828 163,603 221, 756 65, 490 125, 073 26, 778 23, 574 54, 811 209, 330 14, 311 773, 265 507, 264 492, 620 389, 703 352, 955 74, 988 139, 592 148, 224 370, 893 425, 691 281. 678 157, 188 587, 510 16, 718 239, 556 7,387 59, 813 221, 634 18, 215 1, 035, 542 208, 844 30. 821 797, 439 537 63, 354 965, 444 54, 170 90, 051 66, 150 354, 130 312, 802 36, 372 65, 500 220, 210 55, 432 186, 735 350, 342 7.052 Colored pupils. 116, 155 741 59, 468 1,432 4,656 13, 332 36, 377 133, 232 5,054 647 9,616 54, 612 49, 282 87 36, 027 599 1,341 181 193,431 32, 804 89 744 12, 438 6,618 117, 017 113, 410 101, 602 98, 107 108 122, 059 1. 327, 822 Private pupils. 22, 953 462 11, 070 17, 720 4,631 8,355 1, 126 5, 509 5,059 48, 187 1,104 28,164 17, 968 15, 633 l,3Hi 26, 969 17, 627 7, 330 11, 153 28, 629 10, 216 7,575 20, 072 27, 237 1,038 5,278 78 2, 603 15, 250 4,093 56, 787 25, 651 578 35, 804 4,143 47,761 3,814 13, 623 2,042 41,827 22, 310 10, 258 4,284 12, 831 3, 328 3,498 5,176 140 686, 106 Parochial pupils. 1,150 418 1,118 7,123 2,421 13, 459 1,712 2,402 756 287 75, 958 25, 537 20, 335 9,018 12, 328 7,148 4,015 8,943 38, 143 34, 779 29, 332 1,311 31, 400 384 9,426 325 4,940 27, 827 571 103, 093 1,320 1,608 57, 905 616 60, 923 5,940 634 1,537 2,391 4,573 536 2,401 2,005 954 1,189 52, 200 190 673, 601 V. THE NEGRO AMERICAN CITIZEN IN THE NEW AMERICAN LIFE. An address delivered at the conference on the Negro, Lake Mohonk, N. Y., July, IbOO. During the past ten years of a ministry of education among the Southern people in all the Southern States, I have been often challenged to formulate my opinion con- cerning the present condition and future outcome of the Negro. My invariable answer is : I have come to this portion of the country as an out-and-out advocate of the universal education of the heart, the head, and the hand possible for all orders and conditions of the American people. I believe the Christian religion, as it lay in the mind and shone forth in the speecli and life of the great Teacher and Savior of man, includes this idea of education. All the progress this world has seen out of old pagan conditions of race, caste, society, and government, has been the work of this mighty regenerating influence. I hold it the deadliest treason and revolt against the Christian civilization, a backing down into paganism, or a worse lapse into the slough of despond of absolute atheism and secularism, to impeach the power of this divine agency to cure all our American ills. I began my present ministry of education teu years ago, in the Southern States, in full faith in this gospel of the reconstruction of the whole Kepublic from "the re- mainder of wrath" that still vexes its progress and looms like a black despair over ita least advanced portion. And, although I can not pretend to have converted or convinced anybody, I have seen with what an uplifting of the soul the better sort of the Southern people welcome any man who, in honesty of purpose, love of country and of all his countrymen, eudeavors to get down to the bottom facts of the situation, with a just appreciation of the position of all true men, and with an invincible hope and a holy obstinacy in standing by the bright side of God's providence in American affairs. The fact that one man can go through all these States, among all classes, everywhere testifying to the grandeur of the full American idea and urging the people to live up to the vision of the fathers, with all but universal acceptation, so that the discords in this ministry have hardly been enough to emphasize the harmonies, is to me an assurance that the same line of work, assumed by a greater man and finally adopted by the influential classes of our people, will shape the highway out of the present complications. My only recipe for the solution of all these problems that still divide the country is the putting on of that judicial and resolute Christian attitude of mind that insists on looking at all the facts of the case, setting them in their proper relations, all the time searching for the elements of progress which are the vital centers. It seems to me that a great portion of the misunderstanding and conflict at present is the result of a practical inability in the masses of the people to rise to this position and the mis- chievous pertinacity of too many leaders of public opinion everywhere in keeping the national mind engrossed with the temporary and unessential facts of the case. With no disposition to misrepresent or misunderstand anybody, I respond to your call to tell my experience as an observer of the Southern situation, especially as it concerns the Negro citizen in the sixteen Southern States of the Union, as I have seen him during a virtual residence in these States for ten years past. 259 2t»U THE NEGEO-AMERICAN CITIZEN It would seem that thoughtful Christian people might at least endeavor to realize the simple gospel rule of " doing as they would be done by " in the judgment of each other in an afifair so momentous, where mistakes are fraught with such mournful possibilities as in this great discussion. It is easy to see how much of the difficulty comes from this inability to " put one's self in the place " of his opponent. Would it not be possible for a larger nuniber of our foremost Southern leaders, in church, state, and society, to try to appreciate the motives and temper of the loyal people of the North in the great act of conferring full American citizenship on the Negro, after his emancipation, 25 years ago? I do not defend any injustice, tyr- anny, reckless experimenting with government itself, that followed that act; no thoughtful man defends such things to-day ; but I do hold that no true conception of this matter can be had by any man who honestly believes that this exaltation of the Negro to full American citizenship was either an act of sectional revenge, a nar- row and ferocious partisan policy, or the reckless experiment of an excited senti- mentalism. If ever a people, in a great and national emergency, acted under a solemn sense of responsibility to God, humanity, patriotism, and republican institu- tions, I believe the conviction of the loyal Northern people, that shaped the acts of reconstruction, is entitled to this judgment, and will so abide in history. It was the most memorable testimony of a national government, just rescued from desperate peril, solemnized by the death of its venerated leader, to its faith in popular institu- tions recorded in the annals of mankind. But it must be acknowledged that the very nobility of the act that conferred the highest earthly distinction of full American citizenship on a nation of newly emanci- pated slaves, of an alien race, involved the penalty of great injustice to its object. It was inevitable that the Nation, having committed itself to this daring experiment, would watch its success from an ideal point of observation. So, for the past twenty years, one misfortune of the negro citizen has been that the portion of the country that won his freedom and lifted him to this proud eminence could do no otherwise than judge him out of its own lofty expectation, piecing out its almost complete ig- norance of any similar people or situation by repeated drafts on a boundless hope, an almost childlike trust, and a deep religious faith, proven by the cheerful giving of $50,000,000 and the sacrifice of the service of noble men and women of priceless value in the effort to realize the great expectation of the Nation. Again, is it more than plain justice that the leading mind of the loyal North, that saved the Union to nationality and freedom in 1865, should endeavor to represent to itself the actual point of view of the Southern people concerning this act of recon- struction then and, to a great extent, in the present time ? I know that the most painful lesson of history is the difficulty of such comprehension of an aristocratic form of society by a people for a century trained in the school of a proud and suc- cessful democracy. Not one educated man in a thousand in the United States can put himself in the place of one of the great Tory leaders or scholars of Great Britain or listen with anything but impatience to the account that any European govern- ment or the Catholic Church can give of itself. How much more difficult for the average New England or Western citizen to understand the attitude of mind with which an old Southern planter or a modern Southern politician must contemplate this sudden and portentous upheaving of 5,000,000 freedmen to the complete endow- ment of American citizenship at the close of the great war. For surely, at first sight, no body of 5, 000, 000 people could be imagined less quali- fied by its past to justify such expectations than the negro freedmen. Three hun- dred years ago the Negro was a pagan savage, inhabiting a continent still dark with the shadow of an unrecorded past. ATiundred years ago the ancestors perhaps of a majority of the 7,000,000 Negroes now in the United States were in the same condi- tion. Of no people on the face of the earth is so little known to-day as of the African ancestors of the American Negro. Of various tribes, nationalities, and characteristics, perhaps with au ancestry as varied as the present inhabitants of the European na- ^?n"^THE new AMERICAN LIFE. 261 tionalities, these people were cast into a state of slavery which confoiindcd all pre- vious conditions and only recognized the native ability of each man or woman in "the survival of the fittest" in the struggle for existence on the plantation and in the household. Once more : It has never been realized by the loyal North, what is evident to every intelligent Southern man, what a prodigious change had been wrought in this people during its years of bondage, and how without the schooling of this era the subse. quent elevation of the emancipated slave to full American citizenship would have been an impossibility. During this brief period of tutelage, briefest of all compared with any European race, the Negro was sheltered from the three furies of the prayer book — sword, pestilence, and famine — and was brought into contact with the upper strata of the most powerful of civilized peoples, in a republic, amid the trials, sacri- fices, and educating influences of a new country, in the opening years of "the grand and awful time" in which our lot is cast. In that condition he learned the three great elements of civilization more speedily than they were ever learned before. He learned to work. He acquired the language and adopted the religion of the most progressive of peoples. Gifted with a marvelous aptitude for such schooling, -he was found, in 1365, farther "out of the woods "of barbarism than any other people at the end of a thousand years. The American Indian, in his proud isolation, repelled all these beneficent changes; and to-day the entire philanthropy, religion, and statesmanship of the Republic are wrestling with the problem of saving him from the fate of the buifalo. I find only in the broad-minded and most charitable leaders of our Northern affairs any real understanding of the inevitable habit of mind which the average Southern citizen brings to the contemplation of the actual condition or possibilities of the negro American citizen. With a personal attachment to the Negro greater than is possible for the people of the North ; with habits of forbearance and patient wait- ing on the infirmities, vices, and shortcomings of this people, which to the North are unaccountable and well nigh impossible of imitation ; with the general willing- ness to cooperate, as far as the comfort and the personal prosperity of its old slaves are concerned, is it strange that this act of statesmanship should appear to him as the wildest and most reckless experiment in the annals of national life ? Even the most intelligent, and conservative parent finds it difficult to believe his beloved child is competent to the duties of manhood or womanhood, and only with a pang does he see the dear boy or girl launch out on the stormy ocean of life. What, then, would be the inevitable feeling of the dominant Southern class, to whom the Negro had only been known as a savage slowly evolving into the humbler strata of civiliza- tion as a dependent chattel, when, at the end of a frightful war, it found itself in a state of civil subjugation to its old bondmen ? No subject race ever reveals its highest aspirations and aptitudes to its master race, and it is not remarkable that only the most observing and broad-minded of the Southern people, even yet, heartily believe in the capacity of the Negro for civil, social, or industrial cooperation with any of the European peoples. Now, say what we will, this obstinate inability and sometimes unwillingness to put one's self in the place of the opposition have been the most hopeless feature of the case, the real " chasm " between the leading minds of the North and South. So today, while even partisan politics seems to pause in uncertainty on the steep edge of a dark abyss, when noble and humane people all over the country seem to be falling into despondency, when an ominous twilight, threatening a storm, is peopled by all the birds of ill omen, and " the hearts of men are shaken with fear," I am glad that we have been summoned here to look things squarely in the face, to bring a varied experience to bear on a new and more careful consideration of the whole matter, and by the guidance of a Christian insight endeavor to see the hope- ful elements of the situation. We do not need to rehearse our separate knowlege of the shadowy side of the new South. The shadows we have always with us, every- 262 THE NEGRO-AMERICAN CITIZTTEN where. But, if we can locate the center of the new " Sunny South," we may go home with the conviction that, while the shadows in human aiFairs are always on the move, the sun shines on forever and is bound to bring in God's final day of light. The pivotal question on T^hich this vast problem turns is, has the Negro, in his American experience, demonstrated a capacity for self-developing American citizen- ship ? I leave out of the estimate, at present, the exceptional people of the race, and look for the answer to the average Negro, as I see him in the Southern States ; for I suppose nobody believes that full American citizenship is possible as the permanent condition of any people destitute of this capacity for self-dependent manhood and womanhood. The child race must be cared for by a paternal organiza- tion of society, and that element of paternalism is just what every good American citizen declares he will not have in his Government. In lieu of that, an extemporized or permanent social public opinion or an unwritten law will take its place and do its work. If the Negro, as so many Southern people believe, is only a perpetual child, capa- ble of a great deal that is useful and interesting, but destitute of the capacity for " the one thing needful" that lifts the subject of paternal up to the citizen of a Re- publican Government, then the thing to do is to leave him to the care of his supe- riors in the South, who certainly know this side of him far better than the people of the North, and, whatever mistakes on the side of occasional severity may be made, will in the end do the best for his permanent estate. In fact, nothing seems more evident to me thau the practical inability of theNational Government to essentially change the status of its seven millions of negro citizens, except through national aid to education. There is no power at Washington that can hold up for a series of gen- erations any people in the permanent state of illiteracy in which the majority of the Southern Negroes are at present found. This illiteracy is simply a mixture of igno- rance, superstition, shiftlessness, vulgarity, and vice. The General and State Gov- ernments, aided all the while by private benevolence and missionary zeal, cau sur- round these people with an environment of valuable opportunities. Indeed, in many respects, they are now environed with such helps and encouragements as no race of European lineage has enjoyed at a similar stage of its history. But the test ques- tion is, has the Negro, on the whole, during his entire life of three hundred years on American soil, indicated his power to appreciate and use such opportunities for full American citizenship as are now vouchsafed to him by a gracious Providence ? To my mind he had vindicated his capacity for indefinite improvement in this direc- tion even before he received the precious boon of citizenship of the American Repub- lic. Remarkable as his progress in some ways has been during the past twenty-five years of freedom, I would be content to refer to his two centuries of slavery for proof of a remarkable aptitude for civilization. The best evidence for such capacity is a certain unconscious tact, a habit of getting on in a tolerable way under unfavorable circumstances, the turning his sunny and adaptive side to a hard bondage, the eager adaptation to and taking on of all helps to a better state of living. Contemplate, for a moment, this people, landing from an African slave ship on our shores, and con- trast with that the status of the American Negro, with all his imperfections, in 1865, when he api^eared, the last comer that has stepped over the threshold of the higher civilization and begun the ui)ward career. How can that amazing progress in prac- tical ability, in adaptation to the habits and mannersof civilized life, reception of a Christian faith, be accounted for on the theory of perpetual childishness, as a race characteristic ? Did any people, under a similar strain, realizing, as the negro did, the awful issues of the mighty Civil war, amid which bis closing yeai's of servitude were involved, ever bear itself with such personal fidelity to present duty, with such remarkable wisdom and tact, with such complete reliance on Providence for the re- sult ? Bishop Haygood says the religion of the Negro accounts for his bearing during those tremendous years, when the home life of the South was virtually in his hands. IN THE NEW AMEKICAN LIFE. 263 That a race, less tban two centuries out of the jungle of African paganism, was found 80 imbued with the central element of Christianity, is evidence that it is not the per- petual child of humanity. Grant the failure of the Negro, during the fearful years that followed the war, to govern States rocking in the throes of a defeated rebellion, exasperated to the death by all the passions that wreck the souls of men and com- munities. Still, what a display of ability of many sorts, the practical faculty of get- ting a living, often the higher faculty that has thrown up thousands of shrewd, successful people, there was ! Radical that he is, the Negro has shown himself the most politic of peoples in his endurance of what could notbe overcome, and his tact- ful, even crafty, appropriation of all opportunities. He has pushed in at every open door, listened at the white man's table, hung about church and the stump, taken in the great public day, looked on when he did not vote at the election. He has been all eyes and ears, and every pore of his skin has been open to the incoming of his only possible education. Deprived of books and the ordinary apparatus of instruc- tion, he has used all the more eagerly the agencies of God's supreme University, hu- man life — used them so much better than several millions of " the superior race" that, in proportion to his opportunity, he has made more out of the Southern Ameri- can life than any other Southern people. On the eve of the day when the great assembly of Confederate veterans at Rich- mond solemnly buried their old cause in the unveiling of the statue of their great military commander, I sat on a platform, before a crowded congregation of Negro cilizens, in the city of Washington, gathered at the commencement exercises of Way- land Seminary. Eighteen young men and women, all from Virginia, received the diploma, and ten of them appeared in the usual way. As I looked over that audi- ence of well-dressed, well mannered, appreciative people, and listened to the speeches of those young folk, so marked by sobriety of style, soundness of thought, practical views of life, lofty consecration of purpose, and comprehensive patriotism ; as I read their class motto, " Not to be ministered unto, but to minister," and remembered that only two hundred and seventy years ago the first cargo of African pagan savages was landed on the shore of the Old Dominion, and all this was the outcome of that — I won- dei'ed where were the eyes of men that they did not behold the revelation of Divine Providence in this little less than the miraculous evolution of the new citizenship of a State destined yet to praise and magnify the ways of God in American affairs. Say that this only demonstrates his "power of imitation." But what is this mysterious faculty of " imitation," that everybody says the Negro has to the last degree, but an- other name for a capacity for civilization? Nine-tenths of our human education is imitating what a superior jierson does, from the child repeating its mother's words, to the saint " putting on the Lord Jesus Christ." It may be granted that, in one respect, slavery was a help to this progress. It pro- tected the Negro from his lower self, on the side of vagrancy ; and that is " the terri- ble temptation " of every people in its rudimentary years. He was protected agaitist vagrancy, laziness, drunkenness, and several temptations of a semitropical clime which are too much for thousands of his betters. But here has been a sore obstacle to his success in his new estate of freedom. A great wrobg that has been done him during these years has been the neglect to enforce order, decency, and industry, along with the observance of the common moralities of every-day life, by the people among whom he has lived. What would be the condition of New England to-day had her people tolerated, in the multitudes of foreign-born peasants who have landed on her shores, the vagrancy, laziness, shiftlessness, dependence ou common charity, with the perpetual violation of the minor morals which confront the observer, from every part of the civilized world, in his travels throughout the Southern States? Here was the place for the Anglo-Saxon to assert his superiority, by insisting on the common observance of the common order, decencies, and moralities of life, in and out of the household, by the freedraan. For lack of this, the vagrant class has been left "virtually at large, like a plague of frogs and lice over all the land, choking up the 264 THE NEGRO-AMERICAN CITIZEN towns aud villages, makiug good housekeeping for the Southern woman the most trying human lot, and surrounding childhood of every condition and class with such temptations as no people can permanently resist. If the well-disposed class, the majority, could have been aided by the law of the laud and public opinion to move on unhindered by this intolerable impediment, the last twenty-five years would have told a far different tale. Of course, the white people of the South do not realize this. Slavery was a police that made vagrancy impossible, and the lower slave element was securely locked up under the Argus eyes of the old-time system of labor. I am not here to defend any denial of the suifrage, or social or industrial disability, inflicted on the negro citizen ; but I give it as my deliberate conviction that all these things have not been so harmful to the Negro as this strange neglect of the Anglo-Saxon South to enforce the recognized policy of all civilized lands on its vagrant colored and white class, at the very time when this race specially needed the primary lessons of sobriety, obedience to law, everyday morality, and of that hard work without which "no mau shall eat." Yet, spite of this drawback (and only an observer from a differently regulated community can appreciate what a drawback), the better-disposed class of the Negroes has signally vindicated its capacity for civilization within the limitations of personal and race impediments, and in the use it has made of its opportunities. I observe, also, in the average Negro, an amiability, a patience and forbearance, a capacity for affectionate devotion, sacrifice, and unselfishness, that separate him decisively from the savage and the savage side of civilized life. What an element of civil, social, and industrial lubrication this may become, has already become, in our grating, pitiless, ferocious Anglo-Saxon greed of power, gain, and all kinds of superiority, any man can realize who sees the working of it in a thousand ways. I I can understand why the ASoutherner feels a certain loneliness amid the splendors and well-ordered regulations of our higher Northern life. He misses the atmosphere of kindliness, broad good humor, real belief in human nature that the Negro always diffuses around himself. I feel it the moment I touch a Northern city on my return from every annual visit to the South ; and I thank God that the Negro " man and brother," especially the woman and sister, were sent by heaven to teach our proud, restless, too often inhuman civilization some of the amenities that outlive the in- humanities and finally bring in the kingdom of God. Another quality the Negro displays, of great promise in the future, though so often turned to his disadvantage in the present — a love of approbation, self-possession, and an ability to "put his best foot foremost" and show for all he is worth, the per- petual assertion that he is going to be somebody some time. " Why did you sell that corn you promised to me ? " said a white parson to his negro " brother in the minis- try." " Well, boss, I got a bigger price for it." " But was that honest ? " "No, it warn't that." "Why did you do it?" "Because, boss, I warn't the man I took myself to be." It is well to " take yourself to be " a man of parts and character, even at the peril of disappointment. And that persistent pushing to the front, crowding in at every open door, " claiming the earth," which now makes the life of the most sensible and considerate white citizen of the South often a weariness, sometimes a despair, in his dealing with the Negro, is the prophecy of an aspiration for better things and a loftiness of manhood and womanhood of vital importance. Along with this is the eagerness for knowledge that is still a characteristic even of the ignorant classes, though less apparent now than in the years following the war. Spite of the neglect of the proper conditions and the means of gaining this precious boon for the children the average Negro, in humble estate, believes in the school with a vigor that in the lower European classes is not developed, more than in the corresponding class among the Southern whites. Discontent with alow estate is the movement power of American civilization, and no class in America is less content with its own infirmities than the better sort, the majority of the freedmen. IN THE NEW AMERICAN LIFE. 265 Another valuable characteristic is the good taste, love of beauty, native capacity for ornamental art, which always appear in the Negro when suitably encouraged. The handwriting in the colored schools is often remarkable, the drawing uniformily respectable, the taste in dress, the arrangements of flowers and ornaments, above the average of any corresponding class in the country. In the negro the new South has its most valuable deposits of " raw material" for the best operative and mechanical class for that clime and country. Already he is domesticated in all these mechanical and operative industries, with the exception of the cotton mills, where the labor ia still monopolized by the poorer white class, greatly to its own advantage. Here is a great work being done by the numerous mission schools of the higher sort, supported by the Christian people of the North, in the organization of industrial education. In this important branch of schooling the superior class of negro youth has, so far, en- joyed greater opportunities than the corresponding class of white youth. And, although the graduates of these schools will not be day laborers or servants, yet, as teachers, housekeepers, and general leaders of their people they will exert a prodig- ous influence in the years to come. The introduction of a simple and practical annex for industrial education, for both sexes, in the school system of the South, especially for the negro children, would be si movement of incalculable value to the whole peo- ple of that region, so much in need of intelligent and skilled labor in the uprising of its new industrial life. All these qualities tell in the steady progress of large numbers of these people to- ward a more comfortable, wholesome, and respectable way of living. This is evident especially to a regular visitor not involved in the wear and tear of 7,000,000 freed- men getting on their citizen legs, as are our Southern white brothers and sisters. I see everywhere, every year, a larger number of well-looking, well-dressed, well- churched, housed, well-mannered colored people. One reason why our Southern friends are not so impressed with this ui)ward movement is that as soon as a colored family gets above the humble or vagrant class it somehow disappears from ordinary view. One inevitable result of the social boycott that shuts down on every negro family that attains respectability is that its white neighbors are put out of connec- tion with this class and left to the tender mercies of the class beneath, where their patience is worn out and, too often, the impression taken for the whole race. The estimate of the increasing wealth of the Negroes is often disputed, but at the most reasonable figure it is a significant testimony to the growth of practical enterprise and steady improvement in the upper strata of the whole body. While the acknowledged vices of the race are still a terrible weight on the lower and a constant temptation and humiliation to the better class, it is not certain that any of them, save those "failings that lean to virtue's side," are especially "race de- fects." A distinguished physician of Alabama has shown that the illegitimate births among the negro population of the black belt of tbat State are in the exact per cent of the Kingdom of Bavaria. Certainly the vioes of the lower class of the south of Europe people that are now swarming the shores of the Gulf States are not less com- mon and far more dangerous than those of the Negro. Human nature in its lower estate, especially when shot out from its barbarism into the devil-side of civilization, is fearfully deficient in its appreciation of the ten commandments. But I believe no people of the humbler sort are making more progress in overcoming the weakness of the appetites and getting in sight of the Christian moralities than the better sort of the Negroes. In the church, the home, and the school I see the growth of a self-respect- ing manhood and womanhood that in due time will tell. Though difl"ering from many whose opinions and experience I respect, I do not re- gard the temporary isolation of the Negro in the Southern church, school, and soci- ety so much an evil as a providential aid in gaining the self-respect and habit of self-help absolutely essential to good citizenship. Spite of the hard side of slavery the Negro has not had his fair share of the roiigli training that brings out the final results and the determination that tell in history. A habit of dependence, even to 266 THE NEGRO-AMERICAN CITIZEN the extent of servility, in the lower orders is still one of his most (hiaoerons tempta- tions. He has also heen greatly tried hy being for a generation the romantic figure of American life, the especial object of philanthropic interest in church, state, and society, everywhere outside the sixteen Southern States. It is well that he should be relieved for a while from these temptations. In company with the white boy, the negro boy on the same school bench would all the time be tempted to fall into hie old position of an annex to the white man, and in the church would be under a strain that would sorely tax his manhood. Where he is he grows up with a wholesome con- fidence in himself. His own best people are teaching him with no hindrance the law of responsible manhood and womanhood. The result is that when he emerges into active life, if he has well appropriated his training, he is in a position to treat with a similar class of white people on terms that insure mutual respect. I am struck with this feature of Southern society — the constant " working together for good" of the better class, especially of the men of both races in all communities. The outrage of a drunken rabble upon a negro settlement is published to all the world, while the constant intercourse of the respectable classes of men of the two races, that prevents a thousand such outbreaks and makes Southern life, on the whole, orderly, like the progress of the seasons and the hours, goes on in silence. It is not necessary to project the social question Into the heart of communities in this state of transition. The very zealous brethren of the press and the political fold, who are digging this "last ditch" of social caste, away out in the wilderness, half a century ahead of any present emergency, may be assured that nobody in the United States will ever be obliged to associate with people disagreeable to him, and that, as Thomas Jefferson suggested, "if we educate the children of to-day, our descendants will be wiser than we, and many things that seem impossible to us may be easily ac- complished by them." At present, the office of colored teacher and preacher is the noblest opportunity for general usefulness granted to an educated, righteous, and able young man or woman in any land. That teacher or preacher becomes the man or woman of all spiritual work to a constituency singularly appreciative ; if instructed in industrial craft, all the more valuable. I am amazed at the assertion of some eminent people that the superior education of the negro youth has been a failure. If the destiny of the Negro is only that of a child-x>easant forever, this is true ; but, if his range of possibility is what we believe, no such result of even a modified form of the secondary and higher education, with industrial accompaniments, has ever been seen in Christendom, as is evident to any man who regards this side of the life of this people with open eyes. All that I have said bears on a fundamental truth concerning the uplifting of the American Negro citizen. The Northern white man, especially if a philanthropist, regards the Negro as an annex to the Northern, the Southern white man regards him as an annex to the Southern, white citizen ; but the Negro is anything but an annex to anybodj^. He is an original eleme^nt, providentially injected into American civili- zation; the only man who did not come to us of his own will. It may turn out, for that reason, that he is to be the " little child that shall lead them," and finally com- pel a reconciliation of all the distracting elements of our national life. Every race that has any outcome finally demonstrates its capacity by throwing up a superior class by which it is led, stimulated, and gradually lifted to its own highest achieve- ment of civilization. Tried by this test, the Negro is not behind, I have spoken so far of the average man and woman of the race, but that observer must be strangely blinded who does not see the evidence of the formation of a genuine aristocracy of intelligence, character, industry, and superior living among these mil- lions. I do not refer to that unfortunate class who assert a superficial superiority by separation from their people and an uneasy longing to be recognized by their white superiors. I mean the growing class that is trying, under a solemn sense of gratitude to God, love to the brother, and consecrated patriotism, to lift up its own race. Among the 7,000,000 of this people in the United States there must be several hundred IN THE NEW AMERICAN LIFE. 267 thousand of this sort. They are fouud everywhere, all the way from Massachusetts to Texas. They already form a distinct society, and the most American of all our great newspapers, the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette, has already recognized the fact by the prominent " Colored Society Column" in its Sunday morning issue. This class is becoming a distinct power, and its influence on the classes below is one of the most important elements of the race problem. It is already on good terms with the cor- responding class of white people, though differing in politics and often grieved by what it regards public, social, and industrial injustice. One significant fact in this connection is that now the Negro is the most determined Southerner. The young Southern white mau, relieved from the attractions of the old aristocratic position of slaveholder, like all American young men of parts, is on the lookout for the main chance. The South is less and less to him a name to charm with. His own State no longer seems to him a " nation " which claims his uttermost devotion. A million of these young men, it is said, have left the South for the North and Northwest since the war. Whole regions of these older States are as steadily drained of this important population as the older portions of the Northeast. The Southern young woman will follow as soon as her call is heard. At present she is the "mainstay" of the rural South, the good angel of its coming civilization, getting more education and having more to do with the upper story of Southern life than her average male companion who stays at home. But the Negro loves the sacred soil, the old home, the climate, and its surroundings. In due time he will become the domi- nant occupant of large portions of the lowland South, He has no more idea of going to Africa than the Southern Jew of going into business in Jerusalem. He will move about as he becomes more intelligent and understands his own interests, but he is the Southerner of to-day, and all persuasions or threats that would dislodge him are vain. As the political issues of the past fade into the distance, he will more and more act in all public affairs with the leading race, with whom his companionship and interest belong. He must be educated where he is, and, as the years go on, he will rise to the call of his own superior class and find his own place — a great and benefi- cent place in our wonderful American family. Education is the lever that will raise this great masa of humanity to the high plane of full American citizenship. I believe it would be a great blessing to the whole South, could the suffrage, educational, labor, and vagrant laws of Massachusetts be incorporated into the legislation of every Southern State. Protection to the child, suppression of vagrancy, enforcement of industry, and educational test of suffrage, better churching, improvement in the home, reading of good books, all the influences that are so potent in any respectable Northern community, will in good time achieve the success of every class and race of the American people. For the Negro, two- thirds ot this education must be, for a generation, outside the schoolroom, in the broad university of the new Southern American life. If we only knew it, this is one of the richest educational opportunities God has ever vouchsafed to any people. What a call is this opportunity for missionary service, in its broadest and loftiest aspect, to the whole American people. Every theory of despair on the race problem proceeds from a pagan or atheistic estimate of human nature and destiny, and leads dijwu to despotism or anarchy. Without the blessed gospel of Christ our American race problem would be too awful to contemplate. Thank God, it did not come to us in an age of pagan darkness, of mediieval violence, in a land crowded with people, iu a civilization cursed by the bitter results of a long and stormy past. It came to us in an opening age of light, when all the celestial forces are at an upw.ard slant, when the Church is getting itself together to work for man while God takes care of the creeds, in a country so large and bountiful that hundreds of millions would not crowd it, and " every man may sit under his own vine and fig tree, with no one to molest and make afraid." As I am borne through the vast spaces of our marvellous Southern land, and stand in amazement before its revelations of resources, hitherto unknown, I ask myself — 268 THE NEGRO-AMERICAN CITIZEN Is this only to become the theater of a greater greed of gain, " a hazard of new for- tunes," its only outcome a semitropical materialism, an inevitable temptation to a dismal era of " booms'' and " syndicates" and "trusts," with a new insanity for the almighty dollar, so powerless to satisfy the deeper need of the humblest human heart ? May it not, rather, be God's summons to such an awakening of our overworked and materialized American people as will compel them, in sheer self-defense, to give mind and heart and hand to that lifting up of the lowly, and that preaching the gospel of self-help to the poor, which is the end of Christian charity ? I look for the day when the divided churches of our three great Protestant denominations will be brought together by the growing sense of this " home mission" claim, and the whole church and the adjacent realm of the world be polarized in one supreme effort to solve this old caste puzzle of the nations and ages, by showing that the simple gospel of Christ means peace on earth and good will to all men. But now comes the final question, on which not so much the destiny of the Negro citizen as the very existence of Southern American civilization depends. Will the Anglo-Saxon Southern people, at present nine tenths of the entire ^vhite population, in due time appreciate this opportunity and join hands with all good men and women at home and abroad in this the grandest crusade of all the ages ? I have no doubt that the race problem will finally be solved in the South largely through the agency of the Southern Anglo-Saxon i)eople; not over their heads, but with their thorough cooperation. I see already, amid superficial indications to the contrary, the converging lines of this tendency, and below hostile theories the in- evitable drift of the common life of all these great Commonwealths towards the Ameri- can type of society. I see the positive indication of this great convergence of opinion especially in what may be called the educational public of the South. By this I mean that portion of the Southern people of all classes and both races which within the past twenty-five years, amid difficulties and complications almost unconquerable elsewhere, has quietly and persistently laid the foundations of the American system of universal education in every State, county, city, and neighborhood in these sixteen Commonwealths. The common school is so much the habit and unquestioned postulate of republican government everywhere in the North that we have never done half justice to the people of the sixteen Southern States for this, by all odds, the most significant move- ment of the past generation this side the water. That a people, in 1860 the most aristocratic in the organization of its society upon earth, who fought through a bloody war and only fell in "the last ditch" of the absolute ruin of their old social order, should have risen up from this awful overthrow, cleared the ground of rubbish, and with scarcely any aid that they could use, of their own will have planted on the soil the one institution that is the eternal foe of everything save republican gov- ernment and democratic society, is the wonder of the age and the complete vindica- tion of the essential Americanism of the Southern people. It would be well for our cynical scholars and self-confident politicians who dilate on the imperfections of this system of education, to remember what Massachusetts was fifty years ago, when Horace Mann drew his sword ; what Pennsylvania was thirty years ago, when Wick- ersham took command; what even to-day some portions of the older Atlantic States are declared by the testimony of their own educational authorities to be. Doubtless there has been exaggeration of the achievement of the South in popular education, partly through ignorance, more in the way of home advertisement, most in the in- ierest of the defeat of the Blair bill. But with all this drawback, the Southern people have taken " the first step that costs," and established the free school for all classes and both races, unsectarian, but practically one of the most potent moral and relig- ious forces of this sectiou, growing all the time, already beyond the peril of destruc- tion or serious damage from its numerous enemies, and it " has come to stay." True, the educational public has not half convei'ted the average Southern politician, for whom, as Gen. Grant said, "there is too much reading and writing now." It has not IN THE NEW AMERICAN LIFE. 269 yet entirely swung the Southern clergy and the church over to its hearty support as against the old-time Prptestant parochial and private system of instrnctiou. It is still a social outsider in some regions, and through vast spaces of the rural South it is so poor that it seems to have hiudored more than helped the better-off classes who shoulder its expenses. But it has for the iirst time gone doi^n into the basement story of the Southern household, bearing that common schooling to the lower orders and the "plain people," which meaus modern civilization and progressive Chris- tianity, involving the full committal to the new American order of aiFairs. It is a wonder that the leading classes of the North — the press, the political organizations, the industrial leaders, even the philanthropists — are still so imperfectly informed con- cerning this, by all odds, the most vital and significant end of Southern life. The splendid mission work of our Northern churches, which indirectly has so greatly aided the growth of the schools for the Negroes by training their teachers, has some- times obscured the magnitude of the home work. But this, with the remarkable rally of the whole secondary and higher education, is a demonstration that the South has no intention of remaining permanently in any second place in the great educational movement of the time. Imperfect as the common school is, the Negro has been the greatest gainer therefrom, for through it and all that goes along therewith he is lay- ing up a steady increase of self-respect, intelligence, and practical power, which will astonish many good people who still go ou repeating the parrot cry that education has only demoralized the younger negro generation for the industrial side of life. But it is not what the common schools have done, but what the Southern people have failed to do to reenforce them, that still holds thousands of negro youth in the bonds of a vagrancy, shiftlessness, and debasement that deserve all things that can be said against them. The cure for this is more and better education, reenforced by the policy of every civilized land in the suppression of the devil side of society that will ruin the greatest country under the sun. But. below and beyond this open and evident work of education, I see more clearly, every year, that the logic of the new Southern life is all on the side of the final eleva- tion of the Negro to the essential rights and opportunities of American citizenship; and, beyond, to the generous cooperation with the nation in aiding him to make his own best use of that supreme opportunity. We, at the North, are constantly misled by the press, which is a very poor representative of this most important element of Southern life. We hear the superficial talk and read of the disorder that is the in- evitable accompaniment of States in the transition from a great civil war to their final adjustment to the national life. An eminent educator of the South writes me : "Ask 100 men at the street corner what they think about the education of the Negro, and 75 of them will demur, and some of them will swear. The next day every man of them will vote for the higher school tax that gives the Negro a better echoolhouse and the permanent establishment of his education." Our Southern friends are no more logical than other portions of the country, and the superficial life of all coun- tries is constantly adjusting itself to the logic of its undertow. I can see in more ways than I could explain, even to a Northern community, that these people are " in the swim" whose tide can only drift them off into regions of life which seem almost impossible to them to-day. The test of this drift is that, spite of all obstacles and embarrassments, there is, in every respectable Southern community, no real hinderance to an intelligent, moral, industrious, and prudent negro family getting all out of American life that anybody expects, save that social and, in some localities, political recognition, that are the last achievements of long periods of social evolution in national affairs. In all essential respects the negro citizen is better off in the South than in any Northern State. The outward opportunities for full association with the white population in the North are, after all, of little value in comparison with the substantial opportunity for be- coming the great laboring agricultural class and of capturing the field of mechanical and operative labor. It will be his owo fault if he permits the iusoleat naturalized 270 THE NEGKO-AMERICAN CITIZEN. foreign element that now dominates our Northern industrial centers to elbow him oflf into a peasantry or a menial and subordinate laboring population. As I look at the way in which these 7,000,000 people are gaining all the vital oppor- tunities of life among the 12,000,000 of their Anglo-Saxon neighbors, I am amazed at the way they seem to go on, only half-conscious of what the rest of the world is say- ing about them, " working out their own salvation" by the power that is in them, in the only way by which an American people can finally succeed. The only fit symbol of this mighty movement is the Mississippi Eiver, after it has become " the inland sea" of the Southland. States and their peoples, Congress and the Nation, scientists and cranks, debate and experiment on the way to put the "Father of Waters" in harness, to tie up this awful creature that holds the fate of 10,000,000 people in its every-day whim. But all discourse, legislation, and experiment at last run against the question, what will the Mississippi Eiver do with us next week? So, while the Southern people and the Nation are wrestling with what they choose to call the ' ' race problem," this inland. Southern human ocean, searching and spreading and pushing into every nook and corner of the lowland, is going on its way ; and every deliver- ance of the scientist, the socialist, and the statesman, brings up against some new and unexpected thing that the Negro has really done. "How are you getiing on with your neighbors down here ? " said I to a deputation of fine-looking colored men, who stepped out of a carriage and presented me with a well- written address of welcome to the city of Vicksburg. " Well, we used to have trouble ; but we have finally con- cluded the white man has come to stay, and we adjust ourselves to that fact." The white man has indeed come to stay all over the United States of America; but he will stay, not always as the white man proposes, byt as God Almighty disposes. And, wherever he abides, he will finally be compelled, by the logic of American events, to stay in peace and justice, in freedom and order, in Christian cooperation with all the great elements of a republican society, shaped from all the peoples that a beneficent Providence has called to abide together in this, God's morning land. CHAPTER lY. THE EDUCATIO]!^ OF THE NEGRO— ITS. CHAEACTER AND FACILITIES. Tliougli the possibility and tlie necessity of educating tlie negro population of tlie United States have been very thoroughly discussed by legislative and iihilauthropic bodies and the periodical jness, nevertheless there seems wanting a systematic and detailed statement of the facilities for the instruction of colored persons within the Union and of the more general features which characterize their school life. In supplying and in systematizing a body of facts of this description for those inter- ested in or wishing to generalize upon the matter, it will suffice merely to mention its far more interesting and important side. An attempt is being made to educate a people as a body whose great grandparents were African savages or plantation slaves. This people, if uneducated, is hopelessly at the mercy of a race far more enlightened and numerous than itself, and, if edu- cated, must struggle for existence beside this same more powerful race from which it is unmistakably differentiated on the moral side by the hundreds of years of dis- ciplining freedom it has yet to undergo, and the absence of self-effectuation and self- restraint, qualities freedom entails, while on the physical side it is still more uuniistak- ably differentiated by the color of its shin. To a people thus lightly ballasted with independent social experience and racial prestige it is apt to seem that everything is a 'matter of language, and that the ability to talk effectively is an open sesame to every avenue of wealth, power, and consideration enjoyed by the dominant race, and that success in those avenues is obtained by the A-erbiage of sophistry rather than by patient foresight, and skillful energy. ^ But by those who wish to secure what sanguinary battles and constitutional amendments can not secure, that is to say, the abolition of the slavery of ignorance, far different ideas are held. While the State has endeavored to do its duty, a warmer effort was long ago inaugurated by the mis- sionary enthusiasm of the Christian, and the boundless optimism of the man of commerce, to educate teachers for the schools and ministers for the pulpits of the col- ored people of the South in order that through their efforts the problems of real life might be comprehended by the descendants of the physically emancipated masses now located in that portion of the Union.'- Other than the fact that it is provided for persons of African descent, the education of the negro in several of the United States is characterized by three features : (1) Its cost is borne almost wholly by the white portion of the community; (2) it is almost always elementary; and (3) it is becoming more and more industrial in the sense that it is training its pux^ils in the village industries of carpentrj-, wheel wrigh ting, blacksmithing, and in the jiossibly less rural vocations of shoemakiug and printing. '"These are the resources with -which individual human beings are able to procure the satisfaction of their wants and industry conies into being and grows." (Growth of English Indnstrj- and Com- merce, vol. 1, p. 10. "\V. Cunningham.) -"I desire to state," says Dr. Haygood iu one of his reports, " without qualification and as the result of long-continued and careful investigation, that the children of parents taught in these higher schools iu the earlier years of this great movement show at the beginning of their school course marked superiority to the children of untaught parents." 1551 1552 EDUCATION REPOET, 1892-93. ITS COST IS BOKNK BY THE WHITE RACE. That this is so is natural whether we consider the fact in connection with the schools supported by State or municipal taxation or with those supported by the generosity of churches or wealthy persons. The Southern States are agricultural, and in au agricultural community the great source of revenue is tax upon land. As the land in these States is, from the very nature of things, in the possession of the former masters, it follows that they are taxed to educate the children of their former slaves. Still itAvould he injustice to the colored race not to go a step farther and inquire by whom the agricultural land in the late slave-holding States is put in value; by whom it is Avorked that it will support a tax. The answer may be given in a sentence, a universal exodus of the negro would probably not be tolerated in the cotton States. Thus it is apparent that there is only a verisimilitude of injustice in the dominant and land-holding race educating the youth of the laboring population. ^ It must be remembered, however, that the tax is peculiarly onerous, as there is the necessity of supporting two systems of schools. Yet it is only possible to educate colored children in this way and the tax is borne with patience. But while the Southern States are educating the negro, many persons, i:nder the form or direction of religious or special philanthropic bodies, have founded and supported institutions which in name are plainly intended for the higher educatioa of such colored persons as have the desire to obtain an education of that description. It may therefore be said that potentially the best work for the elevation of the colored race is done in the so-called colored normal schools, in institutions supported by the sale of national lands for the purpose of fostering agriculture and the mechanic arts, and in the upper classes of the numerous "academies," "colleges," and "univer- sities" supported by religious bodies or endowed hy private individuals. As far as known to this Bureau there are 107 of these institutions, ^ of which 105 are situated in the Southern States. In them the charge for instruction is exceed- ingly low, usually about a dollar or two a month in the normal, academic, and col- legiate departments, though frequently it is given without cost. But as low as this charge is, when made, it is paralleled by the extremely low rate at which lodging and food are furnished and the very moderate incidental fees exacted. In generalit may be said that the entire expense to the colored student is in the neighborhood of $75 or $100 for a session of nine months. Sometimes it is as low as $50 or $60, some- times it is as high as $125 or $150. The lowest of course are the minimum figures at which the student can exist. But it must not be supposed that this charge for tuition, lodging, and food covers the cost of the presence of the student at any par- ticular institution. At Claflin University, for instance, where the entire charge to students in the higher grades is about $7.50 a month, it is found "that the small amount paid by the students is not sufficient to meet one-tenth of the expenses of the institution, and it thus appears that every student is aided to the extent of about nine-tenths of his expenses," that is to say, every student costs the institution to instruct, lodge, and feed about $68 a month. At Fisk University "the charges to students do not cover one-half the actual cost of the advantages furnished them." By whom, then, is the cost of these 107 institutions borne? In the case of Claflin University it is borne by the contributions of the friends of education, through the Freedmen's Aid and Southern Education Society; by the jjroceeds of the sale of national lands; by the State of South Carolina, and by the John F. Slater and the 1"! must yet advert to another most interesting topic — the free schools. In this particular New England maybe allowed to claim, I think, a merit of a peculiar character. She early adopted and has constantly maintained the principle that it is the undoubted right and the bonnden duty of Govern- ment to provide for the instruction of all youth. That which is elsewhere left to chance or charity we assume by law. For the purpose of jrablic instruction wo hold every man subject to taxation in pro- portion to his property, and we look not to the question whether he himself have or have not children to be benefited by the education for which he pays. "We regard it as a wise and liberal system of police by which property and life and the jieace of society are secured." (Daniel Webster, in discourse on "First Settlement of New England," December 22, 1820.) 2 Several not reporting however for 1892-93. ' EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1553 Peabody funds. In the case of Fisk TTniversitj^ the deficit is met by contributions of Christian and philanthropic people through the American Missionary Association or given directly to the university. Other bodies interested in the work of educating the negro are the American Baptist Home Mission Society, which supports many institutions; the Presbyterian Church; the Society of Friends; the Congregational churches of the Xorth; the Methodist Ej)iscopal Church South.' From these funds of religions corporations; from tho proceeds of the invested funds of the Peabody, and esjiecially of the Slater fund; from tho fund in some States arising from the sale of lands given by the act of Congress granting lands in 1862, and, in all the States insisting on the separation of the two races, a proportional share of the fund annually given by the act of August 30, 1890— have been supported the independent schools for the education of the negro, with the exception of certain normal schools con- ducted by the States and State scholarships created in quasi-independent institutions. Lightly, however, as tho entire cost of education is made to bear upon the colored student, he seems unable to meet it, and several expedients have been devised, two of which stand forth prominentlj^, at least are of such a nature as to admit of being stated in a general way. These are the creation of scholarships and of labor and student aid funds, = and it would seem that almost every institution has a fund at its disposal to help needy students of merit. Frequently the beneficiary is required to perform some kind of service for the amount given, Avhile in some cases, as at Berea College, a rebate of $3 a term is allowed to 73 students of good standing. At Roger "Williams aud at Fisk universities tho student is required to contract that he Avill labor one hour a day for the institution, or pay $2 in addi- tion to the charge for board and tuition. As an instance of tho necessity of the situation, the case of Storer College, at Harpers Ferry, W. Va., may be cited. Abovit fifteen years ago it was suggested that from the beauty of its situation it might be practicable to use it as a summer resort. One of the teachers made a beginning. Visitors came, were charmed by the surroundings, pleased with the bearing of the students who waited on them, and sent for their friends, until several hundred guests came annually. The earnings of the buildings are about $900, besides " bringing into the market certain portions of the school farm." In the same line is the suggestion of the principal of the Alabama State Normal and Industrial School, who, after remarking that meritorious young people who would be willing to exchange their labor for board are turned away daily, observes that "A cotton fac- tory or some other industry established near institutions of this [his] kind could utilize every extra hour of students, and by some humane arrangement could keep running every hour of the day, a source of income to the projectors and an aid to poor students." The scholarships are mostly in the form of State-supported students, and merely entitle to free tuition and lodging. Others are merely scholarship lunds. Such is the King scholarship frtnd of $5,000, the Cassedy scholarship fund of $10,000, and others of equal or less amount possessed by Atlanta University. Biddle University has a fund of $6,000, raised in Scotland, the interest of which is to be used to aid young men preparing for mission Avork in Africa. Tlie difficulty encountered by the colored student in regard to money has been par- tially overcome by the gift of Daniel Hand, esq., of $1,000,000 for the education of "such colored people as are needy and indigent." The fund is administered by the American Missionary Society, which, in view of the comparatively inadequate sum at its disposal, has felt the necessity of concentrating its resources, as the trustees of the two other great educational funds for the education of the people of the Southern States have felt the necessity of concentrating theirs. 'Of 75 institations reporting their resources of support, there •were receiving aid from (some counted twice but some not appearing): American Missionary Association, 19; American Baptist Homo Mission Society, 10; Freedmen's Aid Society Methodist Episcopal Church, 9; Methodist Epis- copal Church, South 1; Presbyterian Churcli. 7; Protestant Episcopal Church, 2; Congregational Church, 2; Friends, 1; endowments, 4; State or municipality, 16. *As at "Wayland Seminary. ED 93 98 1554 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1892-93. THE EDUCATION OF THE COLORED liACE IS ALMOST EXTIRELY ELEMENTARY. The lieiglit of the general intellectual development of the masses is conditioned by the afiluence or paucity of abstract ideas current among them, at least by the ability to quickly acquire such ideas. Unfortunately for the negro his former con- dition gave Jiim no opportunity to acquire a great variety of ideas. The relation of master and slave, speaking generally, in a sparcely inhabited country gave no opening to the negro to obtain a higher order of ideas than his condition required. Thus the negro was not trained to take on rapidly that form of enlightenment called culture when the oi:)portunity came. The school days of the negro child are not pre- ceded by centuries of inheritable stimulus derived from racial, and, as a special case, from ancestral exertion, nor is he as yet surrounded by the refining influences of even a commonplace home. Voodoo incantations are his only natural literature and the j)ermanent literature of the English language, still si^eakingfor the body of the race, is without his present sphere. It therefore happens that his education has been elementary. Many institutions for the education of the negro have high sounding names, but, with several exceptions, they are not aj)propriate. Prominent among these excep- tions is Howard University of Washington City. No school for the colored race has better facilities for higher education. It has a collegiate, and Avith the exception of the post-graduate, all the j)rofessional departments of an American university. But by far the most important advantage it has over other institutions of its kind is that Washington has had for many years a very efficient system of public schools for colored children, which now enroll about 14,000 pupils. It is, therefore, natural to suppose, did any general desire exist among the rising generations of colored persons to secure a higher culture of the mind than that offered by the elementary school, irresjiectivo of any pecuniary advantage to bo derived therefrom, that the collegiate department of Howard University would be filled, especially since the tuition is free and the university buildings practically within the city limits. Yet the attendance in the college department of this national university for the African is small, being only 7 per cent of the whole attendance of 517. If any effect has been produced by the city system of public schools upon the curriculum of Howard Uni- versity, it is shown by the absence of an elementary department in that institution. However it must be noted that, though the collegiate department is so neglected, the professional departments are comparatively well filled. lu the normal classes are 36 per cent of the attendance, in the medical 26 per cent, while the departments of theology and law have each more students than the college department proper of this university so well supported by Congress, so well ofiicered, and especially, from the educational side, so well located.^ The same phenomenon is shown by other colleges for the higher education of the colored race, and it seems warrantable to say that even we\'e the race as a body at this moment capable of higher education, its 2>overty would notpermit it, or any con- siderable portion of it, to spend the time necessary to acquire such an education, and that to educate to a higher degree any considerable portion of the race that portion must be supported as the students in colored theological institutions are supj)orted. In 1885 an inquiry made of 23 of the leading institutions for the colored race devel- oped the fact that fewer than 5 'per cent of the students in those institutions were in what is called classical studies, including those preparing for college. An exami- nation of the character of the requisites for admission to many of the more or less grandly named institutions for the education of the colored race shows that 2>i"acti- cally there are none, except the prerequisite of ability to read in a low grade reader or familiarity with the fundamental operations of arithmetic. The elementary English course, says one university, is a necessity, as the large majority of the students com- ing to the university have not had the opportunity to ground themselves in the com- mon English branches. 'As far as the la-w and medical departments are concerned, this remark may he vitiated to some extent, as those departments, it is understood, have white students upon their rosters. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1555 lu 75 institutions for the education of the colored race, from ■^liich special reports have been received, there are nearly 20,000 students in nonprofessional courses, not quite 4 per cent of whom are reported as being of collegiate grade, 35 per cent as being of secondary grade, and 61 per cent as of elementary grade. It has been remarked above that the absence of an elementary department at Howard University may be attributed to tho very efficient work of the system of public colored schools of ^Yashingtou City; for the constant complaint of the universities and colleges for the colored is that they are obliged to instruct their jiupils in tho elementary branches, showing that if those pujiils have been taught in the public schools they have been poorly taught or have failed to profit l)y tho teaching. Tho probability is that tho child has been poorly taught, and the whole effort of the management of two of tho three great funds for tho education of the populations of the South is the ti'ainiug of homo teachers. If the efforts of the trustees of these great funds are sup- ported by a State sj^stem of examination adequate to prevent persons moro necessi- tous than able from being foisted upon the children, the colleges and universities for tho colored race maj- dispense with their elementary classes, though probably with a loss of tho moiety, or even more, of their jjresent attendance. However this may be, those who support tho higher named institutions for the education of the colored race are fnlly convinced not only of the negro's desire and of his capacitj^ for culture, but also of tho necessity. The only obstacles they can see are illiteracy and poverty, which they arc striving to overcome by supporting institutions in the South as shown above. Tho great majority of tho students at these institutions, though pursuing an ele- mentary course of instruction, have one of two objects in view. These are tho desire to become a teacher or a minister of the gosi)el. In every catalogue of an institution for the higher education of the colored race there is to be found either a normal or a minister's course, most frequently both. As for the so-called normal course, it has been very accurately stated by the Hartshorn College that it is but the beginning of an education, and the instruction in the minister's course is greatly hampered by tho lack of a sound elementary education. In the case of the institutions supported by the Laptist Homo Mission Society, it was decided in 1892 that the instruction in theology, except in the case cf the Richmond Theological Seminary, bo restricted to a minister's course especially designed for those lacking an education that would jiermit them to take up the studies of a theological seminary proper. Yet tho catalogue of tho Rich- mond Seminary shows but 27 per cent of its 59 students in the regular theological course. In tho Gammon Theological Seminary, with a single curriculum which is lower than the theological course proper of the Richmond Seminary though higher than the minister's course of that institution, about half the students are unclassi- fied or are in sjiocial courses. The best and highest education given the negro, as far as numbers go, is offered in the ubiquitous normal course or department. This course is merely concerned with the elements of a jilain English mathematical education. The effort there is to m.ake the student as fiir as possible catch the principle involved in tho subject under consideration rather than to memorize the printed page. Too frequently, perhajis, tho early training of the student has not made him sufficieutlj- familiar with the subject-matter of the elementary branches to enable him to grasp their essence, but, notwithstanding this draAvback, a thoroughness is given to tho instruction that is elsewhere lacking. The length of the normal course can not be given with any special accuracy. Wliat is called the normal course generally requires three years of study to com- plete. Very frequently four years are devoted to the course, and occasionally two. In fact, the arrangement given by the Avery Normal Institute, or Straight Univer- sity, seems to be practically that of the great majority of tho institutions with various names for the education of tho colored people. At tho Avery Institute the curriculum begins with the fourth grade and the normal course vrith the ninth grade and contimaes on through the twelfth and final grade; thus tho institution is assim- ilable to a graded system of public schools. At Straight University the normal 1566 EDUCATION REPORT, 1892-93. course also begins with the ninth grade, but the eleventh grade, or year, is called the middle year of the normal course, and the twelfth grade is called the senior year. Instead of grades preparatory, normal and subnormal courses are sometimes estab- lished. Still another form of the normal course is shown by the curriculum of this Southern university, where the "normal department contains the high school, the freshman year of the college course, and an addition of a course of pedigogics, with an emphasis on practice teaching." Very fret^uently the normal course is or may be used as a preparatory department, while at the branch normal college of the Arkansas Industrial University the normal course is stated to be fully equivalent to the first two years of a regular college course ; and further, that it is the course which most of the students content themselves with taking. It may be a matter of surprise that institutions necessarily conducted so econom- ically as those for the education of the colored race should not be more economical in the variety of the courses they offer; in short, that they have not consolidated their teaching. It is quite evident that the normal course at its best is merely a secondary or preparatory course of study which aims at general intellectual culture rather than professional expertness, for it has very frequently elementary Latin and Greek, which are distinctively preparatory studies. For the purposes of comparison the second and third years of a normal course may be so arranged as to bring out the points of similarity it has with the preparatory course of the same institution. Normal Course (Middle and Senior Years). Complete Arithmetic, White. Algebra, Wentworth. General history, Barnes. Latin Grammar, Allen and Greenough. Inductive Method, Harper and Burgess, Physics, Gage. Chemistry, Steele. English, Word Analysis and Rhetoric. Civil Government and Economics. Bookkeeping. Drawing. Music. Astronomy. Botany. Psychology and Moral Philosophy. Geometry. School Management. History of Education. Normal Course, etc. — Continued. Methods of Teaching. School Laws of State. Practice Teaching. Preparatory Course (One Year). Complete Arithmetic, White. Algebra, Wentworth. General History, Barnes. Latin Grammar, Allen and Greenough. Inductive Latin Method, Harper and Burgess. Physics, Gage. Chemistry, Williams. • [In other institutions having a prepar- atory and a normal course the former requires more than one year to complete.] The studies of the normal course are determined by the character of the examina- tions for State certificates to teach. But as Latin and probably other studies of the normal course given above are not pursued far enoiigh to give the pupil any service- able teaching knowledge of them, it would seem that they have been introduced for the special purpose of culture, and certainly there is no better way to teach ''tech- nical" grammar than through the grammar of a synthetic language, such as that of ancient Rome. Motives of culture, however, are not the ruling ones that induce so many to attend the normal schools or departments of the class of institutions imder review. Com- pletion of a course of study in such a school entitles the holder to a certificate and the course itself is especially .arranged to meet the requirements of the State exam- iners. Though these institutions inculcate the elements of an education, they may therefore be looked upon as professional schools. Indeed, to illustrate this con- clusion, it will suffice to quote from tlio catalogue of the school whose progranmie has just been given, where it is said that the normal course has special reference to EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. _ 1557 preparing the student to become a successful teacher, and that it is ou that account that most of the students naturally turn to it. A university candidly states that a majority of its students attend its courses with the expectation of becoming teach- ers for a longer or shorter period. It is clear that the opportunity opened by State aid and northern philanthropists to mature colored jiersous to gain entry into a field of usefulness of quasi-gentility at a small cost in money and a considerable expenditure of time is one thatisijartic- ularly charming and has great effect in filling the normal schools and departmcutis.i "Parents, patrons, aud students," says the Hartshorn Memorial College, "must remember that the completion of the normal course is but the beginning of educa- tion. Well-educated women, prepared for the best service of life, are the product of more extended and broader training. It is the desire of this college to develop the higher courses as speedily as possible. But instruction in advanced courses can be given so far only and so fast as students are prepared to receive it. "For the successful prosecution of advanced studies, four conditions are — each and all — absolutely essential: "(1) There must be natural ability and the love of learning on the part of the student. Not a few do well and achieve a good standing iu the common-school studies, who, for lack of ability or aspiration, utterly fail iu the higher. "(2) There must bo careful instruction in the elements and a mastery of them suf- ficient to lay a good foundation for after progress. Many pupils pass over the lower courses with so much carelessness that they fail, and for lack of preparation must needs fail as soon as they touch the higher. " (3) Time is requisite. For the primary and grammar school studies, the normal, the college preparatory, and the collegiate many years are required. To complete long courses of study pupils must begin early and remain in school continuously. Those who begin at 16 or 18 years of age have not time to complete advanced courses. " (4) Means also for the payment of moderate expenses are required. If the par- ents or patrons of a student count their duty done when she becomes able to teach a country school of low grade, advancement beyond the elements becomes for her impossible. "The pressing needs of the people wait for women of broader education and com- pleter discipline. To meet this need Hartshorn Memorial College was founded. The time wheu ability, aspiration for learning, early training, and the requisite means shall meet together and render higliei education i^ossible ought not to linger. The colored jjooplo themselves should see that the time does not delay." The foregoing remarks show the lack of higher education among the African race in America. This is particularly unfortunate for this portion of the community since it, more than any other, requires a body of cultured jjcrsons within itself to oppose those adventurous persons who, l^y reason of their pleasing theories or ingen- ious arguments, are not apt to be the best of advisers, and in a stable government arc alwaj's bridled by the calm wisdom of a small but all-powerful class of thought- ful people. As before remarked, the colored race is located in the distinctively agricultural States of the Union. It therefore has neither press nor libraries, and the rank aud file of the race must depend upon their leaders for their opinions. Thus is explained the pertiuacious efforts of thoughtful people to provide a higher education for the negro — their efforts to remove the obstacles which his intellectual aud pecuniary disabilities put iu their way, and their appeals for aid. The educa- tion of the colored race, as far as it is acquired within the walls of an educaliniuil ' Lest thia he miaconstrued iuto a jibe at the colored student it is well to remark tliatat the German universities it is stated that fully one-fourth of all the students are in needy circumstances and take advantage of the fact to demand aid and enjoy free dinner;-!. (See p. 3G6 of this Report for 1891-02. Compare also what is said l.y lTofe.ssor Paulsen ou p. 288 of the same A'oluine.) Monsieur Dreyfus- Brisac, in his Universite de Bonn ct rEnseignenient Supericur en Allemagne, says that the remis- sion of fees is frequently unwarranted, and, at the Tlniversity of Bonn, is modiiied by a system of deferred payments (stiindung) — over 13 per cent of which are lost. 1558 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1892-93 edifice, is xiractically elementary; but that fact is by no means conclusive evidence that its higher education is an hallucination. The systems of imhlic schools supported hy States insisting on the separation of the races, their work, necessities, and the results accomplished by them, are matters of Avhich the public is well informed. Since the report of 1885-86 a portion of this annual volume has been devoted to compiling what vras known of the subject, while the debates in Congress and the discussions in the jjublic in'iuts have illuminated every side of it. The usual figures of attendance, etc., follow. JVhHc and colored scliool staiisiks, 1S93-93. State. Total Alabaiuaa Arkansas Uelp-TTare 6 District of Coliunbia ITlorida Georgia Kentucky c Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina Soutli Carolina Tennessee Texas ."Virginia West Virginia Estimated number of ckildren 5 to 18 years of age. White. 5, 408, 775 290, 935 304, 260 39, 850 42.930 81,150 352, 400 544, 100 194, 300 244,750 201,900 838, 500 373, 100 1G6, 700 462, 100 669, 300 343, 900 258, 600 Colored. 2, G30, 331 249, 291 117, 940 8,980' 23, 620 64, 350 330, 700 93, 200 206, 900 70, 550 294, 100 51, 000 223, 700 279, 800 156, OCO 204, 900 244, 600 10, 700 dumber enrolled in the common schools. White. 1 Colored. 3,692,923 1,367, 186,125 197, 655 28, 316 25, 262 58, 427 253, 942 393, 700 92, 816 162, 016 154, 459 581, 342 232, 560 102, 571 368, 481 425, 776 227, 696 201, 779 115, 490 66, 921 4,858 14, 502 36, 770 161, 705 61. 300 62, 654 37,386 180, 464 31, 113 124, 398 120, 579 94, 980 127,495 120, 775 6,438 Average daily attendance. White. Colored. 110,311 cl9, 740 19, 085 147, 907 226, 500 65, 352 02, 014 93, 099 142, 362 75, 166 266, 851 284, 118 130, 398 130, 312 72, 156 c2, 947 10, 982 97, 471 35, 200 42, 018 16, 597 101, 894 72, 417 87, 134 64, 127 80,717 63, 745 4,113 ISTumber of teachers. White. Colored. 83, 849 4,182 4,940 734 598 1,984 5,837 7,167 2,333 3,534 4,296 13, 240 4,490 2,676 6,949 9, 287 5,868 5,736 25,615 2,136 1,374 106 299 694 2,082 1,395 911 675 3,201 696 2,541 1,859 1,853 2,619 2,064 200 a In 1889-90. 6 In 1891-92. c Approximately'. It will be remarked "by the patient reader who examines the table that the white l^upils show an increase of about 85,000 ; the colored, a decrease of about 12,000. The number of colored teachers has increased 800, while the number of white teachers has increased but 700. "Were it possible to ascertain what scholastic and personal qualifications these 800 new colored teachers bring to their duties the advantages of this large increment to the teaching force of colored persons might be discussed. In the academies, schools, colleges, etc., for colored youth there are, as far as known, 10,191 male and 11,920 female students. In the elementary grades 57 per cent of the attendance are girls; in the secondary grades, 53 per cent; while in the col- legiate dejsartment onlj^ 25 per cent are women. In all schools reporting for 1892-93 there are 25,859 students. In the elementary departments of 75 institutions are 13,176 pupils; in the secondary are 7,365; in the collegiate, 963, and in the profes- sional are 924. There are several questions connected with the institutional life of the colored pupil that deal more particularly with ethics than pedagogics. Under the caption of " Separate education " the authorities of Hartshorn Memorial College observe: The establishment of this institution for the education of young women affirms nothing, and expresses no ojiinion touching tlie abstract question of coeducation or the separate education of the sexes. Either system, doubtless, has its own special advantages and disadvantages. But this enter- prise embodies the conviction that for the students whom this institution will gather, under pres- ent conditions and with their present social environment, the balance of advantage is on tlio side of separation. It is something, and no small matter, that the necessity of unceasing surveillance, by day and by night, irritating to pupil and burdensome to teacher, is removed. It is something that courses of study and of instruction may be more closely adjusted to the special and practical needs of young women. To those who have seen the conscience broken down, the moral tone deteriorated, habits of duplicity engendered, and the best intellects become vapid through the unhealthy life engendered in a mixed institution, itwiU seem an important matter that one chief stimulus of this unhealthy life be removed. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1559 To fathers and mothers, -who rcmemher the sad experiences of some mixed srhools, present safety for their inexperienced daughters, sent beyond parental watchcare, will, perhaps, outweigh all other considerations. The Utopian notion that young people can he brought i)romiscuously together and counted brothers and sisters, human nature laughs to scorn. In the presence of such institutions as Mount Holyoke Seminary, Yassar and Wellcslcy colleges, and others of like worth, few would venture to affirm that the highest womanly worth and strength is dependent upon walking and talking and reciting for a few years with young men. The strong women of this generation, whoso hand is upon the school work, and the mission work, and the reformatory work, and the social life of the time, received their training largelj' in separate schools. With tlic heading "Coeducation/"' the authorities of Bennett College sjieak with eqnal positiveness to the contrary, as follows: After years' observation and experience we are ver5- decidedly in favor of the education of our young peoi)lo of both sexes in the same school, provided their association is under proper discipline and suit- able care, which wo claim is had here. This is unquestionably, in our judgment, the normal, healthy, home-like method. Tlie improvement under these circumstances in n;anners, self-reliance, and social culture, the develojiment of manhood and womanhood, areofton very marked. Weknowthat someparentsarercluctanttosendtheir daugh- ters to schools for both sexes; but this apprehension, wo believe, arises chiefly from an insufficient famil- iarity with the facts. One authority says: "Corrupt intlaences are more liable to abound in schools exclusively for either sex, but particularly in separate schools for girls." "To insure modesty, " says Kichter, "I would advise tho education of the sexes together; but I will guarantee nothing in a school where girls are alone together, and still less where boys are." THE EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE IS BECOMING MORE AND MORE INDUSTRIAL. In the early efforts for the education of tho negro in America the object in view was his enlightenment. That j)oint once gained it was thought that his welfare ■would he secure. But owing to his necessitous condition and tho comparatively small amount of funds at the disposal of the iirivato or corporate schools, an effort ■was made iu a few cases to do what years before had been tried in different parts of the Union and found to be a fiiilure in the case of institutions for the Caucasian race. This scheme ■was to have the white student work out his expense while pur- suing the studies of the schoolroom, in order that "many of our most ■worthy young men, who ■were deprived of the advantages of an education through poverty," might overcome that obstacle to theip ambitions. In the case of the negro the effort has persisted longer and has been either more successful than the experiment of 1830-40 in the North and West, or adventitious circumstances have aided it almost to the extent of floating it to an unwonted degree of prosperity. From various reasons a wave of industrial training overran the country in the later seventies and early eighties that, as a form of education, ■was adopted by many city school systems, but reached its most distinguished development in the manual training schools of St. Louis and Chicago. The scheme of mechanical instruction of these schools was not native to America. It had beeu elaborated in a Russian tech- nological university, in which there was a feature of practical work in tbe engineer- ing course, thus bringing it into very sharp contrast -with tho German type of technological university (Technische Hochschule or polytechnicum). But to give these advanced engineering students of scientific technology a x^ractical insight into the processes by ■u'hich the mechanics -whom they -were in the future to direct must "work out in "v\-ood or metal their ideas as engineers, a coarse of instruction was established Tvhich in America "was, in the early days of its adoption, called the Rus- sian system of manual training. The anarchy of shoiiwork for profit on the prin- ciples of the mcchanico-theological or classical schools for poor students of the thirties "was now superseded by a well-digested and systematic plan of mechanical instruction without profit. Now, the work of the negro has been much more closely connected with tho old mcchanico-theological idea than vrith tho Russian system, though the introduction of drawing and machinery gave it dignity as a plan of instruction. This, however, it acquired by the action of the Slater fund trustees. 1560 EDUCATION REPOET, 1892-93. The systematic instrnction of the colored race in the village industries is insepa- rably connected with the administration of the John F. Slater fund. It was not particularly Mr. Slater who caused the fund to he used to foster trade teaching, hut his trustees; for the "general object" of his deed of gift, ''to be exclusively pur- sued," was the uijlifting of the lately emancipated population of the Southern States and their posterity by conferring upon them the blessings of a Christian education — education in which the instruction of the mind in the common branches of secular learning shall be associated with training in just notious of duty toward God and man in the light of the Holy Scripture. Though the methods of accomplishing this was left to the discretion of the trustees^ Mr. Slater strongly indicated that in his opinion the training of teachers was the method to be adopted. In a i^rivate con- versation with Dr. Ilaj'good, however, he put industrial training as the sixth (and last) object to be taken into consideration in the use of the interest of the fund known by his name. It should be remarked, however, that the trustees may have been influenced in the concentration of the fund upon industrial training by the fact that the Peabody fund had for some years been steadily concentrating its resources on the training of teachers, and the States were making provision to supi)ly their colored schools with properly qualified persons. Be this as it may, the trustees of the fund early determined to confine its aid to such schools as were best fitted to prepare young colored meu and women to become useful to their race, and that insti- tutions which gave instruction in trades and other manual occupations that would enable colored youths to make a living and to become useful citizens be carefully sought out and preferred. This policy was continued ten years. At the date of 1883 the highest example of industrial or trade teaching of the negro was Hampton Normal and Industrial School. Only a few of the higher grade schools for colored youth had attempted to teach trades. Many of the most experi- enced persons in the field Avere not convinced that it was wise to attempt it; others advocated it. The rudimentary character of this instruction may be inferred from the first repor4;s to the agent of the fund, Dr. Haygood. Clark University reports, " Without the aid of the Slater fund ($2,000) we could have done little in the industrial departmeut, as it reqtiired $1,100 to equip it, and our printing depart- ment would have failed entirely." Tuskegee Normal School reports, "For the impetus given to the industrial department the school is chiefly indebted to the John F. Slater fund." Claflin University remarks, "As soon as Ave receiA^ed notice of the appropriation of $2,000 from the Slater fund arrangements were made to erect a suitable carpenter shop." And so on, to a large extent, with a score of institutions aided by the fund. Yet these institutions had been carefully sought out as the best for being aided in this matter of trade instruction. It is beyond a doubt that the efficient cause of the impetus for industrial education of the negro was given by the management of the Slater fund and the enthusiasm of their late agent, now Bishop Haygood. On the retirement of Dr. Haygood the plan of the distribution of the Slater fund was somcAA^hat changed. The trustees created a board of education, of which Dr. Curry, the agent of the Peabody fund, was made chairman. The new plan of oper- ation adA'ocated neither the teaching of trades nor the support of institutions not on a "permanent basis." Instead of the teaching of this or that trade the teaching of the "underlying principles of all trades" and the employment of persons expert in imparting such instruction Avas to be kept in view; and the schools are already beginning to follow the hint thus given. The act of Congress of August 30, 1890, for the benefit of schools established for the advancement of education in agricul- ture and the mechanic arts, very likely has had, or will have, the effect to foster this idea of preventing the petrifaction of the negro into a village mechanic or farm laborer while directing his thoughts and impulses toward industrial rather than political spheres of activity. As the State and the Peabody fund may be looked to to promote the training of teachers, the Slater fund and the $10,000 or $12,000 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1561 annually given to the States thickly populated with negroes, for their industrial education, may he looked to to supply men capahle of conducting an industrial bus- iness. It has been through the avenues of trade that an inferior people rise to a higher condition. Trade brings wealth, wealth leisure, and leisure the opportunity, if not the desire, for culture. As taught in the schools for the colored race about the year 1893, the industrial instruction had the following forms, to wit: The manual training or education by work idea; trade teaching of the mechanic trades; agriculture; printing; and, for girls, housework, including sewing and nurse training. At Tougaloo University, in accordance with the general plan of the Slater fund, a chauge was recently made in the form of the industrial work, especial attention being given to manual training with a view to the general culture of mind and hand. This change consisted in the establishment of a two-years course of wood- work of an hour to an hour and a half a day for the seventh and eighth grades, covering the processes and principles of working in wood and with woodworking tools. The exercises are graded, running from the simple to the more difficult, the aim beiug to adapt them to the mental capacity of the student as well as to his dexterity, and to make them a helpful part of his school work. Each student has a blue i)rint of his work before him. A course in woodwork adapted to the lifth and sixth grades, and a course in ironwork for the ninth grade, is to follow it, while for the tenth and eleventh grades a course of mechanical drawing is to be provided. Straight University also has felt the Slater impetus toward a more concentrated method of manual instruction, and has likewise established a two-years course in Avoodwork for the seventh and eighth grades, with the same features of the course at Tougaloo University. In fact, the course as explained by Tougaloo and worked out in the following j)rogramme may be cousideied as the Slater course of manual training : Seventh grade (limited to square work). — Planing to a true surface; laying out work (iucluding measuring with the rule and marking with knife and gauge) ; saw- ing to the line; boring; gluing; driving nails and screws; sandpapering; making box joint, dado, mortise, tenon, and groove. £i<77ii/i. olishes are taught. In addition to the aid from the Slater fund aid was also received from the Daniel Hand fund in establishing this " new line " of work. It will be seen that the remunerative or practical feature lias not been disregarded at this university. At several institutions supported in part by the proceeds from the sale of public lands belonging to the United States and at the comparatively w^ell endowed Atlanta University quite ambitious efforts are being made to inaugurate a system of practical technological instruction much above the average for colored schools. Indeed, at Central Tennessee College there is a course of study in mechanical engineering of four years, though no one has availed himself of it. But the form of manual training that has been in vogue in the independent or isolated schools for the negro in the past has been of quite another form. The insti- tutions giving this instruction drew their aid from the revenues provided by gen- erous persons interested in the welfare of the negro, and as their attendance increased qviite frequently their classes in carpentry and in bricklaying, and in agriculture were utilized in building new and in enlarging or repairing old structures, or in working the fields for garden produce. Sometimes the blacksmithing and wheel- 1562 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1892-93. ■wrightiDg of the ncigliborliood Avas done; but in general it may Lo said tliat the work of the trade classes had a double object in view — instruction of the pupils, and the enlargement or repair of the institution or the cultivation of its grounds. Not that the object of the institution was at all mercenary, but because that was about the only way in which any remuneration could be gotten by the institution out of the labor of its students; if not in this way, then failure. This species of manual instruction is of varied nature : Carpentry, bricljlayiug and brickmaliing, blacksmithing, painting, andi^rinting for men; cooking, dressmaking, and in general housewifery for women. It is doubtful if a better illustration of this object, and methods of the institution giving this character of instruction, can be found than the following announcement: • INDUSTRIAL DEPARTMENTS. Tho indnstrial work is carried on in connection with a fonr years' conrse of academic woric designed to give a thorongh English education. With these objects are kept in view, viz : (i) To teach tlio dignity of labor. (2) To teach the students how to work, giving them a trade when thought best. (3) To enable students to pay a portion of their expenses in labor. At present the most developed of tbo industries are : Agriculture. — This department controls two farms of 680 and 800 acres, rcspectivelj-. Tho funds at command will not allow much outlay in new experimental farming. The special oflbrt, therefore, is to give tho students lessons in common, practical farming. The farms not only furnish an object lesson and valuable employment to students, but supply largely the demands of the school. JBriclanaHng . — On the farm have been found extensive beds of clay suitable for making bricks. Trom these beds the school has been able to make bricks enough to build five substantial buildings for school uses, and to sell many to neighbors. The bricks are made and laid by students, thus reducing the cash outlay for buildings to the minimum. Carpentry . — The students are taught to do all kinds of work, such as building cottages, fences, repairing buildings, making and rex)airing furniture, etc. Of the many buildings on the grounds, most of the work has been done by boj-s of this department. Fainting. — Painting of buggies and graining are emphasized. House painting is regularly done. Many buggies and carts for the town and country are brought in and painted. Printing. — In this ofiBce are printed the catalogues, " Southern Letter," " Student," and much job work for the school and the surrounding country. JBlaclismitJiing and whceliorighting . — These departments do all the work for the school and farm, and much for the town and country. Tinsmithing, shoeniaking, and harness inaMng. — Harness work for the neighborhood, as well as for the school farm, is done. The students' shoes are repaired and all the roofing of the institution is done. Saivmill. — One of the most useful of the industrial occupations is that in connection with the saw- mill. A large part of the farm is covered with pine forest. Wages. — The rate of wages is according to the age of the student and the real value of his work. Tho arrangements are such that students lose nothing in their classes by working out a part of their expenses. At the end of each month a bill is given to every student showing what ho may owe the school or what the school may owe him. A very favorable statement of tho condition of trade teaching is given by Howard University, There the industrial department occupies an entire building, 40 by 75 feet, of two stories and basement, and the students in the preparatory and normal departments practice in the methods of certain trades at specified hours. The work in each department is done under the personal direction of a skilled work- man, and with the advantage of first-class tools. Before leaving tho subject of trade teaching in the isolated schools for the colored race it is necessary that certain remarks of Dr. Haygood, in his last report (1891) to the trustees of the Slater fund, should be reproduced. They are as follows : "If there had been no Slater fund, mnch by this time would have been done in industrial education in these schools; but every informed person knows that tho help and encouragement of this great benevolence has furnished the inspiration and driving force of this vital movement. But for the friendship won to some of- these schools through the industries fostered by the Slater money they would, by this EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1563 timo, liavo ceased to be. * * * Por every doUar given by the Slater fund not only auotlier dollar has come to help it but more than a dollar." ' The largo farms usually attached to the institutions for the colored race, the indus- trial habitudes of that race, and tho terms of the act of August 30, 1890, have invited or compelled attention to agricultural operations. The difficulties attending the introduction of this study in schools for the whites were greater than in the caso of the schools for the colored ; Indeed the training given by the agricultural courses of the schools for colored persons has been much more adapted to mahiug laborers than scientific agriculturists. For colored girls the usual manual training given to Avhite girls is quite apjiropri- ate. Cooking and dressmaking are particularly well adapted as studies to those who very frequently make their living as servants or seamstresses. Quite an effort is being made to introduce nurse training and in several institutions courses have been established, as at Central Tennessee College wh^ro arrangements have been made for a course consisting of two parts, one, uoniirofessional, of two years, and one, professional, running through a third year. THE TEACHING FORCE. The biographies of the teachers in the institutions for the education of the colored race would be a detailed history of the struggle for the instruction of that race. It has never happened in the history of education that so many difficulties had to be overcome as in the case of carrying the war for education into Africa, and it was natural, perhajis necessary, that enthusiasm should ripen into devotion, and even fortify itself in fanaticism. But the personal trials and victories of the past and present can not be recounted here; they must bo looked for in Dr. Barnard's report on education in the District of Columbia, in General Armstrong's Twenty Years of Work at Hampton, and in other Avorks of a similar nature. After the lapse of a quarter of a century, it is natural to suppose that much of the teaching done in schools for the colored race should bo by persons from among them- selves. The figures from 70 institutions justify such an expectation, for they show that of the 1,010 teachers in them one-third (373) are colored men and women. Still confining attention to the institutions for the education of the colored race, it apj)oara that, though the white men teachei's (225) are equal in number to the colored men teachers (221), the white women teachers (412) are very nearly as many as both white and colored men teachers, while for every colored woman teacher there are 3 white women teachers. Comi^arison with the relative i)roj)ortion of each sex in the public schools can not be made, as the statistics are not obtainable, but it may be stated as a fact that in cities the colored schools are almost always taught by women, and in the open country by men. ^ Amount and iHstnbvtion of the sums disbursed from, the Slater fund from 18So to ISO:?, inclusive. 1883. 1884. 1883. 1886. 1887. 1888. 1889. 1890. 1891. 1892. Alalsama Arkansas $2, 100 $2, 450 $5, 000 $3, 800 $4, 400 600 $4, 600 800 1,000 6,850 700 3, 500 4, 800 5, 300 4, 300 6,500 1,360 4,190 600 500 $3, 600 800 800 9,700 .$3, 600 800 800 9,700 .$4, 900 1,000 1,000 10, 500 $4, 700 600 Florida 1,000 8,400 6,200 500 1,000 592 2,000 740 750 4,325 600 2,000 1,000 550 6,814 1,000 1,400 2,000 4,400 3,500 7,600 GOO 3,000 1,000 450 5, ]i;o 700 1,000 2, COO 3, GOO 2,700 5, 800 600 3, 650 600 450 6,200 700 3,100 4,450 4,200 3, 660 6,500 900 4,190 600 500 Kentiif ivv Lioui.siana 4,100 4,400 5,100 4, 000 6,800 1,360 3,150 3,100 4,400 4,700 4,000 6,800 1,360 3,150 3,700 5,300 5, 700 5,000 7,400 1,500 3,150 3,500 4, 967 5, 300 5,000 7,100 1,500 3,150 Misyissippi 1,000 2, 000 2,000 950 Soutti Carolina Tennessee "Virginia 2,000 District of Columbia Special 500 500 500 Total IG, 250 17, 107 36, 764 30, 000 40, 000 45, 000 44,310 42, 910 49, 650 45, 217 1564 EDUCATION REPORT, 1892-93. Tho educatiou of tliese teachers bus been i,iccomj)lislietl iu the various normal schools, academics, colleges, and uniA'orsities spoken of some pages back. The coim- trv schools are incapable of giving an education that will at all qualify the pupil for the position of a teacher of even a colored school, and unless there be a high school in the city having a quasi system of schools for their colored population the urban public school is also incapable of accomplishing the same fact. The strenuous efforts now beiug made to improve the character of the white teaching corps by uniform examinations will probably result in securing a higher grade of teachers for the schools for the rural districts, in which the negro population is mostly situated, and better supervision will result in more thorough teaching and more businesslike man- agement. There are three great funds, aggregating $4,000,000, the interest of which may be used in promoting the education of persons to fill jjositions as ptiblic-school teachers in the Southern States. Two of these funds are specifically for the colored race and the other is for the people of the whole South. In addition to these, there is the fund arising from the sale of lands given by Congress in 1862, which generally reaches the normal schools for colored pupils in the form of a State appropriation, and finally there is the quota, fixed by Federal law, drawn from the $25,000 annually appropriated to each State by the act of Congress of August 30, 1890, which has so far gone to help the resources of the State normal schools for colored children which are thus compelled to add an industrial feature to their establishment. But most important of all, since it is exteiisible and therefore may be made commensurate with the necessities of tho situation, is an appropriation from the State treasury, a resource which has been very effectively used in the North and West, and is by no means unknown in the South. PROFESSIONAI TRAINING. The dignity and the presumptive emoluments of the professions of law and medi- cine and the sacredness and the social influence of the minister's calling have natu- rally excited a desire in many colored persons to engage in a course of study leading to one of the so-called learned professions. The difficulty experienced in America by the schools for instruction in the learned professions is intensified in the case of those for the colored citizen, for very few of their students are scholastically prepared to follow the study they have chosen. This subject, however^ is so well worn in the case of the schools for the whites that it would be intolerable to have its intricacies unfolded in connection with a few schools for training the men who are to deal with the life, the property, and the morals of an inferior race that has been forced rather than self-evolved to a plane of theoretic highest civil standing. In the late slaveholding States there are five schools for the medical education of persons of color. At one of these — that at Washington — some white persons attend, while at the Northern schools for the Caucasian race a number of colored persons are enrolled. Three institutions are very prominent in the training of physicians for the colored people. These are the Meharry medical department of Central Tennessee College, Howard University medical department, and the Leonard medical department of Shaw University. The Meharry medical department was organized in 1876-1879, through the generosity of the Messrs. Meharry, of Indiana. At that time there was no institution south of the Ohio and the Potomac accessible to the colored race. The Leonard Medical School was established in 1881-82 upon a site given by the State of North Carolina. Both of these Southern institutions have received very substantial aid from the John F. Slater fund. The medical department of Howard University was the first medical school for colored students. It is supported partly by the funds of the university and partly by tuition fees, which are increased by the attendance of white persons who are attracted by tho low annual charge for tuition and the excel- lent instruction and facilities for instruction provided. At Fisk University ''it is EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1565 hoped that the time la very uear at haud -wlieu departments of law and medicine can be added to the present lines of educational work of the university." The course of the schools attached to Howard and New Orleans universities and Central Tennessee College are graded, and are of four years. At Shaw University an annual course of lectures is given. The first three institutions named require pro- ficiency in au English education, all having examinations for admission Central Tennessee College and New Orleans University require the student to study Latin during the junior year. The curriculum of the graded courses comprises anatomy, physiology, microscopy, histology, chemistry, toxicology, materia medicay therapeu- tics, obstetrics, gynecology, piediatrics, practice, hygiene, medical jurisprudence, ophthalmology, otology, and bacteriology, the difference in the distribution of the studies through the four years being that at the New Orleans University and Central Tennessee College the student's attention is confined to anatomy, chemistry, and physiology, while at Howard University physiology, materia medica, therapeutics, microscopy, and histology are introduced. A further difference is also apparent in the placing of the practice of medicine and surgery, which are third -year studies at Howard and fourlh-year at the other two institutions. Howard University has upon its own grounds a well-filled hospital. The students of the Central Tennessee College dejiartment may attend the Nashville City Hosijital. All the schools have clinics. The requirements for graduation are completion of the twenty-first year, of the course of the school, and the jiayment of fees in full. The fees are $30 or $60 a year. At New Orleans University and Central Tennessee College the entire course of four years costs tlie student $173; at Howard University $223, including all incidental expenses connected with instruction. Connected with several of these schools are departments of dentistry or phar- macy. The course of the dental departments of Howard University and Central Tennessee College is of three years. The curriculum comprises anatomy, physiology, microscopy, histology, chemistry, materia medica, therapeutics, surgery, operative and prosthetic dentistry, hygiene, and medical jurisprudence, to which Central Tennessee adds metallurgy, dissecting, and materia medica. The expenses are $30 or $60 a year and incidentals. Three institutions have courses in pharmacj'. That of Howard University comprises botany, chemistry, toxicology, materia medica, and i)harmacy, with a recommenda- tion to study microscoiiy, which Central Tennessee includes as necessary. To gradu- ate, the student must have attended two years, but to obtain the degree of graduate iu pharmacy he must have had two other years of practical experience in compound- ing and dispensing drugs and medicines in a regular established pharmacy. The charge at Central Tennessee College and Shaw University is $30 annually, not including incidentals ; at Howard University, $60. Among the colored people the study of law has not such a numerous following as the study of medicine. The same phenomenon is present among the Caucasian race of European and American countries, for the impetus given to the public mind by successful biological research and the ills attending a high-pressure system of life Lave rendered medical assistance advisable as an experiment and even necessary for continued existence. There are five schools of law especially for colored people. These schools are all connected with a college or university. By far the largest enrollment is in the law department of Howard University, which, holding its sessions at night, gives oppor- tunity to colored clerks and messengers of the public bureaus and to commercial clerks to undertake a course in law. The three schools of the national capital for the whites offer the same advantages to persons of that color whose necessities and ambition oblige them to work and study by day and recite or listen to lectures at night. The law department of Howard University has been fortunate. It has recently been supplied with a remodeled building opposite the city court-house, through the 1566 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1892-93. geuerosity of certain members of the New York bar and of C. P. Hnutiugton and J. W. Ambrose, botli of New York, and lias been named Evarts Hall in recognition of the exertions of the Hon. William M. Evarts in procuring funds for the recon- struction of the old building. It is also fortunate in having Congress, whicli legis- lates for the District of Columbia, provide in part for the salaries of four professors — in all, $3,200. The course of study of this school is not of an advanced character. It is taken for granted that the ajjplicant for admission "has had a good Englisb education and some mental training." But tbougb no preliminary examination is held, that fact "is not to be construed as in any manner lowering the standard of attainments required for graduation," as preliminary examinations are frequently found to work injustice and are unsatisfactory. The course is of two years plus the jiost-graduate course tacked on to all the law-scbool courses established in Washington. The first year is spent on Blackstone, real and personal property, contracts, commercial j)aper, criminal law, and domestic relations; the second on pleading, practice, equity, evidence, and torts. During the third year constitutional limitations on the States, mercantile law, and corporations are taken uj). Moot courts are held. The instruc- tion is by the usual assigned reading and quiz method, interspersed with lectures. The faculty is -composed of six lecturers. The law department of Central Tennessee College has a course of two years. To gain admission to its course the caudidate must pass a satisfactory examination on all tbe common English studies, and is advised to take a more extensive course of general study before beginning that of law. The course diifers from that of How- ard University in that the study of the fundamental divisions of the substantive law share during the first year the time with the law of procedure, and international law (Vattel) is introduced, while during the second year Federal procedure, consti- tutional limitations, and corporations are taken up and procedure law continued. The faculty is composed of three persons and a dean. The law department of Allen University has a course of two years, whose sessions, like the schools at Washington, D. C, are held in the afternoon and evening, in order to suit the convenience of students otherwise employed during the earlier portion of the day. The first year is, with the exception of evidence, devoted to substantive law (Blackstone, Kent, contracts, and bills), and to constitutional law. The second year is, with the exception of criminal law and the statutory law of South Carolina, devoted to procedure, considering equity as falling in that category. The faculty appears to bo the president of the university. Moot courts are held. During the six years of its existence five classes have been sent out, "a majority of the members meeting with a great degree of success in life." The law school of ShaAV University was established iu 1888. Its course is not known. A scholarshij) of $50 a year will be granted to worthy students who need assistance. Wilberforce University has a law course of two years, but no students. "If you were in a Southern Adllage watching the passers-by, yon would perhaps see among them a colored man, strong iu body, marked in countenance, an umbrella in one hand and a gripsack iu the other. He is always well, always possessed of marvelous powers of endurance, always ready to speak. He is the negro preacher. Examine him and you will find he has never been taught. * * * Is he doing much preaching? He is preaching a good deal. He has been at it twenty-five years. Multitudes are swayed by his eloquence. Men's, women's, and children's lives and careers are subject to him. He is often the only colored man among them who can read. He is the one man who is looked up to as a leader. His influence extends to the utmost limit of the coloi'ed people's life. Here, then, is the colored minister, with many admirable qualities, but with certain deficiencies. Here he is. What ought he to dof He ought to be educated. He ought to undergo a grand work in the three R's, he ought to understand English, the English Bible, English EDUCATION OF THE COLOKED RACE. 1567 literature, English history, English doctrine, to speak and to writo English, and to explain the Bihlo in English.'' ^ In August, 1S92, the presidents of the schools supported hy the Baptist Home Mis- sion Society adopted the following scheme: All students studying for a degree to studj- at Richmond Theological Seminary, and each school of the society to have a "minister's course " : Tliis course is designed only for those ■wLo, from lack of literary training, are tinable to take a more extended course, and who, at the same time, are nnahle, by reason of age and other iusurmouut- ahle conditions, to seoiire a thorough literary training. Many ministers engaged in active pastoral work who feel the need of further training will find this course specially adapted to their case. It may, ordinarily, he completed in a year. Ko person will ho allowed to pursue this course in the Eichmoud Theological Seminary except residents of the State of Virginia. Certificates will ho given to such as complete the course in a .satisfactory manner. The instruction to be given is to be included under the following heads: I.— STUDY OF THE ENGLISH BIBLE. The vrork done under this head is to be strictly Biblical. Xo time is to bo spent upon speculations ' about the Bible. The study of Divine truth itself and the best methods of communicating this truth to the minds and hearts of others are to occupy the entire attention. Tho inductive method of instruction is to bo pursued, and the special aim of the work is to accomplish the following ends : (a) To permeate the minds and hearts of the students with tho spirit and power of Divine truth. (b) To give to tho students a general but comjtrehensivo knowledge of the Bible as a whole. (c) To impart to the students a correct method of studying tho Scriptures, and practical and effec- tive methods of conveying Bible truth to tho minds and hearts of other persons varying in. age, capacity, and mental training. In seeking to accomplish these three ends in the most successful manner, tho following order of study and of imparting instruction is to bo pursued: (1) Tho study and application of (a) Bible stories, (h) Bible characters, (c) consecutive Bible n.arra- tive or history. (2) Tho study of principles and methods of giving Bible instruction. This exercise includes (ff) the Btudj' of subjects .specially selected, (b) parables, (r) miracles, etc. (3) Tlio study of tho life of Christ, m.aking the gospel of Luko the basis of instruction. (4) Tho study and analysis of selected topics and selected books of tho Bible. (5) The systematic study of Biblo doctrines as explicitly taught in the Bible itself. II.— FAMILY ORG.\NIZATION. Under this head tiie teachings of the Bible in reference to tlie family are to be carefully studied and enforced in a practical way. The following order is pursued: (1) Tho teachings of tho Xew Testament upon marriage. (2) Tho Scripture teachings regarding the reciprocal duties and resx>onsibilities of husband and wife. (3) Tho Scriptiire teachings in reference to the relation of parents and children, (a) Tho father's position in the family and his special responsibilities; {b} the mother's position and her rcsponsihiii- ties; (c) home surroundings, what thej' should be, and how to make them such; (d) Tho children in the home, and their duties and responsibilities to their parents and to each other. (4) Eights, duties, and responsibilities of employers and emplojees as taught in tho Word of God. III. — CIIUECII WORK. In this department instruction is to be given on everything that pertains to a wcU-orgaui/.ed work- ing church. Special attention will be given to tho peculiar needs of small country churches and mission stations. Tho instruction is to be of the most practical nature. It is to be accompanied also by such church work upon the part of the students as will fix it iirmlj' in their minds. The following jireseuts the order of study and instruction: (1) Tho nature of church organization as taught in the Xew Testament: {a) Tho elder, bishop, presbyter, minister, or pastor — his office, his (xi^slification, and his duties and responsibilities, both private and public : (&) tho deacons, their ofQce, qualifications, and duties ; (c) deaconesses, their place and work in the church ; (f?) church members, their relations to the minister or pastor, also to each other, and their special work and responsibilities; {e) church order and discipline. (2) Church helps as a part of church organization: (a) All helps are to bo regarded as subordinate to the church itself; (b) societies. Christian association, young people's union. Christian endeavor society, literary society, homo and foreign missionary society, mission circle, mission band and tem- per.moo society, etc. 1 Rev. A. L. Phillips, secretary for colored evangelization for tho Southern General Assembly, Presbyterian Church, in Second Mohonk Conference, pp. 33-35. 1568 EDUCATION REPORT, 1892-93. (3) 'Ihe Bible Sunday scliool as the training school of the church: (a) Methods of organizing such a school; (&) the officers and teachers, their qualifications, duties and responsibilities, and relation of their work to the church; (c) the home school, and the pastor's relation to it; (d) mission schools, their organization and management, and their relations to the church; (e) teachers' meetings, how best conducted ; (/) methods of instructing and managing Bible classes, intermediate classes, and primary classes. IV.— MISSIONARY WOEK. The training in this department is to be strictly practical. The principle "To do is to know" is to be carefully applied. "While a knowledge of the best methods of doing missionary work is regarded as very important, actual practice in doing the work is regarded as still more imi)ortaiit. Without this latter the former will be of little value, and the training given will be very defective. This practical work, during the school year, is to receive special attention, and will be under the special direction of the teachers. In addition to this practical work, each student will also be required to pursue a systematic course of missionary reading. This course is to include a careful selection of works on the history and progress of missionary effort and a wide range of biographical sketches of eminent and successful home and foreign missionaries of the Baptist and other denominations. The foregoing is to be hereafter the maximum theological course for each of the home mission schools, except the Eichmond Theological Seminary. The president of each school may, however, exercise his discretion in omitting from this course such portions of the work as he may deem necessary in the interest of the class of students who receive instruction. The full course at the Riohmoncl Theological Seminary includes Hebrew, Greek, Biblical introduction, English interpretation. Biblical theology and ethics, church history, homiletics, psychology, and moral philosophy, and is in short a regular theological seminary, having a course of four years such as was described in the report of this Bureau for 1890-91. Other schools have courses ranging from two to five years, but generally of three, with the omission of Hebrew and Greek, with the exception of Wilberforce Univer- sity, which has both in its ''regular course;" Gammon Theological Seminary, which has both elective except for candidates for a degree, and Howard University, which has both in its " classical course of theology." Several missionary courses have been established. That of the Central Tennessee College is called a "Training school for Africa." There is no charge for tuition in these institutions, and it is believed that lodging is also free. At the Gammon Seminary eight cottages have been erected for the use of married students, and at this school and at others loans and gifts are made to deserv- ing students. Tabi,e 1. — Statistics of institutions for educating the colored race, showing grade of students during 1892-98. Name. Presiding ofticer. Profess- Students in — ors and in- struct- ors. Elemen- tary grades. Second- ary grades. Colle- giate courses proper. P o g 3 a o g a o 7 70 154 g 8 95 10 11 a a o 9 30 24 o 10 11 d a o 11 24 13 O u a* 1 2 3 4 5 6 12 Athens, Ala Marion, Ala Mobile, Ala Prattville Ala Trin ity Norm al School . Lincoln Normal School. Emerson Normal In- stitute. Prattville Male and li'emale Academy. Burrell School Miss Katharine S. Dal ton. MissM. E.Wilcox. Jehiel K. Davis - . . , 8 1 1 8 5 6 70 72 54 Selma, Ala Do Eev. A.T. BurnelL 2 4 9 3 6 4 17 64 (6 199 55 3) 263 63 (1 19 60 79) 24 6 ( 3 5) Talladega, Ala... Tuscaloosa, Ala . Talladega College Institute for Tr.iiniug Colored Ministers." Henrv S.De Forest. Eev. A. L.Phillips. 15 25 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1569 Table 1. — Statistics of institutions for educating the colored race, sliowing grade of students, during i.SSf-SJ— Continued. Location. Tu.skegee, Ala.. . Little Kock, Ark. Pine Bluff, Ark.. Southland, Ark. Washington, D. C. Do Do Jacksonville, Fla. Live Oak, Fla. . . Tallahassee, Fla Athens, Ga Do Atlanta, Ga Do Do Do Do Do Augusta, Ga Lagrange, Ga, .. Mcintosh, Ga. . . Macon, Ga Savannah, Ga.. . Thomasville, Ga Waynesboro, Ga Berea, Ky , Lexington, Ky. . New Castlo, Ky. Alexandria, La.. New Iberia, La. Now Orleans, La Do Do Do Do Winsted, La Baltimore, Md.. Princesa Anne, Md. Name. Tuskegee Normal and Industrialln.stitute. riiilander Smith Col- lege. *■ Branch Normal Col- lego of Arkansas In- du.strial L'niversity. Southland College and Normal Institute. Howard University.. Nonnal School, seventh and eighth divisions. Wayland Seminary Cookman Institute FLorida Institute State Normal College for Colored Teachers . Jerual Academy Knox Institute Atlanta Baptist Semi- nary. Atlanta University... Clark University Gammon School of Theology. Spelman Seminary Storrs School The Paine Institute. Lagrange Academy. . . Dorchester Acadeniy . . Ballard Normal School . Beaeli Institute Allen Normal and In- dustrial School. Haven Academy Borca College Presiding officer. Booker T. Wash- ington. J oseph C. Corbin . . William Eussell . . Rev. J. E.Rankin. Lucy E. Moton... Rev. G.M.P. King. Lillie M.Whitney. No report T. Do S. Tucker Chandler Normal School. Christian Bible School. Alexandria Academy. . Mount Carmel Con- vent. Leland University La Harpo Acad em j^.. New Orleans Univer- sity. Southern University a n d Agricultural and Mechanical Col- logo. Straight University . . . Gilbert Academy and Agi-icultural College. Morgan College ".. Delaware Academy . . . John H. Brown . . . L.S.Clark Rev. George Sale. . Rev. Horace Bum- stead. Rev. D.C.John-.. Rev. Wilbur . P. Thirkield. Miss Harriet E. Giles. Ella E, Roper Rev. Geo. Wms. Walker. No report Fred W. Foster. .. F.T. Waters Julia B. Ford KatharineB. Dowd No report AVilliam Goodell Frost. Mrs. L. A. Shaw.. No report. do Profess- ors and in- struct- ors. Students in- Elemcn- tary grades. 6 I (3.11) 5 164 28 E.C.Mitchell. No report H.A.Hill. Oscar Atwood W. D. Godman Rev. Francis J. Wagner. No report 400 320 (28) 107 46 20 80 ,170 16 14 50 1 145 (385) 25 I 65 119 180 Second- ary grades. 9 Colle- giate courses projier. 10 11 (7) 64 I 27 19 4 37 ; 29 23 I 53 ; 49 61 50 7 5 60 165 (43) 4 : 28 16 22 5 1.5 (110) 214 338 175 16G 76 (35) 46 20 25 15 (9) 3 For 1891-92. ED 93- -99 1570 EDUCATION REPORT, 1892-93. Table 1. — Siaiistlcs of institutions for educating the colored race, slwioing grade of students, during 1893-93 — Coutinued. Location. Clinlon, Miss Holly Springs, Miss. Do Jnclif.on, Miss.. Meridian, Miss . IS'atchez, Miss .. Kodney, Miss.. Tougaloo, Miss . . MillSiH-ina.-, Mo., All Healing, N. C Asliboro, K. C . - . Beaufort, IST. C... Concord, JST. C ... Charlotte, IS". C . . Franklin I on, N.C Goklsboro, IxT. C Greensboro, N. C, Plymouth, ISr.C.. Raleigh, N". C... L'o Salisburj, N. C. Do "Wilmingto n, Windsor, il. C. .. Winton, N. C... "Wilborforce,OMo Lincoln Univer- sity, Pa .Aiken, S.C Charleston, S. C. Do Chester, S. C Columbia, S. C... Do Frogmore, S. C... Greenwood, S. C. Oraiigeburg, S. C. Knoxville, Tenn Memphis, Tenn. Name. Profess- ors and in- strnct- ors. Presiding officer. Mount Hermon Pe- male Seminary. Rust University State Colored ISTormal Sciiool. Jackson College Meridian Acaclemy Natchez College Alcarn Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege. Tougaloo University.. Hale's College , Lincoln Academy Ash b ore Normal School. "Washburn Seminary.. Scotia Seminary Biddle University State Colored Normal School. do Bennett College State Normal School. . . Shaw University St. Augustine Normal School and Collegi- ate Institute. Livingstone College.-. State "Colored Normal School. Gregory Institute Rankin-Richarda In- stitute. Waters Normal Insti- tute. Wiiberforce Univer- sity. Lincoln University * . . Schofield Normal and Industrial School. AA'ery Normal Insti- tute. Wallingford Academy Brainerd Institute Allen University Benedict College Penn Industrial and Normal School. Brewer Normal School Claflin University, Ag- ricultural College, and Mechanics' In- stitute. Knoxville College Le liloyne Normal In- stitute. Sarah A. Dickey . . Rev. C.E.Libby .. E.D. Miller Rev. Charles Ayer No report do T.J. Calloway Frank G. Wood- worth. No report do ....do F. S. Hitchcock . . . Rev. D. J. Satter- iield. Rev. D. J. Sanders No reijort Rev. R.S. Rives.. - J. D. Chavia H. C. Crosby.- Rev.C. F. Meserve Rev. A.B. Hunter. F.M. Martin A.F. Beard Rhoden Mitchell. Rev, C. S.Brown. S. T. Mitchell.... No report Morrison A. Holmes. Rev. S. A. Grove - John S. Marquis, jr. C. E. Becker Misses Towne and Murray. Rev. J.M. Robin- son. Rev.L.M.Dunton J. S. McCuUoch. No report 12 Students in- Elemen- tary grades. Second- ary grades. 188 (33) (22) 119 150 (354, 85 (174) (63) 101 (184) 11 (45) ' For 1S91-92. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1571 Takle 1. — Staiistica of uistUtiiions for educating the colored race, sltoivlng grade of students, durino 1S02-93 — Continued. Location. 1 M or r i s town, Teii'.i. Nasliville^ Tenn Do Do AiKstin, Tex Crock ott, Tex... Hcariio, Tex P ra i lio Tic\v, Tex. Mar.^liall, Tex . . Do "Waco. Tex Hampton, Va . . . Norfolk, Ya Petersburg, Ya . Eichnicnrt, Ya . . Do Har]'.er8 Ferrv, W. Va. Name. Morristown Normal Academy. Central Tennessee College, risk University Eoger "Williams Uni- versity. Tillotsoii Collegiate and Normal Insti- tute. Mary Allen Seminarjv U e a r n o Academy, Normal and Indus- trial Institute. Prairie View State Normal Sckool. Bishop College Wiley University PaiirQuinn College . . . Hamilton Normal and Agricultural Insti- tute. Norfolk Mission School. Yirginia Normal and Collegiate Institute. Hartshorn Memorial College. Richmoiid Theological Seminary. Storer College Presiding officer. Eov. Judson S. Hill. John Bradeu Erastus Milo Cra- vat h. Eev. Alfred Owen. Kev. AY. M.Brown. Rev. J. B. Smith. M. U. Broyles.... L. C. Anderson... N. Nolverton . J.B. Scott.... liev.H.B.Prissell EcT.. J.B. "Work... James II u g o Johnston. Rev. Lvmau B. Tettt.' Eov. Charles H. Corey. N. C. Brackett... Profess- ors and in- struct- ors. Students in- Elemen- Second- tary ary grades. ' grades. (190) •217 90 27 36 136 87 15 220 3 112 m 106 12G Collo- giato courses proper. s o 10 11 11 4 29 10 42 9 41 1 10 ( 7 7) 16 2 12 193 4 T.\BLE 2. — Statistics of institutions for educating the colored race which failed to rci)ort grade of students, 1S92-93. Normal schools. Central Alabama Academy, Huntsville, Ala State Colored Normal and" Industrial School, Huntsville, Ala State Normal School for Colored Students, Montgomery, Ala. Lmciiln Institute, Jetterson City, Mo '. State Colored Normal School, Fayettevillc, N. C AVliitin Normal School, Lumbertou, N. C.* Schotield Normal and Industrial School, Aiken, S. C Lo Moyno Normal Institute, Memjihis, Tenn Tillotson Collegiate and Normal In.stitute, Austin, Tex '•I'orlS91-92. Profess- ors and instruct- ors. Students. Men. 63 (516) 395 92 35 15 140 2:>6 35 505 90 71 12 170 325 34 1572 EDUCATION REPORT, 1892-93. Table 3. — Colored iiiulents in schools for the special classes, 1S92-93. Names. In schools for tlio deaf: Arkansas Institute riorida Institute Georgia Institute Kentucky Institution Marj-land School Mississippi Institution Missouri School North Carolina Institution South Carolina Institution Tennessee School Texas Institution . .' Total In schools for the blind: Arkansas School Kentiicky Institution Maryland School North Carolina Institution South Carolina Institution Tennessee School Texas Institute Total Male Female students. students. 12 5 10 8 *(81) 22 i 12 10 7 15 13 17 5 29 27 15 8 18 13 23 18 S ^-(31) \ 172 116 *(24) 13 1 10 13 6 20 14 6 6 7 6 29 24 S •■(24) \ 91 1 76 * For 1891-92. CHAPTER VIII. EDUCATION OF THE COLOEED EACE IN INDUSTEY.* The financial history of the larger institutions for the education of the colored race is epitomized In the case of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute of Alabama. That institution, on the 4th of July, 1881, started in the world without a dollar except an annual appropriation of $2,000 from the State for tuition of State students. Dur- injX the thirteen years that have elapsed since that date the institution has received $421,956 in cash, derived from the following sources: The State of Alabama, about 9 per cent, or $37, 000 The Peabody fund, about 1 per cent, or 5, 163 The John F. Slater fund, about 4 per cent, or 15, 500 The students, about 12 per cent, or 51, 451 Gifts, about 74 percent, or 312,842 Total for tlie thirteen years 421, 956 Of the above amount about 44 per cent, or $187,613, was paid for student labor between 1881 and 1894. Reduced to its essential element, the Avholc matter is "student labor," paid for by benevolent people and done in buildings and fields, provided by these same kind- hearted persons for the purpose of enabling the negro youth to acquire an education witliout loss of seif-respect.' Indeed it may be said that the necessitous condition of the negro and the idea of self-helpfulness are the magic notes tiiat have drawu so many millions from, more especially, the North, to elfect his education. Eutthis, so to speak, incidental idea of manual labor in exchange for an education raj'tidly became the general principle, that the education of the negro is to bo best effected thi'ough systematically teaching him to labor. Thus "student labor" is no longer at this epoch of the education of the colored race a meaus to an end, but is an end, if not the end. The same phenomenon may be observed in older and more stratified societies than our own, and it is the wish of the Commissioner to have presented the character of the technical equipment and course of instruction of the institutions interested in the effort to teach the negro the dignity of labor.- In applying to the negro in ximerica a course of trade instruction such as has never been in general systematically or successfully operated in schools for the whites in this country,'' it is a question how far methods that in the past have failed, or the newer so-called "manual-training" methods are applicable to the colored race. Unmistakably there is abroad at the present time an idea that in regard to ' Students must pay in advance $5 a month for board. * * * xiie school endeavors to give each pupil ifS worth of work monthly, which in most cases able-bodied persons can earn.— Catalogue Hamp- ton Institute, p. 58. ^The object of this institution is, "First, to teach the dignity of labor."— Many catalogues. ^Tho l\ew York trade schools are not an exception, for their work is completely divorced from niciital training. *By Mr. AVellford Addis, specialist in the Bureau. 1019 1020 EDUCATION REPORT, 1893-94. tlie mental training of the negro tliore must be '' appreciated one important and far- reacliing fact — a fact tliat has been too generally overlooked by those charged with the education of the negro — namely, that the curriculum and methods employed in the instruction of the white race need essential modification and adaptation in their application to negro schools," for in the education of the negro, it is necessary to have a " practical knowledge of his peculiar intellectual difficulties and a sympa- thetic appreciation of his moral weaknesses." ' Now, if we substitute for the "intel- lectual difSculties" and " moral weaknesses" to be considered in the mental trainmg of the negro the hereditary aptitudes for certain kinds of labor possessed by him, the conclusions of an official of the last census will bear ui^on the line of least resist- ance for imparting the idea of the dignity of labor or self-helpfulness. These con- clusions are — "The proportion of the negroes in the cities [of 8,000 population or more] lias in every case been less than that of whites, though their proportionate increase has been greater than that of the whites. This gain is, however, very slight, and is probably not significant. While the negro is extremely gregarious, and is by that instinct drawn toward the great centers of xaopulation, on the other hand he is not fitted either by nature or education for those vocations for the pursuit of which men collect in cities; that is, for manufactures and commerce. The inclinations of this race, drawn from its inheritance, tend to keep it wedded to the soil, and the proba- bilities are that as cities increase in the United States in number and size and with them manufactures and commerce develop, the great body of the negroes will con- tinue to remain aloof from them and cultivate the soil, as heretofore."- Whether hereditary inclination, early association, or social antagonism will keep the negro wedded to industrial isolation as a small farmer, it is undoubtedly a fact that his longings are away from the farm, as are those of the youth of the white race, and probably for the same reasons ; both having seen so much of its worst side before experience had taught them to recognize the better. This tendency away from the farm has been ascribed to the quickening of the intellectual operations and the birth of high aspirations due to an elementary education, but instead of counteracting it by agricultural instruction, in the case of the negro the greatest weight is being put upon industrial instruction, as will appear in the sequel, for which vocation the negro "is not fitted either by nature or education," according to the authority quoted above. Taking the negro in his present industrial condition as more at home on the soil than in the alleys and back streets of cities and towns, it will be best to examine into the character of the instruction which is intended to fit him for his ancestral vocation, then into that which fits him for village or cross-roads industries and those of the shop or foundry. Before presenting these topics, however, the recent establishment of the Shorter University at Arkadelphia, Ark., requires mention. This institution, as yet a uni- versity only in plan, owes its existence to the jsolicy of the African Methodist Epis- copal Church to establish schools in every State where its membership is very large. The progress of the school under its original name of Bethel Institute is due to the active service of the ministers and members of the African Methodist Ejjiscopal Church in Arkansas, who have given labor and money to promote "liberal learning" within its territory among the colored race. The prospectus is quite guarded in its reference to industrial education, the new university "aiming to give ample prepa- ration to young men and young women for personal success and usefulness, and endeavoring to correct the effects of too great specialization on the one hand and extreme diffusion on the other." ^ 1 Report of Commission of Visitation to Tuscaloosa Institute for Training Colored Ministers, Third An. Eept. of Ex. Com. to Gen'l Ass. of Amer. Pres. Church, pp. 13, 14. 2 Statistical Sketch of the Negroes in the United States, p. 16, by Henry Gannett, published by Slater Fund. * So also Fisk University. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1021 TRAINING IN AGRICULTURE. In the teaching of agriculture in the colleges for the colored race science — chem- ical, physical, or botanical — andnouremunerative practice have been in the position of vowels and consonants in the science of philology of the eighteenth century, in which, according to Voltaire, consonants went for verj- little and vowels for nothing at all. The fact of the matter is, that schools having large farms must, under the stress of the necessity of supporting the simple-minded, confiding proletarians who crowd to their halls, use their fields to support their charges as well as to educate them within the walls, though the latter purpose is the essence of their being. The value of the strength of the would-be educated field hand in tilling the scholastic acres is obvious, and it is probable that those acres have been increased in order that the clients of the institution to which they belong might be more numerous and thus more colored people educated. Let it not be supposed, however, that the management of the several schools are pur- posely ignoring that agricultural phenomena and operations have an interesting and intelligible explanation systematically digested into a body of doctrine called science, which is well calculated to enlarge the understanding and develop reflection. At several institutions, especially at those endowed with the national land-grant act of 1862, or the additional endowment act of 1890, an effort is being made to teach the scientific principles of agriculture. At the Hampton Institute, for instance, which is iu reality a village of over a thousand people, the purpose of the department of agriculture is to give every boy in the day school instruction in the elementary principles of farming, and to carry those who may so elect through a higher course, which will fit them to be teachers of agriculture and superintendents of farms. The equij)meut consists of the home and Hemenway farms. In order to produce milk and vegetables for the boarding department and hay and ensilage for the stock, 110 acres of the home farm are kept under cultivation. The Hemenway farm is devoted to grass, grain, stock, and dairy purposes. The farms have the necessary buildings for 75 cows, 50 horses, 500 swine, and a flock of sheep ; the home farm having also two greenhouses, hot beds, etc., where boys and girls are taught the forcing of flowers and of vegetables. There are two courses: one elective and the other required. The required course covers a period of three years, one lesson a week being given to each boj^ of the normal school. This instruction deals with — 1. The origin, formation, composition, and me- chanical condition of soils. 2. Composition of the plant. 3. Plant food in the soil. 4. Efi'ect of water on soil and crop. 5. Drainage. 6. Preparing the land for the crop. 7. How plants grow. 8. Cultivation of the crop. 9. Manures and fertilizers. 10. Rotation of crops. 11. Diversified farming. 12. Culture of the leading farm crops. 13. Fruit culture. 14. Truck and kitchen garden. 15. Farm live stock. The boys taking the elective course receive five lessons instead of one during the week, and the above course is "greatly enlarged." For the elective students in the spring of 1894 a small experimental garden was carried on. This experimental work is to be enlarged and every theoretical principle of the class room is to be demonstrated as far as possible in the field. Another well-considered course, though perhaps less theoretic, is given iu the cata- logue of the State Colored Normal and Industrial School at Normal, Ala. The cur- riculum is as follows : First year; Soils, plants, animals, management and diseases of live stock, gardening. Second year: Soils, dairying, manures. Third year: Gardening, drainage, grain and grass growing, poultry, sheep and cattle raising, dairying, pruning, grafting, budding, bees, political economy. The course of another institution, however, more accurately shows the character of the agricultural instruction given m the schools for colored people. The depart- ment of agriculture of this institution consists of a school of agriculture, which is 1022 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1893-94. a farm of 150 acres, producing 1,000 bushels of corn, 1,200 bushels of potatoes, etc., and a school of horticulture (a new department) of 12 acres, planted in potatoes, sweet corn, turnips, etc. These schools furnish employment and experience to students and supply, at the market price, fresh provisions for the boarding department. TRAINING IN INDUSTRIES. The industrial work of the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute may be divided into three classes. The first of these is instruction in work from doing which no pecuniary profits arise to the student "while in the school; the second is instruction in trades which may profit the student in money value, and the third is work in which the chief object is the self-support of the student while at the institution, such as the girls of the normal department do in the steam laundry and the boys of the night school do on the home and Hemenway farms, as mentioned under instruction in agriculture above. But as the organization of industrial training at the Hampton Institute is unusuallj'- complete, the aim of a large insti- tution farther South is a better expression of the general character of industrial education as given in the schools for the colored. This aim is " to turn all labor and all articles produced by labor to advantage and utility. Therefore the indus- trial departments contribute in some way to the equipment of the institution, and they are in most cases a source of income to the student as well as a means of instruction." Thus acquainted with the underlying principle of the industrial instruction, we may |)as3 to its kinds and methods, noting as we proceed, the change in the character of the work being effected by the requirements of the trustees of the Slater Fund; to wit, that the underlying principle shall be instruction instead of remuneration. The institutions for the education of the colored race take kindly to the printiug press ; perhaps printing is a vocation strongly congenial to the colored man. Among the first industries introduced into a school for the negro is the trade of printing. Nothing could be more useful to institutions situated financially as these institu- tions were and are now, nothing certainly could be more alluring to the aspiring student than to become familiar with the processes for disseminating the necro- mancy of words; besid.es all this, as a trade it ofi'ers more opportunities of arousing the intelligence than all the other trades put together. With a very few exceptions there is no large institution for the education of the negro that does not teach printing. At the Schofield School, established at Aiken, S. C, in 1868, the printing office is the oldest and most important department and for several years has been self-supporting, a fact very encouraging to the manage- ment, when consideration is made that there are three other printing ofiices in Aiken with which their press has to compete. Most of the trade of this school comes from the hotels and business houses of Aiken, but at the St. Paul Normal and Industrial School "jobs come to the Normal School press from all parts of the United States, the aim being to satisfy both in style and price of work, making the work of the printing oifice one of the best paying features of industry in the school at present." Still another instance of the diversity of the commercial value of the school printiug office is afl'orded by that of Wilberforee University. From this department are issued the university circulars, letter heads, programmes, forms, rules, and general job work, the value of which for 1893-94 was estimated to be $148.70. At the Norfolk Mission College the boys of the high school receive training in composition, type- setting, and presswork, thereby practically illustrating the rules of grammar and rhetoric w^hile doing the college job work. The course in printing is well attended. At Biddle University, out of 131 students in carpentry, printing, ehoemaking, and bricklaying, 27 per cent were studying printing At Wilberforee as many were in the printing office as in the carpenter EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1023 shop. At Central Tennessee College, out of 77 in 5 mechauical departments, 19 per cent were in the printing office. At Liviugstone College 8 of the 15 students receiv- ing a course in trades were in the printing office. At the Alcorn College 14 students entered the printing department the year of its introduction (1893^, with 82 in the older carpenter and blacksmith courses. It should be remarked, however, that at Wilberforce and other institutions young women engage in this vocation. The course in printing is probably the most thorough, and certainly the longest, at the Hampton Institute and its follower, the Tuskegee Institute. The course is four years in duration, ten hours a day once or twice a week being devoted to the trade. Special instruction is given in the class room, but outside of working hours, regard- ing stock, making estimates, and various other matters. In the first year general duty Avork is required, folloAved by instruction on job presses. During the sec- ond year instruction is given at the case on newspaper and book composition. During the third year there is general job work and book imposing. During the fourth year the teaching includes miscellaneous job work, proof reading, cylinder press work, tablet making, and the binding of check and order books. Applicants to learn this trade must pass an examination in reading, spelling, writing, and gram- mar. At Tuskegee Institute the course of training is three years, though the cur- riculum is of four. There the theoretical instruction is given from 4.45 to 5.30 p. m. The usual course, however, is of two or three years, and is very well shown by the curriculum of "Wilberforce University : First year. First term: Printers' terms. Practice in fixed rules for punctu.ation. Use of appliances. Prac- tice at ease. Second term : Plain composition. Measurement of type. Newspaper and job work begun. Tbird term : Plain composition and job work continued. Estimating, grading measurement of paper and cardboard. Second year. First term : Bookwork begun. Casting off, mak- ing up, and locking forms. Second term : Bookwork continued. Plain and ornamental job work. Tbird term : Book and job work continued. Proof reading. At Fisk University the class, which consists of 15 young men and 7 young women, gives one hour a day to the work, and students may remain in the class two years. At the State Colored Normal School of Alabama 11 per cent of the 134 students in 7 trades are in the printing department, three hours for three days each week for three years being devoted to acquiring the trade. CARPENTRY. The beginnings of the great schools for the colored race being hampered by tlie impecuniosity of the founders, as in the ultra case of the Tuskegee Institute, which was originally housed in an old negro church and a shanty, a corps of carpenters became necessary for the development of the school. The light character of tim- ber coD.struction employed in this country and the great facility with which all the more intricate portions of a building can be obtained, from a factory fitted up v.ith appliances for the manufacture of sash, doors, and the other suboriudate parts that give finish to a house, have enabled the schools for the colored race to reduce their expenses for building to a very great extent by using the muscle of the pupils. The benevolent gave money to be paid for student labor, the students at carpentry paid the institution the money they received, and the institution gave them tuition, board, and lodging, and in addition taught them carpentry and the dignity of labor very muck in the same way that the apprentice boy is taught his profession and its dignity. Under the directive influence of the management of the John F. Slater Fund and the equally conclusive provisions of the act of Con- gress of August 30, 1890, granting the proceeds from the sale of public lands for the better endowment of colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts, another conception of teaching carpentry has been inculcated, in which there is, so to 1024 EDUCATION REPORT, 1893-94. speak, much, less field work but much more preparation. Thus the most extensively followed trade taught in the class of institutions under review is being placed ou a purely instructional basis, the State and the two funds above mentioned doing, or allowing other money to be used in doing, the institutional building. The Hampton Institute is the only institution that makes a sharp distinction between the manual training (or Russian system of preparatory instruction) and trade teaching, other institutions more or less mixing the two ideas. Its course in manual training is put down as a branch of technical work, and is a course in the manij^ulation of wood, covering three years, while its course in carpentry, also of three years of ten hours a day, is a trade department, in which the primary object is the imparting of skill to the apprentice, and the secondary object his per- sonal pecuniary gain. For purposes of comparison by those interested in distinctions which are based on a difference, the two courses are given in a footnote.^ This remunerated work is, in the St. Paul Normal and Industrial Schooi, paid for by a salary scheme. The carpentry department of that school is under a foreman of great practical experience as a housebuilder and joiner, and apt and industrious young men are salaried as follows: First year (probationary), board and washing; second year, $50 and board and washing ; third year, $75 and board and washing ; fourth year, $100 and board and washing. These salaried loersous work through the day and attend the night school. They haA'^e erected all the school buildings and a num- ber of valuable buildings for the public. The "manual training" course as put in operation in the Ham2:)ton Institute is due to the Slater Fund trustees. The institutions having instruction of the kind are Tougaloo University, Straight University, Orange Park Normal and Manual Training School, Atlanta University (first year), Howard University, and probably Fisk Uni- versity. But with these exceptions the majority of the institutions have only the "trade course" of the HamiDton Institute, though the splendid shops of that school may give its students advantages of familiarizing themselves with machinery not possessed-by less favored institutions. The course of Clark University is unique and well worth reproduction. Its prin- 1 Manual training course. (Three years.) This course is to give practice in the ordinary processes and. principles which enter into con- struction in wood. The course is given to all the boys not taking trades and the girls of the middle normal class : Measuring on a plane surface with rule and knife. Squaring with try-square and knife. Gauging with thumb gauge. Sawing to a line with back saw. Planing to a true surface. Test- ing with square and by sight. Planing to size squarely and truly. Planing ends with block plane. Lining rough lumber with straightedge and line. Ripping with saw. Making half joint, or box halving. Making dado, or cross groove. Nailing butt joints. Mortise and tenon. Boring, doweling, etc. Making joints fastened with screws, rivets, and bolts. Clinch nailing. Gluing. Making a smooth surface. Grooved work. Miter joints. Irregular bevels. Dovetail and scarf joints. Laying out and sawing curved lines. Put- ting together curved work. Bending by sawing and by steaming. Articles are occasionally made, but training in principles after models is the object. There is also taught : Tools, their names, etc. Materials, character, etc. Principles of wood construction. Terms. Measuring lumber. Bill of materials. Beading plans. Carpentry course. (Three years, ten hours a day.) First year. One month's technical instruction and practice in the use of tools. Assisting more advanced students in filling orders, at the lathe, scroll saws, tenoner, mortiser, and borer. Second year. Instruction and practice in ope- rating one or more of these machines. Instruction, and practice in regular bench work. Making window and door frames, sash, doors, and mantels. Instruction in drawing. Third year. Instruction and practice in more advanced carpentry work. Instruction in archi- tectural drawing . Practice in working from detail drawings. To those who show special fitness for it instruc- tion is given in cabinet work, stair building, wood carving, or designing. Blackboard exercises with explanatory talks relative to the work are given each week. Carpentry is also taught in the repair shop. Much new work in building (upon the grounds of the institution) and in furniture making is also done, affording valuable practice, EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1025 cipal heads are experiments and lectures, woodworking, ironworking, carriage paint- ing, harnessmaking, and printing. There is a clear ring to its apparently especial adaptation to carriage building. EXPERIMENTS AND LECTURES. 1. Strengtli of materials. a. Arrangement of materials for greatest strength. h. Methods of joining together timbers, plates, etc., to give least per cent of lost strength. c. Selection of materials. d. The foregoing as applied to wagon making, truss work, house building, bridge work, etc. 2. Powers. a. The lever. 6. The wedge. c. The screw. d. The foregoing as applied to animal, wind, steam, and electric power. 3. Friction. a. The drag. 6. The wheel. c. The inclined plane with various materials. d. The foregoing as applied to air, water, machinery, etc., special attention being devoted to the draft of veliicles on soft and hard roads. WOODWORKINa. 1. Name and use of tools (on waste lumber). 2. Making joint from drawing. 3. Making joint from pupil's own drawing, repeated until a certain degree of perfection is acquired and command of tools attained. 4. Making plain, straight vehicle body and gear from specification, also making design to give required strength with least outlay of material and labor. Estimate of cost. 5. Making complete set of geometrical figures. 6. Tracing out projections of ditferent combinations of geometrical figures. 7. Circular joint making from pupil's own drawing. 8. Curved and paneled body making from pupil's own design. Estimated cost. Elective: "Wood turning and wood machine work. Wood and scroll design. Pattern making. Cabinetmaking. IRONWORKING. 1. Use of tools and forgo on waste iron. 2. Plain welding, upsetting, and drawing out iron; staple, hasp, and bolt making; scroll, spiral, and curve bending from drawing. 3. Joint and tool making from pupil's own design. 4. Ironing of plain vehicle from specifications furnished, making the design to give proper strength to each part with the least weight of material. Estimate of cost. 5. Making complete set of geometrical figures. 6. Tracing out projections of diflereut combinations of geometrical figures. 7. Jump welding, scroll cutting, and ornamental work from pupil's own design. 8. Ironing of carriage from pupil's own design. Estimate of cost. Course. — Every young man above the age of 16 and below the college classes is required to devote two hours per diem to manual training, consisting of theoretical and jiractical work. Pupils are required not only to construct miniature models, but products for the market as well, and are thus prepared for the struggle of life should no professional position open to them. The Clafflin University makes a division of its carpentry department into a " school of woodworking" and another of '-'woodworking by machinery." In the tirst a variety of actual work is performed, such as building cottages, shops, repairing build- ings, furniture, fences, and agricultural implements, and in the second the work of a sash and furniture factory has been carried on. The industrial organization of the Hampton and the Tuskegee institutes is so com- plete as to embrace a sawmill. At Hampton this feature is considered as an "industry" (primarily remunerative to the student) and though the employee may learn the handling, drying, grading, and measuring of rough lumber, the industry does not seem to be considered a trade as at Tuskegee, where there is a "course of ED 94 65 I 102(5 EDUCATION KEPOKT, 1893-94. study in sawmilling" whicli seems to be very mucli tlie same as what may be learned at the Hampton Institute except the felling of timber which is cut for Hampton Insti- tute in North Carolina and floated up in rafts. At Clafflin University there is a grist- mill. Both of these dejiartments, however, may be looked upon as having been introduced more for their utility to the institution than to add to its industrial equipment. WHEELWEIGHTES'G. Tills is a special form of carpentry, and is with two exceptions treated as belong- ing to that department. It is by no means so numerously followed as carpentry nor have nearly as many institutions introduced it as have introduced woodworking. At Tuskegee the course is coupled with carriage trimming, and at Hampton with the making of farm implements, or the wooden portion thereof ; at Clark University the course in wood and iron working, and painting, seems to be a special course in car- riage and wagon building. ELACKSMITHING OR METAL ■WORKING. This trade follows carj)entry in point of numbers in the nine institutions which have introduced it as an isolated course. The subject is taught in thirteen institu- tions, seven of which receive an annual apiTortionment from the endowment fund of 1890, called the Morrill fund. The cost of erecting a forge and of the accessories neces- sar5'' to equip it and the cost of maintenance have prevented the general introduc- tion of metal working to any great extent until a very recent date. Among the institutions having a course in metal working that of the Central Ten- nessee College is eminent for its completeness and duration. At Hampton the course is carried on in the Pierce machine shops and follows three lines : Blacksmithing and horseshoeing; blacksmithing without horseshoeing, but with iise of power machinery; and machine Avork. Each course is of three years, ten hours a day for at least one day in the week. As may be readily inferred from their titles, the first course is adapted for a village blacksmith, the second for a hand in an iron foundry, and the third for a machinist. The first course with horseshoeing very well repre- sents the course in the majority of the schools, though much ''forge" and machinist work is frequently included. There are three institutions — Tougaloo, Atlanta, and Arkansas industrial univer- sities — in which ironwork follows in natural sequence after instruction in the more easily manipulated wood. At Tougaloo the instruction in woodworking is given to the 4-8 grades and in forging to the 7-9 grades for one and one-half hours each day with the object of general culture of the mind and hand. With the same object and allotment of time Atlanta University introduces ironworking in the second year of its mechanical course, following it in the third year with exclusive attention to mechanical drawing, and in the fourth year with pattern making and machine-shop work. To enable a young man to choose his trade intelligently and to acquire a sound basis for it the Arkansas Industrial University (in its colored department) has a course in general shoj) work extending over three years. SHOE AND HARNESS BIAKING. Wo have, says the Wiley University, more applicants than we can accommodate in the shoe shop ; it is a practical work and should be provided with better facilities. By doing all the work for the students and professors, says another institution, ample opportunitj^is given for making this branch of the work thoroughly practical. The course is usually of three years, and is very succinctly given by Benedict College as follows : First year, making and mending coarse shoes. Second year, making and mending fine shoes. Third year, cutting and finishing. Harness making is carried on in several institutions, and is reported by one school to bo quite remunerative to the shop and useful to the farms of the institution. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1027 Such are the principal features of the industrial organization of schools for the education of the colored race. The eriuipinent of those schools has been greatly improved during the last few years, receiving an impulse from the attempt during the last half of the 80's to add industrial training to the public schools and the con- sequent elaboration of plans for trade instruction of the Caucasian. In the case of the negro a more humble subject was found, and to him the system is being more and more thoroughly applied. The eftort of those who direct this application is to change the old system, which in some measure sacrificed the future welfare of the 2)upil to the j)resent necessities of the institution, to one of less economic value to the school, but also less selfish as concerns the pupil. Such a change, however, involves financial questions regarding the source of support of these institutions and adai^tation of aims to means that arc well worthy the deepest consideration of the innovators. A few pages back we have seen that a very able statistician has thoiight the negro to be uuadapted to commercial pursuits. In the large sense of marine trade or great wholesale transactions this judgment is possibly correct, but for shopkeepiug the negro Avhu has received a good common-school education is eminently fitted, being bold, confident, and not less "sharp" than the business ethics of his locality imperatively demands. It is therefore i>referable to note the progress which "busi- ness education," so called, is making in schools for the colored than to describe the courses of bricklaying and making, tinning, tailoring, etc., which this or that insti- tution has introduced for the iiurposo of building its structures and teaching the dignity of labor. In passing to this topic, however, we note the absence of a course of instruction iu weaving — a trade especially adajited to the great cotton growing region of the world — among the industries taught at the class of institutions of which we are speaking. Such a school is iu successful operation in Philadelphia, and that of Chemnitz iu Saxony is a model that can not be surpassed here until after years of organization. A highly organized business course was established at Wilberforce University in the fall of 1893. It had its origin in a desire to meet the growing demand for a more direct and practical education for business and everyday life. The course ia as follows : "Commercial arithmetic, i^ractical grammar, bookkeeping, commercial correspond- ence, commercial law, rapid calculations, business methods and practice, public speaking, and, incidentally, rhetoric, parliamentary proceedings, civil government, political economy, business habits, etc. Shorthand and typewriting courses are also olfered." Typewriting and phonography, one, or both, are also tatight in four other institu- tions, two situated in large cities, the others being the St-. Paul Normal and Indus- trial School and the Orange Park School. The Colored Normal School of Kentucky has a business course of two years, which unites the studies of a secondary school to those of the business course of Wilberforce University. In conclusion, it may be of interest to the reader to know how all this industrial work advances hand in hand with the imparting of the elements -of a thorough com- mon-school education, and to gratify any curiosity as to the correlation of the two processes the following facts are given: At Shaw University, in addition to the four hours required to be spent at one of the trades daily for three years, these studies must be pursued: First year. Reading, spelling, writing, and mental arithmetic. Second year. Writing, arithmetic, geography, and drawing. Third year. Arithmetic, grammar, and mechanical drawing. At Clark University students iu trades are given a two-hour lesson each day from 2 to 4 p. m. At the Alcorn College students are divided into squads and cl.asses ; each class receives instruction forty-five minutes each day during the forenoon, and the squads do "practical" work in the afternoon, for which each student receives from 1028 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1893-94. 5 to 8 cents per hour, according to liis ijroficiency. At tlie Alabama State Normal and Industrial School the organization as to time is as follows: MECHAJfIC ARTS. Sec. 1. Carpentry — 3 classes, 8 hours daily, 3 clays a week. Sec. 2. Priniing— 2 classes, 3 hours daily, 3 days a week. Sec. 3. Mattress making— 1 class, 2 hours daily, 6 days a week. Sec. 4. Shoemaking — 2 classes, 2 hours daily, 3 days a week. Sec. 5. Blacksmithing — 3 classes, 2 hours daily, 3 days a week. AGEICULTDEE. Sec. 1. Earming and horticulture — 2 classes, 2-8 hours daily 6 days a week. Sec. 2. Dairy and live stock— 1 class, 2-8 hours daily, 6 days a week. The Hampton and Tuskegee institutes have inaugurated the night school. These night schools are in session from 7 to 9 p. m. and are attended by a few persons who work during the day at some remunerated labor. At Hampton labor is required of all for the sake of discipline and instruction. Students in the day schools usually work during one school day each week and the whole or half of Monday, thus secur- ing 4 whole days for study each week and from one and a half to two days of work. Work students remain on the place the entire year. The mechanics arts course of the branch normal college of Arkansas Industrial University is a very complete expression of the bipartite arrangement of the mental and manual training in the curriculum of schools having such arrangements or advanced lines, and as such is given : I. Mechanics Arts Course. First term English, 4; geography, 4; arithmetic, 4 ; shop work, principles of carpentry and joinery, ten hours per week. Second term. — English, 4 ; arithmetic, 4 ; United States history, 4; shop work, wood turning, cabinet- making, ten hours per week. Third term. — English, 4; arithmetic, 4; United States history, 4; shop work, pattern making, and moulding, ten hours per week. SUBFBESHMAN CLASS. First term: — English, 4 ; geometry, 4 ; physical geography, 4 ; shop work, moulding, and casting, ten hours per week. Second term. — English, 4 ; algebra, 4 ; physical geography and bookkeeping, 4 ; shop work, manage- ment of cupola, forging, ten hours per week. Third term. — English, 4; algebra, 4; bookkeeping, 4; elementary physiology, 4; shop work, draw- ing, welding, tempering, 10 hours. FRESHMAN CLASS. First term. — Algebra, 4; English, 4; physics, 4; shop work, chipping, and tiling, 10 hours. Second term. — Algebra and geometry, 4; English, 4; physics, 4; shop work, drilling, turning, 10 hours. Third term,. — Geometry, 4; English, 4; physics, 4; shop work, planing, 10 hours. SOPHOMORE CLASS. First lei m. — Geometry, 4 ; chemistry, 4 ; general history, 4 ; shop work, ten hours, or care of engines and boilers, 10 hours. Second term. — Plane trigonometry, 4; chemistry, 4; general history, 4; shop work, 10 hours, or care of engines and boiler.s, 10 hovirs. Third term.— Guneral history, 4; psychiology, 4; civil government, 4; shop work, 10 hours, or care of engines and boilers, 10 hours. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. 1029 STATISTICAL SUMMARIES. Common school statistics classified by race, 1893-94. Estimated number of i)eraous 5 to 18 years of age (tlie school population). State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware (1891-92) .. District of Columbia Florida Georgia Kent acky Louisana (1892-93)... Maryland Mississippi Missouri Korth Carolina South Carolina Tennessee (1802-03) . Texas Virginia West Virginia Total Total for 1889-90 . . . . White. 327, 312, 39, 43, 84, 357, 539, 194, 247, 208, 849, 379, 169, 462, 693, 348, 261, 5, D18, 290 5, 132, 948 Colored. 280, 600 121,000 8,980 24, 000 66, 770 335, 900 92, 460 206, 900 71, 400 303, 800 51,700 227, 800 283, 900 150, 000 212, 500 247, 900 10, 800 2, 702, 410 2, 510, 847 Per cent of colored. 46.15 27.94 18.40 35.49 44.21 48.41 14.62 . 51. 58 22.38 59.29 5.74 37.48 62.66 25.23 23.45 41.57 3.96 32.85 Pupils enrolled in the common schools. White. 190, 305 209, 109 28, 316 26, 242 59, 503 262, 530 394, 070 92, 816 166, 248 158, 685 623, 589 242, 572 106, 176 368, 481 463, 888 231, 433 211, 630 3, 835, 593 3, 402, 420 Colored. 115, 709 76, 050 4,858 14, 43(i 37, 272 174, 152 73, 381 62, 654 38, 598 186, 899 33, 916 128, 318 120, 530 94, 980 134. 720 121, 277 7,185 1, 424, 995 1, 296, 959 Per cent of the school population enrolled. White. .58. 13 67 71.05 60.14 70.63 73.37 73. 02 47.78 07.19 76.10 73. 62 63.84 62.76 79.72 66.85 66.42 80. 93 69.50 66.28 Colored. 41.23 62.81 54.09 60. le 55.81 51.84 79.38 30.29 54.06 61.51 65.00 56.34 42.48 59.50 63.41 48.92 60.53 52.72 51.66 Alabama Arkansas Delaware (1801-92)... District of Columbia Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana (1892-93)... Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina South (Carolina Tennes.see (1892-93) . . Texas Virginia West Virginia Total Total for 1889-90 . Average daily attendance. White. 9 112, 800 19, 746 20, 224 38, 752 157, 626 243, 433 C5, 352 98, 173 98, 753 154, 361 77, 987 266, 851 334, 884 137, 451 131, 279 Colored. 10 72, 300 2,947 11, 124 25, 386 104,414 25, 031 42, 018 18, 369 107, 494 75, 940 87, 128 64, 127 83, 185 66, 423 4,102 Per cent of the enrollment. White. 11 59.26 69.70 77.07 65.13 60.04 61.77 70.42 59.06 62.23 63.63 73.45 72.43 72.18 59.40 62.03 Colored. IS 02.49 60.66 77.05 68.13 59.96 34.10 6':'. 05 47.59 57.51 59.17 72.25 67.53 61.73 54.76 57.10 65.20 63.83 60.07 62.42 Number of teachers. White. 13 4,412 4,878 734 626 2,151 5,827 8,494 2,333 3,627 4,386 13, 766 5,285 2,636 6,949 9,960 6,113 5,909 Colored. 14 2,196 1, 408 106 310 772 8,206 1,314 911 691 3,191 755 3,075 1,958 1,803 2,502 2,100 206 88, 086 78, 903 26. 570 24, 072 1030 EDUCATION REPOET, 1893-94. Teachers and students in institutions, mainly other tlian common schools for the colored race.''- 4 o 05 U Teachers. Students. 1 Elementary. Secondary. Collegiate. State. 1 1 H a -i 1 "3 H 10 C 1 4 6 21 1 3 8 4 9 6 24 1 1 1 12 12 9 12 2 52 21 3 80 13 51 1 3 17 43 14 12 16 72 40 14 '19' 13 62 1 3 39 28 10 10 10 40 113 39 3 103 42 131 2 6 56 71 24 60 26 143 712 128 774 143 1,653 271 466 181 14 325 122 685 6 49 170 271 177 513 232 945 819 129 2 414 131 729 15 80 359 286 180 258 258 1,121 785 310 16 739 253 1,414 21 129 529 557 357 771 490 2,066 54 113 51 12 10 24 12 2 4 63 14 14 30 Florida 221 1,246 250 2,416 470 4,208 21 99 30 129 303 217 50 27 464 21 703 374 451 250 20 573 24 1,293 677 906 807 47 1,037 45 1,996 28 120 16 40 4 91 24 91 4 62 'i3 52 211 20 102 4 104 Ohio - . .... 12 12 28 58 30 35 3 6 29 55 35 80 1 18 12 86 158 85 159 13 64 49 20 199 33 76 40 2 "3' 10 14 22 199 1,001 857 388 442 9 1,050 1,180 643 710 7 2,091 2,187 1,031 1,052 16 395 458 443 607 75 568 593 613 570 102 1,110 1,051 1,056 1,177 177 36 86 Texas 54 Total 160 576 495 1,350 6,789 10, 158 18, 494 6,198 6,776 13,175 863 277 1,161 1 Owing to the failure of some institutions to report the sexes separately', tlie totalis frequently larger than it apparently should be. 2 One school not reporting. ^ Two schools not reporting. '' Three schools not reporting. B. Students studying to he teachers 5, 940 Students studying to be nurses 95 Studying a learned profession 1, 067 In industrial departments 8, 050 There are, as shown in the foregoing table (A), over 33,000 pnpils in the elemen- tary, secondary, and collegiate departments of institutions which, are very largely private cori>orations in character. At equally spaced intervals in the past these figures have been as follows: Tear. Attend- ance. Increase. 1877-78 1882-83 1888-89 1893-94 In 16 years. 12, 146 17, 439 23, 952 33, 077 Per cent. 44 37 38 172 In short, for every 100 pupils in this class of schools in 1877-78, there were 272 in 1893-94. It is very hazardous to compare institutions of "secondary grade" for whites with anything, even itself; but it appears probable that the increase in attendance of private schools for secondary institution from 1880-81 to 1888-89, was 13 per cent, and in the public high schools of cities 37 per cent. The question then is, are we to attribute this extraordinary increase in attendance, on the part of the negro, to dissatisfaction with the facilities afforded in the rural districts for obtaining an education? Great sums are given to these secondary institutions to instruct, lodge, and board the negro pupil, but with the announcement of the EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1031 offer is coupled the steru reminder that every one must labor, that no loafing will he alloAved, as though the authorities had found themselves hampered hy the pres- ence of persons attracted to their institution hy the desire for novelty and a childish fancy which allows itself to expect results Avithout personal exertion. It is a very difficult task the institutions for the higher education of the colored race have set for themselves, hut it is to their distinguished merit that the being in them is prob- ably the best education that the negro receives, and it is probable that for many years they will be, outside of large towns of 10,000 or more inhabitants, the only place where his home and school surroundings are not repugnant to a sense of delicacy, not to say of decency. 1032 EDUCATION REPORT, 1893-94. Statistics of schools for the education Post-office. Athens, Ala Huntsville, Ala. . . Marion, Ala Montgomery, Ala. Normal, Ala Selma, Ala do Talladega, Ala . . . Tuskaloosa, Ala . Tuskegee, Ala . . . Arkadelphia, Ark do Little Rock, Ark . do Pine Bluff, Ark... 16 Southland, Ark. 17 Dover, Del "Washington, D. C do do do Jacksonville, Pla. do Live Oak, Ma Ocala, Pla Orange Park, Ma. Tallahassee, Fla. . Athens, Ga. do do Atlanta, Ga. do do , do do , do do Augusta, Ga . .do ....do College, Ga La Grange, Ga. . . Mcintosh, Ga Macon, Ga Koswell, Ga Savannah, Ga Thomasville, Ga . Waynesboro, Ga . . Cairo, 111 Evansville, Ind . . . Indianapolis, Ind . New Albany, Ind . Berea, Ky Frankfort, Ky.... Lebanon, Ky... Lexington, Ky. Louisville, Ky . Name. Trinity Normal School Central Alabama Academy Lincoln Normal School State Normal School for Colored Students. State Normal and Industrial School. Burrell Academy Selma University Talladega College Stillman Institute Tuskegee Normal and Industrial School. Arkadelphia Baptist Academy. . . Shorter University Arkansas Baptist College Philander Smith College Branch Normal College of Ar- kansas Industrial University. Southland College and Normal Institute. State CoUege for Colored Stu- dents. High School, 7th and 8th divisions . Way land Seminary Howard University.... , Washington Normal, 7th and 8th divisions. Cookman Institute Edward Waters College Florida Institute Emerson Home Orange Park Normal and Normal Training School. State Normal and Industrial Col- lege for Colgred Students. West Broad Street School Jeruel Academy Knox Institute Gammon Theological Seminary.. Stor rs School Clark University Atlanta Baptist Seminary Atlanta University Morris Brown College Spelman Seminary Haines Normal and Industrial School. The Paine Institute Walker Baptist Institute Georgia State Industrial College. La Grange Academy School Dorchester Academy Ballard Normal School Roswell Public School Beach Institute Allen Normal and Industrial School. Haven Normal Academy Sumner High School Governor Street School Indianapolis High School (colored) Scribner High School Berea College State Normal School for Colored Persons. St. Augustines Academy Chandler Normal School Central High School President or principal. Miss K. S. Dalton A. W. McKinney . , W. J. Larkiu No report W.H.Councill. Rev. A. T. Burnell C.S.Dinkins Martin Lovering , Rev. A. L. Phillips Booker T. Washington. F.L.Jones B.W.Arnett.jr-... Joseph A. Brooker. Thomas Mason Joseph C. Corbin . . William Russell. Wesley Webb . . . F. L. Cardoza . . G. N. P. King . . J. E. Rankin . . . Lucy E. Moten. LillieM. Whitney... Rev. John R. Scott Rev. G. P. McKinney C. A. Bnckbee Amos W. Farnham . . T.DeS. Tucker. Archibald J. Cary John H. Brown L.S.Clark Wilbur P. Thirkield. . . . EUa E. Roper D.C.John Rev. George Lale Horace Bumstead A. St. George Richardson Miss Harriet E. Giles . . . Miss Lucy C. Laney Rev. George Wms. Walker. G. A. Goodwin R.R. Wright J. H. Brooks Fred. W. Foster F.T. Waters J. L. Strozier Julia B. Ford Miss Amelia Merriam. . E. C. Fairchild , J. C. Lewis John R. Blackburn Goorge W. Hufford W. O. Vance Rev. William G. Frost . John H. Jackson Sister Mary Oswin. Fanny J. Webster . A. E. Meyzeek Religiows de- nomination. Cong M. E. Cong None Cong Bap.. Cong Pres . Bap .. Meth Friends . Bap Nonsect M.E A.M.E.. Bap A.M. A. Bap Cong M.E Cong M.E Bap Nonsect A. M. E . Bap Pres Meth M.E. Cong ...do - Cong . . -do . Cath. Cong. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1033 of the colored race, 1S93-94. Source of support. Students. Teachers. Ele- mentary. Sec- ondary. CoUe- giate. Indus- trial. Normal. Profes- sional. 2, _2 a "0 H 6 eS 1 "0 "a 1 3 .2 3 a 3 H 3 a "3 6 6 1 Ph 1 ® ■« S _© a 1 H 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 16; 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 A.M. A 5 4 6 36 "55 102 "83 138 167 188 14 16 30 ... - -- 1 F.A.&S.E.S A.M. A i "5 2 1 5 5 3 4 13 I 11 6 2 24 8 6 12 2 46 4 in 115 2i5 28 117 28 059 153 105 3 2 89 70 38 25 258 5 159 63 13 9 22 112 75 146 47 258 122 62 25 51 60 113 85 44 12 5 A.M. A 6 ...1... 287502 2 8 28 3 5 8 28 3 10 25 "2 3 12 25 7 A.ii.A Pres.Ch 4 8 8 2... 30 Ifi 9 State and county 291 35 157 49 448 84 169 loi 270 20 169101 270 10 10 23 13 36 90 9 14 140 1]2 72 1 35 12 33 5 13 51 15 2 320 57 12 25 30 25 11 A.M. E. Conf 6 2 5 4 4 3 12 7 61 4 56 21 21 6 6 12 2! 4 18 49 141 24 16 460 169 84 26 65 I 2 5 9 8 n 3 2 3 7 8 6 7 3 1Q 18 18 14 25 68 15 79 40 147 42 16 20 40 62 56 115 25 66 isi 15 33 58 16 10 4 14 17 City and Nation A. B. H. M 18 5 12 7 fi8 1 112 57 169 169 34 34 (1214 19 24 6 30 1 20 4 .5 1 1 25 ''6 21 P.A.and S. E. S "3 3 1 78 128 44 35 206 1 ?? 3 fi' 74 118! 22 65' 25 1 19 41 23 A.B.H.M 5 2 8 30 46 71 21 40 61 17 17 2| 3 11 q 30 30 25 A.M. A 30 43 82 13 27 16 26 3 5 31 21 24 1 18 58 37 50 4 13 10 5 8 18 18 26 6 3 1 3 21 1""" 27, 31' 58 27 2 4 4 4 7 16 3 7 10 12 14 6 4 10 2 2 4 177 34 85 233 -nn 28 32 66 154 239 26 3 24 1 50 4 29 6 7.5 ai 30 Endowment "7 4 2 2 7 11 8 SO 31 90 167 257 32 12 5 3 1 372 86 274 42 94 46 176 '26 63 24 43 44 86 0.1 14 14 .. -^14 51 57 99 25 17 71 111 93 47 25 33 86 ... 12 13 13 34 3[ 49 193.369 56 56 18 10 5 25 23 35 35 A. M. E 1 24 24 36 ii5 40 41 546 217 25 63 546 332 65 4 375 s?.'; 26 61 6 17 45 50 87 37 Pres 45 64 71 127 24 43 38 M.E.Ch.So 4 3 10 1 1 2 2 1 i 1 2 39 40 57 57 41 40 f;i 91 10 15 1 1 42 154'236 10 12 4 28 37 38 71 100 14 40 69 43 83 155 43 A.M.A 100 360 460 45 370 415 2i 9 11 44 111 113 109 2201 32 135 248! 5 21' 31! 1'' 45 A.M.A 8 6 10 3 3 10 6 8 1 1 46 do 6! 10 7 73 80 47 2 1 \ 1 10 3 6 2 ? 50 67117 55 6 16 28 5 55 100 155 48 15 21 49 ?83 342 625 28 44 44 72 13 190 83 41 50 ? 51 2 ^^ 3 10 7 20 32 52 5'> 77'lis 17 11 4 20 21 31 30 22 45 54 75 76 .33 6 59 6 92 53 27 56 41 54 Sisters of Loretto A.M.A 35 35 238 308 50 50 125 I7n 5 14 19 56 \ 1 82 226 43 122 165 ... ■ 57 a Not including 85 nurses. 1034 EDUCATION REPORT, 1893-94. Statistics of schools for the education Post-office. IName. President or principal. Religious de- nomination. 115 116 Louisville, Ky . Paris, Ky Alexandria, La . Baldwin, La New Iberia, La . . New Orleans, La. do do do do Baltimore, Md ... do Hebbville, Md Princess Anne, Md Clinton, Miss Edwards, Miss Holly Springs, Miss do Jackson, Miss Meridian, Miss Natchez, Miss Tongaloo, Miss "Westside, Miss Bowling Green, Mo . LLannibal, Mo Jefferson City, Mo . Kansas CityjMo.. . Mill Spring, Mo Sedalia, Mo Borden town, N. J . . Asiiboro, N. C Beaufort, N. C Charlotte, N. C Clinton, N.C Concord, N.C Elizabeth City,]Sr. C Eayetteville, N. C. Franklinton.N. C. Goldsboro, N. C Greensboro, N.C... do Kings Mountain N. C. Lumberton, N. C. . . Pee Dee, N.C Plymouth, N. C . . . . Raleigh, N. C do Keidsville, N, C . . . . Salisbury, N. C .... do Warrenton, N. C . . Wilmington, N. C. Windsor, N. C . . . . Winton.N. C Wilberforce, O Lincoln University Pa Aiken, S.C Beaufort, S. C do Christian Bible School Paris High School Alexandria Academy Gilbert Academy and Agricul- tural College. Mount Carmel Convent Now Orleans University Leland University Southern University La Harpo Academy Straight University Baltimore City Colored High School. Morgan College Baltimore Normal School for Training Colored Teachers. Princess Anne Academy of Mary- land Agricultural College. Mount Hermon Female Seminary. Lutherau Christian Institiite Mississippi State Normal School. . Rust University Jackson College Meridian Academy Natchez College Tongaloo University Alcorn Agricultural and Me- chanical College. Bowling Green High School Douglass High School Lincoln Institute Lincoln High School Hale's College George R. Smith College Colored Industrial School Ashboro Normal School , WashbuTu Seminary Biddle University Clinton Normal Institute Scotia Seminary State Colored Normal School State Normal School Albion Academy and Normal School. State Normal for the Colored People. Bennett College.. Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege for the Colored Race. Lincoln Academy Adoniram Judson Thorn son. J. C. Graves No report Rev. W. D. Godman Christ . No report L. G. Adkinson Edward C.Mitchell.. H.A.Hill (Siispeuded) Oscar Atwood George Lewis Staley E.G.Wagner M.E. Cong M.E. B. O.Bird Sarah A. Dickey J. B. Lelimau E.D. Miller C.E.Llbby C. Ayer G. G. Logan S.N. C.Owen Erank G. Wood worth. T. J. Calloway Christ M.E. Bap. . Meth Whitin Normal School Barrett Collgeiate and Industrial Institute. Plymouth State Normal St. Augustine's School Shaw University City Graded School (col.) Livingstone College State Normal School Shiloh Institute Gregory Normal Institute Rankin Richards Institute Waters Normal Institute Wilberforce Uuniversity Lincoln University Schoiield Normal and Industrial School. Beaufort Academy Harlison Institute W.J.Rowley J.H.Pelham InmauE. Page G.N. Grisham W.H.Hale Rev. P. H. Cool Rev. W.A.Rice No report E.S.Hitchcock D. J. Sanders G.W. Herring D. J. Satterfield P. W. Moore G.H. Williams Rev. John A. Saverger. Rev. R. S. Rives Rev. J. D. Chavis J. O. Crosby Miss Lillian S. Cathcart. D.P.Allen.... A. M. Barrett . H.C.Crosby Rev. A. B. Hunter. . Charles S. Meserve C. C. Somerville William K. Golar . . Rev. J. Rumple J.A.Whitted F. T. Waters Rhoden Mitchell. . . C. S. Brown S.T.Mitchell Isaac N. Rendall ... Martha Schofleld . Rev. G.M.Elliott. do NonS M.E.. NonS Pres . ? Pres . Meth . Cong NonS . do. P.E Bap. M. E . . Non S Cong ... Non'S .. Bap A. M. E . Pres Non. S . Pros . EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1035 of the colored race, 1893-94 — Continued. Source of support. Students. Teachers. Ele- mentary. Sec- ondary. Colle- giate. Indus- trial. Normal. Profes- sional. _2 6 i o H 6 a 6 s 1 H 14 'a 15 6 "3 g 16 3 "o H 17 .2 "is IS 6 a 19 "3 H ■3 .2 IS a 22 1 H 23 6 "3 24 22 "3 a 52 3 H 26 22 5 G 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 20 21 Clirist. Ch 2 1 7 2 8 27 ins ... 27 190 298 6 17 27 6 44 5 5 6( F. A. and S. E. S 8 10 18 44 i46 igo 11 8 19 20 60 80 6 6' 18 4 6 I 7 24 7 13 ... ...437 23 in 33 7 1 « i46 43 168 'ie 39 44 42 42 fi' 1071'>7 2S4 i% I.q' r>2'iAn ogol 2« H'l 6ioi'i2n 32| 22 54' 68 71 ISO 64 107 ■ 6r !.. 6f 7 1 4 1 8 2 3 4 3 9 4 8 1 11 ... ... GO 98 110 21 7i 2'.-_ 2... 173 10 10 «■ 29 113 7 28 75104 61174 lOJ 17 34 62 6f 16 4 20 8 7 15 "7 34 "io 45 82 17 79 6 6 6f 7( 27 20 78 1 14 47 100 71 K 192 20 7' Christ Cli 1 5 6 in 10 97 ■A^ 34 73 5' 17 10 30 8 8 7' 3 88 10 67 IBR 12 "'7 60 2 60 9 85 85 12 31 5 41 17 72 7, 6 4 941 fil '.'(\ A.B.H.M ! 79 57 136 7f F. A.&S.E.S 4 1 "i 9,7 44 58 71 102 165 28 54 16 36 6 260 20 40 20 35 77 167 62 87 20; 45 59 116 21 18 39 7' 2j 24 16170 S2 26 7f 150 326 20 80 29 1 95 2 175 293 20 16 36 7': 13 9 254 20 33 3? 8f 2 Ti 20 35 R 2 2| 6 4 10 T5 "*' ' 8' 6 3 3 4 2 8 1 4 1 4 90 25 25 57 4 4 8' 8 2 2 8' F.A.&S. E.S 2 fi 8( 54 54 8' 8f A.M. A 1 12 5 6 12 9 72 77i49 77 77 136 10 40 40 15 '44 16 25 8' "09 203 44 84 57 57 40 84 16 18 18 9f 40 '58 15 185 24 G2 30 4 16 40 50 3 22 5 64 14 20 15 10 ;-t5 64 tl Pres.Ch 1 1 2 3 270 270 16 16 116174 51 66 235 420 286 286 9' C) State 3 5 6 10 7 6 2 4 3 2 26 2 17 4 8 7 3 3 18 12 12 8 20 20 40 15 51 66 2, 3 40 59 60 104 100 163 q 35 5 71 6 20 53 125 15 25 88 5 196 21 45 51 106 19 9 25 57 111 .t 9 63 26 45 50 25 48 49 75 198 49 13 41 97 161 7 33 54 127 40 65 65 35 83 113 1 3 2 12 3 15 q 5 5 1 ... 3 3 \ 1 q State 7 q A.M. A 26 160 186 11 16 18 25 29 41 7 192 85 83 168 20 7 43 2 10 3 48 2 123 A M A 124 909 28 3 31 200 194 454 30 30 125 53 215 i26 60 218 137 113 433 150 263 2 5 39 1 12a 127 2 6 9 2 10 7 U. Pres. Ch 9 1 10 35 90125 39 45 41 44 80 89 7 7 128 129 9 130 188 236 424 68i62 124 901 170 325 24 200 72 102 54 34 47 19Q 68 124 102 201 170 325 131 132 131 187 318 5 93 64 31 26 22 18 24 17 105 100 104 53 411 33 10 38 23 8 11 63 19 107 8 71 28 12 29 129 133 24 9 3 5 10 20 34 29 3 11 9 2 14 4 11 14 11 11 9 8 80 13 4 7 14 2 2 12 4 8 3 4 9 11 37 2 13 43 60 103 164 "s '79 35 87 166 6 '.'.'. 166 131 96 261 357 6 43 53111 135 136 48 58 185 82 25 38 81 106 216 91 105 54 71 129 164 401 91 187 79 109 19 1 20 23 45 68 11 22 22 12 33 34 137 A.M. A 138 1 1 2 1 13 2 139 50 50 140 23 47 14 31 66171 150 250 115;219 75'19« 141 35 35 inq 17 14 31 142 7 6 8 5 1 20 7 5 3 4 7 60 71 22 6 22 6 143 1 15 18 7 8 3 3 93 100 100 24 144 91 145 10 6 25 si 6 146 89 82 27 248 57 5 42 38 48 78 27 659 90 15 80 61 8 59 141 147 1 410 24R fi.'iS 166 33 128 57 294 90 148 29 12 42' 38 101 162 177 203 41 80 263 380 149 2 4 2 3 1 150 1 151 18 300 318 9 21 30 152 2 1 1 4 4 153 1 1 154 83100 183 1 63 78 141 155 A.B.H.M do 4 1 "7 1 52 52 Ififi 1 93 9 20 94 29 "io 24 51 15 12 27 15 22 108 108 1 10 75 12 76 22 157 158 3 1 1 159 9 7 16 75191" 40 81 121 51 75 126 160 1 i a 10 pupils under instruction for nurses. BIBLIOGRAPHY. I. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. Abp.ott, Lymais'. The education of the freedmen. Proceed. Am. Inst. Instr., 1865, p. 71. A brief sketch of the schools for black people and their descendants, established by the religious society of Friends in 1770. Phila., 1867. 8°. Pamph. 32 pp, Adams, John, first colored teacher in Washington, D. C. 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[Delaware association for the education of the colored j)eople was formally abandoned in 1887, and the African School Society, incorporated in the year 1824, and having for its object the education of colored children, assumed the work, issuing reports as follows: Oct. 1, 1886 to May 31, 1887; Oct. 1, 1887 to April 30, 1888; Oct. 1, 1888 to May 31, 1889. AYilmington, Del.] Devclojiment of schools for the freedmen. Barnard's Am. Jour. Ed., 19 : 193. Education of the colored race. Am. Museum, 6 : 383. Am. An. Educ., 1831, p. 84; 1833, pp. 284, 287, 498, 596; 1834, pp. 386, 481, 530; Am. Ed. Mo., 12: 28, 217; Brooklyn (N. Y.) Jour. Ed., 1:520; Am. Jour. Ed. St. Louis, 9:9; Ed. Jour. Ya., 10: 56; 111. Rep. Pub. Schs., 1873-74, p. 43; Independ., vol. 43, 1891, p. 478 ; Ind. Sch. Jour., May, 1867, p. 152 ; Mass. Teach., 18 : 169 ; Nation, 45 : 109, 246; NewEng. Jour. Ed, 14:119, 183,232,266,341,357; New York Sch. Jour., 4:4; Mo. Sch. Rep., 1866, p. 190; Ohio Sch. 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Annual re]3ort of Adjutant- General's Branch of Freedmen for 1873-1877. Annual report of Superintendent of North Carolina, for 1864, 1867; of Louisiana, for 1865; of Alabama, for 1867; of the District of Columbia and West Vir- ginia for 1867. Report of Commissioner of Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, for 1865-1871. Report of Schools and Finances of Freedmen, Jan., 1866 and July, 1866. Report of the General Superintendent of Freedmen. Department of the Ten- nessee and State of Arkansas, for 1864-65. Report of the Secretary of War for 1867, containing a synopsis of the report of the Commissioners of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, for the same year. Semiannual reports on schools and finances of Freedmen, by J. W. Alvord, inspector, from Jan. 1, 1866, to July 1, 1870. (In all ten reps.) 2. GircuJars and Letters. 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Report of freedmen's schools for 1864-65. (Contained in report of the Gen'l Supt. of Freedmen. Department of the Tennessee and State of Arkansas.; 1864-65.) ^ ., FiTZHUGriT,-Gs4>l'y. Freedmen's Bureau andvCamp Lee. ' De Bow, n. s., 2: 346. Gannett, W. C, awd Hale, Edward Everett. Education of the freedmen at Port Royal. No. Am. Rev., 101 : Ij-^SS-. \- \^%- BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NEGRO EDUCATION. 1041 Freedmen's Bureau — Continued. General condition of colored schools under the supervision of the Freedmen'a \ Bureau, 1870. U. S. Bu. of Ed.— An. Rep., 1870, pp. 337-339. Hooper, Wm. R. Freedmen's Bureau. Lippinc, 7: 609. McKiM, J. M. Labor and education at Port Royal. Ind Sch.Jonr., 7: 323. Pierce, Edward L. The freedmen at Port Royal. Atlau., 12:291. T GrANNETT, Hexry. Statistics of the negroes in the United States. (Trustees of the r^ i John F. Slater fund — occasional papers, No. 4.) Baltimore, 1894. 8^. pp. •^l 28. [See pp. 25-28 — " Illiteracy and education."] SIGilmore, John R. 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C, origin and development of. Barnard's Am. Jour. Ed., 19: 245. Statistics of, same, 29: 513, 533. Howe, S. H. A brief Memoir of the life of John F. Slater, of Norwich, Conn., 1815- 1884. (Trustees of the Jno. F. Slater fund — occasional papers, No. 2.) Balto., 1894. 8°. pp. 16. Hunr.ARD, G. W. A history of the colored schools of Nashville, Tenn. Nashville, Tenn., 1874. S^^. Pamph., 34 pp. Humphreys, Richard, founder of institute for colored youth. Barnard's Am. Jour. Ed., 19: 379. Industrial Education: Johnston, W. P. Industrial education of the negroes. Educ, 5: 636. Rankin, J. E. Industrial education for the African. Independ., April 2, 1891, vol. 43, p. 3. Educ, 5: 636. Talbot, Henry. Manual training, art, and the negro. An experiment. (Re- printed from Pub. Sch. Jour., 18&4>, 16*^. pp. 34.) ED 94 66 <^^.\V<7$^ 1042 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1893-94. Industrial Education — Continued. Trade schools for negroes. Amer., 19 : 353. 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W., 44: 309. gro race; their condition, pr* sent and future. Cath. W.. 58 : 219 e awU . and -' fu - t»i e of t he ue>-; fj gv - -^^ath. W., 40T289.- j^MKf^ ^ lue a^-i)7-?E s"cTnro negro pvobleB^Cat h. \\\, 37 jJ71;«^38: 601. Philadelphia pp. 410 Forum he u n d ergronfrarrtritPSau! Philadelphia, 1883. Smith, C. F. The negro in Nashville. Cent., May, 1891, p. 154. ^ Smith, C. H. (Bill Arp). Hay^ American negroes too much liberty ? ■^* iSnvder, Jjiv^Frejudice against^egro?*, Forum, 8: 218. "* Social and industrial capacities of the negro. B#»«»,^v., 45: 385. f Southampton insurrection, 1831. Niles Reg., 41 : 4. fc-C^ '^ j South Carolina and the colored vote. Rev. of R evs., 12:3 96. ; '^rfO'^^M^ y {SozixsiCKY, T. S. Medical aspects of the negro /^ Perm. Sro".,TO: 529. 3 Speddixg, J. /Negro apprenticeship systemA'fiTi»vJiev., 66 : 477 -/ ^qI. Rev ., 65: 18J £ I f^^^/ei : 458, 582. \ 4g^ ' I Stakeley,/C. a. Introduction of the negro into tue united States. M. Am. Hist., 2^: 349. * Stevens,' A. Problem of the negro. Moth. Quart., 44: 108. 2.1 Stuutevant, J. M. Future of the negro. Contin. Mo., 3: 600. I Swift^ Zephaniaii. An oration on domestic slavery. Delivered at the North /«\ Meetinghouse in Hartford on the 12th day of May, A. D. 1791. At the meeting of the Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and the Relief of Persons Unlawfully Holden in Bondage. Hartford, 1791. 8^. pp. 23. Sykes, W. J. Future of the negro in the United States. De Bow, u. s., 4: 419. Tabu, Jno. B. The social rights of negroes. Indei^end., 43 : 4. Tanner, B. F. The condition of the negro. The colored ministry. ludepend., 43:1. The question of races in the United States. Glasgow, 1874. 8^. i cx; Thompson, J. P. pp. 15. Thornton, G. B. Tricscot, Wt H. Tucker, J. R Tyler, E. R. The negro mortality in Memphis. Am. Pub. Health Asso.. JEsils of nogro oit ^ttag^^^^No; Am. Rev., 123: 249. Race progress in the United States. NNo. Am. Rev., 138: 163. Right to vote. iUwElTg. M., 3 I f)39. - \ ■ ^ 8 : 177. Vail, T. H. Missionary bishops for the negro 301. ^^(xV'jJUsUsAyC 1056 -^A^ -^ '^ EDUCATI0N\ EEPORT, 1893-94. Van Buren/T. B., speech of, ou tlie bilu. to ratify the amendment to the Constitu- tion df the United States prohibiting slavery. In the New York house of " assemTl\ly March 15, 1865. Albaiy, 1865. 8°. pp. 24. Van EvRiE, J.jH. Negroes an inferior ijace. New Yorli, 1861. 12°. WaEkekTT. a. I The colored race in the/United States. Forum, 11: 501. Watterson, W. The South and tb«-^i«gro. CosmopoL, 9: 113 ^^ Nation, 46: 383. Watson, Thos. E. Negro question in the South. Arena, 6: 540. Wayland, H. L. Negro higher education. Independ., 47:1387. Weeks, Stephen B. History of negro suffrage in the South. (Eeprinted from Polit. Sci. Quart., vol. ix, Dec, 1894.) Boston, 1894. 8°. pp. 33. • Southern Quakers and slavery. A study in institutional history. Baltimore, 1896. pp. 414. 8°. Welling, James C. Slavery in the Territories historical]}" considered. M. Am. Hist., 27: 132, 196. What should be the policy of the colored American toward Africa (J. B. Eeeve, E. \, L. Perry, S. P. Hood, C. H. Thompson). A. M. E. Ch. Eev., 2: 68-75. Wilson, Henry. Eise and fall of the slave power in America. 3 vols. Boston, y^^ 1872. 8°. WiCKLiFFE, Jno. C. Negro suffrage a failure ; shall we abolish it? Forum, 14: 797. Winchell, a. The experiment of universal suffrage. No. Am. Rev., 136: 119. Winkler, E. T. The negro in the Gulf States. Internat. Rev., 1: 577. • Williams, A. B. Voting of negroes. Amer., 17: 203. Williams, Geo. W. History of the negro race in America from 1619 to 1880. 2 vols. New York, 1883. 8°. ( History of the negro troops in the war of the rebellion. New York, 1888. ,, S°. pp. 353. ^^ViLLiAMS, E. H. Suffrage for negroes; how to be regulated. Arena, 5: 95. WiTHROW, John L. The hour for Africa. An address delivered before the Amer- ican Colonization Society, Jan. 18, 1881. Washington, 1881. 8°. pp. 12. Woodward, C. L. Enfranchisement of the negro. Cong. Eec, 7: 254; No. Am. Rev r^ 128: 225. Wright, E. E. The negro as an inventor. A. M. E. Ch. Eev., 2: 397. III. WOEKS BY NEGEO AUTHOES. [The following bibliography was compiled from data furnished by Bishop Benjamin W. Arnett, D. D., of Wilberforce, Ohio, Bishop Howard H. Turner, LL. D., of Atlanta, Ga., Prof. Booker T. Wash- ington, of Tuskegee, Ala., and Mr. E. E. Cooper, of Washington, D. C] Allen, Eichard. Life of Bishop Eichard Allen. Philadelphia, 1793. 8°. pp. 69. (Published by Ford & Eipley.) Armstrong, J. H. AVhat communion hath light with darkness. Philadelphia, 1883-1894. 8°. pp.94. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) Arnett, Benj. W., compiler and editor. Life of Paul Quinn. — , 1873. pp. 54. Speeches and addresses of negroes, collected and published. 15 vole. 8'-', Semicentennial address. Cincinnati, 1874. pp. 142. General conference journal. — , 1876. pp. 240. Centennial address, Urbana, 1876. pj). 80. General conference journal. — , 1880. pp. 320. TaAvawa journal. — , 1883. pp. 40. Biennial address to G. 0. of O. F., 1884. pp.36. Centennial address, 1884. pp. 40. General conference journal. — , 1884. pp. 440. Wilberforce annual, 1886. pp. 64. Black laws of Ohio. — , 1887. pp. 40. BIBLIOGRAPHY OP NEGRO EDUCATION. 1057 Arnett, Benj. W. Jubilee of freedom. — , 1888. pp. 100. Address at Claliiu, 1889. pp. 40. Qnartocenteuary A. M. E. C, 1890. pp. 500. Orations and speeches of Hon. J. M. Ashley. Phila., 1894. pp. 905. 8*^. (A. M. E. Pnh. House) Ayler, J. C. Guide lights. Princeton, 1887. 8^^. pp. 40. (Princeton Press.) Blackwell, G. L. The model homestead. Boston, 1893. 12'^. pp. 76. (H. Mar- shall & Co.) Blyden, E. W. Christianity, Islam, and fhe negro race. London, 1888. 8°. pp. 432. (W. B. Wittiugham & Co.) From West Africa to Palestine. Sierra Leoue, 1873. 8°. pp. 200. (T. J. Sawyer.) Liberia's ofteriug. London, 1862. S'^. pp. 181. (Juo. A. Gray.) Booth, C. O. Plain theology for plain people. Philadelphia, — . Brooks, C. H. History of the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows. Philadelphia, 1893. 8°. pp.260. (Publishedby the author.) Brown, Wm. Wells. The black man. New York, 1863. 8°. pp. 310. (Thomas Hamilton. ) Clotelle. Boston, 1867. 8°. pp.114. (Lee & Shepard.) The negro in the Rebellion. Boston, 1867. 8"^. pp.380. (Lee & Shepard.) The rising sun. Philadelphia, 1874. 8°. pp. 555. (A. G. Brown & Co.) Three years in Europe. London, 1852. 16°. pp.312. (Chas. Gilpin.) Cannon, N. C. W. Rock of wisdom. — , 1833. 8°. pp. 144. Carson, Hannah. Glory in affliction. Philadelphia, 1864. 16°. pp. 64. Clark, Peter H. History of the Black Brigade. Coleman, Afrs. Lucretia H. N. Poor Ben. Philadelphia, 1889. 12°. pp. 106. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) Coleman, W. H. A casket of pulpit thought. Newark, Ohio, 1889. 8^. pp. 250. (Advocate Printing Co.) Cooper, Mrs. A. J. A voice from the South. Xenia, Ohio, 1892. 12°. pp. 304. (W. B. Chew.) CoppiN, L. J. A. M. E. Church Review. Philadelphia, 1888-1895. 7 vols. 8°. (A. M.E. Pub. House.) Relation of baptized children to the church. Nashville, 1890. 8°. pp.220. (A.M.E.S. S.Union.) CosTON, W. H. A free man and yet a slave. Burlington, Iowa, 1884. 16°. pp. 84. (Wohlwend Bros.) Crummell, Alex, The greatness of Christ. New York, 1872. 8°. pp, 352. (Thomas Whitaker.) The future of Africa. Boston, 1862. 8°. pp.304. (Scribners' Sons.) Delaney, Lucy A. Struggles for freedom. Now York, 1890. 16°. pp.64. (Pub- lished by the author.) Delaney, Martin R. Principia of ethnology. The condition, elevation, emigration, and destiny of the colored people of the United States, politically considered, Philadelphia, 1852. Douglass, Frederick. Life and times of Fi'ederick Douglass. New York, 1893. 8°. pp.752. (Miller, Orton & Co.) My bondage and freedom. New York, 1855. 8°. pp. 464. j^Miller, Orton «fe Co.) Narrative of the life of an American slave. London, 1847. Douglass, Wm. Annals of First African Church. Philadelphia, 1862. 8°, pp.172, (King & Baird.) DvBt, Jno. L, a talk on my native land. Rochester, N. Y., 1892. 16°. pp. 47. (R. M. Swinburne & Co.) ED 94 07 1058 " "EDUCATION EEPORT, 1893-94. """"*-- ■^"^ DuxBAR, Paul. Oak and ivy — poems. Dayton, Ohio, 1890. 8°. pp. 62. (U. B. Pub. House.) Dyson, J. F. Eicliard Allen's place in history. Nashville, 1887. 16"^. pp. 49. (Cum- berland Presby. Pub. House.) Earle, Victoria. Aunt Lindsay. New York, 1893. 12°. pp. 20. (Published by the author.) Embry, J. C. Digest of Christian theology. Philadelphia, 1890. 12°. pp 293. (A. M.E. Book House.) Equiano, Olandah. Autobiography. iBoston, 1837. Flipper, Henry O., ex-lieut. U. S. A. The colored cadet at West Point. New York. 1878. 8°. pp. 322. (Homer, Lpe & Co.) FOOTE, Mrs. Julia A. J. A brand plucked from the fire. Cleveland, Ohio, 1879. 16°. pp. 124. (W. F. Snyder. ) ; Fortune, T. Thomas. Black and White. New York, 1884. 6°. pp. 310. (Fords &Co.) Gaines, AV. J. African Methodism ip. the South. Atlanta, 1890. 8°. pp. 305. (Franklin Pub. House.) ; /flARNET)*"S. 6ta-iret^sTn"emtrritrl-dts'cr)HFse7--~Jose^iJSZil&6ffi, Philadelphia, 1865. 8°. / pp. 91. Grant, A. The literary and historical society of A. M. E. Georgia Conference. Nashville, 1893. ' 8°. pp. 181. (A. M. E. S. S. Union. ) Green, A. E. Life of Eev. D. F. Davis. — , 1850. 16°. pp.128. (Benj.F. Pe- terson.) Gregory, James M. Frederick Douglass, the orator. Springfield, Mass. 1890. 8°. pp.200. (Willey&Co.) Harper, Francis E. W. lola Leroy— a novel. Philadelphia, 1892. 8°. pp. 281. (Garrigues Bros.) HaVgood, L. M. The colored man in the M. E. Church. Cincinnati, 1890. 8°. pp. 327. (Cranston & Stowe.) Hayne, Joseph E. The black man. Charleston, 1894. pp. 144. (Edwards & Broiighton. ) ■ The negro in sacred history. Charleston, 1887. 12°. pp.112. (Walker, Evans & Co.) Heard, Josie D. Morning glories. — , 1890. 8°. pp. 108. Henson, Josiah (Uncle Tom). Father Henson's Story. Boston, 1858. 8°. pp. 212. (H.P. B.Jewett.) Hogarth, Geo., Editor. A. M. E. Magazine. Philadelphia, 1841-1847. 2 vols. (A. M. E. Book Concern.) Hood, W.J. History of A. M. E. Z. Church. New York, 1895. 8°. pp.625. (A. M, E.Z.Book Concern.) The negro in the Christian pulpit. Ealeigh,N. C, 1884. 8°. pp.363. (Ed- wards & Co.) Howard, Jas. H. W. Bond and free. Harrisburg, Pa., 1886. 8°. pp.280. (E.K. Meyers.) Johnson, Edward A. School history of the negro race. Ealeigh, N. C, 1891. 8°. pp. 196. (Edwards & Broughtou.) Johnson, -ITrs. E. A. The Hazeley family. Philadelphia, 1894. 8°. pp. 191. TAmer. Baptist Pub. Soc.) Clarence and Corinne. Philadelphia, 1889. 8°. pp. 187. (Am. Baptist Pub. Soc.) Johnson, Jas. H. A. The Pine Tree mission. Baltimore, 1893. 8°. pp. 114. (J. Lanham.) Johnston, H. T. Divine Logos. Philadelphia, 1890. 16°. pp. 117. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) BIBLIOGRAPHY OP NEGRO EDUCATION. 1059 Lamptox, E. W. Sacred dynamite on l)aj)tism. Greenville, Miss., 1892. 8^. jip. 60. (Greenville Times.) Langston, Jxo. M. Freedom and citizenshij). Washington, 1883. 8°. pp. 286. (R.S.H. Darby.) From the plantation to the national capital. Hartford, Conn., 1894. 8*^. pp. 534. (Amer. Pub. Co.) Lewis, 11. B. Light and truth. Boston, 1844. LoGUEX, J. W. As a slave and as a freeman. New York, 1859. 8°. pp. 450. (J. K. Truar&Co.) Love, E. K. History of the First African Baptist Church. Savannah, 1888. 8^. pp. 360. Magee, J. H. The night of affliction. Cincinnati, 1873. 8=. pp. 180. (Published by the author.) Majors, M. A. Noted negro women. Chicago, 1893. 8°. pp. 365. (Donohue & Heneberry.) Marsh, T. B. Story of the jubilee singers. New York, 1880. pp.243. (Houghton, Osgood & Co., noxo Houghton, Mifflin »S: Co.) Mixox, W. H. A Methodist luminary. Selma, Ala., 1891. 16^. pp. 56. (Selma Print Co.) -vMoOKE, J. J. History of A. M. E. Z. Church. York, Pa., 1884. 8°. pp. 399. . (Teacher's Journal Office.) /^lossELL, Mrs. N. F. The work of Afro-American women. Philadelphia, 1894. 12°. ^j pp. 178. (G. S. Ferguson.) jMyrick, D.J. Scripture baptism. Macon, Ga., 1882. 8=. pp.130, (J. W. Burns ^ & Co.) ^ Neil, W. C. Services of colored Americans in the wars of 1776, 1812. 2d ed. Bos- ton, 1852. 8°. Paige, T.F. Twenty-two years of freedom. Norfolk, Ya., 1885. 8^. pp. 100. (Pub- lished by the author.) Payxe, D. a. a treatise on domestic education. Cincinnati, 1885. 12°. pp. 184. (Cranston & Stowe.) History of A. M. E. Church. Nashville, 1891. 8°. pp. 498. (A. M. E. S. S. Union.) Pexx, I. Garlaxd. Afro-American press. Springiield, Mass., 1891. 8°. pp. 549. (j_^^ < (Willey & Co.) "~~* Perry, Rufus L. The Cushite. Springfield, Mass., 1893. 8°. pp. 175. (VVil- ley &, Co.) Raxdolpii, E. a. Life of Rev. John Jasper. Richmond, Va., 1884, 8°. pp. 167. (T. Hill & Co.) Raxsome, R. C. School days at Wilberforce. Springfield, Ohio, 1892. 8°. pp. 70. (New Era Co.) Ray, H, Cordelia, Lincoln— a poem. New York, 1893, 8°, pp, 12. (Published by the author. ) RiDEOUT, Jr.,D. A. Life of Rev, D. A. Rideout, sr. 1891. 8°. pp.103. (Published by the author.) RoLLixs, Fraxk a. Life of Maj. Martin Delaney. Boston, 1868. 8°, pp. 367, (Lee & Shepard,) RowE, Geo, C, Thoughts in verse, Philadelphia, 1887, 12°. pp, 113. (Kahers, Stalzo & Welch.) RuDD, L. E. Catholic Afro-American Congresses, Cincinnati, 1893, 16°. pp.160. (Amer. Cath. Tribune.) Rush, Christopher. Rise and progress of the A. M. E. Church. New York, 1866. 10°. pp. 106. (Published by the author.) SampsoXj^J, p. Temperament and phrenology of the negro race. 1881. pp, 171, ^y'-'^ublished by the author.) Mixed races. Hampton, Va., 1881. r\ . / 1060 EDUCATION REPORT, 1893-94. Scarborough^ W. S. First Greek lessons. New York, 1881. 8°. pp. 150. (A. S. Barnes.) SCRUGGS; L. A. Women of distinction. Raleigh, N. C, 1893. 8°. pp.382. (Pub- lished by the author.) Shorter, Susie I. Heroines of African Methodism. Xenia, Ohio, 1891. pp. 70. (W. B. Chew.) Simmons, R. W. J. Men of mark. Cleveland, 1887. 8°. pp.1138. (Geo. M. Re well & Co.) Smith, Mrs. Amanda. Autobiography of Amanda Smith. Chicago, 1893. 8°. pp. 506. (Meyer Bros.) Smith, C. S. Liberia in the light of living testimony. Nashville, 1895. 8°. pp 61. (A. M. E. S. S. Union.) • Monogram of Bishop D. A. Payne, LL. D. Nashville, 1884, 8°. pp. 60. (A. M. E. S. S. Union.) -Official sermons of Bishop D. A. Payne, LL. D. Nashville, 1888. 8°. pp. 64. (A. M. E. S. S. Union.) Smith, J. W. Addresses and sermons of Bishop S. T. Jones. York, Pa., 1892. 8°. pp. 302. (P. Anstadt & Son.) Smith, L.H. Earnest pleas. Nashville, 1891. 8°. pp.64. (A. M. E. S. S. Union.) Still, Wm. The underground railroad. Philadelphia, 1883. 8°. pp. 780. (Pub- lished by author.) Stevinson, J. W. Church financiering. Albany, N. Y., 1886. 8°. pp.283. (Weed, Parsons & Co.) Steward, T. G. Genesis reread. Phi ladelphfa, 1885. 8°. pp.252. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) ■ Life of Mrs. Rebecca Steward. Philadelphia, 1877. 16°. pp. 131. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) Stewart, Austin. Narrative of Solomon Northup. New York, 1859. ■ Twenty-two years a slave and forty years a freeman. Rochester, 1861. Stewart, T. McC. Liberia, the Americo- African Republic. New York, 1886. 8°. ^^ pp. 106. (Edw. 0. Jenkins.) Straker, D. Augustus. The New South investigated. Detroit, 1888. 8°. pp.230. (Ferguson Printing Co.) Tanner, B. T. A. M. E. Church Review. Philadelphia, 1884-1888. 4 vols, 8°. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) Apology for African Methodism. Philadelphia, 1867. 8°. pp. 468. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) Outlines of history and government of A. M. E. Church. Philadelphia, 1884. 8°. pp. 206. (Grant, Faires & Rodgers.) Theological lectures. Nashville, 1894. 8°. pp.185. (A. M. E. S. S. Union.) Taylor, Marshall W. Plantation melodies. Cincinnati, 1883. 16°. pp. 272. (Published by the author. ) Thomas, L. L. A colored man's reply to Bishop Foster. Baltimore, 1893. 8°. pp. 118. (H.H.Smith.) Trotter, James M. Music and some highly musical people. Boston, 1878, 8°. pp, 505. (Lee & Shepard. ) Truth, Sojourner. Sojourner Truth's narrative. Boston, 1875. 8°. pp. 320. (Published by the author.) Turner, JIoward jL Barbarous decision of the United States Supreme Court. »— --"-*°ppr?2r Catechism of the A. M. E. Church, pp. 100. Catechism upon Palestine, or the Holy Laud. pp. 64. Conflict of civil rights, pp. 40. History of Good Samaritans and Daughters of Samaria. Washington, 1881. 8^. pp. 180. (R. A. Waters.) Hymn book for A. M. E. Church. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF NEGRO EDUCATION. 1061 TuRyER. Howard H. Methodist polity, or the geuius and theory of Methodism, f'hiladelphia, 1885. 8°. pp. 342. Printed speeches : 1. The duty of the negro to the General Government. 2. The wisdom of the Reconstruction measures. 3. The civil and political status of Georgia. 4. Hon. Charles Sumner as a statesman. 5. The negro and his civil rights. The negro in all ages. pp. 84. Wallace, John. Carpetbag rule in Florida. Jacksonville, Fla., 1888. 8°. pp. 44K (De Costa Pub. House.) Ward, S. G. Autobiography of a fugitive negro. London, 1855. Washington, Booker T. Address delivered at the opening of Atlanta Exposition, Sept. 18, 1895. "Atlanta Constitution," Sept. 19, 1895. Way.aian, a. W. a cyclopedia of African Methodism. Baltimore, 1882. 8^-'. pp. 190. (M. E. Book Depository. ) Life of Bishop Jas. A. Shorter. Baltimore, 1890. 8°. pp.50. (J.Lanahan.) My recollections. Philadelphia, 1881. 8°. pp.250. (A. M. E. Pub. House.) WiiiTFiKLD, James M. Volume of poems. 1846. Whitman, A. A. Not a man and yet a man. Springfield, Ohio, 1877. 8^. pp. 254. (Republic Printing Co.) Twasiuta's Seminoles. St. Louis, 1890. pp.58. (Nixon ife Jones Printing Co.) Williams, D. B. Freedom and progxess. Petersburg, Va., 1890. 8". pp. 150. (Fenu & Oliver.) Science and art of teaching. Petersburg, Va., 1880. 8'^. pp. 126. (Fenn &. Oliver.) Williams, Geo. W. History of negro troops in the civil war. New York, 1888. 8°. pp.353. (Harper Bros.) History of the negro race in America. 2 vols. New York, 1882. 8'^. (Put- nam's Sons.) Wilson, C. B. Manual and history of the Grand United Order of Odd Fellows. Philadelphia, 1894. 8^. pp.360. (Published by the author.) Wilson, Joseph T. Emancipation. Hampton, Va., 1882. 8°. pp. 242. (Hamp- ton Normal School.) CHAPTER XXX. EDUCATION m THE SEVEEAL STATES. ALABAMA. [Letter of Dr. J. L. M. Curry to the gubernatorial candidates of Alabama.] Washington, D. C, May 21, 1896. To ihe Hon. Joseph F. Johnston and Hon. Albert T. Goodwyn. DiCAR Sirs : I address this open letter to you as the accredited representatives of the two great parties seeking to control the government of the State. I need make no apology for my interest in Alabama or the cause which I seek to bring before you. With the issues which divide the parties I have no concern in this letter. The subject of this communication is higher, far more important, more paramount than all the issues. Federal and State, which divide parties, local or national. It involves vitally every county, neighborhood, family, and citizen. It is not of temporary, but of permanent interest. It affects the people individually, socially, intellectually, and materially. All patriots should combine and labor incessantly until there be permanently established and liberally sustained the best system of free schools for the whole people, for such a system would soon become the "most effective and benignant of all the forces of civilization." Such a cause should enlist the best and most practical statesmanship, and shoufd be lifted above and out of mere party poiitics, which ia one of the most mischievous enemies of the public school system. Mr. Jefferson is quoted by both parties ou fiscal and currency and constitutional questions. Let us hear what he says on the education of the people, lu 1786 he wrote to George AVythe: "I think by far the nmst important bill in our whole code is that for the diffusion of knowledge among tlie people. No surer foundation can be devised for the preservation of their freedom and happiness." To Washington he wrote: "It is an axiom in my mind that our liberty can never be safe but in the hands of the people themselves, and that, too, of the people of a certain degree of instruction. This it is the business of the State to effect and on a general plan." The best test of a country's civilization is the condition of public instruction, said a Frencli statesman. Tested by that standard, what is the rank of Alabama among civilized people? The total population of Alabama over 10 years of age by tlie last census is 1,069,545, and of these 107,355, or 18.2 per cent of the white i)eople are illiterate, and 331,260, or 69 per cent of the negroes are illiterate. Of 540,226 children between 5 and 18 years of age 301,615, or 55 80 per cent are enrolled in schools, leaving only two States in this particular below her. In 1891-92 the per- centage of school population (5 to 18 years) in attendance was 33.78 per cent with four States below. The average school term or sessiou was eeveuty-thrce days, 1277 1278 This diagram shows graphically tlie rank of eaclx State and Territory according to the rates of illiteracy in 1890: Nebraska 3.1=™ Wyoming 3. i nrr^^ Iowa 3. 6:>:..>c»>i Kansas 4. i — i .— South Dakota 4. 2...i - i Washington 4. 3 i-.i. Idaho 5.1 Colorado 5.2=..^ «. Illinois 5. 2 ., , . Connecticut 5. {{ ■< Oklahoma 5. 4===!>==a, Maine 5. 5 ^ Montana 5. 5=e.=i™i™™ New York 5.5™=,==. Utah 5.C ., Micliigan 5. «. .m.~. >. Minnesota 6. 0-.>,..n«z,.=.,c_ North Dakota C 0.»=_™=_ Massachusetts C. 2. m --4.. .^ x» a a. Indiana G. 3 ■■'■■■^■■ '■ ■' ■ — ™ NewJeresy 0.5——— Vermont 6. 7 ■■i.ii. — .ii. i.. Wisconsin 6. 7 New Hampshire 6. 8 ^ ..•..t-, .i Pennsylvania 6. 8 - ;^^„^., .. . .. .ji California 7. 7 ,~-..-.^:.r.: ~,.:i. . Missouri 9. l.. = .. ^L^u .^o .. =i t^i,..^.'.. . ^., .n Ehcde Island 9. Nevada 12. 8 . District of Columbia 13. 2^ Delaware 14. 3= West Virginia 14. 4= Maryland 15. 7» Texas 19.7- Kentucky 21.6. Arizona 23. 4- Arkansas 26. 6=: Tennessee 26. 6« Morida 27. 8« Virginia 30. 2„ North Carolina 35.7= Georgia 38. 9, Mississippi 40. 0= Alabama 41.0= New Mexico 44. 5=: South Carolina 45. 0„ Louisiana 45. 8= This beggarly array does not fill up the dark outlines of the picture. These short schools are in many cases inefficient and inadequate, and the graduates of high schools, even, are three years behind the German graduates in the amount of knowl- edge acquired and in mental develoi^ment. This inferiority is largely attributable to the shorter terms of school years, to the want of professional teachers, and to the small enrollment. In Prussia, under a compulsory law, 91 per cent are inslructcd in the public elementary, or peoi^le's schools, or only 945 of the children subject to the law Avere unjustly withheld from school. It is lamentable that in many cases a teacher in primary schools need not know much more than he is required to teach, and that knowledge may he confined to the text-hook. This deficiency in teacher training is, with political and sectarian influence, the most vulnerable point in our school system. The lack of proper supervision and inspection of schools is traceable to this same pestiferous iuilueuce, and hence the officers charged with this duty remain too short a time in their places to be qualified for their work. Eotation in EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1279 office, narrow partisaushij), inefdciency, are tlic direct fruits of making school offices not places of trust, but siioils of political victory. Our system of public instructiou Las acquired sucli dimensious, ramifies so minutely into every family and neiolibor- liood, concerns so greatly every interest of the State, that its administration should be vested in officers of the highest intelligence and patriotism, of administrative skill and ability, of thorough acquaintance with school and educational ([uestions. The state superintendent should remain in office long enough to be thoroughly familiar with the duties of his exalted position, and should bo an expert, capable of advising executive and legislature, and school officers and teachers, and in full and intelligent sympathy with the educational problems that are so important and numerous. Greatly blessed is a State and are the children who have at head of school affairs such men as Mann, Sears, Dickinson, Draper, White, Ruffner, and our peerless Harris. The statistics of defective schools and consequent illiteracy teach their own sad lessons. The calamities which, in the inevitable order of events, must result from having so large a portion of the people in ignorance, need not be elaborated, but they should fill every patriot with alarm and impel to the adoption of early and ade- quate remedies as an antidote for what is so menacing to free institutions and to general prosperity. While ignorance so abounds, how can we hope for purity in elections and safety from deraagogism, immorality, lawlessness, and crime? "What- ever children wo sufl:er to grow up among us we must live with as men; and our chihlren must be their contemporaries. They are to be our copartners in the rela- tions of life, our equals at the polls, our rulers in legislative halls, the awarders of justice in our courts. However intolerable at home, they can not be banished to any foreign land ; however worthless, they will not be sent to die iu camps or to be slain in battle ; however flagitious, but few of them will be sequestered from society by imprisonment, or doomed to expiate their offenses with their lives." Perhaps tlie argument most likely to reach the general public is the close relation between public free schools and the increased productive power of labor and enter- prise. The political economy Avhich busies itself about capital and labor, and revenue reform and free coinage, and ignores such a factor as mental development, is suprem- est folly ; for to increase the intelligence of the laborer is to increase largely his pro- ducing power. Education creates new wealth, develops new and untold treasures, increases the growth of intellect, gives directive power and the power of self-help; of will and of combining things and agencies. The secretary of the board of educa- tion of Massachusetts in his last report makes some valuable statements and sugges- tions. No other State is giving as much for education, and yet each inhabitant is receiving on an average nearly seven years of two hundred days each, while the aver- age given each citizen in the whole nation is only four and three-tenths of such years. While the citizens of Massachusetts get nearly twice the average amount of education, her wealth-producing power as compared with other States stands almost in the same ratio. This increased wealtli-producing power means that the 2,500,000 people pro- duce $250,000,000 more than they would produce if they were only average earners. And this is twenty-five times the annual expenditure for schools. The capacity to read and write tends to the creation and distribution of wealth, and adds fully 25 per cent to the wages of the working classes. It renders an additional service in stimulating material wants and making them more numerous, complex, and refined. We hear on every hand louder calls for skilled labor and high directive ability. It is a lack of common business sagacity to flinch from the cost of such a wealth- producing agency. This question is not. How can we afford to do it? but. Can we afiord not to do it? All experience shows only one means of securing universal education. Private and parish schools educate only about 12 per cent of the children, and if they could cdu- cnto all there would remain insuperable objections to them iuthe way of management, classification, efficiency and support. Our institutions and rights demand free schools for all the people, and they must be established and controlled by the State, and for their support combined municipal, county, and State revenues are needed. Eighty- seven per cent of the children of the Union are now in public schools. In 1890 the entire costs for school purposes were estimated at $113,110,218, toward the payment of which the local school tax contributed $97,000,000. While furnishing education is a legitimate tax on property, whether the taxpayer takes advantage of the public schools or not, the history of education in the United States shows that with Slate revenues should be combined local taxation. This insures immediate interest in the schools, better supervision, greater rivalry, and, on the whole, better results. The schools in Alabama are handicapped by a clause in the constitution limiting local taxation to an extremely low figure. If by general agreement among the triends of education the removal of this restriction could be separated from party politics, and local taxation could bo brought to the support of schools, there would soon be an era of educational and material prosperity. What a commentary it would be on the capacity of our people for self-government, on their catholic patriotism, on the 1280 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1894-95. subordination of private wishes to tlie public good, if, uuder the advice and leader- ship of those selected as fittest persons for the executive chair, the whole subject of free and universal education should be elevated to the jilane of organic law, and be as sacred and irremovable as any of the fundamental muniments of liberty. Yours, trulj^ J. L. M. CUREY. CALIFOENIA. EDUCATING GIRLS. [Commvinicated to the Boston Sunday Journal by President David Starr Jordan, of the Leland Stan- ford Junior University.] The subject of the higher education of young women at present usually demands answers to these three questions: 1. Shall a girl receive a college education? 2. Shall she receive the same kind of a college education as a boy? 3. Shall she be educated in the same college? First. Shall a girl receive a college education? The answer to this must depend on the character of the girl. Precisely so with the boy. What we should do with either depends on his or her pos8i1)ilities. Wise parents will not let either boy or girl enter life with any less preparations than the best they can receive. It is true that many college graduates, boys and girls alike, do not amount to much after the scliools have done the best they can with them. It is true, as I have elsewhere insisted, that "you can not fasten a $2,000 education to a 50-cent boy," nor to a 50-cent girl, either. But there is also great truth in these words of Frederic Denni- son Maurice: " I know that uine-teuths of those the university sends out must be hewers of wood and drawers of water. But if we train the ten-tenths to be so, then the wood will be badly cut and the water will be spilt. Aim at something noble; make your system of education such that a great man may be formed by it, and there will be manhood in your little men of which you do not dream." 1 6 is not alone the preparation of great men for great things. Higher education may prepare even little men for greater things than they would have otherwise found possible. And so it is with the education of women. The needs of tlie times are iniiierative. The noblest result of social evolution is the growth of the civilized home. Such a home only a wise, cultivated, and high-minded woman can make. To furnish such women is one of the noblest missions of higher education. No young women capable of becoming such should be condemned to a lower destiny. Even of those seemingly too dull or too vacillating to reach any high ideal of wis- dom, this may be said, that it does no harm to try. A few hundred dollars is not much to spend on an experiment of such moment. Four of the best years of one's life spent in the company of noble thoughts and high ideals can not fail to leave their impress. To be wise, and at the same time womanly, is to wield a tremendous influence, which may be felt for good in the lives of generations to come. It is not forms of government by which men are made or unmade. It is the character and influence of their mothers and wives. The higher education of women means more for the future than all conceivable legislative reforms. And its influence does not stop with the home. It means higher standards of manhood, greater thoroughness of training and the coming of better men. Therefore, let us educate our girls as well as our boys. A generous education should be the birthright of every daughter of the Kepublic as well as of every son. Second. Shall we give our girls the same education as our boys? Yes and no. If we mean by the same an equal degree of breadth and thoroughness, an equal fitness for high thinking and wise acting, yes, let it be the same. If we mean to reach this end by exactly the same course of studies, then my answer must be no. For the same course of study will not yield the same results with different persons. The ordinary "college course" which has been handed down from generation to genera tion is purely conventional. It is a result of a series of compromises in trying to lit the traditional education of clergymen and gentlemen to the needs of men of a different social era. The old college course met the special needs of nobody, and therefore was adapted to all alike. Tbe great educational awakening of the last twenty years in America has come from breaking the bonds of this old system. The essence of the new education is individualism. Its purpose is to give to each young man that training which will make a man of him. Not the training which a cen- tury or two ago helped to civilize the masses of boys of that time, but that which will civilize this particular boy. One reason why the college students of 1895 are ten to one in number as compared with those of 1875, is that the college training now given is valuable to ten times as many men as could be reached or helped by the narrow courses of tweuty years ago. In the university of to-day the largest liberty of choice in study is given to the EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1281 student. The professor advises, the student chooses, and the llexibility of the courses makes it possible for every form of talent to receive proper culture. Because the college, of to-day helps ten times as many men as that of yesterday could hope to reach, it is ten times as valuable. The ditterence lies in the development of special lines of work and in the growth of the elective system. The power of choice car- ries the duty of choosing rightly. The ability to choose has made a man out of the college boy, any relating it to her life. But an institution broad enough to meet the varied needs of varied men can also meet the varied needs of the varied woman. Intellec- tual training is the prime function of the college. The intellectual needs of men and women are not different in many important respects. The special or profes- sional needs so far as they are different will bring their own siitisfaction. Those who have had to do with the higher training of women know that the severest demands can be met by them as well as by men. There is no demand for easy or " goody-goody" courses of study for women except as this demand has been made or encouraged by men. There are, of course, certain average differences between men and women as stu- dents. Women have often greater sympathy, greater readiness of memory or appre- hension, greater fondness for technique. In the languages and literature, often in mathematics and history, women are found to excel. They lack, on the whole, origi- nality. They are not attracted by unsolved problems, and in the inductive or "inex- act" sciences they seldom take the lead. In the traditional courses of study, tradi- tional for men, they are often very successful. Not that these courses have a special fitness for women, but that women are more docile and less critical as to the purposes of education. And to all these statements there are many exceptions. In this, how- ever, those who have taught both men and women must agree. The training of women is j ust as serious and j ust as important as the training of men, and no training i-i adequate for either which falls short of the best. Third. Shall women be taught in the same classes as men ? This is, it seems to me, not a fundamental question, but rather a matter of taste. It does no harm whatever to either men or women to meet those of the other sex in the same class rooms. But if they prefer not to do so, let them do otherwise. Considerable lias been said for and against the union in one institution of technical schools and schools of liberal arts. The technical character of scientific work is emphasized by its separation from gen- eral culture. But I believe better men are made wbere the two are not separated. The devotees of culture studies gain from the feeling reality and utility cultivated by technical work. The technical students gain from association with men and influences whose aggregate tendency is toward greater breadth of sympathy and a higher point of view. A woman's college is more or less distinctly a technical scbool. In most cases its purpose is distinctly stated to be such. It is a school for training for the profession of womanhood. It encourages womanliness of thought as something more or less dift'erent from the jilain thinking which is often called manly. The brightest work in women's colleges is often accompanied by a nervous strain as though the students or teachers were fearful of falling short of some expected stand- ard. They are often working toward ideals set by others. The best work of men is natural and unconscious, the normal product of the contact of the mind with the problem in question. On the whole, calmness and strength in woman's work are best reached through coeducation. At the jjresent time the demand for the higher education of women is met in three ditt'erent ways: 1. In separate colleges for women, with courses of study more or less parallel with those given in colleges for men. In some of these the teachers are all women, in some mostly men, and in others a more or less equal division obtains. In nearly all of these institutions the old traditions of education and discipline are more prevalent than in colleges for men. Nearly all of them retain some trace of religious or denom- inational control. In all of them the Zeitgeist is producing more or less commotion, and the changes in their evolution are running parallel with those in colleges for men. 2. In women's annexes to colleges for men. In these, part of the instruction given to the men is repeated to the women, in different classes or rooms, and there is more ED 95 41 1282 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. or less opportunity to use tlic same libraries and museums. In some other institu- tions the relations are closer, the privileges of study being similar, the difiE'erences being mainly in the rules of conduct by which the young women are hedged in, the young men making their own regulations. It seems to mo that the annex system can not bo a permanent one. The annex stu- dent does not got the best of the institution, and the best is none too good for her. Sooner or later she will demand it, or go where the best can be found. The best stu- dents will cease to go to the annex. The institution must then admit women on equal terms or not admit them at all. There is certainly no educational reason why women shoixld prefer the annex of one institution if another institution equally good throws its doors wide open for her. 3. The third system is that of coeducation. In this relation young men and young women are admitted to the same classes, subjected to the same requirements, and governed by the same rules. This system is now fully established in the State insti- tutions of the North and West, and in most other colleges of the same region. Its effectiveness has long since passed beyond question among those familiar with its operation. Other things being equal, the young men are more earnest, better in manners and morals, and in all ways more civilized than under monastic conditions. The women do their work in a more natural way, with better perspective and with saner incentives than when isolated from the influence and society of men. There is less of silliness and folly when a man ceases to be a novelty. There is less attraction exerted by idle and frivolous girls when young men meet also girls industrious and serious. In coeducational institutions of high standards frivolous conduct or scan- dals of any form are unknown. The responsibility for decorum is thrown from the school to the woman, and the woman rises to the responsibility. Many professors have entered Western colleges with strong prejudices against coeducation. These prejudices have in no case endured the test of experience. What is well done has a tonic effect on the mind and character. The college girl has long since ceased to expect any particular leniency because she is a girl. She stands or falls with the character of her work. It is not true that the standard of college work has been in any way lowered by coeducation. The reverse is decidedly the case. It is true, however, that untimely zeal of one sort or another has tilled our Western States with a host of so-called col- leges. It is true that most of these are weak, and doing poor work in poor ways. It is true that most of these are coeducational. It is also true that the great majority of their students are not of college grade at all. In such schools often low standards prevail, both as to scholarships and as to manners. The student fresh from the coun- try, Avith no preparatory training, will bring the manners of his home. These are not alwaj^s good manners, as manners are judged in society. But none of these defects are derived from coeducation, nor are any of these conditions in any way made worse by it. A final question: Does not coeducation lead to marriage? Most certainly it does, and this fact need not be and can not be denied. _ But such marriages are not usually premature. And it is certainly true that no better marriages can bo made than those founded on common interests and intellectual friendships. A college man who has known college women is not drawn to women of lower ideals and inferior training. He is likely to bo strongly drawn toward the best he has known. A college woman is not led by mere propinquity to accej)t the attentions of inferior men. Among some thirty college professors educated in coeducational col- leges, as Cornell, Wisconsin, Michigan, California, whose records are before me, t^Yo- thirds have married college friends. Most of the others have married women from other colleges, and a few chosen women from their own colleges, but not contempo- rary with themselves. In all cases the college man has chosen a college womau, and in all cases both man and woman are thoroughly happy with the outcome of coedu- cation. It is part of the legitimate function of higher education to i^repare women as well as men for happy and successful lives. CONNECTICUT. THE TENDENCY OF MEN TO LIVE IN CITIES. [Address of President Kingsbiu-y, of tlie American Social Science Association. Head September 2, 1895.] Tavo or three years since I wrote this title as a memorandum for a paper which I wished to prepare when I should find time suificieut to make some necessary inves- tigations, statistical and otherwise. I knew of nothing, or almost uothiug, written on the subject, except by way of occasional allusion. I made many inquiries in various directions, personally and by letter, of those who would, I thought, be likely to give me iuformation ; I examined libraries and catalogues — and all this with very triSiug results. To-day, when I again take up the theme, so much has been written EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1283 on tlio subject that tlio questiou has almost passed from tlic stage of generalization to that of spe<-ialization and detail. In the April nnmber of the Atlantic Magazine of the present year an article com- menting on Dr. Albert Shaw's recent work, entitled "Municipal government in Great Britain," says: "The great fact in the social development of the white race at the close of the nineteenth century is the tendency all over the world to concentrate in great cities." Doubtless this is true; but it is not a new, or even a modern tendency, although, as we shall see, there is much in modern civilization which tends to increase and accentuate it. Still, when the earliest dawn of authentic history sheds its pale light on the impenetrable darkness which lies beyond, it shows us cities as large, as mag- uiflccnt, as luxurious, as wicked, and apparently as old as any tluit the world has since known. The books speak of Babylon as the largest city the world has ever seen; but it was by no means the first, and may not have been the greatest even then. Nineveh, its great rival, Memphis, Thebes, Damascus, claiming to bo the oldest of them all, Eome, in a later time, with its two or three millions of inhabi- tants, are but representatives of other cities by the thousands, perhaps larger and older than the largest and oldest here named, and are certainly sufticient to show th:it a tendency in men to live congregated together in largo numbers is as old as anything that wo know about the human race. in our earliest literature, too, we find, apparently well fixed, some of the same prejudices against the city as a i)lace for men to dwell in that now exist. These prejudices must have been already existing for a long time, and their influence jnust have been the subject of observation before even the possibly somewhat prejudiced people who did not live in cities should have arrived at such firmly settled con- clusions in regard to their deleterious inlluence. Curiously enough, the prejudice appears in one of our earliest writings. Tliese is no doubt that the writer of the Book of Genesis had what might bo called an unfriendly feeling toAvard Cain. He gives him a bad character in every respect. He holds him up to the universal con- tempt of mankind, and visits him with the severest judgments of God. And, after he has said about him nearly every bad thing that he can think of, he adds as a climax to his enormities, "Aud Cain builded a city." Now, Avhether he meant to be understood that cities, having been first built by such an infamous scoundrel, had turned out to be very much what you might expect, or whether, the general char- acter of cities having been already settled in his mind, it was adding one more black mark to Cain to mention this fact, is by no means clear; but this much is certain, that the writer was no admirer of cities, and that neither Cain nor cities were intended to derive any credit from his statement. From that day to this they have had their severe critics. They have been regarded as the breeding places of vice and the refuge of crime. Our own Jefferson — that is, Thomas, not Joseph — is said to have called tliem "ulcers on the body politic." Dr. Andrew D. White, in his address as president of this association delivered in 1891, says, "Our cities are the rotten spots in our body politic, from which, if we are not careful, decay is to spread throughout our whole country; for cities make and spread opinions, fashions, ideals." The poet Cowley says, " God the first garden made, and the first city Cain." And other writers with the same feelings have used language of a similar import, dictated by the warmth of their temperament, the range of their vocabulary, and the power of their rhetoric. Prof. Max Nordau, who has lately shown us in a large octavo of 650 pages how we are all hastening on to certain destruction — a conclusion which I am not dis- posed to combat — or perhaps I might more modestly say, as the late President Wool- sey is reported to have said to Daniel A. Pratt, the great American traveler, when ho laid before him some rather startling propositions, that I would rather give him a dollar than to attemi^t to point out the fallacy in his argument — Mr. Nordau, after quoting high authority to show how the human race is poisoning itself with alcohol, tobacco, opium, hasheesh, arsenic, and tainted food, says : "To these noxious influences, however, one more may be added, which Morel [the authority he has just quoted] has not known or has not taken into consideration; namely, residence in large towns. The inhabitant of a largo town, even the richest, who is surrounded by the greatest luxury, is continually exposed to unfavorable influences which diminish his vital powers far more than Avhat is inevitable. He breathes an atmosphere charged with organic detritus; he eats stale, contaminated, adulterated food ; he feels himself in a state of constant uervous excitement, aud one can compare him withoi;t exaggeration to the inhabitant of a marshy district. The effect of a large town ou the human organism offers the closest analogy to that of the Maremma, aud its jiopulation falls victim to the same fatality of degeneracy and destruction as the victims of malaria. The death rate in a largo town is more than a quarter greater than the average for the entire population. It is double that of the open country, though in reality it ought to bo less, since in a large town the most vigorous ages predominate, during which the mortality is lower than in infancy 1284 EDUCATION REPORT, and old age. And the children of large towns who are not carried off at an early- age suffer from the peculiar arrested development which Morel has ascertained in the population of fever districts. They develop more or less normally until they are 14 or 15 years of age, are up to that time alert, sometimes brilliantly endowed, and give the highest promise. Then suddenly there is a standstill. The mind loses its facility of comprehension; and the boy, who only yesterday was a model scholar, becomes an obtuse, clumsy dunce, who can only be steered with the greatest diffi- culty through his examinations. With these mental changes bodily modifications go hand in hand. The growth of the long bones is extremely slow or ceases entirely, the legs remain short, the pelvis retains a feminine form, certain other organs cease to develop, and the entire being presents a strange and repulsive mixture of uncom- pleteness and decay. Now, we know how in the last generation the number of inhabitants of great towns increased to an extraoi'diuary degree. At the present time an incomparably larger portion of the whole population is subjected to the destructive influences of large towns than was the case fifty years ago. Hence the number of victims is proportionately more striking, and continually becomes more remarkable. Parallel with growth of large towns is the increase in the number of the degenerate of all kinds, criminals, lunatics, and the higher degenerates of Magnau; and it is natural that these last should play an ever more prominent part in endeavoring to introduce an ever greater element of insanity into art and litera- ture." Many people think Nordan like the patient in the asylum. He thinks everybody crazy except himself. But Dr. Walter B. Piatt, in a paper read before this associa- tion in 1887, points out certain dangers to the constitution to which every dweller in cities is of necessity exposed from physical causes, specially mentioning disuse of the upper extremities, the exposure to incessant noise and its cumulative effect on the whole nervous system, the jarring of the brain and spinal cord by a continual treading upon unyielding pavements. And he adds that good authorities assert that there are very few families now living in London who with their predecessors have resided there continuously for three generations; but he excepts from the operations of these deleterious influences those whose circumstances are such as to enable them to spend a considerable portion of each year in the country. Dr. Grace Peckham, in a paper read before this association in 1885, says: ''How- ever it was arrived at, the census of 1880 shows that the infant mortality of cities in this country is twice as great as that of the rural districts." Everyone who has taken an interest in Mr. Charles Loring Brace's great work in the city of New York knows that his firm belief was that the salvation of the city poor depended on getting the surplus into country homes; and few men have been more competent to judge or more ready to look at all sides of a case than he. The literature of the slums is full of every human horror; and it would seem as if any change must be for the better. Dr. Josiah Strong, in that vigorous presentation of the dangers of our American civilization entitled Our Country, says: "The city has become a serious menace to our civilization, because in it each of our dangers is enhanced and all are localized. It has a peculiar attraction for the immigrant. In 1880 our fifty principal cities contained 39.3 per cent of our German population and 45.8 per cent of our Irish. Not only does the proportion of the poor increase with the growth of the city, but their condition becomes more wretched. Dives and Lazarus are brought face to face." Speaking of Dives and Lazarus, has Dives had what you might call quite fair play? Even Judas has had his apologists, but I do not remember ever to have seen any speculation as to what would have become of Lazarus if he had not been fed from Dives's table. Doubtless he preferred that to the poorhouse or even to tramping; and from all accounts, he was not exactly the sort of person you would choose for a parlor boarder. This, however, is a mere passing comment, and, I trust, will not involve me in any theologic discussion ; but I do like to see even the devil have his due. The feature of cities which is perhaps at present attracting more attention than any other is their misgovernment. Dr. Strong begins a paragraph thus : ''The gov- ernment of the city is by a 'boss' who is skilled in the manipulation of the 'machine,' and who holds no political principles except ' for revenue only.'" If a foreigner were to read that sentence he would infer that "boss" was the English for the chief mag- istrate of a city, but we know so well just what it means that it scarcely attracts our attention. * » * One would think after reading all this about the evils of cities froto the time of Cain to the last New York election, or, rather, let us say, to the last but one — and especially when we must admit that we know everything that is said to be true, and that even then not the half nor the tenth part has been told, and we are almost driven to the conclusion that nothing short of the treatment applied to Sodom and Gomorrah will meet the necessities of the case — that every sane man and woman should flee without stopping for the open country; and the women especially should be careful EDUCATION IN THE SEVEKAL STATES. 1285 how they look behind them, and be sure to remember Lot's Avife, and nothing should induce them to turn their faces cityward again. Now, in spite of all this precisely the reverse is true, and, while there has always been a strong tendency in humanity cityward, this nineteenth century sees it intensi- fied beyond all former experience. Statistics do not make interesting public reading, but from Dr. Strong's valuable work, where there are many, we take a few in support of our position : "The population of this country as divided between city and country was, in 1790, omitting fractions, country 97 per cent, city 3 per cent; in 1840, country 91 per cent, city 9 per cent ; in 1890, country 71 per cent, city 29 per cent ; and the rate of increase is itself all the while increasing." In 1856 Chicago had a population of 90,000. In 1895 it is supposed to have 1,500,000, with several outlying districts not yet heard from. In this classification, which is taken from the United States censiis, towns of 8,000 and over rank as cities, while the rest is country. Of course a lino must bo drawn somewhere for the purpose of sta- tistics, but many think it might more properly have been drawn at 5,000, which would largely increase the citj^ percentage. Dr. Strong also quotes this statement : That in the rural districts of Wayne County, N. Y., there are 400 unoccupied houses, and much other valuable statistical information of a similar character. Professor Nordau also has many statistics of various European countries, all to the same purport. But the general fact of the enormous increase of the city at the expense of the country is so notorious that it needs no proof. Let us consider some of its canses. It is well to notice, and perhaps here as well as anywhere, that, while in all coun- tries the influence of the city has been great, it has not been equally gnat in all. Eome was the Eoman Empire. Carthage was Phoenicia. Paris to-day is France. But Loudon, big as it is, is not England; Madrid is not Spain, and, certainly, Berlin is not Germany. In all these cases there is a power and a i>ublic opinion, a consensus of thought, a moral, political, and social influence in the country as a whole, which does not look to nor depend upon the city as its maker, leader, and guide. It is easier to see and feel this fact than to analj'ze and explain it. Probably the same reasons or kinds of reasons do not apply in every case, but each has its own, some of which are easy to find and others too deep and elusive to be discovered. Accidents of early his- tory, geographical relations, the temper and idiosyncrasies of a people, and other influences, some broader and some more subtle, all combine to fix the relative posi- tion and importance of the great city and the country or the lesser town. Speaking of Constantinople, Mr. Frederic Harrison says : '■There is but one city of the world of which it can be said that for fifteen centu- ries and a half it has been the continuous seat of empire under all the changes of race, institutions, customs, and religions. And this may be ultimately traced to its incomparable physical and geographical capabilities." In England more than in any other country, as it seems to me, country life is regarded as the normal condition of a fully developed man; and even then it is only those who keep themselves polished by frequent attrition with city life that accom- plish much for themselves or their fellow-men. But probably the lesson to be drawn is that a life where both the city and country have a part develops the highest form of manhood and is the end to be striven for. Ancient cities owed their existence to a variety of causes. Probably safety and convenience were, at the bottom, the reasons for aggregating the population; but any special city frequently owed its existence, so far as appears, to the mere caprice of a ruler as a passing fancy — though he may have had his reasons — sometimes, doubtless, to military considerations, and sometimes perhaps to accident, or to migration, or the results of natural causes, geographical or commercial. It was not until the Middle Ages that the industrial town was evolved. But the modern town seems wholly indus- trial in its raison d'etre ; it is therefore governed by the laws which govern industrial progress. Buckle says: "Formerly the richest countries were those in which nature was most bountiful. Now the richest countries are those in which man is most active." (He also adds, although perhaps it has no special significance in this connection, that "it is evident that the more men congregate in great cities the more thej' will become accustomed to draw their material of thought from the business of human life and the less attention they will pay to those proclivities of nature which are a fatal source of superstition.") Aside I'rom all questions of mutual defense and protection and mutual helpfulness in various ways and industrial convenience, doubtless one of the very strongest of forces in the building of the city is the human instinct of gregariousness. This under- lies ancient as well as modern, military as well as industrially founded aggregations, and the hamlet or the village as well as the city. But there is always a craving to get where there are more i^eople. The countryman, boy or girl, longs for the village, the villager for the larger town, and the dweller in the larger town for the great city ; and, having once gone, they are seldom satisfied to return to a place of less size, 1286 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1894-95. In short, Y^^hatover man may have been or may be in his prognathous or troglodyte condition, ever since we have known much about him he has been highly gregarious, even under unfavorable conditions. As long ago as 1870 Mr. Frederick Law Olmsted, in a paper read before this asso- ciation, said, " There can be no doubt that in all oar modern civilization, as in that of the ancients, there is a strong drift townward;" and he quotes the language of an intelligent woman whoso early life had been spent in one of the most agreeable and convenient farming countries in the United States: "If I were offered a deed of the best farm I ever saw, on condition of going back to the country to live, I would not take it. I Avould rather face starvation in town." The life of the great city would seem to bear hardest of all on the very poor, and the country, or at least suburban, life to present the strongest attraction, by con- trast, to this class. Pure air, plenty of water, room for children to play, milk on which to feed them, room to sleep, wholesome food for adults — these things, almost impossible to the poor in the city, are nearly all of easy attainment in the country; yet the overmastering desire for a city life seems to be stronger with this class than with any other. Perhaps you are familiar with the story of the kind lady who found a widow with a great family of children living in the depths of poverty and dirt in the city, and moved them all to a comfortable country home where, with a moderate amount of exertion, they were sure of a living. At the end of six weeks her country agent reported that the family had suddenly disappeared, no one knew where. Going back to the neighborhood of their old haunts, she found them all reestablished there in the same circumstances of dirt and destitution as of old. "Why did you leave that comfortable home and come back here?" was her astonished inquiry. "Folks is more comjiany nor sthoomps, anyhow," was the answer. Poor food, and little of it, dirt and discomfort, heat and cold — all count as nothing in competition with this passion of gregariousness and desire for human society, even where that means more or less of a constant tight as the popular form of social intercourse. Doubtless one of the most potent factors in the modern growth of cities has been the immense improvement in the facilities for travel, which has been such a marked characteristic of the last half century. But, after all, what is this but saying that it has been made easier for people to go where they wished to be? Facilities for travel malie it as easy to get from city to country as from country to city; but the tide, except for temporary purposes, all sets one way. Nevertheless, there is no question that this ease of locomotion has been availed of to a surprising extent in transporting each year in the summer season a very large portion, not of the rich alone, but of neariy every class, not only from our great cities but from our mod- eratcljr large towns, to the woods and lakes and seashore for a time. The class of people who, fifty years since, lived in the same house the year round, without thought of change, now deem a six or twelve weeks' residence in the country a vital neces- sity; and this fact is a great alleviation and antidote to some of the unfavorable influences of city life. All modern industrial life tends to concentration as a matter of economy. It has long been remarked that the best place to establish or carry on any kind of business is where that business is already being done. For that reason we see different kinds of manufactures grouping themselves together — textiles in one place, metals in another; and, of the textiles, cottons in one place, woollens in another; and of the metals, iron in one place, cop]3er in another, and so on. The reason of this is obvious. In a community where a certain kind of business is carried on the whole population unconsciously become, to a certain extent, experts. They know a vast deal more of it than people who have had no such experience. Every man, woman, and child in a fishing village is much superior in his or her knowledge of tish, bait, boats, wind, and weather to the inhabitants of inland towns. This is true of all the arts, so that, besides the trained hands which may bo drawn upon when needed, there is a whole population of half-trained ones ready to be drawn upon to fill their places. Then, every kind of business is partly dependent on several other kinds. There must be machine makers, blacksmiths, millwrights, and dealers in supplies of all sorts. AVhere there is a large business of any kind these subsidiary trades that are sup- ported by it naturally flock around it; whereas in an isolated situation the central establishment must support all these trades itself or go a considerable distance when it needs their assistance. Fifty or sixty years ago small manufacturing establish- ments in isolated situations and on small streams were scattered all through the Eastern States. The condition of trade at that time rendered this possible. Now they have almost wholly disappeared, driven out by economic necessity; and their successors are in the cities and large towns. If you will examine any city newspaper of fifty or sixty years ago, you will find frequent advertisements for boys as clerks in stores; and almost always they read "one from the country preferred." Now you never see this. Why is it? I think mainly because the class of boys which these advertisements were expected to attract from the country are no longer there. This was really a call for the EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1287 well-educated, boys of tlio -well-to-do farmers of native stock, wlio thoiiglit they could "better tlieinselves by going to a city. They went, and did better themselves; and those who stayed behind fell behind. The country people deteriorated, and the country boy was no longer for business purposes the equal of the boy who liad been trained in city ways. Country boys still go to the city; but they are not advertised for, and have to find their own way. Our great civil war compelled us to find out some way in which to replace the pro- ductive power of a million men sent into the field and suddenly changed from pro- ducers into consumers. Their i^laces had to be tilled in the lines of agriculture and of all the mechanic arts, in the counting room, in the pulpit, at the bar, and every- where else where a soldier was to be found. A hundred thousand of these places, more or less, iu shojis, in mechanic industries, in counting rooms, in the medical pro- fession, even at the pulpit and the bar, were filled with women ; and the deficit left by the remainder of the million was supplied by newly invented machinery to do their work. Tlie result was that when the war was over a million of men, or as uiauy as came back, found their places filled. They were no longer needed. In all rural occupations this was especially the case; and, being driven out the country by want of Avork, they flocked to the city as the most likely place to find it. The disturbing influence in financial, economic, and industrial matters of this sudden change of a million men from producers to consumers and back again to producers, followed as it was soon after by the disturbing influences of the Franco-Prussian war, have never been given their due weight by students of sociology. "Wo must remember, too, that cities as ^ilaces of human habitation have vastly improved within half a century. About fifty years ago neither New York nor Boston had iiublic water, and A^ery few of our cities had either water or gas, and horse rail- roads had not been thought of. When we stop to thiuk what this really means in sanitary matters, it seems to me that the increase of cities is no longer a matter of surprise. A few years since the great improvement of the lift or elevator added probably 10 per cent actually, and much more than that theoretically, to the possibilities of population on a given amount of ground; and now within a very recent period three new factors have been suddenly developed which promise to exert a powerful influ- ence on the problems of city and country life. These are the trolley, the bicycle, and the telephone. It is imjiossible at present to foresee just what their influence is to be on the question of the distribution of population ; but this much is certain, that it adds from 5 to 15 miles to the radius of every large towu, briugiug all this additional area into new relations to business centers. Places 5 or 10 miles apart and all the intervening distances are rendered accessible and communicable for all the purposes of life as if they were in the next street. Already the bicycle has done more toward directing attention and eflort to the improvement of ordinary highways than all that has been done before since the days of Indian j^aths. It is affecting the legislation of the country on the subject of roads. When we think of what this minimizing of distance means we can not help seeing that its influence must be immense, but just what no man can foretell. It is by such apparently unimpor- tant, trifling, and inconspicuous forces that civilization is swayed and molded in its evolutions and no man can foresee them or say whither they lead. Cities, as desirable places of human habitation, seem to have touched low-water mark — as did almost everything else — in that miserable period of comparative cessa- tion in human progress known to us in European history as the "Dark" or ''Middle Ages." Babylon had its gardens and its perennial streams of pure water running through its streets ; Damascus, its wonderful groves and gardens. Old Homo had its mighty aqueducts traversing the country like lines of pillared temples and bringing the full flow of the mountain streams into the heart of the city, where i t irrigated the great gardens aud pleasure grounds of tlie wealthy nobles, and sported in fountains for everybody, and furnished baths for the benefit of the mass of the people. And many other large cities on both shores of the Mediterranean were but a duj)licate of Eome. But, Avhen the people had in some way lost their grip, either through luxurj' or gluttony or the idleness which came of having no great wars on hand, or whatever it may have been, their waterworks fell out of repair, their baths went to ruin, the Goths came aud finished iip the job, and the last state of that people was Averse, very much Avorse, than the first. Londou, Avhich had its rise and great growth in these days of ignorance and darkness, was a great straggling village, Avithout a vestige of sanitary appliances, without decent roads, infested by robbers, and alto- gether such a place as pestilence deligkts iu and only fire can purify. Mr. Frederic Harrison is so impressed with this that he seems to think the Christianity of those days largely responsible for the increase of dirt that was contemporaneous Avith its early growth, and that, iu its stern repression of luxurious living aud care for the body, it affords a very unfaA'orablo contrast to the cleanlier and more sanitary ways of the earlier time. Probably this is not Avithoiit much truth; but there Avere other forces at work att'ecting alike both snints and sinners. Yet iu these mediaival cities, 1288 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. miserable places as many of them often were for human dwellings, there were cer- tain forces at work which have done as much for humanity, and for modern civiliza- tion as any that can be named. Cities have alwajs been nurseries of freemen. Tho Rev. Dr. James W. Cooper, in a recent address, says : " It is a significant fact that in the development of society productive industry and political liberty have always gone together. There has been no manufacturing or trading ^leople known to history, from the ancient Tyrians to the mediaeval Flor- entines and the modern English, which has not also been a free people. Business enterprise demands freedom and developos it. Men must have liberty if they are to combine in business ventures, and through such combinations they learn also to unite their interests in other than mere business ways for the common weal. There is a close connection between the private fortune of each and the property of all, if it can only be discerned; and practical, pushing men are ordinarily the first to dis- cern it." "If you go back to the fourteenth or fifteenth century, yon will find the seeds of modern civilization in the little towns and free cities which were just then beginning to develop an independent life all over England and on the Continent. * * * With the introduction of manufactures came the town, and with the town there came insistence on personal rights, a self-respecting, self-governing, compact community was developed, the castle was defied, the old feudal system of the Middle Ages gave way before the new civilization, and the modern era was ushered in. This was accomplished by the towns. It is the habit just now to praise the country and decry the town. We quote Cowper, and say, 'God made tho country, man made the town.' I suppose this is true. But God also made man who made the town, * * * and, while the begiuning of things was a garden in the j)aradise of Eden, the end of things, as prophesied in the Book of Revelation, is a city, magnificent and popu- lous, the new Jerusalem." In a paper read before this association in 1885 on city and country schools, Mr. W. M. Beckner says: "Cities have played a noble part in the struggle for light and progress. In Europe they were the first to rebel against the feudal system. In England, London always led the fight against tyranny." Indeed there is plenty of historical proof of this fact. "The ordering of secular matters appertaiueth not to the Pope," said the burghers of London in the year 1215, a time when the Pope him- self and a great many other people thought that the ordering of everything thafc was worth ordering appertained to him. I find also the following in a book of parlia- mautary usages : "At the first meeting of a new Parliament the members for the city of Londou, in court dress or uniform, take seats on the treasury bench, which are afterwards vacated for the ministers of the day. This privilege is accorded to them in commemoration of the part taken by the city in 1642 in defense of the privilege of Parliament and the protection given to the five members who took refuge in the city when their arrest had been attempted by King Charles. This usage was observed," it says, "at the meeting of Parliament in April, 1880." London and Bristol were the sympathizers and stanch friends of America in our own Revolution. It is remarked, too, 1 think, by Mr. J. R. Green, that the important part in all public matters played by the trade guilds, which wore only found in cities, and their influ- ence as a Avhole toward freedom, although at times despotic within themselves, is too well known to need any lengthy reference. Prof. George Burton Adams, in his History of Mediaeval Civilization, says : "It is in Italy, however, that tlie most revolutionary changes which mark the new age are to bo seen. There Frederick found himself opposed by an entirely new and most deter- mined energy — the cities." And in the history of freedom the very names of Utrecht, Dort, Haarlem, Leyden, Magdeburg, Hamburg, Bruges, Wittenberg, Eisenach, and Worms, of Padua, Bologna, and Florence, of Warsaw, Prague, and Buda-Pesth, to which maybe added London, Bristol, and Boston, ring with tho story of popular rights and human liberty. Frederic Harrison says: "The life that men live in the city gives the type and measure of their civilization. The word ' civilization' means the manner of life of the civilized part of the community — that is, of the city men, not of the countrymen, who are called rustics, and were once called pagans (pagani), or the heathen of the villages." And another says: "A great and beautiful city surely draws to her the observant and thoughtful souls from every district, and, if she does not keep tliem, sends them home refined and transmuted." Some modern woman is quoted as saying that, if one has to run the gauntlet of two or three hundred pair of sharply scrutinizing eyes, the consciousness of a Paris dress is worth any amount of moral principle. And Sappho, who sang six or seven hundred years before the Christian era, says : What conntry maiden charms thee, However fair her face, Who knows not how to gather Her dress with artless grao6 ? EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1289 If they "(licln't know everything down in Judee," it is clear that in Lesbos they knew two or three. In contrast with the statements of Kordau and of others in regard to the unfavor- able sanitary conditions of city life, it must be noticed that it is always in cities that those who can aftord it get the best food ; and, if you are living in the country, you are largely dependent on the city for your supply. The summer seashore visitor usually finds, if he takes the trouble to investigate, that his fresh fish comes from the nearest great city, also his meat, and quite likely his butter and eggs, and nearly everything except perhaps his milk. To bo sure, they came from the country first in many cases; but they seek the best market, and are to be best found at it. It IS also only in great cities, as a rule, that the best medical skill can be obtained. There we all go or send to have our most serious diseases treated and our most criti- cal surgical operations performed. It is almost wholly owing to the unsanitary condition among the children of the very poor that the city death rate is so high. Mr. C. F. Wingate, in a paper read here in 1885, quotes Dr. Sargent as saying that "life in towns is, on the whole, more healthful than in the country ; " also Sir Charles Dilke, in speaking of recent sanitary improvements iu England, as saying that "the exceptions are mostly found in the rural districts." This apparent discrepancy between these statements and some of the others is doubtless to be accounted for by the fact that the former had in mind the very jioor, while the latter doubtless referred to the better conditioned. I have been fairly familiar with the streets of New York and Boston for the last fifty years, and there is no fact in that connection with which I have been more impressed than the physical improvement which has taken place in both men and women during that period. The men are more robust and more erect, the women have greatly improved both iu feature and carriage; and in the care and condition of the teeth in both sexes a surprising change has taken place. In Boston streets and street cars it seems to me that you see a hundred good-looking women where you formerly saw one. Whether this would hold good in the slums and low parts of the town may be doubted, but there of course one looks for the refuse and cast-oflF material of society. A few years since I stood by the grave of a prominent man in one of our rural towns. By my side stood a man who had achieved a reputation both in literature and law. He said to me, ' 'Who is that man opposite ? " calling my attention to a tall, fine-looking man. ''That," I replied, "is General H." "Ah !" said my friend, with accents of enthusiasm, "one needs to come into the rural districts to see the finest specimens of manhood." I said, "Look about, and see if you find any more." He did not find them. Then I said, "You have jncked out the one man here who is in no sense a rural product. It is true this is his home, but his life is metropolitan or cosmopolitan ; and those prematurely old, bowed, rheumatic, decrepid, and uninter- esting people who make up most of the gathering are the true representatives of our rural population." I think I shattered an ideal, but the logic of facts was too strong to be resisted. Perhaps this is as good a place as any to remark that when any occupation or calling in life or in a community becomes relatively less remunerative than the aver- age, there begins at once, by natural selection, a process of personal deterioration of those engaged in it. In other words, success is the stepping stone to improvement. And in the rural districts of the Eastern States this deterioration has been going on now for fifty years. Rev. Dr. Greer has recently said, speaking of clerical work iu city and country: "I think I should say that the difSculties in the country are greater than tliose in the city. There is more, I think, iu common village life to lower and degrade and demoralize than in the city. Take the matter of amusements in the city. There are good ones, and we can make a choice. In the country one can not make a choice. If a theatrical company comes to a village, it is a poor company. If a concert is given, it is a poor concert. The entertainment is of a poor character. Then, again, there is a loneliness, an isolation in the country life; and this tends to lower and depreciate that life. I believe statistics show that a large contingent of the insane in our asy- lums come from the farms. That hard drudgery of struggle with the clod and the soil from early morning to evening twilight is a lonely and bitter struggle. There is a want of idealism." I think it is Dr. Strong who says: "When population decreases and roads deterio- rate, there is an increasing isolation, with which comes a tendency toward demoral- ization and degeneration. The mountain whites of the South afford an illustration of the results of such a tendency operating through several generations. Their heathenish degradation is not due to their antecedents, but primarily to tlieir isola- tion." He also mentions communities in New England where like causes have pro- duced a similar result. I think isolated rural life, where people seldom come in contact with dwellers in large towns, always tends to barbarism. I believe that ED 95 41* 1290 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. poorer people in our cities, if planted in isolated situations in the country, would deteriorate and grow barbaric in habit and thought, even though they might be physically in better condition. What very unattractive i^eople most of our rural population are ! It is to be noted that the attrition and constant opportunity for comparison which city life makes possible, and even compulsory, tend to make all the people who are subjected to its influence alike. They do and see and hear and smell and eat the same things. They wear similar clothes, they read the same books, and their minds are occupied with the same objects of thought. In the end they even come to look alike, as married people are sometimes said to do, so that they are at once recognized when they are seen in some other place; while i^eoi^le who live isolated lives think their own thoughts, pursue different objects, and are compelled to depend upon their own judgments and wills for the conduct of their daily lives. The consequence is that they develop and increase peculiarities of character and conduct to the verge of eccentricity, if not beyond it, and present all that variety and freshness of type which we call originality or individuality. They are much more dramatic, pictur- esque, and interesting in literature, perhaps not always iu real life. I mention this in passing, without any attempt to estimate fully the value of either development. Doubtless something is lost and something gained in either case, and probably much could be said in favor of each. Many persons have a great desire to get, as they say, ''back to nature," while others prefer mankind iu the improved state, even with some sameness. The ideal life, time out of mind, for all who could aiford it, has been the city for action, the country for repose, tranquillity, recuperation, rest. When Joab, the mighty captain of Judea, quarreled with King David, ho retired to his country seat, in what was called the "Wilderness." When Cicero tired of the excitement of EomO; he found rest and quiet in Tusculum. When things went badly with Cardinal Wolsey, he sought refuge and repose in the Abbey of Leicester. Prince Bismarck retires from the frown of young Kaiser Wilhelm to Friedrichsruhe. The country is a good place to rest in, especially if one can control his surroundings. The quiet, the calm, the peace, the pleasant color, the idyllic sights and sounds, all tend to allay nervous irritation, to tranquilize the soul, to repress the intellectual, and to invig- orate the animal functions in a very remarkable degree. Bux this is not rustic life; it is only the country life of the city resident. But the tranquil appearance of a country town, the apparent simplicity and serenity of rural life, the sweet idyllic harmony of rural surroundings are, as everyone must know who has much experi- ence, very deceptive. I remember in one of Dickens's stories a man Avho lives the life of a traveling showman, one Dr. Marigold, says, in substance, that temper is bad enough anywhere, but temper in a cart is beyond all endurance. The small jealousies and rivalries, the ambitions, the bickerings and strifes of a small rural community, are greatly intensified by the circumscribed area in which they find their vent, and compared with the same human frailties in a larger sphere have all the drawbacks of temper in a cart. Mr. (Lacon) Colton says: ''If you would be known and not know, vegetate in a village. If you would know and not be known, live in a city." But to this it may bo added that those who are known in a city are very much more widely known than they can be in the country. A happy fitness betv/een the size of the person and the size of the place is doubtless j)roductive of the most desirable results. Mr. Shaw says : '•'I am not willing to deduce any pessimistic conclusions from this general tend- ency, whether exhibited in England, in Germany, or in America. I do not for a moment believe that modern cities are hastening on to bankruptcy, that they are becoming dangerously socialistic in the range of their municipal activities, or that the highland even higJicr rates of local taxation thus far inclicate anything detri- mental to the general welfare. It all means simply that the great towns are remak- ing themselves physically, and providing themselves with the appointments of civilization, because they have made the great discovery that their new masses of population are to remain permanently. They have iu practice rejected the old view that the evils of city life were inevitable, and have begun to remedy them and to prove that city life can be made not tolerable only for workingmen and their fam- ilies, but positively wholesome and desirable." It would seem then (1) that for economic reasons a large part of the work of the world must be done in cities, and the people who do that work must live in cities. (2) That almost everything that is best in life can be better had in the city than elsewhere, and that, with those who can command the means, physical comforts and favorable sanitary conditions are better obtained there. (3) That a certain amount of change from city to country is desirable, and is also very universally attainable to those who desire it, and is constantly growing more so. (4) That the city is grow- ing a better place to live in year by year; that in regard to the degenerate i)ortion of mankind, the very poor, the very wicked, or the very indiflerent, it is a question EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1291 ■wliether they are better off iu the country ; but, -whether they are or not, their gre- garious insuiiicts will lead them to the city, aud they must be dealt with there as part of the problem. (5) That efforts to relievo the congested couditions of the city poor by deportation of children to the country are good and praiseworthy, but only touch the surface of things, and that city degeneration must mainly be fought on its own cround. Perhaps, too, the country needs some of our sympathy and care. It appears clear that hero is a constant iirocess of deterioration. Deserted farms aud schools aud churches mark the j)rogress of ignorance and debasement, aud threaten to again mahe the villagers pagani, as they were in the days of old. Aud improvement here is not the hopeless thing it juight seem; but it must be on economic, and not on sentimental, lines. Tlio problems here discussed have but recently attracted general attention, and doubtless much is yet to be learned, but the progress already made is by no means small and all the signs are signs of promise, GEORGIA. [Address delivered October 31, 1893, by Hon. J. L. M. Curry, general agent of the Pcabody and Slater funds, in response to an invitation of the general assembly of Georgia.] Mr. President, Mr. Spealcer, Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Beprcscntatircs of tlie (jcneral Assembly of Georgia: I appreciate, I trust properly, the distinguished complimeut of being invited to speak to you upon what the president of the senate has well characterized as the parauiount subject of your deliberations. I count myself happy in appearing, also, in this magnificent hall of this maguiticent capitol, which has, I understand, the rather exceptional merit of having been completed within the original appropriation, and of having lieen completed without stain or smirch resting upon anyone connected with it. I have the honor of appearing before men of distinguished ability, engaged in the most responsible work of lawmaking. Lawmaking is the attribute of sover- eignty, and it is of the highest human honor and responsibility to be invested with this attribute. It would be carrying coals to Newcastle for me to say in this presence that the proper fulfilment of this function demands intelligence, patriotism, integrity, general acquaintance with law, political economy, and a thorough knowledge, not so much of what j)eople desire or clamor for, as of what maybe best for the people's needs aud welfare. Divine law is the expression of omniscience and omnipotence; human law is the condition of civilization. Under the provocation of atrocious crimes, communities, aroused to indignation, have sometimes violated law. Some- times, under the exjicriences of the law's delay and cheated justice, and burning with a desire to take vengeance upon odious malefactors, they have summarily, and sometimes with savage ferocity, deprived a suspected or guilty person of his life under the process of what is known as "lynch law." In pioneer and frontier life, communities have sometimes been compelled, forself-protection, to organize vigilance committees and take the law into their own hands. Such an extreme exigency does not exist at the South, nor excuse the illegal proceedings with which the papers are too often too full. The race of these criminals has not the possession of the govern- ment and is not charged with any of its functions. The white people, the race wronged and outraged, are in power, and control the legislative, executive, aud judi- cial departments. As they are the judges, jurors, and executioners there is not the remotest possibility of one of these criminals, under just operation of law, going unwhipped of justice. A mob is a sudden revolution. It is enthroned anarchy. It is passion dominant, regnant. It usurps all the functions of government. It con- centrates in itself all the rights and duties of lawmaker, judge, jury, counsel, and sheriff. A mob does not reason, has no conscience, is irresponsible, and its violence is iinrestrained, whether it burns down an Ursuline convent, as in Massachusetts, or tortures a ruffian iu Paris, Tex. A mob of infuriated men, or of hungry, enraged women, will violate all law, human and divine, and will be guilty of torturiug, of quartering, of burning, of nuirder — enormities hardly siirpassed b^' the most atrocious crimes. Life, property, person, character, perish as stubble before the flame, in the presence of a conscienceless, unthinking, aroused multitude. A rape is an individual crime, affecting disastrously, incurably, the person or the family; a mob saps the very foundations of society, uproots all government, regards not God nor man, is fructiferous of evil. The i^rogress of mankind is to be found only along the lines of the higher organization of society. Our free institutions can not survive except on the condition of the union of enlightened liberty and stable law. Lawlessness and violi'uce are the antipodes of liberty and social order. Obedience to the constituted authorities, to law, is of the essence of true freedom, of self-control, of civilization, of happiness, of masterful development. There probably is not a neighborhood in the United States which would uot have summarily arrested aud executed, without 1292 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. a day's waiting, the fieud of Paris. But that infliction of merited punisliment, coupled with vengeance, is not defensible, but is fruitful of manifold evils. To its disregard of law may be traced whitecapism in the West and South, in which self- constituted bands mercilessly execute their unauthorized judgments as to martial rights and obligations, political economy, personal duties, etc. It is a very grave error that democracy means the right of the people anywhere and everywhere, and in any way, to execute their passionate will. Ours is a representative government. Our representatives are not chosen because the people can not assemble en masse to legislate, adjudicate, and execute; but because the people ought not to assemble en masse to execute these functions of a complex government. I can fortify myself before a Georgia audience by quoting the expression of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, who said before the bar association of this State : " The people have no hands for unlawful work. Justice is in the hands of the people only when it is in the hands of their organized tribunals." I think it but a natural transition from these preliminary remarks to say that there is a wrong estimate of the power and effects of legislation. Too much is often expected of the general assemblies, as if the legislature were a sort of second-hand providence; and I suspect that not a few of you heard when you were candidates, or when you were about to leaA^e for Atlanta, such inquiries as "What are you going to do for us ? What will you do for us when you get to Atlanta ?" I heard this very often when I was in public life. The world is governed too much. Some political thinker has said that the best government is that which governs the least. I would not altogether subscribe to the "let alone" theory, because it may be j)ushed to extremes. There are two great factors of modern, progressive, civilized life. They are wise social organizations and proper individual development. Bearing these two factors in mind, I think you will not fail to see the relativity of my intro- ductory remarks to what will follow. In cases of commercial distress, agricultural depression, financial crisis, national bankruptcy, we are too prone to seek for legis- lative cures and political nostrums, but all the legislation that you could pass from now until next Christmas would not increase one iota the real returns of agriculture. There are some knaves — not in Georgia, I hope — more demagogues, and a good many fools, who are trying to find a short cut to national and individual prosperity by treating wealth as if it were a thing that could be created by statute without the intervention of labor, forgetting that the products of labor represent all that there is of wealth in a country. Now, there are some universally established truths in political and legislative economy. Great changes, new systems of finance and trade, are not to be ordered as if you were to order a new suit of clothes according to a certain pattern. History condemns South Sea bubbles, John Law schemes of finance, shin-plaster, and fiat currency. Building Chinese walls around your country and erecting barriers against foreign trade never made a nation prosperous any more than the absurd notion, revived in recent times, that what makes one nation rich impov- erishes the other, what one gains another loses. Now, we have serious agricultural depression in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and in all the Southern States. The abolition of slavery was a gigantic revolution. Did it ever occur to you that there is not in the annals of history anything comparable to it in its unprecedented mag- nitude and suddenness ? This, with other effects of the war, paralyzed Southern industries and produced individual and general impoverishment. African slavery was a great economic curse. I am not speaking of it politically, socially, or morally, but it brought upon the South the curse of ignorant, compulsory, uninventive labor, undiversified products of agriculture, and sparse population. It was an interdict eifectual upon invention, thrift, development of varied resources, diversity of employments, large and profitable use of machinery, improvement of soil, construction of good country roads, establishment of free public schools. These were the results of African slavery as an economic force. Curse as it was, it suggests a remedy for its evils. What are we to do ? We must increase and make more val- uable and diversified our products, and we must improve our country roads. What- ever facilitates exchange of products is a blessing. It will not be worth while to produce unless we can exchange what is beyond our own consumption. What do you need in Georgia? You need intelligent, skilled labor. Many of your laborers are ignorant, stupidly so, of every element of art and science. I spoke to a ne^ro the other day at a railway station about his future. His reply was characteristic : "I ain't got nothing, and I don't want nothing." What is the worth of a system which produces such men? What you want is an alliance of brains and hands, with habits of thrift and cleanliness, and increased capacity of production. Now, Mr. President, I affirm that no ignorant people were ever prosperous or happy. You may measure the growth, the progress, develoj)ment, and the prosperity of a people by their advance in culture, in intelligence, in skill; and you can measure the decline of a people by their decline in culture, intelligence, and skill. In the United States there are twenty millions of horsepower at work, lowering the cost of production, cheapening the necessaries of life, giving to toil a larger reward. Much EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1293 of what handiwork did has been displaced by labor-saving machinery. Guiding the plow witli the hand, mowing grass with the scythe, cutting grain with the cradle — this is fast disappearing from enlightened communities. The steam harvester and thrasher have rendered the work of saving the grain crops more rapid and less arduous. Science has found practical application, and ceases to be mere theory ; it has allied itself with the useful arts. Machinery has released thousands from a weary struggle for supply of mere animal wants, and has permitted them to take up other pursuits, such as mining, manufactures, mechanical arts, gardening, fruit rais- ing, etc., but this wealth-creating industry demands intelligence, thrift, and saving. Industry has thus received great benefit; the j)eople have gained hope, inspiration, and life from the applications of the principles of science, have gained, finally, com- mand of all of the resources of nature and have had opened for themselves the highest rewards of intelligent industry. It needs to be repeated and emphasized that national wealth is not the result of chance, or fraud, or legislative hocus-i)ocus, or stockjobbing manipulations or adroit dealing in futures. It is the result of honest, intelligent labor. The elements of wealth exist in nature in manifold forms, but must be fitted for human wants by labor. Through all transitions from natural condition to finished and useful artifi- cial state, each successive process adds to the value. To utilize the powers of nature, the elements of property and wealth, is, in beneficent results, proportionate to the intelligence employed. The value created is almost in the direct ratio of the skill of the worker. Labor is not spontaneous nor self-willed, but must have behind it an intelligent control. Stupid labor is confined to a narrow routine, to a few, simple products. Unskilled labor is degraded necessarily to coarser emijloyments. What makes work honorable, productive, remunerative, what elevates a man above a brute, is work directed by intelligence. The best method of applying power might be illustrated by such common processes as turning a grindstone, shoveling manure, harnessing a horse, driving a nail. Among the aristocracy of the old Avorld and the Bourbons of the new is a current theory that it is best for the lower classes, the mud- sills of society, the common laborers, to remain in ignorance. I liave no patience with men who say that education for the ordinary occupations of life is a wasted investment, or who deny the utility or the feasibleness of furnishing to wage earners and breadwinners an education suited to the industries of real life. Will our impoverished people never see that ignorant labor is terribly expensive, that it is a tax, indirect but enormous, bringing injiiry to the material worked, to the tools or implements employed, wasting force and lessening and making less valuable what is produced? The president has declared what was intended as the burden of my address. While there are local interests and concerns that may interest you, there is one question, overtopping all others, that goes into the very household, that concerns every individual, that is allied to every interest; and that is how to furnish cheaper and more efficient means of education for the boys and girls of the State. W^hen I speak of this being the paramount subject of legislation, I mean to say that the duty of the legislator is not only to look after education in Clarke County, in Cobb County, but to have the nieans of education carried to every child, black and white, to every citizen within the limits of the State. I mean universal education; free education; the best education; without money and without price. The great mis- take in legislators and people is that, while they profess to be friends of education, and satisfy themselves that they are, they are talking and thinking of the public schools as poor schools for poor children, and not as good schools, the best schools, for the education of all. Here is field and scope for the exercise of the highest powers of statesmanship. This univei^sal education is the basis of civilization, the one vital condition of prosperity, the support of free institutions. All civilized governments support and maintain schools. In semicivilized countries there is no recognition of the right to improvement, nor of the duty of the government to sup- port universal education. William Ewart Gladstone is the greatest statesman of this century. Financier, scholar, orator, with marvellous administrative capacity, even to the minutest details of departmental and governmental work, and shows his appreciation of education by giving to the vice-president of the council of edu- cation a seat in his cabinet, and he is the only British prime minister who has so honored education. Last year I was reading brief biographical sketches of the candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties of Massachusetts for the various State offices — governor, attorney-general, etc. — and every one of them, with one exception, had been trained in the common schools of the State, and, therefore, when in office, they would understand what people were talking about when they advocated common schools, and would feel as Emerson said, that if Massachusetts had no beautiful scenery, no mountains abounding in minerals, yet she had an inex- haustible wealth in the children of the Commonwealth. None of you, perhaps, were educated in the public schools. How many times do you visit the public schools? How many times in the last year have you gone into a public school and sat down 1294 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. on tLo rear boucli and watched tlie toaclicr teaching:, in order to know what is being done in these great civilizing agencies of the State? A few years ago the King of Prussia, througli Bismarck, issued a call for an edu- cational conference, and he took part with educators and scholars in the discussions. In my journeys through the South, pleading for the children, I have found one gov- ernor from whom I never fail to receive a sympathetic response to every demand or argument that I may jiresent for higher or general education. In days that are to come, when you shall record what Rabun did, what Troup, what Clarke, what Mc- Donald, what Johnson, what Gilmer, what Jenkins, what Brown, what Gordon, what Stei^hens, and what other governors of Georgia have done, there will bo no brighter page, none more luminous with patriotism, broad-minded, honest, intelligent, benefi- cent patriotism, devotion to the highest interests of the State, than that which shall record the fact that the great school governor of the South was WillJam J. Northen. [Great applause.] The most Interesting and profitable changes that have been made in the ends of modern education is the incorporation of manual training in the curriculum, so as to bring education into contact with the i^ursuits of every day. The three r's, reading, 'riting, and 'rithmetic, used to be the standard. We should add the three li's, and develop, pari passu with the three r's, the hand, head, and heart, so that we may develop the child intellectually, physicallj"-, and morally, and so have the completest manhood and womanhood. Oh! it is a sad spectacle to see the ordinary graduate from one of our colleges, with an armful of diplomas, standing on the platform receiving bouquets, and ready to step across the threshhold and enter the arena of active life. You congratulate him because he has acquired knowledge in the school- room. But what can he do? What can he produce? What wealth can ho create? What aid can he render civilization ? He may be a lawyer. Alawyer never yet made two blades of grass grow where only one grew before. [Laughter.] Now, you show that you agree with what I am saying. [Laughter.] I have no sympathy, however, allow me to say it, with the vulgar, ignorant, stui^id prejudice that some j)eoi)le have against lawyers. None in the" world. [Applause.] You may trace the history of free government in all the struggles for right and liberty, you may study with pro- foundest admiration the constitutions, the embodiments of political wisdom, and every page of that history you will find illuminated by the wisdom of lawyers. But I say of lawyers what I say of doctors. Doctors do not add one cent to the wealth of the community. Neither do preachers. They are valuable; you can not do with- out them. But the lawyer, the doctor, the preacher, the editor, do not add one cent to the assessed value of the property in Georgia. Wealth comes from productive labor, and wealth is in proportion to the skill of the labor. It is the mechanic, the farmer, the miner, the manufacturer, the fruit grower, who add wealth to the com- munity and to the country. The others are indispensable in the distribution of the products of labor, in the transactions of business between man and man, and in a thousand ways, but they do not create Avealth. Let me come back to what I was saying, that the graduate of your college is educated to be a clerk, doctor, lawyer, preacher. You may turn him out of college and he will tramp the streets of your cities, of Atlanta, Augusta, Savannah, to find some idace in the bank, or some jilace in a doctor's or lawyer's olfice. He has been educated away from business, from ordinary productive pursuits, and has a distaste for labor. If his natural bent had been followed, if he had been taught the aj)plica- tion of science to l)usinoss, made familiar with tools and constructive machinery, ho would have turned out, in very many cases, something more useful than ho will bo after having entered one of the learned professions. I wish some of you would stop over some time on your way to New York at Wash- ington or Philadelphia and go through the public schools. You would see that from the kindergarten to the high school there is no schoolroom where the puj)i]s can not be taught the application "of scientific principles to everyday life, and from which they can not come with a knowledge of the common tools and their uses. England learned that in order to hold the markets of the world she had to teach her children , in industrial schools. She discovered that her trade was slipping away from her ' because of the lack of industrial training on the part of her working people. France gives manual training to both sexes. Saxony, a manufacturing country, had in 1889 115 trade or industrial schools, it being discovered that ''a thorough professional education alone can aid the trades- manin his struggle for life." Statistics show a constant improvement of economic conditions. The flourishing orchards, with their world-renowned wealth of fruit, in Austria-, Hungary, Bavaria, and Oldenburg, are directly traceable to the intro- duction of practical instruction in the school gardens. Prussia has introduced into the normal schools instruction in the culture of fruit and forest trees, and "the admirably managed forests and vast orchards of Prussia owe their existence and excellent yield in no small degree to the unostentatious influence of the country school- master who teaches his pupils in school and the adult villagers in agricultural clubs." EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1295 As mucli as vro may boast of our free iustitutious wc arc far Leliind tlic rest of the world iu industrial education, iu the application of ecieutific principles to dailj-life. We abuse Eussia, but Russia Las 1,200 technological schools; Belgium has 25,000 pupils in her trade schools; Denmark, 6,000; Italy, 16,000. Georgia has no trade school for white children. She has, fortunately, one noble technological school, which I commend to your support and your encouragement. The other day I went to Newi^ort News, which, as you know, is at the mouth of .James River, on Hampton Bay, in the State of Virginia. The largest shipbuilding works and the largest dry dock in the United States arc at Newport News. They recently received contracts for the construction of United States vessels, and are prepared to do all such work in the best possible manner. I went through the works. I had an old Confederate soldier to pilot me. When I asked about the improvements iu the place his heart rejoiced. I was there when the dinner hour arrived. From the shops and works men came in great numbers, until it seemed there must have been 1,000. I said to my friend, ''Where do these men come from?" lie rej)lied that they came from varioiis parts of the world. ''Are there any from the South?" said I. "Oh, yes," said he. "What do you jiay these men?" I asked. "From one dollar a day np to eight or ten." "Do any of these old Confederates get the eight or ten?" With a deep sigh and with a tear iu his eye, he said: "No; no Confedenite among them. The Confederate soldiers," he continued, "and the negroes get a dollar a daj ; the Northern and Euroiiean laborers get the six or ten dollars a day." "Why is this?" I asked. "Because," said he, "they have had industrial training .at home. They come from their shops and from their training schools, and they put intelligence into their work, and they get for it the best wages." And yet, when I stand here and appeal to Georgians for manual-labor schools, you say that man is a theorizer ; he is taking up the time of the legislature, which should be passing an act to declare Goose Creek a highway, or to build a road across Possum Swamji, or a bridge over Terrapin Hollow ! [Laughter.] Last year, Mr. President, I was in Asia Minor. If any of you have read The Prince of India you will remember some acconnt of the town of Brusa, southeast of Constantinople. I saw there hundreds of donkeys and women with loads of mul- berry leaves. A few years ago tlie silk trade seemed likely to become extinct, because of an insect that was destroying the mulberry trees and attacking the cocoons. Thousands of trees were cut doAvn. The i^eople are now replanting the mulberry trees, and trade is springing up again. It is because Pasteur, the great curer of hydrophobia, subjected the cocoons to a microscopic examination, discovered the insect and applied a remedy. He applied scientilic knowledge to the Avork of saving the silk trade. A school of sericulture has been established, the mulberry trees are being planted, and the people are groAving prosperous again. When you came here you took the oath to support the Cou.stitution, and it says that there shall be a thorough system of common schools, free to all children, for education in the elementary branches of an English education. This mandate requires general, or State, and local supervision, neat and healthy houses, grading and < lassifyiug of the pupils, adequate local and State revenues. A valued friend said to me last night that Georgia is spending too much money for jiublic schools. Let us see Iioaa' this is. Agricultural dei^ression is more serious and more harmful iu Mississippi than iu any other State, because it is so exclusiA-ely agricultural, having fcAv manufacturing interests, little commerce, and no big cities. And yet Mississijipi pays lor her public schools $7.80 on cA'ery thousand dollars of the taxable value of property; Illinois pays $14. 10; Texas, $4.80; Nebraska, $18.70; Massachusetts, $3.80; New York, $4.50. Georgia's educational tax proxjer for the support of the iiublic schools is $1.40 on the thousand dollars ! What do you say to that? Can you expect to equal other States iu school adA'antages unless you increase the reA^enues going to the ])ublic schools ? Let it be borne in mind that outside the cities, the local or extra- State revenues are very meager. The Southern States raise on an average about 36 cents per cainta of population. But you need not only to increase the rcA'enues supporting the common schools — you need promj^tly and properly j)aid teachers. The Avorst thing that I ha\-e CA^er heard about my native State, Georgia, is that she has permitted the teachers in her public schools — poorly paid as they are — to go month after month without receiA'iug the pittance of their hard-earned salaries! [Applause.] If I Avere the legislature I would not let the sun go doAvn before I wiped away this crime against the teachers of the State. I only echo what you Avill find in the goA^eruor's message, in the report of Captain Bradwell, and in the lamentations of the teachers. The training of the teachers is implicitly contained in the compulsory establish- ment of schools. By making education an integral part of the government you afe under strongest obligation to provide good schools. The teacher is the school. You can not haA^e a thorough system of common schools without good teachers. You can not have good teachers Avithout paying them promptly their salaries and Avithout training them to teach. Unfortunately our normal schools are handicapped by the 1296 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. iinpreparedness of tlie pupils to be taught liow to teach. Thorough general training sliould precede professional training, and is its best preparation for it. Take a school of medicine or of law and combine it with elementary education. It would be absurd. lb is none the less absurd to combine elementary instruction with pro- fessional training for teaching. Teachers should know the history of education and of educational methods, and practical and deiinite application of the principles of education; and these things should not be dead rules. The teacher goes from the concrete to the abstract ; from special to general ; from known to unknown ; from idea to the word; from thought to clear expression; and these should be applied habitually, unconsciously, and govern spontaneously every act and element in teach- ing. Students can become habituated to best methods by being kej)t in the true path, under the guidance of those familiar with the right methods and principles, I went to Milledgeville the other day to see and inspect the Normal and Industrial College. It is a most remarkable school. It has been in existence only three years, and has 322 girls ; 121 engaged in preparing themselves for teaching school. Although in its infancy, it has sent out 100 teachers to teach in Georgia. I went into the differ- ent departments. I wish you could see Professor Branson's teaching in the normal department; it would do you good. You could not do a better thing than to spend a day in going through the school and seeing what they teach there. If you do not go yourselves, send your committees and let them see how the thing is done. Here is a map, which is an object lesson. It shows the normal schools in the United States. It is not accurate in all its details ; yet the general facts are correctly stated. In the States that are most wealthy and most advanced there are the greater number of these black dots, which represent normal schools. The person who made the map did not recognize the fact that in Georgia you have an excellent normal school at Milledgeville. It is industrial and normal, and the work done is excellent. The Peabody fund gave $1,800 last year to this school. I wish I could persuade you to establish coeducation of the sexes at MilledgeviUe. In the name of patriotism, why do not you teach the boys as well as the girls how to teach school? Teaching- — good teaching, I ou.ght to say — has much of the persuasive power of oratory. It is a glorious sight to see a live teacher — not one of these old moss-back teachers, who has not learned anything since the flood, but a live teacher, who appreciates his vocation — standing before his classes! How it arouses enthusiasm, fortifies the will, inspires the soul; and what a criminal waste of time and money and labor and energy it is to put an incompetent teacher before a class of boys and girls ! We see sometimes a picture of Herod murdering the innocents. How -we grieve over it ! I went into a school the other day in the mountains. There sat the teacher, ignorant, stolid, indifferent, incapable, Avitli the boys and girls gathered around him, studying the a-b, ab; b-a, ba, k-e-r, ker, baker; and I thought then, Mr. President, that we ought to have another painter to draw another j)icture of the murder of the innocents. It is not the teachers who ought to be painted in that picture; it is the legislatures "who are murdering the innocents, when they refuse to establish normal schools lor the proper training of teachers. How does the old hymn go? " How tedious and tasteless the hour" — some of you have sung it. How unvit- terably tedious are the hours spent in such schools, poring over lessons day after day. Some are mechanics when they ought to be artists, for these teachers have no plan nor method, no inspiration nor striving to teach and stimulate all the many sides of a child's nature to higher attainments, higher thoughts and more vigorous action. Time does not permit me to speak of secondary schools, of rural schools, of six-months schools. Some one in writing about me in the paper said that I was growing old. That may be true as to years, but not in thought, not in patriotism, not in loyalty to the South, not in loyalty to the Union, not in loyalty to this country of ours, and to the Stars and Stripes. I am not growing old in my interest in the cause of educa- tion. And yet when I hear that your people are about to celebrate the semicenten- nial of Atlanta, it recalls to mind the time when I used to pass this place and there was no city here, nothing but old Whitehall Tavern, That was in 1841-42. During that period a town was started which was called Marthasville. I used to ride through this section of the country, by Decatur and Stone Mountain, on my way from my home in Alabama to the college at Athens. It then took me five days to make the journey. Now I can go the distance in six hours. What a mighty change ! From Marthasville in 1842 to Atlanta in 1893 ! Five days of travel cut down to six hours ; five days on horseback or in stage coach to six hours in a Pullman palace car ! Steam has revolutionized the business and travel of the world. We have gone from the stage coach to the steam car, and the sails of the old ships have been superseded by the ocean steamships. The telegraph and telephone and steam have brought the continents into one neighborhood and given solidarity to the business of the world. The merchant can telegraph to China or to Japan for a bill of goods; and before he goes to bed to-night word comes from the other end of the world that the goods have been delivered to the ship and they will leave in the morning. What a revolution has been wrought in our methods of business. Improved machinery of transportation EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1297 has reduced freight expenses from 2| cents per ton per mile to about one-half cent per ton per mile. Civilization creates new kinds of property. In Africa the inhab- itants know nothing about bills of exchange, promissory notes, choses inaction — nothing about the modern methods of business. Just in proportion iis you grow in civilization, and advance in the scale of education and intelligence, you have more kinds of property. It is because of diffused education, because of the work of intel- ligence, because the forces of nature have been harnessed to the business of life. Science and religion are both evangels of democracy. Wherever these go shackles fall off, tyranny ceases, and the great masses are lifted up to the recognition of their rights and their privileges. Prerogative of mental development is no longer confined to the few, but is conceded to all who bear the image of the Son of Man. Only one more remark. I said awhile ago that I was a Georgia boy. I am a native of Lincoln County — the dark corner of Lincoln. I graduated from the University of Georgia, growing up in my collegr days with such men as Tom Cobb, Linton Stephens, Ben Hill, Jud Glenn, and others. In my political life I associated on terms of intimacy with such men as Stephens, Toombs, Hill, and Cobb. I come to you as a Georgian, appealing for the interests of the children of Georgia, and appeal- ing to the reiire-sentatives of the Statt-. How inspiring it is to deeds of noble states- manship to read the names of the counties you represent. Some of them recall iu imperishable words the names of founders of the State, of nun who stood for her rights, of men who bore the brunt of the Eevolutionary struggle, such as Oglethorpe, Richmond, Burke, Chatham, Wilkes, and Camden; Jefferson, Madison, Frjuiklin, Carroll, Sumter, Putnam, Jasper, Greene, the German De Kalb, Hancock, Lincoln; to them add the names of the men of the days succeeding the Revolution, Calhoun, Webster, Clay, Lowndes, Polk, Pierce, Douglas, Randolph, Taylor, and Quitman — men from other States, but allied to you in close sympathy. Not these only, for your own gi'eat men have their names linked with the destinies of your counties. What an inspiration it must be to represent the county of Berrien, or Bartow, or Cobb, or Clayton, or Dawson, or Dooly, or Dougherty, or Forsyth, or Gilmer, or Hall, or Jackson, or .Johnson, or Lumpkin, or McDufBe, or Miller, or Meriwether, or Murray, or Troup, or Walton. I think that if I were a representative from such a county, with such a name, I should be inspired with patriotism to do something high and useful, and to help the State I lived in to bear worthily the name of the "Empire State of the South." [Applause.] I appeal to youfor the common schools of Georgia, for the future men and women of the State The women of the State toTich my heart A'ery deeply. My grandmother, mother, daughter-in-law, grand- daughter, Georgia born, names suggestive of holiest affection and tenderest memo- ries, which make me, not less than my nativity, a (ieorgian. In all of wonumkiucl, whether or not history has recorded or romance described or poesy sung Ler virtues, there has been no type of female excellence, no example of purity or loveliness or heroism more exalted and noble than that furnished by Georgia mother or wife, fit representatives of the unsurpassed southern matron. In their names I plead. Mr. President, a friend told me of a girl in the nortliern part of the State, not prince-begotten nor palace-cradled, growing up in glad joyousness and innocency, amid the rich, virgin growth of wild trees, who was seen plowing an ox on rolling hillside to earn subsistence for an invalid father, a bed-ridden Confederate soldier, who lay helpless in an adjacent log cabin. Touched by such heroism and filial fidelity, a gentleman sent her to school, and last year at the examination one thou- sand people, who had come from the mountains to show their interest iu the educa- tion of the children, saw that girl, who had labored for the support of herself and her bed-ridden father, stand on the platform and take the prize offered for the best essay. Refusing to abandon her old father during vacation, she went back to her mountain home and to labor, but she is now teaching in the school which brought to light her latent powers. There are thousands of Georgia boys, in the wire-grass and middle Georgia and in the mountains, who, if educated, would, like Stephens, be patriotic and honored servants of the State. There are thousands of young maid- ens, who, like our heroiue, require but the helping hand of the State and the warmth of generoiis culture to emerge from humble homes of obscurity and poverty to places of usefulness and honor. [Long applause.] LOUISIANA. THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE PUBLIC-SCHOOL SYSTEM IN LOUISIANA. [Paper prepared for Louisiana Educational Association, by John K.. Ficklen, professor of history in Tulane University.] " If I had as many sons ae Priam, I would send tliem all to the public schools." — Daniel Webxter. Mr. President, ladies, and gentlemen : It seems eminently wise that the Louis- iana Educational Association at this period of its honored career should devote a por- tion of its time and attention to the origin and development of the public-school 1298 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. system within tlic borclors of tiiis State; for we arc now entering ui^on a new era in the liistory of our schools, and we need, in particular at such a time, to study both the present and the prohabilities of the future in the light of the past. As student and teacher I have always laid great stress upon this study of the historical development of our institutions as one of prime importance. We do not thoroughly understand the present until Ave know how and why it has become what it is. Moreover, from the accumulated experience of those who have gone before tis we may learn to avoid a thousand errors; where they garnered only '^barren regrets," we may reap a boun- tiful harvest of good results. As the individual must live over in miniature the life of the whole human race, so those who would reform institutions must investigate the history of those institu- tions and understand the causes that led to failure or to success. Without this knowledge their labors will be short sighted and unfruitful, and to their hands no wide powers should be intrusted. Let us trace, then, as briefly as possible, the origin and development of our public- school system. From such a study I hope something profitable and something inter- esting may be gleaned together. Clearness of treatment will be promoted if we divide the whole subject into three periods. I. From the beginning of this century to the framing of the second constitution in 1845. II. From 1845 to the civil war. III. From the civil war to the present time (1894). Before the opening of the nineteenth century, as you doubtless know, public free schools did not exist in Louisiana. The Ursuline Nuns, ever since they were brought over by Bienville, had devoted themselves to the education of young women, and there were some private schools in New Orleans, but the policy of the Government had provided no system of public instruction. The tru.th is that monarchical gov- ernments in that day were iinfavorable to the education of the masses. Knowledge is power, and it was not considered desirable that the people should have much power. In the year 1803, however, the great Territory of Louisiana, Jefferson's fine pur- chase, was formally transferred to the commissioners of the American Union. As you know, Louisiana then embraced a vast tract of country, from which many rich and prosperous States have since been carved. For nine years the southern portion was called the Territory of Orleans ; but, finally, in 1812, much to the delight of its 60,000 inhabitants, it was erected into the State of Louisiana — one of the fairest sovereignties that go to constitute the American Union. During the early period of its territorial government, there are to be found fre- quent references to the subject of public education. But many years were to elapse before educational views crystallized into any kind of system of free schools. _ Nor was this tardy recognition of the value of common schools peculiar to Louisiana. It was equally the case in the early history of all the Southern and most of the Northern States. It would be interestiug to trace the development of public schools in the United States at large ; to show how the enduring system established in Massa- chusetts by the old Puritans of the seventeenth century was modeled after the sys- tem of schools which they had learned to know during their sojourn in Holland— a system in which Holland at that time led the world. It would be interesting to showthat the main object of the Puritans was to keep out ''that old deluder, Satan," by teaching all the children to read the Bible, thus preparing them to exorcise the evil spirits that ever torment the ignorant. It would be still more interesting to show why that old royalist, Governor Berkeley, feared the rise of i^nblic (I liad almost said republican) schools, and devoutly thanked God that there were none in Virginia. Such themes, however, while they would be fruitful of suggestions as to the progress of our American civilization, would occupy far more time than has been allotted to this whole paper. I can not forbear, however, mentioning one fact which may make our Louisiana teachers rejoice that they live in this day and gen- eration rather than in the New England of the seventeenth century. In an old New England town book (date 1661) the duties of the schoolmaster are laid down as follows: (1) To act as court messenger; (2) to serve summonses; (3) to conduct certain ceremonial services of the church; (4) to lead the Sunday choir; (5) to dig the graves; (6) to take charge of the school; (7) to ring the bell for public worship; (8) to perform other occasional duties. With these manifold functions to discharge, it is easy to understand the importance attached, in early New England, to the office of sclioolmaster. But to return to Louisiana. No sooner had the United States taken possession of Louisiana than the enlightened policy of our first American governor, W. C. C. EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1299 Claihorne, spoke out in no luiccrtain acceuts on the subject of public education. I quote from bis address to the territorial council in 1804, just ninety years ago: "In adverting to your primary duties," he says, "I have yet to suggest one than •which none can be more important or interesting. I mean some general provision for the education of youth. If we revere science for her own sake or for the innumeralde benefits she confers upon society, if we love our children and cherish the laudable ambition of being respected by posterity, let not this great duty be overlooked. Permit me to hope, then, that under your patronage, seminaries of learning will prosper, and means of acquiring informatiou bo placed within the reach of each growing family. Let exertions be made to rear up our children in the paths of science and virtue, and impress upon their tender hearts a love of civil and religious liberty. My advice, therefore, is that your system of education be extensive and liberally sujiported." These were Jioble sentiments, but if we may judge by the words of the same gov- ernor some years later, they found as yet only a feeble echo in the lieaits of the people. For iu 1809 wo find Claiborne lamenting the general ''abaudoument of education in Louisiana." It is true that iu 1805 the College of Orleans was established — a college iu which the honored historian of Louisiana, Charles Gayarre, was a pupil; but though it lingered on till 1826, it was never in a nourishing condition, and the legis- lature fiually concluded to abolish it and appropriate its funds to the establishment of one central and two primary schools. In the constitution of 1812, under which Louisiana was admitted to the Union, there is no mention of a system of public education; it was perhaps intended that the whole matter should be left to legisla- tive action. During the ensuing war of 1812-15 with England, in which Louisiana bore so glorious a part, the people wei'e too much absorbed iu the defense of their soil to make any provision for education. According to the annual message of Governor A. B. Eoman (in 1831), it was the year 1818, just one hundred years after the founding of New Orleans, that witnessed the enactment of the first law concerning a system of public schools. The governor doubtless means the first effective law; for ten years previously (1808), an act was passed to establish public schools, but it was rendered nugatory by the proviso that the school tax should be collected only from those who were Avilling to pay it. Begin- ning iu 1818, however, the legislature made comparatively liberal appropriations for educational purjioses, the amounts increasing from $13,000 in 1820 to $27,000 in 1824. Little attention was paid to elementary instruction, but it was proposed to establish an academy or a college in every parish in the State. Lottery schemes — not peculiar to Louisiana, but used freely for educational institutions at this period, both in the North and in the West — were set on foot to raise funds for the College of Orleans and for an academy recently established in Eajjides Parish. In aarishes of the State are Centenary (once the College of Louisiana), now administered by the Methodists; Jefferson College, now under control of the Marist Fathers, and the Louisiana State University, which was once the Seminary of Learning in Alexandria. To illustrate the preference in that early period for these higher institutions, none of which gave free tviition excejit to a few indigent pupils, it will suffice to say that in 1838 the amount appropriated for public schools was $45,633, while during the same year the subsidies to colleges and seminaries were $126,000. During the period of which we are about to speak, however, far less was given for the support of these institutions. Many of them being found superfluous had doubtless already disap- peared. n. We now enter upon our second period, 1845-1860. During the year 1845 Loxiisiana received a new constitution. In it full expression was given to the democratic ten- dencies of the day. The Whigs had yielded to the Democrats, and the latter pro- ceeded to grant the people many privileges which had been previously denied. The privilege of choosing the governor from the two candidates receiving the highest number of votes was taken from the legislature, and the right to vote was no longer restricted to owners of property. But best of all its democratic measures this con- stitution provided for a system of public schools under the care and supervision of a superintendent of education, to be appointed by the governor, and of parish super- intendents, to be elected by the people. The importance of this departure can not be exaggerated. Up to this time such schools as had existed in the State had been under the care of the secretary of state, whose other official duties were too numerous for this additional burden. From this time on we are to see a superintendent of EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1301 education devoting his time and energies to the establisbnient of an extensive sys- tem of public free schools and making regular reports to the general assembly. i The constitution of 1845, and the laws passed by the legislature to carry out its provisions, created a new era in the historj' of education in Louisiana. Up to 1845, although large sums in proportion to the edncable population had been expended, the system had been a failure, and the secretary of state had declared it should be consigned to "an unhonored grave." Let us see what were the provisions for the organization and support of the new system. In the first place thp schools were to be absolutely free to all white children. Of course, as it was one of the corollaries of the institution of slavery that it was dangerous to educate the slaves, no provision w^as made for the education of the negro until he had been emancipated. For the support of the new system, the constitution declared that the proceeds of all lands granted by the United States Government for the use of public schools, and of all estates of deceased persons falling to the State, should be held by the State as a loan, and should be a perpetual fund, on which annual interest at 6 per cent should be paid for public schools, and that this appropriation should remain inviolable. The lands referred to were the public lands which the Federal Government had retained when Louisiana was made a State, and which that Government was now granting to the State for educational and other jjurposes. In 1847 these land grants amounted to 800,000 acres, and in many instances proved to be very valuable. More- over, there are many references in these old acts of the legislature to the location of the sixteenth sections in townships for school purposes and to the sale of these sec- tions. For the further support of the schools it was now provided by an act of the legislature that every free male white over 21 years of age should pay a poll tax of $1, and that a tax of 1 mill should be levied on all taxable property. As early as 1842 the iiolice jurors- were authorized to levy a tax for schools not to exceed one- half the annual State tax. Provision was now made that whenever a parish raised not less than $200 tlie governor should authorize the State treasurer to pay over to said parish double the amount so assessed. Certainly no happier choice for State superintendent of education could have been made throughout the extent of Louisiana than was made in 1847 by Governor Isaac Johnson . The man he chose was a ripe scholar. He had been trained in all the learn- ing of that day. First under a private tutor and then in Georgetown College he had saturated his mind with all that was best in classical literature, and he had caught an inspiration which made him one of the great teachers of his time. A brilliant orator, he spoke and wrote with convincing eloquence whenever the sacred cause of education was at stake. Such a man was Alexander Dimitry, the first superintendent of educa- tion, whom Louisiana honors and reveres as the organizer of her system of public schools. Both the reports of Mr. Dimitry, which are generally supposed to be lost, are to be seen in the Fisk Library of New Orleans. The hrst was rendered in 1848 and the second in 1850. To the student of our educational progress both are interesting and instructive. The first describes how the 47 parishes had been divided into school districts by the police jurors, assisted by the parish superintendents. The services of these super- intendents, who w^ere elected at a salary of $300 a year, were very efficient, but the schools in the parishes were not generally welcomed, and Mr. Dimitry declared that he viewed them rather in the light of an experiment. It was only natural that he should hold this opinion; for when the free schools were first established in New Orleans, during the years 1841 and 1842, the announcement, says Mr. Dimitry, was received by some with doubt, and by others with ridicule, if not hostility. "When the schools in the second municipality were opened personal appeals and earnest exhor- tations were made to parents, and yet such were the prejudices to be overcome that out of a minor population of 3,000 only 13 pupils appeared upon the benches." For- tunately, public sentiment in the city gradually changed, and in 1848 Mr. Dimitry was able to declare that thousands were blessing the existence of the city schools, for in 1849, out of an edncable population of 14,248, the number attending the free schools ■was 6,710, or nearly 50 per cent. In the country parishes his labors were soon rewarded with more than anticipated success, for out of an edncable population in 37 parishes of 28,941 the number attending in 1849 was 16,217, or more than 50 per cent. In his last report Mr. Dimitry complained of the opposition shown by many to the new system, and especially to a portion of the law which prescribed the levying of a district tax for the schools. But he had reason to congratulate himself on having ■ Mr. R. M. Lusher, formerly State superintendent of education, and a noWe worker in that office, wrote a sketch of the public school system in Louisiana. In this sketch he makes the curious error of stating that all the reports of the Stnte suporiiiteudents frum 1847 to 1860 were burned during the war. In the Fisk Library of New Orleans may be found nearly every one of the reports which he supposed to be destroyed, beginning with that of Alex. Dimitry in 1848. '' County oflicers in Louisiana. 13C2 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. created a sentiment in favor of the free scliools and in obtaining an attendance of more tlian 50 per cent of the educahle j)opulation — a per cent, it is to be remembered, far higher than that of the year 1894, when 70 pex cent of our educable population are not receiving any instruction either in public or private schools. (Estimate made by the Times-Democrat.) Throughout this period (1848-1850) moreover, the State was prosperous, and the sums appropriated to the public schools in 1849 amounted to nearly one-third of a milliou dollars, a higher ratio per educable youth than at the present day. Such was the condition of the public schools during Dimitry's able administration. By annual visits to the different j)arishe8, he kept himself in touch with his superin- tendents, and inspired the State at largo with much of his own zeal and enthusiasm. In the years 1851 and 1852 important changes were made in the administration of the schools. First of all, the State superintendent was no longer to be appointed by the governor, he must be elected by the people. Then followed an act of the legis- lature Avhich proved to be extremely unwise. That body in a fit of economy abol- ished the office of parish superintendent and substituted iu each parish a board of district directors who were to receive no salary. Moreover, the salary of the State superintendent was reduced to $1,500 a year, and he was relieved from the duty of an annual visit to each parish. The effect of these changes upon the schools iu the country parishes is abundantly shown in the reports of the State superintendents, Robert C. Nicholas, iu 1853, Dr. Samuel Bard, in 1858, and Henry Avery, iu 1861. They all declare that the system outside of New Orleans had been seriously crijipled ; that the district directors took no interest in their work, and that often it was impossible to find out who were directors in a parish. Loud complaints, moreover, came from many of the parishes that the teachers appointed were not only incom- petent, but often drunkards and uuj»riucipled adventurers. It is not, therefore, sur- prising to learn that many parents demanded and actually obtained their children's quota of the public-school funds, which they used in part payment of the salaries of private tutors and governesses. Such a method of appropriating the public money, however, not only produced general demoralization, but worked great injustice to the poorer classes. In spite of complaints and appeals, the legislature failed to restore the parish super- intendents and to reform the abuses just mentioned. Hence a pessimistic writer in De Bow's Review for 1859, taking up an anijual report of the State superintendent, gives a gloomy account of education in Louisiana. Pie even goes so far as to conclude that the New England system of forcing education on the peojile was not adapted to Louisiana; that such a law was theoretical and void of practical results. He then continues in the following strain: "If a law were passed by the State of Louisiana ap]iropriating $300,000 a year to furnish every family with a loaf of bread more than half the families would not accept it. The report of the superintendent for 1859 proves that more than half the families in Louisiana will not accept the mental food which the State offers their children. Some j)arishes will not receive any of it. Tensas, for example, which is taxed $16,000 for the support of public schools has not a single school. The truth is the government does more harm than good by inter- fering with the domestic concerns of our people." This Jeremiah then proceeds to detract as much as possible from the merit of the public schools in New Orleans, though he admits that these schools were regarded as very successful. I have quoted the words of this critic quite fully because, while they contain some grains of truth, I believe they also contain a great deal of error. Luckily the reports from 1856 to 1861, from which he forms his conclusions, are still in existence, and they do not justify his statement that at this period the jjeople were opposed to the jiublic schools because "they did not wish to accept the mental food offered them by the State." O21 the contrary, here is an extract from the report of 1859 which throws much light on the condition of affairs in many of the parishes : "Under the present law nearly every wealthy planter has a school at his house and draws the pro rata share out of the x^nblic treasury. The poor children have not the benefit of these schools, and in this parish, which pays about $14,000 in school tax, there is conse- quently not enough in the treasury to pay the expense of a single school at the parish seat, where it ought to be." This extract shows what pernicious custom lay at the root of the failure. The money was misappropriated in favor of the private schools ; so that where public schools were established, cheaj) and worthless teachers had to be employed, who soon brought their schools into disrepute. The inefficiency of the school directors followed as a matter of course. Seeing that the rich planters were satisfied, the legislature simply did nothing but appropriate ample funds, which often never reached the schools for which they were destined. Under these circumstances it is even remarkable that in 1858, according to Dr. Bard's report, the number of pupils attending public schools in the country parishes was 23,000 out of an educable popu- lation in'tho whole State of 60,500. EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1303 Let us torn to New Orleans. During this period tlio city was divided into four vscliool districts, witli a board of directors and a superintendent for each district. This arrangement insured most efficient management. The attendance in 1858 was 20,000— nearly as many as in all the country parishes— and Dr. Samuel IJard, after an examination of the city schools during this year, reported to the general assembly thr.t "the discijiline was admirable, the attainments of the scholars unexpectedly extensive, and the teachers of rare ability." Hon. William O. Kogers, who did splendid work for the schools at this period, and who later became city superintend- ent, has often in my presence corroborated the testimony of Dr. Bard. It was at this very time, also, that an important advance was made in educational methods. As early as 1853 Superintendent Nicholas had recommended the establish- ment of a normal school, declaring, hoAvever, that there was none in the United States and only one in Canada. Finalljr in 1858, largely through the exertions of Mr. Eogers, a normal school, the Urst in Louisiana, was opened in New Orleans. Unfortunately its cai-eer of usefulness was soon cut short by the rapidly approaching civil war. Mankind has often been accused of viewing the past through a roseate haze, which, while it lends a new charm to that which was already beautiful, also clothes with its own light even that which was dark and unbeautiful. It will not be wise, there- fore, in looking back over the i>6riod of lifty-six years which wo have just reviewed to speak too favorably of the system of public schools in Louisiana. Certainly, however, the State in 'i860 had great reason to congratulate herself on the advance that had been made over the ]ieriod previous to 18-15. Up to that date, as we have seen, the school system was not organized at all; for the schools were not under proper supervision and outside of New Orleans they were not free except to a small class of indigent pupils. With the new constitution and the advent of Alexander Dimitry, Louisiana entered upon a new era of educational progress, especially in New Orleans. In the country iiarishes down to 1860 it must be admitted that the success of the system was only partial — a result that was due to the size of the plantations, the too conservative character of the old planters, the abolition in 1852 of the office of parish superintendent, and especiallj' to the appropriation of public funds for the benefit of private schools. III. PUBLIC SCHOOLS DURING AXD SINCE THE WAI?. During the great civil war it was but natural that the public schools of IjOuisiana, especially in tiie country parishes, should languish, for men were engaged in a strug- gle which left little time for the consideration of the educational problem. In most of the parishes the schools for several years were entirely closed. One of the school directors wrote that from his parish there Avere no reports to make except war reports. In New Orleans, however, and in the neighboring parishes, Avhicli were in the posses- sion of the Federal troops, many schools were kept open, and provision was made by the Freedmen's Bureau of Education to give instruction to the newly emancipated slaves. Under these new conditions there was a strong eft'ort to open schools in which the two races should be educated together. But tliis policy, so repulsive to Southern sentiments, ended in failure and it was abandoned. The history of our State after the war is too well known to need repetition here. In a few years the public debt ol Louisiana was increased by the sum of $40,000,000. More- over, in 1872, the Government sold at public auction the whole free-school fund, Avhich had been invested in State bonds, and which had been repeatedly declared a sacred and inviolable trust for the benefit of the public school. This fund, derived from the sale of public lands, amounted to more than $1,000,000. After it had been accom- plished there foUoAved a period of " storm and stress" — a tierce struggle for suprem- acy, which, during the year 1877, ended in the triumph of the more conservative elements of the State, under tlie leadership of Francis T. Nicholls. Wo can point with x>ride to one of the first acts of the legislature under this new administration. It was as follows: "The education of all classes of the people being essential to the preservation of free institutions, we do declare our solemn purpose to maintain a system of public schools by an equal and uniform taxation upon property as provided in the consti- tution of the State, and which shall secure the education of the white and the col- ored citizens with eclual advantages. "Louis Bush, Speaker. "Louis A. Wiltz, Lieut. Governor . "FiiANCis T. Nicholls, Governor." It is to be noted here that the State assumed formal charge of the education of the freedman, pledging him the same advantages as the Avhites. This pledge has been faithfully kept; the number of colored p>ipils has gradually increased until there are now enrolled in the public schools of the State more than 60,000. 1304 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1894-95. In Marcli, 1877, a few montlis before tlie act above qnoted, the geueral assembly had established a State board of education, consisting of the governor, the lieutenant- governor, the secretary of state, the attorney-general, the State suyjerintendent, and two citizens of the United States, residents for two years in Louisiana. As you know, this board was reorganized some years later, so as to contain one representative from each Congressional district — a change most wisely made.^ The most important step, however, in the reorganization of the public school sys- tem was taken in the constitution of 1879. This is the constitution iinder which we are now living, but which we all hope to see radically amended in the near future. It provided for the appointment of parish boards, and declared that these boards might appoint at a fixed salary a parish superintendent of public schools. Thus, after the lapse of twenty-seven years, Louisiana restored the office of parish superintendent — an office which under Alexander Dimitry was found to bo all impor- tant, and which since 1879 has proved essential to the very existence of public schools in Louisiana. May the parish superintendent, one of the strongest pillars of public education in our State, be a perpetual institution among us, and may his office in the future receive that meed of respect and remuneration which his zeal and devotion so richly deserve. While the constitution of 1879 is entitled to our gratitude for the reinstatement of the parish superintendents, one is forced to admit that it made no adequate ijrovi- sion fcp.' the support of the public schools. It is true that the free-school fund, the bonds of which were sold in 1872, was placed among the perpetiial debts of the State, but the interest to be paid was reduced from 6 to 4 per cent^ and it was further declared that this interest and the interest due on the seminary and the agricultural and the mechanical funds should be paid, not out of the general revenues of the State, but out of the tax collected for public education. This was a wholesale "robbing of Peter to j)ay Paul." Moreover, though provision was made for a supplementary tax to be levied for public schools by the police juries of each parish, even this was not obligatory, and if it were levied'it Avas to be kept within very narrow limits. These unwise articles of the constitution have received such repeated and such hearty condemnation from every superintendent of education that it is not necessary for me to add my own opinion. I would only remind you that when that constitu- tion was adopted in 1879 the State had just passed through the period of recon- struction, her finances were in a prostrate condition, and some constitutional limitation of taxation seemed absolutely necessary. Those conditions no longer exist, and it is to be hoiked that the amendments recently proj)osed by the board of education will be unanimously adopted. It may be added that the constitution of 1879 ended its provisions for the public schools 'with one article that has received universal approval and should be widely acted uj>on. It declares that women over 21 years of age shall be eligible to any office of control or management under the school laws of Louisiana. This is simply an act of justice to that sex which furnishes so large a proportion of our teachers throughout the State. The history of the public schools since 1879 is so well known that I can not pretend to any knowledge which this audience does not already possess. A simple outline, therefore, will suffice to refresh your memories. The first result of the insufficient support granted by the constitution, you will remember, seemed to be the ruin of the public school system. In spite of the splendid efforts of Hon. E. M. Lusher, a devoted and untiring worker in the cause of public education, the school receipts for 1882 allowed only 45 cents for each educable child in the State ; and the Louisiana Journal of Education for that year gloomily but forcibly declared that the public school system was as "dead as Hector." The teachers even in New Orleans were often unpaid, many schools had been closed, and the double obligation of educating both whites and blacks seemed too great a burden for the State to bear. But the exertions of Lusher, Easton, and Jack, together with the efficient aid received from the parish superintendents and the State board, were not without avail. Defeat was at last changed into victory, and the record of the past decade, illuminated by the labors of these men, is a most interesting chapter in the history of our educational progress. The school fund, especiallyin the country parishes, has been largely increased, and so has the attend- ance. Not only has public sentiment, without which laws avail naught, been brought over to the side of education, but the teachers themselves, though often receiving scanty remuneration, have shown greater ability and greater enthusiasm than ever before in the history of the State. This 1 attribute largely to the splendid work done in the Normal School of New Orleans under Mrs. Mary Stamps and in the State Normal of Natchitoches under President Boyd. I am sure you will believe that lack iln 1870 the Republicans had established a State board of education, consistino- of the State super- intendent and six "division superintendents." The State was divided into six districts under these "division superintendents." EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1305 of space, and not lack of appreciation, has prevented my giving a detailed account of the valuable aid rendered to this normal work by the Peabody fund. A tribute to Dr. Curry's wise administration of this fund is certainly duo from anyone who writes the history of public education in Louisiana. Lack of space must also be my plea for omitting the history of the McDonogh fund, to which New Orleans owes its array of splendid school buildings. It may safely be declared, therefore, that the year 1894 records progress in every direction, but'l can not do moi'e than name some of the chief intiiicuces at work for the advancement of the public schools. They are the Association of Parish Super- intendents; the State Teachers' Association, with its reading circle and its official journal; the State and parish institutes for teachers, the Louisiana Chautauqua; and last, but not least, the Louisiana Educational Association. Surely this is a goodly list — one that any State might be proud of. In glancing over the incomplete sketch of public education in Louisiana, the progress of which I have traced through ninety years, I am struck with the fact that the State has followed what is called the general treud of education. This trend, as laid down by Dr. William T. Harris, is as follows: First, from private, endowed, and parochial schools there is a change to the assumption of education by the State. ''When the State takes control, it first establishes colleges and universities; then elementary free schools, and then it adds supplementary institutions for the afflicted ; then institutions for teachers, together with libraries and other educational aids. In the meanwhile increasing attention is paid to supervision and methods. Schools are better graded. In class work there is more assimilation and less memorizing. Corporal punishment diminishes, and the educational idea advances toward a divine charity." Such, aiuid a thousand ditBculties and vicissitudes, has been the history of public education in Louisiana. I am persuaded that we are on the right path. The question still remains, however, Is Louisiana abreast of the other States of the Union in her provision for the education of her youth? The highest authorities declare that she is not. Let us for a moment examine the conditions as they exist. In 1848 the educable youth of the State numbered only 41, .500; in 1894, with the addition of the colored pupils, they nuuibered more than 378,000. Of these only 115,000 attend any school, either public or private. What is the consequence? I answer that in seven of our prosperous parishes, out of 13,000 voters, it is stated that 6,858 white voters, more than 50 per cent of the whole number, can not I'ead and write; and it is a well-known fact that Louisiana now leads all the Southern States . in illiteracy. What shall wo do to remove this lamentable condition of things? Evidently, though we now spend nearly $1,000,000 a year for our public schools, that sum, in view of the increased population, is grossly inadequate. AVe need higher salaries for our teachers, better remuneration for our parish superintendents, and longer sessions for our schools. The nuichinery of our public school system, as far as the officials and their relations to each other are concerned, is excellent. But what we require above everything is the privilege of local taxation beyond the pres- ent constitutional limitation. We have reached a point in Louisiana where local pride has been aroused. We are beginning to feel that however grateful we may be for the beneficent work of such funds as the Peabody, we must first of all help out- selves; we must demand our independence — the most glorious privilege granted to man. MASSACHUSETTS. Mary Hemenway. [At a meeting held by the Boston public school teachers at the Old South Meeting House May 2, 1894, in honor of the memory of Mrs. Mary Hemenway, warm and loving tribute was paid to her personal character and worth, her services in the cause of education were reviewed, and the reforms instituted by her recalled to remembrance by those who had beeu her associates and coworkers and who were specially qualified to represent the different phases of her activity. The addresses made upon this occasion were afterwards incorporated into a memorial volume, under the editorial supervision of Dr. Larkin Duuton, head master of the Boston Normal School. From this volume the following extracts have been made to illustrate her life and work. They are succeeded by a more detailed account of the Old South work from another source.] [From the introductory remarks by Dr. Dunton.] Mrs. Hemenway was born in the city of New York December 20, 1820, and died at her home in Boston March 6, 1894. She was the daughter of Thomas Tileston, from whom she seems to have inherited her remarkable business ability. She married Mr. Augustus Hemenway, a great shipping merchant. Several years before his death his health had so failed as to throw much of the oversight of his immense business upon Mrs. Hemenway. By this means was developed that remarkable talent for the 1306 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1894-95. directing of affairs wliicli subsequently proved so useful in carrying on lier great benevolent enterprises. Slie certainly possessed business ability of a high, order. Her insight into tbe causes of suifering among the people, far and near, present and future, and into tlie remedies for this suffering, was wonderful. Pier breadth of view was only equalled by the warmth of her heart. It was the generosity of her nature that so endeared her to the teachers of Boston. They came to know her as a fellow-worker for the good of the people. Pride, haughtiness, and condescension, which too often accompany the x^ossession and even the distribution of wealth, were so conspicuously wanting in her nature that every teacher who was brought into con- tact with her in her benevolent work felt only the presence of a great heart beating in sympathy with all mankind. Her beneficent plans were never set on foot and then left to the management of others. She not only followed her woric with her thought and her kindly interest, but she stimulated and cheered her coworkers Avith her inspiring personality. It was her clear head, her warm heart, and her cheerful lu'eseuce that gained for her admiration and affection. [Eesolutious presented "by Eoljert Swan, master of tlie Winthrop School, and adopted by the meeting.] Whereas it is fitting, at the close of Mrs. Mary Hemenway's useful life, that the Boston public school teachers, assembled in the Old South Meeting House, which she loved so well and did so much to save, should place on record their profound appi'cciation of the noble work she has accomplished for the practical education of the children under their care, bj^ which the pupils, and through them the homes from Avhich many of them come, have been elevated both mentally and morally: Therefore bo it Ilesolved, That through her Vv^ise foresight and long perseverance in the introduc- tion of a systematic training in sewing, by which girls in the x^ublic schools are made jiroficient in needlework, the first step toward manual training, now acknowl- edged by all to be an essential part of our school programme, she exhibited an almost intuitive sense of the needs of the community, and enabled the children to relieve their mothers of many weary hours of labor. Resolved, That by the introduction of the kitchen garden and, later, the school kitchen — a long step in progress — she accomfdished by this wise provision of her studious care an inestimable benefit to the city, the children being thus taught not only to cook intelligently and economically, but also to buy understandingly the various articles required, by which the manner of living has been changed, health- ful food and proper service displacing uncomfortable and unhealthful methods. Resolved, That by the introduction of the Ling system of gymnastics, in which Mrs. Hemenway's liberality and care for the physical development of the children were the princiiial factors, the city is greatly indebted for another advance in education. Resolved, That by the establishment of the Normal School of Cooking and the Boston Normal School of Gymnastics, furnishing qualified teachers to inaugurate the work in other cities, by which the full advantage of Boston's experience is reaped, her beneficial influence has made instruction in these branches national instead of local. Resolved, That by her contribution in money and intelligent helpfulness in i)ro- motiug the Boston Teachers' Mutual Benefit Association in the days of its inception much was done to insure the success of the enterprise. Resolved, That by the purchase of Dr. John D. Philbrick's library and its i^resenta- tion to the Boston Normal School she has made easily accessible to the i)upils the choicest Avorks on educational siibjects, thus making the valuable information acquired a part of their equipment for their chosen j)rofessiou. Resolved, That by her prizes for essays on subjects connected with American his- tory, awarded to graduates of the Boston high schools on Washington's Birthday in the Old South Meeting House, she has caused a thorough research into our colonial and national life that can result only in inspiring patriotic ardor which must con- duce to the best citizenship. Resolved, That by these and many other acts which can not be eniimerated at this time her name is justly entitled to rank with the names of Pratt and Drexel, who have established institutes in Brooklyn and Philadelphia that will confer incalcula- ble benefits on the people of this country. Resolved. That Mrs. Ilemenway, in these varied interests, gave what is infinitely more imj)ortant than money — her constant sympathy in and enthusiasm for the work, which is an invaluable memory to all who were blessed with her assistance. Resolved, That in tendering these resolutions to the family of Mrs. Hemenway we desire to express our deej) sympathy in their bereavement. [Address by Edwin P. Seaver, superintendent of scliools.] How the Old South Meeting House was saved from threatened destruction is a well-known story that needs not now to bo repeated. Mrs. Hemenway's interest in EDUCATION IN THE SEVEEAL STATES. 1307 that patriotic enterprise did not end witli her jjiviug^ a largo sliaro of the purchase money. That generous gift was but the beginning of a larger enterprise, the x>re- ludc to a nobler history. These ancient walls had been saved. AVhat should bo done ■with them? They might have been allowed to stand as mute witnesses to the events of a glorious past. They might have been used merely as a shelter for curious old relics, which anti- quarians love to study and passing visitors cast a glance upon. And so the old meeting house might have stood many years more — a monument to religion and free- dom, not unworthy, indeed, of its purpose, l)ut yet a silent monument. The plans of Mrs. ITemenway were larger and more vital. The old building should bo not only a relic and monumeut of the past, but a temple for present insjjiratiou and instruction. Tlie thoughts and tlio hopes that aforetime liad thrilled the hearts of men assembled in this house should live again in the words of eloquent teachers. Here should young people gather to learn lessons of virtue and patriotism from the lives of great men whose deeds have glorified our nation's annals. What has now become known throughout the country as "tlio Old South work" is the outgrowth of this fruitful idea. Let us brielly review the particulars of this ''Old Soutli work," keeping in mind as we do so its main purposes, Avhicli are first to interest young peo- ple iu American history, and then, through that interest, to inspire them Avitli a love of their country, and to instruct them wisely concerning the duties and privileges of citizenship under a free government. Can any instruction more vital to the public good be thought off First, wo may notice that Washington's Birthday has been appropriatelj^ celebrated in this house every year from 1879. Other national holidays have been celebrated likewise, or may hereafter be celebrated, for the idea is a growing one. Next should be noticed "the Old South lectures." As early as 1879, and in the two years following, courses of lectures on topics of American history were delivered in this house by Mr. John Fiske, who has since become so well known as a brilliant writer on historical subjects. That these lectures would bo intensely interesting to the adult portion of the audiences was naturally enough expected at the time, but it was hardly foreseen that the young people would be so thoroughly fascinated as they were with a lecturer who had been known chiefly as a Avriter on deep philo- sophical subjects. Mr. Fisko has been a frequent lecturer on this i^latform from 1879 down to the present time. In 1883 "the Old South lectures," properly so called, were organized on a definite and permanent plan. p]ach year the work to be done is laid out in a sj'steinatic manner. A general tojjic is chosen, and particular topics under this are assigned to dift'erent speakers, who are invited because their special knowledge of the topics assigned them gives great interest or importance to what they may have to say. The great interest awakened by these lectures has led to the repetition of many of them in other cities. "The Old South leaflets" are an interesting auxiliary to the lectures, A practice was early adopted of providing iu j^rinted form the means of further studying the matters touched upon by the lecturer of the day. The leaflets so provided contained not meuely an outline of the lecture, but the texts of important historical docu- ments not otherwise easily accessible, and references to authorities with critical note ■. thereupon, and other interesting special matter. These leatlets have proved to bo so useful to teachers iu their school work that the directors of "the Old South Avork"have published a general series of them, which are to be continued, and are supplied to schools at the bare cost of paper and printing. Perhaps " the Old South essays " touch the Boston public schools more immediately than does any other part of "the Old South work." Every year, beginning with 1881, have been offered to high school pu])ils soon to become graduates, and also to recent graduates, four prizes, two of $10 and two of $2o each, for the best essays on assigned topics of American history. The usual objection to the idan of encourag- ing study by the offer of prizes, that many strive and few Avin, so that the joy of victory iu the few is more than offset by the disappointment of failure iu the many, was met in the present case with characteristic wisdom and liberality; for every writer of an essay not winning a monej- prize has received a present of valuable books in recognition of his worthy eftbrt. The judges who make the awards of prizes state that crude essays, betraying a want of study and care on the part of the writers, are extremely rare. On the other hand, there are often so many essays of the highest general excellence that the task of making a just award is a difficult one. Some of these essays have been xirinted in the New England Magazine and iu other periodicals. Some have been published in pamphlet ibrm, and have received the favorable notice of historical scholars. It is now the custom to invito at least one of the prize essayists each year to deliver one of "the Old South lectures." Among the more distinguished of the essayists may be named Mr. Henry L. South- wick, a graduate of the Dorchester High School, whose prize essay of the year 1881, entitled "The policy of the early colonists of Massachusetts toward Quakers and 1308 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1894-95. ciliers whom they regarded as intruders," attracted much attention; Mr. F. E. E. Hamilton, a graduate of the English High School, and since an alumnus of Harvard College: Mr. Robert M. Lovett, a graduate of the Boston Latin School, who led his class at Harvard College; Miss Caroline E. Stecker, who took prizes in two succes- sive ye:irs; and Mr. Leo R. Lewis, of the English High School, now a professor in Tufts College. Others there are who may be expected hereafter to distinguish them- selves in the line of work for which the writing of their essays was the beginning of a preparation. The whole number of Old South essayists is now over 100. About 20 of these have been or still are students in colleges, some proceeding thither in regular course from the Latin schools, but others in less easy ways, being impelled to the effort undoubtedly by a desire for higher education that had grown out of their historical studies for their essays. But among the essayists who have not become college stu- dents, the interest in historical studies has been no less abiding. The Old South Historical Society, formed about two years ago, is composed of persons who have written historical essays for the Old South prizes. Quarterly meetings are held for the reading of papers and for discussion on historical subjects. This society may well be regarded with peculiar interest by our teachers, because it represents the best historical scholarship of successive years in the high schools of Boston. It may soon become, if it be not already, one of the most importaiut learned societies in this city. But historical study and writing are not for the many, nor are they enough to satisfy the few. A broader influence may touch the hearts of all through music. Out of this thought has grown the society known as " The Old South Young People's Chorus." At many of "the Old South lectures" there has been singing of national patriotic hymns by large choruses of boys and girls from the public schools, three or four hun- dred often taking part. On the Washington's Birthday celebrations there has always been singing by the public-school children. These interesting exercises have led to a more permanent organization for the practice of patriotic music, which flourishes now under the name of "Young People's Chorus." Finally, let us note the extension of "the Old South work" to other cities, as Provi- d_ence, Brooklyn, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Indianapolis, Chicago, Madison, Milwau- kee, and others. Everywhere the idea of bringing our national history home to the minds and hearts of young people through an awakened interest in monuments and memorials of the past has been enthusiastically received. Philadelphia, no less than Boston, has her shrines of freedom. There is no city or town in the land that does not possess something interesting as a memorial of past events — events which the national historian may regard as of no more than local importance, but which, by the very circumstance of being local, best show the child the stuff out of which the fabric of our national history is woven. Everywhere, therefore, the materials for "the Old South work" are at hand, and the plan of this work is so simple that it can be adopted eyerywhere. * * * [Prom the address by James A. Page, master of the Dwight School.] Of the public-spirited woman in whose honor we are met it may be said, in the language of Sydney Smith, that she was three women, not one woman. Practical as a business man, she was yet tender and generous to many different sorts of jjeople. Expecting always faithful and loyal service, she was considera,te of those carrying forward her great plans. She delighted to si5end money, as she was spending it, for lofty purposes. She had strength — the strength of opposite qualities, the strength that fits for public service. The city was fortunate that at such a time, or at any time, such service was to be had. The woman who gave this service saw very surely that any institution, to be last- ing, must be firmly founded; and her motto therefore in this, as in other things, was "Go slowly." We had had "systems" of gymnastics before, and they had vanished. We had had "fads" of this kind, and they had perished one by one. The thing to be done now was to secure a plan that should be workable, and yet should be based on Avell-ascertained physiological and psychological data. She gave her mind to this. In 1888 the cooperation of twenty-five teachers was secured, and the work was carried on for a considerable time in rooms at Boylston Place. After much experience had been gained and circumstances had seemed to justify it, larger rooms were obtained, and in 1889 the masters of the schools were invited to interest themselves in the movement and to take part in the exercises. They responded to the call without an exception, I believe, and the work took on a wider scope. It was in this year also (1889) that the Conference on Physical Train- ing took place under the auspices of this school, and the advocates of many different systems were invited to take part, and each to show by example and on the stage the special excellencies of his own school of work. The German pupils, those of the Chris- tian associations, of Delsarte, of the colleges, of the Swedish, and of some private EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1309 scliools took the, stage snccessively, and had ample opportxunty to demoustiate tli"; value of their several systems. A brilliant reception was given in the evening. It was determined, I think, at this time by a very general consensus of opinion that for the public schools of this city as a whole, and wilh all their limitations, the Swedish system was the best adapted. ' From this time, convinced it was on the right track, the Boston Normal School of Gymnastics has continned a constantly growing power and success. Under the same firm but fostering hand as at the beginning it outgrew its quarters in Park street, and since 1890 has been located in more commodious rooms at the Paine Memorial Build- ing. It has graduated th?'ee classes, that of 1891 consisting of 12 students, that of 1892 also of 12, and that of 1893 consisting of 43 students, and this with a constantly advancing standard as to conditions of admission. In addition to these regular grad- uates 30 pupils have received one-year certificates, and some of them are now doing good work as teachers. The school has at its head Miss Amy Morris Homaus and in its stafl:" such men as Dr. Enebuske, the professor of philosophy at Harvard Univei-sity, the dean of the Harvard Medical School, and the professor of biology at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. It is not strange, then, that the services of pupils trained in such a way should he in demand in all parts of the country. Two have gone to the Drexol Institute of Philadelphia ; 2 have gone to Smith College, Northampton ; 2 to Radclifte College, Cambridge; 1 to Bryn Mawr, Pa.; 4 to different State normal schools in Massachu- setts; 1 to Oshkosh, Wis.; 1 to Denver, Colo.;' 1 to the Normal College, Milledge- ville, Ga. ; and 1 each to Gloucester, Lynn, Lawrence, Dedham, Cambridge, and Paw tucket. The aggregate salaries paid to the young ladies of the three classes already grad- uated are not less than $50,000, the highest single salary reaching $1,800, and the average being slightly less than $1,000. These statements give but a faint idea of the work of the school — its fineness, its scope, its far-reaching quality. But we can see that the bread cast on the waters is beginning to return. These centers throughout the country are already established. Inuigine them, as the years go by, multiplied a thousand fold, making a better and happier, because a stronger, i)eople, and then bring the threads back to this place and connect them with the deed of one noble, public-spirited woman. The counterpart of this picture is the one of 60,000 children taking the Swedish exercises daily in our own city schools, under the direction of teachers acquainted with the system from actual contact with it, and under the supervision of an expert like Dr. Hartwell. Who that saw the exposition of it at the English High School on Saturday last can hesitate in his hearty Godspeed or forget the one whose initi- ative made it all possible? [From the address of Dr. Larkin Dunton, head master of the Boston Normal School.] If a man has wisdom and money, but no heart, he does nothing for his fellow-men. If his purse is full and his heart is warm, yet, if he lacks wisdom to guide his eftbrts, he is as likely to harm as to help. But happy is it for the world when wisdom, love, and wealth are the joint possession of one great soul. They then constitute an irre- sistible force. Mrs. Mary Hemenway possessed them all in largest measure. Let us note briefly the comprehensiveness of view and kindness of heart that are shown in the work of this grand woman. She was allowed to grow up, as she said, without learning to do things; and she noticed that girls who were efiicient workers were happy. She felt that she had been deprived of her birthright. This was her first inspiration lor teaching girls to sew; though she saw also the effect of a knowledge of this work in their future homes as well as in helpfulness to their mothers. Through her efibrts sewing was introduced into the schools of Boston. But she was too wise to allow this branch of instruction to depend upon tbe life of any one person. She began at once to inter- est the school committee and teachers in the work, to the end that it might be incor- porated into the regular programme of the schools, be given to all the girls, and, more than this, be made perjietual by being put under the fostering care of the immortal city. The example of Boston has been widely copied, so that the influence of the work thus unostentatiously begun, but so wisely managed, has extended and will extend to millions of children and millions of homes. A legitimate result of the introduction of this new branch of instruction has beeu the creation of a department of sewing in the Boston Normal School, so that here- after sewing is to be taught by women as able and as well educated as those who teach arithmetic or language, and is, therefore, to take its place as an educational force in the development of our girls. Through various experiments in vacation schools in summer Mrs. Hemenway came to see that it would be possible to raise the standard of cooking in the homes of the people by teaching the art to the children in the public schools. This, ahe thought, 1310 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1894-95. would not only raise wp a stronger race of men and women, but would make their homes happier and more attractive, and so would lesson the temptation of fathers and sons to spend their evenings at the saloon. And thus good cooking came to stand in her mind as the handmaid of temperance. But she was Avise enough to see that the realization of her ideal, namely, the uni- versality and perpetuity of good cooking, depended upon two conditions — first, that the work must he under the care and support of an abiding power ; and second, that the instruction must be given by competent teachers. Hence she set herself to work to demonstrate the feasibility of the plan to the school authorities, to the end that they would undertake it for all the girls of the city. At the same time, seeing that there were no suitable teachers for this new branch of education, she established a normal school of cooking, which she has maintained to the present time. Tljis normal school has not only supplied the school kitchens of Boston with com- petent teachers, but has supplied other cities with teachers, so that other centers of like influence could be created. This institution has also shown the authorities here the necessity of training teachers for this kind of school work, and a department of cooking has been provided for in the city normal school. So the continuation and improvement of the work are secured. When Mrs. Hemenway's attention was called to ]5hysical training as a means of improving the health, physique, and graceful bearing of the young, she immediately began experimenting with various systems of gymnastics for the purpose of ascer- taining which was best adapted to tho needs of American children. She soon became so favorably impressed with the Swedish system that she iuA'ited 25 Boston teachers to assist her in making her experiment with it. Their judgment of the result v.'as so favorable that she made anoifer to the school committee to train a hundred teachers in the system, on condition that they be allowed to use the exer- cises in their classes in case they chose to do so. The offer was accepted, and the result proved a success. Mrs. Hemenway saw at the outset that what she could do personally was but a trifle compared to what ought to be done, so she decided to start the work in such a way that it would become as broad as Boston and as lasting. Hence she began at once to share the responsibility with the city and to train the teachers for the work. She soon gained such a broad view of the possibilities of the system that she decided to make it more generally known. This led to tho great Conference on Physical Training in Boston in 1889, which did so much to arouse an interest in the subject and to create a demand for teachers specially trained for tho work. But it was not enough to create a demand for teachers; the demand mnst be met; so she established the Boston Normal School of Gymnastics for the education and training of teachers of gymnastics. Mere imitators would not do for this work. She believed the body to be the temple of God, and that it should be guarded and adorned by those who knew it so well as to believe in its possibilities and its sacredness. This school has done much to qualify the teachers of Boston for conducting the Swedish exercises, and it has sent its graduates into many other cities, which in turn have become centers of insi)iration and help along the same line. Mrs. Hemenway, through this school, will imx^rove the physical power, health, and morality of millions of our children. But she was not satisfied with all this. She saw that to make this work perpetual in Boston the education of teachers of gymnastics must be made perpetual: it must not depend upon one frail life; so she furnished the best equipped teacher that she could procure to give instruction in the theory and art of gymnastics in the Boston Normal School till a woman could be educated for the place. When this was done and the school committee had appointed a comjietent teacher, Mrs. Hemenway's influence was gradually withdrawn, so that now every graduate of our normal school goes out i)rej)ared to direct intelligently the work in gymnastics, and all is done that human foresight could devise to make instruct ioxi in this subject perpetual. Her work in connection with the Old South had tlje same general aim. It was to improve the morals of the people by teaching patriotism widely and perpetually. She once said: "I have just given $100,000 to save the Old South, yet I care nothing for tlie church or the corner lot; but if I live, such teaching shall be done in that old building and such an influence shall go out from it as shall make the children of future generations love their country so tenderly that there can never be another civil war in this country." This sentiment accorints for her support of Old South summer lectures and Old South jjrize essays for the development of patriotism in the young. Mrs. Hemenway spent $100,000 in building up the Tileston Normal School, in Wil- mington, N. C. When asked why she gave money to support schools in the South, she replied : " When my country called for her sous to defend the flag, I had none to give. Mine was but a lad of 12. I gave my money as a thank oifering that I was not called to suffer as other mothers who gaA'e their sons and lost them. I gave it that the children of this generation might bo tanght to love the flag their fathers tore down." EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1311 THE OLD SOUTH WORK. [By Edwin D. Mead.'] * * ^ The extent of the obligation of Boston and of America to Mrs. Hemon- way for her devotion to the historical and political education of our young people is something which we only now begin to properly appreciate, when she has left us and we view her work as a whole. I do not think it is too much to say that she has dono more than any other single individual in the same time to promote pojjular interest in American history and to promote intelligent patriotism. Mary Hemenway was a woman whoso interests and sympathies were as broad as the world; but she was a great patriot — and she was preeminently that. She Avaa air enthusiastic lover of freedom and of democracy, and there was not a day of her life that she did not think of the great i)rice with which our own heritage of freedom had l)een purchased. Her patriotism was loyalty. She had a deep feeling of per- sonal gratitude to the founders of New England and the fathers of the Republic. She had a reverent pride in our position of leadership in the history and movement of modern democracy, and she had a consuming zeal to keep the nation strong and pure and worthy of its best traditions, and to kindle this zeal among the young peo]dc of the nation. With all her great enthusiasms, she was an amazingly prac- tical and definite woman. She wasted no time or strength in vague generalities, either of speech or action. Others might long for tbo time when the kingdom of God should cover the earth as the waters cover the sea — and she longed for it; but while others longed she devoted herself to doing what she could to bring that corner of Cod's world in which sho was set into conformity with the laws of God — and this by every means in her power, by teaching poor girls how to make better clothes and cook better dinners and make better homes, by teaching people to value health and respect and train their bodies, by inciting people to read better books and love better music and better pictures and be interested in more important things. Others might long for the parliament of man and the federation of the world — and so did she ; but while others longed she devoted herself to doing what she could to make this nation, for which she was ijarticularly responsible, fitter for the federation when it comes. The good patriot, to her thinking, was not the worse cosmopolite. The good state for Avhich she worked was a good Massachusetts, and her chief interest, while others talked municipal reform, Avas to make a better Boston. American historj', people used to say, .is not interesting; and they read about Ivry and Marathon and Zama, about Pym and Pepin and Pericles, the ephors,the t: ibuiu s, and the House of Lords. American history, said Mrs. Hemenway, is to us -the most interesting and the most important history in the world, if we would only (ipe]i our eyes to it and look at it in the right way — and I will help people to look at it in tbo right wa3\ Onr very archeology, she said, is of tbe highest interest; and through the researches of Mr. Gushing and Dr. Fewkes and others among the Zunis .-nul tbe Mo(|uis, sustained by her at the cost of thousands of dollars, she did an immense work to make interest in it general. Boston, the Puritan city — how proud sho was of its great line of heroic men, from Wiuthrop and Cotton and Eliot and Harvard to Sumner and Garrison and Parker and Phillips! How proud she Avas that Harry Vano once trod its soil and hero felt himself at home! How she loved Hancock and Otis and Warren and Revere and tJie great men of the Boston town meetings — above all, Samuel Adams, the very mention of whose name always thrilled her, and Avbose portrait was the only one saA^o AVashington's which hung on the oaken walls of her great dining room! The Boston historians, Prescott, Motley, Parkman ; the Boston poets, LongfelloAv, Lowell, P^merson — each Avord of every one she treasured. She would haA-e enjoyed and would haAo understood, as few others, that recent declara- tion of Charles Francis Adams, that the founding of Boston was fraught with conse- quences hardly less important than those of the founding of Rome. AH other Boston men aiulAvomeii must see Boston as she saw it — that washer high resolve; they must know and take to heart that they were citizens of no mean city ; they must be roused to the sacreduess of their inheritance, that so they might be roused to the nobility of their citizenship and the greatness of their duty. It was with this aim andAvith this spirit, not with the spirit of the mere antiquarian, that Mrs. Hemenway inaugu- rated the Old South work. History with her was for use — the history of Boston, the history of New England, the history of America. In tbe first place she saved the Old South Meeting House. She contributed $100,000 toward the fund necessary to prevent its destruction. It is hard for us to realize, so much deeper is the reverence for historic places which the great anniver- saries of these late years haA'e done so much to beget, that in our very centennial year, 187G, the Old South Meeting House, the most sacred and historic structure in i3oston, was in danger of destruction. The old Hancock house, for which, could it be ' Repriuted from tlie Journal of Education, August 30-Septembcr 13, 1834. 1312 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. restored, Boston would to-day pour out unlimited treasure, liad gone, witli but feeble protest, only a dozen years before ; and but for Mrs, Hemenway the Old Soutb Meet- in"- House would have gone in 1876. She saved it, and, having saved it, she deter- mi'iied that it should not stand an idle monument, the tomb of the great ghosts, but a living temple of patriotism. She knew the didactic power of great associations; and everyone who in these fifteen years has been in the habit of going to the lectures and celebrations at the Old South knows with what added force many a lesson has been taught within the walls which heard the tread of Washington, and which still echo the words of Samuel Adams and James Otis and Joseph Warren. The machinery of the Old South work has been the simijlest. That is why any city, if it has ijublic spirited people to sustain it, can easily carry on such work. That is why work like it, owing its parentage and impulse to it, has been undertaken in Providence and Brooklyn and Philadelphia and Indianapolis and Chicago and elsewhere. That is why men and women all over the country, organized in societies or not, who are really in earnest about good citizenship, can do much to promote similar Avork in the cities aud towns in Avhich they live. We have believed at the Old South Meeting House simply in the power of the spoken word and the printed page. We have liad lectures and we have circulated historical leaflets. What is an Old South lecture course like? That is what many of the teachers and many of the youug people who read the Journal of Education, and who are not con- versant with the work, will like to know. What kind of subjects do wo think will attract and instruct bright young people of 15 or 16, set them to reading in American history, make them more interested in their country, and make better citizens of them? That question can not, perhaps, be better answered than by giving the Old South programme for the present summer. This course is devoted to " The Founders of New England," and the eight lectures are as follows : "William Brewster, the elder of Plymouth," by Rev. Edward Everett Plale; "William Bradford, the governor of Plymouth," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis; "John Winthrop, the governor of Massa- chusetts," by Hon. Frederic T. Greenhalge; "John Harvard, and the founding of Harvard College," by Mr. William R. Thayer; "John Eliot, the apostle to the Indi- ans," by Rev. James de Normandie; "John Cotton, the minister of Boston," by Rev. John Cotton Brooks; "Roger Williams, the founder of Rhofle Island," by President E. Benjamin Andrews; "Thomas Hooker, the founder of Connecticut," by Rev. Joseph H. Twichell. It will be uoticed that the several subjects in this course are presented by repre- sentative men — men especially identified in one way or another with their special themes. Thus, Edward Everett Hale, who spoke on Elder Brewster, is certainly our greatest New England "elder" to-day. Dr. Griffls, whose book on "Brave Little Holland" is being read at this time by many of our young people, is an authority in Pilgrim history, having now in preparation a work on "The Pilgrim Fathers in Eng- land, Holland, and America." It was singularly fortunate that the present governor of Massachusetts could speak upon Governor Winthrop. Mr. Thayer is the editor of the Harvard Graduates' Magazine, and a special student of John Harvard's life and times. Mr. De Normandie is John Eliot's successor as minister of the old church in Roxbury. Rev. John Cotton Brooks, Phillips Brooks's brother, is a lineal descend- ant of John Cotton, and has preached in his pulpit in St. Botolph's church at old Boston, in England. President Andrews, of Brown University, is the very best per- son to come from Rhode Island to tell of that little State's great founder. _ Mr. Twichell, the eminent Hartford minister, was the chosen orator at the celebration of the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of Connecticut, in 1889. With such a list of speakers as this, this course upon "The founding of New Eng- land" could not help being a strong, brilliant, and valuable course; and so it has proved. The Old South lectures— thanks to Mrs. Hemenway's generosity, still active by provision of her will — are entirely free to all young people. Tickets are sent to all persons under 20, applying in their own handwriting to the directors of the Old South studies, at the Old South Meeting House, and inclosing stamps. Older peo- ple can come if they wish to — and a great many do come — but these pay for their tickets; it is understood that the lectures are designed for the young people. We tell our lecturers to aim at the bright boy and girl of 15, and forget that there is anybody else in the audience. If the lecturer hits them, he is sure to interest every- body ; if he does not, he is a failure as an Old South lecturer. We tell them to be graphic aud picturesque— dullness, however learned, is the one thing which young people will not pardon; we tell them to speak without notes — if they do not always satisfy themselves quite so well, they please everybody else a great deal better; and we tell them never to speak over an hour — we pardon fifty-nine minutes, but we do not pardon sixty-one. Persons starting work like the Old South work in other cities would do well to remember these simple rules. Any persons looking in upon the great audience of young people which, on the Wednesday afternoons of Bummer, fills the Old South Meeting House, will quickly satisfy themselves whether American history taught by such lectures is interesting. EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1313 For tho Old South lectures arc summer lectures — vacation lectures — given at 3 o'clock on Wednesday afternoons. They begin when the graduation exercises and the Fourth of July are Avell lieLind, usually on the Wednesday nearest August 1. For one reason tvo lind this a little late— it cai-ries the last lecture or two beyond the opening of the schools in September; and such courses of lectures in vacation might well begin as early as the middle of July. Our lectures are not meant for idbrs; we do not aim to entertain a crowd of children for an hour in a desultory fashion; our lecturers do not talk baby talk. The Old South work is a serious educational work; its programmes are careful and sequential, making demands upon the hearers; it assumes that the young people who come are students, or want to be — and by consistently assuming it, it makes them so. Dr. Hale, who has addressed these Old South audiences oftener, perhaps, than anybody else, remarked at the opening of tbe present course upon the notable development in the character and carriage of the audiences in these years of the work; it is no longer safe, he said, to say 1603 at the Old South, when vou ought to say 1602. Last year, Avhen the people of the whole country were assembling at Chicago, the capital of the great West, the lectures were devoted to the subject of " The opening of the West." The subjects of the previous ten annual courses were as follows: " Early Massachusetts history,'' " Kepresentative men in Boston history," " The war for the Union," " J ho war for independence," " The birth of the nation," "The story of the centuries," ''America and France," " The American Indians," "The new birth of the world," " The discovery of America." The Old South Leaflets are prepared, primarily, for circulation among the young people attending the Old South lectures. The subjects of the leaflets are usually immediately related to the subjects of the lectures. They arc meant to supplement the lectures and stimulate reading and inquiry among the young people. They are made up, for the most part, from original papers of the periods treated in the lec- tures, in the hope to make the men and the life of those periods more clear and real. Careful historical notes and references to the best books on tbe subjects are added, the leaflets usually consisting of 16 or 20 pages. A single instance more will suffice to show the relation of the leatlets to the lectures. The year 1889 beiug the centen- nial both of the beginning of our own Federal Government and of the French revo- lution, the lectures for the year, under the general title of "America and France," were devoted entirely to subjects in which the history of America is related to that of France, as follows: "Champlain, the founder of Quebec," "La Salle and the French in the Great West," " The Jesuit missionaries in America," " Wolfe and Montcalm. Tlie struggle of England and France for tbe Continent," " Franklin in France," "The friendsbip of Wasliington and Lafayette," " Thomas Jefferson and the Louisiana purchase," " The year 1789." The corresponding leaflets were as follows: " Verrazzano's account of his voyage to America," " Marijuette's account of his dis- covery of the Mississippi," "Mr. Farkman's histories," "The capture of Quebec, from Farkman's ' Conspiracy of Pontiac ; ' " " Selections from Franklin's letters from France," "Letters of Washington and Lafayette," "The Declaration of Independ- ence," "The French declaration of tbe Rights of Man, 1789." The virtue of the Old South Leaflets is that they bring students into first baud, instead of second hand, touch with history. That, indeed, may describe the Old South work altogether. It lias been an effort to bring the young people of Boston and America iuto original relations with history; and it has been, we think, the foremost etfort of the kind in tbe country. This is why it has won the atten- tion and commendation, so gratifying to us, of tbe educators of the country. Our joy in tbe Old South work has been the joy of being pioneers, and the joy of know- inii- that we were pioneers in the right direction. Wo should have known this if others hc,d not known it; but we do not deny that the warm words of the histor- ical scholars and teachers of the country have been very grateful and very helpful to us. The Old South work is "in exactly the right direcrion," John Fiske has said. It is a pleasant thing to remember that it was at Mrs. Hemenway's instance and at her strong solicitation tliat Mr. Fiske first turned his ctforts to tbe field of American history ; and almost everything thathas appeared in his luagnificentseries of historical works was first given in the form of lectures at the Old South. In his new school history of the Uuited States, * * » the Old South Leaflets are con- stantly commended for use in connection. "The publication of these leaflets," he says, "is sure to have a most happy eft'ect in awakening general interest, on tbe part of young students, in original documents." To the same edect writes Mr. Montgomery, whoso text-books in history are so widely used in the schools. James MacAlister, the president of the Drexel Institute in Philadelphia, Avritcs: "I regard the Old ED 95 42 1314 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. ' • South work as one of the most important educational movements ot recent times." Mr. Herbert Welsh, of Philadelphia, wrote a special tract about the Old South work and spread it broadcast in Philadelphia. He had been deeply impressed by the Old South work when he came to lecture for us a little Avhile before. " The secret of the success of the Old South jjlan," he said, "is that it teaches history from a living- and most iiractical standpoint. It is the application of the best that our past has given to the brain and heart of the youth of the present." ""Why should not this simple and effective plan be made use of in Philadelphia ? '"' he asked ; and last year Old South work was inaugurated in Philadelphia, the lectures to the young people being given in the old State hoiise, where the Declaration of Independence was signed and the Con- stitution framed. President Andrews, of Brown University, Prof. Herbert Adams, of Johns Hopkins, Professor Hart, of Harvard, Prof. Woodrow Wilson, Mr. Horace E. Scudder, and others have written in the same warm way. Mr. Tetlow, the master of the Boston Girls' High School, and masters all over the country, unite in welcom- ing the leaflets. "To teach history by the study of original documents," writes one, "has been the dream of the best instructors, but this dream may now be realized through the inexpensive form in which these originals are presented." " The edu- cational world," writes Miss Coman, the professor of history at Wellesley College, "is coming to recognize the value of teaching history, even to young people, from the original records, rather than from accounts at second or third hand. I rejoice thatthese documents have beenmade accessible to the children of our public schools." "Wo may talk about such documents all Ave please," says Mr. Huliug, the master of the Cambridge High School, "and little good will be done ; but when the pupil reads one of these for himself, he is indeed a dull fellow if ho docs not carry aAvay a definite impression of its place in history." "I wish," writes Mr. Belheld, the principal of the Chicago Manual Training School, who has done more than anybody else to pro- mote the Old South movement in the W'est, "that the series could be brought to the attention of every school superintenflent, high-school principal, and teacher of United States history in the country." "The Old South Leaflets," says Pi'ofessor Folwell, the professor of history in the University of Minnesota, "ought to be scattered by millions of copies all over our country." It is a satisfaction to be able to quote such words from such persons, for they are surely a great reenforcement of our commendation of this missionary work iji good citizenship to the attention of the country. For that is what the Old South work is — a missionary work iu good citizenship — and feeling it to be that, we " commend ourselves." We wish that societies of young men and women might be organized in a thousand places for historical and political studies, and that our little Old South Leaflets might prove of as much service to these as they are proving to our Old South audiences and to the schools. But the Old South work is not simplj^ a means of doing something for the young people of Boston ; it is also a means of getting something from them and settiug them to work for themselves. Every year prizes are offered to the gradiiates of the Boston high schools, graduates of the current year and the preceding year, for the best essays on subjects in American history. Two subjects are proposed each year, and two prizes are awarded for each subject, the first prize being $40 and the second $25. The subjects are announced in June, just as the schools close, and the essays must be submitted in the following January. The prizes are always announced at the Washington's birthday celebration, which is one of the events of the Old South year. The subjects proposed each year for the essays are always closely related to the general subject of the lectures for the year, our aim being to make the entire work for the year unified and articulate, each part of it helping the rest. The sub- jects for the essays for the present year, when the lectures are devoted to "The founders of Nev/ England," are (1) "The relations of the founders of New England to the universities of Cambridge and Oxford," (2) "The fundamental orders of Con- necticut and their place in the history of written constitutions." I think that some of your readers would be surprised at the thoroughness and gen- eral excellence of many of these essays written by pupils just out of our high schools. The first-i)rize essay for 1881, on "The policy of the early colonists of Massachusetts toward Quakers and others whom they regarded as intruders," by Henry L. South- wick, and one of the first-prize essays for"l889, on "Washington's interest in educa- tion," by Miss Caroline C. Stecker, have been printed, and can be procured at the Old South Meeting Hoiise. Another of the prize essays, on "Washington's interest in education," by Miss Julia K. Ordway, was published in the New England Maga- zine for May, 1890; one of the first-prize essays for 1890, on "Philip, Pontiac, and Tecumseh," by Miss Caroline C. Stecker, appeared in the New England Magazine for September, 1891; and one of the first-prize essays for 1891, on "Marco Polo's explo- rations in Asia and their influence upon Columbus," by Miss Helen P. Margesson, in the New England Magazine for August, 1892. The New England Magazine, which is devoted preeminently to matters relating to American history and good citizenship, has from the time of its founding, five years ago. made itself an organ of the Old EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1315 Soutli work, publishing many of tlio Old Soutli essays and lectures, and always uotic- iu^- in its editor's table everything relating to the progress of the movement. The young people who have competed for these Old South prizes are naturally the hest students of history in their successive years in the Boston high echools. They now number more than 100, and they have recently formed themselves into an Old South Historical Society. Many of the Old South essayists have, of course, gone on into college, and many are now scattered over the country; but more than half of their number, not a few of them teachers in the schools, are to-day within sound of the Old South bell, and the quarterly meetings of the little society, which by and by will be a big society, are very interesting. There is always some careful historical jiaper read by one of the members, and then there is a discussion. We have the beginning of a very good library in tlie essayists' room at the Old South, and this we hope will grow and that the society's headquarters will by and by become a real Beiiiinary. The society is rapidlj' becoming an etiicieut factor in the general Old South work. It has recently formed three activi? committees — a lecture committee, an e?say committee, and an outlook committee — and its leading spirits are ambitious for larger service. The members of the lecture committee assist in the distribution of tickets to the schools and in enlisting the interest of young people in the lectures. The members of the essay committee similarly devote themselves to enlisting the interest of the high schools in the essays. They will also read the essays submitted each year, not for the sake of adjudging the award of prizes — that is in other hands — but that there may always be in the society scholarly members thoroughly cognizant of the character of the work being done and of the varying capacity of the new members entering the society. The office of the outlook committee is to keep itself informed and to kee^j the society informed of all important eiibrts at home and abroad for the historical and political education of young people. It will watch the newspapers; it will watch the magazines; it will Avatch the schools. It will report anything it linds said about the Old South work and about its extension anywhere. At the next meeting I suppose it will tell the society about Mr. Fiske's new school history and about any now text-books in civil government which have appeared. I hope it will tell how much better most of the series of historical readers published in England for the use of the schools are than the similar books which we have in America. It is sure to say something about the remarkable growth of the Lyceum Leagues among oiir yoiing people lately, and it is sure to report the recent utterances of President Clark and other leaders of the Christian Endeavor movement upon the importance of rousing a more delinite interest in politics and greater devotion to the duties of citizenship among the young people in that great organization. Especially will it notice at this time the Historical rilgrimage, that interesting educational movesnent which suddenly appeared this summer, full grown — a movement which would have enlisted so warmly the sj-mpathies of Mrs. Hcmenway, who felt, as almost nobody else ever felt, the immense educational power of historical associa- tions. It will tell the society what Mr. Stead lias written aboiit historical pilgrim- ages in England, and Mr. Powell and Dr. Shaw in America; it will speak of the recent reception of the pilgrims at the Old South; and it may venture the inquiry whether the Old South Historical Society might not protitably make itself a center for organizing such local i^ilgrimages for the benefit of the young people of Boston — pilgrimages, one perhaps each year, to Plymouth and Salem and Lexington and Con- cord and old Eutland and Newport and Deerfield and a score of places. That thought, I know, is already working in the minds of some of the more enterprising members of the society. Many societies of young people all over the country might well take up such his- torical studies as those in which the Old South Historical Society interests itself. They should also interest themselves in studies more directly political and social. We have in Boston a Society for Promoting Good Citizenship. This is not a con- stituent part of the Old South work ; but it is a society in whose eiibrts some of us who have the Old South work at heart are deeply interested, and its lectures are given at the Old South Meeting House. Its lectures deal with such subjects as qualifications for citizenship, municipal reform, the refornf of the newspaper. Last season the lectures vrero upon "A more beautiful public life," the several subjects being: "The lessons of the white city," ''Boards of beauty," '-Municipal art," "Art in the public schools," "Art museums and the people," and "Boston, the City of God." These subjects, and such as these, young men and women might take up in their societies, with great benefit to themselves and to their communities. Our young people should train themselves also in the organization and procedure of our local and general government, as presented in the test-books on civil government, now happily becoming so common in the schools. The young men in one of our colleges have a House of Commons ; in another college — a young woman's college — they have a House of Representatives. Our Old South Historical Society has^talked of organizing a town meeting for the discussion of public questions and for scliooling in legislative methods. Why should not such town meetings bo common aaioug our young people ? 1316 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. Why, toO; will not oiir youug people everywhere, as a part of their service for good citizenship, engage in a crnsade in behalf of better music? Good music is a great educator. Bad music is debilitating and debasing. That was a wise man Avhom old Fletcher quotes as saying : " Let me make the songs of a people and I care not Avho makes the laws." How many of the young men and women in the high schools have read what Plato says about strong, pure music in education, in his book on The Laws? Indeed, it is to be feared that not all the teachers have read it. I wish that a hundred clubs or classes of young people would read Plato's Laws nest winter, and his Republic the next, and then Aristotle's Politics. Do not think they are hard, dull books. They are fresh, fascinating books, and seem almost as modern, in all their discussions of socialism, education, and the rest, as the last magazine — only they are so much better and more fruitful than the magazine ! They make us ashamed of ourselves, these great Greek thinkers, their peaching is so much better than our practice; but it is a good thing to be made ashamed of ourselves sometimes, and we need it very much hero in America in the matter of music. We are suffering in our homes, in our schools, in our churches, our theaters, everywhere, from music of the trashiest and most Aailgax character. Let us go to school to Plato ; let us go to school to Germany and England. We aim to do something in behalf of this reform at the Old South. Our large choruses from the public schools at many of our celebrations have sung well; but we wish to do a real educational work, not only as touching patriotic music strictly, but as touching better music for the people generally. If in some future the ghosts of some of the great Greeks stroll into the Old South Meeting House we hope they may iind it the center of influences in behalf of pure and inspiring music, which shall be as gratifying to them as the devotion to the State which has been inculcated there in these years would surely be. THE OLD SOUTH LEAFLETS. The Old South Leaflets, which have been published during the last thirteen years, in connection with these annual courses of historical lectures at the Old South Meeting House, have attracted so much attention and proved of so much service, that the directors have entered upon the publication of the leaflets for general cir- culation, with the needs of schools, colleges, private clubs, and classes especially in mind. The leaflets are prepared by Mr. Edwin D. Mead. They are largely repro- ductions of important original papers, accompanied by useful historical and biblio- graphical notes. They consist, on an average, of 16 pages, and are sold at the low price of 5 cents a copy, or $4 per 100. The aim is to bring them within easy reach of everybody. The Old South work, founded by Mrs. Mary Hemenway, and still sustained by provision of her will, is a work for tlie education of the jseople, and especially the education of our young people, in American history and politics; and its promoters believe that few things can contribute better to this end than the wide circulation of such leaflets as those now undertaken. It is hoped that professors in our colleges and teachers every where will welcome them for use in their classes, and that they may meet the needs of the societies of young men and women now happily being organized in so many places for historical and political studies. Some idea of the character of these Old South Leaflets may be gained from the following list of the subjects of the first sixty-four numbers, which are now ready. It will bo noticed that many of the later numbers are the same as certain numbers in the annual series. Since 1890 they are essentially the same, and persons ordering the leaflets need simply observe the following numbers: No. 1. The Constitution of the United States. No. 2. The Articles of Confedera- tion. No. 3. The Declaration of Independence. No. 4. AVashington's Farewell Address. No. 5. Magna Charta. No. 6, Vane's "Healing Question." No. 7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. No. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, 1638. No. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. No. 10. Washington's Inaugurals. No. 11. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. No. 12. The Federalist, Nos. 1 and 2. No. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. No. 14. The Constitution of Ohio. No. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States, 1783. No. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. No. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage, 1524. No. 18. The Constitution of Switzerland. No. 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. No. 20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. No. 21. Eliot's Brief Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel among the Indians, 1670. No. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Rise of the Indian School at Lebanon, Conn., 1762. No. 23. The Petition of Rights, 1628. No. 24. The Grand Remonstrance. No. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. No. 26. The Agreement of the People. No. 27. The Instrument of Government. No. 28. Cromwell's First Speech to his Parliament. No. 29. The Dis- covery of America, from the Life of Columbus by his Sou, Ferdinand Columbus. No. 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. No. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red, No. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and Java. No. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the First A^oyage and Discovery. EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1317 No. 34. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of liis First Voj'age. No. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. No. 36. The Death of Do Soto, from the " Narrative of a Gentle- man of Elvas." No. 37. Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. No. 38. Henry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington. No. 39. De Vaca's Account of his .Journey to New Mexico, 1535. No. 40. Manassch Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. No. 41. Washington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1770. No. 42. (Jarfield's Address on the Northwest Territory and the Western Reserve. No. 43. George Rogers Clark's Account of the Capture of Vincenues, 1779. No. 44. Jefferson's Life of Captain Meri- wether Lewis. No. 45. Fremont's Account of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak. No. 46. Father Marquette at Chicago, 1673. No. 47. Washington's Account of the Army at Cambridge^ 1775. No. 48. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster. No. 49. Brad- ford's First Dialogue. No. 50. Winthrop's "Conclusions for the Plantation in New England." No. 51. "New England's First'Fruits," 1643. No.5"2. Jolm Eliot's "Indian Grammar Begun." No. 53. John Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation." No. 54. Letters of Roger Williams to Winthrop. No. 55. Thomas Hooker's "Way of the Churches of New England." No. 56. The Monroe Doctrine : President Monroe's Mes- sage of 1823. No. 57. Tlie English Bible, selections from the various versions. No, 58. Hooper's Letters to Bullinger. No. 59. Sir John Eliot's "Apology for Socrates." No. 60. Ship-money Papers. No. 61. Py.m's Speech against Strafford. No. 62. Crom- well's Second Speech. No. 63. Milton's "A Free Commonwealth." No. 64. Sir Henry Vane's Defence, Title pages covering Nos. 1 to 25 (Vol. I) and 26 to 50 (Vol. II) will be furnished to any person buying the entire series and desiring to bind them in volumes. Address Directors of Old South Studies, Old South Meeting House, Bosttm. WOMi:X AND MEX — THE ASSAULT ON PRIVATE SCHOOLS. [Contributed by T. W. Iligginson to Harper's BazaP-T.] When Matthew Arnold, who had spent much of his life as an inspector of schools came to this country, he found with surprise that our public schools Avero not what he had supposed. He had thought them schools to which all classes sent their chil- dren; but he found it otherwise. In cities, he said, they seemed to be essentially class schools — tliat is, the more prosperous classes avoided them, sending their sons rarely to them, their daughters never. What then became of the talk of our orators in favor of these schools as the most democratic thing in the whole community? In the country it might bo so, but population Avas tending more aiid more to the cities, tending away, that is, from the public schools. All the alleged danger to our system from religious interference seemed to him trivial compared with this silent social interference, which was going on all the time. Matthew Arnold was in many ways, for a man so eminent, curiously narrow and even whimsical, but his perceptions on this one point were certainly acute. As one evidence of it we sec a movement brought forward in the newspapers, from several different quarters, to crush this particular evil, by one swefping measure, with the absolute prohibition of all private schools. Either abolish them all and force every child into the public schools, or else place all private schools under direct public supervision and allow at their head o'nly publicly trained teachers. There is little chance that any such measure will ever be seriously brought forward. The amount already invested in private or endowed schools and colleges — and the ])lan, to be consistent, must include colleges — is too immense to allow of its being verj^ strongly urged. But it presents some very interesting points and is worth considering. To begin with, it has the merit, unlike the attacks on merely denominational schools, of being at least logical. Those attacks in some jiarts of our land have needed almost no probing to show a hopeless want of logic. They always turned out to be aimed, not at denominational schools in themselves, but at some particular denomination. At the East this was naturally the Roman Catholic body, and to some extent the Episcopalian. In certain Western States it was the Roman Cath- olics and Lutherans. But these attempts to prohibit sectarian schools invarial)ly fell to pieces when it appeared that most of the opponents had not the slightest •ob;ection to denominational schools if they oul^' belonged to the right denomination — that is, their own — and only ol)jected to them in the hands of some other religions body. The crowning instance of this was when the late Rev. Dr. Miner, an excel- lent and leading clergyman of the Universalist order, appeared every winter before the Massachusetts legislature to urge the utter prohibition of parorhial schools; and yet s])ent one of the last days of his life in giving out diplomas at an academy of his own sect, and, moreover, provided for several similar schools in his will. Now no such inconsistency stands in the way of those who would prohibit, with- out distinction, all denominational and all private schools. Unwise they may be, but not illogical. Indeed, the step they propose is only following out consistently what the others urged inconsistently. If it is right to coerce one mother, who takes 1318 EDUCATION EEPORT^ 1894-95. lier cliildren from the piiLlic school through anxiety for their souls, we should cer- tainly do the same for another, who -svithdraws hers for the sake of their bodies; or perhaps, after all, only out of regard for the welfare of their clothes. There are several prominent religious bodies which believe that religious education of their own Rtamj) is absolutely needful for children. Most of the early public schools in this country were on that basis, and began instruction with the New England Primer. We may say that this motive is now outgrown; but it is certainly as laudible as when a daughter is taken from one school and sent to another, that she may be among better- dressed children or make desirable acquaintances. Grant these reasons frivolous— and they are not wholly so — there are ample reasons why the entire prohibition of private schools would be a calamity to the educational world. The reason is that they afford what the public schools rarely can, a place where original methods may be tried and indi\idual modes of teaching developed. Private schools are the experimental stations for public schools. A great isublic school system is a vast machine, and has the merits and defects of machinery. It usually surpasses private institutions in method, order, punctuality, accuracy of training. It is very desirable that every teacher and every pupil should at some time share its training. In these respects it is the regular army besides militia. Butthis brings imitations. The French commissioner of education once boasted that in his office in Paris he knew with perfect precision just what lesson every class in every school in the remotest provinces of France was reciting. We do not reach this, but it is of necessity the ideal of every public system. It has great merit, but it kills originality. No teacher can ever try an experiment, for that might lose 1 per cent in the proi^ortion of the first class able to pass examination at the end of the year. ' The teacher is there to do a precise part; no less, no more. Under this disciijline great results are often achieved, but they are the results of drill, not of inspiration. Accordingly every edacational authority admits that the epoch-making experi- ments in education — the improvements of Pestalozzi, Fellenberg, Froebel — were made in private, not public schools. Like all other experiments, they were tried at the risk of the iuA^entor or his backers, and often to the impoverishment of all con- cerned. Mr. A. Bronson Alcott's school was starved out, in Boston, half a century ago, and he himself dismissed with pitying laughter. Yet there is no intelligent educator who does not now admit the value of his suggestions; and Dr. Harris, the national superintendent of education, is his admiring biographer. His first assist- ant. Miss Elizabeth Peabody — esteemed throughout her beneticent life a dreamer of the dreamers — yet forced upon American educators I'roebel's kindergarten. Ho began it with a few peasant children in Germany, and now every city in the United States is either adopting or discussing it. In many things the private school leads, the public school follows. Every one who writes a schoolbook involving some originality of method knows that the private schools will take it up first. If it suc- ceeds there, tlie public schools will follow. To abolish or impair these public schools would be a crime against the State ; to prohibit private schools an almost equal crime. It Avould belike saying that all observatories must be sustained by the State only, and that Mr. Percival Lowell should be absolutely prohibited from further cultivating his personal intimacy with the planet Mars. Humane Education. The objection of the American Humane Society, as stated by its president, Georgo T. Angeli, 19 Milk street, Boston, is ''to humanely educate the American people for the purpose of stopping every form of cruelty, both to human beings and the loAver animals." For the accomplishment of this worthy purpose it seeks to enlist the aid of public and private school teachers, the educational, religious, and secular press, and the clergy of all denominations, ^'in order to build up in our colleges, schools, and else- where a spirit of chivalry and humanity which shall in coming generations substi- tute ballots for bullets, prevent anarchy and crime, protect the defenseless, maintain the right, and hasten the coming of peace on earth and good will to every harmless living creature, both human and dumb." This work of this society should commend itself to all well-disposed persons. One phase of the society's activity is its pronounced opposition to the vivisection or the indiscriminate dissection of animals in the public schools. It is felt that such practices have an unfavorable eifect on young and undeveloped minds — tend to blunt the edge of their finer sensibilities. The agitation of this subject in Massachusetts led to the enactment of a law in 1894 prohibiting the vivisection of animals in the public schools, or the exhibiting of any animal upon which vivisection had been practiced; also regulating the dissection of dead animals. The States of Maine and Washington require their teachers to spend at least ten minutes each week in teaching kindness to animals. EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1319 MISSISSIPPI. WHY EDUCATE? WHAT IS THE nilLOSOPIlY OF EDUCATION? [An address delivered at the second annual oomniencomont of Millsaps College, Jackson, Miss., Juno 12, 1894, by Hon. William H. Sims, of Mississippi.] Gentlemen of the Faculty and Student Body of Millsapa College, Ladies, and Gentlemen: My appreciation of tlie honor of occupying this place to-day, in an institution ■wLose success is very near my heart, will not, I trust, be measured by the modest contribution of thought and learning which I am able to bring to this occasion, but rather, let me ask, by the willingness I have shown to obey the suuiuions of this faculty in coming a thousand miles to discharge a duty which the invitation of a Mississippi college imposes upon a Mississippian. . In appearing before you in this beautiful new home, the thought very naturally arises in my mind, AVhy was this building built? Of course, its dedicatiou to present uses aud the fame which has gone abroad concerning its origin would seem suffi- ciently to ansAver the in([uiry. And yet, it has occurred to me that it may be useful in presenting what I have to say to-day to endeavor to center your attention upon what the answer to that question involves. Why was this building built? Do you imagine that this inquiry will have more of interest to a beholder of this structure a few centuries hence, as perchance he may look upon its venerable walls, stained jby the mold and decay of time, when its architectural design may have become antiquated and obscured, amid the changeful fashions of later days; when its mission, then in jiart fultilled, its history or many of its chapters written, the good that it shall have accomplished then made manifest, the seed that shall have been winnowed within these walla and distributed to the sowers scattered across the face of the land, yielding a fruitage excellent and a harvest abundant? Aud, may I ask, is there no good to be gained from such presuppositions? Does the forecasting of the possible outcome of a great benefaction to mankind inspire thoughts less of interest and of protit than the looking back upon the good already accomplished? Is ib better to seek inspiration from the things of the past than from the hopes of the future? Is it Ijetter that our oyes bo turned to the setting than the rising sun ; to tho gold- crowned summit of Solomon's Temple; to tho land of promise which has been tra- versed, or to tho shining pinnacles of glory which gleam ahead beyond tho rugged hilltojis and invito to the sun-burst siilendor of the New Jerusalem? But think on this as wo may, I invite you back to the question suggested: Why was this building built? Did not its founder know before tho work was began why it was to be beguu? Did not an intelligent benevolence conceive the object of its erection before its foundations were laid? Would the noble benefactor of his day aud generation, whose name it bears and without whose munificent generosity its existence was not possible, have parted with his great endowment and led others to emulate his example without a definite object and what seemed to him a wise end in view, carefully and deliberately considered, which lay back of tho giving of tho gifts ? Those who know him well and tlioso who know the manner of men from whom largo charities habitually come will answer, nay — verily! What was that purpose? Why was this biiildiug bnilt? I answer: It was built for the noblest of human jiurposes; for the highest earthly object this side of heaven for which any building can be built. It was built for a schoolhouse; for a college to enlarge tho opportunities of Mississippi boys for high education, for sound, broad, conservative mental training, along the Hues of Christian ideals. And was this a wise investment of a great sum of money? Let us consider this: Why educate? AVhat is the philosophy of education? Around these suggestive inquiries I purpose to groui^ the facts and reflections which I have collected as ray opportunities permitted to present to you to-day. The student of nature and her wonderful methods is continually imi)res8ed by the wise adaptation of the means she employs to the ends designed. Throughout all th(> vast departments of creation, wherever scientific investigation has been rewarded with xlie discovery of what nature intended to eflect in any particular case, this perfect adaptation of method to design is to bo found. So certain is the intelligent mechanical inventor of tho correctness of nature's plans that when he has been able to employ one of her devices in constructing his machine he looks forward to its suc- cessful operation with unwavering confidence, because he knows that no better con- trivance is possible ; and it may be always assumed that where this law of adaptation is not apparent it is not because of its absence but because nature's true purpose has not been discovered. This prelude, I trust, will acquit me of seeming irreverence when I further say that no animal being on earth seems to have been less prepared for his natural envi- ronments, according to our knowledge of his introduction on this earth, than man. 1320 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. From tlio very beginning of his existence on tliis mundane spLere lie lias commenced life the most dependent and the most helpless of all the animal kingdom. So far as AVG know, no other animal at birth is so poorly equipped for the life thrust upon him. The beasts of the field and the fowls of the air were furnished by nature with bodies suited to their environments, without need of artificial coverings, while man has needed bodily protection from the cradle of his being. All other animals except man were endowed at birth with natural instincts so perfectly adapted to their necessities that they correctly guided them in their selection and accumula- tion of food and the preparation of their several habitations with an exactness that left nothing to be desired for their well being. Primitive man, however, we are left to suppose, was not so ha^ipily conditioned. He was at birth given no unerring inward impulse to safely guide him in the early days of his being amid the perils which surrounded him, no instinct to meet the ani- mal necessities which soon beset him. Unlike other animals, he had no ready-made clothing for his vesture, no ready-made law for the government of his daily life, and like the Son of Man himself, when incarnated, "had not where to lay his head," though the foxes had holes and the birds of the air had nests. It would be a shallow thinker, however, Avho would argue from these premises that nature's plummet slipped when man was made and placed on earth amid condi- tions unadjusted to his necessities. On the contrary, I maintain that all the grand philosophy of man's creation and being turns on this pivotal point. While seem- ingly the most helpless and most dependent of mortal beings at the start, and with the smallest provision ready-made to supply his animal wants, man was, notwith- standing, invested with such potential powers as not only marked him as nature's favorite, but as the crowning work of "Nature's God." Other animals, while they were under the special guidance of nature's law of instinct, were yet the slaves of tiie very laws that guided them and which fixed their conditions as mere animals in appointed grooves as long as the species should last ; while man, endowed with mind and reason and soul like unto the spiritual image of God himself, possessed powers which, though feeble at first, were perforce of man's self-activity to be so developed by the friction of his environment and the free direction of his immortal personality as to make him the regnant king of all the kingdoms of nature, the Avatar of earth. Thus armed with reason and self-determining purpose, unfettered by his Creator, man entered upon his career with capacity " to grow in knowledge and Avisdom and holiness forever." His civilization is the measure'of his progress toward complete (IcA^elopment. His history is the record of his experience along the Avay of that progress. The lessons of that experience and the learning and Avisdom he has accu- mulated and left to us are man's great educational capital. "As heirs of all tlio ages," each is entitled to share in this capital. The business of teaching is to so distribute the inheritance to the young heirs who seek it that they may be helped along their several Avays of development and progress. The partiality and selfishness, however, Avith Avhicii this distribution has been made from remote eras by those Avhom power had set in authority is alike interesting and instructive, and the effort of bencA'o- lenco in recent times, whether of individuals or of goA^ernment, to ameliorate the condition of mankind and work out the problem of man's development has been most jirofitably directed to Avideniug the avenues to learning and instruction, so that all may seek the portals of their temple with such freedom of thought and action as the good of society permits. In contemplating the winding stream of educational de\'elopment through the long years of recorded history, it is interesting to observe its tortuous course, its unequal volume, and the restricted boundaries of its channel, influenced and con- trolled, as it has been, by those Avho sliaped the life and destiny of humanity. Sel- dom was it permitted to'dash along with the impulse of nature into the cascades and waterfalls that set in motion the mills that ground the mental pabulum of the poor and lowly ; rarer still to accumulate into great lakes and reservoirs of learning about which the multitude could congregate and slake their thirst for knowledge; and still rarer did it overflow the barriers made to confine it, and, like the generous Nile, spread its beneficent fertilization amid the desert about it, enriching and quick- ening the common mind. Its eddies were the whirljiools of fanatical ignorance maddened by Avrongs. Its lakes Avere stagnant lagoons of brutish superstition, where darkness brooded and the vampire made its home. Its overflows were the fiery billows of religious wars consuming the youth and virtue of the nations.^ And yet this educational stream even in the ante-Christian period, Avas not Avithout instances where it flowed through the untaught masses pure and strong and deep, like the Jordan through the body of the Dead Sea. Glancing at educational conditions in the Orient, we find that from time immemo- rial theyhaA^e been created and maintained by the government, or the ruling classes, for the narrowest and most selfish of purposes. It is to be noted, liowcA^er, that far back in the centuries, the Chinese Government enforced general education, but of a /igid and stereotyped character. Its fimdameutal purpose was obedience to the EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1321 regnaut autbority ; ita ideal end, to the family. Profound reverence for parents and the aged, and a religions homage for the Emperor as the great father of all the families of the realm, were absolutely enforced. These, the precepts of their philosophers, Confucius and Mencius his "follower eujoined, and the price of disobedience was death. The Imperial Government was an aristocracy of scbolars, all of its officers, from the highest to the lowest, were selected by competitive examinations from among those whose minds had been saturated Avith such teachings of reverence and whose nieniories were found best stored with the maxims and phrases, to the very letter, of the infallible philosophy of their classics. In their Avritten examinations the betrayal of any thought of their own, or expression not based upon such authority, was fatal to the seeker of official trust. All independence of ideas was suppressed; all indi- viduality pruned away by these procrustean methods. And thus the oldest and most populous nation of earth for centuries stood in its wooden shoes upon the same intellectual dead level, yielding the humblest obeisance to the supreme authority of the Empire and to the absolutism of prescribed thought crystallized in the max- ims, laws, and standards handed down by their teachers of religion and philosophy. Is it wonderful that such education made hundreds of millions of intellectual dwarfs and automatons, who, though toilsome, sober, economical, peaceful, and skilled iu many arts, have for centuries dwelt in the supreme contentment that they had noth- ing more to learn, and that all change was treason to state and religions? Passing from China to ancient India, we leave popular education behind us, and high mental cultivation for the few and none for the many. Here the Brahmins, by a rigid religious tenure, monopolized all education. Impassable boundary lines divided society into the distinctive castes of Brahmin, and warrior, and merchant, or hand worker and slave. In these several castes they were born and lived and died. No interchange of the positions of the social strata was possible under the n ystic dominion over mind and soul exercised by the saci'ed Brahmins. As priests set apart by their subtle religious philosophy, they were alone permitted to read and teach and interpret the books of the Vedas, the fountains of knowledge from Avhich all their wisdom came. Hedged about with mystery and the profoundest reverence, their mental and moral sway was so absolute, that, although enjoying no official authority of state, their decisions of questions brought before them had the force and efiect of law. They were regarded so nearly infallible that they could commit no crime worthy of corporal punishment. Their exclusive possession of all the real learning of the nation invested them with such awe and unquestioned superiority as to make it possible for them to maintain their supremo iniluenco over all other classes. How this state of things was brought about it is dififlcult to trace; but undoubtedly the control of education perpetuated their power. For just experience tells in every soil That tlioso that think must govern those that toil. In Egypt as iu ancient India, the molding of the national education was in the hands of a sacerdotal order. The children of the people were the recipients from their fathers of crude instruction in reading and Avriting, but the priests, who, through their religious potencies, ruled the ruling powers of state, kept within their unyielding grasp all superior instruction and dispensed it for their own ends and purposes. No development of the masses was possible under such conditions and the mysterious sphinx, the sleeping mummy in its staid cerements, and the immobile pyramids are just symbols and types of their motionless national life. "While>.-the end of education in both ancient India and in Egypt was to subordinate the toiling millions to the absolute control and dominion of the priests, the educa- tional purpose of the ancient Persians was to make soldiers. The State drew to itself all individual life for that object. The boy was born and trained and died not to achieve his own destiny, not to advance his own status or that of his family, but that he might efficiently serve the government in its armies. In short, no account was taken of the individuality of the citizen, his rights, his preferences, his tastes, his talents. Ho was a mere atom, whose existence was merged into the army of a Xerxes for the benefit of his kingdom. This wo observe to be the operative principle underlyiug all oriental education. The tyranny of some power whether of caste among the Hindoos or of priests among the Egyptians and, wo may add, among the ancient .lews or of government among the Chinese and the Persians, so proscribed the intellectual development of the people that it was everywhere more than ignored ; it was repressed and molded by the ruling of the sacerdotal classes to their own ends and uses. In striking contrast to the foregoing, Sparta excepted, was the philosophical aim of education among the Greeks, among whom " we liud the most splendid types of intellectual culture the world has yetknown." The education of the Spartans, as of the Persians, was the education of the State, by the State, and for the State, to make the most perfect human lighting machines which breeding and selection and ED 95 42* 1322 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. ligid discipline conld accomplisli with ii hand of iron. Perhaps the human animal was never before or since so systematically and perfectly developed in arace. The healthy child was taken, the weakling was cast to the wild Leasts of the forests. The chosen one Avas left in the care of the mother Avho gave her maternal service strictly to the purpose of this training. At 7 the boy went from her bosom to the bosom of the com- monwealth, to be the mother's boy no longer. He was put in charge of a special magis- trate as his trainer, by whom ho was schooled in hardships and developed in strength and cunning and courage through years of assiduous attention. His sinews became as steel, his limbs practiced to fatigue and endurance, his art with arms perfect, his will obedient to the discipline of war, his eye true, his spirit daring and audacious and unconquerable. Of such were the three hundred who died with Leonidas at Ther- moi)yhe, and these were only the types of eight thousand comrades in arms, every one of whom would have done the same thing. In another part of Greece, however, alongside of the Spartan, there grew up at Athens a system of education of broader scope and more ennobling purpose. With equal devotion to the supremacy of the state and her need for invincible soldiers, the Athenian conception was to so educate her free-born citizens by promoting and developing rather than by restraining and cramping their individuality of character that they might not only be soldiers, but far more. The aim was to accomplish them not only for war but for the civic pursuits of peace. Not by the authority of law, as at Sparta, but by the force of public opinion. Not for the sole use and benefit of the body politic, but for the development and exaltation of the citizen first and the glory of Athens afterwards. The fruits of this conceiitiou were educational results never before equaled and perhaps never since surpassed. The harmonious training of mind and body were supplemeuted by an aisthetic culture. Their ideals, though not heaven sent and though not inspired by the contemplation of the Son of Righteousness, were born of a reverent love of goodness and beauty Avith which they had invested the most perfect of their mythological deities. Their unfettered freedom of thought shone through the marble drapery of their statues, and the soul of immortal longings inspired their cauA^as, while grace and lofty daring sat upon their persons and declared a character that despised all that was mean and ignoble. The result of Grecian education and culture did not end with her citizens. It was embalmed in her literature, and whispers its lessons of truth and beauty to-day through the galleries and labyrinths of the mind of cA^ery student and scholar Avhom its language has reached. It has clung to the A^ery words of that language, audits airy grace has given it the Avings of the thistle down and disseminated it all over the earth. Further toward the setting sun, on shores AA-ashed by the same Mediterranean Sea that embraced the Peninsula of Hellas, arose a later ciAdlization under the dominion and influence of Rome. This ciA'ilization, by reason of a A'alor, nursed by a stern spirit of independence and a patriotism born of the robust A'irtues of her people in the eaidy days of the Republic had extended her empire across a populous region 3,000 miles in length by 2,000 in breadth. The genius of her people was con- quest and theit education was for that purpose, and to make the self-respecting freeman Avhose pi'oudest boast was that ho Avas a Roman citizen. Over his free spirit, however, the State exercised no educational coercion, but alike as at Athens, the sway of public opinion was the moulding factor of his culture, and the love of country the high incentive. His indomitable will did not expend its energies, as did the Greeks, in interpreting and subduing nature, but in conquering provinces; not in creating ideals after the gods of Olympus, but in marshaling legions on the field of Mars. War he considered the chief business of his life, and education in letters he ranked as a pastime. EA^en his language itself embodied this spirit of his liA'ing, since exercitus (the army) meant business, and Indus (the school) meant diversion. ■ Unlike the Grecian, the real and the practical, rather than the speculatiA^e and the aesthetic employed his thoughts, .and while Rome was 8i:)eading her eagles of con- quest from the Thames to the Euphrates, her internal improA^ement in material pros- perity, her wealth, her institutions, her -laws, her public works, alike attested the greatness of her utilitarian education. And this continued her distinctive charac- teristic even after the cultured captives that returned with her A-ictorious columns from Grecian conquest, introduced into Rome the refinements and subtleties of the Athenian schools of thought, and filled her Forum with the discussions of sophists and philosophers. Thus leading uf» to and into the Christian era, the sturdy char- acter of Roman education in its trueness and depth and practical purpose resembled the modern Christian education. The Greeks formed intellectual and resthetic ideals and standards. The Romans formed physical or practical ideals and stand- ards. The Cliristians formed ethical or moral ideals and standards. In this partial though somewhat tedious rcAdew of the scope and purpose of educa- tion, as illustrated in the typical civilizations of history, it is perhaps more clearly revealed to us why the ancients did not educate than why they did educate. We EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1323 liave seen that tlie personal and. individual development of the people was of small concern to the ruling powers and was seldom the end aimed at. Indeed, with the sinji'le exception of China, popular education, as we now use that term, had no national existence, nor did it prevail anywhere until modern times. Wo need not look far to discover a reason for this, especially when wo consider that for centuries as small account was taken of the right of the people to individual liberty as to individual education. Knowledge then, as in later days, was regarded as a i)ower, and it was truly conceived that the ignorant masses could he more easily kept in subjection to the rule of absolutism thau a body of intelligent citizens. Absolute governments had no place for educated subjects except in numbers limited to the necessities of enforcing authority. The province of the subject was to toil and to obey. Even in the case of general education in China, to which wo have referred, the system of education was so ingeniously guarded in its philosophical conception and application that it subserved rather than violated the principle of subjection; for, as remarked by that great scholar and philosopher. Dr. W. T. Harris, of oiu- National Bureau of Educatiou, concerning this Chinese system: ''It is one of the most interesting devices in the history of educatiou — a method of educating a peo- ple on such a plan that the more education the scholar gets the more conservative he becomes." The thought occurs here, would not such a system as the Chinese be serviceable to-day in the regulation of the now world-wide disturbers of social order, the anarchists, the socialists, and their kindred brood ? I answer, that only under Chinese conditions of liberty would such education be practicable, and under no conditions of liberty acceptable to modern civilized manhood could it possibly bo enforced. The world, in its ideas of freedom of thought and of action, has moved far away from such tyranny in governments. The divine right of kings or of oligarchies has no footing in Western civilization. It has cost hecatombs of human lives and seas of blood to reach our present estate of human freedom. But the socalist and anarcliist can not permanently harm American institutions and organized society. Those who have so apprehended have not carefully considered the basis of their fears. The nihilistic agitations in Europe will doubtless operate to sweep away some of the remains of the feudal fetters imposed on liberty of living, but this ''goverment of the people, for the people, and by the people" has nothing to fear from such agitations. The social vagaries and economic delusions which are preached to the unemployed wage worker to ferment society will have local expres- sion in sporadic violence, but the disturbances can not, in our day and generation, mount up to the proportions of revolution. The anarchists submit no propositions which can engage such general local interests as to array State against State or section against section— as in the late civil war; and as long as State autonomy remaius to us, the State governments can take care of their internal disturbances, especially when backed by the power of the General Government. Until the great body of the people lose their balance and common sense, they may be safely trusted to adhere to the tradition that any government is better than no government at all. But even the sovereign authority of the people, with which the States and General Government have been invested, will not long have to contend with anarchistic ele- ments which have come to us from abroad under the false pretense of enjoying aud upholding our established institutions of freedom, if we so legislate as to stop the crevices in our naturalization laws, through which the wild, uutrained, fanatical representatives of European red republicanism tiud entrance into our body politic. And, again, we may hope to increase the volume of our now mighty current of ])opular education until every precinct in every county in every State shall have the full benefit of its quickening and enlightening inlluence, and until every child in all the land, native and foreign, white and black, Indian and Chinaman, shall be possessed of the modern trivium of education, "the three R's,"the three keys to knowledge, with which he can gain access to the immense treasury of learning which the centuries have piled up for us, and to which they have fallen heirs. This accomplished, and the ])lea of the anarchist will find few sympathizers among our people. It is not too much education that makes the vicious, but the lack of it. The anarchist here with us is not too much educated; as may be supposed, he is too badly educated or too wrongly trained and educated by the factors of the environment from which he came to us to be adjusted into any niche of American freedom. We may not be able to educate and assimilate into good citizenship all the Herr Mosts and vicious cranks that Europe can empty upon us, but we can restrain their coming and so educate the children of those already hero as to make them cohelpers in good government. We are told in the Greek reader that Aristotle, when asked in what way the edu- cated ditfered from the uneducated, replied, "As the living differ from the dead." Compare the lowest type of the barbarian with the highest type of the Greek in Aris- totle's day (and the comparison is just as good in ours) and you can appreciate the force of this remark. Carlyle, the great Scotchman, said: "An educated man stands as it were in the 1324 - EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. f. midst of a boundless arsenal and magazine filled witli all the "weapons and engines Trhicb man's skill lias been able to devise from the earliest time, and bo works accordingly with the strength borrowed from all the ages. How different is his state who stands on the ontside of the storehouse and feels that its gates must bo stormed or remain forever shut against him? His means are the commonest; the work done is in no measure of his strength. A dwarf behind his steam engine may remove mountains, but no dwarf will hew them down with his pickaxe, and he must be a Titan that hurls them abroad with his arms." These illustrations from two great thinkers, who spoke more than two thousand years apart, each standing upon the very apex of culture of his day and time, do not contrast too strongly the conditions referred to. In both the wholly uneducated is set over against the fully educated man; the savage against the scientist and the scholar. The distance between them is measureless, and we can not say that the chasm will ever bo bridged. Leaving aside the consideration of racial inequalities, about which there is now little dispute, the natural mental inequalities of men must long postpone, if it overreaches this consummation. The leveling process must encoun- ter obstructions by this inequality which is one of natures unwritten laws. This inequality is the nnescapable consequences of action — the necessary predicate of human progress. In this progression the individual speed is unequal ; all can not be in the front line. Few can be abreast with NeAvton or Bacon or Gladstone. That education, however, under conditions seldom favorable, has raised the general aver- ago of mankind from century to century, the history of civilization attests, and this progress of civilization is but the progress of education. A learned English scholar recently wrote concerning the history of education : "It would comprehend the transforming of crude nature of the savage man, which chiefly concerns itself with mere animal wants and desires, into the higher nature of a being who looks behind to gather the fruits of experience; who looks before to utilize them for the boneiit of those who are to succeed him, who explores the remote and the distant as Avell as the near, who reflects and thinks Avith the A'ioAv to the general good of the commonwealth, and this, Avhile it is the problem of civiliza- tion, is also tho problem of education." But, let mo ask, what is the modern conception of education? What is education in its true intent and meaning — not in the widest amplitude with which it may be regarded, but in the sense it is accepted in tho schools? Considered in the light of its derivatiA'e Latin synonym, i^Zj^cerc, it means to lead forth, to unfold thei^owers of the miud. And while it ineaus this, it is obvious that it means far more than this. Tho unfolding of the powers of the mind, I conceive, might be accomplished by an artificial system of mental gymnastics, Avithout acquiring any useful knowledge and Avithout being provided with any of the instruments of self-teaching, the arts of reading and Avriting. Those instruments must in themselA'^es constitute the most important part of education, and, as we are told by a philosophic writer : '•' The child may learn to read and Avrite, and by it learn the experience of the race through countless ages of existence. He may by scientific books see the world through tho senses of myriads of trained specialists devoting Avhole lives to the inventory of nature. What is immensely more than this, he can think with their brains and assist his feeble powers of obserA^ation and reflection by the gigantic aggregate of the mental labors of tlie race." And so it is that education does not merely contemplate the unfolding of the mental powers, but demands moreover that such process of unfolding shall bring to the mind of the pupil the largest amount of important and useful knowledge. Just here however, let me say, that I do not rashly A'enture in this presence to assume the educator's task of suggesting hoAv to educe or unfold the powers of tho mind, or what material should be put before the mind in its progress toAvard deA^elopment, to enable it to reach the full measure of education. The first should be determined by the teacher, as he looks into the face, and studies the capacity of each pupil. Tho latter is appointed after wise consideration in the curriculum chosen by CA^ery school of high education. As all nature is a schoolhouse for him Avho seeks education, and all his- tory, Avith its " philosophy teaching by examples," is his text-book, so all thought is an educational factor. There are many roads to knowledge, but only one to educa- tion, and that is through the gateway of self-help, which the earnest seeker of edu- cation afibrds to his oavu mind. Indeed, it has been wisely said that there is no real education that is not self-education. Whatever of knowledge is assimilated and appropriated, becomes education. It is the exercise of man's self activity at last that sets in motion his powers of observation; the orderly classification of the things observed; the determination of the scientific principles underlying these classes, and the great philosophical unity that unites all tho sciences, and links man to The Great First Cause; this, I take it, to bo in its last analysis, the true philosophy of education. The greatest teacher can do little more than lift the latch and point the way. EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1325 PENNSYLVANIA. THE PUBLIC EDUCATIOX ASSOCIATION OF rillLADELPniA. [From a paiiiiililet by Lewis K. Harley, Pli. U.] The dcsirfibility of improvine; the school system of Philadelphia has gircu rise to a iiniiiber of voluntary associations, which have been actively engaged for several years in urging reforms and iiromoting the development of the schools in various ways. Among the UKJSt active of these organizations has been the Public Education Association of Philadelphia, fouuded in 1881. This association, like some of its predecessors, grew out of charity work. Its source was the Committee on the Care and Education of Dependent Children of the Society for Organizing Charity. It is the object of this association to promote the efliciency and to perfect the sys- tem of public education in Philadelphia, by which term is meant all education emanating from, or in any way controlled by, the State. They purpose to acquaint themselves with the best results of experience and thought in education, and to render these familiar to the community and to their oilicial representatives, that these may be embodied in our own publ c-school system. They seek to become a center for work and a medium for the expression of opinion in all matters pertaining to education, as, for instance, the appointment of superintendents; the compilation of school laws; the kindergarten in connection with public education; manual instruction — how much is desirable, and what it is practicable to introduce into the public-school system; the hygiene of schools; the adequate pay and the better qual- ification of teachers; and, above all, to secure, as far as possible, universal educa- tion, by bringing under instruction that large class, numbering not less than 22,000 children, who are now growing up in ignorance in this city. These objects the association hope to attain through appeals to the local authori- ties and to the legislature, and by such other means as may be deemed expedient. The officers of the association in 1895 were Edmund J. James, chairman; Miss E. W. Janney, treasurer; William W. Wiltbank, recording secretary. ; The Public Education Association has had a busy career of lifteen years. It has been a constructive period in educational work in I'hiladelphia, and the association has seen the following results accomplished: I. The institution of the department of superintendence, with the increase of force by which the efficiency of this department has been largely augmented and. thoroughly organized. II. The selection of a superintendent. III. The introduction of sewing into the curriculum of the Normal School, and its more recent introduction, based upon the success of the earlier experiment, into the lower grades of schools, by which 25,000 girls were, in 1887, receiving regular, systematic instruction in needlework. IV. The universal acknowledgment that the most complete and satisfactory exhi- bition of this work ever made in the country was the exhibit of the sewing done in the public schools of Philadelphia made in the spring of 1883, at the Industrial Exhibition at New York. V. The institution of the Manual Training School, VI. The reorganization of the schools under supervising principals. VII. The introduction of cooking classes in the Normal School. VIII. The exhibition of school work in Horticultural Hall. IX. The assumption by the board of education of the kindergarten schools, X. The establishment of the chair of pedagogy in the University of Pennsylvania. XL The lectures in pedagogy in the Summer School of the Extension Society. XII. The separation of the girls' high and normal schools and the material improve- ment of the courses in the former. XIII. The passage of the compulsory school law. The association encouraged and assisted all of these movements; it initiated and completed some of them. There arc still other tasks for the association. The new compulsory school law will render a school census necessary. The school accommo- dations of the city will be inadequate to meet the requirements of the law, and the enforcement of the law itself will depend upon public sentiment. In all these mat- ters the society can be of assistance. The department of education should be reorganized. The association has already made strenuous eti'orts to have the sectional boards abolished, and it seemed at times as if the measure would pass the legislature. The agitation should be con- tinued until the department of education is placed beyond the reach of politics. The administration of the city schools should be committed to a single body. These arc some of the subjects which should receive the attention of the association. The 1326 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1894-95. "work of the Public Education Association is not completed. The educational wel- fare of so largo a municipality as Philadelphia "will require the continued aid of this influential organization, "which in the past has accomplished so much for the advancement of the schools. SOUTH CAEOLINA. I Address delivered December 13, 1891, by Hon. J. L. M. Curry, in response to an inYitation of the general assembly of South Carolina.'] Senators and Eepresentatives : It has been said that among the best gifts of Providence to a nation are great and good men, "who act as its leaders and guides, •who leave their mark upon their ago, "who give a new direction to affairs, who intro- duce a course of events which come down from generation to generation, pouring their blessings upon mankind. Public men are the character and conscience of a people. Respect for the worth of men and a\ omen is the measure of progress in civilization. On the 16th of November, 1894, passed away one of America's purest and noblest men, one of the last links which bound the present with the better days of the Republic. For South Carolina he cherished a great aifection, and sought to rekindle and keep alive the memories and fraternity of the Revolutionary period, when Massachusetts and South Carolina were struggling together for the establish- ment of our free institutions. Deeply touched and very grateful was he that South Carolina honored him so highly, by attaching his name in perpetuity to one of her most benelicent institutions of learning. The watchward of his life was the wor- ship of truth and devotion to the Union. He saw clearly that "whoever "O'ould work toward national unity must work on educational lines." Wo may well pause to drop a tear over the grave of author, orator, philanthropist, patriot, statesman. Christian gentleman. GoA^ernor Tillman said last May, at the laying of the corner stone of the college at Rock Hill: "On one thing the people of South Carolina are certainly agreed — in their love for Robert C. Winthrop and the new college that bears his name.^' I have said that he was a Christian statesman. Christianity and democracy have revolutionized the ideas and institutions of the world in reference to man^ his rights, l^rivileges, and duties. The arrival of democracy, says Benjamin Kid, is the fact of our time which overshadows all other facts, and this arrival is the result of the ethical moA^ement in which qualities and attributes find the completest expression ever reached in the history of the human race. Kings and clergy, as having superior access to God and command of the.Divine prerogatives, have been relegated to the background. Man's attainment to an enjoyment of privileges and possibilities depends on the development of latent, original, God-given powers. Families, churches, and States recognize and provide for the unfolding of these capacities. "Education, a debt due from present to future generations," was the idea and motive which permeated Mr. Peabody's munificence, and the sentiment is the legend for the official seal of the Peabody Education Fund. Free schools for the whole people should bo the motive and aim of every enlightened legislator. South Caro- lina incorporates the duty into her organic law. There can be no more legitimate tax on property than furnishing the means of universal education, for this involA^es self-preservation. The great mass of the people are doomed inevitably to ignorance, unless the State undertake their improvement. Our highest material, moral, and political interests need all the capabilities of all the citizens, and then there will bo none too much to meet life's responsibilities and duties. As the people are sovereign, free schools are needed for all of them. Wo recognize no such class as an elect few. It is desirable that citizens should read the laws they are to obey. A governor onco put his edicts above the heads of the people ; we sometimes, jiractically, do the same by keeping the people in ignorance. When all must make laws as well as obey, it is essential that they should be educated. The more generally diftused the educa- tion the better the laws; the better are they understood and the better obeyed. The highest civilization demands intelligent understanding of the laws and prompt, patriotic, cheerful obedience. 1 Extract from the journal of the house of representatives of the State of South Carolina, Thursday, December 13,1894: JOINT ASSEMBLY. The senate attended in the house at 11 a. m. to hear the address of the Hon. J. L. M.' Curry. The president of the senate presented Senator Tillman, "who introduced the Hon. J. L. M. Cnrry, ■who entertained the general assembly for some time in an eloquent and able address on education. Mr. Manning ofFered the following resolution : "Resolved, That the gener.il assembly of South Carolina has hoard "with pleasure and the deepest interest the eloquent and instructive address of the Hon. J . L. M. Cnrry, and the heartfelt thanks of this body are hereby extended to him for his address, and we wish to assure him that his -words on behalf of the advancement of the educational interests of tlie State have fallen on ears that are alive to those interests, and that "we hope for the best results upon the educational institutions of the State." Which was considered immediately and unanimously adopted. EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1327 When scliools are established, what will pcriect them? Tho first iicod is snificieiit money, to bo attained thronch State and lot-al revenues. In no instance should this money bo appropriated for sectarian purposes. In England, since tho free education act, there has been a determined eilbrt to quarter denominational schools upon tho rates. In tho United States a persistent effort is made to subsidize from fjeneral revenues certain sectarian schools in States and among tho Indians. During tlio nine years — 1886-1894 — our Government gave for education of the Indians $4,277,910, and of this appropriation one church received $2,738,571. The remainder was dis- tributed among fifteen various schools and organizations. Another re(iuirenient is efficient local and State supervision, divorced from party politics, aud controlled by civil service principles. If education bo of universal aud vital concern, it needs for its administration tho highest capacity. Tho system of common schools reached its preeminent usefulness in Massachusetts under the administration of such remarka- ble men as Maun, Sears, and Dickinson. Pupils should be graded so as to economize time, utilize teaching talent, and secure systematic progress. At last, all depends on good teaching, and children, ivith all their possibilities, deserve tlie best. There is often a criminal waste of time, talent, opportuniti(^s, and money, because of incom- petent teachers. There is so.uetimes a distressingly small return for mony and labor expended upon schools. It is not well-organized school systems, nor excellent text- books, nor systematic courses of study, nor wise supervision, however important, that make the good school. It is tho teacher, not mechanical in method and the slave of some superficial notion of tho object and tho process of the work, but a thorough master of the profession, widely knowledged and cultured, able to interest the pupils, to develoj) the highest power and efiicieucy. A good teacher will make a good school in spite of a thousand hindrances. One able to awaken sluggisli intel- lect, give a mental impulse running through after life, who understands child nature, tho laws of mental acquisition and development, whose mind has been expanded and enriched by a liberal education, who has accurate scholarship and a lov(^ for sound learning, who can awaken enthusiasm, mould character, develop by healthful aspirations, inspire to do dutj' faithl'ully, will have a good school. Andrew D. White called Dr. Wayland tho greaiest man who over stood in tho college presidency, and such men as Mark Hopkins, j\I. 15. Anderson, Drs. McGuffey and Broadus show tho value of high qualiiications in teachers. In our public schools are thousands of men and women, doing heroic work, noiselessly and without ostentation, who deserve all tho praise which is lavislicd u])on less useful laborers in other departments. Aa tho State has undertaken tho work of education, it is under highest obligations to have tho best schools, which means tho best teachers. How shall South Carolina meet theso imperative obligations"? Your schools aver- age four and seventh-tenths months, but no school should have a terra shorter tlian eight months, and tho teachers, well paid, should be selected impartially, after thorough and honest examination. All should have unquestioned moral character, sobriety, aptitude for the work, desire and ability to improve. It has been suggested that if only one law were Avritten abovo tho door of every American schoolroom, it ought to be. No man or woman shall enter hero as teacher whoso life is not a good model for tho young to copy. Tho experience of most enlightened countries lias shown that theso teachers should be trained in normal schools; and by normal schools I do not mean an academy with deceptive name and catalogue, and the slightest infusion of pedagogic Avork. Teaching is an art, based on rationally determined principles. The child grows and runs up tho psychic scale in a certain order. The mind has laws, aud there is no true discipline except in conformity to and application of theso laws. Accjuaiutanco with and application of these laws come not by nature, not spontaneously, but by study and practice. The real teacher should be familiar with tho history, the philosophy, and the methods of education. He will best acquire and accomplish the technical and professional work if ho have a well-balanced mind, lino tastes, and "tho faculty of judgment, strengthened by tho mastery of principles, more than by the acquisition of information." We have professional schools for the lawyer, tho doctor, the engineer; why not for the teacher? His ability to teach should not be picked up at haphazard, by painful experience, and with the sacrifice of the children. A signboard near my residence reads, "Horses shod according to humane principles of equine nature." It conveys a. true principle and suggests that children should be instructed according to the true principles of mental science. - President Eliot, in one of his excellent papers, enunciates six essential constituents of all worthy education. (rt) Training tho organs of sense. Through accurate observation we get all kinds of knowledge aud experience. Tho child sees the forms of letters, hears the sound of letters and Avords, and discriminates between hot and cold, black and white, etc. All ordinary knowledge for practical purposes, and language as well, are derived mainly through tho senses. {h) Practice in comparing and grouping different sensatiousand drawing inferences. 1328 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. (c) Accurate record in memory or iu written form. (fZ) Training the memory ;. and practice in holding in the mind the record of observa- tions, groupings, and comparisons, (e) Training iu the poAver of expression, in clear, concise exposition; logical set- ting forth of a process of reasoning. (/■) Inculcation of the supreme ideals through which the human race is uplifted and ennobled. Before the pupil should be put the loftiest ideals of beauty, honor, patriotism, duty, obedience, love. Teachers are greatly helped by teachers' institutes, when those who assemble get the wisdom and experience of many minds on the difficult problems of the profession. The work should bo practical, systematic, logical, continuous from year to year, and a course of professional reading should bo prescribed, so as to increase tlie intelli- gence and culture of the profession. Wo very often lose sight of the true end of education — it is, or should bo, eifective j)ower in action, doing what the uneducated can not do, putting acquisition into practice, developing and strengthening faculties for real everyday life. The only sure test is the ability to do more and better work than could bo done without it. The average man or woman Avith it should be stronger, more successful, more useful, than the average man or woman without it. Ifc is the human being with an increase of power which makes one more tlian equal to a mere man. It is not so much what is imparted, but what is inwrought; not what is put in, but what is got out. It is not so much w^hat we know as what wo are and can do for in-oductive ends. The object of Christianity is to make good men and good women hero on earth. The object of education is to make useful men and women, good citizens. And here comes in the need of manual training, which is not to fit for special trades, but to teach the rudi- ments of mechanics, those common principles which imderlio all work. The pujiil can acquire manual dexterity, familiarize himself with tools and materials, be instructed in the science Avithout a knowledge of which good work can not be done. The object of this industrial instruction is to develop the executive side of nature, so that the pupil shall do as well as think. This introduction of manual training into schools has been found to be very helpful to intellectual progress. Gentlemen need not reject it as something chimerical and Utopian ; it is not an innovation; the experiment is not doubtful; it has been tried repeatedly; it is comparatively inex- pensive, and has been and is now in very successful operation. It is not wise state- manship, nor even good common sense, to forego for many years what other peoples are now enjoying the advantages of. In a quarter of a century trade schools, techni- cal schools, manual training, the kindergarten, will have nearly universal adoption. Why, during this period, should a State rob her children of these immense benefits? As population increases the struggle to maintain wages becomes more scA'cre, the pressure being the hardest upon the unskilled, and less severe on each higher rank of laborers. Every possible facility for education, should be put Avithin the reach of laboring men, to increase their efficiency, to raise the standard of life, and to augment the proportion between the skilled and the unskilled. Dr. Harris, our wisest and most nhilosophical educator, says: "Education emancipates the laborer from the deadening effects of repetition and habit, the monotony of mere mechanical toil, and opens to him a Aista of now inventions and more useful combinations." Our indus- trial ago increases the demand for educated, directive power. Business combinations, companies for trade, transportation, iusurance, banking, manufacturing, and mining, demand, as essential conditions of success, intelligent clirectiAe power. Production is augmented by skill. An indispensable condition of economic prosperity is a large per capita production of wealth. Socialism, as taught by some extremists, Avonld sacrifice production to accomplish distribution, and means annihilation of private capital, management by the State of all industries, of production and distribution, Avhen GoA-ernment would be the solo farmer, common carrier, banker, manufacturer, storekeeper, and all these would be turned into civil serA'ants, and bo under the con- trol and in the pay of the State, or of a party. States may have ideals as Avell as indiA'iduals, and embody the noblest elements of advanced civilization. Agriculture, manufactures, mining, mechanical arts, give prosperity Avhen allied with and controlled by thrift, skill, intelligence, and honesty; but Avhat is imperishable is the growth and product of developed mind. Greece and Rome live in their buildings, statuary, history, orators, and poems. Pliny said : "To enlarge the bounds of Roman thought is nobler than to extend the limits of Roman poAvcr." The founders of the great English uniA^ersities centuries ago builded Aviser than they knew, and opened perennial fountains of knowledge and truth from which have unceasingly lloAved fructifying streams. All modern material improvements are the outgrowth of scientific principles applied to practical life. If you would legislate for the increased prosperity and glory of South Carolina, be sure not to forget that this is the outcome of the infinite capacities of children. Hamilton said there was nothing great iu the universe but man, and nothing great in man but EDUCATION IN THE SEVERAL STATES. 1329 miud. "No serious thinker," says Dnimnioud, "cuu succeeil in lessening to liis own mind the infinite distance between the mind of man and ev('i\\ tiling in nature." Fisk says: " On eartli there will never he a higher creation than man." Evolutionists Kay that the series of animals comes to an end in man, that he is at once tho crown and master and the rationale of creation. What yon know and admire in South Carolina is what has hecn done by cultivated men and women. What other country can show such a roll of immortal worthies aa your Pinckneys and Rutledgos, your Marion, Sumter, and Pickens, your Harper, Johnson, O'Neill, your Fuller and Thorn- well, your McDuffie and Hayue, Legare and Petigru, and, towering above all contem- poraries, peerless in political wisdom, metaphysical subtlety, ignited logic, the great unrivaled American Aristotle, John C. Calhoun? CHAPTER XXXL EDUCATIOi^ OF THE COLORED RACE. Eeferenccs to preceding reports of the United States Bureau of Education, in wliicli this Riibje'jt has been treated : In annual reports — 1870^ pp. 61, 337-339; 1871, pp. 6, 7, 61-70; 1872, pp. xvii, xviii; 1873, p. Ixvi; 1875, p. xxiii; 1876, p. xvi; 1877, pp. xxxiii-xxxviii; 1878, pp. xxviii-xxxiv; 1879, pp. xxxix-xiv; 1880, p. Iviii; 1881, p. Ixxxii; 1882-83, pp. liv, xlviii-lvi, xlix, 85; 1883-84, p. liv; 1884-85, p. Ixvii; 1885-86, pp. 596, 650-656; 1886-87, pp. 790, 874-881; 1887-88; pp. 20, 21, 167, 169,988-998; 1888-89, pp. 768, 1412-1439; 1889-90, pp.620, 621,624,634.1073-1102, 1388-1392,1395-1485; 1890-91, pp. 620,624,792,808,91.5,861-980,1469; 1891-92, pp. 8, 686, 688, 713. 861-867, 1002, 1234-1237; 1892-93, pp. 15, 442, 1551-1572, 1976; 189.3-94, pp. 1019-1061. Also in Circulars of Information— No. 3, 188.3, p. 63; No. 2,1886, pp. 123-133; No. 3, 1888, p. 122; No. 5, 1888, pp. 53,54,59,60,80-86; No. 1, 1892, p. 71. Special Report on Distvict of Columbia for 1869, pp. 193, 300, 301-400. Special report, New Orleans Exposition, 1884-85, pp. 468-470, 775-781. This chapter and the one -which follows contain a largo amount of matter relating to the advancement of the colored race iu the United States. The very creditable exhibit made at the Atlanta Exposition in 1895 by the more progressive element among the negroes aroused new interest iu all parts of the country iu their educa- tional advancement. In response to the general demand for iuformatiou on this sub- ject a special effort was made bj^this Bureau to collect statistics from all the colored schools of the South. It was no easy task on account of the inditference manifested b\' many of those in charsje of private schools. Of the 162 schools of secondary and higher grade known to this ot3(ico fewer than half the number responded to the first request for information. Even after the fifth request had been sent out a few of the schools had failed to respond. Many of the reports received contained but meager iuformatiou. Such statistics as could be obtained will be given in detail iu succeed- ing pages of this chapter. The statistics of public common schools for the negroes are given in connection with the statistics of white schools in the beginning of the first volume of this annual report. On the next page is presented a table which contains iu condensed form the more important items of iuformatiou relating to the number and attend- ance of colored pupils iu the common schools of each of the former slave States. In these sixteen States and the District of Columbia the estimated number of persons 5 to 18 years of age, the school population, was 8,297,160. Of this number 5,573,440 ■were white children and 2,723,720, or 32.9 per cent, colored. The total enrollment in the white schools was 3,845,414 and in the colored schools 1,441,282. The per cent of white school population enrolled was 69 and the jier cent of colored school popu- lation enrolled was 52.92. The whites had an average daily attendance of 2,510,907, or 65.30 per cent of their enrollment, while the average attendance of the blacks ■was 856,312, or 59.41 per cent of their enrollment. There were 89,276 white teachers and 27,081 colored teachers in the public schools of the South in 1895. An accurate statement of the amounts of money expended by each of the Southern States for the education of the colored children can not be given for the reason that in only two or three of these States are separate accouuts kept of the moneys expended for colored schools. Since 1876 the Southern States have expended about $383,000,000 for public schools, aud it is fair to estimate that l^etweeu $75,000,000 and $80,000,000 of this sum must h;ive been expended for tlie education of colored chil- dren. In 1895 the eurollmeut of colored loupils was a little more than 27 per cent of 1331 1332 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1894-95. the public scliool enrollment in the Southern States. It is not claimed that they received the benefit of 27 per cent of the school fund and perhaps no one would say they received less than 20 per cent. It is a fact well known that almost the entire burden of educating the colored cJiildren of the South falls upon the white property owners of the former slave States. Of the more than $75,000,000 expended in the past twenty years for the instruction of the colored children in Southern public schools but a small per cent was contributed by the negroes themselves in the form of taxes. This vast sum has not been given grudgingly. The Avhite people of the South believe that the State should place a common-school education within the reach of every child, and they have done thus much to give all citizens, white and black, an even start in life. Common-school statistics classified hij race, 1S94-95. State. Alabama a Arkansas Delaware 6 District of Columbia Floriilaa Georgia a Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina a South Carolina Tennessee « Texas a Virginia West Virginia Total Estimated number of persons 5 to 18 years of age. White. Colored. 327, 400 321, 100 89, 850 44, 300 84, 230 357, 800 550, 900 203, 400 250, 100 212, 700 8G4, 500 379, 940 171, 600 466, 900 693, 800 337, 320 267, 600 5, 573, 440 280, 600 124, 500 8,980 24, 370 66, 770 335, 900 94, 300 216, 700 72, 200 309, 800 52, 600 227, 800 288, 100 157, 600 212, 500 2i0, 000 11, 000 2, 723, 720 Percentages of the whole. White. Colored. 53.85 72.06 81.60 64.51 55.79 51.59 85.38 48.42 77.62 40.71 94.26 62. 52 37.34 74.77 76.55 58.43 96.04 67.15 46.15 27.94 18.40 35.49 44. 21 48.41 14.62 51.58 22.38 59.29 5.74 37.48 62.66 25.23 23.45 41.57 3.96 32.85 Enrolled in the public schools. AVhite. Colored. 190, 305 216, 863 28, 316 26, 903 59, 503 262, 530 394, 508 92, 013 161, 252 162, 830 612, 378 242, 572 103, 729 381, 632 463, 888 235, 533 210, 059 115, 709 82, 429 4,858 14, 654 37, 272 174,152 73, 463 63, 313 43, 492 187, 785 32, 199 128, 318 119, 292 101, 524 134, 720 120, 453 7,649 3,845,414 1,441,282 Per cent of per- sons 5 to 18 years enrolled. White. Colored. 58.13 67.54 71.06 60.73 70.64 73.37 71.61 45.53 64.48 76.55 70.84 63.84 60. 45 81.74 66.86 69. 82 78.50 69.00 41.24 66.21 54.10 60. 13 55.82 J51.85 77.90 i;9. 22 (50.24 60.61 (51.21 (56.33 41.41 64.42 63.40 50.19 69.54 52.92 State. Alabama a Arkansas Delaware h District of Columbia Florida a Georgiaa Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missoiiri North Carolina a South Carolina Tennessee a Texas a Virginia West Virginia Total 2,510,907 Average daily attendance. White. c 112, 800 126, 820 c 19, 746 20,446 38, 752 157, 626 243, 703 67, 887 103, 031 99, 048 c 406, 180 154,361 74, 359 277, 678 334, 884 137, 830 135, 756 Colored. c 72, 300 48, 120 c 2, 947 10, 903 25, 386 104, 414 28, 663 41, 548 18, 531 103, 635 c 20, 430 75, 940 84, 895 65, 986 83, 185 64, 700 4,729 856,312 Per cent of enrollment. White. Colored. 59.27 58.48 69.73 76.00 65.13 60.04 61.77 73.30 63.89 00.83 66.33 63.64 71.69 72.76 72.19 58.52 64.63 65.30 62.48 58.38 00.66 74.40 68.11 59. 96 39.02 65.62 42.61 55.19 63.45 59.18 71. 17 65.00 61.75 53. 11 61.83 59.41 Number of teachers. White. 4,412 5,124 734 660 2,151 5, 827 8,578 2,506 3,797 4,591 13, 750 5,285 2,696 6,920 9,960 6,211 6,066 89, 276 Colored. 2,196 1,796 106 331 772 0,206 1,373 915 716 3,264 737 3,075 1,869 1,909 2,502 2,081 233 27, 081 a In 1893-94. 6 In 1891-92. c Approximately. ILLITERACY OF THE COLORED POPULATIOX. What have the negroes themselves accomplished to justify the generosity of the white people of the South and the benevolence of the people of the North? It may be said that in 1860 the colored race was totally illiterate. In 1870 more than 85 per cent of the colored population of the South, 10 years of age and over, could not read and write. In 1880 the per cent of illiterates had been reduced to 75, and in 1890 the illiterates comprised about 60 per cent of the colored population 10 years of age and over. In several of the Southern States the percentage is even below 50 per EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. 1333 cent. The comparative statistics for 1870, 1880, and 1890, showing the illiteracy of the colored race, are giveu for each of the Soiitheru States iu the following table : lUiteracij of the colored population 10 i/cars of age and orcr. State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia. Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri Nortli Carolina Soutb Carolina Teunesseo Texas Virginia West Virginia Popula- tion 10 years of age a ad OTer. 479, 430 217,454 21, G08 61, 041 119, 034 600, 62;i 197, 689 392, 642 161,106 516, 929 114,160 392, 589 470, 232 309, 800 336, 154 455, 682 24, 737 Dliterates. Number. 331, 200 116, 655 10, 692 21, 389 60, 204 404, 015 110, 530 283, 215 80, 723 314, 858 47, 562 235, 981 301, 262 167, 971 176, 484 260, 678 10, 992 Per cent. 69. 1 53.6 49.' 5 35.0 50.6 67.3 55.9 72.1 50.1 CO. 9 41.7 60.1 64.1 54.2 52.5 57.2 44.4 Total 4, 870, 910 :2, 934, 441 60. 2 Popula- tion 10 years of age and over. 399, 058 137, 971 19, 245 45, 035 85, 513 479, 863 190, 223 328, 153 151, 278 425, 397 104, 393 351, 145 394, 750 271, 380 255, 265 428, 450 18, 446 4, 085, 571 Illiterates. Number. 321, 080 103, 473 11,068 21,790 60, 420 391, 482 133, 895 259, 429 90, 172 319, 753 56, 244 271,943 310, 071 194, 495 192, 520 315, 060 10, 139 Per cent. 80.6 75.0 57. 5 48.4 70.7 81.6 70.4 79.1 59.6 75.2 53.9 77.4 78.5 71.7 75.4 73.2 55.0 3, 064, 234 1 75. Popula- tion 10 years of age and over. Illiterates. 328, 835 85, 249 16, 570 33, 833 62, 748 373, 211 156, 483 262, 359 127, 708 305, 074 83, 393 272, 497 289, 969 225, 482 169, 965 362, 024 12,905 Number. 290, 953 09, 244 11,820 23, 843 52, 899 343, 654 131,099 225, 409 88, 707 265, 282 60, 648 231,293 235, 212 185, 970 150, 808 322, 355 9,997 3, 168, 905 :2, 699, 193 Per cent. 88.1 81.2 71.3 70.5 84.1 92.1 83.8 85.9 69.5 87.0 72.7 84.8 81.1 82.4 88.7 88.9 77.4 85.2 In thirty years 40 per cent of the illiteracy of the colored race had disappeared. In education and in industrial progress this race had accomplished more than it could have achieved in centuries in a different environment without the aid of the whites. The negro has needed the example as well as the aid of the white man. In sections where the colored population is massed and removed from contact with the whites the progress of the negro has been retarded. He is an imitative being, and has a con- stant desire to attempt whatever he sees the Avhito man do. He believes in educat- ing his children because ho can see that an increase of knowledge will enal)le them to better their condition. But segregate the colored population and you take away its object lessons. The statistics exhibited in the following table in a measure con- firm the truth of this position: Colored population and ilUferacy in ISOO compared. "West Virginia Missouri Kentucky Delaware Maryland Texas Tennessee Arkansas District of Columbia Nortb Carolina Virginia Florida Alabama Georgia Louisiana Mississippi Soutb Cai'oliua . Colored population, 32, 717 150,726 268. 173 28, 427 215, 897 489, 588 430, 881 309, 427 75, G97 5G2, 565 635, 858 166, 473 679, 299 858, 996 560, 192 744, 749 689, 141 Per cent to total. 4.3 5.6 14.4 16.9 20.7 21.9 24.4 27.4 32.9 34.8 38.4 42.5 44.9 46.8 50.1 .57. 8 59.9 Per cent of colored illiteracy. 44.4 41.7 55.9 49.5 50.1 52.5 51.2 53.6 35.0 00.1 57.2 50.0 69.1 67.3 72.1 60.9 64.1 Per cent of wliito illiteracy. 13.0 7.1 15.8 7.4 7.0 10.8 17.8 10.3 2.7 17.9 13.9 11.3 18.2 16.3 20.1 11.9 17.9 Here it is shown that in the States where the colored population is greatest in proportion to the total population, or where such colored population is massed, as in the " black belt" of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, there the per cent of illiteracy is highest. In tliis tabic the Southern States are 1334 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. arranged witli reference to their proportion of colored population, West Virginia standing first with only 4.3 per cent, and South Carolina at the foot of the list with 59.9 per cent colored population. The per cent for each State is shown in the third column. Leaving out of the count the District of Columbia, in which there is a lierfected sj-stem of city schools, the percentages of illiteracy in column 4 seem to hear a close relation to the percentages of population in column 3. The eight States having less than 30 per cent of colored population have, with a single exception, less than 55 per cent of colored illiteracy. The eight States having more than 30 per cent of colored population have, with two exceptions, more than 60 per cent of illiteracy. In the iifth column the per cent of white illiteracy is given for each State. SECO]S"I)ARY AND HIGHER EDUCATION. There are in the United States, so fa,r as known to this Bureau, 162 institutions for the secondary and higher education of the colored race. Six of these schools are not located within the boundaries of the former slave States. Of the 162 institu- tions. 32 are of the grade of colleges, 73 are classed as normal schools, and the remaining 57 are of secondary or high school grade. While all these schools teach pupils in the elementary studies, they also carry instruction beyond the common school branches. State aid is extended to 35 of the 162 institutions, and 18 of these are Avholly supi^orted by the States in which they are established. The remaining schools are supported wholly or in jiart by benevolent societies and from tuition fees. Detailed statistics of the 162 institutions will be found in this chapter. In these schools were employed 1,549 teachers, 711 males and 838 females. The total number of students was 37,102; of these, 23,420 were in elementary grades, 11,724 in second- ary grades, and 1,958 were pursuing collegiate studies. The following table shows for each State the number of schools and teachers and the number of students in elementary, secondary, and collegiate grades: Summary of teachers and students in institutions for the colored race in 1S94-95. State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia Florida Georgia Dlinoia Indiana Kentucky Louisiana (a) Maryland Mississippi Missouri Kew Jersey North. Carolina Ohio Pennsylvania South Carolina Tenu.5ssee Texas "Virjriiiia "West Virginia Total Teachers. 183 45 103 44 196 2 6 67 24 30 67 38 5 201 18 11 100 105 81 149 11 1,549 Students. Elementary. 1,218 279 125 231 1,518 45 485 161 67 631 125 5 1,203 77 1,071 1,210 556 923 45 9,975 1,431 385 154 276 2,332 52 916 206 156 572 96 5 1,699 63 1,107 1, 703 882 1,356 54 13, 445 2,649 664 279 507 3,850 97 1,401 367 223 1,203 221 10 2,902 140 Secondary. 2,178 2,913 1,438 2,279 99 625 171 13 238 93 592 7 33 186 67 70 277 139 15 ,077 37 301 576 281 424 50 544 135 2 543 156 732 21 60 333 85 392 229 136 17 1, 0S6 77 500 641 325 574 61 23, 420 5, 272,6, 452 11, 724 1, 1C9 306 15 781 249 1,324 28 93 519 152 202 506 275 32 2,163 114 801 1,217 606 998 114 Collegiate. 58 26 10 327 1671 01 101 50 64 151 43 107 63 121 62 85 1,598 360 72 31 14 332 228 12 50 77 111 7 220 51 167 112 156 115 1,958 Total. 3,800 1,001 29 1,392 756 5,402 28 100 2,047 569 562 1,820 503 42 5,285 305 167 3,091 4, 286 2,159 3,365 213 37, 102 a Two scliools not reporting. Of the 13,682 students in secondary and higher grades there were 990 in classical courses, 811 in scientific courses, 295 in business courses, and 9, .331 in English courses. The distribution of these students by States, the classification by courses of study, and the apportionment by sex can be seen by consulting the following table (p. 1335). EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1335 Classificaiion of colored students, hij courses of study, 1804-95. State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia riori Ja Georgia Illiuiiis Indiana Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri New Jersey North Carolina Ohio South Carolina , Tennessee Tex.is Virginia West ^"irgiuia Total Students in classi- cal courses. Male, Fe- male. 10 17 44 33 29 68 6 30 13 5 105 22 48 138 6 23 9 3 G 4 5 CO 23 19 1 5 6 7 29 4 42 111 1 41 9 Total. 11 16 2L 49 93 52 87 7 35 19 12 134 26 90 249 7 64 18 Students in scien- tific courses. Male. Fe- male. 4 25 157 17 1 2 71 10 45 7 10 4 10 37 Students in English course. 23 14 14 3 81 248 38 7 4 112 10 102 22 27 30 22 54 0^ 811 4,086 5,245 499 48 13 71 148 628 7 26 318 58 166 40 5 305 77 327 451 214 578 77 Fe- male. 501 78 2 117 268 991 21 34 249 104 205 30 293 62 513 616 287 780 94 Total. 1,000 120 15 188 416 1,019 28 60 567 162 371 70 5 598 139 840 1,067 531 1,358 171 9,331 Students in busi- ness course. Male. Fe- male. Total. 25 17 107 10 72 16 33 15 Tlicrc ivere 4,514 colored stndeuts studying to become teachers, 1,902 males and 2,612 females. Many of these students were included among those pursuing the English and other courses noted in the foregoing table. The number of students graduating from high school courses was 649, the number of males being 282 and the number of females 367. Tiiere were 844 graduates from normal courses, 357 males and 487 females. The number of college graduates was 186, the number of males being 151 and the number of females 35. The distribution of graduates by States, as well as the number of normal students, can be found in the following table: Xarnber of normal students and graduates in 1S94-9j. State. Students in nor- mal course. Male. Fe- male. Total. Graduates of high school course. M'^l^- male. I'^^al. Graduates of nor- mal course. Male. iaTe. Total. Male, Graduates of col- legiate course. m^ate. Total. Alabama Arlcanaas Delaware District of Columbia Florida Georgia , Illinois Indiana Kentucky Xioni.siana , Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina Ohio Pennsylvania South Carolina Tennessee Texas , Virginia West Virginia 426 17 24 30 117 27 30 38 122 64 359 50 105 212 35 196 50 359 10 71 48 303 5 55 50 37 124 36 434 57 161 353 159 280 04 785 27 95 78 420 86 75 246 100 793 107 266 505 194 476 114 114 7 64 31 21 20 43 5 59 14 82 05 6 102 2 Total 1,902 |2,612 4,514 282 649 . 357 487 162 5 65 6 48 39 29 14 30 9 129 15 73 65 32 115 10 27 6 9 3 1 14 1 28 4 38 16 22 6 1 844 151 186 There were 1,166 colored students ntudyinf 138 females. Of tlie professional students 585 l^arnod professions — 1,028 males and 585 were studying theology, 310 medicine, 55 law, 45 jiharmacy, 25 dentistry, and 8 engineering. The 138 female students were receiving professional training for nurses. There were 42 graduates in theology, 67 in medicine, 21 in law, 2 in dentistry, 16 in pharmacy, and 25 in nurse training! The following table (p. 1336) giyea the distribution of professional students and graduates by States. 1336 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. Colorei prof sssional s udc )its and (jraduates in 1S94-95. Professional students and graduates. Me- Students in pro- fessional courses. Thool- Medi- Den- Phar- Nurse chanical or elec- og y- cine. tistry. macy. ing. trical engi- State. neering. m ni m ro oi \B "3 '3 i la o H a 0? B c3 § 1 C3 -d o 1 O 6 s 16 34 1-1 6 9 fl ID TS fl -♦^ w 2 fl 5 130 12 251 16 34 140 12 285 121 12 73 12 8 33 15 5 119 22 13 2 13 n District of Columbia Florida 4 4 4 fl n fl fl Georgia 94 40 134 9-^ 10 ?, n n fl fl 40 6 fl fl 26 26 ^fi n n n n n fl fl n fl n 48 9 48 9 20 9 9, n 28 n 5 n n fl fl fl fl fl 12 25 37 T n n n n 95 fl fl Missonri 5 5 5 o 2 n n n n fl '-> (1 North Carolina 128 2 130 42 14 3 56 8 16 5 2 Ohio 10 15 25 10 3 15 4 Pennsylvania 40 40 40 / South Carolina 7 7 7 170 17 65 4 170 21 05 30 17 05 585 2 42 6 55 3 21 102 310 32 67 12 25 2 2 14 45 5 4 fl 25 6 8 n "16 ll38~ Total 1,028 138 1, 100 (» Tho importance of industrial training is almost universallyrecognized by teachers of the colored race, and the negroes themselves are beginning to see its value. This feature of colored education was treated at some length in the Education Report for 1893-94. More complete statistics are presented this year. For the first time the number of students in each industrial branch has been ascertained. Of the 37,102 students in the 162 colored schools nearly one-third, or 12,058, were receiving indus- trial training. Of these, 1,061 were learning farm and garden work, 1,786 carpentry, 235 bricklaying, 202 plastering, 259 painting, 67 tin and sheet-metal work, 314 forg- ing, 200 machine-shop work, 147 shoemaking, 706 printing, 1,783 sewing, 5,460 cook- ing, and 1,017 were learning other industries. An exhibit of the industrial side of colored education is made in the following table : Industrial training of colored students in 1S94-95. State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri New Jersey North Carolina Ohio South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia West Virginia Total Pupils receiv- ing industrial trainiug. , 159 1 105 21 77 C9 489 143 281 58 189 94 20 659 50 486 208 159 365 59 2,437 167 21 164 221 1,944 360 492 214 474 201 42 1, 801 107 1,034 016 460 1,130 173 Students trained in industrial branches. 225 15 7 20 39 30 79 58 293 54 20 21 105 12, 058 289 20 21 25 64 143 12 122 16 136 40 20 291 43 208 101 120 71 _44 OOl'l, 786 67 314 200 PM 64 45 35! 761, 43 32 9 17 99 24 86 87 42 38 9 706 309 378 8 24 35 198 62 15 84 94 538 44 117 55 33 191 ,783 5 292 2 25 180 11 lOo 1,017 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1337 Colored institutions received benefactions in 1894-95 amounting to $304,822. They received State and municipal aid amounting to $188,936; from productive funds. $98,278; from tuition fees, $101,146, and from other sources and unclassilicd sums amounting to $534,272. The latter ligure includes the sums received by colored agri- cultural and mechanical colleges from the United States. The income of the colored institutions, so far as reported, amounted to $922,632. In the libraries of the 162 colored schools there were 175, 788 volumes, valued at $357,549. The value of grounds, buildings, furniture, and scientific apjtaratus was $6, 475, .590, and the value of other property and endowments was $2,381,748. The following table summarizes the liuaucial reports received from the 162 colored institutions: Financial summary of the 1G2 colored schools. State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia. Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Kentucky Louisiana Mar j'land Mississippi Missouri New Jersey North Carolina Ohio Pennsylvania Soutli Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia AVcst Virginia Total 304, 822 175, 788 357, 549,6, 475, 590 2, 381, 748 188, 930 101, 146 98, 278 534, 272 922, 632 5, 000 39, 500 25, 000 394, 800 41, 350 30, 000 500 504, 085 30, 000 ° a it $14. 500 6,000 c ? u a '3 p-c I o o 5 a ^ - BC33 ?5 i-H >> $13, 276 3, 860 20, 500 2,800 2,819 3,000 7,500 6, 500 4, 321 C5, 000 3, 000 7,6!8 12,500 7,987 657 13, 573 0,356 7,120 3,966 3,941 1,367 2,450 8,' 500 {3,304 $112, 769 2,594 4, OUO 11,541 12, 019 52, 257 4,264 1,117 5,679 1,284 2, 150 3,430 298 15,000 3, OOOi 8, 496 920 3, .500 2,300 '22,469 7,958; 1,000 11,644' 1,227 2,681' 3. 276 22, 003 1,488 2,093 4,176 32, 475 22,190 36, 238 50 500 22, 644 8,700 11,271 36, 668 39, 309 4,300 117,301 3,270 $149, 613 14, 904 4,000 57, 528 15, 476 81, 953 17, 796 47, 095 33, 773 50, 179 07, 701 3,500 39, 678 27, 000 33, 740 47, 776 55,610 7, 279 158, 180 9,851 Beginning on the next page is a table giving in detail the statistics of the 162 colored schools so far as reported to this Bureau. In the coucluding pages of this chapter are printed two addresses in which are presented two views of the education of the colored race. The first was delivered at Brooklyn, N. Y., in Jauuarj', 1896, at the dinner in honor of Alexander Hamilton by Booker T. Washington, principal of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Insti- tute, at well as the intellectual training of the negro, while Dr. Mitchell advocates the highei education. )y Booker T. Washington, principal of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Insti- -ute. The second was delivered before the American Baptist Home Mission Society, ifc Asbury Park, N. J., May 26, 1896, by Edward C. Mitchell, D. D., president of ^jclaiid University, New Orleans, La. Mr. Washington pleads for the industrial as 1338 EDUCATION REPOKT, 1894-95 Statistics of schools for the education of the State and. fjost- oliice. INamo of school. Eeligious denomina- tion. Teachers. White. Colored. ALABAMA. Athens Calliotin Hunts ville. -. Marion Montgomery. Normal Sclma ...-do Talladega Tuscaloosa . . Tuskegee..t. . ARKANSAS. Artadelahia. ....do..^--.. liittio Rock.. ....do Pino Blnff . . . Southland . . . DELAWAEE. Dover DIST. COLUMBIA. "Washington . ....do ....do ....do FLORIDA. Jacksonville. do Livo Oak Ocala Orange Park. Tallahassee.., GEORGIA. Athena ....do ...-do Atlanta do do do do do Augusta do do College La G-range Mcintosh Macon Roswell Savannah South Atlanta . . . Thomasville , Wayneshoro ILLINOIS. Trinity Normal School''' Calhoun Colored School Central Alabama Academy Lincoln Normal School State Normal School for Col'd Students State Normal and Industrial School... Burrell School Selnia University Talladega College Stillman Institute Tuskegeo Normal and Industrial Institute Cong Nonsect M.E Cong Nonsect , Cong Bapt Cong Presb Nonsect Shorter University Arkadelphia Academy Arkansas Baptist College Philander Smith College Arkansas Normal College SouthLand College and Normal Institute State College for Colored Students. Howard University Normal School, 7th and 8th divisions. High School, 7th and 8th divisions*.. Way land Seminary A.M.... Bapt Bapt Meth . . . Nonsect Triends. Nonsect - - Nonsect . Nonsect . Bapt. Cookman Institute Edward Walters College * Florida Institute '■■ Emerson Home Orange Park Normal and Manual Train- ing^'School. State Normal and Industrial College for Colored Students. Jerual Academy Knox Institute West Broad Street School Atlanta Baptist Seminary Atlanta University Gammon School of Theology Morris Brown College Spelman Seminary Storrs School Haines Normal and Industrial School. Paine Institute Walker Baptist Institute Georgia State Industrial College La Grange Academy Dorchester Academy Ballard Normal School Eoswell Pnhlic School * Beach Institute Clark University Allen Normal and Industrial School. . . Haven Normal Academy * M.E.... A. M. E . Bapt.... M.E.... Cong .. . Nonsect .. Bapt. Cong Bapt Nonsect M.E A.M. E Bapt Cong ... Presb. -. Meth ... Bapt Bapt. Cong , Cong . M.E. Cong Cairo Sumner High School , * Statistics of 1893-94. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1339 colored race, 1S94-05 — Detail talle, Part I. Pupils eurolled. Students. 1 Graduates. Total. Elo- montary grades. Second- ary grades. Colle- giate classes Clas- sical courses Scien- tific courses English course. Nor- mal course. r>usi- iiess course. High school course. Nor- Collc- 111 al giato course, course. 9 50 125 53 50 420 199 135 100 258 31 •180 39 26 70 123 123 89 23 393 2 197 98 103 96 55 49 21 68 85 196 150 78 81 203 75 130 99 3(j 201 69 175 125 143 a 10 118 146 77 90 430 208 141 118 323 320 43 00 80 189 69 90 194 24 421 C3 144 63 81 50 57 37 56 159 201 139 281 491 147 262 82 55 87 250 275 146 "a 3 1 12 102 146 77 00 294 42 133 83 305 6 13 14 «3 i 14 16 15 6 i 16 6 "3 17 "3 a 4) IS "3 19 6 "3 E 20 6 '3 21 _d "3 i 22 -2 'a 23 "3 g 24 _c5 "3 25 d 3 a o 26 d "3 27 d 3 1 28 d "3 20 "3 § 30 d "3 31 _d "3 a 32 11 30 125 53 50 293 56 126 05 204 125 146 :....:. 3 1 127 143 9 85 48 31 218 13 11 21 20 80 26 13 30 2 197 9 28 22 25 11 7 21 2 70 50 44 145 165 8 35 18 157 12 20 16 17 49 21 2 96 24 421 2 33 19 46 41 8 9 21 131 4 127 13 10 145 13 25 9 9 10 13 1 2 6 3 I'JO 113 35 27 208 129 18 16 9 3 55 56 9 8 1 8 2 n 6 6 6 40 40 n 1 210 19 15 55 88 43 59 159 31 40 58 171 20 05 52 7 13 270 8 170 7 17 15 1 5 1 31 17 43 35 3 o 4 8 1 1 1 4 2 2 6 6 1 4 "13 ... 14 15 1 4 10 327 4 4 5 3 17 3 4 1 10 3 1 4 9 22 2 3 47 24 13 71 2 117 06 4? 8 2 10 24 4 2 36 93 89 75 74 30 38 14 48 83 126 72 64 61 111 44 35 9 49 28 34 153 130 85 14 7 84 129 21 3 6 40 3 5 49 15 20 83 50 57 32 18 153 2 2 4 2 1 1 3 10 3 3 1 6 28 13 84 24 7 29 23 50 C 83 2 2 155 75 110 28 223 416 147 142 28 24 20 66 36 91 5 11 15 32 29 52 120 52 55 6 50 37 3 24 3 155 223 52 29 14 2 9 2 4 7 8 1 1 2 4 2 8 48 160 3 5 9 2 i. 6 1 22 25 13 64 175 10 87 250 30 10 5 16 2 15 8 101 64 164 110 111 87 244 225 109 5 20 1 5 1 5 160 45 IOC 7 181 130 167 21 116 35 50 130 112 07 40 10 55 51 18 100 21 4 19 5 20 55 48 C too 5 2 1 14 2 10 18 1 2 7 21 1340 EDUCATIOK REPORT, 1894-95, Statistics of schools for the education of the colored State and post- office. Name of scliool. EeligioTis denomina- tion. Teaclicrs. "Wliite. Colored. Evansville... New Albany. KENTUCKY. Berea , Frankfort , Lebanon . . . Lexington , Louisville . do Paris LOUISIANA. Alexandria . . Baldwin New Iberia.. New Orleans. do do do IIAEYLAND. Baltimore . do .... Hebbville. 70 Melvale 71 Princess Anne. MISSISSIPPI. Clinton Edwards Holly Springs ....do Jackson Meridian Natchez Tougaloo Westaide MISSOUEI. Hannibal Jefferson City Kansas City .. Mill Spring... Sedalia NEW JERSEY. Bordentown NORTH CAKOLINA. Asbboro Beaufort Cbarlotte Clinton Concord Elizabeth City. Fayetteville . . . Eranklinton . . . -do Governor Higb School. Scribner High School . Nonsect , Berea College State Normal School for Colored Persona St. Augustine's Academy''' Chandler Normal school* Christian Bible School Central High School Paris Colored High School Nonsect . Nonsect . E. C Cong .... Christian Nonsect . Nonsect . 3 .... 6""i 8 2 Alexandria Academy « Gilbert Academy and Industrial College Mount Carmel Convent a Leland University New Orleans University Southern University Straight University M.E. Bapt .... M. E.... Nonsect Cong . . . Baltimore City Colored High School Morgan College Baltimore Normal School for Training of Colored Teachers. * Industrial Home for Colored Girls Princess Anne Academy , M.E.... Nonsect Mount Hermon Eomale Seminary* Southern Christian Institute Rust University State Colored Normal School Jackson College Meridian Academy Natcliez College * Tougaloo University Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical Col- lege. Christian M.E Nonsect . Bapt M.E Cong .... Nonsect - Douglass High School" Lincoln Institute Lincoln High School .. Hale's College Geo. P. Smith College. Nonsect M.E Colored Normal and Industrial School.. Ashboro Normal School "Washburn Seminary Biddle University Clinton Normal Institute* Scotia Seminary State Colored Normal School State Colored Normal School Albion Academy, Normal and Industrial School. Eranklinton Christian College Nonsect Nonsect . Presb Presb... Nonsect Nonsect Presb. .. Christian 'Statistics of 1893-94. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED KACE. 1341 7'acc, lSOl-05 — Detail tabic, Part I — Coutiuucd. Pupils enrolled. Students Graduates. Total. Ele- mentary grades. Second- ary grades. Colle- Cla.'s- Scien- ciato sical tiflc classes courses courses English eour.se. Nor- mal coiurse. r,usi- ncss course. High school course. Nor- mal course. Colle- giate course. _2 9 21 60 248 43 20 282 173 6 s 10 44 05 212 02 70 11 "is 12 1 13 21 12 04 19 1 i 14 44 10 06 27 41 15 CD 'a s o 16 6 17 21 12 17 a o 44 10 5 6 1 19 6 "3 s 20 o 21 d 1 22 a 23 6 a o 24 25 ,2 "3 S o 26 "3 27 4 3 3 d "3 a o 3 4 d 29 1 a o 30 d "3 31 d a 32 ')^ 45 139 24 52 132 35 35 238 1 5'' 45 14 39 11 19 4 27 1 4 6 "il 51 5^ 1 50 26 .... 57 524 103 232 90 380 90 50 53 138 01 1 138 8 6 2 10 8 6 3 16 3 6 3 10 3 58 30 12 12 18 26 34 2 8 51 on 95 75 OS 03 15 6 12 12 6 ] 114 27 1 2 1 01 O*" 200 2.i0 118 255 40 103 7 58 78 35 113 83 80 57 50 201 298 21 111 36 4S 45 20 100 79 260 25 50 42 104 72 239 3.-j3 190 314 100 57 10 100 44 114 47 117 84 82 112 86 170 7 24 94 04 25 35 22 90 84 50 283 114 64 131 90 170 212 98 101 187 319 158 200 20 31 12 67 40 2 39 34 28 85 100 1 10 7 8 50 13 4 18 33 5 8 190 200 13 5 1 10 13 26 1^2 3 6 1 3 6 2 3 3 1 9 3 4 2 4 1 1 1 1 01 ot 20 1 10 Ofi 5 14 22 6f » 11 07 40 50 55 6 5 2 08 ' 10 oq 21 78 28 50 32 40 24 173 200 04 5 50 5 25 09 19 19 14 90 16 114 40 71 39 86 58 159 5 4 07 5 20 5 20 77 46 268 40 28 70 21 58 00 44 1 70 9 7 6 1 6 1 31 27 ■ 1 71 7' 4 49 28 80 17 20 28 45 15 41 30 43 4 15 75 10 172 32 42 91 4 4 48 24 82 20 28 17 20 20 04 20 17 70 7 4 15 62 64 111 12 3 34 3 10 1 22 7 2 2 ° 2 4 S t 4 1 73 50 71 33 67 44 03 74 32 25 75 80 30 82 52 3 10 1 15 7f 8 10 77 78 22 17 2 1 79 53 2 15 14 7 80 81 7 9 4 5 S 7 39 25 26 10 7 2 1 H'> 30 5 04 7 10 40 5 18 10 30 30 9 7 4 5 7 2 3 83 84 85 8f 87 69 c 09 10 30 7 4 15 30 30 6 4 7 13 88 89 90 8 4 9 91 5 11 9' 91 15 00 18 80 6 4 01 4 "> 95 also repo rt. 1342 EDUCATION REPOET, 1894-95. Statistics of schools for the education of the colored State and post- office. Name of school. Eeligious denomina- tion. Teachers. White. Colored. NORTH CAROLINA- continiied. Franklinton Goldsboro G-reensboro do iCings Mountain . Jjumberton Pee Dee Plymouth ... Ealeigh do Keidsville . . . Salisbury do TVarrenton . . Wilmington . Windsor Winton OHIO. Wilberforce PENNSYLVANIA. Lincoln Univer- sity. SODTH CAEOLINA. Aiken Beaufort ....do Camden Charleston.. ....do Chester Columbia . . . ....do Frogmore . . . Greenwood . Orangeburg. TENNESSEE. Jonesboro . . . . Kjioxville ....do Maryville Memphis do Morristown Murfreesboro . NashviUe .™..do do do TEXAS. Austin ... Brenham . Crockett.. Galveston Hearne . . . Marshall. State ColOf ed Normal School do Agricultural and Mechanical College for the Colored Kace. * Bennett College* Lincoln Academy Whitin Normal School Barrett Collegiate and Industrial Insti- tute. State Colored Normal School Shaw "University St. Augustine's School City Graded School (colored) Livingston College State Colored Normal School Shiloh Institute Gregory Normal Institute Rankin- -Richards Institute Waters Normal Institute Nonsect Meth .... Cong Nonsect . ]Nonsect . Nonsect .. Bapt P.E A M.E.Z. Nonsect . . Bapt Cong Nonsect .. Bapt 11 Wilberforce University . Lincoln University* Presb. Schoficld Normal and Industrial School . Beaufort Academy * Harbison Institute Browning Industrial Home and School. . Avery Normal Institute Wallingford Academy * Brainord Institute Allen University Benedict CoUege Penn Industrial and Normal School Brewer Normal School Clafiin University avid Agricultural Col- lege and Mechanics' Institute. Nonsect Presb . M.E.. Cong . Warner Institute Austin High School Knoxville "College Freedmen's Normal Institute . Hannibal Medical College Lo Moyne Normal Institute * . Morristown Normal Academy * Bradley Academy * Central Tennessee College risk University Meigs's High School Roger Williams University . . . Presb — A.M Bapt Nonsect Cong ... Nonsect Cong . . . . Nonsect . U. Presb - Friends- - Nonsect - M. E. M.E.... Cong ... Nonsect Bapt Tillotson College East End High School * Mary Allen Seminary * Central High School Hearne Academy and Normal and In- dustrial Institiite. Bishop College * Statistics of 1803-91. Cong Nonsect Bapt Bapt EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1343 race, 1S04-D5— Detail table, Part I— Continued. Pupils enrolled. Students. Graduates. Total. Ele- mentary grades. Second- ary grades. Colle- Clas- siate sical classes courses Scien- tific courses Enjilisli coarse. Nor- mal course. Busi- ness course. High school course. Nor- mal cour.se. Colle- giate course. 6 9 140 30 37 97 G2 38 50 C2 194 79 450 79 50 40 135 35 91 175 1G7 74 185 53 55 135 73 74 131 59 136 108 342 50 300 146 128 6 223 141 136 157 212 219 110 95 203 90 35 179 6 "a g o Ph 10 110 75 26 106 136 43 85 118 168 139 361 69 51 55 225 75 120 130 11 19 20 6 1 26 44 <6 % 13 121 10 30 92 14 24 22 42 90 18 30 26 7 25 40 10 44 37 -a 3 14 90 31 19 106 5 26 32 73 85 23 51 27 14 29 60 25 45 77 15 a o Eh 16 6 % 17 11 _2 a o 18 6 19 21 _a3 a fH 20 7 6 21 96 d g 22 79 d 23 71 d a Ph 24 90 _d 25 d a 26 d 27 3 a fH 28 3 _d "« % 29 5 6 3 30 17 d 31 d -a 1 32 9(1 97 7 7 9F 5 57 12 20 20 70 54 420 37 43 15 95 25 04 77 122 19 30 45 59 111 310 38 37 26 165 50 08 63 3 5 24 14 42 90 12 14 26 18 73 85 OP 3 4 2 2 ■7 3 1 lOf 17 14 4 3 19 12 7 9 S 101 10 12 3 10: lor 30 7 28 5 3 2 20 30 1 1 104 iflf lOf 16 4 16 5 4 8 7 5 14 8 43 5 37 8 26 3 2 20 27 1 2 35 10 3 6 7 5 7 3 10' 3 6 5 7 lOf lOf IK 111 91 77 120 62 9 50 23 57 5 2 9 ir 43 167 8 22 4 15 7 9 6 7 8 4 38 IK 149 203 52 95 275 148 77 122 76 118 123 228 CI 320 171 125 1 447 149 206 169 365 117 98 245 25 184 46 40 91 60 65 52 121 101 286 41 .298 82 51 3 191 39 131 57 83 176 58 71 35 196 45 30 158 112 70' 50 104 120 187 50 300 104 62 1 386 51 187 58 138 283 83 82 216 112 104 29 158 49 1 7 25 44 13 9 33 59 15 7 39 7 10 46 74 3 32 102 5 64 156 43 34 22 18 17 13 49 114 7 7 55 117 36 7 29 76 14 3 35 13 12 62 60 61 98 19 94 107 82 33 18 29 120 18 12 16 49 114 8 1 ^2 7 1 9 1 9 11£ IK 1 :' ::: 2 1 4 3 2 21 \Y 65 34 85 99 5 4 20 21 1 4 2 21 IK 10 18 IK n{ 8 1 4 25 5 19 1 7 9 43 15 20 2 7 43 14 39 6 4 3 I'^i 46 17 43 6 2 15 10 6 9 i?i' 55 15 108 71 14 123 6 2 1 9 9 10 9 2 8 ^% 2 9 4 1 8 8 12', 12E K>< 48 56 1?' 1?? 18 3 5 3 15 5 3 3 3 64 75 13 04 11 50 9 7 3 8 8 I 6 1 1 T>f 13f 1 1 1 13 66 31 113 42 13' 13" 13'1 36 46 17 9 27 38 43 15 82 1 9 8 1 105 119 23 3 33 79 1 1 3 7 3 8 4 13F 18 2 5 1 3 9 5 1 13f 176 58 91 283 83 88 1.3' 18 1 3 4 6 10 22 19 18 1 1 5 1 4 13f 13£ 14f 232 122 73 41 22 189 112 120 25 141 13 12 145 14- 19 14 4 3 1 144 1344 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1894-95. Statistics of schools for the education of the colored 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 State and post- office. TEXAS— cont'd. Marshall Prairie View "Waco Burkeville. Hampton . . Lawrenceviile Longfleld Manassas Manchester. Norfoll< Petersburg . do do Kichmond do Staunton . WEST VIRGINIA. Farm Harpers Ferry. . Name of school. Wiley University Prairie View State Normal School " Paul Quinu College Ingleside Seminary Hampton Normal and Agricultural In- stitute. St. Paul Normal and Industrial School . . . Curry College* Manassas Industrial School for Colored Youth. Public High School, colored Norfolk Mission College Bishop Payne Divinity and Industrial School. Peabody School "Virginia Normal and Collegiate Institute. Hartshorn Memorial College Eichmond Theological Seminary Valley Training School* Eeligious denomina- tion. M. E. Presb Nonsect Epis Bapt Nonsect .. "West Virginia Colored Institute. Storer College Nonsect . . U. Presb.. Epis Nonsect Nonsect Bapt Bapt Nonsect Bapt Teachers. White. Colored. Statistics of 1893-94. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1345 race, 1S94-95 — Detail table, Part I — Coiitiiuied. Pupils enrolled. Students. Grades. Total. Ele- mentary grades. Second- ary- grades. Colle- giate classes Clas- Scien- sical tilic courses courses i English cour.se. for- mal course. Busi- ness course. High school course. Kor- ninl course. Colle- giate course. 6 % 9 130 115 GO 430 112 52 37 28 248 10 297 142 1 50 19 34 CI a 10 154 106 05 111 377 145 43 40 22 438 450 179 90 32 44 74 11 30 23 40 261 32 42 37 12 225 280 25 "3 a 12 59 63 59 56 265 60 38 40 14 397 413 31 22 6 13 70 92 6 "3 a 14 69 43 "3 15 33 6 "3 i 16 23 "3 a 17 5 6 "a a a 18 "3 19 6 "3 a 20 "3 21 100 _5J "3 a 22 128 "3 23 13 s pR 24 21 25 a; 3 a ^5 26 6 "3 27 3 a 28 6 "3 29 1 _© a 30 3 "3 31 3 6 "3 a 32 l^s 116 10 16 1 1 4 4 40 175 78 59 111 112 85 9 6 1 26 14 4 2 1 1 17 80 10 6 23 17 102 1 55 112 85 5 7 41 37 146 74 9(1 9 26 14 1^8 41 39 78 85 1 149 TiO Vil 10 1 28 22 °l ^ 7 11 3 2 9 10 10 1 7 11 8 : 10 11 152 23 41 14 24 154 10 15 2 17 37 297 450 53 94 I 155 156 l^i? 1'i8 50 1'i9 9 25 20 20 29 25 10 12 15 49 10 9 41 12 15 49 IfiO 9 9 25 52 29 05 6 2 161 2 16? ED 95- -43 1346 EDUCATION REPOET, 1894-95. Statistics of schools for the education of the Name of school. Students Pupils re- ceiving indirstrial training. Students trained in industrial branches. fessional courses. 1 a CD fcX) !-i O a ^^ C3 a o o p 3 fcjo (a fcb g 'S Ph o CO a CD 79 15 91 10 170 25 69 2 39 10 4 53 7 s Central Alabama Academy. 4 5 State Normal School for Colored Students.* State Normal and Indus- trial School. 250 169 48 300 279 44 550 448 92 36 75 53 48 200 100 44 200 5G 135 6 7 2 16 18 2 7 29 8 27 15 8 10 35 31 52 10 35 31 52 q 118 225 343 10 75 5 135 8 110 in 11 12 Tuskegee Normal and In- dustrial Institute. ARKANSAS. 480 329 18 809 18 108 38 31 31 22 13 29 16 19 44 93 18 35 68 IS 14 12 38 40 15 21 77 12 20 12 64 24 38 60 27 21 141 24 15 Philander Smith College... Arkansas Normal College.. Southland College and Nor- mal Institute. DELAWARE. State College for Colored Students.' DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Howard University Normal School, 7th and 8th divisions. High School, 7th and 8th divisions. a Wayland Seminary FLORIDA. 12 12 38 2 5 35 Ifi 15 7 15 5 21 25 20 15 ... 17 15 64 8 5 1R 2 4 12 3 5 19 217 34 251 'n •'1 '>,'>. 34 4 34 4 .... 23 30 23 30 23 15 15 OS '''1 '^ 26 49 20 50 57 15 50 106 35 20 49 15 30 57 20 27 Orange Park Normal and Manual Training School. State Normal and Indus- trial College for Colored Students. GEORGIA. ''8 2D 30 85 85 85 ... SI West Broad Street School. S^ 10 10 10 2 SS 34 Gammon School of Theology Morris liro wn College 84 10 32 84 10 32 35 SR 8 10 17 240 130 262 25 240 130 272 7 'I 17 100 130 5 125 10 "6 37 5 38 Haines Normal 9,u([ Indus- trial School 8 8 6262 ' statistics of 1893-94. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED EACE. 1347 colored i-ace, 1894-95 — Detail table, Part II. Cliief soui'ces of support. 21 A. M. A . Frecdmen's Aid M. E. Ch. $15, 076 23 O - [ t. (» . o'a = 24 25 26 27 $451 400 28 29 ss 30 $549 1,100 $7, 500 , State and U. S. Anier. Miss. Assn Am. Bapt. H. M. S Amer. Miss. Assn Ch. and contributiona. .. Statu and coutributions , 3,089 46,' 738 1,985 500 500 6,200 1,000 4,527 30,142 $9,009 4,000 5,000 1 876 3,000 1 1 350 128,617 141,354 1,503 1, 500 ! I... 215, 000 ' 3, 000 9, 696 50 7, 068 1, 25o; A. :M.E.Con. in Ark. A. 15. Homo Miss. S.. Popular collection .. State andU. S Society of Trienda. U.S. U.S. U.S. 600 1,500 150 100 700 3,500 0,13,000 350 5,000 10, 000 1,200 30, 000 60, 000 26, 000 35, 500 20, 700 300 256 500 , 2, 500 32, 698 3, 004' 3, ooo: 8, 508 3, 500' 59, 401 1 600 700 6,000 300 1. 2,504 2, lOO! 1,294 600, 000 200, 000 29, 500 7, 987 8, 500 11,541 10,000 30, 098 3,880 3,400 17, 139 3,500 73, 347 900 1,306 500 6,300 5,898 57, 528 19 20 Am. Bapt. H.M. S- 3, 000 70, 000 Frccdmcn'3 Aid S. M. E. Cli 1,000 30, 000 1, 800 2, 261 A.B. H.M H. M. S. M. E. Ch . Am. Miss. Assn ., State and U. S. Jcnul V,. A. find A. B. H. M. S Am. Miss. Assn City Am. Bapt. H.M. S I'uition and benevolence Endowment funds A.M.E.Ch W. A. n. M. S. Slater Fund. . . . Tuition and benevolence Bresb. Board Miss, lor Freed- men. 5 402 22, 234 2,804 150 200 25, 000 19, 300 75 200 150 2, 000 7,548 9.00U 1,200 5,275 5, 000 1,200 50, 000 252, 000 100,000 75, 000 2,500 150,000 150 20, ooo: 120 20, 000 2,800 30,000 500, 000 2, 019 84 112 219 o' 10,000 12,912 948 36 455 1,551 357 1,335 2,130 1.312 2,045 1,250 580 8,000 4,820 123 2,000 4,000 10, 850 a No report. 303 2,060 0,525 2,254 10, 357 5,335 18, 980 1,312 2,645 1348 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. Statistics of sclwols for the education of the colored Name of scliool. St> dents Pupils re- Students trained in industrial branches. fessional courses. industrial training. o g cS tJO u o a ci a o a i a a 'V, 03 bib 1 "a o B .9 a a > o 2 ■g'S n. O - m t^ o u u ^ !| §s <" u O o «^ g- s 'S s S o "2 o la o a '3 1 . II 1.2 5 a -A p a p ^^ •si ^ s o a- o a o kg 11 u o a u a tu ^. o o4 eS o — o a a o H 21 22 23 24 25 2C 27 28 29 30 S.Col.M.E.Ch Ara.B.H.M.S State an State 25 50 51 250 7,000 G:il 10, 000 132, 656 20, 564 5? 14,145 1,000 100, 400 3,000 3,265 2,900 4,073 1 145 7, 483 5,901 .53 State and TJ. S .54 55 A.M. A 56 450 185 290 20, 000 20, 000 3,425 190 4,031 4, 221 57 Citv 58 City 191 191 m 60 i,66o 40, 000 61 6^ 902 3, 000 2, 882 4,500 1,000 5,000 727 2,500 200 2,000 160,000 lOO, 000 49, 422 125, 000 92, 750 480 3,440 3,200 4.827 5, 300 n. 548 5,307 8,740 19. 048 14,000 63 F.A., S. Ed.S. M.E.Ch. andS.E. 64 "'g,'66o 7, 500 6.'> 10, 800 67 Citv 67 9,055 50, 000 2,800 1,117 13, 456 17, 373 68 69 3,500 1,000 6,500 4,900 3,834 11,400 5,000 70 U S. and E A and S Ed So 14,000 1, 166 71 !'>• 1,000 1,000 3,000 25, 000 90,000 400 1,631 9,338 400 10, 969 73 Freednien's Aiil and S. Ed. So. 74 o No report. 1350 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. Staiisfics of sell ools for ihe education of ihe colored Name of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils re- Students trained in industrial branches. industrial training. o g be o 8 O _g '3 12 o a u 13 3 a S o m 16 fci; .9 .3 17 a '$■ a m 18 'oil o o 19 CD a 0) o 20 6 6 p 3 PR o 6 6 a Ph 6 o H 7 fail '& 3 10 fcjo o 5 11 to .9 '3d 3 14 o ft o A 6 a 15 1 2 3 4 5 15 7G 77 78 70 80 81 82 83 81 85 80 87 88 89 90 91 9'' MISSISSIPPI— continued. State Colored Normal School 75 7^ 75 ...1 Tougaloo University Alcorn A gricultural and Mechanical College. MISSOURI. 4 25 29 158 150 308 30 83 37 45 26 80 70 - 1 ^5ft 3 23 27 21 2 85 80 165 40 20 25 80 1 5 5 9 20 27 22 36 42 9 17 22 KEW JERSEY. Colored Normal and Indus- trial School. NORTH CAEOLIN'A. 2 6 20 2 172 49 49 172 41 23 q 29 50 49 25 283 283 283 283 State Colored ]S ormal School (Elizabeth City). State Colored Normal School (Fa,yetteTille).a Albion Academy, Normal and Industrial School. Frauklinton Christian Col- lege. State Colored Normal School (Franklinton). State Colored Normal School (Goldsboro). Agricultural and Mechan- ical College for the Col- ored Race, a 93 94 95 5 2 7 80 126 29 103 109 229 50 46 89 25 10 6 2 4 1 3 18 28 5 103 96 97 98 90 100 17 136 153 3 118 32 101 102 Barrett Collegiate and In- dustrial Institute. State Colored Normal School (Plymouth). 9 9 50 35 85 25 28 20 12 103 104 110 110 100 79 110 139 210 218 10 100 9 40 1 50 110 55 110 55 105 xou (Jity Graded School, Colored 107 15 33 48 4 3 8 21 12 108 State Colored Normal School (Salisbury). Shiloh Institute 109 110 20 225 245 1]1 Kaukin'-Eichards I n s t i - lute, a "Waters Normal Instiluto . . OHIO. Wilberforce University 112 4 10 15 4 25 113 50 57 107 43 24 ri 44 180 Statistics of 1803-94. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1351 7-ctcc, 1S94-93— Detail table, Fart 7/— Coiitiuiied. Cliicf sources of support. o 3 2, 2 a 3 Yaluoof grounds, buildings, furniture, and scientific apparatus. Amount of any other prop- erty or endowment. 'S 3 u o 03 a '3 3 ■ s < a 1 . 11 sl a p a 6 ft a ^3 •? p 3 a ■A a) 3 1 . 11 'S =! 01 00 "S 3 a es .3 aS g "a H 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 State $1, 500: .*io nnn $2,000 $240 $2, 240 75 Am Bapt H M So 300 35, 000 2,500 76 it. E. Cli 25 600 $300 oiin 77 78 $1, 500 2,500 2,875 80, COO 102, 500 $163," 575 2,321 1,000 15, 000 11, 600 16, 000 19, 670 79 TJ. S. and State 70 '*.=>. 679 80 81 31 '"soo 500 81, 625 18, 000 2,500 60,000 10, 000 65,000 167 1 084' 66, 251 82 State 200 7,427 83 Students 1,200 84 U. S. and S. Ed. So. of M. E. Ch . 200 50 500 1,450 3,500 S'S 5,000 3,000 86 87 3,000 152 83 235 88 89 City 31 1,000 300 900 50 6 50 400 900 m Preedmen's N. Presl). Chr 11, 150 00, 000 4,500 91 9?! 100 1,500 96 State .md Peabody E 150 97 State 98 F. A. andE. S 99 Am. Miss. Assu 100 10 978 200 111 111 19". 3, OSt 100 150 1.(100 180 3,080 15 101 1, 000 8. 000 10? State 250 2,000 103 Am. B. H. M. So 200. ono 30, 000 •> 179 8,497 10, 669 mi '...: ' 105 State and city 200 3, OCO 106 A, M. E. Z. Cli 3,500 180 2,500 110. non i, 000 'i,'486 503 250 !>, 000 200 50 200 5,800 210 9 :!nn 6, .500 1,480 510 4,500 107 State and Peabody F 920 100 6,135 700 12. onn 108 109 110 111 Am.Bapt.n.M.S A. M. E. Cb. and State 8,000 5,000 10, 860 200, 000 23, 000 175 12, 500 181 3,500 2,300 1,446 8,701) 1, 802 27, 000 112 113 « No report. 1352 EDUCATION KEPOET, 1894-95. Statistics of sell ools for the education of the colored Name of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils re- Students trained in industrial oranches.' industrial training. a '^ ^^ a ^1 a u PI t'lj _p 3 q a 'S a .3 u 14 c f: P< .3 ?• 150 151 t) 5 2 8 12 23 4 statistics of 1893-94. aNo report. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1355 race, 1S94-95 — Detail table, Part II — Continued. Chief sources of support. u o I! % a u a a ■^ a ,3 " a ci gars ^^5 2 2 •3. a l-i 1? a < •s a a g . (CIS o a i '3 a o '^ . 11 'S a S.2 o a . S a £--2 «-« 3 o a -, o 3 o H 21 22 23 24 25 26 -27 1 2S 29 80 15,000 900 $212,000 33, 000 $394, 800 $22, 469 1,000 $11, 271 5,000 $33, 740 fi .^00 1U $150 $150 115 116 N. Presl). Cb 50 300 500 500 6,000 222 400 2,800 336 222 400 117 M.E. Ch 118 25, 000 1,300 10, OOO 40, 000 50, 000 5,000 10, 000 8,000 10. 000 100,000 2 500 ll** 1, 464J i! 800 1?0 ^n A M E CIi . . $600 i.'soo 300 200 1,800 50 305 1,600 1,000 40, 000 350 1,050 3, 950 5, 000 ^f?, Am J?!ipt H.M. So IT. 1,000 Oi i.nnn! i.ooo 1?4 ^•?^ ir.S.. Statt',Slateraiicl Poabody Puuds, F. A. and S. E. So. 60 2,000 350 3,000 100 22, 754 500 27, 754 950 126 1?7 City i?a f'biircb and Miss. Socictv New Eng. T. M \ is, 000 3,000 500 9,500 13, 666 129 130 300 1,100 80 215 1 80 34 1 409 131 A.M. A 132 133 F. A. and S.Ed. S 1 877 6,275 7,152 134 F. A. So. M. E. Cbr 1,087 600 4,o6;) ii6,6oo 5, 227 400, 000 5,000 25, 000 4 nr,7 247 7 nnn ii.oii 22,185 135 Am. Miss. Assn VWy 5,285 900 16, 000 136 137 Am. Bapt. H. M. Bo 10, 000 191 4,000 1,400 13« 60, 000 1,181 9 r.nn 3,681 139 140 SOU 48 50, 000 18, 000 1,800 1,800 298 141 City '"'298 14*1 Am. Bapt, H. M. So 1,237 143 Am. Bapt. IT. M. So 875 2, 000 75, 000 144 F. A. and S. Ed. So. M. E. Cb . . 14'> 146 4,000 5,000 80, 392 0,500 400 400 7, 332 70, 000 3,000 500 1,500 1,500 in 14ft U S 57'' 000 424 085 22, 203 97,477 119, 680 149 Contributions 40, 000 150 151 ED 95- -43^ 1354 EDUCATION EEPORT; 1894-95. Statistics of schools for the education of the colored N^ame of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils re- Students trained in industrial branches. industrial training. i bJO O a pR u a a i fcJO o n "3. o % a o >> S IK'S a o . OT3 i a 1 IS Chief sources of support. ^ CO a o o 3'^ Ma ^ P, o £•1 .So 21 .^2 a! t4 '^ ° a m -^- 5 ci ■f t>» .f3 4^ ■M^ .4.3 a o< o-- 5? ia« a q n^ fl §^ gS o 3 o § ■3 ? ^ a 1 a 1 1 H 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 $3, 180 150 $10, 000 1.5?, State 68 1,000 3,000 50, 000 15-1 U I'resb. Church $2, 664 $7, 571 50 $9, 575 450 154 Church 50 200 10, 000 $400 1,55 City and State 156 y tate 175, 000 $15, COO 908 8,389 24, 207 157 45, 000 $20, 000 eo, 000 158 EnflowracntandAin.B.H.M.S. 5,000 30, 000 364 3,814 4,178 159 ifin U.S. and State 500 25, 000 3,000 750 3,000 6,750 161 Endowment and contrib 4,401 5,000 60, 000 30, 000 738 2,093 270 3,101 162 1356 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION OF THE BLACKS.' It liardly seems fitting for you to associate my history and thought •with those of Alexander Hamilton, one of the great men not horn to die. And yet it may not seem immodest in me to suggest that the great and lowly, the rich and poor, the white and black, the ex-master and the ex-slave, have this in common, that each in bis own way, and in his own generation, can put forth his highest efforts to serve humanity in the way that our country most needs service; in this all of us can he equal — in this all can he great. If any of you have the faintest idea that I have come here iu the capacity of an instructor along any lino of education I wish you to part with such an impression at once. My history and opportunity have not fitted mo to he your teacher ; the most that I can do is to give you a few facts out of my humble experience and leave you to draw your own conclusious. I was born a slave on a plantation in Virginia, in 1857 or 1858, I think. My first memory of life is that of a one-room log cabiu with a dirt floor and a hole in the center that served as a winter home for sweet potatoes, and, wrapped in a few rags on this dirt floor I spent my nights, and, clad in a single garment, about the planta- tion I often spent my days. The morning of freedom came, and though a child, I recall vividly my appearance with tliat of forty or fifty slaves before the veranda of the " big house" to hear read the documents that made us men instead of pi'operty. With the long prayed for freedom in actual possession, each started out into the world to find new friends and new homes. My mother decided to locate iu West Virginia, and after many days and nights of weary travel we found ourselves among the salt furnaces and coal mines of West Virginia. Soon after reaching West Vir- ginia I began work in the coal mines for the support of my mother. While doing this I heard in some way, I do not now remember how, of General Armstrong's school at Hampton, Va. I heard at the same time, which impressed me most, that it was a school where a poor boy could work for his education, so far as his board was concerned. As soon as I heard of Hampton I made up my mind that in some way I was going to find my way to that institution. I began at once to save every nickel I could get hold of. At length, Avith my own savings and a little help from my brother and mother, I started for Hampton, although at the time I hardly knew where Hamptou was or how much it would cost to reach the school. After walking a portion of the distance, traveling in a stage coach and cars the remainder of the journey, I at length found myself in the city of Richmond, Va. I also found myself without money, friends, or a place to stay all night. The last cent of my money had been expended. After walking about the city till midnight, and growing almost discouraged and quite exhausted, I crept under a sidewalk aud slept all that" night. The next morning, as good luck would have it, I found myself near a ship that was unloading pig iron. I applied to the cajitaiu for work, and lie gave it, and I worked on this ship by day aud slept under the sidewalk by night, till I had earned money enough to continue my way to Hampton, where I soon arrived with a surplus of 50 cents in my pocket. I at once found General Armstrong, and told him what I had come for, and what my condition was. In his great hearty way he said that if I Avas worth anything he would give me a chance to work my way through that institution. At Hamptou I found buildings, instructors, industries provided by the generous; in other Avords, thochance to workformy education. While at Hampton Iresolved, if God permitted me to finish the course of study, I Avould enter the far South, the black belt of the Gulf States, and give my life in providing as best I could the same kind of chance for self-help for the youth of my race that I found ready for me Avheu I Avent to Hamp- tou, and so in 1881 I left Hampton and went to Tuskegee and started the Normal and Industrial Institute in a small church and shanty, Avith 1 teacher and 30 students. Since then the institution of Tuskegee has groAvu till wo have connected with the institution 69 instructors and 800 young men and Avomen, representing 19 States; and, if I add the families of our instructors, wo have on our grounds constantly a population of about 1,000 souls. The students are about equally divided between the sexes, and their average is 18^ years. In planning the course of training at Tus- kegee we have steadily tried to keep in A'iew our condition and our needs rather than pattern our course of study directly after that of a people whose opportunities of civilization have been far different and far superior to ours. From the first, industrial or hand training has been made a special feature of our work. This industrial training, combined with the mental and religious, to my mind has several emphatic advantages. At first few of the young men and women who came tons Avould be able to remain in school during the nine months and -pay in cash the $8 per month charged for board. Through our industries Ave give them the chance lAn address delivered by Booker T. Wasliinston, principal of tlie Tuskegee (Ala.) Normal and Industrial Institute, at the iiinneriu honor of Alexander Hamilton, Brooklyn, N. T., January, 1896. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1357 of working oitt a portion of their board and the remainder they pay in cash. We find by experience that this iustitntiou can furnish labor that has economic value to the institution and gives the student a chance to learn something from the labor within itself. For instance, we cultivate by the labor of our students this year about 600 acres of land. This land is not only cultivated in a way to bring in return to our boarding department, but the farm, including stock raising, dairying, fruitgrowing, etc., is made a constant object lesson for our students and the people in that section of the South. A three-story brick building is now going up, and the bricks for this building are manufactured at our brick yard by students, where we have made 1,500,000 brick this season. The brick masonry, plastering, sawing, sawing of lum- ber, carpenters' work, painting, tiusmithiug, in fact everything connected with the erection of this building is for permanent use, and the students have the knowledge of the trades entering into the erection of such a building. While the young men do this, the girls to a large extent make, mend and laundry their clothing, and in that way are taught these industries. Now, this work is not carried on in a miscellaneous or irregular manner. At the head of each industrial department we have a competent instructor, so that the stu- dent is not only learning the practical work but is taught as well the underlying principles of each industry. When the student is through with brick masonry he not only understands the trade in a practical way, but also mechanical and archi- tectural drawing to such an extent that he can become a leader in this industry. All through the classroom work is dovetailed in the industrial — the chemistry teach- ing made to tell on tlio farm and cooking, the mathematics in the carpentry depart- ment, the physics in the blacksmishing and foundryiug. Aside from the advantage mentioned, the industrial training gives to our students respect and love for labor — helps them to got rid of the idea so long prevalent in the South that labor with the hands is rather degrading, and this feeling as to labor being degrading is not, I might add, altogether original with the black man of the South. The fact that a man goes into the Avorld conscious of the fact that he has within him the power to create a wagon or a house gives him a certain moral backbone and independence in the world that he would not i)0ssess without it. Whihi friends of the North and elsewhere have given us money to pay our teachers and to buy material which we could not produce, still very largely by the labor of the students, in the way I have attempted to describe, wo have built ui> within about fourteen years a property that is now valued at $225,000; 37 buildings, count- ing large and small, located on our 1,400 acres of land, all except three of which are the ])roduct of student labor. The annual expense of carrying on this work is now about $70,000 a year. The whole property is deeded to an undenominational board of trustees, who have control of the institution. There is no mortgage on any of the property. Our greatest need is for money to pay for teaching. What is the object of all this? In everytning done in literary, religious, or indus- trial training the question kept constantly before all is that the institution exists for the purpose of training a certain number of picked leaders who will go out and rearh in an effective manner masses by whom we are surrounded. It is not a prac- tical nor desirable thing for the North to educate all the negroes in the South, but it is a perfectly practical and possible thing for the North to help the South edu- cate the leaders, who in turn will go out and reach the masses and show them how to lift themselves up. In discussing this subject it is to be borne in mind that 85 per cent of the colored people South live practically in the country districts, where they are difficult to reach except by special effort. In some of the counties in Alabama, near Tuskegee, the colored outnumber the whites four and five to one. In an industrial sense, what is tlie condition of these masses? The first year our people received their freedom ihey had nothing on which to live while they grew their first cotton crop; funds for the first crop were supplied by the storekeeper or former master, a debt was created; to secure the indebtedness a lien was given on the cotton crop. In this w.iy wo got started in the South what is known as the mortgage or crop lien system — a system that has proved a curse to the black and white man ever since it was instituted. By this system the farmer is charged a rate of interest that ranges from 15 to 40 per cent. By this system yon will usually find three-fourths of the people mortgage their crops from year to year, as many deeply in debt and living in one-roomed cabins on rented land. By this system debts and extravagances are encouraged, and the land is impoverished and values fall. Tlio schools in the country districts rarely last over three and one-half months in the year, and are usually taught in a church or a wreck of a log cabin or under a brush arbor. My information is that each child entitled to attend tho public schools in Massachusetts has spent on him each year between $18 and $20. In Alabama each colored child has spent on him this year about 71 cents, and tho white children but a few cents more. Thus far in my remarks I have been performing a rather nngracions Task in stating contlitions without suggesting a remedy. What is the remedy for the state of things I have attempted to describe? 1358 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. If the colored people got any good out of slavery it was the liabit of work. In tills respect the masses of the colored peoplo are difierent from most races among whom missionary eflbrt is made, in that the negro as a race works. You will not find anything like that high tension of activity that is maintained here; still the negro works, whether the call for lahor comes from the rice swamps of the Carolinas, the cotton plantations of Alabama, or the sugar cane bottoms of Louisiana, the negro is ready to answer it — yes, toil is the badge of all his tribe, though he may do his work in the most shiftless and costly manner, still with him it is labor. I know you will find a class around railroad stations and corners of streets that loaf, just as jon will find among my people, and we have got some black sheep in our flock, as there are in all flocks, but the masses in their humble way are industrious. The trouble centers here : Through the operations of the mortgage system, high rents, the allurements of cheap jewelry and bad whisky, and the gewgaws of life, the negro is deprived of the results of his labor. Unused to self-government, unused to the responsibility of controlling our own earnings or expenditures, or even our own children, it could not be expected that we could take care of ourselves in all respects for several generations. The great need of the negro to-day is intel- ligent, unselfish leadership in his educational and industrial life. Let mo illustrate, and this is no fancy sketch : Ten years ago a young man born in slavery found his way to the Tuskegee school. By small cash payments and work on the farm he finished the course with a good English education and a practical and theoretical knowledge of farming. Returning to his country home where five- sixths of the citizens were black, he still found them mortgaging their crops, living on rented land from hand to mouth, and deeply in debt. School had never lasted longer than three months, and was taught in a wreck of a log cabin by an inferior teacher. Finding this condition of things, the young man to whom I have referred took the three months public school as a starting point. Soon he organized the older people into a club that came together every week. In these meetings the young man instructed as to the value of owning a home, the evils of mortgaging, and the importance of educating their children. He taught them how to save money, how to sacrifice — to live on bread and potatoes until they could get out of debt, begin buying a home, and stop mortgaging. Through the lessons and influence of these meetings, the first year of this young man's work these people built up by their contributions in money and labor a nice frame schoolhouse that replaced the wreck of a log cabin. The next year this work was continued and those people, out of their own pockets, added two months to the original three months' school term. Month by month has been added to the school term till it now lasts seven months every year. Already fourteen families within a radius of 10 miles have bought and are buying homes, a large proportion have ceased to mortgage their crops and are raising their own food supplies. In the midst of all Avas the young man educated at Tiiskegee, with a model cottage and a model farm that served as an example and center of light for the whole community. My friends, I wish you could have gone with me some days ago to this community and have seen the complete revolution that has been wrought in their industrial, educational, and religious life by the work of this one teacher, and I wish you could have looked with me into their faces and seen them beaming with hope and delight. I wish you could have gone with me into their cottages, containing now two and three rooms, through their farms, into their church and Sunday school. Bear in mind that not a dollar was given these people from the outside with which to make any of these changes ; they all came about by reason of the fact that they had this leader, this guide, this Christian, to show them how to utilize the results of their own labor, to show them how to take the money that had hitherto been scattered to the Avind in mortgaging, high rents, cheap jewelry and whisky, and to concen- trate in the direction of their own uplifting. My people do not need or ask for charity to be scattered among them ; it is very seldom you ever see a black hand in any part of this country reached forth for alms. It is not for alms we ask, but for leaders who will lead and guide and stimulate our people till they can get upon their own feet. Wherever they have been given a leader, something of the kind I have desciibed, I have never yet seen a change fail to take place, even in the darkest community. In our attempt to elevate the South one other thing must be borne in mind. I do not know how you find it here, but in Alabama we find it a pretty hard thing to make a good Christian of a hungry man. I think I have learned that we might as well settle down to the uncompromising fact that our people will grow in proportion as Ave teach them that the way to have the most of Jesus, and in a permanent form, is to mix in with their religion some land, cotton, and corn, a house with two or three rooms, and a little bank account; with these things interwoven with our religion there will be a foundation for growth on Avhich we can build for all time. What I have tried to indicate are some of the lessons that we are disseminating into eA^ery corner of the black belt of the South, through the work of our graduates and EDUCATION OP THE COLORED RACE. 1359 throns'li tlio Tuskegee negro conference, that brings together at Tuskegeo once a year 800 of the representatives of the black yeomanry of the Sonth to lay phms, to get light and encouragement, and thus add the strength of mothers and fathers to the strengtli of the schoolroom and pulpit. More than anything else Tuskegee is a great college settlement dropped into the midst of a mass of ignorance that is grad- ually but slowly leavening the whole lump. Of this you can be sure that it matters not what is said the black man is doing or is not doing, regardless of entanglements or diicouragements, the rank and file of my race is nov/ giving itself to the acquiring of education, character, and property in a way that it has never done since the daAvn of our freedom. The chance that wo ask is, bj' your help and encouragement, to be permitted to move on unhindered and unfettered for a few more years, and with this chance, if the Bible is right and God is true, there is no power that can permanently stay our progress. Neither hero nor in any part of the world do j)eople come into close relations with a race that is io a large extent empty handed and cmx^ty headed. One race gets close to another in proportion p.s they arc drawn in commerce, in proportion as the one gets hold of something that the other wants or resiiects — commerce, we must acknowl- edge, in the light of history, is the great forerunner of civilization and peace. Whatever friction exists between the black man and white man in the 8onth will disappear in proiiortion as the black man. by reason of his intelligence and skill, can create something that thowhitonian wants or respects; can make something, instead of all the dependence being on the other side. Despite all her faults, when it comes to business pure and simple, the Sonth presents an opportunity to the negro for busi- ness that no other section of the country does. The negro can sooner conquer South- ern prejudice in the civilized Avorld than learn to compete with the North in the business Avorld. In field, in factory, in the markets, the South presents a better opportunity for the negro to earn a living than is found in the North. A young man educated in head, hand, and heart, goe-* out and starts a brickyard, a blacksmith shop, a wagon shop, or an industry by which that black boy produces something in the community that makes the white man dependent on the black man for something — produces something that interlocks, knits the commercial relations of the races together, to the extent that a black man gets a mortgage on a white man's house that he can foreclose at wall; well, the white man won't drive the negro away from the polls when he sees him going np to vote. There are reports to the etTect that ia some sections the black man has difficulty in voting and having counted the little white ballot Avhich he has the privilege of depositing about twice in two years, but there is a little green ballot that he can vote through the teller's window three hun- dred and thirteen days in every year, and no one will throw it out or refuse to count it. The man that has the property, the intelligence, the character, is the one that is going to have the largest share in controlling the Government, whether he is white or black, or whether in the North or South. It is important that all the privileges of the law be ours. It is vastly more important that wo be prepared for the exorcise of these privileges. Says the great teacher: "I will draw all men unto me." How? Not by force, not by law, not by superficial glitter. Following in the tracks of the lowly Nazariue, we shall con- tinue to work and wait, till by the exercise of the higher virtues, by the products of our brain and hands, wo make ourselves so valnable, so attractive to the American nation, that instead of reiielling we shall draw men to us because of our intrinsic worth. It will be needless to pass a law to compel men to come into contact with a negro who is educated and has $200,000 to lend. In some respects yon already acknowledge that as a race wo are more powerful, have a greater power of attraction, than your race. It takes 100 per cent of Anglo-Saxon blood to make a white Ameri- can. The minute that it is proved that a num possesses one one-hundredth part of negro blood in his veins it makes him a black man; he falls to our side; we claim him. The 99 ])er cent of white blood counts for nothing when weighed beside 1 jier cent of negro blood. None of us will deny that immediately after freedom we made serious mistakes. We began at the top. W^e made these mistakes, not because wo were black people, but because we were ignorant and inexperienced people. We have spent time and money attempting to go to Congress and State legislatures that could have better been spent in becoming the leading real estate dealer or carpenter in our own county. We have spent time and money in making political stump speeches and in attending political conventions that could better liavo been spent in starting a dairy farm or truck garden and thus have laid a material foundation, on v/hich we could have stood and demanded cur rights. When a man cats another person's food, wears another's clothes, and lives in another's house, it is pretty hard to tell how ho is going to vote or whether ho votes at all. Gentlemen of the club, the iiractical question that comes homo to yon, and to me as an humble member oi^ an ^mfortunato race, is, how can we help you in working out the great problem that concerns 10,000,000 of my race, and 60,000,000 of yours. 1360 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95, Wo aro lierc; you rise as -wo rise; you fall as wo fall; "we are strong when you are strong ; you are weak -when ^\e are weak ; no power can separate our destinies. The negro can afford to be wronged in this country; the white man can not afford to Avrong him. In the South you can help us to prepare the strong, Christain, unselfish leaders that shall go among the masses of our jieople and show them how to take advantage of the magnificent opportunities that surround them. In the North you can encourage that education among the masses which shall result in throwing Avide oi)en the doors of your offices, stores, shops, and factories in the way that shall give our black men and women the opportunity to earn a dollar. * * * Let it be said of all parts of our country that there is no distinction of race or color in the oppor- tunity to earn an honest living. Throw wide oiien the doors of industry. We are an humblC; jiatient people ; we can afford to work and wait. There is plenty of room at the top. The workers up in the atmosphere of goodness, love, patience, forbear- ance, forgiveness, and industry aro not too many or overcrowded. If others would be little, we can bo great; if others bad, we can be good; if others try to push us down, Avo can help to push them up. Men ask me if measures like those enacted in South Carolina do not hurt and dis- courage. I answer, Nay, nay; South Carolina and no other State can make a law to harm the black man in great measure. Men may make laAvs to hinder and fetter the ballot, but men can not make laws that Avill bind or retard the growth of manhood : Fleecj' locks and black complexion Can not forfeit Nature's claim ; Skins may differ, but aflection Dwells in white and black the same. If eA'or tliere was a people that obeyed the scriptural injunction, "If they smite thee on one cheek, turn the other also," that people has been the American negro. To right his Avrongstho Russian appeals to dynamite, Americans to rebellion, the Irishman to agitation, the Indian to his tomahawk ; but the negro, the most patient, the most unre- sentful and law abiding, depends for the righting of his wrongs upon his songs, his groans, his midnight prayers, and an inherent faith in the justice of his cause, and if wo judge the future by the past who may say that the negro is not right? We Avent into slavery pagans, wo came out Christians. Wo went into slaA^ery a piece of prop- erty, we came out American citizens. We Avent into slavery Avithout a language, we came out speaking the proud Anglo-Saxon tongue. Wo went into slaA'ory with the slave chains clanking about our Avaists, we came out with the American ballot in our hands. Progress, progress is the laAv of nature ; under God it shall be our eternal guiding star. HIGHER EDUCATION AND THE NEGRO.^ That education is the strength of our Republic, the source of its prosperity, the chief guarantee of its perpetuity, needs no discussion here. Is it necessary to defend in this presence the projiosition that higher education, thoAvorkof colleges and uni- versities, is indispensable to the existence of any education among any people? What educated nation exists or over has existed upon the oarth Avithout colleges of higher learning? Did common schools ever make an intelligent nation? Did com- mon schools ever exist iu any nation excepting as the fruit of higher learning ? Should we GA'er haA^o had our common-school system but for our colleges? To ask these questions is to answer them. The intelligence of the old world has all come down from her uniA'ersities. The brighter civilization of America, with all her common-school system, has grown out of Harvard and Yale, Brown and Columbia, and William and Mary, Dartmouth and Williams, each of which was founded before the public school. The college is the fountainhead of all learning, and the only pos- sible source of supply for all secondary and primary schools of instruction. The colleges aro more. They aro the only doA^elopers of complete manhood. There can bo no well-rounded, thoroughly balanced minds, capable of dealing with principles, measuring forces, comprehending relations, grasping and handling the great ques- tions of public life and human leadership, without the broad culture and thorough discijilino Avhich years of life in college alone can insure. Exceptional cases of remarkable genius or of abnormal growth do not vitiate this general rule. It has become an axiom in America, and our 500 colleges haA'o grown out of it. Said Dr. Shi-dd, fifty years ago: "The common information of society is nothing more nor less than the fine and diffusiA'o radiance of a more substantial and profound culture. This light jienetratingiu all directions is like aglobeof solid lire. All this general and practical information Avhich distinguishes from a savage (or although civilized yet ignorant) state of society — Avhich distinguishes England and the United States from Africa and South America — did not groAv up spontaneously from the oarth, 1 An address delircred before the American Baptist Home Mission Society, at Asbury Park, N. J., May 26, 1893, by Edward C. Mitchell, D. D., president of Leland University, "New Orleans, La. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 1361 is not the effect of a colder climate or a harder soil. It has been exhaling for centu- ries from colleges and universities — it has been distilling for nges from the alembic of the scholar's brain." The history of the last fiity years has been aecunnilating evidences of this great trnlb, and all nations have been furnishing illnstrations of it. A new nation has now como upon the stage. Eight millions of fieople have been thnist into the center of our civilization. They have been endowed Avith citizenship, with nil its responsibilities, with all its possibilities for good or evil. They consti- tute about one- eighth part of our body politic. Amouo- them is over one-third of the I'aptist denomination of this country. Shall tiiey bo educated? Can we afford to leave one stone nnturued, one agency unemployed, which might lead this mighty force out of the slough of ignorance and poverty and vice up into the plane of Chris- tian manhood and useful citizenship ? There can be but one answer to this question. If wo have any love for our country ; if we have any regard for our brethren in Christ Jesus; if wo have any loyalty to our great Baptist brotherhood, Ave can not Avith- hold any possible facility for that self-improvement of Avhich, through no fault of their own, they have for centuries been deprived. It goes without saying in this audience that education is Avhafc they need — educa- tion, moral, intellectual, physical. Providentially the moral education is not Avith- out a substantial basis. The spirit of God has not been absent from this people in their long night of bondage. With all their ignorance and even superstition at times, none can doubt the genuineness of their love to the Divine Master; and, to this day, religion among them is a Acry potent influence, and is A'cry Avidespread in its exten- sion. From the census of 1890 it appears that the proportion of Avhito Baptist com- municants to tho Avholo Avhito population of the South is about 8 jter cent (or 1 in 12), while tho proportion of negro Baptist communicants to the whole negro popu- lation is 20 per cent (or 1 in 5). Moreover, tho moral and religious training of the negro in tho days of slavei-y was by no means altogether neglected. They 'enjoyed some advantnges Avhich have now jiassed aAvay from them. A large proportion of them not only received a religious training from members of white Christian families, l)ut they were regular attendants upon Avhite churches, and thus intelligently taught tho Word of Co(l. That they no louger enter Avhito churches is athingto beexpected under present circumstances; nor can it bo regretted if only a proper leadership, out of themselves, can bo raised up for them. It is evident, lioweA'cr, that what they need in religious things is not so much the spiritual as the intellectual. It is a better intelligeuco to guide their religious proclivities which is the onething lacking in many localities. Tliis brings us to tho question: What should be tho intellectual training of this people? If negroes are men and women, members of the human family, endowed with similar capacities and tendencies Avhich apjiear in other races, then our question is already ausAvered by what avo said in the beginning. If the experience of five hun- dred years has taught us any wisdonv in regard to the processes of human dcA'-elop- mcnt; if we, in our American republic, have learned anything in the last two cen- turies as to Avhat constitutes education, and what means and appliances are best to make it effectiA'c, then hero and now aa^o have a grand opportunity to employ this wisdom for the elevation of a ucav race. Thei-o is nothing for us to do but to put into operation tlio same agencies by Avhicli Ave ourselves have been educated, taking adA'anta^'e of all tho improA'cments which modern science has invented, or our past mistakes haA-o suggested. To imagine that tho negro can safely do without any of the institutions or instru- mentalities Avhich Avero essential to our own mental adA'ancement is to assume that tho negro is superior to the white man in mental capacity. To deprive him of any of these advantages, Avhich he is capable of using, Avould be to defraud ourselves, as a nation and a Christian church, of ali tho addeis. It does not seem to be necessary in this audience to discuss the proposition that intelligence is power, and that the only road to intelligence is through mental discipline conducted under umral influences. What now have wo been doing for our brother in black to help him in his life struggle? The Avork began somewhat as in the days of our fathers. The John Har- A-ards and the Elihu Yales of Pilgrim history found their counterparts in General Fiske, Dr. Phillips, Seymour Straight, and Holbrook Chamberlain, who founded colleges, even before it Avas jiossiblo for many to enter upon the college course, but with a wise forecast for the need that Avould eventually come and is now actually upon us. A little later, about 1870, tho people of the South organized public schools. In nearly all the Southern States the same proportionate provision is made for the negro as for the Avhites, and tliis is and must ever bo tiie main dependence of tho elevation of tho negro. Witli all the honor Avhich is due, and Avhich is cheerfully rendered to Northern benevcdence, for tho splemlid foundations of higher learning, it should not be forgotten that more than ten times as much money has been api)ropriated by the South for negro education. 1362 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. It is true that tliis provision is irla(leq^lato for botli races. In abont one-third of tlio States an average of only four montlis per annum of instruction is given. Tiiis is not from want of -will, but of means. The poverty of tlio South is yet very great. AVe of the prosperous North can not understand it. If wo did, we should better appreciate the pluck and energy and uncomplaining self-sacriiice with which they adjust themselves to their new conditions and bear their heavy burdens. President Dreher, of Roanoke College, Virginia, has shown by reliable statistics that with all the apparent inferiority of the South in her appointments for education, yet in pro- portion to her means she is doing oven more than the North for this purpose. But what shall we teach the negro ? Shall we give him anything beyond the three R's? By "we," of course, is meant, "we white folks," but Southern white folks have long ceased to teach the negro the common branches at all. This work has all been relegated to negro teachers. Let us take for example Mississippi, which, hith- erto, has shared with Louisiana the unenviable distinction among States of haviug the greatest amount of illiteracy. The State superintendent of public instruction, Mr. J. R. Preston, wrote for the New York Independent last year, in reply to some inquiry : "There is not a white teacher in the colored schools of the State/' and this is substantially true of evei-y State of the South. Your Northern friend, who desires to teach the three R's, might travel from Mason and Dixon's line to the Gulf, and ho would find every situation preempted. Ho would have to adopt for himself the Shakespearian lamentation, "Othello's occupation's gone." The only jilace Avhero ho would find primary instruction given by Avhite teachers would be in our own so- called universities. According to the lastre^Dort from Washington, the white teachers of public schools in the South are in the proportion of 1 to every 42 white jiupils, and the colored teachers of 1 to every 51 colored pujyils. The entire public-school system for the negro is carried on by negro teachers. And this not only in the lower grades of instruction. Superintendent Preston informs us that in Mississippi there are over 600 colored teachers who hold first-grade certificates. Now a first-grade certificate, in most States, means that the teacher has passed an examination in algebra, physics, physiology, chemistry, geometry, Latin, civil government, psychology, pedagogy; or, in other words, with the excep- tion of Greek, ho is fitted to enter the freshman class in any Southenr college. And Superintendent Preston says: "These teachers are examined by a white board. They haA^e just the same questions that the white teachers have. I make them out and I know. And the board was just to them and gave them all they earned, but it is not likely to err on the side of mercy." It is not probable that any Southern State is behind Mississippi in the ]iroportionate number of its colored teachers. Virginia reports 700, North Carolina 761, Arkansas 500; Texas has a different method of clas- sification, but reports 1,900 as "higher than third grade." As regards the kind and amount of education which Mississippi's colored people have received. Superintend- ent Preston says: "The other day I was conducting an institute where there were 19 colored teachers in attendance, and I found that 18 of them were college grad- uates. I went right over into an adjoining county, and took a white institute with 37 in attendance, and found only about one-fourth were college graduates." By col- lego graduates normal graduates are doubtless meant, and, in the case of colored teachers, the normal colleges of our missionary schools. What, then, I again ask, shall we teach the negro? The answer seems to be as plain as the logic of common sense can make it. Let us teach what our colleges and universities were founded to teach. Let us teach the only thing left for us to teach. Let us teach the only thing that the negro can not do as well for himself. Let us teach the thing which the experience of all the ages and the matured judgment of all true educators has decided to bo essential for the full development of manhood. Let us teach the negro who he is and what he is as God made him in his physical and mental structure. Let us teach him what the world is that God has made for him, Avith all its elements and poAvers and forces. Let us teach him the history of races and of civilizations, with the laws of that progress. Let us teach him to become master of his OAvn tongue by studying its sources in the ancient world and in classic literature, and master of himself by analyzing the structure and workings of his own mind. In short, let us give him such glimpses of the whole range of science as shall tax his powers to the utmost, while it takes the conceit out of him and brings him nearer to that supreme discovery of Socrates that he "knows nothing." As Commissioner Harris has well said : " Education, intellectual and moral, is the only means yet discovered that is always sure to help people to help themselves. * * * It produces that divine discontent which goads on the indiAadual and will not let him rest." But has the negro the capacity for mental training? Is that a question to-day? I am almost ashamed to discuss it in this presence, biit my apology is that I have been requested to do so. It will bear examination from any and CA^ery point of A'ieAV. It is vital to the whole subject before us. If anybody doubts, he should inform EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 13 63 biinsclf. If color has auythiug to do with iutollect, it sliouid appear wlien the two colors or races are brought into contact aud competition. Tho best source of iiifor- matiou, therefore, is a study of tho negro at school. "\Vo have seeu, however, that tho common-school teacher is now ruled out of court as an interested party. To iiud white teachers we must go to the colleges. I have recently asked presidents of fifteen colleges these three questions: (1) About what proportion of your pupils are full-blooded negroes? (2) What difference, if any, have you perceived in tbo aver- age ability of full-blooded negroes as compared with those of mixed blood ? (3) What difference, if any, is mauifesfc between your pupils as a whole in intellectual ability and those of white schools under similar conditions? Tho replies to tliese questions are before me. The substance of them is this: Not more than one-fifth of all the pupils arc full-blooded negroes. Tho rest are of all degrees from quadroon to blonde. In the second place, there is no ditierence of mental abilitj'' clearly traceable among them ; if there be any, it is in favor of tbe full-blooded negro. Thirdly, as compared white pupils, there is no perceptible dilTorcnce, when their environments are taken into account. Of course, there is some difficulty in measuring the force of environment a. Tliis consensus of opinion among Southern educators coincides with my own obser- vations. Having been a teacher for over thirty years, over twenty of which were spent in theological schools in tho North and in Europe, I have now spent ten years in the South, and in daily contact with so-called negro i^upils, and I can truly say that I find no appreciable difference in original caiiacity. If they have come from ignorant districts and dark surroundings, their vocabulary is limited, and their first exhibitions of intelligence are inferior to those who come from cultivated homes, though often their greater eagerness to learn counterbalances this disability. We must not, however, be misled by an assumption that tho American negro is merely a transplanted savage. Two centuries of life in the midst of the foremost civilization of the world is a long way from savagery. There were intelligent Christian men and women in daily contact with the American bondsmen; theyAvere able Christian ministers, from whose lips they received their doctrine. Though schools were for- bidden, there were lovely Cliristiau daughters, white angels, who defied the law in their loving sympathy for the lowly. Life in many a Southern family was an educa- tion inferior only to that of their master's children. Only by the intellectnal bright- ness of Southern people, and tho Christian character which illuminated Southern homes, can wo account for the mental development of thousands of negroes, as they c.amo out of the war too old to come into our schools, but constituting, ucverthcless, the present influential leaders of tho ]ieople. And it must bo in part the memories of tho.se refining influences which are blos- soming out all over tho South in the neat, attractive homes which these people are building for themselves. Tho Southern negroes are not all living in one-room cabins, of Avhich wo have heard much recently. There are better homes than mine owned by negroes in New Orleans. There are plenty of ex-slaves in Louisiana who are richer than their former masters. There are over 300,000 homes and farms owned by negroes in the South without encum1)rance. Six years ago Southern negroes were paying taxes on nearly $300,000,000. Tho white Baptists of the South had a church property worth $18,000,000, tho accumulation of two hundred j'ears. The negro Baptists at the same date (twenty-six years out of slavery) had acquired a church property of over nine millions. There must have been an ante helium civili- zation behind all this. Said Iiev. A. D. Mayo, at the Mohonk Conference in 1890: "It has never been real- ized by tbe loyal North what is evident to every intelligent Southern man, Avhat a prodigious change had been wrought in this people during its years of bondage, and how, without tho schooling of tiiis era, tbe subsequent elevation of -the emanci- pated slave to a full American citizenship would have been an impossibility. * * » In that condition he learned the three great elements of civilization more speedily than they were ever learned before. He learned to work, he acquired the language and adopted the religion of the most progressive of peoples. Gifted with a marvel- ous aptitude for such schooling, he was found in 1865 farther out of the Avoods of barbaiism than any other people at the end of a thousand years." The scholastic education of the negx'o began in earnest only about twenty years ago, 1876 being tho date of the complete inauguration of the public school system of the South. This is too short for ns to expect great results. Tho educated generation are not yet fairly out of school, but there have already appeared some isolated cases which show signs of promise. In the class of 1888 at Harvard University were two negroes, one of whom was selected bj' the fiiculty to represent his class on com- mencement day, as beiug the foremost scholar among his 250 classmates; the other was elected by tho class for the highest honor in their gift by being nuide their orator on class day. Tho circumstance reflects honor not merely on him, but on the demo- cratic spirit of our oldest university, Avhich recognized merit without regard to color. Boston University has also yielded first honors to a negro. A negro professor of the- ology at Straight University at New Orleans is a graduate of Vermont University, 1364 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. who afterwards took tho prize for traveling scholarship from Yale Theologieal Sem- inary, and spent a year in Germany upon it. Professor Bowen, of the Gammon Theological Seminary, delivered at the Atlanta Exposition opening an address which in classic finish Avill bear comparison with tho best orations of Edward Everett. The princiiial of one of our auxiliaries, Mr. E. N. Smith, a perfect gentleman and an excellent teacher, is a full-blooded negro, a graduate from Lincoln University and Newton Theological Institution, and pronounced by Dr. Hovey one of thc*^ best scholars that have been educated there. Said President Merrill E. Gates, of Amherst College (The Independent, Dec. 5, 1895) : "My observation leads me to believe that the proportion of truly successful men, tried by tho highest standards of success, among tho colored men who study ia our Northern colleges, is quite as great as is the proportion of successful men among the whites who have the same, or equally good, opportunities for an education." We might multiply examples — they are not necessary. There seems to be nothing better established than the essential manhood of the negro. Intelligent men of the South do not question it. Their recent cordial response to our proposal for coopera- tion is a good illustration of this. There are two points of importance to which I wish to call your attention before leaving this subject — one relates to the continued iise of our colleges in tlie South for giving primary instruction, the other is the relation of industrial training to the education of the negro. We have seen that the public schools of the South are fairly equal in quality for both races, and that negro schools are taught by negro teachers. There is a truth beyond that. In the present deficiency of provision for common-school instruction, the colored people are ready and willing, with proper encouragement, to supplement these with schools supported by themselves. There a,re twelve such institutions already established in Louisiana. Now, if this be so — if the negro, with the help of the State, is providing his own primary education, and doing it successfully, what propriety is there in our continuing to furuish college endowments and employ col- lege teachers to do primary work? It is a first principle of true beneficence to do nothing for any man which he can be led to do for himself. Certainly we ought not in any way by rivalry to discourage the work of self-education. It has been well said by tho Hon. J. L. M. Curry : "An educational charity would sadly fail of its pur- pose if the least impediment were placed in the path of the free school. In so far as these institutions not under State control impair the efficiency of or divert attend- ance from the public schools, they are mischievous, for the great mass of children, white and black, must, more in the future than at present, depend almost exclusively upon the State schools for the common branches of education." In the United States statistics of 1893 and 1894 it appears that in the 158 private schools designed for the secondary and higher education of colored people in the South, there were 18,595 primary pupils, while only 13,262 belong to the secondary or high-school class, and 940 were in collegiate classes. As these schools of higher education are situated for the most part in larger towns and cities, where the best provision for public schools is ustially made, it is fair to presume that those 18,000 pupils are drawn from the free schools by the attractive name of "college" or "uni- versity," which veils their low grade of standing, and that these learned faculties of 1,320 professors must be largely engaged in rudimentary instruction. Would it not be far better for these pupils to set before them the prize of admission to the college, at least as far as the normal grade, as a motive for excellence in the common schools, and would it not be better for the professors to be allowed to confine their work of instruction to those higher branches for which they are specially fitted? • Of course, the change of policy here recommended would considerably diminish the show of numbers in our so-called colleges, but it would greatly improve the effi- ciency and thoroughness of their legitimate work, and directly helj) and stimulate the free schools to better attainment. Said Commissioner Harris, in his discussion of tho education of the negro in the Atlantic Monthly for June, 1892: " It is clear from the above consideration that money expended for the secondary and higher cdxica- tion of the negro accomplishes far more for him. It is seed sown Avhere it brings forth an hundredfold, because each one of the pupils f>f these higher iustitutions is a center of diifusion of superior methods and refining influences among an imitative and impressible race. State and national aid, as well as private bequests, should take this direction first. There should be no gift or bequest for common or elemen- tary instruction. This should be left to the common schools, and all outside aid should be concentrated on tho secondary and higher instruction." There is an importaat reason for this wise counsel of Dr. Harris which now presses itself upon our attention. We have reached a crisis in the progress of negro educa- tion. The work of the common school now carried on by the people themselves has created all over the South a new generation of educated youth, wiser than their parents, wiser than their ministe'S, appronching manhood and womanhood, ready soon to take control of affairs and of public sentiment. They already know the EDUCATION OF THE COLOEED RACE. 1365 difference between learning and ignorance, between religion and superstition. They Lave no knowledge of slavery. Tlicy are a new generation of free-born people. Tbeir improvement is iibenomenal, but no corresponding improvement has come to the ministry. That the ministry has greatly improved during this twenty years no one who has visited their churches or attended their associations can doubt. Con- sidering their advantages, they are a very able body of men. Some of them rank among the best preachers of the South. Many of the younger of them have had more or less training in our colleges. The Richmond, Atlanta, and Gammon theo- logical seminaries have sent out a small quota. But as yet not a thousand in all the South have had even a college education. Nearly the whole educational machinery thus far has been occupied in supplying the great demnnd for teachers, and the whole force of educated talent has been drawn to the schools. The fact mentioned a while since that less than 1,000 in the whole South are at this moment engaged in collegiate study is to bo accounted for not by want of capacity for higher studies, but for want of motive. Education costs them a great deal. Nearly every one earns every dollar which he pays for his learning. With most it has been a great struggle to reach the point of normal graduation, and then the best salarj' for teaching at present available is open to them. Every influence urges them to stop here and reap the fruits of their hard-earned attainment. More- over, the influences around them all tend to discourage higher attainment. Some have brotliers and sisters to educate, and must stay at home to earn the money. Others have mothers and fathers who are struggling witli poverty and debt, and who now claim their services to help them out. All their neighbors say, "You know enough now, since you have been teaching the whole neighborhood," To break away from all this requires higher incentive and a stronger pressure than comes to most of them. Meau while, the old people and their ministers go on in the ruts of ignorance and superstition. The uneducated ministers (however good and gifted with natural ability) are unable to keep pace with the young people in intel- ligence or to retain their influence over them. A breach is growing. A moral drift away from religion is beginning to manifest itself. There is danger ahead for which no adequate provision is in sight. What shall that provision be? Ministers' insti- tutes? Some helpful suggestions can bo doubtless made to the existing ministry by their educated white brethren. But he must have great faith in the receptive pow- ers of the average negro who supposes that a mature man can be transformed I'rom ignorance to erudition by a week or ten days annually of lecturing. Shall wo take them into our colleges? It is too late. They are too old to begin a course of study. They are ashamed to expose their ignorance. Many have families. Gladly as we would help them in their conscious need, and deeply as our hearts are stirred by their struggle, the problem is insoluble in that direction. The only hope for a min- istry Avhicli will really lead and properly teach the next generation of the colored race is through the legitimate methods of education. How shall this be reached? How shall we bridge this chasm between an educated people and an ignorant ministry ? To meet this crisis wisdom and generalshiii are needful. It is our duty as their friends to point out the danger and to provide the remedy. The motive which is lacking should be somehow supplied. Six hundred years ago illiteracy in England well-nigh approached that of the negro American of today. It is said that only live of the twenty-tive barons who signed the Magna Charia could write their names. Her Christian philanthropists saw the evil, and established prizes, denomiuated "bursaries," "scholarships," and "fellowships," to stimulate high attainments in study. The accumulation of these prizes by the wise forecast of our English ancestors really constitutes the basis of the universities of Oxl'ord and Cambridge. Tlie duty of the hour for us toward our Southern brethren is not only to endow the ccdleges which we have cstablislied, but to ofl'er to those who by their own exer- tions have attained the rank of college students a prize sufficient to enable and stimulate them to go on to the full stature of intellectual manhood. Here is an opportunity for the use of consecrated wealth. Who will avail himself of it, as Daniel Hand has done for the American Missionary Association? Whr.t shall wo say, now, about the relation of industrial training to our problem? Industrial training is good and useful to some persons, if they can afford time to take it. But in its application tothe negro several facts should he clearly understood: 1. It appears not to be generally known in the North that in 1he South all trades and occupations are open to the negro, and always have been. Before the war slaves were taught mechanics' arts, because they thereby became more profltable to tiieir masters. And now every village has its negro mechanics, who are patronized both })y white and colored cni]doyt?rs, and any who wish to learn the trade can do so. 2. It is a mistake to suppose that industrial education can bo wisely a]iplied tothe beginnings of school life. Said the Rev. A. D. Mayo, tlian whom no man in America is better ac(|uaint(ul with the condition and wants of thr South : "There are two spe- cious, un-American notions now masquerading under the taking j^hrase, " industrial 1366 EDUCATION REPOET, 1894-95. education:" First, that it is possible or desiraWo to train large bodies of youth to superior industrial skill Tritliont a basis of sound elementary education. You can not polisb a brickbat, and you can not make a good workman of a plantation negro or a white ignoramus until you first wake np his mind, and give him the mental discipline and knowledge that comes from a good school; * * * second, that it is possible or desirable to train masses of American children on the European idea that the child will follow the calling of his father. Class education has no place in the order of society, and the American people will neTcr acce^Jt it in any form. The industrial training needed in the South, must bo obtained by the establishment of special schools of im.x3roved housekeex)ing for girls, with mechanical traiuimg for such boys as desire it. * ■' * And this training should bo given impartially to both races, without regard to the thousand and one theories of what the colored man cannot do." 3. Industrial training is expensive of time and money, as compared with its results as a civilizer. When you have trained one student yoii have simply fitted one man to earn an ordinary living. When you have given a college education to a man with brains you have sent forth an instrumentality that will aft'ect hundreds or thousands. Said "Chauncey M. Depew, in his address at the tenth convention of the University of Chicago, in April, 1895: "I acknowledge the position and the usefulness of the business college, the manual training school, the technological institute, the scien- tific school, and the schools of mines, medicine, law, and theology. They are of iufinito imi:)ortanco to the youth who has not the money, the time, or the opportuDity to secure a liberal education. They are of equal benefit to the college graduate who has had a liberal education in training him for his selected pursuit. But the theo- rists, or rather the practical men Avho arc the architects of their own fortunes, and who are iDroclaiming on every occasion that a liberal education is a waste of time for a business man, and that the boy who starts early and is ti-ained only for his one pursuit is destined for a larger success, are doing infinite harm to the ambitious yonth of this country. "The college, in its four years of discipline, training, teaching, and development, makes the boy the man. His Latin and his Greelv, his rhetoric and his logic, his science and his philosojihy, his mathematics and his history, have little or nothing to do Avith law or medicine or theology, and still less to do with manufacturing, or min- ing, or storekeeping, or stocks, or grain, or provisions. But they have given to the youth, when he has graduated, the command of that superb intelligence with Avhich God has endowed him, by which, for the purpose of a living or a fortune, he graspa his profession or his business and speedily overtakes the boy who, abandoning college opportunities, gave his narrow life to the narroAving pursuit of the one thing by which ho expected to earn a living. The college-bred man has an equal opportu- nity for bread and butter, but beyond that he becomes a citizen of commanding influence and a leader in every community where he settles." 4. Industrial training is liable to divert attention from the real aim and end of education, which is manhood. The young scholar can not serve two masters. It requires all the energy there is in a boy to nerve him to the high resolve that in spite of all difficulties he will patiently discipline himself until he becomes a man. This is one reason why our northern colleges, which in many cases began as manual-labor schools, have abandoned it. Ought we to insist on "putting a yoke upon the necks" of our brethi'en in black "which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear?" Finally, exf)erience seems to show that industrial education does not educate, even in trades. In the report of the Bureau of Education for 1889-90 is a full statistical table of the lines of business in which the graduates of 17 colored schools are employed. In all these schools industrial instruction is given, such as carpentry, tinning, painting, Avhix) making, plastering, shoemaking, tailoring, blacksmithiug, farming, gardening, etc. Out of 1,243 graduates of these schools there are found to be only 12 farmers, 2 mechanics, 1 carpenter. The names of the nniversities are Allen (S. C); Atlanta (Ga.) ; Berea (Ky.) ; Central Tennessee (Tenn.) ; Claflin (S. C.) ; Fisko (Teun.) ; Knox- villo (Tenn.) ; Livingstone (N. C.) ; New Orleans (La.) ; Paul Quiun (Tex.) ; Philander Smith (Ark.); Eoger Williams (Tenn.); Eust (Miss.); Southern, New Orleans, La.; Straight, New Orleans, La.; Tuskegee (ALa.); Wilberforce (Ohio). The employments of the graduates were : Teachers, G93 ; ministers, 117; physicians, 163; lawyers, 116; college professors, 27; editors, 5; merchants, 15; farmers, 12; car- penter, 1; United States Government service, 36; druggists, 5; dentists, 14; book- keepers, 2; i>riuters, 2; mechanics, 2; butchers, 3; other pursuits, 30. The money appropriated to these schools by the Slater fund from 1884 to 1894 was $439,981.78. CHAPTER XXXII. THE SLATER FUND AND THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. Compiled from Occasional Papers publialicd l)y tbo trustees of tbo Jolm F. Slater fund, Xos. 1 to 6.'] Co}tlcnfs. — I. Difficulties, complicaticns, and limitations connected ■u'itli the ediica- tiou of tho negro. II. Education of tbo negroes since 1860. III. Occupations of tlio negroes. IV. A statistical sketcli of tlie negroes in the United States. y. Memorial sketches of John F. Slater. VI. Documents relating to tho origin and worlv of the Slater trustees: (a) Charter from the State of New York; (h) letter of the founder; (c) letter of the trustees accepting the gift; (d) the thanks of Congress; (e) by-laws; (./') members of tho board; {(j) remarks of President Hayes on tho death of Mr. Slater. DIFFICULTIES, COMPLICATIONS, AND LIMITATIONS CONNECTED WITH THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. [By J. L. M. Curry, LL. D., secretary of the trustees of tlio John F. Slater fund.] Civilization certainly, Christianity probably, has encountered no problem which surpasses in magnitute or complexity tho negro problem. For its solution political remedies, very drastic, have been tried, but have failed utterly. Educational agen- cies have been very beneficial as a stimulus to self-government and are increasingly hopeful and worthy of wider application, but they do not cure social diseases, moral ills. Much has been written of evolution of man, of hnman society, and history shows marvelous progress in some races, in some countries, in the bettering of habits and institutions, but this progress is not found, in any equal degree, in the negro race in liis native land. What has occurred in the United States has been from external causes, l^sually human development has come from voluntary energy, from self-evolved organizations of higher and higher efliciency, from conditions which are principally the handiwork of man himself. With the negro, whatever progress has marked his life as a race in this country has come from without. The great ethical and political revolutions of enlightened nations, through the efforts of successive generations, have not been seen in his history. AVhen, on March 4, 1882, our large-hearted and broadmindcd founder established this trust, he had a noble end in view. For near thirteen years tho trustees have kept tho object steadily before them, with varying results. Expectations have not always been realized. If any want of highest success has attended our etforts, this is not an nncomp.anioned experience. As was to have been foreseen, in working out a novel and great problem, difficulties have arisen. Some are inherent and per- tain to the education of the negro, however, and by whomsoever undertaken, and some are peculiar to the trust. Some are remedial. In this, as in all other experi- ments, it is better to ascertain and comprehend the difficulties so as to adopt and adjust the proper measures for displacing or overcoming them. A general needs to ^Announcement to the series.— Tho trustees of tbe Jolm F. Slater fund propose to publish from timo to timo papers that relate to the educ.ition of tbo colored race. These papers are designed to furnish information to tliose who .are concerned in tho administration of schools, and also to those who by their oiUcial stations are called upon to act or to advise in respect to the care of such institutions. Tbo trustees believe that the experimental period in tho education of the blacks is drawing to a close. Certain principles that were doubted thirty years ago now .appear to bo goiicrally recog-nizod as sound. In tho next thirty years better systems will undoubtedly prevail, and the aiil of tbo sep- ar.ato States is likely to be more and more 'freely bestowed. There will also be abundant room for continued generosity on the part of individuals and associations. It is to encourage and assist the workers .and tbe thinkers that these papers will be published. _ Each paper will be tho nttor.ance of^the writcrwhoso name is attached to it, the trustees disclaiming in advance all rosponsibility for the atatomeut of fivcta and opinions . 1367 1368 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. know the strength and character of the opposing force. A physician can not pre- Bcribo intelligently until ho kno^TS the condition of his patient. The income of the fund is limited in amount, and the means of accomplishing "the general object" of the trust are indicated in Mr. Slater's letter and conversations and by the repeatedly declared policy of the board — as teacher training and indus- trial training. He specified "the training of teachers from among the people re- quiring to be taught and the 'encouragement of such institutions as are most elTectu- ally useful in promoting this training of teachers.' " No one, in tho least degree familiar with the subject, can deny or doubt that the essential need of the race is a higher and better qualified class of teachers. The fund does not establish nor con- trol schools, nor appoint teachers, [t cooperates with schools established by States, by religious denominations, and by individuals. Mr. Slater did not purpose "to bestow charity upon the destitute, to encourage a few exceptional individunls, to build churches, schoolhouses, or asylums." Aided schools may accept money to carry out the specific purposes of the trust, but they often have other and prescribed objects, and hence what the trustees seek is naturally, perhaps unavoidably, sub- ordinated to what are tho predetermined and unchangeable ends of some of these schools. The most obvious hindrance in the way of the education of the negro has so often been presented and discussed — his origin, history, environments — that it seems super- fluous to treat it anew. His political status, sudden and unparalleled, complicated by antecedent condition, excited false hopes and encouraged tho notion of reaching per saltnni, without the use of tho agencies of time, labor, industry, discipline, what tho dominant race had attained after centuries of toil and trial and sacrifice. Edu- cation, property, habits of thrift and self-control, higher achievements of civiliza- tion, are not extemiDorized nor created by magic or legislation. Behind tho Cau- casian lie centuries of tho educating, uplifting influence of civilization, of the institutions of family, society, tho churches, tho state, and tho salutary effects of heredity. Behind tlie negro are centuries of ignorance, barbarism, slavery, super- stition, idolatry, fetichism, and the transmissible consequences of heredity. Nothing valuable or permaiient in human life has been secured without the sub- stratum of moral charactei", of religious motive, in the individual, the family, the community. In this matter the negro should be j udged charitably, for his aboriginal people were not far removed from the savage state, where they knew neither house nor home and had not enjoyed any religious training. Their condition as slaves debarred them the advantage of regular, continuous, systematic instruction. The negro began his life of freedom and citizenship with natural weaknesses uncorrected, with loose notions of piety and morality and with strong racial peculiarities and proclivities, and has not outgrown the feebleness of the moral sense Avhich is common to all primitive races. One religious organization, which has acted with groat lib- erality, and generally with great wisdom, in its missionary and educational work among the negroes, says: "Of the paganism in the South, Dr. Behrends has well said that the note of paganism is its separation of worshiii from virtue, of religion from morals. This is the characteristic fact of the religion of tho negro." The Plan- tation Missionary, of this year, a journal edited and published for tho improvement of the "black belt" of Alabama, says, "five millions of negroes are still illiterate, and multitudes of them idle, bestial, and degraded, with slight ideas of purity or thrift," The discipline of virtue, the incorporation of creed into personal life, is largely wanting, and hence physical and hysterical demonstrations, excited sensi- bilities, uncontrolled emotions, transient outbursts of ardor, have been confounded with tho graces of the spirit and of faith based on knowledge. Contradiction, nega- tion, paradox, and eccentricity are characteristics of the ignorant and superstitious, especially when they concern themselves with religion. The economic condition is a most serious drawback to mental and moral progress. Want of thrift, of frugality, of foresight, of skill, of right notions of consumption and of proper habits of acquiring and holding jiroperty, has made the race tho vic- tim and prey of usurers and extortioners. The negro rarely accumulates, for he does not keep liis savings, nor put them in permanent and secure investments. He seems to be under little stimulus toward social improvement, or any ambition except that of being able to live fronv day to day. "As to poverty, 80 per cent of the wealth of the nation is in tho North and only 20 per cent in the South. Of this 20 per cent a very small share, indeed, falls to the seven millions of negroes, who constitute by far the poorest element of our American people." (American Missionary, November, 1894, p. 390.) "While it is true that a limited number of the colored people are becom- ing well-to-do, it is also equally true that the masses of them have made but little advance in acquiring property during their thirtj^ years of freedom. Millions of them are yet in real poverty and can do little more than simply maintain physical existence." (Home Missionary Monthly, August, 1894, p. 318.) No trustworthy state- ment of the property hold by negroes is possible, because but few States, in assessing property, discrinuuato between the races. In Occasional Papers, No. 4 (see p. 1404) Mr, SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1369 Gannett, in discussing tlio tendency of population toward cities, concludes that "tlio nc<^ro is not fitted, either by nature or education, for those vocations for Iho pursuit of which men collect in cities," and that as the inclinations of the race "tend to keep it wedded to the soil, the probabilities aro that the great body of the negroes ■will continue to remain aloof from llie cities and cultivate the soil as heretofore." The black farm laborers hire to Avhite proprietors, work for wages or on shares, give a lieu on future earnings for food, clothing, shelter, and the means for cultivation of tho crops. The meager remainder, if it exist at all, is squandered in neighboring stores for whisky, tobacco, and worthless "goods." Thus tho negro in his industrial progress is hindered by his rude and primitive methods of farming, his wastefulness and improvidence. The manner of living almost necessarily begets immorality and degradation. Mr. Washington, in his useful annual conferences, has emphasized th(5 need of improved rural abodes and tho fatal consequences of crowding a wiiole family into one room. Tho report already quoted from (Homo Monthly, p. 22) says : "On the great plantations (and tho statement might be much fnrther extended) there has been but little ])rogress in thirty years. Tho majority live in one-room cabins, tabernacling in them as tenants at will." Tho poverty, wretchedness, hopelessness of tho present life are sometimes in pitial)lo contrast to the freedom from care and anxiety, tho cheerfulness and frolicsomeuess, of ante-bellum days. Tiio average status of the negro is much misunderstood by some persons. The incurable tendency of opinion seems to be to exaggerated optimistn or pessimism, to eager exjiectancy of impossible results or distrust or incredulity as to futnr(i i)rog- ress. It is not easy to form an accurate .judgment of a country, or of its popula- tion, or to generalize logicallj', from a Pullman car window, or from snatches of conversation with a porter or waiter, or from the testimony of one race only, or from exceptional cases like Bruce, Price, Douglass, Washington, Revels, Payne, Sim- mons, etc. Individual cases do not demonstrate a general or permanent widening of range of mental possibilities. Thirty years may test and develop instances of per- sonal success, of individual luanhood, but are too short a time to bring a servile race, as a whole, np to equality with a race which is the heir of centuries of civilization, Avith its uplifting results and accessories. It should bo cheerfully conceded that some negroes have displayed abilities of a high order and have succeeded in official and ]>rolcssional life, in pulpit and literature. Tho fewness gives conspicuonsuess, but docs not justify an a priori assumption adverse to future capability of the race. Practically, no negro born since 18(30 was ever a slave. More than a generation has passed since slavery ceased in the United States. Desiiite some formidable obsta- cles, the negroes ha\e been favored beyond any other race known in the history of mankind. Freedom, citizenship, suffrage, civil and political rights, edncatioiial opportunities and religious privileges, every nu^thod and function of civilization, have been secured and fostered by Federal and State governments, ecclesiastical organizations, nninificent individual benefactions, and yet the results have not been, on the whole, such as to inspire most sanguino expectations, or justify conclusions of Tapid development or of racial equality. In some localities there has been degeneracy rather than ascent in the scale of manhood, relapse instead of progress. Tlie unusual environments should have evolved a higher and more ra])id degree of advancement. Professor Mayo-Smith, who has made an ethnological and sociological study of the diverse elements of our population, says: "No one can as yet predict what position tho black race will ultimately take in tho population of this country." He would be a bold speculator who ventured, from existing facts, to predict what would be the outcome of our experiment witli African citizenship and African development. Mr. Bryce, tho most philosophical and painstaking of all foreign students of our institutions, in the lust edition of his great work, says: "There is no ground for despondency to anyone who remembers how hopeless the extinction of slavery seemed sixty or even iorty years ago, and who marks the progress which tho negroes have made since their sudden liberation. Still less is there reason for im- patience, for questions like this have in some countries of the Old World required ages for their solution. The problem which confronts tho South is one of tho great secular problems of the world, presented hero under a ibrm of peculiar ditKcnlty. And as tho present differences between tho African and the European are tho prod- Tict of thousands of years, during which one race was advancing in the temperate, and the other remaining stationary in the torrid zone, so centuries may pass before their relations as neighbors and fellow-citizens have been duly adjusted." It Avonld be unjust and illogical to push too far tho comparison and deduce inferences unfair to the negro, but it is an interesting coincidence that Japan began her entrance into tho family of civilized nations almost contemporaneously with emancipation in the United States. In 1858 I witnessed tho unique reception by President Buchanan, in the east room of the White House, of the conmiissioners from Japan. With a rapidity without a precedent, she has taken her place as an equal and independent nation, and her rulers demand acknowledgment at the highest courts, and her min- isters are ofldcially tho equals of their colleagues iu every diplomatic corps. By 1370 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. internal development, withont extraneous assistance, Japan has reached a degree of self-reliance, of self-control, of social organization, of respectable civilization, far beyond what onr African citizens have attained nnder physical, civic, and religions conditions by no means unfavorable. It is true that Japan for a long time had a separate nationality, while the freedmen have been dependent wards, but the Oriental nation, without the great etJiical and pervasive and ennobling and energiz- ing iutluence of Christianity (for the propagandism of the daring Jesuit mission- aries of the sixteenth century has been effaced) has recorded her ascents by monu- ments of social life and dramatic events in history. Her mental culture and habits and marvelous military success are witnesses of her progress and power. We have been accustomed to think of the Avhole Orient, that "fifty years of Europe were better than a cycle of Cathay," but within a quarter of a century Japan has trans- formed social usages and manners, arts and manufactures, and in 1889, when we were celebrating the centennial of our Constitution, she adopted a constitution, with a limited monarchy and parliamentary institutions. Much of the aid lavished upon 4:he negro has been misaiiplied charity and, like much other almsgiving, hurtful to the recipient. Northern philanthropy, "disas- trously kind," has often responded with liberality to~appeals worse than worthless. Vagabond mendicants have been pampered; schools which were established without any serious need of them have been helped; public-school systems upon which the great mass of children, white and colored, must rely for their education have been underrated and injured, and schools of real merit, and doing good work, which deserve confidence and contributions have had assistance legitimately their due diverted into improper channels. Reluctantly and by constraint of conscience this matter is men- tioned, and this voice of protest and warning raised. Dr. A. D. Mayo, of Boston, an f.etute and thoughtful observer, a tried friend of the black man, an eloquent advo- cate of his elevation, who for fifteen years has traversed the South in the interests of universal education, than whom no on© has a better acqnaintance with the schools of that section, bears cogent and trustworty testimony to which I give my emphatic endorsement : "It is high time that our heedless, nndiscriminating, all-out-doors habit of giving money and supplies to the great invading army of Southern solicitors should come to an end. Whatever of good has come from it is of the same nature as the habit of miscellaneous almsgiving which our system of associated charities is everywhere working to break up. It is high time that we understood that the one agency on which the negroes and nine-tenths of the white people in the South must rely for elementary instruction and training is the American common school. The attempt to educate 2,000,000 colored and 3,000,000 white American children in the South by passing around the hat in the North; sending driblets of money and barrels of sup- plies to encourage anybody and everybody to open a little useless priA'ate school; to draw on our Protestant Sunday schools in the North-to build up among these people the church parochial system of elementary schools which the clergy of these churches are denouncing — all this and a great deal more that is still going on among us, wjth, of course, the usual exceptions, has had its day and done its work. The only reliable method of directly helping the elementary department of Southern education is that our churches and benevolent people put themselves in touch with the common-school authorities in all the dark places, urging even their poorer people to do more, as they can do more, than at present. The thousand dollars from Boston that keeps alive a little ]>rivateordenominational school in a Southern neighborhood, if properly applied, would give two additional months, better teaching and better housing to all the children, and unite their people as in no other way. Let the great Northern schools in the South established for the negroes be reasonably endowed, and worked in coop- eration with the public-school system of the State, with the idea that in due time they Avill all pass into the hands of the Southeru'people, each deijendeut on its own constituency for its permanent support. I believe in many instances it would bo the best policy to endow or aid Southern schools that have grov^n up at home and have established themselves in tbe confidence of the people. While more money should CA^ery year be given in the North for Southern education, it should not bo scattered abroad, but concentrated on strategic points for the uplifting of both races." After the facts, hard, stubborn, unimpeachable, regretable, which have been giA'en, we may well inquire Avhether much hasty action has not prevailed in assigning to the negro an educational position, which ancient and modern history does not Avar- rant. The partition of the continent of Africa by and among European nations can hardly be ascribed solely to a lust for territorial aggrandizement. The energetic races of the North begin to realize that the tropical countries — the food and the material producing regions of the earth — can not, for all time to come, be left to the unprogressiA'e, uncivilized colored race, deficient in the qualities necessary to the dcA^elopment of the rich resources of the lands they possess. The strong powers seem unwilling to tolerate the Avastingof the resources of the most fertile regions through the apparent impossibility, by the race in possession, of acquiring the qualities of SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF TPIE NEGRO. 1371 efficiency Avliich exist el8eT\'iiere. Tlio oxperimcut of tlio Congo Free State, one of the richest and most valnable tracts in Africa, established and fostered nuder propitious circumstances by the King of Belgium, seems likely to bo a barren failure and to prove that African colonization is not a practicable scheme, without State subvention, or the strong, overmastering hand of some superior race. It requires no superior insight to discover that human evolution has come from the energy, thrift, discipline, social and political eiiicieucy of peoples -whoso power is not the result of varying circumstances, ''of the cosmic order of things which we have no power to control."^ The negro occupies an incongruous jiosition in our country. Under military necessity slaves were emancipated, and all true Americans accept the jubilaut eulogium of the poet, when he declares our country A later Eileu planted in the wikls, "With not an inch of cartli within its bounds But if a slave's foot press, it sets him free. Partisanship and an altruistic sentiment led to favoritism, to civic equality, and to bringing the negroes, for the first time in their history and without any previous preparation, "into the rivalry of life on an equal footing of opportunity." The whole country has suliered in its material development from the hazardous experi- ment. The South, as a constituent portion of the Union, is a diseased limb on the body, is largely uncultivated, neglected, unproductive. Farming, with the low prices of products, yields little remunerative returu on labor or money invested, and, except in narrow localities and where "trucking" obtains, is not improving agriculturally, or, if so, too slowly and locally to awaken any hopes of early or great recovery.^ Crippled, disheartened by the i>resence of a people not much inferior in numbers, of equal civil rights, and slowly capable of equal mental devel- opment or of taking on the habits of advanced civilization, the white people of the South arc deprived of any considerable increase of numbers from immigration and any largo demand for small freeholds, and are largely dependent on ignorant, undis- ciplined, uninventive, inefficient, unambitious labor. Intercourse between the Slavs and the tribes of the Ural-Altaic stock, fusion of ethnic elements, has not resulted in deterioration, but has produced an apparently homogeneous people, possessing a common consciousness. That the two diverse races now in the South can ever per- fectly harmonize while occujiying the same territory no one competent to form an opinion believes. Mr. Bryce concludes that the negro will stay socially distinct, as an alien element, unabsorbed and unabsorbable. That the presence in the same country of two distinctly marked races, having the same rights and privileges, of unequal cai^acities of development — one long habitated to servitude, deprived of all power of initiative, of all high ideal, without patriotism beyond a mere weak attachment — is a blessing is too absurd a jiropositiou for serious consideration. Whether the great resources of the South are not destined, under existing condi- tions, to remain only partially developed, antl whether agriculture is not doomed to barrenness of results, are economic and political questions alien to this discussion. As trustees of the Slater fund, we are confined to the duty of educating the lately emancipated race. In Occasional Papers, No. 3 (see p. 1374), the history of education since 1860, as derived from the most authentic sources, is presented with care and fullness. " The great work of educating the negroes is carried on mainly by the public schools of the vSouthern States, supported by funds raised by public taxation, and managed and controlled by public school officers. The work is too great to be attempted by any other agency, unless by the National Government; the field is too extensive, the officers too numerous, the cost too burdensome." (Bureau of Educa- tion Report, 1891-92, p. 867.) The American Congress refused aid, and upon the impoverished Soiith the burden and the duty were devolved. Bravely and with heroic self-sacrifice have they sought to fulfill the obligation. In the distril)ution of public revenues, in the building of asylums, in provision for public education, no discrimination has been made against the colored people. The law of Georgia of October, 1870, establishing a j)ublic school system, expressly states that both races shall have equal privileges. The school system of Texas, begun under its present form in 1876, provides " absolutely equal privileges to both 1 Since thia paper was prepared, Bishop Turner, of Georsia, a colored preacher of intellisence and respectability, in a letter from Liberia, May 11, 1895, advises the reopening of the African slave trade and says that, as a result of such enslavement for a term of years bj' a civilized race, " millions and millions of Africans, who are now running around in a state of nudity, fighting, nccromancing, masquerading, and doing everything that God disapproves Of, would be working and benefiting the world." Equally curious and absurd is the conclusion of tlio editor of the Glolie Quarterly Keview (July, 1895, Kew York), a Northern man, that "nothing but some sort of reenslavement can make the negro work, therefore ho must bo rcenslaved, or driven from the land." Could anything be more sur- prising than these utterances by a lornier slave .and by an abolitionist, or show more clearly '"the difficulties, complications, and limitations" which environ the task and the duty of "uplifting the lately emancipated race?" 2 The last assessment of property in Virginia, 1895, shows a decrease of $8,133,374 from last year's valuation. 1372 EDUCATION REPOET, 1891-95. ■white and colored cliildreu." In Florida, nuder tlio constitution of 1868 and the law of 1877, both races share equally in the school benefits. Several laws of Arkansas provide for a scliool system of equal privileges to both races. Under the school sys- tem of North Carolina there is no discrimination for or against either race. The school system of Louisiana was fairly started only after the adoption of the consti- tution of 1879, and equal privileges are granted to white and colored children. Since 1883 equal privileges are granted in Kentucky. The school system of West Virginia grants eqiial rights to the two races. The system in Mississippi was put in operation in 1871 and grants to both races " equal privileges and school facilities." The same exact and liberal justice obtains in Virginia, Alabama, and Tennessee. In 1893-94 there were 2,702,410 negro children of school age — from 5 to 18 years — of whom 52.72 jier cent, or 1,424,710, were enrolled as pupils. Excluding Maryland, Kentucky, and Missouri, the receipts from State and local taxation for schools in the South were $14,397,569. It should be borne in mind that there are fewer taxpayers in the South, in proportion to population generally and to school population espe- cially, than ill any other part of the United States. In the South Central States there are only 65.9 adult males to 100 children, while in the Western Division there are 156.7. In South Carolina, 37 out of every 100 are of school age ; in Montana, only 18 out of 100. Consider also that in the South a largo proj)ortion of the compara- tively few adults are negroes with a minimum of property. Consider, further, that the number of adult males to each 100 children in New Hampshire, Massachusetts, and Connecticut is twice as great as in North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. In view of such and other equally surprising facts, it is a matter of national satisfaction that free education has made such progress in the South. (Bureau of Education Eeport, 1890-91, pp. 5, 19, 21, 24.) It is lamentable, after all the provision which has been made, that the schools are kept open for such a short period, that so many teachers are incompetent, and that such a small iiroportiouofpei'sonsofKchool age attend the schools. This does not apply solely to tl:e colored children or to the Southern States. For the whole country the average number of days attended is only 89 for each pupil, when the proper school year should count about 200. While the enrollment and average attendance have increased, "what the people get on an average is about one-half an elementary edu- cation, and no State is now giving an education in all its schools that is equal to seven years per inhabitant for the rising generation. Some States are giving less than three years of 200 days each." (Annual Statement of Commissioner of Educa- tion for 1894, p. 18.) It is an obligation of patriotism to support and improve these State-managed sosition to our work from the white race. So far as I know they wish us success." 5. NOXDENOMIifATIONAL SCHOOLS. Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, Alabama; "I am glad to state that there is practically no opposition oi'i the j)art of the whites to our work: on the con- trary, there are many evidences of their hearty approval." Hampton Normal and Industrial Institute, Virginia : "This school meets no opposition to the work from the white race, and, with occasional individual exceptions, has never met any, but receives for itself and its graduate teachers a great amount of practical sympathy, and is glad of this and every opportunity to acknowledge it." CONCLUSIONS. I. It follows that in addition to thorough and intelligent training in the disci- pline of character and virtue, there shouid be given rigid and continuous attention to domestic and social life, to the refinements and comforts and economies of home. II. Taught in the economies of wise consumption, the race should be trained to acquire habits of thrift, of saving earnings, of avoiding waste, of accumulating property, of having a stake in good government, in i:»rogressive civilization. III. Besides the rudiments of a good and useful education there is imperative need of manual training, of the proper cultivation of those faculties or mental qualities of observation, of aiming at and reaching a successful end, and of such facility and skill in tools, in practical industries, as will insure remunerative employment and give the power which comes from intelligent work. IV. Clearer and juster ideas of education, moral and intellectual, obtained in cleaner home life and through respected and cajiable teachers in schools and churches. Ultimate and only sure reliance for the education of the race is to be found in the public schools, organized, controlled, and liberally supported by the State. V. Between the races occupying the same territory, possessing under the law equal civil rights and privileges, speculative and unattainable standards should be avoided, and questions should be met as they arise, not by Utopian and i:)artial solutions, but by the impartial application of the tests of justice, right, honor, humanity, and Christianity. II. EDUCATION OF THE NEGROES SINCE 1860. [By J. L. M. Curry, LL. D., secretary of the trustees of the John F. Slater fund.] INTRODUCTION. The purpose of this paper is to put into permanent form a narrative of what has been done at the South for the education of tlie negro since 1860. The historical and statistical details may seem dry and uninteresting, but we can understand the sig- nificance of this unprecedented educational movement only by a study of its begin- nings and of the difficulties which had to be overcome. The present generation, near as it is to the genesis of the Avork, can not appreciate its magnitude, nor the great- ness of the victory which has been achieved, without a knowledgeof the facts which this recital gives in connected order. The knowledge is needful, also, for a compre- hension of the future possible scope and kind of education to be giA^en to the Afro- American race. In the field of education we shall be unwise not to reckon Avith such forces as custom, pliysical constitution, heredity, racial characteristics and possibili- ties, and not to remember that these and other causes may determine the limitations under which we must act. The education of this people has a far-reaching and com- plicated connection with their clestinj^, with our institutions, and possibly Avith the Dark Continent, which may ascumc an importance akin, if not superior, to Avhat it SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1375 had centuries ago. Tbo partition of its territory, the iuternational questions which arc springing up, and the efiett of contact with and government hy a superior race, must necessarily give an enhanced importance to Africa as a factor in commerce, in relations of governments, and in civilization. England will soon have au unbroken line of territorial possessions from Egypt to the Cape of Good Hope. Germany, France, Portugal, Italy, Spain, possibly Russia, will soon have such footholds in Africa as, whatever else may occur, will tend to the development of century-para- lyzed resources. AVhat other superior races have done, and are doing, for the government and uplifting of the inferior races, which, from treaty or conquest, have been placed under their responsible jurisdiction, may help in the solution of our problem. Italy had a grand question in its unilication; Prussia a graver one in the nationalization of Germany, taxing the st.atesmanship of Stein, Bismarck, and their colaborers; Great IJritain, in the administration of her large and Avidely remote coloni.al depend- encies with their different races; but our problem has peculiar difficulties which have not conironted other governments, and therefore demands the best powers of philanthropist, sociologist, and statesman. The emergence of a nation from barbarism to a general diffusion of intelligence and property, to health in the social and civil relations; the development of an inferior race into a high degree of enlightenment; the overthrow of customs and institutions which, however Indefensible, have their seat in tradition and a course of long observance; the working out satisfactorily of political, sociological, and ethical problems— are all necessarily slow, requiring patient and intelligent study of the teachings of history and the careful application of something more than mere empirical methods. Civilization, freedom, a pure religion, are not the speedy out- come of revolutions and cataclysms any more than has been the structure of the earth. They are the slow evolution of orderly and creative causes, the result of law and ])reordained principles. The educational work described in this paper has been most valuable, but it has been so far necessarily tentative and local. It has lacked broad and definite general- ization, and, in all its phases, comprehensive, philosophical consideration. An aux- iliary to a thorough study and ultimate better plans, the Slater fund, from time to time', will have prepared and published papers bearing on different phases of the negro question. I. The history of the negro on this continent is full of pathetic and tragic romance, and of startling, unparalleled incident. The seizure in Africa, the forcible abduc- tion and cruel exportation, the coercive enslavement, the subjection to environuients which emasculate a race of all noble aspirations and doom inevitably to hopeless ignorance and inferiority, living in the midst of enlightenments and noblest civili- zation and yet forbidden to enjoy the benefits of which others were partakers, for four years amid battle and yet, for the most part, having no personal share in the coniiict, by statute and organic law and law of nations held in fetters and inequality, and then, in the twinkling of an eye, lifted from bondage to freedom, from slavery to citizenship, from dependence on others and guardianship to suffrage and eligibility to office — can be predicated of no other race. Other peoples, after long and weary years of discipline and struggle against heaviest odds, have won liberty and free government. This race, almost without lifting a hand, nnappreciative of the boon except in the lowest aspects of it, and unprepared for privileges and responsibilities, has been lifted to a plane of citizenship and freedom, such as is enjoyed, in an equal degree, by no people in the world outside of the United States. Common schools in all governments have been a slow growth, reluctantly conceded, grudgingly supported, and perfected after many experiments and failures and with heavy pecuniary cost. Within a few years after emancipation, free and universal education has been provided for the negro, without cost to himself, and chietiy by tbe self-imposed taxes of those who, a few years before, claimed his labor and time ■without direct wage or pecuniary compensation. II. Slavery, recognized by the' then international law and the connivance and pat- ronage of European sovereigns, existed in all the colonies prior to the Declaration of Independence, and was reeuforced by importation of negroes from Africa. In course of time it was confined to the Southern States, and the negroes increased in numbers at a more rapid rate than did the whites, even after the slave trade was abolished and declared piracy. For a long time there was no general exclusion by law of the slaves from the priv ileges of education. The first prohibitory and punitive laws were directed against unlawful assemblages of negroes, and subsequently of free negroes and mulattoes, as their infiuence in exciting discontent or insurrection was de]irecated and guarded against. Afterwards legislation became more general in the South, prohilntiug meetings for teaching reading and writing. The Nat Turner insurrection in South- ampton County, Va., in 1831, awakened the Southern States to a consciousness of the perils which might environ or destroy them from combinations of excited, inflamed, and ill-advised negroes. 1376 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95, As documeuts aud newspapers tending to inflame discontent and insnrrectiou were supposed to liave been the immediate provocation to tliis conspiracy for murder of whites and for i'reedom of the blacks, jaws were passed against publishing and cir- culating such documeuts amoug the colored poj)ulation, aud strengthening the pro- hibitions and penalties against education. Severe and general as were these laws they rarely applied, aud were seldom, if ever, enforced against teaching of individuals or of groups on x)lantatious or at tbo homes of the owners. It was often true that the mistress of a household or her children would teach the house servants, and on Sundays include a larger number. There Avero also Sunday schools in which black children were taught to read, notably the school in whicb Stonewall Jackson Avas a leader. It is pleasant to find recorded in the memoir of Ur. Boyce, a trustee of this fund from its origin until his death, that as an editor, a preacher, and a citizen he was deeply interested in the moral and religious instruction of the negroes. After a most liberal estiuiate for the efforts made to teach the negroes, still the fact exists that as a people they were wholly uneducated in schools. Slavery doomed the millions to ignorance, and in this condition they were when the war began. III. Almost synchronously with the earliest occupation of any portion of the seceding States by the Union army efforts were begun to give the negroes some schooling. In September, 1861, under the guns of Fortress Monroe, a school was opened for the " contrabands of war." In 1862 schools were extended to Washing- ton, Portsmouth, Norfolk, and Newport News, and afterwards to the Port Royal islands on the coast of South Carolina, to Newbern and Roanoke Island in North Carolina. The proclamation of emancipation, January 1, 1863, gave freedom to all slaves reached by the armies, increased the refngees, and awakened a iervor of reli- gious and philanthropic enthusiasm for meeting the physical, moral, and intellectual waTits of those suddenly thrown upon charity. In October, 1863, General Banks, then commanding the Department of the Gulf, created commissioners of enrollment, who established the first public schools for Louisiana. Seven were soon in opera- tion, with 23 teachers and an average attendance of 1,422 scholars. On March 22, 1864, he issued General Order No. 38, which constituted a board of education "for the rudimeutal instruction of the freedmen" in the department, so as to "place within their reach the elements of knowledge." The board was ordered to establish common schools, to employ teachers, to acquire school sites, to erect school buildings Avhere no proper or available ones for school purposes existed, to purchase and provide necessary books, stationery, apparatus, and a Avell-selected library, to regulate the course of studies, and "to have the authority and perform the same duties that assessors, supervisors, and trustees had in tl)e Northern States in the matter of establishing and conducting common schools." For the performance of the duties enjoined the board was empoAvered to "assess and loA^y a school tax upon real and personal property, including crops of planta- tions." These taxes Avere to be sufficient to defray expense and cost of establishing, furnishing, and conducting the schools for the period of one year. When the tax list and schedules should bo placed in the hands of the parish proA'ost-marshal he was to collect and pay OA'cr Avithin thirty days to the school board. Schools pre- viously established were transferred to this board; others were opened, aud in December, 1864, they reported under their supervision 95 schools, 162 teachers, and 9,571 scholars. This system continued until December, 1865, when the power to levy the tax Avas suspended. An official report of later date says: "In this sad juncture the freedmen expressed aAvillingness to endure and even petitioned for increased taxation in order that means for supporting their schools might be obtained." On December 17, 1862, Col. John Eaton was ordered by General Grant to assume a general supervision of freedmen in the Department of Tennessee and Arkansas. In the early autumn of that year schools had been establisbed, and they weremultiiilied during 1863 and 1864. In the absence of responsibility and supervision there grew Up abuses and complaints. By some "parties engaged in tbe work" of education "exorbitant charges Avere made for tuition," and agents and teachers, "instead of making conunon cause for the good of those they came to benefit, set about detract- ing, perplexing, and A^exing each other." "Parties and conflicts had arisen." "Frauds had appeared in not a few instances — evil-minded, irresponsible, or incom- petent persons imposing upon those not prepared to defeat or check them." "Bad faith to fair promises had deprived the colored people of their jnst dues."' On Septemlier 26, 1864, the Secretary of War, through Aayment of tuition fees from 25 cents to $1.25 per month for each scholar, according to the ability of the parents; for the admission free of those who could not pay and the fnruisliiug of clothing by the aid of industrial schools, for the government of teachers in connec- tion with the societies needing them, etc. The "industrial schools " were schools in which sewing was taught, and in which a large quantity of the clothing and mate- rial sent from the North was made over or made up for freedmen's use, and were highly " useful in promoting industrious habits and in teaching useful arts of house- wifery." The supervision under such a competent head caused great improvement in the work, but department efforts were hindered by some representatives of the benevolent societies who did not heartily welcome the more orderly military super- vision. An assistant superintendent, March 31, 1865, reports, in and around Vicks- bnrg and Natchez, 30 schools, 60 teachers, and 4,393 pupils enrolled; in Memphis, 1,5'JO impils, and in the entire supervision, 7,360 in attendance. General Eaton submitted a report of his laborious work, which is full of valuable information. Naturally, some abatement must be made from conclusions Avhich Avere based on the wild statements of excited freednien, or the false statements of interested persons. "Instinct of unlettered reason " caused a hegira of the blacks to camjis of the Union army, or Avithin protected territory. The "negro population floated or was kicked about at Avill." Strict superAUsion became urgent to secure "contraband information" and service and jirotect the ignorant, deluded people from unscrupulous harpies. "Mental and moral enlightenment" was to be striven for, even in those troublous times, and it was fortunate that so capable and faithful an oilicer as General Eaton Avas in authority. All the operations of the supervisors of schools did not give satisfaction, for the inspector of schools in South Carolina and Georgia, on October 13, 1865, says: "The bureau does not receive that aid from the Government and Government of36cialsit had a right to expect, and really from the course of the military officials in this department you might think that the only enemies to the GoA'^ernment are the agents of the bureau." IV. By act of Congress, March 3, 1865, the Freedmen's Bureau was created. The scope of its jurisdiction and Avork extended far beyond education. It embraced aban- doned lands and the supply of the negroes with food and clothing, and during 1865 as many as 148,000 Avere reported as receiving rations. The Quartermaster and Com- missary Departments were placed at the service of the agents of the bureau, and, in addition to freedom, largesses were lavishly giA^en to "reach the great andimpera- tiA'e necessities of the situation." Large and comprehensive powers and resources were placed in the hands of the bureau, and limitations of the authority of the Gov- ernment were disregarded in order to meet the gravest problem of the century. Millionsof recently enslaA'ed negi'oes, homeless, penniless, ignorant, were to besaA^ed from destitution or perishing, to be prepared for the sudden boon of political equal- ity, to be made self-supporting citizens and to prevent their freedom from becoming a curse to themselves and their liberators. The commissioner was authorized "to Beize, hold, use, lease, or sell all buildings and tenements and any lands appertain- ing to the same, or otherwise formally held, under color of title by the late Confed- erate States, and buildings or lands lield in trust for the same, anil to use the same, or appropriate the proceeds derived therefrom to the education of the freed people." He was empowered also to "cooperate Avith private benevolent associations in aid of the freednien." The bureau was attached to the War Department, and Avas at first limited in duration to one year, but Avas afterwards prolonged. Gen. O. O. Howard was appointed commissioner, with assistants. He says he was invested with "iilmost unlimited authority," and that the act and orders gave "great scope and liberty of action." "Legislative, judicial, and executive poAvers weie combined, reaching all the interests of the freedmen." On June 2, 1865, the President onlered all otticers of the United States to turn over to the bureau "all property, funds, lands, and records in any way connected with freedmen and refugees." This bestowment of despotic power Avasuot considered unwifce because of the peculiar exigencies of the times and the condition of the freedmen, who, being suddenly emancipated by a dynamic pro- cess, were without schools, or teachers, or means to procure them. To organize the work a superintendent of schools was appointed for each State. Besides the reg- ular appropriation by Congress the military authorities aided the bureau. Trans- portation was furnished to teachers, books, and school furniture, and material aid was given to all engaged in education. General Howard used his large powers to get into his custody the funds scat- tered in the hands of many officers, which could be made available for the freed- men. Funds bearing different names were contributed to the work of "colored ED 95 44 1378 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1894-95. education." ^ During tlie war some of tlio States sent money to officers serving in tlio South to buy substitutes from among tlie colored people to fill up their quota under the draft. A portion of the bounty money thus sent, by an order of General B. F. Butler, August 4, 1864, 'was retained in the hands of officers who had been superin- tendents of negro affairs, and by the President's order of June 2, 1865, was turned over to the disbursing officers of the Bureau of Freedmen. After the organization of the bureau. General Hovrard instructed agents to turn money held by them over to the chief disbursing officer of the bureau. This "was in no sense public money, but belonged to individuals enlisted as contraband recruits to fill the State quotas. What Avas unclaimed of •what vs^as held in trust imder General Butler's order was used for educational purposes. In the early part of 1867 the accounting officers of the Treasury Department ascer- tained that numerous frauds "were being perpetrated on colored claimants for boun- ties under acts of Congress. Advising with General Howard, the Treasury officials drew a bill which Congress enacted into a law, devolving upon the commissioner the ijayment of bounties to colored soldiers and sailors. This enlarged responsi- bility gave much labor to General Howard, in his already multifarious and difficult duties, and made more honorable the acquittal which he secured when an official investigation was subsequently ordered upon his administration of the affairs of the bureau. The act of Congress of July 16, 1866, gave a local fund, which was esx^ended in the district in which it accrued, and besides there were general appropriations for the support of the bureau, which were in part available lor schools. Mr. Ingle, writing of scliool affairs in the District in 1867 and 1868, says: " Great aid was given at this period by the Freedmeu's Bureau, which, not limit- ing its assistance to schools for primary instruction, did much toward establishing Howard University, in which no distinction was made on account of race, color, or sex, though it had originally been intended for the education of negro men alone." The monograph of Edward Ingle on ''The negro in the District of Columbia," one of the valuable Johns Hopkins University studies, gives such a full and easily accessible account of the education of the negroes in the District, that it is needless to enlarge the pages of this x^aper by a repetition of what he has so satisfactorily done. The bureau found many schools in localities which had been within the lines of the Union armies, and these, with the others established by its agency, were placed Tinder more systematic supervision. In some States schools were.carried on entirely by aid of the funds of the bureau, but it had the cooperation and assistance of vari- ous religious and benevolent societies. On July 1, 1866, Mr. Alvord, inspector of schools and finances, reported 975 schools in 15 States and the District, 1,405 teachers, and 90,778 scholars. He mentioned as worthy of note a change of sentiment among better classes in regard to freedmen's schools, and that the schools were steadily gaining in numbers, attainments, and general influence. On January 17, 1867, Gen- eral Howard reports to the Secretary of V/ar $115,261.56 as iised for schools, and the Quartermaster's Department as still rendering valuable help. Education "was carried on vigorously during the year," a bettter feeling prevailing, and 150,000 freedmen and children "occupied earnestly in the study of books." The taxes, which had been levied for schools in Louisiana, under the administration of T. W. Conway, had been discontinued, but $500,000 were asked for schools and asylums. In 1867 the Government appointed Generals Steedman and Fullerton as inspectors, and from GeneralHoward's vehement reply to their report — which the War Departmentdeclines to ijermit an inspection of — it appears that their criticisms were decidedly unfavor- able. Civilians in the bureau were now displaced by army officers. In July, 1869, Mr. Alvord mentions decided progress in educational returns, increasing thirst for knowledge, greater public favor, and the establishment of 39 training schools for teachers, with 3,377 puiiils. Four months later General Howard says, "hostility to schools and teachers has in great measure ceased." He reported the cost of the bureau at $13,029,816, and earnestly recommended "the national legislature" to establish a general system of free schools, "furnishing to all children of a suitable age such instruction in the rudiments of learning as would fit them to discharge intelligently the duties of free American citizens." Solicitor Whiting had xireviously recommended that the head of the Freedmen's Bureau should bo a Cabinet officer, but this was not granted, and the bureau was finally discontinued, its affairs being transferred to the War Department by act of Congress, June 10, 1872. It is apparent from the reports of Sprague, assistant commissioner in Florida, and of Alvord in 1867 and 1870, that the agents of the bureau sometimes used their official position and influence for oi'ganizing the freedmen for party politics and to control elections. A full history of the Freedmen's Bureau would furnish an interesting chapter in negro education, but a report from Inspector Shriver, on October 3, 1873, says the department has "no means of verifying the amount of retained bounty fund;" and 1 See Spec. Ed. Eep., District of Columbia, p. 259. SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1379 on DocemLer 4, 1873, tlie department complains of ''the incomplete and disordered condition of the records of the late bureau." (See Ex. Doc. No. 10, Forty-third Con- gress, first session, and House Mis. Doc. No. 87, Fortj^-second Congress, third session.) That no injustice may he done to anyone, the answer of the "Record and Pension Office, War Department," May 21, 1894, to my application for statistics drawn from the records, is embodied in this paper. So far as the writer has been able to inves- tigate, no equally full and official account has heretofore been given. The following consolidated statement, prepared from records of superintendents of education of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands, shows the number of schools, teachers, and pupils in each State, under control of said bureau, and the amount expended for schools, asylums, construction and rental of school buildings, transportation of teachers, purchase of books, etc. : Tear. Scliools. Teachers. Puijils. Espendetl bureau. Eeceivecl from freedmen. ReooiTed from benev- olent asso- ciationa. 1805 GO 1,261 1,673 1,733 ],942 1,900 1,795 2,032 2,104 2,472 2,376 111,193 109, 245 102, 562 108, 485 108, 135 $225, 722. 94 415,330.00 909, 210. 20 591, 267. 56 480, 737. 82 $18,500.00 17, 200. 00 42, 130. 00 85, 72G. 00 17, 187. 00 $83, 200. 00 65 087 00 1807 1868 154 736 50 1869 27, 200. 00 1870 4, 240. 00 "This statement or statistical table is made up from the reports of the superin- tendents of education of the several States under the control of the bureau from 1865 to 1870, Avhen Government aid to tlio freedmen's schools was withdrawn. It embraces the number of schools established or maintained, the number of teachers emidoyed, the number of pupils, and the amount expended for school purposes in each State and the District of Columbia. The expenditures also include the amounts contributed by the bureau for the construction and maintenance of asylums for the freedmen, which can not be separated from the totals given. "The table is based upon the reports of the school superintendents, and has been prepared with great care. The results thus obtained, however, differ in some mate- rial respects from the figures given by the commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau in his annual reports. These discrepancies, which this department is unable to reconcile or explain, will be seen by a comparison of the tablo with the following statement made ii'om the reports of the commissioner : Schools. 18G6 1867 1868 1869 1870 1,839 1,831 2,118 2,677 Teacher."?. Pupils. 1,405 2, 087 2,295 2, 455 3,300 90, 778 111,442 104, 327 114, 522 149, 581 Di3l)ursem.eiit8 for .school purposes. By bureau. j By benevo- lent asisoci- ationa. $123, 059. 39 531,345.48 965, 896. 67 924, 182. 16 976, 853. 29 By freed- men. Total. 82.200.00 $18,500.00 $224,359.39 65.087.01 17,200.00 I 013,632.49 700,000.00 la360, 000.00 ;2, 025, 896. 67 365,000.00 :al90,000.00 |1, 479, 182. 16 300,000.00 ja200,000.00 jl, 536, 853. 29 a£iitimated. " It has been found impracticable to ascertain the amounts expended by the Freed- men's Bureau for Howard and Fisk Universities, and the schools at Hampton, Atlanta, and New Orleans, the items of expenditure for these schools not being sep- arated in the reports from the gross expenditures for school purposes." A committee of investigation upon General Howard's use of the bui'eau for his pecuniary aggrandizement were divided in opinion, but a largo majoritj- exonerated him from censure and commended him for the excellent perform.ance of difficult duties. An equally strong and unanimous verdict of approval was rendered by a court of inquiry. General Sherman presiding, which was convened under an act of Congress, February 13, 1874. V. It has been stated that the bureau was authorized to act in cooperation with benevolent or religious societies in the education of the negroes. A number of these organizations had done good service before the establishment of the bureau and con- tinued their work afterwards. The teachers earliest in the field were from the American Missionary Association, Western Freedmen's Aid Commission, American Baptist Home Mission Society, and the Society of Friends. After the surrender of Vicksburg and the occupation of Natchez, others were sent l)y the United Presbyte- rians, Reformed Presbyterians, United Brethren in Christ, Northwestern Freedmen's 1380 EDUCATION EEPOKT, 1894-95. - Aid Commission, and the National Freedmen's Aid Association. The first colored school in Vicksburg was started in 1863 by the United Brethren in the basement of a Methodist church. The American Missionary Association was the chief body, apart from the Govern- ment, in the great enterprise of meeting the needs of the negroes. It did not relinquish its philanthropic work because army officers and the Federal Government were working along the same line. Up to 1&66 its receipts were swollen by "the aid of the Free Will Baptists, the Wesleyans, the Congregationalists, and friends in Great Britain." From Great Britain it is estimated that '' a million of dollars in money and clothing were contributed through various channels for the freedmen." The third decade of the association, 1867-1876, was a marked era in its financial his- tory. The Freedmen's Bureau turned over a large sum, which could be expended only in buildings. A Congressional report says that between December, 1866, and May, 1870, the association received $243,753.22. Since the association took on a more distinctive and separate denominational character, because of the withdi'awal of other denominations into organizations of their own, it, along with its church work, has prosecuted, with unabated energy and marked success, its educational work among the negroes. It has now under its control or support — Chartered institutions 6 Normal schools 29 Common schools 43 Totals : Schools 78 Instructors 389 Pupils 12, 609 Pupils classified: Theological 47 Collegiate 57 College preparatorv 192 Normal ". 1,091 Grammar 2, 378 Intermediate 3, 692 Primary 5, 152 Some of these schools are not specially for negroes. It would be uujust not to give the association much credit for Atlanta University and for Hampton Normal and Industrial Institute, which are not included in the above recapitulation, as the latter stands easily first among all the institutions designed for negro development, both for influence and usefulness. During the war and for a time afterwards the school work of the association was necessarily primary and transitional, but it grew into larger proportions, with higher standards, and its normal and industrial work deserves special mention and commendation. From 1860 to October 1, 1893, its expend- itures in the South for freedmen, directly and indirectly, including church extension as well as education, have been $11,610,000. VI. In 1866 was organized the Freedmen's Aid and Southern Society of the Meth- odist Episcoj)al Church. Under that compact, powerful, well-disciplined, enthusi- astic organization more than $6,000,000 have been expended in the work of education of negroes. Dr. Hartzell said before the World's Congi'ess in Chicago that Wilber- force University, at Xenia, Ohio, was established in 1857 as a college for colored people, and ''continues to be the chief educational center of African Methodism in the United States." He reports, as under various branches of Methodism, 65 insti- tutions of learning for colored people, 388 teachers, 10,100 students, $1,905,150 of property, and $652,500 of endowment. Among these is Meharry Medical College, of high standard and excellent discipline, with dental and pharmaceutical departments as well as medical. Near 200 students have been graduated. The school of mechanic arts in Central Tennessee College, under the management of Professor Sedgwick, has a fine outfit, and has turned out telescopes and other instruments which com- mand a ready and remunerative market in this and other countries. VII. On April 16, 1862, slavery was abolished in the District of Columbia. By November 13,000 refugees had collected at Washington, Alexandria, Hampton, and Norfolk. Under an unparalleled exigency, instant action was necessary. The lack of educational privileges led Christian societies to engage in educational work — at least in the rudiments of learning— for the benefit of these people, who were eager to be instructed. Even where education had not previously been a part of the functions of certain organizations, the imperative need of the liberated left no option as to duty. With the assistance of the Baptist Free Mission Society and of the Baptist Home Mission Society, schools were established in Alexandria as early as January 1, 1862, and were multiplied through succeeding years. After Appo- matox the Baptist Home Mission Society was formally and deliberately committed to the education of the blacks, giviug itself largely to the training of teachers and SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1381 preacliers. In May, 1892, the society liad uuder its management 24 schools -with 216 instructors, 4,861 pupils, of whoii' 1,756 wero preparing to teach, school proi>erty worth $750,000 and endowment funds of $156,000. Probably not less than 50,000 have attended the various schools. Since 1860 $2,451,859.56 have been expended for the benefit of the negroes. The superintendent of education says : "The aggregate amount appropriated for the salaries of teachers from the time the society com- menced its work until January, 1883, was: District of Columbia, $59,243.57; Vir- ginia, $65,254.44; North Carolina, $41,788.90; South Carolina, $2;»,683.71; Florida, $3,164.16; Georgia, $26,963.21; Alabama, $4,960.37; Mississippi, $6,611.05; Louisiana, $39,168.25; Texas, $2,272.18; Arkansas, $150; Tennessee, $57,898.86; Kentucky, $1,092.54; Missouri, $300. The following gives the aggregate amount appropriated for teachers and for all other purjioses, such as land, buildings, etc., from January, 1883, to January, 1893: Districtof Columbia, $103,110.01 ; Virginia, $193,974.08; North Carolina, $142,861.95; South Carolina, $137,157.79; Florida, $55,923.96; Georgia, $314,061.48; Alabama, $35,405.86; Mississippi, $86,019. 0; Louisiana, $33,720.93; Texas, $131,225.27 ; Arkansas, $13,206.20 ; Tennessee, $164,514.05 ; Kentucky, $49,798.56 ; Missouri, $6, .543. 13. Until January, 1883, the appropriations for teachers and for lands, buildings, etc., were kept as separate items. I have already given the appro- priations for the teachers up to that date. For grounds and buildings $421,119. .50 were ap])ropriated." In connection with the Spelman Seminary and the male school in Atlanta, there has been established, under intelligent and discriminating rules, a first-class training department for teachers. A new, commodious structure, well ada|}ted to the purpose, costing $55,000, was opened in December. At Spelman there is an admirable training school for nurses, where the pupils have hos])ital practice. Shaw University, at Raleigh, has the flourishing Leonard Medical School and a well-eortioned between ministerial and teaching purposes. The schools are parochial, " with an element of industrial training," and are located in Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Alabama; but the "reports" do not give the number of teachers and scholars. The Friends have some well-conducted schools, notably the Schofield in Aiken, S. C. They have sustained over 100 schools and have spent $1,004,129. In the mission work of the Roman Catholic Church among the negroes school work and church work are .so blended that it has been very difficult to make a clear separation. Schools exist in Baltimore, Washington, and all the Southern States, but with how many teachers and pupils and at what cost the report of the commission for 1893 does not show. A few extracts are given. " We need," says one, " all the help possible to cope with the i)nblic schools of Washington. In fact, our school facilities are poor, and unless we can do something to invite children to our Catholic schools many of them will lose their faith." Another person writes : " Next year we shall have to exert all the influence in our power to hold our school. Within two doors of our school a large public-school building is being erected; this new public-school building will draw pupils away from the Catholic school unless the latter be made equally efficient in its work." X. On February 6, 1867, George Peabody gave to certain gentlemen $2,000,000 in trust, to be used "for the promotion and encouragement of intellectual, moral, or industrial education among the young of the more destitute portions of the South- western States of our Union." This gift embraced both races, and Dr. Barnas Sears was fortunately selected as the general agent, to whom was committed practically the administration of the trust. In his first report he remarked that in many of the cities aided by the fund provision was made for the children of both races, but said that as the subject of making equal provision for the education of both races was occupy- ing public attention, he thought it the safer and Aviser course not to set up schools on a ])recarious foundation, but to confine help to public schools and make efforts in all suitable ways to improve or have established State systems of education. Still, 1382 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. ■■i-vSjes in some localities aid was judiciously given, and the United States superintendent of education for the negroes in North Carolina gave testimony that hut for the Peahody aid many of the colored schools would be closed. "Our superintendents have aided laro-ely in distributing the Peabody fund in nearly all the States." "Great good has thereby been accomplished at very little added expense." The Peabody fund bent its energies and directed its policy toward securing the establishment of State sys- tems of education which should make adequate and permanent i^rovision for universal education. State authorities Avould have more power and general influence than individuals or denominational or private corporations. They represent the whole people, are held to a strict accountability, protected "from the charge of sectarianism and from the liability of being overreached by interested parties." State systems, besides, have a continuous life and are founded on the just principle that property is taxable for the maintenance of general education. The fund now acta exclusively with State systems, and continues support to the negroes more efficiently through such agencies. XI. Congress, by land grants since 1860, has furnished to the Southern Stales sub- stantial aid in the work of agricultural and mechanical education. On March 2, 1867, the Bureau of Education was established for the collection and diffusion of informa- tion. This limited sphere of work has been so interpreted and cultivated that the Bureau, under its able Commissioners, especially under the leadership of that most accomplished American educator, Dr.W. T. Harris, has become one of the most efficient and intelligent educational agencies on the continent. To the general survey of the educational field and comparative exhibits of the i)ositiou of the United States and other enlightened countries have been added discussions by specialists and papers on the various phases of educational life produced by the incorporation of diverse races into our national life or citizenship. The annual reports and circulars of information contain a vast mass of facts and studies in reference to the colored people, and a digest and collaboration of them wovild give the most complete history that could be prepared. The Bureau and the Peabody education fund have been most helpful allies in mak- ing suggestions in relation to legislation in school matters, and giving, in intelligible, practical form, the experiences of other States, home and foreign, in devising and perfecting educational systems. All the States of the South, as soon as they recov- ered their governments, i)ut in operation systems of public schools which gave equal opportunities and privileges to both races. It would be singularly unjust not to con- sider the difficulties — social, political, and pecuniary— which embarrassed the South in the efforts to inaugurate free education. It required unusual heroism to ada]3t to the new conditions, but she was equal in fidelity and energy to what was demanded for the reconstruction of society and civil institutions. The complete enfranchise- ment of the negroes and their new political relations, as the result of the war and the new amendments to the Constitution, necessitated an entire reorganization of the systems of public education. To realize what has been accomplished is difficult at best — imi)ossible, unless we estimate sufficiently the obstacles and com^iare the facilities of to-day with the ignorance and bondage of a generation ago, when some statutes made it an indictable offense to teach a slave or free person of color. Com- parisons with densely populated sections are misleading, for in the South the sparse- uess and poverty of the population are almost a i)reventive of good schools. Still the results have been marvelous. Out of 448 cities in the United States with a population each of 8,000 and over, only 73 are in the South. Of 28 with a popula- tion from 100,000 to 1,500,000, only 2 (St. Louis being excluded) are in the South. Of 96, with a population between 25,000 and 100,000, 17 are in the South. The urban population is comparatively small, and agriculture is the chief occupation. Of 858,000 negroes in Georgia, 130,000 are in cities and towns and 728,000 in the country; in Mississippi, urban colored population 42,000, rural 700,000; in South Carolina, urban 74,000, rural 615,000 ; in North Carolina, urban 66,000 against 498,000 Tur.al ; in Alabama, 65,000 against 613,000 ; in Louisiana, 93,000 against 466,000. The schools for colored children are maintained on an average 89.2 days in a year, and for white children 98.6, but the preponderance of the white over the black race in towns and cities helps in part to explain the difference. While the colored popula- tion supplies less than its due proportion of pupils to the public schools, and the regularity of attendance is less than with the white, yet the difference in length of school term in schools for white and schools for black children is trifling. In the same grades the wages of teachers are about the same. The annual State school revenue is apportioned impartially among white and black children, so much per capita to each child. In the rural "districts the colored people are dependent chiefly upon the State apportionment, which is by law devoted mainly to the payment of teachers' salaries. Hence, the schoolhouses and other conveniences in the country for the negroes are inferior, but in the cities the appropriation for schools is gen- eral and is allotted to white and colored, according to the needs of each. A small proiaortion of the school fund comes from colored sources. All the States do not SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1383 discriminate iu assessments of taxable property, but in Georgia, where the owner- ship is ascertained, the negroes returned in 1892 $14,809,575 of taxable property against $448,884,959 returned by white owners. The amount of property listed for taxation in North Carolina in 1891 was, by white citizens, $234,109,568; by colored citizens, $8,018,446. To an inquiry for official data, the auditor of the State of Virginia says : "The taxes collected in 1891 from white citizens were $2,991,646.24 and from the colored $163,175.67. The amount paid for public schools for whites, $588,564.87; for negroes, $309,364.15. Add $15,000 for colored normal and $80,000 for colored lunatic asylum. Apportioning the criminal expenses between the Avhite and the colored peo- jilo in the ratio of convicts of each race received into the penitentiary in 1891, and it shows hat the criminal expenses put upon the State annually by the whites are $55,749.57 and by the negroes $204,018.99." Of the desire of the colored people for education the proof is conclusive, and of their capacity to receive mental culture there is not the shade of a reason to support an adverse hypothesis. The Bureau of Education furnishes the following suggestive table : Sixteen former slave States and the District of Columhia. Tear. ComTOon-scliool en- rollment. Expendi- tures (both races) . Tear. Common-scliool en- rollment. Expendi- tures (both White. Colored. White. Colored. 1870-77 1, 827, 139 2, 034, 946 2, 013, 084 2 215,074 2, 234, 877 2, 249, 203 2,370,110 2, 540, 448 2, 676, 911 571,500 675, 150 085, 942 784, 709 802, 374 802, 982 817, 240 1, 002, 313 1, 030, 463 .$11,231,073 12, 093, 091 12, 174, 141 12,678,085 13,656,814 i 15,241,740 1 16,363,471 ! 17, 884, 558 19, 253, 874 1885-86 1886 87 2, 773, 145 9. 97.'; 77.-! 1,048,659 1, 118, 550 1, 140, 405 1, 213, 092 1,296,959 1, 329, 549 1,354,316 1,367,515 1, 424, 995 $20, 208, 113 20 8'1 969 1877 78 1878 79 1887-88 3,110,606 18S8 89 3 107. R.RO 21 810 158 1879 80 23 171 878 1880-81 1881-82 1889-90 1890-91 1891-92 1892-93 1893-94* 3, 402, 420 3, 570, 624 3, 007, 549 3, 097, 899 3, 835, 593 24, 880, 107 26 69U 310 1882 83 27 691 488 1883-84 28 535 738 1884-85 29, 170, 351 * Approximately. Total amount expended in 18 years, $353,557,559. In 1890-91 there were 79,962 white teachers and 24,150 colored. To the enrollment in common schools should be added 30,000 colored children who are in normal or sec- ondary schools. The amount expended for education of negroes is not stated sep- arately, but Dr. W. T. Harris estimates that there must have been nearly $75,000,000 expended by the Southern States iu addition to what has been contributed by mis- sionary and philanthropic sotirces. In Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, llississipi^i, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas annual grants are made for the support of colored normal and industrial schools. The negroes must rely very largely upon the public schools for their education, and so they should. They are and will continue to be the most efficient factors for uplifting the race. The States, at immense sacrifice, with impartial liberality, have taxed themselves for a population which contributes very little to the State reve- nues, and nothing could bo done more prejudicial to the educational interests of the colored peoijle than to indulge in any hostility or indifference to or neglect of these free schools. Denominations and individuals can do nothing more harmful to the race than to foster opposition to the public .schools. XII. A potential agency in enlightening public opinion and in working out the problem of the education of the negro has been the John F. Slater fund. "In view of the apprehensions felt by all thoughtful persons," when the duties and iDrivileges of citizenship were suddenly thrust upon millions of lately emancipated slaves, Mr. Slater conceived the purijose of giving a large sum of money to their proper educa- tion. After deliberate reflection and much conference, he selected a board of trust and placed in their hands $1,000,000. This unique gift, originating wholly with him- self, and elaborated iu his own mind in mo.st of its details, was for "the ujjliftingof the lately emancipated population of the Southern States and their posterity, by conferring on them the blessings of Christian education." "Not only for their own sake, but also for the sake of our common country," he sought to provide "the means of such education as shall tend to make them good men and good citizens," associating the instruction of the mind "with training in just notions of duty toward God and man, in the light of the Holy Scriptures." Leaving to the corporation the largest discretion and liberty in the prosecution of the general object, as described in his letter of trust, he yet indicated as "lines of operation adapted to the condi- tion of things" the encouragement of "institutions as are most effectually useful in promoting the training of teachers." The trust was to be administered "in no par- tisan, sectional, or sectarian apirit, but iu the iuterest of a generous patriotism and 1384 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. an enlightened Christian spirit." Soon after organization tlie trustees expressed pations," that the pupils might obtain an intelligent mastery of the indispensable elemeuts of industrial success. So repeated have been similar declarations on the part of the trustees and the general agents that manual training, or education in industries, may be regarded as an unalterable policy; but only such institutions were to be aided as were, "with good reason, believed to be on a permanent basis." Mr, Slater explained " Christian education," as used in his letter of gift, to' be teach- ing, "leavened with a predominant and salutary Christian influence," such as was found in "the common school teaching of Massachusetts and Connecticut," and that there was "no need of limiting the gifts of the fund to denominational institutions." Since the first appropriation near fifty different institutions have been aided, in sums ranging from $500 to $5,000. As required by the founder, neither principal nor income is expended for land or buildings. For a few years aid was given in buying machinery or apparatus, but now the income is applied almost exclusively to paying the salaries of teachers engaged in the normal or industrial work. The number of aided institutions has been lessened, with the Aaew of concentrating and making more effective the aid and of improving the instruction in normal and industrial work. The table appended presents a summary of the appropriations which have been made from year to year. Cash disbursed hy John F. Slater fund as appropriations for educational institutions. To— Amount. To— Amount. $24, 881. 66 30,414.19 38,724.98 39, 816. 28 46, 183. 34 43, 709. 98 41, 560. 02 April 30, 1891 $50, 650. 00 April 30 1885 April 30, 1892 45,816.33 April30 1886 April 30, 1893 37, 475. 00 April 30 1887 April 30, 1894 40, 750. 00 April 30 1888 Total April 30 1889 439, 981. 78 April 30, 1890 III. OCCUPATIONS OF THE NEGROES. [By Henry Gannett, of the United States Geological Survey.] The statistics of occupations used in this paper are from the census of 1890, and represent the status of the race on June 1 of that year. The census takes cognizance only of "gainful" occupations, excluding from its lists housewives, school children, men of leisure, etc. Its schedules deal only with wage earners, those directly engaged in earning their living. GENERAL STATISTICS. In 1890, out of a total population of 62,622,250, 22,753,884 persons, or 34.6 per cent, were engaged in gainiui occupations. Of the negroes, including all of mixed negro blood, numbering 7,470,040, 3,073,123, or 41.1 per cent were engaged in gainful occu- pations. The proportion was much greater than with the total population, This total population, however, was composed of several diverse elemeuts, including, besides the negroes themselves, the foreign born (of which a large proportion were adult males), and the native whites. The following table presents the proportions of each of these elements which were engaged in gainful occupations: Per cent. Total population 34. 6 Whites 35. 5 Native whites 31.6 Foreign born 55. 2 Negroes 41.1 The diagram No. I sets forth these figures in graphic form. The total area of the square represents the population. This is subdivided by horizontal lines into rec- tangles representing the various elements of the population, and the shaded part of each rectangle represents the proportions engaged in gainful occupations. The proportion was greatest among the foreign born because of the large propor- tion of adults, and particularly of males, among this element. Next to that, the proportion was greatest among the negroes, being much greater than among the whites collectively, and still greater than among the native whites. SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1385 Classifying the wage earners of the country in respect to race and nativity, it appears that 64.5 per cent were native whites, 22 p^r cent were of foreign birth, and 13.5 per cent were negroes. Analyzing the statistics of occupation by sex, it is discovered that the proportion of native white males who had occupations was 53.4 and of females 9.4 per cent. The corresponding proportion of male negroes was 56.3 per cent and of female negroes 26 per cent. The male negroes were slightly more fully occupied than were the native whites, while among females the proportion of wage earners was much greater. The diftereuce between native whites and negroes in the proportion of wage earners was, therefore, due mainly to the fuller occupation of women. To put it in another form: Out of every 100 native whites Avho pursued gainful occupations, 85 were males and 15 were females; of every 100 negroes, 69 were males and 31 were females. Indeed, a larger proportion of women pursued gainful occupations among negroes than in any other class of the population. CLASSIFICATION OF OCCUPATIONS. The primary cl&,8sification of occupations made by the census recognized five great groups, as follows: (1) Professions, (2) agriculture, (3) trade and transportation, (4) manufactures, (5) personal service. These titles are self explanatory, with the possible exception of the last class, which is mainly composed of domestic servants. The following table shows the proportion of the negro wage earners engaged in each of these groups of occupations. In juxtaposition, for comparison, are placed similar figures for the native white and the foreign born : Native white. Poreign born. Negro. Professions Per cent. 5.5 41.0 17.0 22.9 13.6 Per cent. 2.2 25.5 14.0 31.3 27.0 Per cent. 1 X 57 2 4 7 5 6 31 4 Total 100.0 100 ! inn n Similar facts are shown by diagram No. 2. In this the total area of the square represents the number of persons in the country pursuing gainful occupations. This is divided into rectangles by horizontal lines, the rectangles being j)roportioned respectively to the numbers of the native whites, the foreign born, and the negroes. The subdivision of these rectangles by vertical lines indicates the proportion in each group of wage earners. The most striking facts brought out by this table and diagram are that only a trifling proportion of the negroes were in the professions, that much more than one- half were farmers, and nearly one-third were engaged in personal (mainly domestic) service. Indeed, over seven-eighths of them were either farmers or servants. The proportions engaged in trade and transportation and in manufactures were very small. In respect to the farming class, thej'^ contrasted sharply with the foreign born. In trade and transportation and in manufactures the contrast was even greater, in the contrary direction. The foreign born contained a much larger pro- portion of professional men. Comparing the negroes with the native whites, equally interesting contrasts appear. Professional men were much more numerous among whites than among negroes. The proportion of the farming class, although much smaller, Avas nearer that of the negroes than was the same class among the foreign born. In trade and transportation and in manufactures the native whites had much greater proportions, while in personal service the proportion was much less than that of the negroes. MALE AND FEMALE WAGE EARNERS. It will be interesting to analyze these figures further. The following tably clas- sifies negro wage earners by occupation and by sex, giving for each sex the percent- age engaged in each group of occupations : Profe.ssions Agriculture Trade and transportation . Manufactures Personal service ED 95 44 Female. 0.9 44.0 2.8 52.1 1386 EDUCATION KEPOET, 1894-95. DiAGKAM No. 1. — Proj^ortion of tlie j^ojmlation and its elements^ which were engaged in gainful occihi^ations in 1890. WAGE-LARNERS.. Diagram No. 2. — Classification of the wage-earners hg race and nativity and iy occu- jyations. jlllJI AGRICULTURE Rrm TRADE AND TfiANSPOK- &■ ~ jation'. MANUFACTURES PERSONAL 2ERYICL SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1387 These figures are also illustratecT by diagram No. 3, tlio area of which represents all negro wage earners. The two rectangles into which it is diA'icled represent the males and females; each of these is subdivided intorectangles representing tlie num- ber in each group of occupations. Of the male negro wage earners, more than three-fifths were farmers and a little less tlian one-fourth were servants. The two classes jointly accounted for nearly 85 per cent of all. Diagram No. 3. — Classification of nccjro wage-earners li/ sex and occiqKiiion. PCRSONAL Sew/CE. TPADE ANO TRANSPORTATION. Of the females, considerably less than one-half were farmers and more than one- half were servants — tlie two classes together accounting for 95 per cent of all. This large proportion of female negro farmers was doubtless made up in the main of women and female children emi^loyed in the cotton fields. 1388 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. NUMBER OF WAGE EARNERS. The followiDg table, abstracted from the census publications, shows the number of negroes in all occupations and in each of the hve great groups of occupations by sex and by States and Territories : State or Territory. The United States. Alabama Alaska Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware District of Columbia Iflorida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada Now Hampshire New Jersey New Mexico New York North Carolina North Dakota Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Khode Island South Carolina South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington "West Virginia Wisconsin , Wyoming , All occupations. Males. Females 2, 101, 233 192, i, 86, 4, 2, 4, 9, 21, 46, 246, 19, U, 3, 13, 76, 159, 63, 7, 5, 1, 198. 43, 16, 23, 148, 37. 2 ise! 121. 123. 169, 11, 322 091 8(il 301 765 064 334 238 302 913 83 270 648 615 889 411 180 409 166 593 065 719 531 940 971 741 130 242 143 888 272 370 146 085 958 536 534 337 714 284 016 395 298 322 343 902 ,478 855 563 971, 890 101, 085 71 30, 115 1,041 792 1,964 3,016 18, 770 19, 071 122, 352 23 4,713 4,210 730 3,400 31, 255 83, 978 145 32, 642 3,435 1,329 383 105, 306 16, 715 140 959 22 107 7,738 156 13, 664 68, 220 23 7,791 125 99 15, 704 1,362 102, 836 43 44, 701 46, 691 51 109 71,752 153 2,623 205 75 Agriculture, fisher- ies, and mining. Males. Females. 1, 329, 584 427, 835 146,361 66,123 29 68, 219 1,084 180 879 4,157 553 23, 690 172, 496 16 4,323 3,273 973 4,171 38, 456 111, 820 104 29, 510 601 1,458 72 167, 995 15, 757 41 242 "41 60 4,106 163 3, 031 106, 493 35 6,201 635 106 4,602 270 149,915 33 72,316 85, 824 21 112 93, 745 250 4,790 168 141 19, 069 14 4 1 34 16 7,629 54, 073 1 134 37 11 110 1,013 49, 428 2 743 4 45 2 77, 925 324 29 3 25 33, 790 108 17 2 29 2 73, 588 1 12, 510 20,758 1 10, 164 2 50 4 Professional service. Males. Females. 25, 171 1,471 3 1,226 86 75 61 97 390 776 2,122 330 78 357 1,406 1,251 8 640 162 115 57 1,970 897 25 63 5 287 10 571 1,619 7 617 22 23 584 38 1,513 1 1,736 2, 031 1 3 1, 6.54 16 106 27 58 ,829 491 238 21 13 10 32 335 223 958 116 126 11 69 420 355 2 275 57 39 13 775 337 4 7 135 565 246 3 5 197 18 506 2 592 583 911 2 03 11 1 SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1389 Table showing the number of negroes in all occupations, etc. — Coutiuued. State or Territory. The United States. Alabama Alaska Arizoua Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware District of Columbia . Florida Georgia Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebrp.ska Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey Nev/ Mexico New York North Carolina North Dakota Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina South Dakota Tennessee Texa.s Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Vh-ginia Wisconsin : . . Wyoming Domestic and per- sonal service. Males. Females, 457, 002 25, 426 505, 898 33, 380 Trade and transpor- tation. Males. 143, 350 9,147 Females. 2,399 140 Manufacturing and mechanical indus- tries. Males. 146, 126 9,917 Females. 26, 929 951 034 22G 316 702 925 631 680 229 294 57 865 950 966 898 649 609 174 014 296 495 286 209 899 815 743 67 81 715 651 151 580 90 814 231 328 505 161 554 115 606 360 248 143 425 480 515 481 313 67 10, 506 897 715 1,781 2,878 16, 734 10,421 65, 025 21 4,061 3,849 672 3,077 28, 916 31, 292 128 30, 406 2,914 1,102 315 25, 729 15, 614 122 881 18 84 7,339 150 12, 445 31, 393 22 6,955 102 81 14, 297 1,169 26, 213 35 30, 333 24, 840 48 102 55, 941 134 2,462 161 71 13 2,787 457 406 634 633 4,776 4,106 16, 397 8 1,994 1, 426 289 1,148 7,381 6,045 68 7,538 1,402 448 216 5,671 4,862 45 323 17 24 2,111 40 4,231 7,564 10 3,027 28 42 5,213 546 6,860 121 10, 954 6,386 14 33 15, 655 69 2,080 74 31 27 3 5 7 21 195 52 372 41 23 1 20 66 129 2 144 34 6 5 74 44 1 4 1 54 106 40 1 1 104 3 188 1 125 69 1 12 3,403 358 402 565 816 2,839 4,501 16, 604 2 1,602 1,669 309 1,315 6,519 8,455 55 4,458 1,132 549 88 5,686 3,525 45 370 5 72 1,864 24 2,288 12, 114 4 3,426 42 37 4,630 322 9,842 14 10, 404 5,794 14 31 18, 864 87 927 105 20 4 275 106 55 165 51 1,490 746 1,924 1 361 175 35 124 840 2,774 11 1,074 426 137 48 303 393 13 64 2 23 263 3 1,006 2,360 1 442 2 10 1,077 170 2,341 4 1,141 461 2 6 4, 483 15 41 28 1390 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1894-95._ DiAGRAiM No. 4. — Proj}ortion of negro wage-earners to negro ]}o;pulaUon. Per cent ARizora. Montana VVyowins Washimgtcn Nevada South Dakota Utah.-.-- Colorado. MiNfiiESOTA New Hamf New York Oregon Idaho Nebraska District OF Columbia. _ Mew Jersey Mev^ Mexjco.— Massachusetts Pennsylvania.-, Rhode Island Connecticut. Califorhia Maine North Dakota Maryland. Delaware Louisiana. Vermont., AlABAMaV Georsia. West Virginia Wisconsin Indiana. Michigan Ohio, South Carolina. Mississippi Missouri. Florida. Illinois. Iowa Kentucky. North Carolina Tenmessee. Virginia. Arkansas Oklahoma... Kamsas Texas SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1391 DiAGR.\.:\r No. 5. — frronplnj of the States and Territories. Diagram No. G.— Proportions of male and female wage-earners. PeTcenl 10 20 30 40 "SO 60 70 80 SO lOd Northeastern. Southeastern. North Central South Central... I Western. \Mal£S. 1392 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. - PROPORTION OF WAGE BARKERS TO POPULATION. The foregoing diagram No. 4 sliows by the length of the bars the proportion which the negro wage earners bore in 1890 to the negro population of each State. Thia proportion was greatest in the States and the Territories of the West. Following these are the Northeastern States, while the lower part of the column is made up of the States in the Upper Mississippi Valley and those of the South. OCCUPATIONS BY GROUPS OF STATES. The distribution of wage earners among the five occupation groups differed widely in different parts of the country. To study it, it will be sufficient to group the States and analyze the statistics of each group. The groups which will be used here are those which have been in use in the last two censuses, namely, the Northeastern and Southeastern, North Central and South Central, and Western groups. The States and Territories of which each group is composed are shown in map No. 5. Examination of the States forming the above groups will show that the groups are in many respects very characteristic. The Southeastern and South Central groups contain nine-tenths of the negroes of the country. These States may be said to constitute the home of the negro, while in the Northern and Western States he is an immigrant. OCCUPATIONS BY SEX AND STATE GROUPS. Diagram No. 6 shows the distribution by sex and by groups of States of the negro wage earners. It appears that in the Northeastern, Southeastern, and South Central groups two-thirds of the wage earners were males and one-third were females, while in the North Central and Western groups about live-sixths were males and one-sixth only were females. This is in part due to the disproportionate number of males in these parts of the country. Diagram No. 7 shows the distribution of the negro wage earners, classified by sex, among the five occupation groups and by groups of States. The length of each bar represents 100 per cent, and each bar is divided proportionately among the different occupation groups. Thus from it we read that in the Northeastern States 15 per cent of the male wage earners were engaged in agriculture, 56 per cent in personal service, 16 per cent in trade and transportation, 12 per cent in manufactures, and 2 per cent in the professions. It is seen that a far larger proportion of male wage earners were engaged in agri- culture in the Southern States than in the Northern and Western States, the propor- tion in the two groups of the former States being 64 and 71 per cent, while in the Northeastern States only 15 per cent were engaged in agriculture, in the North Cen- tral States 26 per cent, and in the Western States 17 per cent. In trade and transportation the highest proportion was found in the Northeastern States, where it was 16 per cent; in the North Central States it was 14, and in the Western States 10 per cent, while in the Southeastern States it was 7 per cent and in the South Central States 7 per cent. Of course, the magnitude of the proportion in the Northeastern States is due to the fact that this is the commercial and manufacturing section of the country, where a large proportion of all the population is engaged in these avocations. The same is the case, though in less degree, in the North Central States, while the Southern States are almost purely agricultural. The figures relating to manufacturing occu- pations show similar characteristics. It will be noted that in the Northern and Western States the occupations of the negroes were more diversified than in the Southern States. Agriculture and personal service in the Northeastern States occu- pied but 71 per cent of all wage earners, in the North Central States they occupied 75 per cent, and in the Western States 81 per cent, while in the Southeastern States these two occupation groups comprised 84 per cent and in the South Central 88 per cent of all. The diagram shows in a similar manner the distribution of the female negro wage earners. There were engaged in agriculture in the Northern and Western States but a trifling proportion of negro women, while in the Southern States as a whole nearly one-half of the female negro wage earners were engaged in that avocation. On the other hand, personal service occupied fully nine-tenths of the female wage earners in the Northern and Western States, while in the Southern States less than one-half were engaged in it. Indeed, 94 per cent of the female wage earners of the West were engaged in personal service, 91 per cent in the Northeastern States, and 87 per cent in the North Central States. In trade and transportation the proportion was trifling and in manufactures it was small, although much larger in the North and West than in the South. SLATER FUND AND. EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1393 Diagram No. 7. — Pistribution of occupations by sex and sections of the country. Percent. 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 \ Professions. \Agriculture. WANurAcw/fes. Diagram No. 8. — Proportions of males and females among the negro wage-earner. Per cent. West Virginia. Delaware Arkansas Missouri Tennessee Texas Kentucky. Florida North Carolina Georgia Maryland Louisiana South Carolina Mississippi Alabama District of Columbia 20 30 40 50 60 . 70, 80 90 100 Femaus. 1394 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1894-95. Here also we see that agriculture and personal service occupied nearly all wage earners — 91 per cent in the Northeastern States, 86 per cent in the Southeastern States, 89 per cent in the North Central States, 97per cent in the South Central States, and 95 per cent in the Western States. Occupations Avere slightly more diversified in the North and West than in the Southern States, as was the case with the males. OCCUPATIONS KT STATES. It will now bo of interest to extend this study in detail by States, but in doing so the study will be confined to the Southern, the former slave States, which are in a sense the home of the negro and in which more than nine-tenths of them live. In most of the Northern States the number of negroes is so small that any conclusions draAA'n from statistics regarding them are worthless and are likely to be misleading. Diagram No. 8 shows the distribution by sex of the negro wage earners of those Southern States. The total length of the bar represents in each case all the wage earners, the white portion representing the males and the shaded portion the females. This diagram shows that the greatest proportion of female wage earners is in the District of Columbia, where it is nearly one-half of all negro wage earners, and the least in West Virginia, where it is less than one-fifth of all. In most of the cotton States it ranges from one-fourth to one-third of all negro wage earners. Diagrams Nos. 9 and 10 present the proportion of male and of female negro wage earners who are engaged in agriculture, personal service, and other occupations in the Southern States. The first of these diagrams, representing male wage earners, shows that agriculture and personal service accounted for from 63 to 94 per cent of all male wage earners. Indeed, excluding the District of Columbia from consideration^ from 73 to 93 per cent were accoun'ted for by these two occupations. Again, excluding the District of Columbia, which is not a farming community, the male wage earners who were farmers constituted in the difierent States proportions varying from 36 per cent in Missouri to 85 per cent in Mississippi. The proportion of farmers was highest in the cotton States and decidedly less in the border States. On the other hand, the proportion of males engaged in personal service was least in the cotton States and increased decidedly in those farther north. The second diagram, illustrating the occupations of female wage earners, has cer- tain features in common with that relating to males, but these features are more accented. In the cotton States a large proportion of the female wage earners worked in the fields and Avas therefore reported as engaged in agriculture, while in the bor- der States but a small proportion was found there. On the other hand, domestic .service claimed nearly all female wage earners in the border States, but in the cotton States a relatively small proportion. Both the diagrams, and especially the first, show an important feature. In the cotton States wage earners Avere almost entirely either farmers or those engaged in personal service, but in the States farther north these classes were relatively smaller and occupations were somewhat more A^aried. OAVNERSniP 01? FARMS AND HOMES. The statistics of farm and home ownership and of mortgage indebtedness of the Eleventh Census throw some light upon the pecuniary condition of the negro race. The total number of farms and homes in the country in 1890 Avas 12,690,152, of which the negroes occupied 1,410,769, or 11.1 per cent. The proportion of negroes to the total population was at that time 12.20 per cent, showing a deficiency in the pro- Ijortion occuxiying homes and farms when compared with the population. The number of' farms in the country was 4,767,179. Of these 549,642, or 11.5 per cent, were occupied by negroes, being a proportion greater than that of farms and homes combined. The number of homes, as distinguished from farms, in the country was 7,922,973, of Avhich 861,137, or 10.9 per cent, were occupied by negroes, being a proportion less than that of farms and homes combined. Of the 549,632 farms in the country occupied by negroes 120,738, or 22 per cent, were owned by their occupants. The corresponding proportion for whites was 71.7 per cent. Of course, as regards tenants, the reverse Avas the case, the proportions being for whites 28.3 per cent and for negroes 78 per cent. More than three-fourths of the farms occupied by negroes were rented ; in other words, more than three- fourths of the negro farmers were tenants, while less than one-fourth of the white farmers were tenants. Of the farms owned by negroes 90.4 per cent were without incumbrance. Of those owned by Avhites 71.3 were Avithout incumbrance, showing a much larger proportion incumbered than among those owned by negroes. Of 861,137 homes occupied by negroes in 1890, 143,550 were owned by their occu- pants and 717,587 were rented, the proportions being 19 per cent and 81 per cent. SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1395 DiACUiAM No. 9. — ProporUons of male negro iragc-earners engaged in agi-lcultuj-e, personal service, and other occupations. Per cent. Mississippi South. Carolina Arkansas Alabama" North Carolina Georgia Louisiana Texa ' Tennessee Virginia.- - Florida Kentucky. Maryland.- Delaware ,--_:_,._ West Virginia. ____ Missouri District ofColumbia., \AGRicuLTuae' DiAGKAM No. 10. — Tropori'xons of female negro toage-earners engaged in personal service, agriculture, and other occupations. Per cenf. 40 SO 60 70 wmm^m^mmmm^mm Delaware. Missouri West Virginia... Maryland. Kentucky. District oflCplumbia. Virginia. ,.. Tennessee _ Florida .... Georgia Texas., North Carolina Louisiana^ Arkansas!-- - Alabama: South Carolina Mississippi \PeRSONAL SmY'OE. Other Occupations. 1396 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1894-95. Corresponding proportions for whites were 39.4 per cent and 60.6 per cent. Of the houses owned by negro occupants 126,264, or 87.7 per cent, were free, and 12.3 incumbered. Corresponding figures for whites were 71.3 and 28.7 per cent, showing, as before, a much greater proportion of free holdings among negroes than among whites. Diagrams Nos. 11 and 12 summarize the above facts in graphic form. The total areas of the squares represent the number of farms and homes, respectively, those occupied by whites and negroes, respectively, being represented by the rectangles into which the squares are divided by horizontal lines. The vertical lines subdivide these rectangles into others proportional to the numbers occupied by owners without and with incumbrance, and by renters. The male negroes occupied in agriculture numbered, in 1890, 1,329,584. Of these 510,619 occupied farms, the remainder, 818,965, being presumably farm laborers. The negro farmers — i. e., occupants of farms — constituted 38.3 per cent of the male negroes engaged in agriculture, leaving 61.7 per cent of the number as laborers. The corresponding figures for whites were 60.4 per cent and 39.6 per cent. The propor- tion of negroes engaged m agriculture who were farmers — i. e., occupied farms — was, therefore, much smaller than that of the whites. In spite of this low comparative showing, however, it must be agreed that, considering all the attendant circum- stances, the proportion of negro farm occupants — more than one-third of all negroes engaged in agriculture — is unexpectedly large. Summing up the salient points in this paper, it is seen that in the matter of occu- pations the negro is mainly engaged either in agriculture or personal service. He has, in a generation, made little progress in manufactures, transportation, or trade. In these two groups of occupations males are in greater proportion engaged in agri- culture and females in domestic service. They have, however, during this genera- tion, made good progress toward acquiring projDcrty, especially in the form of homes and farms, and, in just so far as they have acquired possession of real estate, it is safe to say that they have become more valuable as citizens. The outlook for them is very favorable as agriculturists, but there is little prospect that the race will become an imi^ortaut factor in manufactures, transijortation, or commerce. IV. A STATISTICAL SKETCH OF THE NEGEOES IN THE UNITED STATES. [By Henry Gannott, of the United States Geological Survey.] From the time of the earliest settlement upon these shores the United States has contained two elements of population, the white race and the negro race. These two races have together jieopled this country, increasing partly by accessions to their numbers from abroad and partly by natural increase, until to-day (1894) the white race numbers probably 61,000,000 and the negroes 8,000,000. _ The history of the lat- ter race, thus brought into close association with a more civilized and stronger people for two and three-fourths centuries, is one of surpassing interest. Unfortunately, however, this history, for tho earlier part of the period, is, Avith the exceptioiv of a few fragments, utterly lost. For the last century, however, since tho year 1790, the date of'the first United States census, we have, at ten-year intervals, pictures of the distribution of the race and considerable information regarding its social condition. SLAVE TRADE. Tho slave trade flourished actively up to the close of the last century, and indeed it did not entirely ceaso until the year 1808. It was mainly in the hands of tho English, including their North American colonies. It Avas a large and flourishing business for the shipoAvners of New England. Of the number of slaves brought from Africa to this country, either directly or by way of the West India Islands, we have very little information. Prior to 1788 there are no records, and since that time the records of the slave trade do not distinguish between the slaves brought to the United States and those to other parts of America. Of tho number of slaves in this country in colonial times the information is almost equally scanty, consisting of little more than estimates by different historical writers. Of these, Bancroft's are x^erhaps as reliable as any. His estimates of the number of negroes at different times are as follows : 1750 220, 000 1754 260,000 1760 310,000 1770 462, 000 1780 562,000 SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1397 DiAGKAM No. 11. — Farms. Diagram No. 12. — Homes. 1398 EDUCATIOiS[ EEPORT, 1894-95.^ NUMBERS OF EACH RACE. lu 1790 we have the first reliable data regarding the number and distribution of the negroes. The total number of each race at this and each succeeding decennial enumeration is shown in the following table : Census year. Wliite. ISTogro. Census year. WMte. Negro. 1790 3, 172, OOG 4, 306, 446 5, 862, 073 7, 862, 166 10, 537, 378 14, 195, 805 757, 208 1, 002, 037 1, 377, 808 1, 771, 656 2, 328, 642 2, 873, 648 1850 19, 553, 068 26, 922, 537 33, 589, 377 43, 402, 970 54,983,890 3, 638, 808 3800 1860 4, 441, 830 1810 1870 4, 8S0, 009 1820 1880 G, 580, 793 1830 1890 7, 470, 040 18i0 From this it appears that the whites have increased in a century from a little over 3,000,000 to nearly 55,000,000, and the negroes from three-fourths of a million to about 7,500,000. The whites Avere in 1890 nearly eighteen times as numerous as in 1790, the negroes nearly ten times as numerous. The diagram constituting Plate I presents the same facts in graphic form. In each case the total length of the bar is proportional to the total j)opulation in the year indicated. The white portiou of each bar represents the white population of the country, while the shaded portion represents the negro pox:)ulation. The tables and diagram illustrate the raj)id growth of the country in population, both of its white and its negro element. PEOrORTIONS OE EACH RACE. The followiug table shows the proi^ortions in which the total population was made up of these two elements at each census, expressed in percentages of the total population : Census year. WMte. Negro. Census year. White. Negro. 1790 ... . ... 80.73 81.12 80.97 81.61 81.90 83.16 19.27 18.88 19.03 18.39 18.10 16.84 1850 84.31 85.62 87.11 86.54 87.80 15.69 1800 1860 14.13 1810 1870 12.66 1820 1880 13.12 1830 1890 11.93 1840 This table and Plate II show that on the whole the negroes have diminished decidedly in projiortion to the whites. In 1790 they formed 19.27 per cent, or very nearly one-fifth of the whole population. At the end of this century they consti- tuted only 11.93 per cent, or less than one-eighth of the jiopiilation. At the end of the century their proportion was less than two-thirds as large as at the beginning. Moreover, this diminution in the proportion has been almost unbroken from the beginning to the end of the century. The proportion of the negroes has apparently increased in only two out of eleven censuses, namely, in 1810, immediately after the cessation of the slave trade, and in 1880. I say apparently, because in the latter case the increase is only apparent, due to a deficient enumeration of this race in the census preceding, namely, that of 1870. RATES OF INCREASE, The following table and the diagram accompanying it show the rates of increase of the negroes during each of the ten-year periods for the last century, and placed in juxtaposition therewith for comparison are the rates of increase of the whites of the entire country : Decade. Percentage of in- crease. Decade. Percentage of in- crease. White. Negro. White. Negro. 1790 to 1800 35.76 36.12 34.12 34.03 34.72 32.33 37.50 28.59 31.44 23.40 1840 to 1850 1850 to 1860 37.74 37.69 24.76 29.22 26.68 26.63 1800 to 1810 22.07 1810 to 1820 1860 to 1870 9.86 1820 to 1830 1870 to 1880 34.85 1830 to 1840 1880 to 1890 13.51 SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGKO. 1399 This table and diagram sliow that, witli tlio exceptiou of two teu-year periods, namely, those from 1800 to 1810 and 1870 to 1880, the negro element lias in every case increased at a less rajjid rate than the "white element, and iu many cases its rate of increase has been very much smaller. Thns a comparison of the numerical progress of the negroes with that of the wliites iu the country, as a whole, shows that the former have not held their own, hut have constantly fallen behind. They have not increased as rapidly as the whites. It may be said that this is due to the enormous immigration which certain parts of the country have received, an immigration composed entirely of whiles. This sug- gestion can easily bo tested. White immigration on a considerable scale began about 1817. Prior to that time it was not of importance. Wo may then divide the century into two equal parts and contrast the relative rates of increase of the races during those half centuries. Between 1790 and 1840 the whites increased 4.5 times, the negroes 3.8 times. The latter element had diminished in relative importance in this half century from about one-fifth of the population to one-sixth. In the succeeding lifty years the whites had increased 3.9 times, and the colored 2.6 times only. In other words, the greater increase of the whites has not been dependent upon immigration, since their rate of increase was greater than that of the negroes before immigration set in. Hates of increase of white and negro population. Pen Cent. '■ 20] O 1 1 1 1 — r*^ - ji .r^ V y- tWf^ >^ l-\ — "A / V^ (\ \ \ /\ 1 \ ^ \ .J 1 •^ \ ' TS. \ V- \ / '-■ --v.^ i ^\'y^ ^^ r ^ — \- Vs". , \ \ 1 \ / I \ 1 t 1 \ f \ / \ / \ / 1 1 5 1 1 1 1840-1850 1650-1860 1 5 1 1 These figures, and the conclusions necessarily derived from them, should set at rest forever all fears regarding any possible coutiict between the two races. We have before us the testimony of a century to show us that the negroes, while in no danger of extinction, while increasing at a rate probably more rapid than in any other part of the earth, are yet increasing less rajjidly than the white people of the country, and to demonstrate that the latter will become more and more numerically the dominant race in America. Whether the negro will, through an improvement in his social condition, become of greater imiiortanoo relatively to his numbers is a matter to be discussed later. CEXTKR OF POPULATION. The center of poiiulatiou, as it is called, may be described as the center of gravity of the inhabitants as they are distributed at the time under consideration, each, inhabitant being supposed to have the same weight and to press downward with a force proiiortional to his distance from this center. The center of j)opulation of all the inhabitants of the United States has been com- puted for each census. At the time of the first census, in 1790, the center of popu- lation was found to be in Maryland, on the eastern shore of Chesapeake Bay, nearly o2iposite Baltimore. The general westward movement of population has caused a corresponding westward movement of this center, such movement following very 1400 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1894-95 1790 ISOO ISIO IS^ 1830 18J,0 1850 1880 1870 1S80 1890 iS mm E^ m^ Pjlate I. — Total population and white and negro elements. Millions. 10 20 SO M 5£. _j;2. cp Plate II. — Proportion of the negro element to the total ])opulation. 10 W Percent. 1790 1800 1810 t 1820 i SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1401 nearly the line of the thirty-ninth parallel of north latitude. lu 1880 the center of the total population was found ou the south bank of the Ohio River, nearly opposite Cincinnati, and in 181)0 it w;i8 found in southern Indiana, 20 miles east of Columbus, in latitude 39^ 12' and in longitude 85° 33'. The center of the negro population lias been computed in 1880 and in 1890. At the first of these dates it was found in latitude 34*^ 42' and in longitude 84° 58'. This position is in the northwestern corner of Georgia, not far from Dalton. In 1890 it was found to have moved southwestward into latitude 34° 26' and longitude 85° 18', biiug not far from the boundary between Alabama and Georgia and a few miles west of Rome, Ga. The longitude of the center of the negro population was very nearly the same as that of the total population, but in latitude it was nearly 5 degrees, or more than 300 miles, south of it. The positions of the center of total population and of the negro population in 1880 and in 1890 are shown upon the map which consti- tutes Plate VI. The movements of the center of i)opulation are the net resultant of all the move- ments of ])()pulation. During the past decade the negroes have moved in all direc- tions, nortli, south, east, and west; but, as indicated by tlie movement of the center, the net resultant of their movements h;is been toward the southwest. As a whole this element moved in a southwesterly direction a distance of about 25 miles. P^KKE NEGROES AND SLAVES. Prior to 1870 the negro element, as returned by the successive censuses, was made up of two parts, free negroes and slaves. The proportions of these elements differed at different times, as is shown by the following table : 1790. 1800. 1810. 1820. 1830. 1840. 1850. 1860. Per cent wTiicli free negroes hore to all negroi s Per cent of all free negroes found in former slave 8 55 45 U 56 44 13.5 5H 42 13 57 43 14 57 43 13 56 44 12 55 45 11 54 Per cent of all free negroes found in free States 46 From this it appears that the free negroes constituted in 1790 only 8 per cent of all negroes, that the proportion increased rapidly to 1830, when they constituted not less than 14 per cent, and from that time the proportion diminished, until in 1860 they constituted 11 per cent of all negroes. Moreover, the proportions of the free negroes found within tlio slave States and the free States differed at different times. More than halt of the free negroes were found within the former slave States and less than one-half within the free States, and the proportion of free negroes found in the former slave States ranged from 54 per cent in 1860 to 58 per cent in 1810. DISTKinUTlON OF THE NEGRO ELEMENT. The negroes are distributed very unequally over the country. While they are found in every State and Territory and in almost every county of the land, the vast body of Ihem are found in the Southern States, in those States lying south of Mason and Dixon's line, the Ohio River, the northern boundary of Missouri, and westward as far as Texas and Arkansas. The two maps on Plate 111 illustrate their distribution, State by State, over the country. One of these maps shows their density — that is, the average number in each square mile. It is an absolute measure of their numbers in different parts of the country. It is seen that they are the most plentiful in Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, and Mississippi, and secondarily in North Caro- lina, Tennessee, Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana. On the other hand, in nearly all the Northern and Western States they are very sparsely distributed, there being in these States, with scarcely an exception, less than four of them to a square mile, while in many of them there is less than one to a square mile. The other map shows the proportion which the negro element bears to the total population. State by State. This is a measure of its importance relative to the whites. From this map it is seen that in three States, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Caro- lina, more than half the people are negroes. Indeed, in South Carolina three out of every five of the inhabitants are of this race. It is seen further that in all the States along the Atlantic and Gulf, from Virginia to Louisiana, together with Arkansas, more than one-fourth of the people are negroes, while, on the other hand, throughout the entire North and West the ])roportiou of negroes is less than 5 per cent, and in many of the States it is less than 1 per cent of the total population. 1402 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1894-95. PKOPORTION OF THE NEGROES IN THE SLAVE STATES. The distribution of the negro race may "be still more closely characterized by tlie statement that in 1890 there were found in the former slave States not less than 92 per cent of all negroes. This proportion has diifered at different times during the last century, as is shown in the following table : Proportion of total negro clement comprised in former slave States. Year. Per cent. year. Per cent. Tear. Per cent. 1790 91 91 92 93 1830 93 94 95 05 1870. 1880 . 1890. 93 1800 1840 9o 1810 1850 IS'^O 1860 From this table it will be seen that at the commencement of this history the former slave States contained 91 per cent of the negroes of the country. As time wore on this proportion increased, until in 1850 and 1860 they comprised 95 per cent, or nine- teeu-twentiethsof all, while since that date, i. e., during the period of freedom of the race, it has shown a slight tendency northward, the i:)ropovtiou in the former slave States having become reduced, as above stated, to 92 per cent. THE NEGROES OF THE SLAVE STATES. In the above pages the history of the negroes has been traced in a broad, general way, and compared with that of the entire population and the white element of the country. The history is more or less complicated with the results of immigration, and with other disturbing factors, which have aifected mainly the North and West. We may now, without serious error, confine our study of the race to the Southern States, the former slaveholding States, in which are found more than nine-tenths of the whole number of the negroes. The movement of these people from the South into the North has been inconsiderable, and there has been but little movement of the whites in either direction across the boundary line between the sections. The South has received little immigration either from the North or from Europe, and the emigration from it has been unimportant. So far as emigration and immigration are concerned, it has been throughout our history almost isolated from the rest of the world. So we may, without serious error, study therelations of the whites and blachs of this region by itself, without reference to other parts of the country. PROPORTIONS OF THE RACES. The following table and accompanying diagram (PI. lY) show the i>roportions in which the population of this part of the United States was composed at each census for the past hundred years. Proportions in which the population of former slave States was made up. Census year. Wliito. Kegro. Census year. "White. Kegro. 1790 65 05 63 63 63 63 35 35 37 37 37 37 1850. 1860. 1870. 1880. 1890. 64 66 68 67 69 3G 1800 34 1810 32 1820 . 33 1830 .. 1840 . . It appears from the above table that a century ago tlie population of the South was made up of whites and negroes in the proportions of 65 and 35 per cent, and that in 1890 the proportions were 69 and 31 per cent. The proportion of negroes increased from 1790 to 1810, when it reached 37 per cent, leaving only 63 per cent as the pro- j)ortion of the whites, and remained practically stationary for three decades. Since 1840 the proportion of negroes has dimiuished. RATES OF INCREASE. The following table, showing the rates of increase of the two races for each ten- year period during the past century, leads to a similar conclusion — that is, that for a half century the negroes increased more rapidly than the whites, while during the last half century they have increased less rapidly. SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1403 Pi.-VTi; III. — Froi>ortion of iie'jrocs io iotal impnlaiion in 1S90. White less than 5%Q 5-25. [^ 25-50 ^ Over 50 TJensitij of negro popttlat'ion in ISOO. Less than I to sq. m. W^ 1-4 |1| 4-a 15-25 1404 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1894-95. Bates of increase of ivhite and negro elements of former slave States. Proni- 1790 to 1800 1800 to 1810 1810 to 1820 1820 to 1830 1830 to 1840 White. Kesrro, Prom — 1840 to 1850 1850 to 18G0 1860 to 1870 1870 to 1880 1880 to 1890 White. Neiiro THK NEGROES IN CITIES. It is well known that as the population of a State or country increases such increase goes in constantly rising proportion into its cities; in other words, that urban population increases at a more rapid rate than the total population, especially after the population has passed a certain average density. This country presents an excellent example of this tendency of population toward the cities. At the time of the first census only S-J- per cent of the total population Avas in cities of 8,000 iuhah- itants or more, while in 1890, a century later, the proportion in cities had increased to over 29 per cent. The total population of the' country had hecome very nearly 16 times as great, while its urban element had become 139 times as great. The latter had increased more than 8 times as rapidly as the former. Having thus illustrated the general tendency of the people toward cities, it will be instructive to see how the negroes have behaved in this regard. In measuring their appetency for urban life I shall consider only the population of the former slave States, and shall contrast the negro with the white element of those States in this regard. I shall follow the practice of the Census Office also in considering as urban the inhabitants of cities of 8,000 or more. In cities of 8,000 inhabitants or more there were found in 1860 only 4.2 per cent of the negroes of these States, while of the Avhites 10.9 per cent Were found at that time in these cities. The violent social changes attendant upon the war produced, among other results, an extensive migration of negroes to the cities, so that in 1870 the i>ro- portion of them found in cities had more than doubled, being no less than 8.5 per cent, while of the whites there were found 13.1 per cent. In 1880 the proportion of negroes in cities had diminished to 8.4 per cent, while that of the whites had also diminished, being 12.4 per cent. The census of 1890 shows a decided increase in the proportion of each race in the cities, that of the negroes being 12 per cent, and. that of the whites being 15.7 per cent. Thus it is seen that the proportion of the negroes in the cities has in every case been less than that of the whites, but that they have gained upon the whites in this regard. This gain is, however, very slight and is probably not significant. While the negro is extremely gregarious and is by that instinct drawn toward the great centers of population, on the other hand, he is not fitted either by nature or educa- tion for those vocations for the pursuit of which men collect in cities — that is, for manufactures and commerce. The inclinations of this race, drawn from its inher- itance, tend to keep it wedded to the soil, and the probabilities are that as cities increase in these States in number and size, and with them manufactures and com- merce develop, the great body of the negroes will continue to remain aloof from them and cultivate the soil as heretofore. GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION. The geographical environment of the negro has been made a subject of careful study by the Census Office, and many interesting facts regarding its distribution with reference to topographv, altitude, rainfall, and temperature have been developed. It is found that more than 17 per cent of them live in the low, swampy regions of the Atlantic Coast and in the alluvial region in the Mississippi Valley. This pro- portion contrasts sharply with that of the total population, of which only 4 per cent are found in these regions. Upon the Atlantic plain the proportion of negroes is also much greater than that of the total population, and, generally speaking, it may be said that they seek low, moist regions and avoid mountainous country. This peculiarity of their distribution is brought out more forcibly in their distribution with reference to elevation above sea level. At an altitude less than 100 feet above the sea there are found nearly one-fourth of the negroes, while only about one-sixth of the total population is in these regions. Below 500 hundred feet are found seven- tenths, while nearly two-fifths of the total population are found at this altitude. Again, below 1,000 feet there are found 94. 5 per cent of all the negroes of the country, •while of the total population there are found only 77 per cent below that altitude. SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1405 Plate IV. — Proimrtion which negroes of former slave States bore to pojiidation of those States. Per cent. 20 Platb V. — Fro])ortion of negroes to total population in 1890. Per cent. 10 20 30 JLO 50 Mi&souri West Virginia 1406 ED¥CATION REFOET, 1894-95. It is, of course, well known tliat the negroes prefer liiglier temperatures than the white race. A measure of this is given by the statement that while the total popu- lation lives, on an average, under a mean annual temperature of 53° F., that under which the negro lives is, on an average, 61°, or not less than 8° higher. The great hody of the negroes live where the mean annual temperature ranges from 55° to 70°, very nearly 85 per cent of this element being found within the region thus defined. Nothing jierhaps more sharply characterizes the difference in the habitat of the negroes and the element of foreign birth than the difference in temperature condi- tions under which they are found, a difference Avhich may be characterized by the following statement : In those regions where the annual temx^erature exceeds 55° are found seven-eighths of the negroes. On the other hand, in those regions v*^herc the temperature isless than 55° are found nine-tenths of the foreign born. Those who are aco[uainted with the relations between the distribution of popula- tion and rainfall over the surface of the country are aware that the great body of the negroes is found inregious of heavy rainfall. Indeed, more than nine-tenths of their numbers are found where it exceeds 40 inches annually, and more than three-fifths where it exceeds 50 inches. These figures are greatly in. excess of those concerning the total population. HISTORY OF THE jSTEGEO IX EACH SiAVE STATE. Thus far the distribution and history of the race have been considered broadly. It will now be of interest to take up each of the former slave States individually and trace the history of the race within its limits. This is summarized in the following- table and group of diagrams (PI. V), which present in each of the former slave States the proportion which the negro element bore to the total population at each census. For economy of space the black bars representing the proportions in the diagrams are not extended to their full length, so the lengths of the bars do not represent the absolute percentage which the negroes bear to the total population. Since we are interested mainly m the relative lengths of the different bars of each State, and not in comparing those of one State with those of another, this is a matter of no consequence. In Delaware the proportion of negroea in 1790 was about 22 per cent. This pro- portion increased gra,dually until 1840, when it was 25 per cent. Since then it has diminished, and in 1890 was about 17 per cent. In Maryland over one-third of the iDopulation were negroes in 1790. The proportion increased and reached a maximum in 1810, when it was 38 per cent. Since then it has diminished, and in 1890 was but 21 per cent. In the District of Columbia the proportion of negroes in 1800, the first year of record, was about 29 per cent. It reached its maximum with 33 per cent in 1810, and from that time steadily diminished until the opening of the civil war. In 1860 the proportion was 19 per cent. During the war large numbers of negroes took refuge within the cajoital, increasing: the propoxtion. to about one-third of the total population, which ratio has been maintained. In Kentucky one-sixth of the pox)ulation were negroes in 1790. The proportion increased until 1830, when it was about one-fourth of the population, since which time it has diminished and is at present but 14 per cent. In Tennessee only one-tenth of tlie population were negroes at the time of the first census. That proportion steadily increased for 90 years, reaching its maximum in 1880, when it slightly exceeded one-fourtlt of the population. In the last ten years it has diminished a trifle. The first report of population regarding Missouri was made in 1810. At that time about one-sixth of the inhabitants were negroes. In 1830 the proportion was slightly greater. Since then it has diminished rapidly, and in 1890 the negroes constituted less than 6 per cent of the population. In the State of Virginia the negroes constituted in 1790 not less than 41 per cent of the inhabitants, and their proportion increased slightly for twenty years, reach- ing a maximum in 1810 of over 43 per cent. Since that time it has diminished steadily, and in 1890 constituted but 27i per cent, taking the States of Virginia and West Virginia together. All the above are border States, and all, with the exception of Tennessee and the District of Columbia, show a similar history. They show an increase in the propor- tion for two, three, or four of the earlier decades, and then a constant and great diminution in the proportion. The other States show a very different history. North Carolina, starting with 27 per cent, has increased slowly and with some slight oscillations up to 1880, when the proportion reached 38 per cent. In the last decade it has diminished. South Carolina, starting with 44 per cent, increased her propor- tion until 1880, when more than three-fifths of the population were negroes. Siuce then there has been a trifling diminution. Georgia started with 36 per cent, and with SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1407 some slight oscillations contiuued to increase until 1880. Within the last ten years there has been a slight reduction. In Florida the oscillations have been consider- able. The history commenced with 1830, when 47 jier cent of the iiopiilation were negroes. It reached a maximum of 49 per cent at the next census, folio ^yed by a diminution for two decades. Then in 1870 it rose again to 49 per cent, since which time it has diminished rapidly, especially during the decade between 1880 and 1890. The history of Alabama commenced in 1820, when one-third of her people were uegrocs. The proportion increased up to 1870, and since then has diminished. Mississippi's history began in 1800, when 41 per cent other jieoplo were negroes, and with some slight oscillations the proportion has increased uj) to the present time. The history of Louisiana commenced in 1810, when 55 per cent of her population were negroes. Her history has been a diversified one, the maximum proportion of this race being reached in 1830, with 59 per cent. Since that time it has, on the whole, diminished, and in 1890 half the jieople of the State Avero negroes. The history of Texas began in 1850, when 28 per cent of her people were negroes. The jiroportiou increased for two decades, wlieu it reached 31 iier cent. Since that time it has diminished rapidly, owing largely to inunigration to the central parts of the State. The history of Arkansas begins in 1820, when a little less than one-eighth of its people were negroes. The proportion lias increased almost continuously from that time to the present, and in 1890 the negroes formed 27 per cent of the total liopulation. Tlius it is seen that in the cotton States the proj)ortiou of the negro element has in nearly all cases increased until a very recent time. Indeed, in two or three of them it has increased up to the time of the last census, while in most of them the only diminution in the proportion has occurred during the last ten years. All this indi- cates in the most unmistakable terms a general southward migration of this race. As compared with the whites, the border States have lost in lirojiortion of negroes for the past half century, while the cotton States have continued to gain until very recently. Fcrcentage of negroes to total population. State. Dolaw.aro Marylaiirt District of Columbia Kentucky Tcniicsseo Missouri Virginia and "West Virginia Nortli Carolina , South Carolina Georgia rioriila Alabama Missi8si])pi Louisiana Texas Arkansas 1G.85 20. C9 32.80 14.42 24.37 5. Gl 27.51 34.67 59.85 40.74 42.46 44.84 57.58 49. 99 21.84 27.40 1870. 18.04 22. 49 33. 55 16.46 26.14 G. 70 30.85 37.96 60.70 47.02 47.01 47.53 57.47 51.46 24.71 26.25 18.23 22. 46 32.96 16.82 25.61 0.86 31.84 36.56 58.93 46.04 48.84 47.69 53.65 50. 10 30.97 0.1, oo 1800. 19.27 24.91 19.07 20.44 25.50 10. 03 34.39 36.42 53.59 44. 05 44.63 45. 40 55. 28 49.49 30. 27 25.55 1850. 28.32 26.59 22.49 24.52 13.20 37.06 36.36 58.93 42. 44 46.02 44.73 51.24 50. G5 27.54 22.73 1840. 25.00 32.30 29.87 24. 31 22.74 15.58 40.23 35.64 50.41 41.03 48.71 43.20 52. 33 55.04 1830. 24. 95 34.88 30.81 24.73 21.43 18.33 42.69 35.93 55.63 42.57 47.06 38.48 48.44 58.54 20.91 15.52 24.01 36.12 31.. 55 22.95 19.60 15.78 43. 38 34.38 52.77 54.41 33.19 44.10 52.01 23.82 38.22 33.07 20.24 17. 52 17.23 43.41 32. 24 48.40 42. 40 42.94 55.18 1800. 1790, 22.44 36.66 28.57 18.59 13.10 41.57 29.35 43.21 37.14 41.48 21.64 34.74 17.03 10. 59 40.86 20.81 43. 72 35.93 DETAILS OF MOVEMENTS OE NEGROES BETWEEN 18S0 AND 1890. The map on PI. VI shows the movements of this race in detail during the ten years between 1880 and 1890, within the former slave States. The northern part of Mis- souri and Avcsteru Texas are not represented upon this map, inasmuch as the number of negroes in these regions is not large. The areas uxion this mail which have the darkest shade are those in which the number of negroes has absolutely diminished during the decade in question. The areas in the lightest tint arc. those in which the negroes have increased, but at a rate less than the increase of the same element in the country at largo. The areas of medium tint are those in w^hich the negroes have increased more rapidly than in the country at large. It is seen at once that the areas in which the negroes have decreased are mainly comprised in the northern of these States, principally in Delaware, Maryland, Vir- ginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, and secondarily in Tennessee and North Carolina. There are also areas of decrease in Texas and small areas in the other States, but these are of little importance in comparison with the great areas of the border States in which the number of negroes has actually diminished. 1408 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95 Per cent. Plate V. — Percentage of negroes to total population in 10 20 30 -id Arkansas. Texas, SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1409 each of the Southern States at each census, 1790 to 1890. 20 20 30 20 30 10 SO Louisiana. Mississippi. EU 95 45 1410 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1411 ai jJomA'^^'W O \n S Y L, v\a N I a. ',vrg 1412 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. Ou tlie other liand, the areas iu which the negroes liave increased more rapidly than iu the country at large are found mainly in the southern parts of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and eastern Texas, with nearly all of Arkansas and Florida. In other words, the most rapid increase of the race has been iu the south- ern and western parts of the rei;ion under consideration. There does not appear to be any decided movement into the "Black Belt/' which traverses the central part of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Indeed, the heaviest increase is south of this region. CONJUGAL CONDITION. The conjugal condition of the negroes is set forth for the first time in the reports of the Eleventh Census. With the exception of the matter of divorce, it is sum- marized in the following diagram (PL VII). This shows the proportion of males and females at various ages who were single, married, or widowed. It shows that under the age of 15 there are practically no marriages among the race. Between 15 and 20 a small proportion, perhaps about 1 per cent, of males were married and 14 per cent of the females. At ages between 20 and 25 a third of the males and nearly three- fifths of the females were married, and Avith advancing age a constantly increasing proportion of both sexes is either married or widowed. It is evident, however, that the women marry much younger than men. The proportion of widowed first becomes appreciable between the ages of 20 and 25 years. It increases much more rapidly among females than among males, and altogether the x^roportiou of widows is many times greater than that of widowers, showing that many more widowers remarry than widows, and that they marry largely unmarried Avomen. Comparison of conjugal statistics of the negroes with those of the whites develops two jjoints of diiference: First, that the negroes marry younger than the whites; second, that the proportion of widows at most ages is greater than among whites. The first of these facts is in accord with the shorter life period of the race; the sec- ond is a result of the greater death rate of the race. Statistics of diA^orce show more frequent severance of conjugal relations among the negroes than among the whites. The proportion of divorced persons to married persons iu the United States at large among the native whites was 0.59 of 1 per cent, while among the negroes it was 0.67 of 1 per cent. MORTALITY. There is no question but that the rate of mortality among the negro population is considerably greater than among the whites. It is not easy, howcA^er, to obtain an accurate measure of the relative death rates of the two races. The census statistics upon this subject are unreliable, since the returns from which they are derived are by no means complete. Were the omissions uniformly distributed between the two races we might still deriA^e a comparison from them regarding the death rates of the two races, but unfortunately there is every probability that theomissions are much greater proportionally among the negroes than among the Avhites. It is only in a few large Southern cities which maintain a registration of deaths that reliable figures are to be had. In these cities the relative death rates during the census year (1890) are shown in the following table : Death rate per 1,000. Total pop- ulation. Native Avliites. Negroes. 19 25 28 26 22 17 22 22 19 18 35 36 37 38 32 From these figures it appears that in the large cities the annual death rate of the negroes is very nearly if not quite double that of the native whites. It is probable that in the rural districts the disproportion among the death rates is not as great, since it is probable that a rural environment is better suited to the negroes than the environment of a large city. However this may be, there is no reasonable question, as stated above, that the death rate of the negroes is much larger than that of the whites. CRIMINALITY. The proportion of criminals among the negroes is much greater than among the whites. The statistics of the last census show that the white piisouers of native extraction confined in jails at the time the census was takeli Avere in the proportion of 9 to each 10,000 of all whites of native extraction, while the negro prisoners Avere SLATEE FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1413 in the proportion of 33 to each 10,000 of the negro population. Thns it appears that the proportion of negroes was nearly four times as great as for the Avhites of native extraction. It should ho added, however, that the commitments of negroes are for petty offenses in much greater proportion than among the whites. PAUPERISM. In respect to pauperism, the investigations of the census have heen confined to paupers maintained in almshouses and have not heen extended to those persons receiving outdoor relief, either i>ermanent or temporary. The uuniher of white paupers of native extraction in almshouses was found to be in the proportion of 8 to every 10,000 whites of native extraction, while the negro paupers were in the same proportion. Lest these figures .should mislead, however, it must he added to this statement that in the South hut little provision is made in the form of alms- houses for the relief of the poor, this provision being confined almost entirely to the northern part of the country, a fact which in itself explains the small i)roportion of the negro paupers in almshouses. On the other hand, it is a matter of common knowledge to any resident of a Southern city that the negroes form a disproportion- ately large element of the recipients of outdoor charity. ILLITERACY AND EDTTCATION. Of the progress of the negro race in education, the statistics are by no means as full and comprehensive as is desirable. Such as we possess, however, go to indicate a remarkably rapid progress of the race in the elements of education. During the prevalence of slavery this race was kei)t in ignorance. Indeed, generally, through- out the South it was held as a crime to teach the negroes to read and write, and naturally when they became freemen only a trifling proportion of them were acquainted with these elements of education. In 1870, five j^ears after they became free, the records of the census show that only two-tenths of all the negroes over 10 years of age in the country could write. Ten years later the proportion had increased to three-tenths of the whole number, and in 1890, only a generation after they were emancipated, not less than 43 out of every 100 negroes, of 10 years of age and over, were able to read and write. These figures show a remarkably rapid progress in elementary education. In 1860 the number of negroes who were enrolled in the schools of the South was absolutely trilling. Since the abolition of slavery the number has increased with the greatest rapidity. This is shown in the following table, which relates only to the inhabitants of former slave States. The first column shows the ijroportion which the number of white children enrolled in the public schools bore to the white popu- lation, and the second column the proportion which the number of negro children in the public schools bore to the total negro j^opulation of these States. 1870 1880 1890 Negro. 3.07 13.07 18.71 It is seen from the above table that in 1870 the white pupils constituted 13.5 per cent of the white population, and that in 20 years this proportion increased to nearly 22 per cent. On the other hand, the negro school children constituted in 1870 only 3 per cent of all negroes, but that in 20 years it has increased to nearly 19 per cent of all negroes. The proportion of negro school children increased at a far more rapid rate than that of the white school children, and in 1890 had nearly reached it. The following table shows the proportion of such enrollment to population in 1890 in each of these states : Per cent of school enrollment io popidation in 1800. State- Delaware Maryland District of Columbia Virginia West Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Florida White. 19.12 17.93 15.24 2L59 25. 58 19.79 19.49 21.40 24.37 Negro. 16.38 16.69 17.61 19.20 20.04 20.80 16.46 15.51 21.85 State. Kentncky. Tennessee. Alabama . . Mississippi Louisiana . Texas Arkansas . Missouri . . White. 22.27 26.49 22.40 27.71 13.43 21.06 19.98 23. 24 Negro. 20.40 23. 53 17.10 24. 00 8.82 22. 21 19.22 21.76 1414 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1894-95 g SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1415 An oxamiiiation of tliis table shows tliat in tlie District of Columbia, North Car- olina,- antl Texas the proportional enrollmeut of negroes was greater than that of the whites, while in other States it was less. The following table shows the rate of increase in the enrollment in each of these States from 1880 to 1890 : State. "WTiite. Negro. State. Wliite. ITegro. Per cent. 10.75 20.07 27.62 44.44 33.68 29.51 45.64 39.09 98.07 Per cent. 108. 42 35.78 67.34 78.77 59.72 22.97 55.33 53.81 132. 71 Kenfcuckv Per cent. 34.44 53.88 66.99 30.75 61.73 179.36 101. 08 27.18 Per cent. 89.20 Alabama 53 52 50 66 42 re 143. ' 5 121 29 36.42 Florida ' From this table it appears that in all excepting four States, namely, North Caro- lina, Alabama, Louisiana, and. Texas, the enrollmeut of negro children in the public schools has increased more rapidly than that of the whites. Summing up this article in a paragraph, the following conclusions may be stated: The negroes, while increasing rajiidly in this country, are diminishing in numbers relative to the whites. They are moring southward from the border States into those of the south Atlantic and the Gulf. They prefer rural life rather than urban life. The proportion of criminals among the negroes is much greater than among the whites, and that of paupers is at least as great. In the matter of education, the number of negro attendants at school is far behind the number of whites, but is gaining rapidly upon that race. Only one generation has elapsed since the slaves were freed. To raise a people from slavery to civilization is a matter, not of years, but of many generations. The progress which the race has made in this generation in industry, morality, and edu- cation is a source of the highest gratification to all friends of the race, to all except- ing those who expected a miraculous conversion. V. MEMORIAL SKETCH OF JOHN F. SLATER. John Fox Slater, of Norwich, Conn., who gave a generous fund to promote the education of tho freedmcn, was a quiet, thoughtful, well-trained man of business, who rose by industry, sagacity, and prudence to the possession of a fortune. His chief occupation through life was the manufacturing of cotton and woolen goods in Connecticut and Rhode Island. In recent years, as his means increased, he was interested in many enterprises, some of them established in New York and others in the West. He was a close observer of the social, political, and religious progress of the country, and a frequent, unostentatious contributor to benevolent undertak- ings, especially such as were brought to his attention in the town where he resided and in the church which he attended. From all positions which made him conspic- uous ho was inclined to withdraw himself, and he probably underrated the influence which he might have exerted by tbe more public expression of his opinions; but whenever he did participate in public affairs he showed tho same independence, sagacity, and resolution which marked the conduct of his business. Under thes.e circumstances the story of his life is simply that of a private citizen who was faith- ful to tho responsibilities which devolved upon him, and who gradually acquired the means to contribute liberally toward the welfare of others. Notwithstanding the well-known unwillingness of Mr. Slater to attract the attention of tho public, those who are concerned in the administration of his trust desire to put on record the characteristics of his long and useful life. For three generations the Slater family has been engaged, either in England or the United States, in the improvement of cotton manufactures. Their English home engaged as a partner of Sir Richard Arkwright, in the business of cotton spinning, then just becoming one of the great branches of industry in England. Samuel Slater, fifth son of William Slater, was apprenticed to Mr. Strutt, and near the close of his service was for some years general overseer of tlie mill at Milford. Having completed his engagement he came to this country in 1789, and brought with 1416 EDUCATION REPORT^ 1894-95. liim sucli an accurate knowledge of the business of cotton spinning, that without any written or printed descriptions, without diagrams or models, he was able to introduce the entire series of machines and processes of the Arkright cotton manu- facture in as perfect a form as it then existed in England. He soon came into rela- tions with Moses Brown, of Providence, and through him with his son-in-law and his kinsman, William Almy and Smith Brown. With the persons last named he formed the partnership of Almy, Brown & Slater. For this firm Samuel Slater devised machinery and established a mill for the manufacture of cotton, at Paw- tucket, E. I., in the year 1790, but as this proved an inadequate enterprise, he con- structed a larger mill at the same place in 1793. A few years later, about 1804, at the invitation of his brother Samuel, John Slater, a younger son of William, came from England and joined his brother in Rhode Island. The village of Slatersville, on a branch of the river Blackstone, was pro- jected in 1806, and here until the present time the Slaters have continued the manu- facture of cotton goods. John F. Slater, son of John and nephew of Samuel, was born in the village just named, in the town of Smithfield, E. I., March 4, 1815, and received a good educa- tion in the academies of Plainfleld, in Connecticut, and of Wrentham and Wilbra- ham, in Massachusetts. At the age of 17 (in connection with Samuel Collier) he began to manage his father's woolen mill at Hopeville, in Griswold, Conn., and there he remained until he became of age. In 1836 he took full charge of this factory, and also of a cotton mill at Jewett City, another village of the same town, where he made his home. Six years later he removed to Norwich, with which Jewett City was then connected by railway. Here he married. May 13, 1844, a daughter of Amos H. Hubbard, and here his six children were born. Only two of them, the eldest and the youngest, a daughter and a son, survived the period of infancy, and of these the son alone is living. Norwich continued to be Mr. Slater's home until he died there, at the beginning of his seventieth year. May 7, 1884. Before his last great gift, Mr. Slater made generous contributions to religious and educational enterprises. He was one of the original corporators of the Norwich Free Academy, to which he gave at different times more than $15,000. To the con- struction of the Park Congregational Church, which he attended, he gave the sum of $33,000, and subsequently a fund of $10,000, the income of which is to keep the edifice in repair. At the time of his death he was engaged in building a jpublic library in Jewett City, which will soon be completed, at a cost of $16,000. His pri- vate benefactions and his contributions to benevolent societies were also numerous. During the war his sympathies were heartily with the Union, and he was a large purchaser of the Government bonds when others doubted their security. Some years before his death, Mr. Slater formed the purpose of devoting a large sum of money to the education of the freedmen. It is believed that this humane project occurred to him, without suggestion from any other mind, in view of the apprehensions which all thoughtful persons felt, when, after the war, the duties of citizenship were suddenly imposed upon millions of emancipated slaves. Certainly, when he began to speak freely of his intentions, he had decided upon the amount of his gift and its scope. These were not open questions. He knew exactly what he wished to do. It was not to bestow charity upon the destitute, nor to encourage a few exceptional individuals; it was not to build churches, schoolhouses, asylums, or colleges; it was not to establish one strong institution as a personal monument; it was, on the other hand, to help the people of the South in solving the great problem which had been forced ujion them, how to train, in various places and under difter- ing circumstances, those who have long been dependent, for the duties belonging to them now that they are free. This purpose was fixed. In respect to the best mode of organizing a trust, Mr. Slater sought counsel of many experienced persons — of the managers of the Peabody educational fund in regard to their work; of lawyers and those who had been in official life, with respect to questions of law and legisla- tion; of ministers, teachers, and others who have been familiar with charitable and educational trusts, or who were particularly well informed in respect to the condi- tion of the freedmen at the South. The results of all these consultations, which were continued during a period of several years, were at length reduced to a satis- factory form, and were embodied in a charter granted to a board of trustees by the State of New York, in the spring of 1882, and in a carefully thought-out and care- fully written letter, addressed to those who were selected to administer the trust. The characteristics of this gift were its Christian spirit, its patriotism, its munifi- cence, and its freedom from all secondary purposes or hampering conditions. In broad and general terms, the donor indicated the object which he had in view; the details of management he left to others, confident that their collective wisdom and the experience they must acquire would devise better modes of procedure, as the years go on, than any individual could propose in advance. * * * On the 18th of May, 1882, Mr. Slater met the board of trustees in the city of New York and transferred to them the sum of $1,000,000, a little more than half of it SLATEE FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1417 being already iuvested, and the remainder being casb, to be invested at the discre- tion of tbe board. On that occasion tlio trnstees addressed bim a letter aclirit of this trust, so Ihat mj gift may continue to future generations to be a blessing to the poor. If at any time after the lapse of thirty-three years from the date of this foundation it shall appear to the judgment of three-fourths of the members of this corporation that, by reason of a change in social conditions, or by reason of adecjuate and equi- table public provision for education, or by auy other sufficient reason, there is no further serious need of this fund in the form in which it is at first instituted, I authorize the coriioration to apply the capital of the fund to the establishment of foundations subsidiary to then alreadj^ existing institutions of higher education, in such wise as to make the educational advantages of such institutions more freely accessible to poor students of the colored race. It is my wish that this trust be administered in no partisan, sectional, or sectarian spirit, but in the interest of a generous patriotism and an enlightened Christian faith; and that the corporation about to be formed may continue to be constituted of men distinguished either by honorable success in business, or by services to literature, education, religion, or the State. I am encouraged to the execution in this charitable foundation of a long-cherished purpose by the eminent wisdom and success that has marked the conduct of the Peabody education fund in a field of operation not remote from that contemplated by this trust. I shall commit it to your hands, deeply conscious how insufficient is our best forecast to provide for tlie future that is known only to God, but humbly hoping that the administration of it may be so guided by divine wisdom as to be in its turn an encouragement to philanthropic enterprise on the part of others, and an enduring means of good to our beloved country and to our fellow-men. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your friend aud fellow-citizen, John F. Slater. Norwich, Conn., March 4, 1S82. Letter of the trustees accepting the gift. New York, May 18, 1882. John F. Slater, Esq., Norwich, Conn.: The members of the board of trustees whom you invited to take charge of the fund whieh you have devoted to the education of the lately emancipated people of the Southern States and their posterity, desire, at the beginning of their work, to place on record their appreciation of your purpose, and to congratulate you on hav- ing completed thiswise aud generous gift at a period of your life when you may hope to observe for many years its beneficent infiuence. They wish especially to assure you of their gratification in being called upon to administer a work so noble and timely. If this trust is successfully managed, it may, like the gift of George Peabody, lead to many other benefactions. As it tends to remove the ignorance of large numbers of those who have a vote in public affairs, it will promote the welfare of every ])art of our country, and your generous action will receive, as it deserves, the thanks of good men and women in this and other lands. Your trustees unite in wishing you long life aud health, that you may have the satisfaction of seeing the result of your patriotic forecast. 1422 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. The thanks of Congress. JOINT EESOLTTTIOK of the Seuato and House of Eepresentatives of tlio United States, approved February C, 1883. Resolved hy the Senate and House of Reprcseniativcs of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the thanks of Congress be, and they hereby are, presented to John F. Slater, of Connecticut, for his great lieneficence in giving the large sum of $1,000,000 for the purpose of ''uplifting the lately emancipated population of the Southern States and their posterity by conferring on them the blessings of Christian education." Sec. 2. That it shall be the duty of the President to cause a gold medal to be struck with suitable devices and inscriptions, which, together witli a copy of this resolu- tion, shall be presented to Mr. Slater in the name of the people of the United States. JOIA'"T EESOLTTTIOlSr of the Senate and House of Eeprescntatives of the United States, approved April 9, 1S96. Resolved hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the sum of one thousand dollars, or so much thereof as may be needed, is hereljy aj)propriated out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, to defray the cost of the medal ordered by public resolution numbered six, approved Februarj'' sixth, eighteen hundred and eighty-three, to be presented to John F. Slater, of Connecticut, then living, but now deceased. Sec. 2. That said medal and a copy of the original resolution aforesaid shall bo presented to the legal representatives of said John F. Slater, deceased. By-laws adopted May IS, 1882, and amended from time to time. 1. The officers of the board shall be a president, a vice-jiresident, a secretary, and a treasurer, chosen from the members. These officers shall serve until death, resigna- tion, or removal for cause, and vacancies, when they occur, shall be filled by ballot. 2. There shall be appointed at each annual meeting a finance committee and an executive committee. The finance committee shall consist of three, and the execu- tive committee of five, the president of the board being, ex officio, one of the five, 3. There shall also be an educational committee consisting of six persons, three of whom shall be appointed by the board and three of whom shall be ex officio members, to Avit, the president, the treasurer, and the secretary of the board. 4. The annual meeting of the board shall be held at such j)lace in the city of I\ew York as shall be designated by the board, or the jiresident, on the second Wednesday in Ai^ril in each year. Special meetings may be called by the president or the execu- tive committee at such times and places as in their judgment may be necessar^^ 5. A majority of the members of the board shall be a quorum for the transaction of business. G. In case of the absence or disability of the president, the vice-president shall perform his duties. 7. The secretary shall keep a record of the proceedings of the board, which shall be annually published for general distribution. 8. The executive committee shall be charged with the duty of carrying out the resolutions and orders of the board as the same are from time to time adopted. Three shall constitute a quorum for business. 9. The finance committee, in connection with the treasurer, shall have charge of the moneys and securities belonging to the fand, with authority to invest and reinvest the moneys and dispose of the securities at their discretion, subject, however, at all times to the instructions of the board. All securities belonging to the trust shall stand in the name of "the trustees of the John F. Slater fund," and be transferred only by the treasurer when authorized by a resolution of the finance committee. 10. The secretary of the board shall be, ex officio, secretary of the executive committee. 11. In case of the absence or disability of the treasurer, the finance committee shall have power to fill the vacancy temporarily. 12. Vacancies in the board shall be filled by ballot, and a vote of two-thirds of all the members shall be necessary for an election. 13. These by-laws may be altered or amended at any annual or special meeting by a vote of two-thirds of all the iuembers of the board. SLATER FUND AND EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 1423 Memhcrs of the hoard. Na'me. Kpsigncd or died. APPOINTED Eutherford P>. TIayes, of Ohio Morrison Jl. AVaite, of tlio District of Columbia. "William E. Doilgo, of Nc^v York Phillips Brooks, of Massachusetts Daniel C. Gilman, of Maryland John A. Stewart, of Ke wTork Alfred II. Colquitt, of Georgia Morris K. Jesup, of New York James V. Boyce, of Kentucky AVilliam A. Slater, of Connecticut ELECTED. William E. Dodge, jr., of New York Melville "W. Fuller, of the District of Columbia. John A. Broadus, of Kentucky Henry C. Potter, of New York J. L. M. Curry, of the District of Columbia "William J. Northen, of Georgia Ellison Capers, of South Carolina C. B. Galloway, of Mississippi Alexander E.Orr, of New York 1S82 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1882 1S33 18SS 1880 1889 1891 1894 1894 1894 1895 *1803 ■-■ 1888 *1S83 tl889 • 1894 •1888 tl895 •Died in office. tPesigned. From 1882 to 1891 the general ageut of tlio trust Ayas Ecv. A. G. Haygood, D. D., of Georgia, Ayho resigned the office Avhen he hecaiuo a bishop of the Methodist Epis- copal Church South. Siuce 1891 the duties of a general agent have been discharged by Dr. J. L. M. Curry, of AVashiugtou, D. C, chairmau of the educational com- luittcc. Ii€)narls of President Ilaijes on ilie death of Mr, Slater. Ocnilcmen of the Board of Trustees of the John F. Slater Fund: Our first duty at this the fifth mcetiug of the tru.stecs of the John F. Slater fund for the education of freedmen is devolved ui^on us by the death, since our last meet- ing, of the founder of this trust. John F. Slater died early AVeduesday morning, the 7th of Blay last, at his home in Norwich, Conn., at the age of 69. Ho had suffered severely from chronic complaints for several months, and his death was not a surprise to his family or intimate friends. Two of tlie members of this board of trustees, Mr. Morris K. Jesup and myself, had the melancholy privilege of representing the board at the impressive funeral services of Mr. Slater at his homo, at the Congregational Church, and at the cemeterj'^ in Norwich, on the Saturday following his death. When he last met this board, his healthful appearance and general vigor gave promise of a long and active life. It v.'as with great confidence that wo thou ex- pressed to hiin our conviction that his wise and generous gift for the education of the emancipated people of the Soutli and their posterity Ayas made at a period of his life when he might reasonably hope to observe during many years its beneficent inllueuce. But in the providence of God it has been otherwise ordered, and the life which we fondly wished would last long enough to yield to him the satisfaction of seeing the results of his patriotic forecast has been brought to a close. Ho had a widely extended and well-earned reputation for ability, energy, integrity, and success as a manufacturer and as a man of affairs. He was a philauthropist, a patriot, a good citizen, aud a good neighbor. He was a member of the Park Con- gregational Society iu Norwich for many years and was warmly and strongly attached to the denomination of his choice. His church relations did not limit his sympa- thies, nor narrow his views of duty. In his letter establishing this trust is tiie fol- fowing clause : " '1 he general object which I desire to have exclusively pursued is the Tiplifting of the lately emancipated population of the Southern States, and their posterity, by conferring on them the blessings of Christian education." When asked the precise meaning of the phrase "Christian education," he replied that "the phrase Christian education is to be taken in the largest and most gen- eral sense — that, in the sense which he intended, the common-school teaching of 1424 EDUCATION REPOKT, 1894-95. Massacliusetts and Connecticut was Clai'istiau education. That it is leavened Avitli a predominant and salutary Christian iniluence. That there was no need of limiting the gifts of the fund to denominational institutions. That, if the trustees should be satisfied that at a certain State institution their beneficiaries would be surrounded by wholesome influences such as would tend to make good Christian citizeus of them, there is nothing in the use of the phrase referred to to hinder their sending pupils to it." I forbear to attempt to give a full sketch of Mr. Slater. Enough has perhaps been said to bring to your attention the great loss which this trust has sustained in the death of its founder, and the propriety of placing on our records and giving to the public a worthy and elaborate notice of his life, character, and good deeds. CHAPTER XLIL EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. References to preceding reports of the United States Bureau of Education, in which this subject has been treated: In annual reports — 1870, pp. 61, 337-339; 1871, pp. 6, 7, 61-70; 1873, pp. xvii, xviii; 1873, p. Ixvi; 1875, p. xxiii; 1876, p. xvi; 1877, pp. xxxiii-xxxviii; 1878, pp. xxviii-xxxiv; 1879, pp. xxxix-xlv; 1880, p. Iviii; 1881, p. Ixxxii; 1882-83, pp. liv, xlviii-lvi, xlix, 8.5; 1883-84, p. liv; 1884-85, p. Ixvii; 1885-86, pp. 596, 650-656; 1886-87, pp. 790, 874-881; 1887-88, pp. 20, 21, 167, 169, 988-998; 1888-89, pp. 768, 1412-1439; 1889-90, pp. 620, 621, 624, 634, 1073-1102, 1388-1392, 1395-1485; 1890-91, pp. 620, 624. 792, 808, 915, 961-980, 1469; 1891-92, pp. 8. 686, 688, 713, 861-867, 1002, 1234-1237; 1892-93, pp. 15,442,1551-1572, 1976; 1893-94, pp. 1019-1061; 1894-95, pp. 1331-1424; also in Circulars of Information— No. 3, 1883, p. 63; No. 2, 1886, pp. 123-133; No. 3, 1888, p. 122; No. 5, 1888, pp. 53, 54, 59,60, 80-86; No. 1, 1892, p. 71. Special Report on District of Columbia for 1869, pp. 193, 300, 301-400. Special report. New Orleans Exposition, 1884-85, pp. 468-470, 775-781. The estimated number of persons 5 to 18 years of age in the sixteen Southern States and the District of Columbia for the scholastic year 1895-96 was 8,562,970. Of this number 5,768,680 were white and 2,794,290 were Qolored. The total enroll- ment in the public schools of the South was 5,291,013, the enrollment in the white schools being 3,861.300, or 66.93 per cent of the white children of school age, and the enrollment in the colored schools 1,429,713, or 51.16 per cent of the colored children of school age. While the colored children constitute 32.63 per cent of the school population of the South, they make but 27 per cent of the school enroll- ment. In the District of Columbia and in Kentucky the per cent of colored children enrolled is higher than, for the white children. In Alabama and South Car- olina the per cent of attendance is higher for the colored than for white children. For the entire South the average daily attendanc3 was 68. 28 per cent of the enroll- ment for the whit9 children and 62.04 per cent of the enrollment for the colored children. Those statistics for each of the sixteen Southern States and the District of Columbia are given in Table 1 on the following page. The total expenditure for public schools in the South for 1895-96 was $30,729,819. In only one or two States are separate accounts kept of the expenditure of money for the colored schools, but at a low estimation the cost of public schools for the colored race for 1895-96 was not less than §6,500,003. Table 2 shows that from 1870 to 1896 the cost of public schools in the South was ^5483,777,467. Between $90,000,000 and $95,000,000 of this sum must have been expended for the education of the colored children. The same table shows the enrollment in the white and colored schools for each year, and also the total expenditure for each year from 1870-71 to 1895-98. SECONDARY AND HIGHER EDUCATION. For the year 1895-96 this Bureau received reports from 178 schools for the second- ary and higher education of the colored race. Three of these schools are in Penn- sylvania, two in Ohio, two in Indiana, one in Illinois, and one in New Jersey. All the others are within the boundaries of the former slave States. Table 3 shows the number of these schools in each State and the number of teachers and stu- dents for each State. The total enrollment in these 178 schools was 40,127. The number in the elementary grades was 25,032, in the secondary 13,563, and in the collegiate grades 1.455. The number of teachers employed was 1,626. The statis- tics of these schools are given in detail in Tables 9 and 10. ED 90 60 2081 2082 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. Table 1. — Common school statistics, classified by race, 1S95-DG. State. Estimated number of persons 5 to 18 years of age. Percentages of the whole. Pupils enrolled in the public schools. Per cent of per- sons 5 to 18 years enrolled. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. 338, 700 336, 700 39, 850 44,800 89, 130 369, 000 557, 400 203, 400 363,300 313, 700 881, 300 389, 700 174,300 475, 100 800, 500 338. roo 374, 300 381, 600 136, 700 8, 980 34,640 70, 670 346, 300 95, 400 216, 700 75, 900 309, 800 53, 600 333, 700 392,200 160, 300 245,500 24i;ooo 11, 300 53. 85 72.06 81.60 64.51 55. 79 51.59 85.38 48.42 77. 62 40.71 ■ 94.26 63.53 37.34 74.77 76. 55 58.43 96.04 46.15 37.94 18.40 35.49 44.31 48.41 14.63 51.58 22.38 59.39 5.74 37.48 63.66 25.23 33.45 41.57 3.96 a 198, 710 318,399 38,316 37,389 63,586 353,516 337, 618 98, 400 179, 408 163, 830 631,9.57 244,376 109,159 377,626 481,419 240, 356 308,435 a 130, 810 78,276 4,858 15, 175 36,787 170, 370 02, 508 65, 917 39,954 187, 785 33,990 126,544 123,178 100, 499 135,149 121, 777 7,230 a&O. 45 68.82 71.05 60.91 71.35 68.70 60. 57 48.38 68.14 76.56 71.72 62.70 62.67 79.48 60.13 70.96 76.00 a 43. 90 61.79 Delaware (1891-92) District of Columbia . . 54.09 01.59 53.06 49.16 65.54 30.44 Maryland Mississippi (1894-95) - . . 52. 65 60.61 61.54 Nortli Carolina 54.14 42.15 Tennessee (1894^95) .-.- 63.70 55.05 Virginia -._..- - 50.53 63.97 Total 5, 768, 680 65,133,948 3 62, 794, 290 67.37 33.63 33.85 3,861,300 3,403,430 1,429,713 1,296,959 66. 93 66.28 51.16 Total, 1889-90 510,847 67.15 51.66 State. Average daily attend- ance. Per cent of enroll- ment. Number of teachers. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. Alabama a 134, 300 138, 460 a 19, 746 30, 858 41, 993 154, 896 247, 203 fO, 373 103, 798 99, 048 « 415, 368 1.55, 899 78, 391 370,983 349, 913 141, 835 136,614 o 79, 700 43, 488 «3,947 11, 395 34, 143 99,346 39,658 44,943 19, 439 103, 635 « 31, 030 75, 826 91, 810 67,348 90, 336 67,703 4,467 a 62. 56 58.84 69.74 76.43 66.03 61.11 73. 23 71.53 57.86 60.81 a 65. 73 63.79 71.83 71.77 73.70 59.01 65.54 a 65. 98 55.55 a 60. 66 74.43 65. 63 58.29 63. 44 68.11 48.63 55.19 a 63. 71 59.93 74.53 67.00 66.85 55. 60 61.79 4,831 5; 335 734 688 1,939 5,868 8,727 3,576 3,892 4.591 14,114 5, 129 2,688 7,048 10,470 6, 330 0,219 3,350 1,448 Delaware (1891-93) District of Columbia , . 106 343 579 3,053 1,483 961 731 Mississippi (1894^95) . . . 3,364 730 North Carolina South Carolina . . _ Tennessee (1894^95) Texas - .2,756 1,7.59 1,865 3,747 2,097 235 Total 3, 559, 666 886. 994 66.38 63.83 63.04 91,049 - 26,499 Total, 1889-90 3, 165, 2 49 81S ,710 63.43 7 5, 903 24,073 a Approximately. 6 United States Census. Table 2. — Sixteen former slave States and the District of Columbia. Year. 1870-71. 1871-73. 1872-73. 1873-74. 1874-75. 1875-76. 1876-77. 1877-78. 1878-79. 1879-80- 1880-81. 1881-83. 1883-83. 1883-84. Common school enrollment. White. Colored 1,837,139 3,034,946 3,013,684 3,215,674 3,334,877 3,349,263 2,370,110 2,546,448 571, 506 675, 150 085, 942 784, 709 803,374 803, 983 817, 240 1,002,313 Expend- itures (both races). $10, 385, 464 11,633,338 11,176,048 11,833,775 1.3,031,514 12,033,865 11,331,073 13,093,091 13, 174, 141 13, 678, 685 13, 6.56, 814 15,341,740 16, 363, 471 17,884,558 Year. 1884-85 . 1885-86 . 1886-87 . 1887-88 . 1888-89 . 1889-90 . 1890-91 . 1891-93 . 1892-93 . 1893-94 . 1894-95 . 1895-96 . Total. Common school enrollment. White. Colored. 2,676,911 2,773,145 2, 975, 773 3, 110, 606 3, 197, 830 3,403,420 3, 570, 624 3,607,549 3, 697, 899 3,835,593 3,845,414 3,861,300 1,030,463 1,048,659 1, 118, 556 1, 140, 405 1,213,093 1,396,959 1,329,549 1,354,316 1,367,515 1,434,995 1,441,383 1,429,713 Expend- itures (both races). $19,2.53,874 20,308,113 30,831,969 31,810,158 33,171,878 34,880,107 36,690,310 37,691,488 38,535,738 29, 223, 546 29, 373, 990 30, 739, 819 483, 777, 467 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. ' 2083 Table 4 shows that, in the 178 schools there were 1,494 students in classical courses, 1,345 in scientific courses, 9,139 in English courses, and 398 in business courses. Table 5 shows that 4.672 students were in normal courses. There were 836 graduates from high school courses, 966 from normal courses, and 161 from collegiate courses. Table 6 is an exhibit of the number of students in professional courses in the colored schools. The total number in professional courses was 1,319, only 126 of these being females. There were 703 students and 76 graduates in schools and de- partments of theology, 124 students and 20 graduates in law, 286 students and 30 graduates in medicine, 32 students and 6 graduates in dentistry, 48 students and 13 graduates in pharmacy, and 126 students and 40 graduates in nurse training. Table 7 is a siimmary of the statistics of industrial training in the 178 colored schools. The number receiving industrial training was 12,341, the number of males being 4,476 and of females 7,865. The table shows that the number being trained in farm and garden work was 1,098, in carpentry 1,821, in bricklaying 254, in plastering 165, in painting 257, in tin and sheet-metal work 126, in forging 327, in machine-shop work 223, in shoemaking 165, in printing 565, in sewing 6,302, in cooking 2,455, and in other trades not named 1,677. The details of the statistics of industrial training are given in Table 10. The financial statistics of the colored schools of secondary and higher grade are stimmarized in Table 8. These schools received in benefactions during the scho- lastic year 1895-96 the sum of $323,718. The income of these schools aggregated $1,117,569. Of this amount the suni of §289,845 was derived from public funds, §92,297 from pi'oductive funds, and §124,481 from tuition fees. The sources of the unclassified income of §610,946 are uncertain. Many schools reported only total incomes for 1895-96. IXTERVIEWS WITH LEADING EDUCATORS OF THE COLORED RACE. Interviews with bishops of the African Methodist Church and with leading edu- cators of the colored race were printed in the New Orleans Times-Democrat of January 24, 1897. Those who read, in the Report of the United States Commis- sioner of Education for 1894-95, the two chapters on the Education of the Colored Race will be interested in these interviews. The Times- Democrat made the fol- lowing editorial comment: '•Education for the Negro. ' ' We publish elsewhere interviews with the presidents of the several colored colleges of this city, the bishoi^s of the African Methodist Church now in New Orleans, and others interested in the education of the colored race, upon a sub- ject, than which there is none more important before the South and the country to-day. It is a part — and the most important part — of the great negro problem of the United States. What is better for the education of the negro — a classical edu- cation or an industrial and mechanical education? Shall we tarn his ambition in the direction of the learned professions rather than toward the indiTstries? "When we consider that there are 8,000,000 negroes in this country, that they constitute one-ninth of its population, and in several of the Southern States are in a majority, Ave can form some idea of the importance of this matter of educating them and making them useful and v-aluable citizens. "A great deal of work has been done alreadj'. Over §80,000,000 have been ex- pended on colored schools and colleges since 187G alone. Thirty- three j-ears have passed since the emancipation proclamation— a full generation — and we ought by this time to gather some fruit from the millions expended on the education of the negro. What do the results show — that a classical education or an industrial or mechanical one is better for the present condition and needs of the negro and for the South? '•The two sides of the case are well stated by Prof. Booker T. Washington, presi- dent of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, of Alabama, on the one hand, and President Edward Gushing Mitchell, of Leland University, in this city, on the other. _ "'President Mitchell takes a very decided stand against simple industrial educa- tion. He calls attention to the fact that the Northern colleges, which in many cases began with inaniial labor schools, have abandoned this appendage to their curric- tilum. ■ Ought we to insist,' he asks, ' upon putting a yoke upon the necks of our brethren in black which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear? ' And he calls attention to the fact that the report of the Bureau of Education for 1889-90 shows that the graduates of 17 colored schools in which industrial instruction is 2084 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. Table 3. — Teachers and students in institutions for the colored race in 1SD5-96. "o O u a Teachers. Students. Is 6 a "3 o Elementary. Secondary. Collegiate. Total. State. 6 a © 3* o ,2 Is a Is o Is 1 Ts 6 1 c5 Is a (a rt t H Alabama Arkansas --- 11 7 1 4 7 23 1 2 7 7 5 10 6 1 27 2 3 12 15 11 13 3 91 20 8 5 19 67 1 3 80 32 13 39 20 2 91 11 15 41 48 40 76 10 95 27 4 27 151 1 3 48 38 18 49 24 4 93 10 7 71 104 55 108 9 186 47 3 9 46 218 2 6 78 70 31 88 44 6 187 21 22 112 152 95 184 19 1,118 565 1,294 667 2,412 1,232 860 246 32 9 188 558 11 45 200 106 79 375 160 8 795 242 6 2 201 847 23 70 330 148 219 485 204 18 1,655 488 38 11 389 1,405 34 115 530 254 298 860 364 26 2,a31 171 199 968 1,273 804 990 360 39 13 10 12 3 48 16 16 2,0.56 822 42 98 438 2,564 11 341 784 535 176 1,033 391 a5 2,274 202 291 1,596 1,715 948 1,469 162 2,059 914 12 63 553 3,799 23 408 1,090 739 372 972 426 40 2,893 160 189 1,859 2,194 1,301 1,837 241 4,115 1,736 54 89 307 1,842 296 566 411 58 530 213 24 927 77 47 1,178 1,058 536 959 22 01 295 2,901 338 744 543 134 421 233 25 1,C74 63 - 64 1,292 1,343 -869 1,287 21 150 602 4,743 634 1,310 954 192 951 446 49 2,601 140 111 2,470 2,401 1,405 2,246 43 161 991 Georgia 167 32 88 34 118 48 2 28 7 76 215 34 66 41 194 7 6,363 Illinois - 34 749 Kentucky Louisiana a Maryland Mississippi 1,874 1,274 548 2,005 817 New Jersey North Carolina-. Ohio 75 l,1.59il,172 64i 107 163 43 170 13 164 23 65 72 8 4 71 17 5 235 51 170 17 235 40 70 5,167 363 Pennsylvania -.. South Carolina.. Tennessee Texas 74 402 548 377 395 140 125 566 725 427 595 220 480 3,455 3,909 2,249 3,306 West V^irginia... 403 Total 178 680 946 1,626 10,823 14,269 25,092 6,036 7,52? 1 1 1 13,583 1,096 3591,455 17,983 22,144 40, 127 a Two schools not reporting. Table A.— Classification of colored students, by courses of study, 1SD5-9G. Stiidents in classical course. Students in sci- entific courses. Students in English course. Students in business course. State. 6 'cS 6 a a "cS o 6 "cS 6 a o Is 6 a CD fa "cS 4J o Eh d 'cs 05 "cS a a> 3 o 17 28 109 4 24 1 235 21 52 1 335 12 17 10 56 12 22 5 194 24 39 15 250 472 224 32 56 230 432 11 113 207 102 251 4a 10 489 77 19 317 395 82 347 32 .518 141 6 75 321 045 23 245 269 248 344 55 14 653 62 15 442 513 186 379 42 990 365 38 1.31 551 1,077 34 358 476 350 595 100 24 1,142 139 34 759 908 268 726 74 10 8 8 4 18 13 Delaware . _ - - - District of Columbia 05 51 116 Georgia 86 45 7 32 34 70 15 10 75 22 115 40 139 2 19 18 54 70 16 7 36 9 12 20 4 17 67 44 140 115 7 48 41 106 24 22 95 26 115 57 206 2 19 62 21 8 29 20 15 10 15 12 12 30 57 47 8 80 15 53 108 10 125 7 no 155 18 205 22 28 33 61 21 9 6 31 14 6 8 41 35 Ohio _-- - 15 14 South 'Carolina 21 35 99 30 24 19 172 66 45 54 371 96 73 Texas 4 10 Total 874 620 1,494 520 825 1,345 3,943 5,193 9,139 ■ 202 196 398 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2085 given in carpentering, farming, slioeniaking, etc. , have generally drifted off into tlie professions. Ont of 1,243 graduates of these schools C93 are teachers, 117 ministers, 163 physicians, 116 lawyers, while only 12 are farmers, and 5 following mechanical pursuits (2 printers, 1 carpenter, and 2 unclassitied). From these facts, President Mitchell reaches the concliision that industrial education is not what the negro needs, but the same higher or classical education provided for the whites. " We think President Mitchell altogether wrong in his conchisioiis. It is the same mistake that was made when the suffrage was given the negro. Those who gave it so hastily and prematurely imagined that the fifteenth amendment would immediately make the negro a valuable citizen and endow him with all the polit- ical experience which it has taken the white race centuries— and centuries of struggle, too— to secure. There could have been no more unfortunate mistake for the negro and the South. The saturnalia that prevailed between 1868 and 1872 in consequence of conferring of the franchise on a people not yet fitted for it not only cost the South millions of dollars and thousands of lives, but did the negro race a serious injustice, setting back its civilization, arousing old prejudices, and causing even its most ardent friends to doubt its ability for the higher development and civilization. " Mr. Mitchell would have us do in education what was attempted in politics, but failed. He himself recognizes that the white race began with industrial schools, and as it advanced, steadily elevated its schools, widened its curriculum, and raised the standard of education. He would have the negro at the very start try to do what the whites have taken centuries to reach. He would begin with classical education, a policy which will cause only discontent and failure. It is not what we should offer a race only just struggling to the front, steeped in igno- rance, the fruit of centuries of slavery. If it were proposed to establish a dozen great universities like Oxford and Cambridge in the heart of Africa, as a means of checking cannibalism and raising and developing the natives, and bringing them civilization and prosperity, it would cause a national protest as a pure waste of money, and yet this worild be only an exaggeration of President Mitchell's proposition. "His statistics, which are the strongest point of his argument, really prove nothing. It may be true that a large i)roportion of the negroes educated in the colored colleges have drifted into the iDrofessions. It is equally true that a con- siderable proportion of them drifted into politics in 1868-1872; but we must not con- clude from this that what the negro wants is a political instead of an industrial education. We see that among the college graduates there arc ten ministers to every one farmer. We will not accept this as iiroof that what the negroes need is more theology. There are a thousand negroes engaged m farming for every one who enters the church, and if the farmers were only better taught how to cultivate their lands they would be better off materially and morally. The poverty and the ignorance of the negro race are keeping up a sick rate, a death rate, and a prison rate which are preventing that advance it would otherwise make. ' • It is natural that half the graduates of the colored normal and industrial schools should become teachers. In providing for a race whose education has been so long neglected, the first graduates will naturally devote themselves to teaching. Presi- dent Mitchell says that in giving an industrial education to a negro you help only the individual. His oviai statistics disprove this, for so far a majority of these graduates have devoted themselves to scattering among the race the information which they themselves have gained. The industrial schools are teaching not a few negroes better work, but through them the entire colored race. " In marked contrast are the views of Prof. Booker T. Washington, president of the Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute, one of the leading representatives of his i-ace, certainly in the field of education. Professor Washington has had the best opportunities of studying the question thoroughly and practically. The institute over which he presides has done good vs'ork for the negro, and its gradu- ates have carried the lessons learned there throughout the South. One of its best fruits is the conference now held_eacli year at Tuskegee of representatives of the negro race from all parts of the Jnion to discuss questions affecting its interests. " ' I am convinced,' says Professor Washington, ' that whether the negro receives much or little education, whether it be called high or low, we have reached the point in oiir development where a large proportion of those who are being educated should, while they are receiving their education or after they have received it, be taught to connect their education with some industrial pursuit.' "Professor Washington thinks, as we do, that in the present condition of the negro, the first thing for him to learn is how to secure an independent position in the industrial world, how to work and to Avork intelligently. If the colored col- leges drop industrial education and turn their attention solely to graduating theo- logians, lawyers, etc., he sees that the negro will very soon be crowded out of 2086 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1895-96. Table 5. — Number of normal students and graduates in 1S95-9G. Students in normal course. Graduates of higii-sohool course. Graduates of normal course. Graduates of collegiate course. State. 1 6 a o 05 -a a "3 o CO 6 a 3 o Eh 6 a 244 39 315 15 559 44 11 8 10 5 31 13 303 7 161 5 364 12 3 1 1 3 District of Columbia Florida 19 49 96 58 50 379 77 99 475 18 38 23 4 15 2 29 5 "38 93 3 40 19 19 11 18 13 46 130 3 63 23 34 13 47 18 25 2 7 4 18 13 44 7 30 3 31 1 39 10 55 2 55 5 88 5 45 23 99 9 1 19 3 1 39 1 7 17 8 33 Illinois .. Kentucky Louisiana - -.- 67 10 44 93 ► 66 3 301 50 43 101 313 100 301 60 93 55 44 75 40 5 503 57 73 333 386 310 337 64 160 65 88 168 106 8 803 107 114 333 498 316 538 124 3 1 3 35 Missouri. 1 55 11 25 34 12 33 5 33 14 1 33 55 16 96 14 77 25 1 58 79 28 139 19 39 7 48 8 87 15 13 4 31 1 33 5 1 18 Ohio . 4 21 30 11 1 33 8 38 37 6 57 9 58 48 7 80 17 3 Tennessee 24 Virginia,- 3 3 Total - 1,793 2,879 4,673 318 508 836 436 530 966 133 39 161 Table 6. — Colored prof essional students and graduates in 1S95-DG. • P rofessional students and graduates. in professional courses. Theol- ogy. Law. Medi- cine. Den- tistry. Phar- macy. Nurse train- ing. State. ,3 '3 a as -(.^ Eh pi (D PI m C<3 1 C5 m CO 1 d Q) !J1 pi 05 pS PI 1 Ct5 CO P! U C5 43 .53 314 4 171 19 13 C 14 9 143 10 48 43 "19 as 33 12 54 13 15 43 52 347 4 183 19 12 6 68 9 1.54 35 48 43 322 19 65 43 53 66 4 171 19 13 6 14 9 76 10 48 40 49 19 65 6 10 19 6 13 I 1 10 District of Columbia Florida 105 8 3 8 17 3 113 47 137 9 10 11 § 13 19 3 3 18 11 19 5 2 6 33 13 54 13 15 13 7 Kentucky Maryland n 16 Missouri ... . n Ohio 4 Pennsylvania Virginia Total 1,193 136 1,319 703 76 134 20 386 30 33 6 48 13 136 40 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2087 the industries in the South, as he already is in the North. Even in slavery he was taught carpentering, blacksmithing, and kindred meciianical trades. If he abandon this field, he will close the avenues of employment to himself and drift into a con- dition of uselessness. It will be a bad thing for the race if it allows itself to be driven out of every industry upon which its living depends, and is satisfied with book learning alone, in which it is natiTrally at a great disadvantage in competi- tion with the whites, if for no other reason because the latter has had the advan- tage of centuries of schooling. It will be giving up the field where, because of his strength, the negro can compete most successfully for a field where he is at the greatest disadvantage. '' Professor Washington notes sadly the tendency of the negroes to neglect the very industry by which nine-tenths of them make their liA-ing— farming. To the advocates of 'the higher education,' it is hardly worth while to teach the negro how to farm intelligently and profitably, although thousands of white youths are learning scientific agriculture; and it is acttially pointed to with pride instead of sorrow that twenty negroes who receive a better education follow theology and law for one who follows agriculture, the profession with which his race has been connected for all time. " We are glad to see that nearly all the colored men interviewed by us, and par- ticularly those of Southern birth, agree with Professor Washington that what their race needs most is industrial education, rather than simple book learning. " They are right, and it is an auspicious sign to see them recognizing the potency of industry, and seeing the right road for the elevation of their race. The philan- thropy of the North has given millions of dollars to the education of the colored race. The spirit of justice of the Southern people has given ten times as much. The negroes constitute so large a proportion of the population of the South that their prosperity and morality, even their health, affect the entire body politic. It is in negro sections of our cities where the first rules of sanitation are defied that are bred the diseases which sweep through the white residential districts and carry off thousands — victims of negro ignorance and neglect; and the moral atmos- j)here of these negro Ghettos more or less permeates the whole community. "A few months ago the American Economic Association issued among its publi- cations, The Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro, by Frederick L. Hoffman, F. S. S,, statistician of the Prudential Insurance Company of America. It is the best book yet issned on the subject, the fruit of years of close study of the subject and absolutely free of bias; yet the conclusion Mr. Hoffman reached was: " ' Instead of making the race more independent, modern educational and philan- thropic efforts have succeeded in making it even more dependent on the white race at the present time than it was previous to education. It remains to be seen how far a knowledge of the facts about its own diminishing vitality, low state of morality, and economic efficiency will stimulate the race in adopting a higher standard. Unless a change takes place, a scheme that will strike at the funda- mental errors that underlie the conduct of the higher race toward the lower, the gradual extinction (of the negro) is only a qnestion of time.' " Unless the negro race can make a proper i)lace for itself, unless it can find work to do for which it is fitted, it will meet, Mr. Hoffman predicts, the same fate as every other colored race coming into conflict with the Anglo-Saxon — extinction. The preachers and the lawyers and the colored editors will not prevent this, but those who render the negroes industrially independent, find them work to do, improve their material condition, and with that improvement bring about higher spirit of self-confidence and morality. "The child mrist be taught to stand before it tries running. The negro is in his infancy as a free man. He shotild have solid foundations of education first, and open the industries to his race, instead of depending too much on the higher classical education. There has been a disposition of late by many to declare that education is doing the negro more harm than good. The Senate Labor Committee found a number of witnesses to testify to that effect. The Chattanooga Trades- man, after a searching inquiry of the employers of colored labor, learned from them that education generally detracted from a negro's efficiency. We know to the contrary from the experience of every race that this can not be so, and is no more true of the negro than of the v/hite man. It is not education that is causing any lack of efficiency, but the kind of education. It should, for the present at least, be mainly industrial, intended to advance the condition of the negro, to assure him work, and to improve his material status. Whether it will be well afterwards to establish higher universities for the colored race, we may leave to time to determine. We should give him a chance now to improve and raise him- self. To give him a classical education in his present condition is like giving a stone to him who asks for bread. 2088 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96 TabIjE 7. — Industrial training of colored students in 1S95-0G. Pupils receiv- ing industrial training. Students trained in industrial bra nchcs. State. 1 ,2 la i SI h a g 'Pi o -(J s a Sis b!) a u o a o .as a a o o m .3 S % o 02 •S o o 68 7 m 1 u 1 O 515 63 23 103 73 234 748 49 2 73 161 1,302 1,383 112 25 176 233 1,530 176 19 "'""6 41 48 178 42 17 48 64 119 .... 6 "40 31 40 5 "40 1 28 2 ""o 45 32 2 41 8 82 473 13 381 District of Columbia. - 10 71 103 1,088 76 331 6 24 Georgia Illinois 13 5 9 12 4 179 6 171 37 413 85 18 641 50 143 149 191 364 80 25 962 57 149 320 228 777 165 43 1,603 107 ""63 37 111 ""ii5 6 72 15 176 40 18 299 43 63 137 105 3B3 80 35 837 53 63 30 187 191 80 66 7 59 30 37 "25 7 01 21 12 43 18 46 24 15 Maryland. 5 North Carolina Ohio 97 22 124 3 56 45 18 671 44 180 South Carolina 733 371 305 569 67 931 925 685 899 119 1,664 1,296 990 1,468 186 367 5 54 163 1 254 177 115 85 53 135 131 113 7 63 15 17 3 63 1 11 25 17 33 76 39 39 5 761 808 641 582 110 183 303 173 2?-6 53 33 40 Texas fiS 9 7 3 2 660 West Virginia 7 Total 4,476 7,865 13,341 1,098 1,831 254 165 257 126 327 223 165 565 6,302 3,4.55 ],677 Ta3LE 8. — Financial summary of the 178 colored schools. State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia . Florida Georgia Illinois Indiana Kentucky _ Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri New Jersey - North Carolina . _ Ohio Pennsylvania South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia West Virginia Total. (B ID 364 13,950 5, 550l 4.50! 17, .550 3,316 34, 469 50 400 10, 301 10, 769 2, 4.50 13,205 1,531 1,000 20,6Sr 5,000 14, 000 7, 200 20, 494 6,365 16, 068 6,000 323,718 309,801 166,574 7,524, Sll,425 5.925 400 11,300 3,656 29,190 100 800 7,425 8,000 1,400 15,275 900 500 16, 095 2,500 7,000 3, 500 30, 958 4,650 13,025 3,550 fees n oSgS S384, 782 167,000 15, 800 895,000 99, 875 1, 302, 629 3,500 3,000 183, 864 499,821 95,000 309,500 184,125 2, .500 656, 102 205,000 313,000 340, 800 765, 600 .397, 550 903,500 100,000 S7,000 9, 4.50 4,300 34, .500 3, 800 16, 760 1,300 7,500 9,000 18,368 08,000 3,000 31,077 12,500 17, 840 3, 850 35, 800 15,000 3,000 289,845 ^P §13,631 5,937 61 0,683 500 15,364 5,230 5,281 3, .3(i6 5, .328 2,143 8,700 3,500 10, 073 16,533 16, 740 6,972 450 124,481 "5 3 B-^ ops S6, 479 2, 065 8,500 5,122 3,450 6,900 584 8103, 146 4,378 7,000 12, 765 63,388 4,361 20, 106 19,578 37,817 1,384 lOO 773 3,3^1 35, 00(1 1,300 1,0.30 30f' 25, 360 1,350 93.297 610,946 1,117,569 3,900 36, 8.32 8,700 10, 000 20, 013 73,811 30,648 159, 795 5,708 8129,256 21,830 4,261 .56,683 16,065 100, 634 1,300 33,941 89, 787 31, 528 51, 513 71,436 7,000 67,383 27,000 35,000 49,336 93,814 73,488 207,027 10,408 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2089 "TliG Times-Democrat gives below interviews with the bishops of the African Methodist Church, now in this city, with the presidents of the several colored col- leges in New Orleans, the president of the Tuskegee (Ala.) Normal and Industrial Institute, and with a number of the more in-ominent representative colored men of New Orleans interested in the matter of education. The Times-Democrat has sought in these interviews to shed some light on the matter of the education of the negro— a subject that is attracting great attention just now, and is being earnestly and extensively discussed pro and con. " The questions propounded to the presidents of the several colored colleges were as follows: "1. How many pupils do you graduate each year? "2. What are these young men and women fitted for when they leave your institutions? "C. Have you any knowledge of what becomes of them after leaving your care? "4. Can you make any estimate, as to what percentage of them secure useful and lucrative occupations? "5. What is your candid opinion, after years of experience, as to the advisa- bility of the higher education of the negro, i. e., a classical education, as opposed to an industrial or mechanical education? "The last question, it will be seen, is the most imi^ortant, and is the one upon which light is most sought. A very large sum of money is being expended each year on the education of the negro, and large educational funds are being created for their benefit. It is, therefore, important to know what is being accomplished in the way of his education, and what system is yielding the best fruit. Are those colleges which confine themselves mainly to a classical education doing the most good, or those mainly employed in turning the colored youth to industrial pursuits? A full and complete ansvv^er to this question will probably largely influ- enco future donations. It is to secure such an answer that the Times-Democrat has interviewed those who, from their position as the heads of leading colored col- leges or from their association with or knowledge of the negro, are best able to speak authoritatively on this matter. "BOOKER T. WASHINGTON. " Tuskegee, Ala., January 21. " To the Editor of the Times-Democrat: "The Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute graduates from forty to fifty- five young men and women each year from its industrial and literature depart- ments. When these men and women graduate they are fitted to become teachers in the public schools or to work at various trades or industries, such as carpentry, wheelwrighting, blacksmithing, foundry work, machinists, tinsmiths, harness making, shoemaking. jirinting, farming, dairying, horticulture, stock raising, house painting, brick making, brick masonry, plastering, matti*ess making, tailor- ing, sewing, millinery work, laundering, general housekeeping, cooking, and nursing. "We have a definite plan of keeping closely up with the work accomplished by our graduates after they leave us. In fact, one teacher devotes a large portion of his time to the work of visiting our graduates and in keeping up in various ways with the work done by them. It is safe in saying at least 90 per cent of those who graduate from this institution secure useful and lucrative positions. In fact, most of them are usually engaged before they graduate. Especially is this true of those who graduate from our various industrial departments. So great is the demand from all parts of the South for our graduates who understand the various industrial pursuits, especially agriculture, dairying, carpentry, etc., that we can not laegin to supply this demand. Only this week we received applications from two prominent white men, one in Florida and another in Alabama, for men to take charge of large modern dairj^'establishments. '• I have never been opposed to what is called the higher education of the negro, but after years of experience I am convinced that, whether the negro receives much or little education, whether it be called high or low, we have reached the point in our development where a larger proportion of those who are educated should, while they are receiving their education or after they have received it, be taught to connect their education with some industrial pursuit. To the masses of the negroes in our present condition intellectual training means little except as the negro can use that education along industrial lines in securing for himself an independent position in the industrial world. There should be a more vital and practical connection between the negro's educated brain and his opportunity for ED 9G GG* 2090 EDUCATTOISr REPORT, 1895-96. earning an independent living. I do not mean to say that all educated colored men should have industrial training, for we need colored men in the professions. Bj" reason of our failure to give more attention to industrial development we are running the risk of losing the most valuable thing which Ave got out of slavery. American slavery, as bad as it was, made the Southern white men do business with the negro for two hundred and fifty years. If a white man wanted a house built or a suit of clothes made during slavery , he consulted a negro about the biiild- ing of that house or the making of those clothes. Thus the two races for two hundred and fifty years were brought into business contact, which left the negro at the close of the war in possession of all the skilled labor, as well as other lines of itidustry in the South. " The question which is now pressing upon us more and more each year is, ' Can we hold on to this skilled labor in the face of a large number of men and women of other races from Europe and from the North and West who are continually coming into the South? ' These foreigners are not only ediicated in their brains, but are skilled in their hands. In other words, they have brains coupled with skilled hands, and as a result we are forced more and more every day to compete with these foreigners. " Heretofore we have left this competition almost wholly to the ignorant men and women v^^ho learned their trades during slavery. I claim that a large propor- tion of the colored men and women who are educated in the colleges should take up industrial pursuits, should start bi'ick yards, steam laundries, become con- tractors, become trained nurses, intelligent farmers, so that we will not be driven out of every industry on which our life depends. Mere book education not coupled with industrial training too of-ten takes the young man from the farm and makes him yield to the temj^tation of trying to earn a living in a city by the use of his wits. " ISTotwithstanding the fact that nine-tenths of the colored people in the G-ulf States earn their living by agriculture in some form, if we leave out what has been done by Hampton anel Tuskegee we have done almost nothing in educating the people in the very industry in which they must earn their living. I claim that we should so educate the young colored man that he will not leave the farm, but will return to the farm after he has secured his education, and show his father and mother how, by the use of improved machinery, and by properly enriching the land, they can raise 50 bushels of corn on an acre of land where only 15 bushels were growing before. When a negro owns and cultivates the best farm and is the largest taxpayer in his county, his white neighbors will not object very long to his voting, and having that vote honestly counted. '•Booker T. Washington, "edward cushing mitchell. " President Edward Gushing Mitchell, A. M., D. D. , of Leland University, enter- tains very pronounced views regarding the importance of a higher education for the colored race. In this connection he pointed out that no people had ever taken rank among the civilized nations of the earth without colleges which were the fountains of learning and of a higher civilization. The colleges had always pre- ceded the common-school systems, which.were really the outgrowth of the col- leges. This country had suddenly formd within its borders a new nation, a people having a population of about 8,000,000 admitted to citizenship. The question was as to Avhether this vast population should be subjected to the same influences which had made a great nation of the American people or left to gTope in the darkness of semisavagery. To say that the negro did not need the same educational advan- tages which" had raised the white American to his present moral and intellectual status was to assume a moral and intellectual superiority for the African race. " In answer to a question as to the desirability of industrial education for the negro in lieu of the higher collegiate course. Dr. Mitchell referred the questioner to the following extract from one of his public utterances as ata explicit expression of his views on the subject: "'What shall we say now about the relation of industrial training to our prob- lem? Industrial training is good and useful to some persons, if they can afford time to take it. But in its application to the negro, several facts should be clearly understood. "1. It appears not to be generally known in the North that in the South all trades and occapations are open to the negro, and always have been. Before the war slaves vrere taught mechanic arts, because they thereby became more profit- able to their masters. And noAV every village has its negro mechanics, who are patronized both by white and colored employers, and any who wish to learn trades can do so. EDUCATIOX OF THE COLORED RACE. . 2001 '• 2. It is a mistake to suppose that industrial education can be wisely applied to the beginnings of school life. Said, the Rev. A. D. Mayo, than whom no man in America is better acquainted with the condition and wants of the South : ' There are two specious, un-American notions now masquerading under the taking phrase, " Industrial Education."' First, that it is possible or desirable to train large bodies of j-outli to superior industrial skill without a basis of sound elementary educa- tion. You can not polish a brickbat, and you can not make a good workman of a plantation negro or a white ignoramus until j^ou first wake up his mind and give liim the mental discipline and knowledge that comes from a good school. - - '"■ Second, that it is possible or desirable to train masses of American children on the European idea that the child will follow the calling of his father. Class educa- tiop has no place in the order of society, and the American people will never accept it in any form. The industrial training needed in the South must be obtained by the establishment of special schools of improved housekeeping for girls, with mechanical training for such boys as desire it. * * * And this training should be given impartially to both races, without regard to the thousand and one theo- ries of what the colored man can not do." — Address for National Educational Association. August D, 1878. "3. Industrial training is expensive of time and monej'' as compared with its results as a civilizer. When you have trained one student, you have simply fitted one man to earn an ordinary living. When you have given a college education ^o a man with brains, you have sent forth an instrumentality that will affect himdreds of thousands. "Said Chauncey M. Depew, in his address at the tenth convocation of the Uni- versity of Chicago, in April, 189."): 'I acknowledge the position and usefulness of the business college, the manual-training school, the technological institute, the scientific school, and the schools of mines, medicine, law, and theology. They are of infinite importance to the youth who has not the money, the time, or the oppor- tunity to secure a liberal education. They are of equal benefit to the college graduate who has had a liberal education in training him for his selected pursuit. But the theorist, or rather the practical men who are the architects of their own fortunes, and who are proclaiming on every occasion that a liberal education is a waste of time for a business man, and that the boy who starts early and is trained only for his one pursuit is destined for a larger success, are doing infinite harm to the ambitious youth of this country. The college, in its four years of discipline, training, teaching, and development, makes the boy the man. His Latin and his Greek, his rhetoric and his logic, his science and his philosophy, his mathematics and his history have little or nothing to do with law or medicine or theology, and still less to do with manufacturing, or mining, or storekeeping, or stocks, or grain, or provisions. But they have given to the youth, when he has graduated, the command of that superb intelligence with Avhich God has endowed him, by which, for the purpose of a living or a fortune, he grasps his profession or his busi- ness and speedily overtakes the boy who, abandoning college opportunities, gave his narrow life to the narrowing pursuit of the one thing by which he expected to earn a living. The college-bred man has an equal opportunity for bread and but- ter, but beyond that he becomes a citizen of commanding influence and a leader in every community where he settles.' "4. Industrial training is liable to divert attention from the real aim and end of education, which is a developed manhood. The young scholar can not serve two masters. It requires all the energy there is in a boy to nerve him to the high resolve that in spite of all difficulties he will x^atiently discipline himself until he becomes a ma^n. This is one reason w^hy our Northern colleges, which in many cases began as manual-labor schools, have abandoned this appendage to their cur- riculum. Ought we to insist on ' putting a yoke upon the necks " of our brethren in black ' which neither we nor our fathers were able to bear? ' " Finally. Experience seems to show that industrial education does not educate, even in trades. In the report of the Bureau of Education for 1889-90 is a full statistical table of the lines of business in wliich the graduates of seventeen colored schools are employed. In all these schools industrial instruction is given, such as carpentry, tinning, painting, whip making, plastering, shoemaking,- tailoring," blacksniithing, farming, gardening, etc. Out of 1,248 graduates of these schools there are found to be only 12 fai-mers, 2 mechanics, and 1 carpenter. The names of the universities are: 'Allen,' South Carolina; 'Atlanta,' Georgia: 'Berea,' Ken- tucky; 'Central Tennessee,' Tennessee; 'Claflin.' South Carolina: 'Fiske,' Ten- nessee; 'Knoxville,' Tennessee; 'Livingstone.' North Carolina: 'New Orleans,' Louisiana; 'Paul Quinn,' Texas: 'Philander Smith," Arkansas: -Roger Williams,' Tenne.^see; 'Rust,' Mississippi: 'Southern,' Louisiana; 'Straight,' Louisiana; 'Tuskegee,' Alabama; 'Wilberforce,' Ohio. 2092 EDUCATION REPORT, 1894-95. "The employment of the graduates were: Teachers, 693; ministers, 117; physi- cians, 163; lawyers, 116; college professors, 27; editors, 5; merchants, 15; farmers, 12; carpenters, 1; United States Government service, 36; driiggists, 5; dentists, 14; bookkeepers, 2; printers, 2; mechanics, 2; butchers, 3; other pursuits, 30. "The money appropriated to these schools by the Slater fund from 1884 to 1894 was $439,981.78. "L. G. ADKINSON. "President L. Gr. Adkinson, A. M., D. D., of the New Orleans University, said that, while he believed in the value of an industrial education for the youth of any race, white or black, he would not be in favor of in any way curtailing the present curriculum in use in the colleges for the colored race. As far as his own exijerience taught hini, there was apparently little danger of any plethora of col- ored graduates in the near future. In the first place, a majority of colored students had so little means available for the securing of an education that very few of them were in a position to take an extended college course, and, in the second place, they were, in most instances, so anxious to go out in life and earn a liveli- hood that they were inclined to leave college as soon as they had become qualified to teach in the public schools for their own race, and, as the demand for teachers generally exceeded the supply, they had no difficulty in obtaining satisfactory employment. " As to the effect of a higher education upon the young people of the colored race, he had alwaj^s found it beneficial, from a moral as well as from an intellec- tual point of view. The training received by the young men and women not only gave them a clearer and broader view of their responsibilities in life, but it endowed them with greater steadiness of purpose and business sense. "Among the more advanced students this improvement in moral and intellectual character had always been more marked than among the students who had left the college from the lower grades, but, as far as he had been able to trace them, he had not learned of a single student, male or female, who had gone out to lead a life of vice or idleness after having spent two years or more in the Southern Uni- versity. In fact, he had not known of a single instance in Avhich one of his stu- dents or ex-students had been arrested for lawbreaking of any kind. He believed that higher education was as beneficial to the one race as the other, but he thought that, as far as practicable, an industrial education should go hand in hand with a literary or scientific training. ' ' In proof of his belief that a higher education was good for the young people of the colored race, President Adkinson pointed out the records of the lives of the past graduates of the New Orleans University, many of whom are now occupying honorable positions in the literary and educational world, while all were reputably and creditably employed. "He was also of the opinion that a college training was beneficial to colored boys and girls who contemplated going into domestic service. Many of the students who were then attending the college were devoting their spare time to domestic service in families who lived near the college, and their employers had always expressed themselves as more than satisfied with their services. " PRESIDENT HENRY A. HILL. "President Henry A. Hill, of the Southern University, expressed the opinion that there was no conflict between industrial and the higher collegiate education, lie was of opinion that the two should go hand in hand to build up anything like a desirable manhood. If one or the other had to be neglected, he would consider it desirable to cling to the education of the mind rather than of the hands. Just as the mind was the more important part of man, so it was of importance that it should not be neglected. A collegiate education never failed to make a man brighter, to give him broader and more comprehensive views, and to make in all respects a better man of him. It was trite in these days to talk of the importance of education for the masses, as everybody admitted it to be of the last importance. It was not the negroes who had the advantages of a collegiate training who went to the bad, but in ninety-nine cases out of one hundred the negroes who could neither read nor write. A skillful mechanic who was lacking in intelligence was not likely to be a good nor successful member of society. As far as the Southern University was concerned, its students were mostly young men and women with- out means, and as soon as they had gone far enough in their studies to enable them to earn a comfortable livelihood they generally left the col-lege to take such situations as might be open to them. In fact, since the establishment of the Southern University not one had as yet taken the full collegiate coiirse. Some had become fairly advanced, and they were now doing well. They were not all EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2093 engaged in professional pursuits. Among tliose wlioni lie could most readily call to mind, several were engaged in mechanical pursuits, such as plastering, brick- laying, carpentering, and they were all doing well, most of them being now employers of labor and engaged in prosperous business. These men were good mechanics and intelligent business men, much more so than they would have been had they not had the advantage of a few sessions at college. "Of the female pupils who had attended the college for two or three years, most of them were teachers, while the others were in most instances married. Some were milliners or dressmakers, but all had proven by their lives after leav- ing college that they had been materially benefited by the training they had received. The demand for colored school-teachers was so active that it seemed as if the colleges situated in New Orleans could not turn them out fast enough to meet the wants of the State in this direction. This was true of the boys as well as the girls trained in the local universities. Among the boys and girls who had found It impossible to remain long enough at the college to fit themselves for teaching, many had taken situations as domestic servants, and they had been found to be very desirable for this purpose. They were much more intelligent and better behaved than those who had no education. They knew their places better, and were much more apt to hold a situation than those who had not attended college. They were in all respects brighter and more trustworthy. "In the Southern University all received an industrial as well as a collegiate training. This he considered of great importance. Boys who had spent several j'ears in a college without having their muscles as well as their minds developed found it a great hardship to engage in manual labor after leaving college. Their muscles had become lax through i^rotracted disuse, and to them, for a time at least, severe manual labor meant severe pain that was almost unendurable. Whether a boy was white or colored, he did not believe in educating one jjortion of his system without the other. He did not believe that the industrial training at all interfered with the collegiate training proper, for the training of the muscles could go on at the same time as the training of the mind in such a way that the one would in no way retard the other. Anyone who had had long experience in educating young children had not failed to notice how utterly impossible it was for many of them to keep still. They would squirm and twist restlessly m their seats. This was not perversity nor natural unruliness, but simply the demand of nature for the exercise of their muscles. To such children a very moderate amount of industrial training was a positive luxury, a rest and relaxation, and he had always found that they took kindly to it. If their industrial training continued to be neglected, they would in time become less impatient of restraint. This did not mean that they were becoming more obedient and tractable, but only that their muscles had begun to be vitiated in quality through disuse, a condition that was in all respects highly undesirable. "Upon the whole. President Hill was unqualifiedly opposed to the curtailing of the curriculum for colored students, whom he considered quite as likely to be benefited by a higher education as white students could be. " E. L. DESDUNES. "R. L. Desdunes said: 'While the right of acquiring education of any sort or degree is not to be denied, yet that subject, like others, may proi^erly divide the opinions of mankind. I regard as education the use we make of our sense to accomplish the ends of our existence. This definition leads me to consider avail- ing education as the best to be desired. I mean that training of our faculties best calculated to promote our own happiness and the happiness of others. Parents should consult surroundings, and from the inexorable logic of those surroundings pluck the rule of their conduct in what concerns the welfare of their children. " ' The colored man of to-day may or may not be the colored man of to-morrow, and for that reason he should live for the all-absorbing present. If he teaches his child how to work in skilled labor, he places in the possession of that child the key to self-support, self-reliance, and dutifulness. As all philosophy may be resumed into what man owes to his God, to his family, to himself, to his neighbor, and humanity, it is therefore wise in him to x^ursuo such a course in life as will more easily and more successfully help him to come up to tho requirements of his mani- fest destiny. The past has proven that an elementary education, coupled with the manual training I advocate by preference, has secured for same colored people in the United States most satisfactory results. Before the war it was the custom among the free colored families to send their children to school up to the age of 14, in some cases 15. After that time they were apprenticed up to 20 and 21 years. This rule applied to girls and boys.. That sort of education furnished to 2094 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. tliis city some of its best meclianics and seamstresses, and develoi^ed a population Avliich, in point of intelligence, respectability, and industrious habits, could com- I3are without disadvantage with any other of the same size and opportunities. It was a working population, yet it j)roduced its poets, niusicians, painters, etc. The book known as ' ' Les Cenelles " is the fruit of their leisure. Lanusse and Questy were carpenters, Dede was a cigar maker, Populus a bricklaj^er, and Hewlett could turn his hand at almost any trade. " ' The colored man of to-day should not seek after higher education, not because he deserves it less than his more fortunate fellow-mau, but because it is not profitable once in a thousand times. The average colored classic with his high Latin and Greek in this country is a literary Tantalus, only allowed to see, but without power to conquer. Let us have the skilled workman and the neeilev/oman ; they will do more good for the present than this multitude of collegiates who for the want of opportunity lapse into servility or rascality. ' "BISHOP W. B. DEE-KICK. "Bishop W. B. Derrick, of New York, said that so far as the present generation of the colored race is concerned he favored educating the youth in the industrial and mechanical branches, without so much attention being paid to their scientific and professional education. " ' I think it will be better, ' he said, ' for these girls and boys to have a thorough education in the common-school branches, with special training in mechanics and agriculture, than to pursue the higher or classical education. " ' It is for this reason that I am opposed to the so-called higher education of the present genei'ation of the colored youth; that the race has not yet amassed suffi- cient wealth to enable these higher educated youths to take their place in their professions v»^here, of necessity, they must be supported until they obtain a start. In other Avords, the boys' parents are not rich enough to both educate them and support them while they make a start in the professions. And the time has not yet come when the negro can successfully pose as an ornament to society with advantage to his race. No; I think that the negro will advance more surely and rapidly by educating them gradually. Teach this generation how to work and manufacture or conduct business enterprises. Wheii they have amassed the wealth, then let their children be edticated for whatever anybody else is educated — the pro- fessions and all branches of knowledge and culture. ' "OSCAR ATWOOD. "President Oscar Atwood, A. M., of Straight University, while deprecating any reduction or curtailment of the college curriculum, entertained very pronounced views as to the great value of an industrial training, which, in his opinion, ought always to be constantly associated with the education of the young people of both sexes. The institution over which he presided took the youngest pupils into the kindergarten department and undertook to train them up to final graduation, although there was only a small proportion of the pupils whom they advised to undertake the full course. They usually had about 600 pupils of all g-rades in the institution, and the average number graduated annually from the highest grade did not exceed 15. It was their practice to encourage none but the brightest stu- dents to take the full course, although those who contemplated entering the Chris- tian ministry were encouraged to reach as high attainments as their circumstances would permit. He conducted the interviewer over the premises, taking particu- lar pains to point out the completeness of the industrial department, which is thoroughly equipped and well appointed for the purpose it is inteiided to serve. The boys show admirable proficiency in cabinetmaking and joiner work, printing, and other occupations, while the mechanical drawings were excellent. The female students are all taught plain sewing, dressmaking, needle and fancy work, and the product of these industrial classes was found in all instances to be extremely creditable. " As to the benefit to be given to the young people of the colored race through a careful college training, President Atwood entertained much the same views as those expressed by the other college presidents interviewed on the subject, although he laid rather more stress upon the value and importance of an industrial training than any of the others. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2095 "BISHOP J. C. EMBRY. '• Bishop J. C. Embry said the tendency of tha day was xmquestionably toward mechanical and industrial education in both colored and white educational insti- tutions. The changed and changing conditions of this country made the enlarge- ment of this system of education absolutely nece.5sary if the greatest good and best results were to be obtained for the youth of the country. On the one hand the apprentice system that once obtained had practically passed away, while en the other hand the skilled mechanics and artisans of Europe were poiiring into this country year after year and driving out such American labor as was not fitted to meet it. The effects of this immigration were being seriously felt, and the neces- sity of meeting it is fully realized in the East by both white and colored educators. The African-American colored colleges and institutions. Bishop Embry said, were reaching out and adding mechanical instruction whenever the opportunity offered. •'BISHOPS ARXETT AND SALTER. " Bishop B. W. Arnett, of Ohio, said that he thought it was for the best advan- tage of the negro race to get all the education he could, both common-school and in the higher branches. ' It is shown by the records,' he said, ' that even when all the youth are offered the advantages of higher education, not more than one- fifth are able from one reason or another to avail themselves of it. The propor- tion of one-fifth I do not regard as too high for the niimber of those in the profes- sions, and, therefore, I see no good reason for confining the education of the negro strictly to the industrial and mechanical branches.' " Bishop M. B. Salter, of South Carolina, said: ' Let the negro get all the educa- tion he can, both with their hands and in their heads.' "BISHOP H. M. TURNER. "Bishop H. M. Turner said that during the present generation, at least, the greatest efforts of the educators should be directed to the industrial and mechan- ical training of negro children. In this field there was a much wider range for work and development, and it was much easier to succeed under the conditions that prevail and were likely to continue in a large degree for years to come than in the arts and professions. Bishop Turner said he had many scholars educated in the higher branches for whom he could find no employment. " BISHOP B. F. LEE. "Bishop B. F. Lee said he favored following the same educational system that had made the white man strong and great and independent; without properly training the hand, all intellectual development is useless. 'Simply elevating the intellect,' said the Bishop, 'only makes man vicious. The educational system should b3 blended. Some should be trained as thinkers, while others should be educated in mechanical and industrial callings.' '•COL. JAMES LEWIS. '•Col. James Lewis said while colleges were essential for the higher attainments of the race, tlie inclination for usefulness of a child could best be ascertained at home and in the schoolroom. Those children showing aptness for the professions or mathematics or mechanics should then be trained according to the bent of their mind. Colonel Lewis said the race was sadly in need of more normal, mechanical, and industrial schools, "BISHOP A. GRANT. " Bishop A. Grant said: ' In the first place, I think that the negro should not be educated as a race, but as anybody else. Why make any distinction';' Secondlj-, whatever has served to educate and cultivate other races I think should also be taught to the negro. In other words, I think the negro should be educated just ike anybody else, without regard to his color or race.' '' 2096 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. Table 9. — Schools for the education of the colored State and post- office. Name of scliool. Religious denomi- nation. Wliite. Teachers Pupils enrolled. Col- ored. Total. Ele- men- tary grades. lO ALABAMA. Athens Calhoun ... Huntsville Marion Montgomery . Normal Selma ..._do Talladega .. Tuscaloosa . Tuskegee... ARKANSAS. Arkadelphia do - Little Rock. - do do Pine Bluff,. - Southland... DELAAYARE. Dover DISTRICT OF CO- LUMBIA. Washington .ao. .do. .do. FLORIDA. Fernandina . . Jacksonville . do Live Oak Ocala Orange Park . Tallahassee . . Albany . . . Americus. Athens ... do do Atlanta . . . do do do do Augusta.. Trinity Normal School a Calhoun Colored School. Central Alabama Acad- emy. Lincoln Normal School. . State Normal School for Colored Students, a State Normal and In- dustrial School. Burrell School Alabama Baptist Uni- versity. Talladega College Stillman Institute Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute. Shorter University Arkadelphia Academy Arkansas Baptist College. Philander Smith College- Union High School Arkansas Normal College Southland College and Normal Institiite. State College for Colored Students. High School, 7th and 8th divisions. Howard University Normal School, 7th and 8th divisions. "Wayland Seminary * Gj-aded School No. 1 Cookman In.stitute* .- Edward Walters College a Florida Institute Emerson Home and School. Normal and Manual Training School. State Normal and Indus- trial College for Colored Students. Albany Normal School... McKay High School . _ Jerual Academy Knox Institute West Broad Street School Atlanta'Baptist Seminary Atlanta University Morris Brown College — Spelman Seminary Storr s School Haines Normal and In- dustrial School. ■■ Statistics for 1891-93. Cong Nonsect. Cons Cong. Bapt . Cong Presb . . . Nonsect - A.M. E. Bapt ... Bapt ... Meth... Non.sect Nonsect Friends Nonsect. Nonsect. Nonsect. Nonsect - Bapt Nonsect.' M.E A. M.E.- Bapt Meth Cong Nonsect. Nonsect Nonsect Bapt . . . Cong... Nonsect Bapt ... Nonsect A. M.E... Bapt . . Cong . . Presb . 16 203 98 8 46 }0 21 7 70 14 193 13 475 63 a Statistics for 1893-94. EDUCATION OF THE • COLORED RACE. race— teachers, students, and coiirscs of studfj. 2097 Pupils enrolled. Students Graduates. Second- ary grades. Col- legiate classes. Clas- sical courses. Sci tif COUl ?n- ic ses. a a o English course. Normal course. Busi- ness course. High school course. Normal course. Col- legiate course. 1 a 6 o S 6 a o £ "3 3 a 6 1 a 6 "3 a &4 6 1 a Em 6 "3 a Pm 1 _6 "3 a i:t 14 15 1© 17 IS 19 •iO 31 33 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 30 31 33 14 16 1 132 164 9 5 40 137 89 52 78 35 19 80 145 99 57 85 48 2 8 5 19 ^ 4 127 89 17 145 99 40 9 13 1 10 18 3 44 33 12 12 5 1 16 44 53 44 33 C 1 5 7f 02 100 30 98 104 52 Rf 12 16 24 20 12 10 1 15 14 8 8 10 81 8- S? 14 3 25 22 ..._. 4 2 8i 15 21 26 91 20 28 18 70 9 19 13 49 136 111 22 90 82 15 106 14 26 76 15 118 3 25 18 29 55 28 43 77 a 46 1 c 4 1 6 8= 1 5 9 5 3 16 11 3 10 10 8f 18 24 8' 7 39 26 7 2 1 8^ 38 2 8 91 1 10 8 8^ C C 10 1 12 31 10 18 15 35 14 9 9 25 3 10 4 5 4 6 9 9' 91 Of % 62 56 6 28 1 1 12 9 q 9( 11 43 100 13 76 169 9 15 27 5 7 1 8 9 17 33 83 130 9' G 4 3 10( 7 10 11 6 21 10 96 79 71 G £0 5 2 17 10 10 10 15 45 15 3 12 15 c 10 in 94 117 10 in ( 24 6 32 28 8 73 10 52 10 132 10 15 2 5 6 4 n 10 37 17 10 23 9 11 6 f 1 6 11 20 40 11 11 5 11 4 5 16 I 39 5 54 8 1 2 6 6 5 3 11 8 11 5 8 2 5 4 3 5 11 C 14 ( 11 42 84 n 1 5 e 9 5 11 4S C r c 2'' "o 4 15 7 77 o:. CO 57 c 7 8 4 12 12 2102 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. Table 9.— Schools for the education of the colored race- 133 133 124 135 133 133 134 135 138 137 138 139 140 141 143 143 144 145 State and post- office. Name of school. PENNSYLVANIA. Carlisle Lincoln Univer- sity. Philadelphia SOUTH CAROLINA. Aiken 13G Beaufort . -do 138 ; Camden 129 I Charleston . 130 1 do 131 I Chester Columbia... ._..do Frogmore . Greenwood-. Orangeburg . TENNESSEE. Chattanooga . Columbia Dickson . . . Jonesboro . Knoxville . do Maryville . Memphis . do. 140 Morristown . 147 148 149 150 151 153 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 Murf i-eesboro . Nashville .do. .do. .do. Austin . do.. Brenham . (Crockett. - G-alveston , Hearne . . . Marshall do Palestine Prairie View . Waco Religious denomi- nation. WMte.o^-ed. Teachers. Pupils enrolled. High School (North Pitt | Nonsect. Lincoln University . - Presb Friends . Institute for Colored Youth. Schofield Normal and In- dustrial School. Beaufort Academy.- Harbison Institute Browning Industrial Home and School.* Avery Normal Institute . . Wallingford Academy «.. Brainer d Institute Allen University Benedict College Penn Industrial and Nor- mal School. Brewer Normal School... Claflin University and Agricultural College, and Mechanics' Insti- tute. Nonsect.. Nonsect. Presb ... M.E Cong . Presb ... A.M.E.. Bapt Nonsect - Cong Nonsect. 10 Howard High School Maury County Turner Normal and Industrial School. Wayman Academy Warner Institute Austin High School Knoxville College Freedmen's Normal In- stitute. Hannibal Medical College Le Moyne Normal Insti- tute. Morristown Normal Academy. Bradley Academy Central Tennessee Col- lege. Fisk University ^ . Meigs High School..., Roger Williams Univer- sity. Pligh Schoor'' Tillotson Collegiate and Normal Institute. East End High School a. Mary Allen Seminary... Central High School Hearne Academy Nor- mal and Industrial, In- stitute. Bishop College Wiley University Colored High School Prairie View State Nor- mal School. PaiTl Quinn College. Nonsect.. Nonsect.. Cons U. Presb - Friends . Cong M.E. Nonsect. M.E Cong.... Nonsect. Bapt Nonsect. Cong Presb ... Nonsect. Bapt Bapt .... M.E Nonsect- Nonsect- A. M. E t S Total. Ele- men- tary grades. 1 4 3 3 12 170 10 109 10 lO 11 178 170 132 70 55 ia5 73 85 131 131 150 146 140 18 150 164 115 143 83 35 35 95 40 30 ■■ Statistics of 1894-95. 3 o Statistics of 1893-94. 406 199 3Si 144 113 119 130 136 307 53 91 50 388 110 85 245 303 90 138 34 18 49 18 136 137 '65 33 316 137 133 16 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. teachers, students, and courses of study — Continued. 2103 Pupils enrolled. Students. G^raduates. Second- ary grades. Col- legiate classes. Clas- sical courses. Scien- tific courses. English course. Normal course. Busi- ness course. High school coarse. Normal course. Col- legiate course. 6 "a 6 6 o 1 a 6 a ID 6 a .2 6 Eh 6 a 4 r2 a rSi a a IS 14 1^ 16 ir 18 «« 30 31 32 23 34 33 3G 37 38 39 30 31 33 12 02 28 9 30 25 .50 13 8 3 131 18 26 01 11 5 4 10 '13 31 15 no 30 20 63 55 119 36 5 3 125 16 29 65 17 3 9 12 53 33 170 12 1t> 1 1^ 115 ft 21 -[9 . 72 6 8 T" • (. 4 6 3 1 7 4 3 13 f 7 20 12 1^ a5 122 .85 238 5 48 20 119 1 ' 1* 3 5 10 22 1> 13 13 6 (1 7 - 4 1 9 27 8 4 3 8 g 10 •18 13 13 16 34 13 112 18 103 16 18 13 16 35 9 12 5 3 4 id 13 13 1 1 13 ^- 11 1 13 3 16 13 13 13 47 13 13 10 3 12 41 50 4 9 1 3 6 3 3 7 14 14 ~6 8 15 9 4 36 2 6 3 43 53 1 14 54 50 4 4 14 14 98 95 66 6 57 76 46 70 55 18 98 75 21 83 154 43 140 68 29 1% 36 70 103 78 93 126 98 37 123 02 4 1 13 1 14 4 3 1 8 3 5 14 1 14 39 51 15 23 1 5 43 7 5 11 8 3 21 13 3 14 1 1 U 14 15 .23 2 ■'■^0 16 3 70 140 48 65 16 22 5 6 8 5 3 6 15 15 1 13 111 17 13 1 1 15 15 1 125 100 2 5 4 (1 ( 15 23 8 5b 13 6 77 51 31 5 19 27 ' s 74 36 » 6 1 23 6 31 1 (1 15 24 25 18 9 15 15 2 11 22 '' 6 c 5 15 20 34 ] " 16 1 74 1 16 15 16 16 2104 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1895-90 Table 9. — Schools for the education of the colored race- State and post- office. Name cf schoo- Religious denomi- nation. Teacliers. Pnpils enrolled. White, Col- ored. Total. lO Ele- men- tary :rrades. 11 13 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 iro 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 VIRGINIA. Burkeville . Cappahosif-- Danville-- Hampton Lawrenceviile Manassas Manchester . Norfolk .... Petersburg. .do. .do. Richmond do AVEST VIRGINIA. Farm Harpers Ferry . Parkersburg _ . . Inglesido Seminary* Gloucester Agricultural and Industrial School. Colored Graded School.. . Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute. St. Paul Normal and In- dustrial School. Manassas Industrial School for Colored Youth. Piiblic High School Norfolk Mission College . . Bishop Payne Divinity and Industrial School. Peabody High School Virginia Normal and Col- legiate Institute. Hartshorn Memorial Col- lege. Richmond Theological Seminary. "West Virginia Colored Institute. Storer College High School. Presb . . . Nonsect. Nonsect Nonsect.. Epis Nonsect - Nonsect- U. Presb Epis Nonsect. Bapt Bapt Nonsect.. Free Bapt Nonsect * Statistics of 1894-95. EDUCATION OP THE COLORED RACE 2105 teachers, students, and courses of stxidy — Continued. Pupils enrolled. Students. Graduates. Second- ary grades. Col- legiate classes. Clas- sical courses. Scien- tific courses. English course. Normal course. Busi- ness course. High school course. Normal course. Col- legiate course. .2 a d a a5 a ID d s ■2 6 a d _d a d 6 a o d d Is a fa d d a fa d _d a D fa 13 14 15 IG ly 18 19 30 31 33 33 34 35 3G 37 3S 39 30 31 33 57 120 1(3 21 55 5 6 39 130 41 111 20 5 19 2(3 5 38 ms lfi4 4 G 4 250 6 151 57 120 39 130 \m 11 18 8 16R ifir 4 21 14 41 50 43 42 09 6 3 2 11 168 169 10 28 — - 170 171 19 1-1!) ( 43 50 47 54 161 82 ( G7 49 101 19 12 32 82 c 10 a? 173 17.3 58 5 1 5 14 174 175 13 6 14 30 32 42 10 50 15 49 c 2 8 1 176 177 5 14 178 1 """T !""" 210G EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. Table 10. — Schools for the education of the colored race- Name of school. Students inpro- fessional courses. Pupils receiving industrial training. Students trained in industrial branches . 0) -a O g s 8 s a S o 9 a I o m 10 bb 1 11 bi) •S "S 12 a o si o 5 bi) a U ?-( o 14 M u o 6 O 15 bit a a o bio a 17 bi .3 % o 18 bi) a o U 19 to OJ u o si O 20 6 6 IS g o 4 r2 i 5 a 0) 6 '3 o Eh 7 1 2 3 1 ALABAMA. Trinity Normal School a... 3 Calhoun Colored School Central Alabama Academy 65 105 170 55 48 3 55 S 4 5 State Normal School for Colored Students, a State Normal and Indus- trial School. 6 121 72 14 110 145 79 82 250 266 151 96 360 27 41 62 27 4 28 38 93 79 82 171 60 6 77 "ii 82 7 ... 6 S Alabama Baptist Univer- sity. 23 12 8 23 12 8 3 4 q 30 75 in TT Tuskegee Normal and In- dusti'ial Institute. ARKANSAS. 133 87 220 64 156 1^ 13 1 1 Arkansas Baptist College.. 12 12 8 7 4 5 12 12 2 11 T", Ifi IT Arkansas Normal College. . Southland College and Normal Institute. DELjVWARE. State College for Colored Students. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. High School, Tth and 8th divisions. Howard University Normal School, Ttli and 8th divisions. Wayland Seminary * FLORIDA. Graded School, No 1 40 40 40 8 23 103 30 10 2 50 23 30 70 18 25 153 23 30 11 6 "'6 40 o 17 48 40 40 40 "2 '"o 3 5 41 I'i 13 7 11 5 "6 1 "6 Tl 10 48 23 15 ""6 15 6 ''I 280 33 313 9'> ''T 34 34 ''■( ^'1 Cookman Institute* Edward Walters College a. 4 4 'fi ''7 8 43 21 40 44 47 8 40 87 •68 8 "S Emerson Home and School . Normal and Manual Train- ing School. State Normal and Indus- trial College for Colored Students. GEORGIA. 20 21 43 21 40 14 24 •X) 30 47 47 31 3" 33 34 1C7 107 107 ... 3n West Broad Street School. Atlanta Baptist Seminary. Atlanta University 3f) 19 19 10 67 110 10 177 10 15 37 ... 55 12 105 16 ■ statistics of 1894-95. a statistics of 1893-94. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2107 professioncd and industrial training — equipvient and income. Chief sources of support. u o . ws •2 a o-S fl 00 % > S u a Value of grounds, buildings, furniture, and scientific apparatus "o '3 a § . 1-1 O 5 o S < '3 a p |i s « O o «+^ a p o a < s p. a ^1 B -J !3 O a ® ,a +i o a o £^ > ^^ ■53 g a s 1 a >, tMCn as o 3 o 21 23 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 i 1 $17,459 450 ^),'132 ' $584 $363 $388 $1, 135 ?, ,S 4 State and United States _ 1,000 2,800 700 1,000 0,000 2,(K10 50,000 7,000 30,000 126,618 $4,000 11,000 15,000 fi 7 Amer Bapt.H.M.S. 3,462 10, 749 755 1,568 6,044 2,469 4,500 3,324 13,112 8 9 in 150, 732 10,000 12,000 10,000 30,000 20,000 50,000 35,000 15,800 125,000 700,000 3.000 9, 724 172 84,889 1,227 1,080 1,486 97, 785 1,327 1,360 1,986 11 1*^ 150 100 600 3, .500 1,200 450 1,200 13,000 350 3,000 1,000 256 500 30 13 Amer. Bapt. Home Miss. Society Freedmen's Aid and S. Ed. So.. ""3," 500 14 15 4,500 4,950 4,200 34,500 384 4,797 61 0,683 4,500 5,334 7,417 4,261 56,683 16 State 17 Tuition and benevolence :J47 200 2,035 585 18 19 4,000 8,500 7,000 ?in do _ : 31 70,000 2.875 30,000 :^ '0 ?4 Freedmen"s Aid S. M. E. C'li 461 1,800 2.261 ?,n «6 Homo Society N. Y. and Beth- ' lehem Assn. 1 W. H. M. S. M. E. Cli • 1,200 100 500 516 100 72 ■""'i.so 350 3,000 9,400 7,000 5,000 30,000 25,000 4,000 5,000 6,175 6,000 4,000 50,000 2.52, 000 37 2,800 'io.loo 39 465 504 28 Amer. Miss. Assn •>9 State and United States 10,500 13,300 800 16, 710 2,054 30 25 500 800 31 Citv and State _ 310 438 n>. A. B. H. M. S. Jerual Assn Amer. Miss. Assn 1,616 33 34 "'•"23i::::::: 500i 1,200 1.920' 580 30; 53 3,970 5.670 lOli 2,t-96 35 A.B. H. M. S.._ Tuition and benevolence 700 27, 566 3!) 37 2108 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. Table IC .— -Schools for the education c / the colored race — Name of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils receiving industrial training. Students trained in industrial branches. 1 M u o a CD XS U c3 60 s.. o a h o 9 ah s 3 o ■r* W 10 til .S s TO s 11 6i a '43 .a Ph 12 03 S >> u eS u a o > Ui ,3 pi P< > '3 a o o a 1 i a c s > I 1 1 1 bi) a 'S 12 i o ® a o a Ts bo M o 14 4 s ft o si g 3 o 1 15 bh a .r-< -^ a o o x\ m 1« bJ3 g Oh 17 bi) HI 18 bj) o o O 19 to 20 6 6 3 o 6 CD 1 o H 1 2 8 4 5 G 7 8 9 10 11 Tfi MISSISSIPPI. Mount Hermon Female Seminary. Southern Christian Insti- tute. 7 6 Q 13 58 3 81 99 20 65 9 81 99 32 58 2 81 99 30 .58 4 30 "ie 2 "o 4 1 ~ 78 34 34 79 Mississippi State Colored Normal School. SO 11 ,?0 11 20 81 20 R91 83 84 Tongaloo University Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical College. MISSOURI. 3 3 104 384 103 307 384 35 53 104 71 103 83 "3 85 59 01 41 8fi 87 88 Lincoln Institute * Lincoln High School Hale's College * ""6 5 4 "o ""o 5 4 85 80 165 40 20 25 "6 "o 80 "6 "6 89 90 PI George R. Smith College. . . NEW JERSEY. Manual Training and In- dustrial School. NORTH CAROLINA. q? 18 35 48 18 • IS 35 03 9i Washburn Seminary - 36 165 41 67 165 36 37 c 33 7 c 36 -- 16 46 41 31 05 31 31 Ofi Clinton Colored Graded School. 07 287 387 387 287 OS State (Colored Normal School (Elizabeth City). State Colored Normal School. Albion Academy, Normal and Industrial School.* Franklinton Christian Col- lege. State Colored Normal School.* State Colored Normal ' School. Agricultural and Mechan- ical College for the Col- ored Race. 00 100 5 e 2 6 80 45 39 75 15 109 75 60 50 46 35 10 2 1 t 18 75 15 101 10? 103 45 45 45 80 45 15 10+ 105 106 High Point Normal and 20 117 120 117 140 4 3 117 120 55 107 Industrial School. 10 10 108 "Whitin NoriTial School * 100 Barrett Collegiate and In- dustrial Institute. 5 5 110 111 91 130 137 80 338 300 --- 12 120 5 5 m 2 91 80 91 80 ... 11'^ Shaw University 85 85 113 111 Livingstone College.- 19 19 80 40 120 16 10 ... ... ... ... ... 30 50 -.. -■ Statistics of 1894-0.". a Statistics of 1893-91. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2111 professional and ivdustrial training —eqiiijjment and income — Continued. Cliief sources of support. o 3 o,i II > a •r-t a pi I O -en > '3 '3 3 a (< o J'S w1 *^ P. o +3 3 o a '3 a 2 li PI § a < 6 a .s © r a < s o a p CM o 2 a o a ce >> > 23 100 m) 700 52 5,000 14,000 Sis 24 S6,135 a"), 000 5.000 13,000 200,00fi 5,000 213,000 c8 eS 1,6.50 116 13,500 26 S350 1,400 226 3,500 2» > O-I-i 2; §50 3,300 25,000 m to 28 S219 210 3,000 800 1,589 700 10,000 29 $1,869 510 4,400 916 1,815 27,000 35,000 Contributions . U. S., State. Presb.Ch... M. E. Ch.... 1,000 350 30,000 3,500 5,000 150 690 Am. Miss. Assn. and tuition 300 600 500 Presb. Ch A. M. E. Church... Am. Bapt. H. M. S . Contributions 7,5.53 1,000 Am. Miss. Assn U. S. Slater, and Peabody State, funds, F. A. and S. E. So. 300 3.000 300 250 1,800 25,000 1,300 10,000 30,000 70, 000 4,000 12,000 150, 000 ,341 300 400 2,800 336 1,300 5,009 540 2, .500 1,464 17,00(1 1,000 296 700 4,000 4,000 "i,"ooo 5,500 6,700 1,330 300 400 5,300 1,800 5,000 "i,"296 700 26,500 Tuition . do Am. Miss. Assn City Church and Miss. Society. NewEng. Y. M 500 18 1,50 30' 1,905 1,.500 11,000 300 34: 100,000 1,000 300 428 13,000 686 Donations and tuition Am. Miss. Assn. and tuition. P. A. S. M. E. Ch. 5,000 412 ,200 1,000 State and county - - . F. A. and S. Ed. S. M. E. Ch. 140 City Am. Bapt. H. M.S. ED 9G 3,984 6,000 18 4,0J0 -67 45,000 50,000 2,100 100, 000 350, 000 6, 000 100,000 4,120 1,000 600 8,83' 1,550 3,971 5,292 360 1,310 6,600 42,259 1,117 60 235 14,300 1,114 4,720 9,837 1,5.50 10,831 48,861 1,659 2114 EDUCATION REPORT, 1895-96. Table 10. — Schools for .the education of the colored race- Name of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils Students trained in industrial branches. industrial training. o CD o a u a 3 o si i 'El M bi .S bi o ^ Is -(J CD a CD (D O •1-1 Eh a 'bi 3 ft o i bJD s '% a CD O m B bb 0) bJ) .s 3 o o o 0) 1 6 S "3 EH "3 a CD El 1 2 3 4 S G 1 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 .^■? TEXAS. High School*. 5R Tillotson Collegiate and Normal Institute. East End High Schoolrt --- 54 75 139 --- 54 75 ..J 5+ 55 Mary Allen Seminary Central High School 15 154 5 225 16 145 150 235 31 399 155 335 125 lOU 5fi 19 22 15 1 "5 9 30 (1 1 40 2 L57 5S Hearne Academy Normal and Industrial Institute. Bishop College .. . 19 19 59 Wiley University ai... m Colored High School-. 1 B1 Prairie View State Normal School. Paul Quinn College . _ 77 74 151 35 39 66 ... W: IfiR VIRGINIA. Ingleside Seminary * 44 307 150 50 18 111 54 190 ]7f 43 303 111 98 497 320 93 330 111 54 14 73 200 Ill 54 73 368 344 43 1fi4- Gloucester Agricultural and Industrial School. Colored Graded School Hampton Normal and Ag- ricultiiral Institute. St. Paul Normal and In- dustrial School. Manassas Industrial School for Colored Youth. Public High School 40 00 13 50 2 33 10 50 1 •> 5 10 8 11 30 165 3 7 7 3 17 11 1fi7 168 169 170 Norfolk Mission College 171 Bishop Payne Divinity and Industrial School. Peabody High School 7 7 17?i 130 130 130 30 173 Virginia Normal and Col- legiate Institute. Hartshorn Memorial Col- lege. Richmond Theological Seminary. WEST VIRGINIA. West Virginia Colored In- stitute. Storer College 174 1 175 58 58 176 43 34 67 5'> 110 76 1 33 31 2 3 5 60 50 48 7 177 178 High School 1 = statistics of 1894-95. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2115 professional and industrial training — equipment and income — Continued. Chief sources of support. i o a<» , '^ 4-1 r-f Value of grounds, buildings, furniture, and scientific apparatus. Amount of State or munici- pal aid. '3 i 0) d) §§ i g < g ft l| 8.^ CD +^ %^ o a < A o a o £ . p 3 o o g o a < D >. $35, 377 l,020j ■200 15 10, 703 133 2, 600 8,110 200 24, 464 1,745 47, 538 1,950 167, 480 3,515 16. 125 5, 660 17, 319 2,376 33, 770 169 212 18, 567 10, 700 5,000 16, 820 2,910 100 17, 250 6,600 14, 000 8.475 18, 166 7,575 17,400 5,600 305,050 224,794 $15, 970 2,935 14. 500 2; 350 29, 659 190 200 17, 025 8,800 4,400 24, 400 2,159 75 10, 035 6,500 14, 000 5,680 17, 330 6,700 11, 223 3,600 fd P S 0! a !-i-S a $532, 247 17.0, 200 17, SOO 965, 000 70, 500 1, 324, 262 18, 000 2, 500 294, 203 326, 236 110, 000 431, 500 166, 300 1,000 523, 710 108, 900 214, 000 212, 500 904, 400 324, 600 888, 000 110,000 t:i $14, 730 8,200 4,000 32, 600 11, 500 17, 300 t; p 1° P p o o 29, 220 9,000 12, 900 9,750 18, 000 3, 000 17, 889 16, 400 3,100 3, 100 20, 600 25, 550 15, 000 203, 731 7, 714, 958 271, 839 $7, 271 5,807 7,914 292 23,014 5,094 4,054 3,200 7,313 1,761 8,588 1,822 8,485 24, 958 23, 683 7,681 325 141, 262 O o ^ $7, 766 2,100 9,000 5,700 4,578 6,440 1,240 10, 000 125! 725 1, 323, p 8=2 $36, 778 4, 145J 4, 200 1 n.oooj 145 81,115 8,173 22, 610 11, 610 23, 222 2,996 49, 857 8,771 1, 000 37, 633 2, 800 38, 633 500 25, 134 37,224 164,406 1, 559 0, 6G9 92,080 540,097 Ss $66, 545 20, 252 8,200 60, 514 11, 937 127, 129 47, 085 42, 104 28, 950 50, 285 22, 882 3, 000 77, 059 28, 316 50, 218 69. 491 69, 917 234, 861 26, 553 1, 045, 278 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE 2301 "SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL CONDITION OF NEGROES IN CITIES." Under the above title the Atlanta University has recently published a valuable report of an investigation made under the direction of that institution by a number of its graduates. The introduction to that report and the three leading paj^ers by the principal investigators are reprinted below : INTRODUCTION. The papers presented in this report were written exclusively by colored men and women, and are based npon statistical investigations made by them nndcr the direction of Atlanta University. The investigation was begun by an inquiry on the part of three graduates of Atlanta University into the causes of the excessive mortality among negroes. A conference was held on the subject at Atlanta University in May, 1896, and the facts brought out at that conference were so significant that the investigation was con- tinued for another year along similar lines, but on a more extensive scale, and a second conference was held in May, this year. The cooperation of graduates of other institutions was invited. The present investigation, therefore, is the result of the joint efforts of graduates of Atlanta University, Fisk, Berea, Lincoln, Spelman, Howard, Meharry, and other institutions for the higher education of the negroes. The conclusions which these men and women have reached as a result of their investigations are, in some respects, most Surprising; especially their conclusions as to the effect of environment and economic conditions upon the vital energies of the race. Their conclusions were, in substance, that the excessive mortality of their people can not be attributed in any large degree to unfavorable conditions of environ- ment, but must be chiefly attributed to the ignorance of the masses of the people and their disregard of the laws of health and morality. The significance of this conclusion is tersely expressed by one of the writers, who says: "This last fact, that the excessive death rate of the colored people does not arise from diseases due to environment, is-of vast importance. If poor houses, unhealthy localities, bad sewerage, and defective plumbing were responsible for their high death rate, there would be no hope of reducing the death rate until either the col- ored people became wealthy, or philanthropic persons erected sanitary houses, or municipalities made appropriations to remove those conditions. But since the excessive death rate is not due to these causes, there is reason for the belief that it may be reduced without regard to the present economic condition of the colored people." The attention of the members of the conference seemed to be mainly directed to a consideration of the social questions affecting the progress of the race. The sentiment of the conference was voiced by one writer in these words : "If we are to strike at the root of the matter, it will not be at sanitary regulation, but Jit social reconstruction and moral regeneration." The solution of the problem will be found in the wise direction of the numerous charitable, religious, and educational organizations of colored people already estab- listied. As a means toward that end, the university will continue the city problem investigation along the lines upon which it was begun, and will hold a third con- ference at Atlanta next May. The subject of the next conference can not now be announced, but in accordance with the expressed wish of members of the last con- ference, it will be some subject dealing with the social conditions of the people. The result of the present investigation has been, on the whole, distinctly encour- aging. In the opinion of the committee having the investigation in charge, the negro has nothing to fear from a most rigid and searching investigation into hia physical :md social condition, but such an investigation can be made most helpful and valuable. Results of the Investigation. [Note. — The three following papers on the results of the investigation were written by the three members of the coufereuce who iudividnally collected the most data: Mr. Butlev R. Wilson, a member of the comuiittee, who gathered data relating to 100 families that had migrated from North Carolina to Cambridge, Mass. ; Prof. E^igene Harris, of Fisk University, who made an extensive investigation in Nashville, and Mr. L. M. Hershaw, of Washington, D. C, who had in charge the very laliori- ous work of analyzing the reports of the boards of health for the past fifteen years. — Ed, ] 2302 EDUCATION REPORT, 1896-97. GENEKAL SUMMAKY.' In making this investigation of tlie habits, morals, and environment of uogroea living in cities, three things have been kept constantly in view, viz : First. To obtain accurate information, vrithont regard to cherished theories or race pride 5 Second. To make the inquiry practical and helpful, and not merely for scientific results; and, Third. To induce the people to apply the remedies -which they have in their own hands for the evils which are found to exist and which retard their progress. The results to bo gained depended entirely upon the intelligence^ and litness of the investigators, who were selected with great care from the ranks of well-known colored educators, ministers, physicians, lawyers, and business men living among the people covered by the investigation. All the data were gathered by this body of trained colored leaders, and they are believed to be perhai)3 more than usually accurate, because of the investigators' knowledge of the character, habits, and prejudices of the people, and because of the fact that they v,"cr6 not hindered by the suspicions which confront the white investigator, and which seriously affect the accuracy of the answers to his q^uestions. The vv'ork of the investigators was entirely voluntary and was done with a will- ingness and industry highly gratifying. The cities embraced in the investigation, with a single exception, are located iu regions of heaviest negro population, and are fairly representative of other cities containing large numbers of negroes. The data obtiiined v/ere T)ublished in the May Bulletin of the United States Depart- ment of Labor, and cover so wide a range of useful information that only a few things can be pointed out here. Ee'ferriug to the tables of this Bulletin, we find one noticeable fact in Table 3, namely, that the size of colored families is much smaller than is commonly supposed, the average being 4.17 persons. Tables o and 6, giving household conditions by families — the average i)er8ons per sleeping room and the number of rooms per family — show that the general belief that the tenements and houses occupied by colored people are greatly overcrowded is not founded on facts. These tables do not show that any great overcrowding exists, on the whole, although for certain individual families and groups the aver- CL(jea are somewhat larger. It also appears that the average number of living rooms is^much larger than has been thought to be the case. An average of 2.22 persons to a sleeping room in Atlanta, 2.44 persons iu Nashville, and 1.96 persons in Cam- brido-e, and 2.05 persons in ail the other cities covered by the investigation, is an unei-qjected and important showing, and reverses the idea that the number of fami- lies having but one room each for all purposes was very largo and was the rule instead of the exception. Out of a, total of 1,137 families investigated only 117, or 10.29 per cent, had but one room each for their use for all purposes. Tabic 7, giving number of families and means of support, shows a large proportion of females^who either support families unaided or who contribute to the support of families. Of the male heads only 26.7 per cent were able to support their families without assistance from oth.T members'. Of the 1,137 families 650, or 57.17 per cent, were supported wholly or in part by female heads. In comparison with Avhite female heads of families and those contributing to family support there is quite a large excess on the part of colored women. This table calls attention to the enforced absence of mothers from their homes and the daily abandonment, by these mothers who are compelled to aid in earning the family support, of their young children to the evil associations, the temptations, and vicious liberty of the alleys, courts, and slums. To attempt to prove from the showing of this table that negro men are nnwill- ing'to support their families and that they are lazy and shiftless Avould bo unfair. Careful inquiry by a number of the investigators indicates very strongly that the comparatively small support given by these men to their families is not due to unwill- ingness, but to their inability to get work as readily and constantly as the Avomen. At the South white men refuse to work at the bench, in the mill, and at other employ- ments v?ith colored men, who for this reason are denied work, and therefore unable to earn means with which to support their families. This fact was found to exist in the city of Cambridge, where a large per cent of the men in the Imndred families investigated, in reply to an inquiry, said that they had been refused work because they were colored, and a number of them said that they were unable to follow their trades, but had to "job around" with unsteady employment for the same reason. iBy Mr. Butler K. Wilsou (1881), Boston, Mass. EDUCATION OF THE COLOKED EACE. 2303 The ■women iu tliese families iiud steady employment as domestic servants and laundresses, and at the Soutli find but little competition from white women. The investigation givca a great many data on this industrial side of the question, which want of epaco will not now allow ns to consider. Tables 8 and 9, giving the number and per cent of persons sick during the year and the number and i)er cent of deaths during tlie past five ycai's by causes, show that the diseases most fatal to the colored pooxile are consumption and pneumonia. While the average length of time of sickness from it is short, malarial fever is shown to bo one of the isiost prevalent diseases. Kheumatism is also shown to be quite prevalent. Both of these diseases, as well as typhoid fever and puenmonia, may to a great extiMit bo kept in abeyance by the observance of hygienic rules and a proper cars of the health. In the 100 Cambridge families it was found that many of the men work in the water department, and after the day's work eat the evening meal witliout changing their damp clothing, often going to sleep in their chairs for an hour orinoro and then going to a lodge or "society meeting," remaining not infrequently until 11 and 12 o'clock. These tables also sTiow that the difference "between the death rate of the white and colored people from diarrhea, diphtheria, scarlet fever, irialarial fever, and tyjihoid fever, all diseases chieiiy aifected by environment, is very slight. Table 10, giving sickness by sanitarj'- condition of honses, shows that Avhile sani- ary conditions have a very import.ant bearing, they are not important enough to account for the dili'erence of per cent in the death rate between the white and colored people. > Great caution must bo observed in making dednctions from this table. While it IS intended to show the bearing of sanitary conditions on the health of the com- munity, the results obtained are not conclusive. It would bo erroneous, for instance, to attribute to bad sanitary conditions the increased amount of sickness in families, and leave out of consideration such factors as irregular habits, indifference to healthy living quarters, and the intiratite relation between poverty and ill health. By reference lo the table it will bo seen that the number of persons sick in Atlanta was 163 out of a total of 577, or 28.25 per cent, where the light and air were good ; and that out of 367 i^orsons living whore the light and air were bad, 120, or 32.70 percent, were sick, a difference of only 15 per cent between houses with good and bad condi- tions as to light and air. One huiulred and twenty-eight persons living in hoiises with good light and air lost 5,819 days by sickness, or an average of 45.46 days each; while 102, or 26 persons less, lost, xinder bad conditions of light and air, only 4,361 days, or an average of 42.75 days each, a difference of 6 per cent, the average days of sickness being more in houses with good light and air than in those where the light and air were bad. This table farther shows that out of 537 persons living in Atlanta in houses with good ventilation 153, or 28.49 per cent, Avero sick during the year, losing, for the 124 reporting, 5,927 days, or an average of 47.80 days each; while out of 427 i^ersons living in houses with bad ventilation 154, or 36 per cent, were sick during the year, 133 of v.'hora lost 0,050 days, or an average of 45.49 days each, a difference of only 26 per cent between the per cent of i^orsons sick where ventilation was good and where it was bad, the average number of days again being greater for those under good conditions than for those under bad. Table 15, giving general description of houses, shows that a large proportion of the houses occupied by the 1,137 families were wooden structures, detached and located in neighborhoods of fair character. Of the 1,031 houses but 43 had bath- rooms, and 183 had water-closets, 95 of which were in the Cambridge houses. In Atlanta and Cambridge the houses with bad outside sauitary conditions predomi- nated. In all the other cities the houses with good outside sanitary conditions pre- dominated, the latter being greatly in excess for the entire territory covered. This paper may be summarized as follows: First. All the data in tho investigation have been gathered by intelligent colored men and women living in the communities covered. These investigators v.e:o not hindered by obstacles which make it difficult for a white man to get accurate infor- mation of the family life, habits, and character of the colored people. These colored investigators can not be charged Avith prejudice and designs against the interests of the colored people. For these reasons their work is thought to be more than usually accurate and reliable. Second. Overcrowtling in tenements and houses occupied by colored people does not exist to any great extent, and is less than was supposed. Third. In comparison with white women, an escesa of colored women support their families entirely, or contribute to the family support, by occupations which take them much of their time from home, to the neglect of their children. Fourth. Environment and the sauitary condition of houses are not chiefly rospou- sibJe lor tho excessive mortality among colored peoi>lo. 2304 EDUCATION REPORT, 1896-97. Fifth. Ignorance and disregard of the laws of healtli are responsible for a large proportion of this excessive mortality. Social and Physical Pkogress.' The study of vital statistics is one of the most important subjects that can engage the attention. The death rate, taken in connection with the birth rate, determines the natural increase or decrease of population, the growth or decline of a people, and the strength of nations. Dr. William Farr, late registrar-general of births, deaths, and marriages in England, states the whole matter in the following lan- guage: "There is a relation betwixt death, health, and energy of body and mind. There ie a relation betwixt death, birth, and marriage. There is a relation betwixt death and national primacy ; numbers turn the tide in the struggle of population, and the most mortal die out. There is a relation betwixt the forms of death and moral excellence or infamy." It has been known for a number of years to health officers and students of vital statistics that the death rate of the colored people was larger than that of the white people; that the colored people were dying in larger numbers in proportion to the colored population than the white people were in proportion to the white popula- tion. Of late years these facts have become known to most intelligent persons, and great interest attaches to the degree of the excess of the colored death rate and to the causes of it. This paper will deal with the vital statistics of the cities of Atlanta, Ga. ; Balti- more, Md. ; Charleston, S. C; Memphis, Teun., and Richmond, Va. Each of these cities contains a large colored population, surrounded by social, economic, and moral conditions such as exist in other cities where colored people are congregated in con- siderable numbers, if Philadelphia is excepted. The cities selected are therefore thoroughly representative for the purpose in hand, and the conditions found to pre- vail in them may be fairly presumed to prevail in the other cities having a large population of colored people. The average annual death rate per 1,000 of the living population in these five cities for the fifteen years from 1881 to 1895 was 20.74 for the_ whites and 36.13 for the colored, showing a percentage of excess for the colored of 73.8. The average annual death rate per 1,000 by race for each of the five cities under consideration for the past fourteen or fifteen years is as follows : City. White. Colored. Per cent excess of colored. Atlanta (1882-1895)... Baltimore (1880-1894). Charleston (1881-1894) Memphis (1882-1895) . . Kichmond (1881-1895) 18.50 20.69 23.19 20.58 20.73 34.71 32.71 44.08 31.15 38.02 87.6 58.1 90. 51.3 83.4 An inspection of the table just given shows that the highest death rate among the colored is in Charleston (which is also true as to the whites) and that the lowest death rate among the colored is in Memphis, the lowest among the whites being in Atlanta. Corapariug the white and colored death rates, it is to be seen that the greatest excess of colored over white is in Charleston, where it reaches 90 per cent, the excess in Atlanta being 87.6 per cent and that in Richmond 83.4 per cent. The least excess is found in Memphis, which is 51.3 per cent, Baltimore having 58.1 per cent. These figures seem to justify the concluaion that the worst physical condi- tions among the colored people are to be found in Charleston, Atlanta, and Rich- mond and the best in Memphis and Baltimore. Having found the average death rates of the two races in these five cities for the past fourteen or fifteen years, and having compared them with each other and drawn a conclusion as to the relative physical conditions of the colored populations in the cities under consideration, it will conduce to a better understanding and a fuller knowledge of these conditions to divide the fourteen or fifteen years which this investigation covers into three periods as nearly equal as possible. By pursuing this method we shall be able, in a measure, to decide whether the physical condition of the colored people is better or worse in 1894 or 1895 than in 1880 or 1881. iBy Mr. L. M. Hershaw (1886), Washington, D. C. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2305 First period. Second period. Third period. City. White. Col- ored. Per cent excess of colored. p. Per cent White. 'l^V excess oi *>'^®'*- colored. White. Col- ored. Per cent excess of colored. 18. 22 22.60 25.40 26.08 22.42 37.96 36.15 44.08 43.01 40.34 108.4 59.9 73.5 64.9 79.9 19. 25 33. 41 7S .<; 18.03 20. 01 21.88 14.17 18.42 32.76 31.47 41.43 21.11 34.91 81 6 19. 46 30. 52 22. 30 46. 74 21.49 29.35 21.37 38.83 56.8 109.6 36.5 81.7 57 2 89 3 48 9 89 5 The tabular statement contains, in addition to the average annual death rate, the percentage of the excess of the colored death rate. Lest the percentages of excess mislead somebody, it is necessary to explain that, in comparing the three periods they merely show whether or not the colored death rate has decreased as rapidly as the white death rate, and not the actual increase or decrease of the colored death rate. To illustrate : Comparing the second and third periods in Richmond, it is to be seen that the percentage of exce.'^s for the second period is 81.7 per cent and for the third period 89.5 per cent. Without looking at the matter carefully the conclu- sion is likely to be drawn that the colored death rate is greater for the third period than for the second, when, as a matter of fact, it is less, the rates being 38.83 ' for the second and 34.91 for the third. An inspection of the above table shows that there has been a constant decrease in the colored death rate from period to period in Atlanta, Memphis, and Richmond. In Athmta the colored death rate for the first period is 37.96, for the second 33.41, and for the third 32.76; in Memphis 43.01 for the first period, 29,35 for the second, and 21.11 for the third and in Richmond 40.34 for the first period, 38.83 for the second, and 34.91 for the third. While Baltimore and Charleston do not show the constant decrease from periotl to period noted in the other cities, they do show a lower death rate for the third period than for the first, the death rates in Baltimore being 36.15 for the first period, 30.52 for the second, and 31.47 for the third, and those in Charleston 44.08 for the first period, 46.74 for the second, and 41.43 for the third. Memphis shows the greatest improvement, the average death rate at the end of the third period being 50.9 per cent lower than at the end of the first, and Charleston shows the least improvement — 6 per cent. In Atlanta the improA'ement is 13.9 per cent, in Richmond 13.4 per cent, and in Baltimore 12.9 jjer cent. Of the five cities with which this paper deals but two have a registration of births — Baltimore and Charleston. Richmond had such a registration, but it was discontinued some years ago. The registrations of Baltimore and Charleston are admittedly incomplete. No view of the vital statistics of a community is complete without a knowledge of its birth rate. The birth rate is closely related to the death rate. The natural increase of population depends ui^ou the excess of the birth rate over the death rate. It would be highly interesting to know what the birth rate of the colored population in the five cities under consideration is. Is it as great as the death rate? Is it greater than the death rate? These questions can not be .answered satisfactorily because the health reports do not supply the information. The United States census of 1890 gives the colored birth rate of the United States as 29,07 per 1,000, but owing to the incompleteness of the records of births by the municipal and State authorities, these figures are not reliable and are probably much too small. Four European countries have birth rates which exceed the colored death rate in the cities that we have under consideration. In view of the well-known fecundity of the negro race, it is fair to infer that his bnenmouia among colored people is brought out very plainly in the foregoing table, where the excess in these cities is shown to be 130.4 per cent. The following table, containing the total average annual number of deaths and the average annual number of deaths of children under 5 years of age, with distinc- tion of race, will serve to show the extent of the infant mortality among colored people : ATLANTA, GA. Period. Average annual number of deaths. ■White. Colored. Average annual number of deaths under 5 j'ears of age. White. Colored. Per cent Per cent of Vv'hite. of colored. 1882-18S5 1886-1890 1891-1895 470 644 804 751 845 1,080 172 224 257 313 348 386 38.7 34.7 31.9 41.6 41.1 35. 5 CHAPvLESTON, S. C. 1885-1889. 1890-1894. 525 529 1,394 1,316 148 141 558 518 28.0 26.4 40.0 39.3 MEMPHIS, TENN. 1880 1890 678 619 742 741 180 145 203 232 26.5 23.4 35.4 1891 1305 31.1 There is an enormous waste of child life among both races, not only in the cities under consideration, but in all cities. But from the data at hand the conclusion is justified that the mortality among colored children is not alarmingly in excess of the mortality among white children, unless it be for children under 2 years of age. The figures which wo have presented on this subject show that the mortality among children of both races has decreased constantly since 1881 in Atlanta, Charleston, and Memphis. EDUCATION OP THE COLORED RACE. 2307 Of tlio diseases which are excessively preyalent among colored people the most important, and the one which should be the occasion of the greatest alarm, is con- sumption. We have seen already that consumption and jineumonia are among the causes of excessive mortality of the colored people, the excess per cent of Charleston, Memphis, and Richmond being 130.4. The table following shows the rate per 10,000 of deaths from consumption in all the cities investigated: ATLANTA, GA. Period. "SVhite. Colored. Per cent excess of colored. 188'' 1885 18.40 18.83 16.82 50. 20 45.88 43.48 172. 83 1886-1890 143. 05 1891 1895 158. 50 BALTIMOPvE, MD. 1880 25.65 22.23 20.00 20.10 58.05 55.42 46.32 49. 41 128. 05 1887 149. 30 1891 131. CO 1892 145. 82 CHAPvLESTON, S. C. 1881-1834 1885-1889 1890-1894 27.52 72.20 20. 05 68.08 17.71 57.00 162. 35 239. 55 225. 58 MEMPHIS, TENN. 1882-1885 1 880- 1890 1891-1S95 KICHMOND, VA. 34.25 24.29 15.90 65.35 50.30 37.78 90.80 107.08 137. 61 1881 1885 25.57 21.27 18.54 54.93 41.03 34.74 114 82 1886 1890 95. 72 1891 1895 87.38 It is to be seen that in all of the cities the death rate for consumption is high among the colored people, the lowest rate being 31.74 per 10,000, in Richmond, and the highest 72.20, in Charleston. The greatest disparity between the white and the colored death rate for this cause is also in Charleston, where the excess per cent of the colored is as high as 239.5. The important fact must not be lost sight of that the death rate from this cause has constantly decreased in a,ll the cities except Charleston, and in Charleston the death rate for the period 1890-1894 is lower than for the period 1881-1884. There is reason, however, for great concern and anxiety as to the excesaive prevalence of this disease among the colored people. Unless checked and reduced to a normal state, it may in the course of years be a deciding factor in the ultimate fate of the race. The prevalence of tubercular and scrofulous diseases — consumption, scrofula, syphilis, and leprosy — has caused the weaker races of the earth to succumb before the rising tide of the Christian civilization. The Carib of the West Indies, the noble red man of these shores, the natives of the Sandwich Islands, and the aborigines of Australia and New Zealand have all disappeared or been greatly reduced in numbers as the result of the ravages, of these diseases. It should be an object of first importance, then, to get control of these diseases before they reach the point whore control is imiiossiblo. It will be of interest to know somewhat in detail the physical condition of the population in Atlanta for the fourteen years from 1882 to 1895, and the tables which follow set forth quite fully this fact. 2308 EDUCATION REPORT, 1896-97. Death rate per 1,000, Atlanta, Ga. Period. White. Colored. Per cent excess of colored. 18.21 19.25 18.03 37.96 33.41 32.76 108.4 73.5 IflQI-lfiQS 81.6 It is seen that the cleatli rate of the colored population, though greatly in excess of that of the white, h.as constantly decreased, the average death rate per 1,000 for the first period being 37.96, for the second 33.41, and for the third 32.76. Relatively, as compared with the whites, the death rate of the colored shows much improvement. Though the percentage of excess of colored for the third period is greater than that for the second, the percentage for both of these periods shows a marked decrease from that of the first period. The following tables show for three periods, 1882 to 1885, 1886 to 1890, and 1891 to 1895, the average annual death rate per 10,000, Atlanta, Ga., by specified causes: CONSUMPTION AND PNEUMONIA. Period. White. Colored. Per cent escesi9 of colored. 1882 1885 27.43 30.13 28.48 76.89 72.14 75.75 180.3 1886 1890 139.4 1891 1895 165. « CHOLERA INFANTUM AND STILLBIRTHS. 1886 1890 - 26.78 24.99 56.09 53.86 109.4 1891 1895 115.5 TYPHOID, SCARLET, AND MALARIAL EEVERS, AND DIPHTHERIA. 1882-1885 1886-1890 1891-1895 11.58 14.58 10.72 19.31 17.17 12.48 66.7 17.7 16.4 OTHER CAUSES. 1882 1885 a 143. 15 121. 05 116. 15 a 283. 44 188. 67 185. 50 a 98.0 1886 1890 55.8 1891 1895 59.7 a Including deaths from cholera infantum and stillhirths. It is observed that in all these groups of causes the colored death rate has de- creased from period to period, except for consumption and pneumonia, where the death rate for the period 1891-1895 is greater than for the period 1886-1890, though slightly less than for the period 1882-1885. The statistics presented in the various tables which this paper contains, viewed candidly and dispassionately, show results favorable to the physical improvement of the colored race. If the mortality rate had remained stationary for a period of fifteen years, it would have been a lasting evidence of the physical strength and endurance of the race. But we have shown that the rate has decreased in that period, and that, too, as is well known, in the face of hard, exacting, and oppres- sive social and economic conditions. When all of the facts in the colored man's case are taken into consideration, the wonder is, not that the death rate is as high as it is, but that it is not even higher. The history of weak and inferior races shows that they begin to decrease in number after one generation's contact with Anglo-Saxon civilization. The native population of the Sandwich Islands a hundred years ago was estimated to be 100,000. The latest census taken on the islands shows the native population to be 35,000. We do not witness this decay and decrease in numbers in the colored race anywhere in the Western Hemisphere. In studying any phase of negro life in the United States, the fact must be kept EDUCATION OF THE COLOEED RACE. 2309 constantly in view that the negro has been subjected to degrading and blasting slavery for more than two centuries. "W hile slavery did its victims a great wrong in depriving tbem of the fruits of theii- toil, it did them a greater wrong in denying them opportunities for moral and mental improvement. Those who sit in judgme t upon the negro and study his frailties and shortcomings must not forget these previous conditions. To recapitulate, it has been shown — First. Thnt the colored death rate exceeds the white, the excess averaging for five cities, during a period of tifteen years, 73.8 per cent. Second. That the death rate of the colored population in five cities is lower for the period 1890-1895 than for the period 1881-1885. Third, That the principal causes of the excessive mortality among the colored people of five cities are pulmonary diseases and infant mortality. Fourth. That the least disparity between the white and colored death rates is for those diseases due to unwholesome sanitary conditions— typhoid, malarial and scar- let fevers, diphtheria, aud diarrhea. This last fact, that the excessive death rate of the colored people does not arise from diseases duo to environment, is of vast importance. If poor houses, unhealthy localities, bad sewerage, and defective plumbing were responsible for their high death rate, there would be no hope of reducing the death rate until either the col- ored people became wealthy, or philanthropic persons erected sanitary houses, or municipalities made appropriations to remove these conditions. But since the excessive death rate is not due to these causes, there is reason for the belief that it may be reduced without regard to the present economic conditions of the colored people. The Physical Condition op the Eace.' * * * If the colored people in our larger towns are bent upon living near the center of the city, they can not rent or buy property, except in the less desirable or abandoned parts. But it is not necessity, it is only convenience that leads them to live over stables, in dark, damp cellars, and on back alleys in the midst of stench and putrefaction. They can, if they would, go to the suburbs, where they can get better accommodations for less money. I have been in families in Nashville ranging from seven to ten living on a back alley with a rivulet of filth running before the door of the one room in which they bathed aud ate and slept and died. Two miles farther out all of these families might have secured for the same money shanties of two aud three rooms, with purer air and water, and had a garden spot besides. Among the colored peo]ile convenience to the heart of the city often overrides considerations of health, and that the white people offer them hotbeds of disease for homes is no excuse for their taking them. It is better to live in the suburbs than to die in the city. The negro is induced, but not forced, to accept the bad accommodations of down-town life. Apart from this apparent exception in the matter of rented houses, no race discrimination afifects in the least the negro's physical condition; and it is for this very reason that I am hopeful of a change for the better in the vital statistics of our people. If the large death rate, the small birth rate, the susceptibility to disease, and the low vitality of the race were due to causes outside of our control, I could see nothing before us but the "blackness of darkness forever;' but because the colored people themselves are responsible for this sad state of aftairs, it is to be expected that time and education will correct it. The conclusions which I shall draw in this paper are based largely upon my study of the problem in Nashville. In the first place, then, the excess of colored deaths over white is due almost entirely to constitutional diseases and infant mortality. According to health statis- tics, tlie constitutional diseases which are mainly responsible for our large death rate are pulmonary consumption, scrofula, and syphilis, all of which are alike in being tuberculous. A large number of the colored convicts in our State prison at Nashville are consumptives or syphilitics. Out of 92 deaths in a certain territory ii. Nashville, 19 deaths, or over 20 per cent, were due to consumption. The other 73 deaths were due to thirty-five different causes. In the recent Atlanta investiga- tion, according to the mortality report of Cambridge, Mass., cou.sumption was the cause of 15 per cent of the deaths. Deaths from consumption in Nashville for the period 1S93-1S95. Race. 1893. 1894. 1895. Remarks. "White 124 177 91 159 82 218 A reduction of nearly 34 per cent. An increase of over 23 per cent. Colored . . . 1 By Prof. Eugene Harris, Fisk Cniversity, Nashville, Tenn. 2310 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1896-97. Alarming as are the facts set forth in the preceding table, they are not the whole truth. They would bo occasion for serious concern if the races were numerically equal, but when we remember that the colored people of Nashville are only three- fifths as numerous as the whites, it is all the more startling. For the year 1895, when 82 white deaths from consumption occvirred in the city of Nashville, there ought to have been only 49 colored, whereas there really were 218, or nearly four and one-half times as many as there ought to have been. It is an occasion of serious alarm when 37 per cent of the whole people are responsible for 72 per cent of the deaths irom consumption. Deaths among colored people from pulmonary diseases seem to be on the increase throughout the South. During the period 1882-1885, the excess of colored deaths from consumption for the city of Memphis was 90.80 per cent. For the period 1891- 1895, the excess had arisen to over 137 per cent. For the period of 1886-1890, the excess of colored deaths from consumption and pneumonia for the city of Atlanta was 139 per cent. For the period 1891-1895, it had arisen to nearly 166 per cent. From these facts it would appear that pulmonary consumption is the "destroying angel" among us, and yet I am told that before the war this dread disease was vir- tually unknown among the slaves. Fortunately, Charleston, S. C, kept even before the war the mortality statistics of the colored ]jeople, and, consequently, we are able to ascertain with some accuracy how their death rate from consumption before the war compares with their death rate afterwards. What are the facte m the case? From 1822 to 1818 the colored death rate from consumption was a trifle less than the white. Since 1865 it has been considerably greater, and is still increasing. According to F. L. Hoifman, the white mortality from that cause has decreased since the war 134 per 100,000. The colored mortality has increased over 234 per 100,000.^ The question arises. How do we account lor this change? Is it because the negro is inherently more susceptible to pulmonary diseases, or is it because of his changed environment — his diil'erent social conditions ? If his tendency to consumption is duo to his inherent susceptibility, what was it that held it in check until after the war? It seems that this fact alone is sufficient to fix the responsibility upon the conditiona which have arisen since emancipation. Mr, F. L. Hoffman claims that the negro's lungs weigh 4 ounces less than a white man's, and that though his normal chest measure is greater, his lung capacity is less ; and that here we have a cause for the negro's tendency to consumption which no environment, however favorable, can affect. Even if this be a fact, it is hard to see how it began to operate as a cause of consumption only since the war. Let us turn for the present to another cause of the excessive mortality among us, namely, the increased prevalence of scrofula and venereal diseases. For the period 1882-1885 the colored death rate in Memphis from scrofula and syphilis was 205.8 per cent in excess of that among the whites, but from 1891 down to the present time tha excess has been 298 per cent. For the period 1893-1895 there were in the city of Nashville 8 white deaths from scrofula and syphilis and 35 colored. In proportion to the population, there ought to have been only 5. Of course allowance must be made for the fact that, on account of the scandal and disgrace, white physicians are reluc- tant to report white deaths from these causes, whereas such motives rarely, if over, influence them in reporting colored deaths. According to the May bulletin of the Department of Labor, out of 1,090 colored people canvassed this year in the city of Nashville, 18 were suliering from scrofula and syphilis. One whose attention has not been called to the matter has no concep- tion of the prevalence of these diseases among the negroes of Nashville. I have looked for it in both races as I have walked the streets of my city, and to come across the loathsome disease in the colored passers-by is not an uncommon occurrence. This state of affairs can be accounted for when I tell you that there is probably no city in this country where prostitution among colored people is more rampant and brazen, and where abandoned colored women are more numerous or more public in their shameful traffic. In the families canvassed by me this year, among 50 sufferers from rheumatism, 8 were so badly crippled as to bo bedridden invalids. When we consider the fact that some forms of rheumatism are syphilitic in their origin, and that in these same fami- lies there were 18 suffering from scrofula and syphilis, it would appear that venereal poisoning was responsible for a considerable share of the rheumatism. There is one obstacle to the race's reproducing itself that has some connection with venereal diseases, and hence I speak of it now. I refer to the enormous amount of stillbirths and infant mortality prevalent everywhere among colored people. For the iieriod of 1893-1895, the still and the premature births in the city of Nashville were 272 for the white and 385 for the colored; or, in proportion to the population, two and one-third times as many as there ought to have been. This relative state of affairs obtains in Memphis and Atlanta, and in all the large cities of the South. ' See Eace Traits and. Tendencies of tlie American Negro, by F. L. Hoffman.— Ed. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2311 From tlie Jiealtli reports of all our large Southern cities wo learn tbat a considerable amount of our infant mortality is due to inanition, infantile debility, and infantile marasmus. Now, what is the case in regard to these diseases 1 The fact is that they are not diseases at all, but merely the names of symptoms due to enfeebled constita- tiona and congenital diseases, inherited from parents suffering from the effects of sexual immorality and debauchery. Translated iuto common speech, they are noth- ing more than infant starvation, infant weakness, and infant wasting away, the cause of which is that the infants' parents before them have not given them a fighting chance for life. According to Hoffman, over 50 per cent of the negro children born in Richmond, Va., die before they are 1 year old. The number of still and premature births among ns is a matter of great alarm, not only because it seriously interferes with the numerical increase of the race, but because it involves the fecundity, the health, and even the moral character of large numbers of our women. The support of the family often falls very heavily upon our poor waslierwomen ; and since they hnd it hard to get the husks to feed and the ra^s to clothe their already large number of little folks, living in one room like stocK, rather than to add to their burden they resort to crime. An official on the Nashville board of health, who is also proprietor of a drug store, tells me that he is astonished at the number of colored women who apply at his store for -irugs with a criminal purpose in view. The sixteen Atlanta groups in the recent investigation showed that the female heads of families are considerably in excess of the male, and out of 324 families 31 were wholly supported by the mother, and 205 were supported by the mother alto- gether or in part. In such social conditions as these, where the burden of bread winning is borne largely, and often altogether, by the mother of the household, it is not surprising that poor laboring women, who are ignorant of its ruinous effects upon both health and character, should resort to prenatal infanticide. The average family for the eighteen cities covered by our recent investigation numbers only 4.1, which means that in these eighteen cities the race is doing barely more than reproducing itself. The large colored families of a few decades ago are becoming more and more scarce. I know a grandmother who was the proud mother of over a dozen children; the daughter could boast of nine; and not one of several granddaughters, though married for a number of years, is the mother of more than one child. This family is but an illustration of many others just like it. Such facts go to show that the negro is no longer the "prolific animal" that he once waa termed. The race, like the women of whom Paul once wrote to Timothy, must ba "saved through childbe.iriug." I take it that the excess of infant mortality from cholera infantum and conviil- sions means nothing •Aore than that the negro mothers do not know so well how to feed and care for thQiT offspring. They need instruction in infant dietetics and baby culture. I iiave now covered the ground to which our excessive death rate is mainly due, namely, pulmonary diseases, especi.ally consumption and pneumonia, scrofula, vene- real diseases, and infant mortality. If we eliminate these diseases, our excessive death rate will bo a thing of the past. Let us now inquire. What is there in the negro's social condition that is responsi- ble for the prevalence of these diseases, and the consequent mortality? In the first place, then, be it known by all men that we to-day in this conference aasembled are not the enemies of our people because wc tell them the truth. We shall know the truth, and the truth shall make us free, not only from the bondage of sin, but from vicious social conditions and consequent physical death. Sanitary regulations and the social reconstruction of Israel formed a large part of Moses' religious duty, and why may it not of ours? While I do not depreciate sanitary regulations and a knowledge of hygienic laws, I am convinced that the sine qua non of a change for the better in the negro's phys- ical condition is a higher social morality. I do not believe that his poverty or his relation to the white people presents any real impediment to his health and physical development. Without going into the reasons for it, it is well known that the poor laboring classes often enjoy better health, are freer from disease, have larger fami- lies, and live longer lives than the rich. I am convinced that for the causes of the black man's low vitality, his suscepti- bility to disease, and his enormous death rate we must look to those social condi- tions which he creates for himself. What are they? I have already referred to the social causes of our excessive infant mortality, namely, the frequency with which the partial or the entire maintenance of the household devolves upon the mother; and especially the impaired chance for life which a debauched and immoral parent- age bequeaths to childhood. The infants in their graves will rise up iu judgment against this evil and adulterous generation and condemn it. The constitutional diseases Avhich are responsible for our unusual mortality are often traceable to enfeebled constitutions broken down by sexual immoralities. 2312 EDUCATION EEPOKT, 1896-97. This is frequently the source of even pulmonary consumption, which disease is to-day the black man's scourge. According to Hoffman, over 25 per cent of the negro children born in Washington City are admittedly illegitimate. According to a writer quoted in Black America, "in one county of Mississippi there were during twelve months 300 marriage licenses taken out in the county clerk's office for white people. According to the proportion of population there should have been in the same time 1,200 or more for negroes. There were actually taken put by colored people just 3." James Anthony Froude asserts that 70 per cent of the negroes in the West Indies are born in ille- gitimacy. Mr, Smeeton claims that "in spite of the increase of education there has been no decrease of this social cancer." My attention has been called to a resort in Nashville, within less than two blocks of the public square, where a large number of abandoned women and profligate men often congregate in the under- ground basement, which is lighted and ventilated only through the pavement grating; and there in debauchery and carousal they make the night hideous until almost morning. What are they sowing but disease, and what can they reap but death? It is true that much of the moral laxity which exists among us to-daiy arose out of slavery. It is due to a system which ay hipped women, which dispensed with the institution of marriage, which separated wives from their husbands and assigned them to other men, which ruthlessly destroyed female virtue, and which made helj)les8 women the abject tools of their masters. This is the correct explana- tion of our social status to-day, but to esjilain it is not to excuse it. It is no longer our misfortune, as it was before the war; it is our sin, the wages of which is our excessive number of deaths. Always and everywhere, moral leprosy means physical death. Wherever the colored people are guilty of the immoralities of which Jamfls Anthony Froude and W. L. Clowes of the London Times accuse them, if they con- tinue in them they will be destroyed by them, root and branch. Rome was destroyed because the Empire had no mothers, and Babylon was blotted out because she was the " mother of harlots." A few years ago I said, m a sermon at Fisk University, that wherever the Anglo- Saxon comes into contact with an inferior race the inferior race invariably goes to the wall. I called attention to the fact that, in spite of humanitarian and philan- thropic eiforts, the printing press, the steam engine, and the electric motor in the hands of the Anglo-Saxon were exterminating the inferior races more rapidly and more surely than shot and shell and bayonet. I mentioned a number of races that have perished, not because of destructive wars and pestilence, but because they were unable to live in the environment of a nineteenth century civilization; races whose destruction was not due to a persecution that came to them from without, but to a lack of moral stamina within; races that perished in spite of the humani- tarian and philanthropic efforts that were put forth to save them. To that utterance let me now add this thought: That where shot and shell and bayonet and the printing press and the steam engine and the electric motor have slain their thousands, licentious men, unchaste women, and impure homes have slain their tens of thousands; and I speak the words of soberness and truth when I say that if the charges of sexual immoralities brought against us are true, unless there be wrought a social revolution among us the handwriting of our destruction even now may be seen on the wall. The history of nations teaches us that neither war nor famine nor pestilence exterminates them so completely and rapidly as do sexual vices. If the cause of our excessive death rate be, in its ultimate analysis, moral rather than sanitary, then this fact ought to appear not only m our vital, but in our crim- inal statistics as well. Professor Starr, of Chicago University, claims that in the State of Pennsylvania, where there is little opportunity to assert that the courts are prejudiced against colored criminals, though the negroes form only 2 per cent of the population, yet they furnish 16 per cent of the male prisoners and 34 per cent of the female. The race has such great privileges in Chicago and it is dealt with so fairly and justly that the colored people themselves have denominated it the "Negroes' Heaven;" and yet, according bo Professor Starr, while the negroes form only 1^ per cent of the population of Chicago they furnish 10 per cent of the arrests. I am convinced that the immorality which accounts for these criminal conditions is also responsible for the rfice's physical status ; and if we are to strike at the root of the matter, it will not be at sanitary regulations, but at social reconstruction and moral regeneration. 2314 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1896-97. Table 9. — Schools for the education of the colwed Location. Kame of school. Religious denom- ination. Col- ored. Pupils enrolled. Total. Elemen- tary grades. Calhoun Huntsville... Kowaliga Marion Montgomery. Kormal Selma do Talladega . Troy Tuscaloosa do Tuskegee.. ARKANSAS. Arkadelphia. do Little Eock. do do Magnolia ... Pine Bluff.. Southland .. DELAWAEB. Dover DIST. OF COLUMBIA. Washington . do do .....do FLORIDA. Fernandina. . Jacksonville. do Live Oak Ocala Orange Park. Tallahassee.. Athens . . do... do ... Atlanta . . do ... do ... do ... do ... Augusta . do.. do .. College , Calhoun Colored School Central Alabama Academy * Kowaliga Institute Lincoln Norma'i School State Normal School for Colored Students.* Agricultural and Mechani- cal College. Burrell Academy Alabama Baptist University Talladega College Troy Industrial Academy .. Oak City Academy Stillman Institute Tuskegee ]S'"ormal and In- dustrial Institute.. Arkadelphia Baptist Acad- emy. Shorter University^' Arkansas Baptist College . Philander Smith College . . Union High School* Columbia High School Branch Normal College Southland College and Nor- mal Institute. State College for Colored Students. Nonsect Nonsect Cong ... Nonsect .. Cong Bapt Cong Nonsect .. Bapt Presb Nonsect . . Bapt A. M. E . Bapt Meth ... Nonsect Bapt.... Nonsect Friends. High School Howard University. Normal School Wayland Seminary;. Nonsect Nonsect , Nonsect . Nonsect . Bapt..... 205 102 109 126 463 201 168 201 391 100 45 336 122 Graded School No. 1 Cooknian Institute a Edward Walters College a . . Florida Institute*.... Emerson Home Normal and Manual Train- ing School. State Normal and Industrial College. Nonsect . . 164 Bapt. M.E. Cong Oj 2 2 4 Jernal Academy Knox Institute West Broad Street School . . Atlanta Baptist Seminary . . Atlanta University , Morris Brown College Spelman Seminary Storrs School * Haines Normal and Indus- trial School. The Paine Institute Walker Baptist Institute . . . Georgia State Industrial College. Nonsect .. Bapt.... Cong Nonsect Bapt Nonsect A. M. E . Bapt Cong.... Presb... M.E. S.. Bai)t Nonsect ^ Statistics of 1895-06. a No report. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2315 race — teachers, students, and courses of study. Pupils enrolled. Students. Graduates. Second- ary grades. Collegi- : ate classes. Classical courses. Scien- tific courses. English courses. Normal courses. Business courses. High 1 school courses. Normal conrsos. Collegi- ate courses. "a 3 4 i 14 21 19 29 70 305 95 42 104 29 8 19 6 3 o "a s IG "3 3 "a o 18 6 g 8© 6 "3 6 s 6 '3 3 a5 1 S4 CD "3 3 IS n a o 36 d g 38 6 "3 a i 30 ID "3 31 6 "a a ? 7 35 7 35 2 3 14 5S ■vt 16 25 10 274 29 30 24 38 12 229 31 55 60 25 10 38 12 16 24 1 5 1 4 6 4 55 ■ifl 57 49 19 21 19 58 67 85 4 3 59 30 15 50 70 60 27 3 10 40 3 1 7 12 3 61 6'' 73 60 57 17 161 50 43 23 73 161 3 2 40 7 13 61 2 10 2 12 3 25 57 110 50 43 119 2 3 7 1 4 3 7 1 64 5 2 / 3 V 7 5 65 66 67 24 15 19 10 4 6 7 6 3 2 2 3 , 68 20 20 48 30 25 9 25 35 40 107 12 12 25 9 2 30 30 10 6 3 24 107 1 40 25 2 2 6 36 3 8 4 4 7 9 5 15 4 2 6 4 4 8 69 138 230 70 25 30 71 7? 10 2 7H 9 48 35 25 134 43 74 9 25 7 75 76 29 10 5 30 39 50 40 20 30 65 8 30 67 28 60 40 8 4 30 13 20 8 43 23 24 40 1 6 2 12 4 9 2 4 2 77 78 30 23 1 23 16 2 8 7 10 14 3 2 5 20 21 6 e 1 49 76 4 70 103 3 79 80 81 3 11 1 3 82 93 16 32 .... 3 10 . ... 84 2318 EDUCATION REPORT, 1896-97. Table 9. — Schools for the education of the colored Location. Name of scliool. Religions denom- ination. Teachers. White. Col- ored. Pupils enrolled. Total. Elemen- tary grades. 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 103 104 MISSISSIPPI— cont'd. TSTatchfez .. Tougaloo . Westside . MISSOUEI. Boonville Hannibal .Tefi'erson City . Kansas City... Sedalia ' NEW JERSEY. Bordentown NORTH CAROLINA. Beanfort.. Charlotte. Clinton . . . Concord Elizabeth City... Fayette ville Franklinton do do Goldshoro .. Greensboro . 105 106 10 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 120 121 122 123 do High Point . Kings Mountain. Lumberton Pee Dee Plymouth . Kaleigh do Keidsvillo . Salisbury. . do TVilmington Windsor Winton , Wilberforco Xenia FENNSYLA^ANIA. Carlisle Lincoln Univer- sity. Philadelphia Natchez College a , Tougaloo University Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical College. Sumner High School Douglass High School Lincoln Institute Lincoln High School George E. Smith College. . Manual Training and In- dustrial School. Washburn Seminary Biddle University Clinton Colored Graded School. Scotia Seminary State Colored Normal School State Colored Normal School Albion Academy, Normal and Industrial School. Franklinton Christian Col- lege. State Colored Normal School, a State Colored Normal School.* Agricultural and Mechan- ical College for the Col- ored Eace. Bennett College« High Point iNormal and In- dustrial School.* Lincoln Academy Whltiu Normal School Barrett Collegiate and In- dustrial Institute. Plymouth Normal Scliool . . . St. Augustine's School Shaw University Graded School Livingstone College State Colored Normal School.* . Gregory Normal Institute.. Pan kin-Richards Institute . Waters Normal Institute Cong ... Nonsect Nonsect Nonsect Nonsect M.E 1 15 Nonsect .. Nonsect . . Presb Nonsect . Presb Nonsect . Nonsect . Presb 4 o: U 0, 1 9 2 Christian . Nonsect . Nonsect 1 2 5 28 179 122 10 Friends.. Cong .... Nonsect . Nonsect . Nonsect . P.E Bapt Nonsect . Meth.... Nonsect . Nonsect . Nonsect . Bapt Wilberforco University Colored High School Colored High School. Lincoln University.. A. M.E. Nonsect Nonsect Presb... Institute for Colored Youth. * Statistics of 1895-96. Friends .. 7 2 11 3 2 1 1 3! 6 a No report. 94 185 135' 199 EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2319 race— teachers, students, and courses of study — Coutinued. Pnpila enrolled. Students. Graduates. Second- ary grades. Collegi- ato classes. Classical courses. Scien- tific courses. English courses. Normal courses. Business courses. High school courses. Normal courses. Collegi- ate courses. C5 3 6 a 14 <6 15 6 i 16 a 18 3 6 a 3 a 23 <6 "3 a o 34 13 6 "a o 36 "3 3^ d a ss "3 6 Is a 3© "3 31 93 "3 a o Ph 32 13 It 19 31 33 35 3© 8r 18 308 1 30 C8 r.4 18 17 13 159 5 50 30 29 11 20 10 4 36 57 99 22 10 4 15 13 112 40 46 12 18 26 4 9 1 Sf 36 1 8' 1 12 4 5 10 12 18 20 1 3 4 3 '^ 8v 8' 5 01 57 6 5 2 1 P( 54 99 7 C 32 10 q 4 144 2 1 V 63 13 61 40 4 15 13 41 40 5 30 29 9 4 15 11 12 40 46 12 8 9 q/ 41 « f) Of 4 3 6 fi f)' 50 112 7 6 4 9. 20 19 15 13 20 15 in( 2 4 15 12 1 2 10 10 17 82 9 2 2 10 42 10 10 10' 40 3B 26 64 17 46 7 16 6 43 53 24 15 137 84 14 20 38 77 16 137 33 32 18 55 12 72 64 S3 12 125 94 117 2 lOf 10' 10 24 14 20 lOf 10' 9 6 8 1 29 64 12 23 8 1 . IK n 49 18 ir 2 20 4 4 1 32 IG n 9 2 8 IT 8 4 70 39 80 54 5 1 8 12 5 10 8 10 1 7 8 2 114 11- 3 3 11'' 35 77 56 85 129 40 ir 14 29 22 54 3 2 5 12 8 iif 47 15 14 3 15 9 15 • 2 2 12 7 3 11£ V'1 48 130 35 29 7 49 29 30 19f 35 29 54 29 5 6 5 6 12: 2320 EDUCATION REPORT, 1896-97. Table 9. — Schools for the education of the colored Location. Name of school. Eeligious denom- ination. Teacliera. Pnpils enrolled. White. Col- ored. Total. 10 Elemen- tary grades. 11 SOUTH CABOLINA. Aiken Beaufort... ....do Camden ... Charleston. do Chester Columbia . . ....do Fro£;more.. Greenwood . Orangeburg TENNESSEE. Chattanooga . . Columbia Dickson . . , Jonesboro Knoxville do Maryville Memphis . - . Morris town. Murfreesboro. Nashville do do do TEXAS. 150 Austin 151 Brenham . , 152 Crockett).. Galveston , Hearne . . . Marshall do Palestine Prairie View Waco 160 Burke ville.. 161 Cappahosic . Danville . . Hampton . Lawrenceville . Manassas Manchester. Norfolk Petersburg . Schofield Normal and In- dustrial School. Beaufort Public School HarbisoL Institute Browning School Avery Normal Institute. . . Wallingford Academy Brainerd Institute Allen University * Benedict College Penn Industrial and Nor- mal School. Brewer Normal School Claflin University Howard High School Maury County Turner Nor- mal and Industrial School. * Wayman Academy Warner Institute * Austin High School Knoxville College Freemen's Normal Insti- tute. * Le Moyne Normal Institute . Morristown Normal Acad- emy. Bradley Academy Central Tennessee College.. Fisk University Meigs High School Eoger Williams University. Tillotson College East End High School .... Mary Allen Seminary - Central High School Hearne Academy, Normal and Industrial School.* Bishop College Wiley University Colored High School , Prairie View State Normal School.* Paul Quinn College Ingleside Seminary Gloucester Agricultural and Industrial School. Colored Graded School Hampton Normal and Agri- cultural Institute. St. Paul Normal and Indus- trial School. Manassas Industrial School for Colored Youth. Public High School Norfolk Mission College Bishop Payne Divinity and Industrial School. Nonsect Nonsect Presb. . . M.E.... Cong ... Presb. .. Presb... A.M.E. Bapt Nonsect Cong . . . Meth . . . Nonsect .. Nonsect .. Nonsect . Cong Nonsect . U. Presb.. Friends.. Cong M.E. Bapt. & M M.E Cong Nonsect .. Bapt Cong . . . Nonsect Presb... Nonsect Bapt.... Bapt M.E Nonsect Nonsect A.M.E... Presb . . Nonsect Nonsect Nonsect P.E .... Nonsect Nonsect U. Presb Episcoi^al 2 1 10 190 458 ' Statistics of 1895-96. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2321 race — teachers, students, and courses of study — Continued. Pupils enrolled. Stndents. Graduates. Second- ary grades. Collegi- ate classes. Classical courses. Scien- tific courses. English courses. Normal courses. Business courses. High school courses. Normal courses. Collegi- ate courses. CO -a 13 70 10 50 4 36 9 4 3 141 20 8 r.5 8 6 4 10 46 31 78 29 11 213 21 67 40 27 4 27 8 69 29 95 77 13 1 13 97 112 32 19 i a 14 55 20 71 2 130 15 7 3 141 18 4 58 21 2 4 9 16 47 33 98 48 21 50 77 140 35 21 ^^ 28 5 97 19 115 74 5 115 2 13 43 132 65 34 6 6 a a 16 3 Is g Eh 18 19 i 30 6 31 a5 -a i 160 157 33 7 10 2 6 'S a 34 7 20 5 6 3 "3 a 36 4 i 3S ■3 3 a Eh 30 7 31 a a Eh 33 15 17 35 39 190 156 7 ]9A 3 3 3 10 20 10 4 6 1 16 2 22 \?5 2 5 I'^fi 1?7 ! 1 20 36 5 18 8 6 14 14 13 4 26 47 7 13 9 4 10 20 27 85 15 7 13 18 53 S 1 16 1-?8 129 130 6 8 3 3 131 20 281 18 243 4 7 4 I 4 11 132 133 12 3 1 11 1 16 2 134 135 136 13 47 137 n 138 10 7 16 3 41 50 4 9 oj 139 140 11 6 10 4 4 6 7 3 46 54 78 29 3 47 50 98 48 9 69 e' 9 4 4 8 5 1 4 3 7 18 9 13 1 1 141 1 U?. Mit 12 26 15 16 101 112 95 64 126 103 115 191 144 42 115 20 142 16 106 67 19 2 '4 18 140 3 1 3 5 t 8 5 1 145 146 8 40 28 59 147 148 19 3 60 82 46 35 149 4 5 4 1 3 150 4 17 13 5 151 15« 27 28 8 9 2 17 8 2 153 41 8 18 1 30 8 4 1 9 113 13 158 24 26 3 18 16 15 13 1 16 4 154 1,55 1.56 2 3 157 77 7 74 2 158 35 12 1 24 8 60 49 1 2 51 1 1 159 1(10 1 2 2 6 161 1 16« 2 97 43 23 9 163 4 40 205 266 10 53 308 356 4 2 10 6 164 7 17 » 165 166 19 34 11 22 6 • 6 167 9 ED 9 7- 168 ] 1 46 2322 EDUCATION REPORT, 1896-97. Table 9. — Schools for the education of the colored Location. Kame of school. Eeligious denom- ination. Teachers. Pupils enrolled. "White. Col- ored. o EH 8 Total. Elemen- tary grades. 3 a PR 6 6 a 7 6 9 6 a 1© 10 11 -3 a PR la 1 3 3 4 3 169 170 VIRGINIA— cont'd. Petersburg (lo Peabody High School Virginia Normal and Colle- giate Institute. Hartshorn Memorial College High and Normal School . . . Eichmond Theological Sem- inary. Nonsect .. Nonsect .. Bapt Nonsect .. Bapt Nonsect .. Free Bapt Nonsect .. 1 2 2 2 6 4 1 7 2 4 2 1 11 5 2 11 2 1 3 12 12 9 11 4 6 9 6 307 145 92 53 44 58 76 368 165 77 350 56 76 84 300 64 328 82 11 171 179 Eichmond do 17S do 17t WEST VIEGINIA. 175 TTn7-T.PT-5. T7pT-r-tr stitate. 22 72 45 66 lyel Vm-Vfiralmro- "^ _._ High School EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. race — teachers, students, and courses of study — Continued. 2323 Pupils eurolled. Students. Graduates. Second- ary grades. Collegi- ate classes. Classical courses. Scien- tific courses. English courses. Normal courses. Business courses. High school courses. Normal courses. Collegi- ate courses. 6 13 6 a 14 40 81 66 350 56 31 18 6 15 a 1^ 2 (0 6 1 18 "3 _2 "3 i 40 "3 "3 a 33 40 6 "3 3 "3 i 34 "3 35 "3 a 36 6 "3 "3 a 38 C "3 "3 1 30 20 3 "3 6 '3 a ® 33 17 19 31 33 39 7 31 7 58 2 92 44 36 4 23 7 7 4 3 IfiQ 23 2 170 171 53 7 24 172 171 18 8 44 32 56 28 n 2 7 4 5 174 175 2 176 2324 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1896-97. Table 10. — Schools for the education of the colored race- Name of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils re- Students trained in industrial branches. dustrial training. o a bJC o S a a 3 fab s a si .5 "S ■3 ■i • lo! n 10 70 13 H Tuskegee Normal and Indus- trial School. ARKANSAS. Arkadelphia Baptist Acad- emy. 70 706 15 336 36 1042 51 62 15 30 16 16 14 8 24 12 13 22 31 20 49 16 615 T) Ifi ■ 17 Philander Smith College 15 88 ins 15 64 24 18 19 •JO Columbia High School 57 45 34 38 113 23 35 6 44 80 80 40 38 157 '25 14 21 8 20 25 63 14 9 3 8 3 "35 8 35 13 ^1 Southland College and Nor- mal Institute. DELAWARE. State College for Colored Students. DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA. High School ?? i 2 13 ?s V-l 256 9m 10 41 43 ... ?=> 9fi 39 39 p 30 30 30 27 ?8 FLORIDA. Graded School No. 1 ?f< 30 8 24 44 29 2 10 72 39 24 55 127 5 127 8 39 48 99 156 7 10 199 8 31 Emerson Home 39 24 49 127 14 49 €{0 Normal and Manual Train- ing School. State Normal and Indus- trial College. GEORGIA. 44 "6 24 44 28 2 40 33 44 1 2 18 34 11 -0 11 aii 36 West Broad Street School .. Atlanta Baptist Seminary . . Atlanta University 5 34 ""6 21 37 38 11 1? 10 12 118 ' statistics of 1895-96. a No report. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2325 pzofessional and industrial training — equipment and income. Chief sources of support. 21 22 23 s a .3 24 25 26 27 29 Tuition and contributions $15, 579 343 "56 $22, 204 $1, 019 $1, 883 State and tuition . . . Amer. Miss. Assn . State and tuition . . . 2, 700 10, 000 State and United States. Amer. Miss. Assn 223 2, 500 $180 't.'Soo 41, 143! 4, 000 255 3,000 136 Amer. Miss. Assn. auddouations. Private contributions , Tuition Presbyterian Church State.'United States, Slater and Peabodv funds. 550 500 6,200 150 30. 0001 133, UOO 1, 700 19, 500i 1,000 4,826 1,500 290, 000 Benevolence . Amer. Bapt. H. M. S Freedmen's Aid and S. Ed. So. State and United States . Tuition and benevolence. State and United States United States ....do ....do Am. Bapt. H. M.S. 1,020 200 6 200' 12, 000 872' l,576r$5,"000 168 40 4001.... 3, 933 10, 424 1, 659 2, 726 100 600 60 3,500 1,200 1,200 13, 000 619 2,500 10, 000 10. 000 3U, 000 20 000 1,200 60. 0(10 27, 000 17, 800 125, 000 700, 000 140, 000 1,500 4, 500 3, 700 500, 1,211 100 400 3,396 2,200 C IS 2,000 4,000 32, 600 6, 914 8, 000 1, OOU 1. 000 1,227 4,200 435 3, 300 13, 800 9, 317i 13, 453 4, 805 17, 000 1,807 400 7, 126, 12, 902 1,000 1, 227 500 3,411 4, 501) 100 4,118 15 16 17 18 19 20 5.396 21 8, 200; 22 ! 23 7,000 54,514 24 I 25 4, 000 6, 666; 26 Home Society New York and liethlehem Association. W. H. M. S. M. E. Ch ADier. Miss. Assn State and United States A. B. H. M. S., Jerual Assn. Amer. Miss. Assn., tuition . Citv A. B. H. M. S. and Friends . Tuition and benevolence. . . 777 1,200 100 380 208 100 3, 000 9, 400 7,000 7,000 25, 000 6, 500 7, 000| , 3, 000 . 56, 050, 252, 000, 11, 500 82 210 562 2,000 1,500 600 6.175 22, 500 227 210 U, 500 1,524 8,237 25, 100 33 2326 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1896-97. Table 10. — Schools for the education of the colored race- Name of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils re- Students trained in industrial branches. dustrial training. 6 g n O bit g n btl .9 1 a « bJD a -p a "3 Pm 12 o 1 a> o a H 13 '5) o 14 -a o ft o ? 6 •S o 15 fcb a 3 i o Eo 16 W) .9 _g P^ 17 bio B ■^ o CO 18 hi) p 3 o o 19 at a o 20 i a o H a5 a Q o 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 ^() GEORGIA — continued. Morris Brown College 16 39 16 39 24 36 350 128 60 350 128 4 6 4 4 2 6 20 30 ?90 6 -20 "34 4n 41 0128 ^9 Haines Normal and Indus- trial School. The Paine Institute 4^ 41 41 'J't d'i Georgia State Industrial College. 37 37 19 37 5 5 5 40 47 52 25 173 260 s 995 52 173 30 6 8 6 222 /fR 98'1 49 Koswell Puhlic School 86 86 - I f;i ■^'^ Gammon School of Theology Allen Normal and Indus- trial School. 1 ^3 66 66 60 6 ^i f;^ ILLINOIS. f^fi INDIJlNA. =.7 f;8 KENTUCKY. Berea College fs«) State Normal School for Col- ored Persons. 18 81 99 18 7 81 81 on r.i 120 120 120 «?, Christian Bible School Central High School 13 13 fi3 M 2 91 82 95 83 2 186 165 2 15 65 fin LOUISIANA. Alexandria Academy*. G ilhert Academy and Indus- trial Coirege. 15 10 11 10 1 1 10 40 38 44 20 80 50 67 68 38 5 43 25 14 39 39 fit) New Orleans University Southern University 70 71 106 90 91 1.50 197 240 58 48 9 20 60 48 30 91 150 40 7^ MARYLAND. Baltimore City Colored High School. 73 2 2 74 30 30 30 13 "6 75 Baltimore Normal School for Training of Colored Teachers. . ' Statistics of 1895-96. a No report. EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2327 lirofessional and hidustrlal training — eqmpment and income — Continued. Chief sources of support. 21 A.M.E.Ch ■\V. A. H.M. S. Slater fund. Tuition and benevolence... 22 23 1, 5Q0 3,000 200 •3S •^ .2 ^„ O 5* tj) © **-■ ^ 2 © P c3 -1 t< H 24 $75, aoo 150, 000 20, 000 25 ^ ■» § 26 2,375 1, 3-10 _ H ©<» 27 28 $7, JOG 18, 030 .$8, 000 20, 405 1,340 55 M.E.Ch.S "Walker Bapt. A.ssn State and United States. Tuition , Benevolence Amer. Miss. Assn., tuition . State Amer. Miss. Assn $1, 000 3,580 75 600 56 Endowment Am. M, Assn., tuition. 400 '366 1,000 1, 300 400 702 1,000 11, 000 200 14, 484 5,000 25, 000 $16, 000 40, 000 10, 000 25, 000 3,000 12, 258 500, 000 100, 000 8,570 ,300 203 519 10, 000 688 1,800 200 1,513 $2, 100 500 1,000 6,463 2,079 500 550 3,200 468 12, 000 1,338 8,77 2,598 16, 000 11,000 2 238 5^000 1,500 1,009 12, 000 1,806 State. 18, 000 State Public school fund. State Tuition Amer. Miss. Assn., tuition. Contribiitions City and State City Freedmcn'a Aid, So. Ed. Society of M. E. Ch. do 15, 500 717 50 500 600 500 7001 2,500 123, 000 23, 203 10, 000 18, 000 5,000 3,517 4,40; 3,373 600 913 GO, 000 30, 000 15, 000 9,220 0| 500 1, 000, 40, 000 64 397 4571 175 800 4,000 2,400 250 7,920 8,373 600 60 1,713 61 4,175 62 15,000 63 9,281 64 397 65 3,107 68 Endowment Ereedmen's Aid, So. Ed. Society of M. E. Ch. State and United States Contributions and tuition 2,000 600 1, 000 . 5,000 1, 200 2, 500 100, 000 60, 736 125, 000 City 200 2,500 9,000 3,200 3,500 300 240 45, 000 State and endowment. 2, 000 20, 000 500 2,000 2,000 1,000 '"246 2,000 9,300 11, 000 7,000 5,500 9,680 20, 000 3,440 10, 000 500 2,240 2328 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1896-97. Table 10. — Schools for the education of the colored race^. Name of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils re- ceiving in- dustrial training. Students trained in industrial branches. o S •p o o •r' a m s fcio _p '-+3 g o "S a i m u o a g O 1 1 6 a o a a i s o m ti a a 'E a 18 a .0 19 1 u 20 75 4 "so 20 a -^ ^ Is 1 o i a ,6 27 Browning School 107 107 107 36 2S Avery N ormal Institute 29 3(1 AYallingford Academy Brainerd Institute 18 18 43 121 80 121 123 20 2 5 6 121 47 18 33 10 31 , Allen University * 6| 441 n 6 44 18 n Benedict College 106 107 281 101 70 200 243 207 177 200 524 23 7 107 22 4 75 4 75 6 18 22 1 75 5 14 10 4 87 70 200 243 10 19 45 33 U 35 Penn Industrial and Nor- mal School. Brewer Normal School Clafliu University 18 36 TENNESSEE. Howard High School 37 Maury County Turner Nor- mal and Industrial School* 1 1 8 20 55 21 63 41 8 55 41 9 10 3ft 39 Warner Institute * 40 Austin High School 41 KnoxvUle College 9 9 25 54 79 5 7 18 49 ... ... 42 Freemen's Normal Institute* Le Moyne Normal Institute. 43 25 29 23 12 85 62 157 65 90 229 87 186 25 77 175 229 18 27 ^0 22 45 "6 30 "6 ■sn 6 "6 44 Morris'town Normal Acad- emy. Bradley Academy 29157 10 --- 4.T 204 7 6 204 7 6 "6 "6 t 4 85 4 46 Central Tennessee College. . I?isk University 47 8 65 90 229 48 Meigs High School 49 Eoger Williams University. TEXAS. Tillotson College 50 "6 "6 3 51 52 East End High School Mary Allen Seminary 53 Central High School ::::::i:;:i ... ... ... ... ... * statistics of 1895- EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. 2331 2)rof(ssional and industrial irain'mg — equijyment and income — Continued. Chief sources of support. 21 A. B. H. M. S. Slater Fund. City Cbnrch State Am. Miss. Assn., tuition State and henevolenco . . . A. B. H. M. Society State, tiution, cndo-n-raent . $5, 125 650 850 1,934 23 .9 a P F! S 24 500! $90, 000 50; 1, 500 2, 500 125, 000 25 200 15, 000 600| 3, 500 2.50l 10, 860 6, COO 108, 000 $1, 150 1,650 109 200 26 $3, 045 789 27 $175 "266 1,350 28 50 16, 400 1, 822 1,323 $20, 009 50 3,780 219 3,300 710 1,934 29 $23, 319' 112 1, 200} 113 4, 769 114 1, 869 115 4, 650] 116 819! 117 2,184 118 28,316 119 120 121 122 123 State Endowment and beaovolence . 14, 000 214, 000 Eudo'.vnjcut, contributions United States and State Presb. Board M.E.Cliurcb A. M. Assn. and tuition Presbyterian Church, tuition Presbyterian Church A. M. E. Cliurch Am. Bap. U. M. Society Contributions 745 1, 000 A. M. Asso., churcli E. A. , S. Ed. So. Slater and Pea- body Eviuds. City .... Tuition , Do Am. Miss. Assn City Church and Miss. So. New Eug. Y. M A. M. A.ssn., tuition.. E. A., S.Ed. Society.. 2,000 200 200| 200 600 250 200 2, 525 100 200 2,000 75 500 20 150 522 35, 000 3.500 6,000 150 950 2,000 250 1, 000 355. 25, 000 8,000 10, 000 30, 000 2,750 360 3,000 12, 000 80, 000 30, 000 1,000 1,270 300 700 1,500 1,100 11,000 10, 200 100, 000 2, 800 600 70 State and County E. A., S. Ed. Society A. M. Assn., contributions. State A. B. n. M. S., tuitions 4,000 8,000 150 35, 365 Am. Miss. Assn., tuition . State and City Donations State 150: 0! 2, 000 500' I o| 4,000 6, 3871 12 . 4, OOOi 1,800 45, 000 75,000. 2,100. 105, 000 375,000'. 460 428! 4,600 1,150 5,000 350: 400: 2, 250 10 2, 209' 4,000, 8,914 1,000: 13, 500 347 400 75 150, 000 . 35, 000 2,000 40, 000 17, 000 4,000 10. 500 5,425 1,500 775 15 350 2,450 11,000 G86 4, 000 6,850 7,750 '8,'66c 1,750 10 5,500 6, 400 124 1, 300 125 2,755 5,000 370 2,209 5, 000 10, 184 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 1, 300 133 700 134 15, 000, 135 600 71 14,260 1,114 8, fiOO 8,000 18, 600 7,875 9,500 2,525 4,025 5,500 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 2332 EDUCATION REPOET, 1896-97. Table 10. — Schools for the education of the colored raoe- IJame of school. Students in pro- fessional courses. Pupils re- ceiving in- dustrial training. 3 I o Students trained in industrial branches. 10 11 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 154 155 156 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 TBXAS — continued. Hearne Academy, Normal and Industrial School.* Bishop College "Wiley University 157 I Colored High School. 158 159 Prairie View State Normal School.* Paul Quinn College VIEGINIA, Ingleside Seminary Gloucester Agricultural and Industrial School. Colored Graded School Hampton Normal and Agri- cultural Institute. St. Paul Normal and Indus- trial Sciiool. Manassas Industrial School for Colored Touth. Public High School Norfollj. Mission College Bishop Payne Divinity and Industrial School. Peabody School Virginia Normal and Colle- giate Institute. Hartshorn Memorial College High and Normal School Richmond Theological Sem- inary. 53 WEST VIEGINIA. West Virginia Colored In- stitute. Storer College High School 19 235 13 177 1511 35 116100 0- 115 34! 55 302 184 46 30 1 40| 53 15 27 28 5 115 115 15 8107 6! 12 47 28 269 115 45 77 01 C5 '^Statistics of 1895-96. EDUCATION OF THE COLOKED EACE. 2333 professional and industrial training — equipment and income — Continued. Chief sources of support. O 00 D a O C8 21 23 Bapt.H.M.S Am. Bapt. H. M. S F.A., So.Ed. S.M.E. Ch. City StSte ,650 150 Church . Presbyterian Church Public contributions United States and private gifts Contributions Fees and donations 4,000 i6i,'286 State United Presbyterian Church . Contributions 900 2,500 100 300 1,500 400 800 9,272 I 300 300 78! 700 400 City and. State. State Am. Bapt. H. M. S State Am. Bapt. H. M. S State Benevolence . 3,515 350 4, 800, 24 25 26 27 29 $94, 000 35, 000 1,600 $1, 693 9, 200 $200 ,114 150 $10. 807 9,550 $16, 600 12, 000 100, 000 25, 18, 4, 617, 50, 10, 3, 50, 6, 3,000 15, 000 7,550 600 50, OOOj 15,000 5, OOOi 60, OOo! 3,600 300 5, 000 33, 900 3, 610 3, 010 154 155 156 157 158 159 I...- 160 3, OOO; 3, 250i 161 30,2651 144,234 6, 659; 5, 519 1,760 1,085 556 60 364 3, 0001 174, 499 162 103 15,778,164 165 6, 400' S, 166 O! 300l 166 167 108 ....| 169 4oO; 16, 535 170 4,803 1,559 5,000 4, 609 5,359 7,610 171 172 173 20, 000 174 6, 553 175 1 176 Chapter VT. THE HIGHER KHK ATION OF FREEDMEN. V Besides what has been done ]>y the State in the Southern Cniver- sity, alreadj^ described, the following- are the moi-e important asfen- cies that serve this end : V LBLAND UNIVERSITY* Leland University owes its existence to tlie consecrated beneficence of Holbrook Chamberlain, of Brooklyn, N. Y., who went to New Orleans in 1870, purchased the site, consisting of 4 squares of ground fronting on St. Charles avenue, containing about 9 acres, and effected an organization of a board of trustees, whose first act of incorporation is dated March 26, 1870. The first trustees were Holbrook Chamber- lain, E. P]. L. Taylor, Sejnnour Straight, Charles Satchel], James B. Simmons, Thomas W. Conwaj', Esau Carter, Jay S. Backus, Hiram Hutchins, Richard De Baptist, Nathan Brown, William Howe, and Leonard Grimes. Deacon Chamberlain accepted the j)osition of treasurer and occupied it until his death, Avhich occurred in 1883, giving personal attention to the financial interest of the university and contributing liberally to its support. In this he was assisted by tlie ITnited States Government, through the Freedman's Bureau, which appropriated $17,500 toward the first building, and by the American Baptist Home Mission Society, which appropriated $12,500 toward the purchase of the ground. In addition to this the society donated to the trustees, for school purposes, during the years 1874 to 1880, various sums, averaging over 13,000 annually. During two of these years (1884, 1885) the society, bj^ special arrangement, assumed the entire support of the teachers, paying over $4,000 each year — in 1884, 17,544, less $3,468 received from tuition, donations, etc., and in 1885, $7,871, less $3,371 received. In 1873 a large 3-story brick building, with Mansard roof, 100 feet long and 80 feet wide, was erected upon St. Charles avenue. In 1881 the new dormitory for girls was commenced. This also was of brick, "'•This sketch has been furnished the writer by the president, Rev. E. C. Mitch- ell, D. D., for fifteen years ijrofessor of biblical interpretation in Baptist theological schools at Alton and Chicago, 111., and, more recently, president of a theological school in Paris, France. 149 150 HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN LOUISIANA. 3 stories high, iOO by 50 feet, with a large basement devoted to laundry and boarding purposes. This l)uilding was completed in the fall of 1884 at a cost of about $25,000. The university was named by the founder in honor of liis wife, who was a direct descendant of Elder John Leland, of Cheshire, Mass. Mrs. Chamberlain died before her husband. When he had finished his earthly work, it was found that in his will the bulk of his prop- erty, amounting to about $100,000, had been left as an endowment fund for the support of the institution to whose interests he had devoted much of the later years of his honorable and useful life. A memorandum in the jubilee volume (1882) of the American Baptist Home Mission Society (p. 36) estimates the aggregate of his gifts to the institution during his lifetime at $65,000, and adds: With rare devotion and self-forgetfulness, he has for years lived for this object, putting time, talents, and possessions into the Christ-like service of lifting the lowly lip into a higher life. Although the institution was founded with a broad view to higher education, and therefore provided with a university charter similar in general features to that of American universities, yet, being at the same time, by its charter, oi3en to all without distinction of sex or color, its first work in that locality was necessarily confined chiefly to the education of descendants of the colored race. The beginning of its internal work, therefore, was humble and iDrimitive. The school, at first a primary grade, gradually advanced to grammar and to high-school instruction, and for some years chiefly ijrovided for the preparation of teachers to supply the needs of public and j^rivate schools then springing up in all the Southern States. The first prin- cipal was the Rev. William Rollinson, of IsTew Jersey, who taught until October, 1872, and who was succeeded by Rev. S. B. Gregory, who died in 1873. Rev. S. B. Barker, his associate in instruction, took charge until 1876, when he was succeeded by Rev. Marsena Stone, D. D. In 1878, Rev. S. J. Axtell was appointed president. His successor was Rev. J. S. Morton, who entered jipon duty October 1, 1881, ex-President Axtell being appointed to the department of bib- lical instruction. In 1882, Rev. H. R. Traver, of Saratoga, N. Y., took charge of the institution, remaining in office until 1886. After an interim of one year the present faculty were appointed. Since that period important changes have taken jjlace, not only in the course of instruction, but in the organization of the institution. It having become evident that the time had arrived for the university to perform its proper work of higher education, the standard of admis- sion to the classes was raised, so as to eliminate the lower grades and relegate the work of primarj^ instruction to preparatory schools. Full normal and college work is now being performed in all departments. For the further enlargement of the scope of the university a new char- ter was obtained in 1891, more than doubling the number of trustees, THE Hir4HER EDTCATIOX OF FREEDMEN. 151 removinf^- the limitations of its vested funds, and securing' greater strength in tlie ijersonalit}' and power of its members, Nc^rtli and Soutli. A system of attiliated schools was inaugurated by which the faculty of the university could exercise control over the prej^aratory course of study in secondary institutions established at impoi-tant centers outside of New Orleans. The conditions under which these schools are admitted to the auxiliary relation are as follows: 1. That a property fairly vahied at $2,000 shall be provided by the trustees and kept in repair by them, with taxes, insurance, and incidental expenses paid. 2. That the tuition, to the amount of at least $1 per month for each i^upil, be reported and paid to the university before the loth of each school month. ;J. That the course of stud}' prepared by the Leland faculty for use in prepara- tory schools (or •• Leland academies") be adopted by the school with such text- booiis as are from time to time prescribed. 4. The teachers of the school are to be appointed by us in consultation with the trustees of the school, and their names will appear as members of our faculty. Their salaries are to be paid by the university on terms which may be agreed upon, to be adjusted with reference to the apparent needs and probable income of the school. 5. Graduates of the school will be received into the regular normal classes of the university without examination. The best scholar in each graduating class will receive from the iiniversity a prize of $1 per month deducted from his first term bill, and the second best scholar will receive a prize of 50 cents per month in the same way. The courses of study are as follows: Junior year. — First term, algebra, rhetoric, physiology: second term, algebra, physical geography, physics. Middle year. — Fii-st term, algebra. Latin, physics; .second term, algebra, Latin, chemistry. Senior year. — First term, geometry, Latin, civil government; second term, geometry, Latin, laws and practice of teaching. COLLEGIATE. Junior and middle years identical with normal. Senior year. — Geometry, Latin, Greek. COLLEOE COURSE. Freshman year. — Latin, Greek, geometry, trigonometry. SopJwmore year.— Ijiitin. Greek, analytical geometry, physics. Jvnior year. — Rhetoric, logic, English literature, Greek, physics, physiology, astronomy. Senior yea)-. — Psychology', moral science. Christian evidences, history of civili- zation, political economy, chemistry, geology. THEOLOGICAL DEPARTMENT. Junior year. — Biblical introduction and history, evidences of Christianity and Biblical interpretation. Middle year. — Biblical geography and archaeology. Biblical interpretation, the- ology, church history, sermonizing. Senior year. — Biblical interpretation, pastoral theology, saci'ed rhetoric, church polity. 152 HI8T0RY OF EDUCATION IN LOUISIANA. STRAIGHT UNIVERSITY.* It became evident very early that New Orleans was an imi3ortant point at whicli to establish an educational institution for the colored people. Prominent among those interesting themselves in the matter was Hon. Seymour Straight, then engaged in the produce business in this city, now of Hudson, Ohio. Hon. Edward Heath, Mr. Charles Heath, and others were its Avarm advocates. The United States Government was appealed to, and a building was erected on the corner of Esplanade and Burgundy streets, the ground being the property of the American Missionary Association, and the school was to be under their control. As Mr. Straight was by far the largest contributor, it Avas in his honor named "Straight University." He has always been the firm friend and constant benefactor of the institution. The institution received her charter from the State legislature, granting her all the rights of establishing technical departments, granting degrees, etc. , in 1869, and the new building was dedicated in February, 1870. The notion that education would somehow lift them into a higher and better life seemed to take at once a strong hold on the minds of these people, and thej^ flocked to this and other scliools, literally by thousands. Few of them had unj fair conception of what a school was, and many onlj^ remained a few days, others coming in to fill their places, and with this irregularity little, comparatively, in the way of thorough instruction could be given. But things constantly improved, and soon a moi-e perfect organiza- tion was effected. Great good was accomplished notwithstanding all the drawbacks, and thousands who to-day are occupying prominent positions as preachers, teachers, merchants, and farmers look back with grateful remembrance to the time they spent at ' ' The Straights " or " The Universe," as many of them still call it. In 1877 the building on Esplanade street was destroyed by fire, and with it niuch that would aid in compiling its history, as well as a val- uable library, the gift of Northern friends. School was held for some months in Central Church, on Liberty street, but without delay a piece of ground was selected on Canal street, its present site, and the university building erected and dedicated October 1, 1878. In 1881 Mrs. Valina G. Stone, of Maiden, Mass., gave 125,000, with which an additional half square of land was purchased, and Stone Hall, a beautiful and convenient building three stories high, 100 feet front on Canal street, and with wing 190 feet on Rocheblave, was erected. This is now occupied as the teachers' home and girls' dormitory. Account furnished laj^ Rev. R. C. Hitchcock. A. M., president. THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF FREEDMEN. 153 liL Oclobev, I880, tlie Ixtys' dorniitory, Whitiii Hall, was oivcted, so naiiied in honor of IIoii. William C. Whitin. Ten thousand dollars was received from the estate of Mv. Whitin and I5,0(X) from the .2:ener- ous hand of Mr. Straight for the erection of this luiildini;. In 1S8C) the building- o('eu]iied as Vermont headquartei'S at the exposition was obtained and is now occupied as a library. In 1886 an industrial deparlment was added, largely l)y the aid of money from the Slater fiind, a shop erected, and now several depart- ments of mechanical work are in successful operation. The grounds, which are pleasantly situated on Canal street, in the most beautiful part of the city, are haiulsoniely laid out and planted with trees, vines, ornamental shi'ubs, and flowers, the work all being done by students. This year a new and larger shop is to be built, and a greenhouse for the education of students in floriculture is in contemplation. Standing as we do, a central point for the Avhole Gulf coast, facing- Mexico and the islands, no school has better promise of a gi-and future than Straight. Among our stndents are representatives from Cuba, Honduras, Mexico, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, and nearly every parish of our own State. LAW DEPARTMENT. Our law department graduated its first chivss in 1870. Since then it has graduated 81, all of whom have been admitted to the bar of this or other States. Among these are manj^, both white and colored, who take high rank in their profession, and who have filled prominent positions. I name: Judge Alfred E. Billings and Hon. L. A. Martinet, New Orleans; Hon. Charles A. Baquie, Ilahnville, La.; Hon. Lucien Adams, New Orleans, La. ; Thomas De Saliere Tucker, esq. , Pensacola, Fla. ; William H. Hodgkins, esq., Nashville, Tenn. ; David E. Temple, esq., Vicksbnrg, Miss.; Hon. John F. Pattj^, St. Marys, La.; Hon. C. A. Roxborough, Iberville, La. ; Hon. P. B. S. Pinchback, New Orleans, La.; Jason L. Jones, esq., Plaquemine, La. Among its undergraduates are several who have held important positions : Lieutenant-Governor C. C^. Auboine, Shreveport, La. ; Hon. Henry C. C. Astwood, United States consul at Santo Domingo; Hon. S. A. McElwen, l>nnessee ; J. M. Vance, esq., New Orleans, and others. THEOLCXJIOAL DEPARTMENT. From this department have gone forth hundreds who are intelli- gently preaching God's word in this and neighboring States. Among these I name Rev. A. E. P. Albert, D. D., formerly presiding ehler of the Methodist Episcoj)al Church, now the popular editcn* of the Southwestern. 154 HISTORY OF EDUCATION IN LOUISIANA. CLASSICAL AND NORMAL. From these depart meiits have gone hundreds ble, John Baldwin, George Dardis, W. M. Daily, M. C. Cole, James H. lugraham, C. W. Boothby, J. M. Vance, Pierre Landry, W. G. Brown, and J. Barth were consti- tuted the first board of trustees. The following-named gentlemen have served as j)residents: Rev. L S. Leavitt, A. M. ; Rev. W. D. Godman, D. D. ; Rev. James Bean, A. M. ; Prof. I. N. Faler, A. M. ; Rev. James Dean, D. D. : Rev. L. G. Adkiuson, A. M., D. T>. During three j^ears the institution was under the direction of Rev. A. F. Hoyt, Ph. D.. and Rev. I. L. Lowe, A. M., Ph. D., as acting presidents. In 1884 the property on Camp and Race streets was sold and a block on the corner of St. Charles and Valmont was purchased, where the school is now located. A large brick building, 156 feet front by 120 feet deep in the L, five stories high, has just been completed. It contains six school rooms, chapel, offices, cloakrooms, bathrooms, with dormitory rooms and dining-room accommodations for 180 stu- dents. The entire property is valued at $75,000. The enrollment, including boarding and day students, in January, 1889, was 232. The faculty then consisted of Rev. L. G. Adkinson, A. M., D. D., presi- dent; Rev. Thomas M. Dart, A. M., professor ancient languages; Harvey J. CUements, B. S., professor natural science; Miss ]VIaria C. Kilgrove, principal grammar school; Albert R. Adkinson, principal model scliool; Miss Belle Adkinson, principal music department; B. M. Hubbard and A. P. Camphor, tutors; William Porter, princi- pal night school; W. E. Chamberlain, superintendent mechanical department; Mrs. M. A. Adkinson, »rincipal sewing department. jn-inci * Account furnished by President L. G. Adkinson, A. M., D. D. Since this account was written a medical department has been added to the institution. \ . CHAPTER XXVII. THE FUTURE OF THE COLORED RACE. The Opportunity and Obligation of the Educated Class of the Colored Race IN the Southern States. An Address Delivered Before the Agricultural AND Mechanical College for Negroes, at Normal, Ala., May 29, 1899, by Rev. a. D. Mayo, A. M., LL. D. I do not appear before the faculty and students of the Agricultural and Mechan- ical College to discuss what the newspapers and politicians call " the race question" in the Southern United States. What is here called the "race problem," under another form, is equally pressing in the Northern States of the Union. It is only one section of the radical problem raised by that new departure in human affairs, the original Declaration of American Independence, fought out through eight terrible years of the war of the Revolution, and finally embodied in the Constitution of a republican government for the United States of America, declared, substantially, by Mr. Gladstone to be the most remarkable achievement of original statesmanship ever struck out by any body of men in the history of mankind. The motive power of that new government and order of society, now a century old — the great political dynamo that generates the force which moves and illumines the national life — is the radical idea, then for the first time dehberately adopted by any government, that it is possible to construct a nationality in which "all orders and conditions of people" can live together, each man, woman, and child a vital part of the whole, every member protected in all the fundamental rights of human nature, including the sovereign right to strive for his own highest jwssibility of man- hood or womanhood, and all Vi'orking together for the common good. That lofty idea of our new American nationality is only the translation into pub- lic affairs of the idea of human nature and possibility announced by Jesus Christ in the Sermon on the Mount, the Lord's Prayer, the Beatitudes, the Golden Rule, and the Law of Love. After an eighteen-century struggle upward out of the darkness of a paganism which held to the fundamental heresy of antiquity that every superior man was a brevet deity and all the rest of the world human trash, " in the fullness of time" this great American new departure sent greeting buck to Palestine and began the mighty experiment of educating all orders and conditions of people upward toward that American sovereign citizenship, which truly achieved is the loftiest posi- tion in the world, made possible to every son and daughter of God. Of course, it was not to be expected that ideals so lofty could at once be wrought into the actual life of any people. The entire history of this Republic during ita first century is only a record of the intermittent progress toward this exalted declara- tion. It was only after the most terrible civil war of modern times, involving the slaughter of half a million of the flower of American youth, and the disappearance of the earnings of an entire generation of the people in the form of powder and shot, with the complete overthrow of the entire organization of human society through half the national area and its reorganization through the entire extent that we were able to include the whole American people in the world's great roll of honor, Amer- 1227 1228 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1898-99. ican citizenship, and with that the perilous attempt to confer oii every man tlie la^t and most eminent right of free suffrage. Even tliis was only another attempt to legislate an ideal into the common life of the nation — an attempt whose realization remains for our children. But this has been gained. "The past is secure." We begin the twentieth century of our Lord and the second century of the nation with the all-around agreement that hereafter this sovereign obligation to educate all orders and conditions of people toward the high ideal of American society shall proceed by the agencies of peace. "Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war." Froin this time onward all the forces of the higher civilization of the twentieth century are to be concentrated and worked to their uttermost to solve the original American problem: How can all these peoples who, since the dawn of history, have lived in a chronic state of active warfare, only broken by more or less brief periods of truce, here, in the Avorld's greatest Republic, be educated up to living together in a government and order of society consecrated to the highest welfare of all? And for the solution of this mighty problem the American people presents to the world the most original of all its many " new inventions," the people's common school. This, the most central and powerful of all our present agencies of American civilization, is practically a little republic, planted in 250,000 schoolhouses, in every State, Terri- tory, county, city, township, and hamlet of this broad land. It is, Avhen truly understood, fitly organized, and well conducted, the most complete and influential representative of the practical religion announced and lived by the great Teacher, Statesman and Savior of mankind. The American ideal of manhood and womanhood is the same as that announced and lived by Him, so fitly named by the poet, "the first true gentleman that ever lived." The motto of "the first society " in this Republic is simply the old scripture: "Let him who is greatest among you be your servant." The American ideal of personal superiority that overrides every theory of race, class, culture, power, man- hood, or womanhood of the past,' is that all superiority of the individual is only another opportunity to serve the whole. We shall never reach the impracticable dream of the optimistic philanthropist— a millennium where all people will be equal in all respects. The law of human superiority through its myriad of forms will for- ever assert itself; it is to-day as relentless and masterful here as in any of the older nationalities or in any period of history. All discussion of this most puerile of fancies is idle breath. The only question left us to discuss, by the Providence that sets limits and bounds to every soul, is what are the opportunities and obligations of every man, every class, every race, in its relations to the mass of mankind? And here we face the everlasting ordinance: The Son of man and Son of God com.es into this Avorld "not to be ministered unto, but to minister." The end of all activity in the family, the church, the school, the state, through all the higher agencies of civilization, in every Christian land, is to educate the whole i:)eople into the complete possession and use of their own superiorities toward the idea of the law of service. This is all there is in the "race question" of the South, and the larger question of the welfare of all the races and classes now represented in the 75,000,000 American people. It is doubtless an interesting question. What are the opportunities and obligations of the 65,000,000 American people, made up froin the ingathering here of all the European nationalities, toward the 10,000,000 new-made colored citizens in the United States, and the 10,000,000 strangers in the islands of the sea that may be thrown upon us by the providence of the past year of successful war? But I do not discuss this question to-day, although never declining to discuss it, when presented upon proper conditions, as an American and not a local or sectional question, at a fit time and place. To-day I propose to talk, not at long, but at short, range. I propose to inquire. What are the opportunities and obligations of the 100,000 more or less youth of the colored race who, in contrast with the remaining 9,900,000, maybe THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1229 called odue-ated ii. respect to this vast multitude, more than twice as numerous as the entire population of the United States under the first Presidency of Washington? For this body of the 100,000 colored people this inquiry transcends all others, just now, in importance. For, according to the way in which this opportunity and obli- gation are understood, accepted and lived out by this 100,000, will depend, not only the present welfare of the 10,000,000 colored race at liome, but in large measure the future policy of the nation in dealing with the coming multitudes that tlie providence of God may bring, through years to come, M'ithin the expanding influence of the national life. Let us, at first, try to understand the actual condition of affairs among the 10,000,000 of the colored race in the Southern States, as far as relates to their higher develop- ment. The air is darkened, and the sunlight of common sense, not to say common humanity, is now obscured by a flock of theories. But we may as w'ell remember that this great jiroblem is fianlly to be solved by those who best understand the facts of the case, and have the broadest and most profound apprehension of the eternal principles of justice and love, to which all our human affairs must sooner or later adjust themselves. What is the actual condition of the 10,000,000 of the colored race in these sixteen United States, which creates the opportunity and obligation of the 100,000, more or less, who to-day, by the favor of Providence and largely through the benevolence of friendly people in both sections of the country, are recognized as the educated class? After twenty years of careful observation in every Southern State, each of which I know geographically and educationally as well as I know my native State (Massa- chusetts) , I see a few evident facts. 1. I sec that no people in human history has made such progress out of tlie under^ world of paganism and barbarism, from which we all emerged, in three hundred years, as the colored people of the United States. I certainly do not undertake to defend the institution of negro slavery. But that man must be blind who does not see that the 6,000,000 people who in 1865 stepped over the threshold of the nation's temple of liberty, were in every essential respect another people than their ancestors in the dark continent — perhaps the majority of whom were there not a hundred and fifty years before. In all save the education that comes through schools and books, the colored race, in 1865, at the close of the civil war, had laid the founda- tions of all education in the three great acquirements that underlie our Christian civilization. They had learned the art of continuous and profitable work. They had learned the English language, the language of the people that leads in the idea of constitutional republican government. They had accepted the Christian religion, according to the creeds and ideals of conduct prevailing among the vast majority of the American people. AVith all its defects, the American people, at that period, had made the most headway in the organization of Christian ideals of life in their form of society and government, of any people. The whole people was respon- sible for the condition of these 6,000,000, of whom it could be said that, on the whole, their transition from African barbarism and paganism to American citizen- ship had been accomplished with less suffering and general demoralization than the similar elevation of any European people during the past thousand years. How this came about no theologian, sociologist, or statesman has yet been fully able to explain. But practical, everyday men, who are doing the work of this world, have come to the conclusion, after eighteen centuries of a half-paganized and half- Christianized civilization, that God Almighty is the great moral economist of the universe. Whatever may be the status of man as he comes into this world, no man is permitted to get out of this world until, by his own will, or over his will, he has contributed something to the common cause of the uplift of the human race. If there indeed be an eternal hell, no eternal sinner can get there without, at some point in his doleful journey, he pays toll at some gate of heaven. Tlie rela- 1230 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. tion of the American people to the present 10,000,000 colored American citizens will finally be judged by history, from the fact of the progress. of the colored race during its two hundred and fifty years' residence in the country, as revealed by its condition in the year of final emancipation, in 1865. Indeed, so evident was this fact that the people then representing the Union, in due time after the close of the civil war, was moved to confer upon these 6,000,000 of freedmen the highest earthly distinction — full American citizenship. This act now certainly appears the most hazardous experiment of the kind in history. But it was only an extension of the established practice of the whole country which, in 1860, had already admitted to full citizenship great multitudes of the lower orders of European immigrants; hundreds of thousands of whom were, in several essential ways, less prepared to use worthily this supreme gift than many corresponding thousands of the more intelligent of the colored folk. In fact, this act was a compliment to the training of the colored people in the South. And no states- man to-day is wise enough to decide with confidence, whether things in the United States would have been, on the v/hole, better at the beginning of the second century of the national life had not this happened. But the most grievous result of this experiment has not been to the white, but to the colored man himself. Every European people has been compelled to reach its present condition of political and social emancipation through a thousand years of war, pestilence, and famine. Every step in the rough road has been gained only after a generation, sometimes a century, of conflict that has made Europe the cemetery of the human race. But the American colored man received more than any Euro- pean people has yet gained, with no conspicuous effort of his own. Still, the everlasting law abides, that nothing worth having in this world is won and held save through the extreme of toil, suffering and sacrifice. Our 10,000,000 colored people in the United States are now passing through their own wilderness on their way to the promised land, which, to-day, to all save a superior class, is like a far-away mountain range on a distant hoiizon, sighted now and then through clouds and storms and mists by the dwellers in the valley below. Doubtless there are still some great advantages in the situation. It is such an advantage as no people in history has yet enjoyed, that the final destiny of this people can be v/rought out through the agencies of peace. We are certainly approach- ing that new and blessed era when "Sword, Pestilence, and Famine," the three terrible teachers of the past, are being remanded to ancient history. In their place the colored man is now invited to take his place in the great miiversity of the new American life, whose faculty consists of Professor Free Labor, Professor Free Church, and Professor Free School, with the good will of every wise and benevolent man and woman in Christendom, and such a prize on the gleaming mountain top has never yet allured the hopes and strung the nerves of any race of men. Surely no people on earth, at any time in a similar condition of the colored race in these States, has had so much to encourage it, so many friends, such powerful forces Avorking in its behalf, as these 10,000,000, represented by this institution of learning and civilization in which we are gathered to-day. 2. But another thing I see, just as plainly as what has now been stated. I can not help seeing that more than half the 10,000,000 of these colored people are still weighted with the bottom disability to the use and enjoyment of full American citizenship, an illiteracy that still holds practically in bondage 60 per cent of the entire number. In the six States where what is called the "Pace problem" is now the most stringent — Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, South Carolina, Mississippi, and North Carolina — this illiteracy, during the present decade, has ranged from 60 per cent of all persona over 10 years of age in North Carolina and Mississippi, to 64 per cent in South Carolina, 67 per cent in Georgia, 69 per cent in Alabama, and even to 72 per cent in Louisiana. In the District of Columbia, where the national Government, in connection with the THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1231 District, supports the best coiumon school system in the country for the colored race, 35 ^jer cent of these people over 10 years of age are illiterate, largely from the constant drifting in of the poorer classes from the neighboring States. It i: certainly a great tribute to the American people of all sections that during the past thirty-five years this illiteracy of the colored race has been reduced 40 per cent. Especially is it honorable to the Southern .people, that $100,000,000 have been expended, chiefly by the white race, under conditions that we all know, during the past thirty years, for the education of the freedmen in common schools. It is also honorable that the Korth and the nation, from the beginning of the civil war to the present day, have j)robably contributed an equal sum. The Christian people of the Northern States are now spending more than $1,000,000 a year, largely for the superior education of Southern colored youth. But this does not change the stubborn fact that CO of every 100 colored i>eople in our own 16 Southern States, men, women, and children, above the age of 10, are living to-day in the most unfortunate of all condi- tions—illiteracy. We are all the time discussing this question of illiteracy at cross purposes. It is regarded simply as an ignorance of letters; and we are reminded that the use of letters, five hundred j-ears ago, v/as the luxury of the few, and that within the mem- ory of living men the majority of people in Christendom was in this condition. We are called anew to admire the model virtues of people unable to read and write. An entire literature has sprung up concerning the colored race, in which the moral and social excellencies of the old-time slave jjopulation are duly magnified, sometimes to the extent that v:e suspect the author never heard of a respectable colored man who could read and write. But all conditions of this sort are perilous or harmless, accord- ing to their social and civil environment. Illiteracy in these United States to-day is no longer an amiable or, except under conditions rapidly passing away, an excusable weakness. Illiteracy in Alabama to-day means ignorance, superstition, shiftlessness, vulgarity, and vice, rolled together in the person of one illiterate man or woman, and concentrateestilent, hideous, malarious, under every State, com- munity and family, steaming up death and destruction through all the lowlands of our American semicivilization and drifting in its poisonous moral and social atmos- phere through the open door and window of every palace in the land. The only condition under which ignorance is apparently a harmless element in society is in a social order, organized according to the old-time patriarchal and paternal method, guided by an aristocracy of intelligence and character that protects the masses from their foes without and their own folly and unrighteousness. Doubt- less in some of its localities, and everywhere in some of its aspects, the institution of American slavery could be mentioned in this connection. Indeed, even the desire for, not to say the possession of, letters, would not only have been a constant peril to the institution itself, but under ordinary conditions intelligence could scarcely be regarded a blessing to the enslaved. But all this is ancient history. To-day every ignorant man, woman, or child in this Republic is in a state of siege from the Grand Army that marches under its four generals in chief — Superstition, Shiftlessness, Yulgarity, and Vice. His ignorance is not only his great misfortune, but his deadliest temptation to all varieties of folly, weakness, and transgression, which land their victim in a state more hopeless than any form of "natural depravity." And even more than this, the illiteracy of any considerable American class is the greatest peril to every grade of peoj^le above it. No American community, Anglo- Saxon or otherwise, however exalted by wealth and culture and social refinement and civic power, even by the Christian religion as it is now undei-stood, preached, and practiced, is proof against the terrible temptation from a race in the present condition of 60 per cent of the colored people of these sixteen States. I make no 1232 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. charge, and have none to make, concerning the moral superiority or inferiority of the Southern people in all that concerns good American manhood and womanhood. They, doubtless, like all portions of the American people, have peculiar supersti- tions, shadowed by the defects that are the peculiar temptation of every superior or dominant race. But no i)eople in history has been able to resist the perpetual influence of having among it another people, mixed up with everything in its daily life, always accessible, dependent, and always in the way in the hour of temptation, sixty of every hundred in the condition that every illiterate colored man or Avoman must be; each of them, meanwhile, endowed with all the powers of full American citizenship. As well might a colony expect to avoid the blight of malaria in the great Dismal Swamp, or expect to live in health and comfort with the base- ment story of its houses under water in a Mississippi River overflow, a turbid ocean 100 miles wide, choked with drift, swarming with all the fearful, loathsome, and malignant creatures driven from their own haunts by the frightful invasion. It is not in the South alone that this terrible scourge of illiteracj' is manifest. It is a national breeding place of all manner of moral sickness and mental perversion, touching the most remote outpost of the republic, turning the national mind and conscience upside down, with now and then an explosion, as from the bottomless pit, of wrath, fear, and hatred, that often reveals the best man and the most saintly AVoman to themselves as a possible rebel against every human sanctity and every ordinance of justice, order, and common humanity, established by the experience of the human race. NoAV I am not here to-day to lecture the white people of these States, as I have been talking and writing to and about them for the past twenty years, with the encouragement and geuei^al assent and approval of their foremost people in every State, city, and hamlet visited, concerning their duty in this emergency. I am not here to declare that the North should repent of its great failure in Congress ten years ago to put forth the mighty hand of the nation to enable the South to increase the quantity and improve the quality of the schooling it had already established for both races of its people. I am here to-day to call attention to the opportunity and the obligation of the 100,000, more or less, of colored youth below the age of 35, all born under the American flag, all American citizens, concerning the deliverance of one- half the race out of the submerged district, the lowest slough and slum of the nation, which we still choose to cover up by the fine dictionary word — illiteracy. 3. For, at the opposite end of the social plateau of these 10,000,000 we find a body which, in contrast Avith the illiterates, may be named an educated class. It is only by a sharp contrast that this distinction can be aAvarded to possibly more than 100,000 young persons of both sexes, who, during the past thirty-five years, have been enrolled for a longer or shorter period in the group of institutions originally established by the churches and benevolent associations of the North, but latterly supplemented by all the States of the South, for the secondary, higher, and industrial training of selected colored youth. Within the past fifteen years every Southern State has established one, or more than one, free school of the secondary, normal, and industrial grade after the type of the famous Hampton Normal and Industrial Institute founded by Gen. S. C. Armstrong, at Hampton, Va., soon after the close of the civil war. In the year 1896-97 there Avere 169 schools for the secondary and higher education of colored youth in operation in these sixteen States, v/ith 1,795 professors and teachers, 1,008 of whom were women, 45,402 students, 25,159 girls and 20,243 boys; 2,108 of the (1,526 males and 582 females) being in college grades. In the secondary, the high, and academical grades there were 15,203 students, a majority of 2,000 girls. In the elementary, or Avhat is knoAvn as the primary and grammer grades, there Avere 28,091 pupils — 11,773 boys and 16,318 girls. Apart from the State normal and industrial seminaries, which, as a rule, do not include the classics, and the pupils in attendance on an increasing number of free THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1233 high schools in citien, there would seem to be at present some 2,410 students in classical, 974 in scientific, and 11,340 in higher English studies; 14,724 in all above the elementary grades. In the normal classes, but few of which can be regarded as 2)r()fessional other than in name, there were 5,081 students, about equally divided by sex. There were only 295 students in " business courses," of whom 179 were males. There were 1,311 professional students named, the large majority in theology and medicine. Of the 13,581 included in industrial training, 8,611 were girls and 4,970 boys, of whom 1,027 were studying farming, 1,498 carpentry, and a smaller number other mechanical occupations. These schools report 224,794 volumes in libraries. The entire value of their build- ings, grounds, etc., is $7,714,958. Their annual income is $1,045,278. All this, save $141,262 from tuition money, $271,839 from State or UTunicipal aid, and $92,080 from permanent funds, comes in the way of a benefaction from the North, whence this entire plant of $7,700,000 has lieen derived. Probably $3,000,000 has been given in permanent funds. Many of these higher schools have been in existence for twenty or more years. More than a dozen of them, established by the Northern churches, have assumed the title "college" or "university," and are organized according to the academical and collegiate methods of the leading denominational seminaries in both sections of the country fifty years ago, with such additions especially in their industrial and normal departments and improved methods of teaching as may have been found expedient. It is impossible to determine the numljer of colored youth who, since the year 1870, have been at different times enrolled in these 169 seminaries of the secondary and higher education, and who to a greater or less extent have received a permanent influence from such attendance. The majority have doubtless profited more iu their improved manners and morals than in their scholarship by this experience. Still, it would seem impossible that any save a perverse or utterly careless youth could spend over a year in one of these schools, in contact with these often cultivated and always faithful teachers, really surrounded by a new world, without l)ecoming in some way a member of the educa- tional in contrast with the illiterate class. It is probably not an overestimate and it may be an underestimate to say that of the 10,000,000 colored people in the United States 100,000, under the age of 30 years, are regarded by the masses of their own people as educated. Certainly more than 500,000, possibly 1,000,000 children and youth of this race during the thirty-five years since emancipation have entered manhood and womanhood with more school- ing than George Washington, John Marshall, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, Andrew Jackson, Abraham Lincoln, Henry Wilson, Horace Greeley, George Peabody, and multitudes of men and women in all sections of the country, who are named in history or cherished in the memory of important conununities as leaders in the higher region of American life during the first century of the Republic. This is a great testimonial to the capacity of the race, the last to step over the threshold of civilized life in these modern days. And it should assure the most despondent friend of the negro that the destiny of these 10,000,000 is safe in charge of the American people. It is only necessary that it be itself awakened to the one supreme obligation of every class in the Republic, the duty to learn the great American art of self-help and follow its own noblest and wisest leaders toward the "prize of the high calling," a complete American citizenship — the grandest prize that now tempts the v^'orthy ambition of mankind. Of this body of the educated 100,000, 27,000 are now reported as teachers of the 1,500,000 children enrolled iu the public schools, 900,000 of whom are in "average daily attendance." The attendance of colored children and youth in public schools is on the whole an encouraging tribute to the demand of this people for education. There were 1,460,084 ED 99 78 1234 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. enrolled in all the public schools for the race in 1896-97. There are 2,816,340 colored children and youth between 5 and 18 years of age in the 16 Southern States, 32.65 per cent of the entire school population of the South. Of this number 51.84 per cent were enrolled in public schools, against 67.79 per cent of the white children of similar grade. The avei-age daily attendance of those enrolled in colored schools was 61.95 per cent, in comparison with 67,58 pev cent of the white. In 1897-98 there ■was one colored teacher to every 33 colored pupils in average attendance at the Southern common schools. The annual cost of the pubhc schooling of these 900,000 children in 1897-98 was $6,658,000, with probably $2,000,000 additional for the secondary and higher education. Of the public school expenditure almost the entire sum is obtained by taxation of the white people of the South. But this is simply in accordance with the American common school idea, which is that the property of the State shall educate the children of the State. As the colored labor- ing class of the South, like the corresponding white class in the North, is in large measure the creator of the wealth of the country, it is no special hardship that the white property owners of the South should largely support the common school for all. But the historian of education will record to the enduring praise of the Southern people that during the past thirty years, despite the overwhelming destruction of property and demoralization of society by the greatest civil war of modern times, it hag invested $546,600,000 in public schools alone, and several other millions for the secondary and higher education; $104,000,000 having been invested in the education of children and grandchildren of a people who, in 1860, v/ere held in chattel slavery and declared by the Supreme Court of the United States not citizens of the Republic. And it is a cause of rejoicing to the country that to-day there are more than 1,000,000 colored children in the public schools of the South, everyone of whom was born a freeman, under the American flag, a citizen of the United States. 4. Always and everywhere the most favored class is compelled to deal with the less favored portion of mankind, for its uplifting, through the agency of the great inter- mediate multitude Avho walk in the middle of the road, ' ' the plain people, ' ' who are the ' ' bone and sinew ' ' of every civilization. It is of this class of which the Good Book says, "the common people heard Jesus gladly." It is to this body, the 40 per cent, of the colored race, above 10 years of age, who have risen out of the almost absolute illiteracy of forty years ago, and the smaller class who, still deprived of letters, are educated (educated by life) above their fellows, that the 1,000,000 of the colored educated youth must lurn for the ' ' rank and file ' ' of the grand army of invasion of the dism.al realm of ignorance, superstition, shiftlessness, vulgarity ?.nd vice that still holds out against all efforts of a republican civihzation working for its regeneration since the emancipation of the race. For here, among the better sort of those who have enlisted in the army of intelligence and progress, v>dll be fomid the most reliable advisers, the fairest counselors, the most faithful allies of the enthusias- tic and devoted educated young men and young women, gouig forth to serve the Master by "preaching the Gospel to every creature." And here, also, will be found the well-to-do in worldly goods, who must be instrticted in the Christian idea of using monejf, saving on the lower to spend on the upper side of life. And, above all, here is a solid, conservative class, which will restrain the pernicious antics of the pro- fessional agitator, visionary enthusiast, the chronic impracticable, and the cranks and humbugs of every description, shaping the direction of a sound policy concerning public affairs and discerning the most effective manner of meeting and repelling every assault upon the rights of the masses. Happily for the opportunity of the 100,000 of the new generation now called to the leadership of the race, they find in the better sort, the 40 per cent of their people who have seen the light of knowledge, a most efficient ally in their great enterprise, and not only from the most worthy of this class, but from an increasing number THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1235 who have not enjoyed the opportunity of schools and letters, will come forth, year by year, new levies of people who have no longer "any use" for the " blind leaders of the blind," in the pulpit, on the platform, in office, or as advisers in any depart- ment of common or public life. And, of all the following to be desired by a wise and progressive leader, the most desirable is a people, just in the condition in which sev- eral millions of the colored race are now foi»nd. Nowhere do you find such a gen- uine respect and even reverence for true and tried superiority; such a confiding regard in whoever proves himself a reliable, sound, and steadfast friend of the peo- ple's cause, as here. Indeed, one of the most inspiring and pathethic spectacles in American life to-day is the attitude of hundreds of thousands of the better sort of the colored folk before any man or woman, fi-om either race or section, approved as a leader able to lead a friend who is neither a flatterer nor a fool; as ready to declare the defects as to recog- nize the virtues of his followers; as severe to restrain as courageous to lead tlie advance. Here is such an opportunity for the highest achievement of good for great numbers of people as has never before, and may never again, be offered to a superior class, called by God to go forth and lead the wandering tribes out of the desert, across Jordan and into the jiromised land. For the present is a transitional period. A generation hence, with the larger extension of education, the increase of comfort and a more general prosperity, it will be far more difficult than now for any favored 100,000 to go before and marshal the army of the Lord for a new exodus out of any Egypt. To-day is the golden opportunity for a supreme effort of the class that can honestly call on a generation to set its face toward the future. Every young man or woman now going forth from one of these great schools is accepted by his friends and has a following, as a repre- sentative of good education and all the indescribable blessings connected therewith. To every one of these it can be said, as the Master in the Mount said to his new and untried disciples: "Ye are the light of the world. A city set on a hill can not be hid." You will be received with a great expectation and a hearty welcome. And of you it can be said that this attitude of the mind and heart of your constit- uency is of itself one of the greatest opportunities given to man to do his uttermost for the uplifting of a race. And it is a part of this great opportunity that even the illiterate, of whom the majority are only in part involved in all the i)erils of their condition, confide in you for the instruction of their children with a mighty faith that you will send them out from the churches and the schools far better and wiser than themselves, and that they will often become, through their children, your most docile and devoted fol- lowers. The greatest following of the noblest reformers of the world has often been from the class that has been cast away as tlie offscouring of the race by those who sit up in the high places of culture and power. Jesus said to the proud Phar- isee, the contemptuous Sadducee and the mocking scribe: "These publicans and harlots will go into the Kingdom of God before you." It was among the slaves, the obscure and afflicted and oppressed lower orders of the Roman Empire that Paul and Peter and the other ten found the materials to build the primitive Christian Church. Even the "upper ten" of old revolutionary Boston "sailed away at break of day" to Halifax when General George Washington marched into town. The true reformer should never despise his audience or turn his back upon any .sincere following, for the Word of God often comes to the poor and lowly, and the child who was born in a stable and cradled in a manger became the leader of the centuries and the Savior of mankind. Permit me, then, to ask the more thoughtful members of this young army of the Lord, "one hundred thousand strong:" "Do you, who by the blessing of God and the favor of your friends, have been able to come up out of the darkness into the twilight of knowledge, where you now abide, realize the grandeur of your 1236 EDUCATION REPOKT, 1898-99. opportunity?" It is to be acknowledged leaders toward the upper region of Ameri- can life of a i^eople twice as numerous as the entire population of the Republic under the Presidency of Washington. There is one region of American life, and that the highest — the opportunitj^ of all others, worked and prayed for by the noblest of mankind — that is yours without rivalship or resistance. Nowhere in. this world to-day is a body of 100,000 young men and women called to such a ministry of service and sacrifice for the uplift of 10,000,000 of the human race as you. Any 100,000 young people of any other race who should go to work with such a mission as your own would be smothered in the great multitude who are already engaged in similar work, and only now and then one, a ' ' survivor of the fittest, ' ' would obtain a position where he could show^ him- self for what he was. But you stand on this high plateau of opportunity, the observed of all observers, with no jealous or hostile body outside your own race to hinder, and all Christian jseople, at home or abroad, applauding every success, giving generously to you of all sorts of good gifts, bearing up your work on the wings of prayer, that signifies as much to-day as in any of the days of old. You have not made this great occasion for yourself, and it comes not as any reward of merit, but as an invitation to prove yourself fit ' ' soldiers of the cross. ' ' This glorious and unique opportunity was created for you by the providence of God. This standing place where you now are marshaled was gained for you by the sacrifice of half a million patriotic lives and the indescribable suffering of an entire section of our common country. The continued benevolence of the friends of the people for a whole generation has made it possible that you should be lifted up to this high mount of opportunity and obligation. The "gracious favor of Almighty God," invoked by Abraham Lincoln in his proclama- tion of freedom, has called you, not because you are especially worthy, but that you might be made worthy to answer this summons from on high. 5. Remember this, every young man and woman that hears me: The wisest and best people of every section and community in the United States are always on the watch for the appearance of one more young man and woman worthy of their aid and encouragement. Your end of the social scale is to do the best that lies in you with all your might. If so, eacli of you will be the friend and beloved disciple of Him who was fitly called by the poet "the first true gentleman that ever lived," with the love of God, "whose favor is life, and whose loving kindness is better than life." You can manage to "worry along" with this sort of social consideration vvhile you are intrusted by Providence with laying the foundation of the new social order for a whole people who, if your life is prolonged to my own age, may number 20,000,000, everyone of whom will speak of you, if you deserve it, as the schoolboys and girls of my youth spoke of the fathers of the Revolution; as they do now of the heroes and statesmen of the war for the Union; and as you speak of your own soldiers, who now, under the blazing sun, in the jungles of the tropical islands, are clearing the way for a new opportunity for your children, perhaps even gi-eater than your own. If you are doing and living up to what God now calls you to be and do, you can well afford to wait upon the coming of all the good things for which you long to-day. In fact, your present opportunitj^ furnishes the only way by which you can obtain all that belongs to any good American citizen. ' ' There is only one way under heaven known among men ' ' whereby your great hope can be realized for your peo- ple, and that is just the way where you now enjoy an opportunity such as is given to no similar class in Christendom — this great labor of love for the uplifting of your people, which you can do with "none to molest or make you afraid." But someone may reply: "All this is doubtless very fine, but it is somewhat vague and vaporous, and does not seem to fit my own case." Let me, then, "descend to particulars," and call your attention to several ways in which you are able to serve in the great work of training up your people in their present condition of childhood, THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1237 "ill the way the}' .should go," so tliat, when they rise to their complete status of manhood and womanhood, " they shall not depart from it." In 1896-97 there were, in the sixteen Southern States,6,000 students in schools, classed as normal, theological, and medical, representing the three great liheral professions that touch most closely on the common life of the masses of any people. The states- man, the lawyer, the author, the artist, and the journalist — all move the superior class at setiond-hand, and the illiterate class directly scarcely at all. But the C^hris- tian minister, the teacher, and the physician stand "next of kin" to our own flesh and blood. Often, if the men and women in these professions are worthy, they influence us in a way more personal and radical than is possil>le for the majority of people in family relations to minister to each other. There are now probably not less than 50,000 young colored men and women more or less educated and competent, acting in all these sacred relations among the 10,000,000 of the colored people. And there are still only half the colored children and youth of school age in the South at school at all. Perhaps half the colored people are not living in regular church relations; possibly not attending church. And only a small portion of the colored families are living under healthy sanitary conditions, or ever see a doctor or a health inspector until in some "tight places " wdth a dangerous disease, or warned by a visiting policeman. Now, with the exception of the medical profession, the white professional man or woman is almost banished from this, the most important field of professional service. Your people are no longer gathered, like their fathers and grandfathers, in the gallery of the old churc^h, to hear the preaching of the most distinguished divine, but flock around their own favorite preachers and religious leaders. The teaching in the public schools, outside of a few cities, is all in the hands of 27,000 colored schoolmasters and scdioolmistresses. What an opportunity is here — the bodily and mental training, and the religious ministry to a whole people, covering their entire higher life! Read the testimony of the experts who have recently examined the sanitary conditions of great numbers of colored people now living in the larger Southern cities, and more every year employed in the rapidly increasing manufacturing institutions of the South. What a dismal picture of sickness, death, sorrow, and the demoralization of families is this! Almost twice the ratio of deaths to the white race, with the imminent danger of the entire colored race being involved in the most deadly class of diseases, consumption and its attendant complaints, which the best medical skill in the world has only recently cheeked among the more careful and protected communities of all the nations. Is not this an opportunity given to the faculties of your schools of medicine, such as to no other body of physicians, the task of dealing with the physical life of a whole people, and in so doing lifting up th.ousands from destructive habits that ai'e the curse of the race? And when we read that this terrible mortality and disease is not due so much to the physical environment of your people as to their ignorance of the most common laws of health and the reckless indulgence in the animalism that, in every people in similar conditions, is the great, black, underlying slough and slum of every community, is not the opportunity of the colored physician and nurse lifted to a great moral ministry? If the medical profession of this race in one generation could reduce the death rate from an average of 34 to 1,000 in five of the larger cities of the South to some approach to the 20 per thousand of the white race, would it not be an achievement worthy the highest aspiration of the most devoted body of young men and women, doctors and nurses, as especially in doing this so many of these poor children could be saved from the bottomless pit of the animal vices, Avhere all manhood and womanhood sink down into an almost hopeless annihilation? Think of the 27,000, possibly of all sorts 30,000, teachers of the 1,000,000 children and youth now in school, 33 to each teacher in average daily attendance. What an 1238 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. opportunity is this, to have in charge all the children, practically all the time during the months allotted to their school life! What a change to multitudes of these children, who come from such homes as we know they have, to such a place as you can easily make your schoolhouse — make it by the cheerful work of your own jjupils, at once transforming a bare and thoroughly unsightly school building to a pleasant summer or winter home! Even in doing this you are training every child in the fine art of home making, without which there is no better future than to-day for several millions of your people. Aiid if, besides this, you can yourself be a Christian man or woman in the teacher's chair, as every young man or woman should be in his every-day "walk and conversation," an object lesson of that character, without which your boasted American citizenship is only "a prelude to a tragedy or a comedy, and probably both," you may become a follower of the world's supreme Teacher, who said: "Of all that the Father has given me, I shall lose nothing, and raise them up again at the last day." And if you can only pry open the darkened window of the soul of one of these little ones, so that, as through a little crack, a shaft of golden light may cleave the gloom and remind this child of the infinite firmament that holds the earth in its embrace, you may have made it possible that this prisoner in the abode of ignorance may be aroused to break out of the sleep of mental dullness and range at will through all the glorious spaces of the wisdom, beauty, and love that are the heritage of every soul that comes into the world. And what can be said that has not been said of the minister of religion? Only this: That a low, sensual, selfish, suiDerstitious, and, in any essential way, incompetent man in this position is a curse more blasting than a pestilence to any youth that comes within the moral malaria of his personality. But if he is in truth a good man of even common a^bility, really devoted to his sacred calling, trying with ' ' all his heart and soul and strength ' ' to serve the people, to protect the young, to warn the careless, to rebuke the obstinate, to stand like a rock across the way of any man or woman determined to go to the evil one, he is such a blessing as only can be known to them who are privileged to be of his flock. And let it be remembered that even the superior upper class of the colored flock are more accessible to the influence of a worthy Christian ministry than any other sort of our native American people. The colored clergyman has a range of opportunity far beyond the ordinary minister of religion elsewhere, and an unusual proportion of the larger ability of the race has been attracted to the j>ulpit. There, too, is the place where woman can do a work possible nowhere else. Remembering all this, we may well realize the height, length, breadth, and depth of this great professional opportunity. Then remember, you doctor, minister, teacher, that you are by your very position compelled to be a missionary. At best you now have access to only a small portion of your people. Indeed, the majority of these 10,000,000 of your folk are still to a great degree outside your beat. What a call to the good physician to go forth into the dark regions of the country and the submerged district of the city life and give battle to the enemies of the bodies and souls of the people! What a chance for every young man and woman teacher, provided he is not smitten with the personal ambi- tion of opening a little private arrangement which will divert the small means of the few more favored in their worldly goods to his exclusive use and leave the majority to go on in deeper discouragement than before! What an opportunity to go down to the hardpan of the bottom strata of the country, break up the crust of ignorance and indifference, and persuade the whole people to come up towards a new life! In a few years of such Avork he may change a dull and hopeless to an active, hopeful, and progressive neighborhood. ~ If you can, at any sacrifice, plant yourself in any little countryside, however neglected and deserted, you may shov/ how a good and wise man or woman anywhere by faith a,nd hard work may reclaim even a mental and moral desert and make it " blossom like the rose." Then, beyond this, remember that it is for vou to lift each of these great professions THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1239 above the condition yin which they liave only been known to your people during the first generation of their freedom. It Avas inevitable that the colored minister, the doctor, and the teacher of thirty years ago should have been a great contrast to those whom the freedmen had known in the old days on the plantation. He was too often not good enough or intelligent enough to be intrusted with any responsibility in con- nection with the families that he often preyed upon more than he prayed for. We need not be too severe now upon the feeble beginnings of the professional life among your people; but we must remember that, while "the days of their ignorance God winked at. He now calls on all men to repent." It is given to you to lift these, the most sacred and important of all the professional callings, to their real dignity. It is for you to jjrove that the new minister, doctor, teacher, man or woman, should be "the guide, j^hilosopher, and friend " of every man and woman and child. Just such an elevation of these three professions as you can achieve during the thirty coming years will be in itself a service whose value can only be estimated when it is seen in the improving life of the entire people. And remember again that your brothers, off in the islands of the sea, are clearing the way for your young men and women to go forth on a mission of peace, bearing the gifts of knowledge, righteousness, and health to other millions even more in need than your own countrymen. I will not enlarge on the great possibilities opening to your people in the inauguration of the new colonial policy of the nation; but I believe I can see in a not distant future such opportunities for the more enterprising of your young peoi^le in the way of an honorable success in life, and especially in the great opening for Christian service in the years to come, as in themselves would repay all the blood and treasure expended in the past year, or all the toil and trouble of the future administration of our new possessions. Then I note with great satisfaction, in the last Report of the ITnited States Com- missioner of Education, that 13,581 pupils in the 169 superior schools for your race in 1896-97 were receiving instruction in the different industries, the boys in the various departments of manual training and the girls chiefly in the improved house- keeping, cooking, a7id the important art of sewing. I am glad to note that nearly twice the nmiiber of girls than boys are thus engaged — 8,611 girls to 4,970 boys — for the fundamental industry of any people is the art of making a good home, where, on the ordinary income of a few hundred dollars a year, a family can be maintained in health, morality, intelligence, and all the refinement possible to the humblest abode that shelters a truly mated husband and wife and a group of children, like a cluster of roses crowning the altar of a Christian household. Your own good jiresi- dent, Councill, and your faithful teachers are all the time telling your people that, imtil they rise up and leave the one-room cabin, there is no hope for them this side the abode of the blest, even if there is any reasonable chance of getting there at all by this, the purgatory line. The Queen of England and Empress of India had a habit of giving each of her own girls, at an early age, a little house, with strict instructions to each to become a first-class housekeeper, if nothing else. And when the little woman had learned to cook a good meal, set the table and preside at its head, the Queen accepted an invi- vitation to her daughter's first dinner party. So it came about that everyone of Victoria's girls, besides receiving the scholarly accomplishments of a cultivated lady, became an especially good housekeeper. An old keeper of a first-class railroad restaurant in Ohio used to reply to the com- pliments of his customers after a particularly good lunch: "Sir, it requires eternal vigilance to keep a good eating house." The mental and spiritual and physiological responsibility within the next twenty-five years to place the majority of the colored people in a good home is itself a " degree" more significant than any college honor, and the young graduate of any school, who can achieve that in the house given her not by the Queen of England, but by her "king of men," may well be more i^roud 1240 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1898-99. of her neat morning rig in her own kitchen than of the senior uniform in which tlie "girl graduates" disguise their good looks on commencement day. If Victoria of England is not ashamed to look after the housekeeping of her girls, I wonder where the colored American girl anywhere can be found who will set her face against the most womanly of occupations, as if it were a "let down" from her dignity? "I don't want to he a servant," you say. Well, that is just Avhere you differ from the Lord Jesus Christ, who said: "I came not to be ministered unto [i. e., to be served, waited on], but to minister [i. e., to be the servant of all men]; and to give my life a ransom for many." Oh, my dear girls, I entreat you, put out of your heads and hearts this supreme vulgarity and sin of contempt for any necessary labor of the hands, for service and sacrifice are the central law of our human life. The higher education, according to the last American interpretation, is just this: The art of placing an educated mind, a consecrated heart, and a trained will, the whole of a refined manhood and womanhood, right at the ends of the ten fingers of both your hands, so that "whether you eat or drink, or whatsoever you do," you may "do all to the glory of God." I say I am especiallj' glad that the , girls are just now giving more attention to industrial training than the boys. For there is no great danger that every American boy, unless an idiot or a criminal, will not sooner or later be brought down to the grindstone of hard woi'k of some sort, for hard work of body, mind, and soul is the one qualification of the new American gentleman. Every man, of whatever rank or importance, must do his own part of the drudgery of common life. The American idea of a gentleman is a man who carries master and servant under the same skin. If a gentleman and his servant are two men, under two skins, there is always a chance for periodical friction, not to say of permanent . disagreement — a strike, a rebellion, anything. But if a gentleman carries his servant under his own skin "he has him just where he wants him." He has all the service he needs at his hands, and if there is any tussle about it, it concerns nobody but . himself. Industrial education, as understood by the genuine educators of the country, is the art of abolishing drudger_y and menial labor through the invention of labor-saving- machinery. A labor-saving machine enables every workman to call in the help of God Almighty through his obedient servants, air, water, steam, electricity — all the wondrous poAvers of nature, which are the habits of the great Creator and the grand dynamo of the universe — to do the work of this world and verify the old prophecy concerning man : " Thou hast made him little lower than the angels and crowned him with glory and honor. Thou hast put all things under his feet." Don't believe any man who tells you that this great movement of industrial education is only a clever device of your enemies to crowd dov/n the colored man to the condition of a European peasantry, only another name for the old-time chattel slavery. So far from this, it is the science of sciences, the supreme art of all the fine arts, the science and art of putting the trained mind and the consecrated manhood and womanhood into the body, so that all labor may be exalted to a mental and moral discipline and the mighty saying of- the great apostle be verified: "Know ye not that ye are the temple of God, and the Spirit of God dwelleth in you?" I am told, but I hope it is not true, for the fact that 40 per cent of all the colored students of the secondary and higher schools of the South is under industrial train- ing contradicts it, that there is a growing disinclination among the educated young men of this race to take up this department of education. If so, a dark day has come to the colored race and to the Southern section of this Republic, for here the oppor- tunity of the 100,000 educated youth of your race is such as has never been offered before to any special class of young men in the United States. Within the coming thirty years this entire Southland is to be reclaimed to what God made it to be — one of the most productive and attractive portions of the earth THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1241 for the occupation and enjoyment of man. As I have gone up and down this mar- velous country during the past twenty years, becoming as well acquainted with every one of its sixteen Commonwealths as with my own New England, I have not been surprised that even the prosaic land agent and the hard-headed railroad presi- dent should break forth into eloquence in the attempt to prophesy the wonders of its future. The cause of this is not hard to /ind. Within the past litvlf century the whole civilized, even the oriental world, has l)een awakened as bj^ the voice of "a great angel out of heaven ' ' to the fact that the intelligent labor of the masses of mankind, under the leadership of the expert captains of industry, is the new gospel for making this world a fit place for the abode of civilized and Christianized man. The day of the old, slow, stupid drudgery of the toiling millions to keep soul and body together is passing by, and the era of that enlightened industry, which makes every laborer a "coworker with God" and "an active partner" in business with all the great, silent, majestic forces of the universe, is now upon us. The South finds itself to-day with a heritage of natural resources of which no man has yet compassed the grandeur and possibility, but with a great laboring class, ten millions strong, half of whom are still in the bonds of illiteracy and the other half just waking up to the understanding of what a creature man can become when joined in copartnership with omnii^otenee in dressing and keeping this Southern garden of God. You are now directly concerned with the opportunity and obligation connected with the 10,000,000 of your own people, who, for good or ill, are here "to stay." AVho, then, is to superintend the mobilization of this grand colored army of industr}^ that shall march forward, conquering and to conquer, over this wide field, where such honors and prizes are to be gathered as make all the titles, badges and glories of Avar only as tinsel and sounding brass in the presence of line gold? If you, young men and women, whom the educational public of the whole nation has put to school for this organizing and leading your people, shirk the studies and the exercises that will train you to go before your own and lead them in this inspiring campaign toward a prosperity sucli as never before came to the Southern people, who will take your places? For a little while, if you so will it, you may l^e able to disport yourselves as superior to your fellows, disdaining to put your own hand to the plow of reform, scorning the great leadership now offered to you. But after that, what? In one generation the entire lower side of Europe will then be let loose upon you. The labor union will inclose you like the iron prison house in the old story, which every day contracted itself upon its victim till he was crushed in its awful embrace. I tell you, young men and women, unless you do get up early in the morning while "for you it is called day," "the hour is coming and now is" when you and your people will be elbowed off into the holes and corners of the industrial world, like the young men whom I very often see with college diplomas in their pockets, waiting on table, watching a hotel bell, doing anything to keep the wolf from the door. And these j'oung women — God help the young colored women, educated or ignorant, thirty years hence who has not leainred how to keep the house in which she is permitted to live! If there be a depth of degradation below the old-time slavery — which was not a degradation, but only the inevitable schooling of bondage through which every race has been compelled to make its way upward to civilization — it is found in that class of young men looking around for a chance to stand up to the crib and be fed, like human live stock, by their mothers, "sisters, and cousins, and aunts;" and worst of all, by their wives, the mothers of their children. A bright young colored girl in Texas said to me: "I don't want to marry. These young men are all such comical creatures that their wives have to support them." Such a life — the life of any young man who expects to live without solid and continuous work — is like the mask of the 1242 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. old Greelii actor, a double face, half tragedy and half comedy. If half a century henct) your people are found where their enemies declare they belong, the "hewers of wood and drawers of water" of a superior race, you, the known educated, will figure in the pages of history as another of the faikires of the ages — a people that were called and would not come. Your race will not finally go down with you. For, as in the parable, when those that were called to the feast "begged to be excused," the highw^ays and the hedges were ransacked and the wedding was furnished with guests. The operative industry of the South should in time be largely in the hands of your people, for your race has an aptitude for it not inferior to that of any other sort or condition. The great mechanical mdustry of the Soutli, which, during the commg generation, is to reach gigantic proportions, is to-day in every department open to you. What is to prevent you from having your part in the new era of skilled agri- culture, fruit raising, the care of animals (dogs left out), in a country where there is land enough and to spare, and where every young colored man and woman should resolve to own at ]e.ast one square mile of "sacred Southern soil?" There is no reason why the higher departments of textile engineering and architectural mdustry shall not be open to you. And do not talk the foolishness that there is no place for you in this new indus- trial revival of the South. Any man or woman of you who can do as good or a bet- ter job of work than others, will be called to do it. The new South is now bent on having the best of everything. If you can give it the best in any department of productive industry, you will find your own place. I am not insensible to the force of prejudice and custom; and above all the power of pretentious inferiority over modest and deserving worth. But this American people of ours believe iii fair play; and, in the long run, every man, class, race, will be estimated for just what it is worth in the field, the v/orkshop — in every occupation and art that makes for the building up of the nation. Thomas Carlyle says: "JSTo book was ever written down except by itself." No set of people in the United States of America can perma- nently be kept below its actual worth to the country. You and yours are left to decide what that position shall finally be. Yes, if you are indeed able to face this mighty opportunity. Here comes in the obligation which, like a gloomy shadow, so often tempts the best of us to pray to God to be delivered from the greatest opportunities of life, lest in our weakness and wickedness they may become our final condemnation. This fundamental obligation of all to the one hundi-ed thousand educMed youth of your race, all born under the flag of the reconstructed Union, comes down to us through eighteen centuries in the stirring words of the great apostle: "V/hen I was a child, I spake as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child; but when I became a man, I put away childish things." The most serious peril to this entire body of the educated young manhood and womanhood of the colored race is an inveterate juvenility that views this marvelous opportunity as a child takes all the gifts showered upon it as some- thing belonging of right to itself, until it can not be satisfied by anything, but "claims the earth," and cries for the moon and stars. There has not been a generation of youth in American history that has been so demoralized or is now in such peril of being demoralized by the greatness of oppor- tunity thrown upon it, the magnitude of the favors it has received, and the intoxi- cation of a mighty sympathy from the best people in the world, as just this one hundred thousand of whom I speak. From out the wilderness of bondage trodden by their fathers it has suddenly been transferred, as by magic, to the mountain heights of human opportunity, a privilege and position only conquered by any other race of men through centuries of conflict, the education which is the greatest gift to any generation. And a mighty opportunity like this is like the great hall of a spa- cious mansion, full of open doors, broad stairM'ays and swift elevators, that a.dmit to THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1243 every chamber of magic in life, even to the lofty roof, from which our American citizenship lies outspread, beneath, around, and above. It must be from this obstinate and protracted childhood that so much of the apparent inability to recognize even the commonplace obligation to appreciate this opportunity comes. Otherwise I can not understand why so many of those who have been its recipients now seem to be more concerned by the impossibility of getting something else that just now can not be given by anybody than in considering " what manner of men they should be to whom this word of God has come." Why are so many of these young men and women apparently so careless in the use of these, the choicest gifts of Providence to any youthful generation? Why are they .so greatly concerned to use these summits of opportunity to which they have been invited, to magnify themselves in the eyes of their less fortunate brothers and sisters, rather than to " remember those yet in bonds as bound with them? " Why are they often so eager to shoot the track of sane and practical duty at the call to any little personal gratification? And above all, why are so many of this class apparently' fixed in the idea that they are the especial "wards of the nation," that the friendly people who bought their personal freedom "with a great price," and have continued for a genera- tion to dispense the supreme bounty of education, are hereafter bound to help those who have already been educated to their present opportunity, still to assist in any little personal enterprise that may be chosen, even if a bypath away from the hot and dusty highway uji which their people must toil in its long journey for success? I warn these young men and women that the childish habit of dependence on the communities and people that have already done so much for them is their greatest peril. These friends, who have caused to be spent the $100,000,000 especially for the superior education during the first generation after emancipation, have not done it because they propose to keep these beneficiaries in perpetual childhood, or even as an attractive and unique spectacle of a precocious development of the race. They have done and are still doing this with the expectation that these persons will in due time come of age, and, with a grateful acknowledgment for past favors, will only ask the future privilege of being the true leaders of their own people to their own place in the Republic. For if this 100,000 can not attempt this work, who can do it for them? If they fail to come forward as a body, each in his or her best way enlisting for life in the "good fight," on whom are we to rely? Of course the people of the South under- stand this peculiar weakness. They know all about the defects of the negro charac- ter, this self-indulgent and dependent habit that holds itself away from the rough contact with the hard and repulsive features of the situation and work "on the lines of least resistance." Many of the Southern people honestly believe, and are telling us with great emphasis, that this is a fatal lack of native capacity, a chronic "race habit" that will keep this people forever in the rear, not only of the all-dominating Anglo-Saxon, but of all these immigrating European peoples, and that even the edu- cated portion of the race may as well be content to retire into their own little corner of national life and keep quiet. Here is this great opportunity for industrial training, which is welcomed by the foremost educators of the Union as one of the peculiar contributions of the age to the new life of the Republic. Why do so many of the one hundred thousand edu- cated hold back from the most important work for their people, going down to the common level of the common school and toiling in the low and dark places of the land for the practical schooling of the race? Why can not more of these stu- dents wake up out of the childish habit of school life, the habit of becoming the bodyguard of every offender of school order and law, as if the chief honor or dig- nity of the young man or woman at college was to be a shield for every idle, mis- chievous, sensual, or selfish boy or girl, who has come in collision with the govern- ment of the institution? I would not judge too hardly of this, the bottom weakness 1244 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. of the class of educated youth, which I summon to-day to such a magnificent o^jpovtunity. I do them all honor by holding them up to their loftiest obligation. But after twenty years spent among the schools of the South, I long to discover the signs of a more manly and womanly habit of life among this class I now address. I long to see these young people coming together to make of themselves the new American phalanx that, like the embattled 10,000 of old, shall be placed at the center of the great wavering multitude of the 10,000,000 to assure it of victory dur- ing the century that is before us. Indeed, my young friends, this seems to me about all there is in the great problem that this j^ear again looms up, black and threatening, above the social and political horizon. Can the 100,000 more or less educated colored youth, who, during the first generation of their freedom, have been schooled and sent forth to " spy out the land " and survey the road along vrhich their people may Avalk up to their own place in our many-sided American life, lift themselves, each for himself or herself, out of the little environment of personal interest in which they are sunk out of sight of their great opportunity, and really open their eyes upon it, stretching like a splendid landscape, rising from the lowlands to the foothills, scaling the different plateaus even to the azure encirclement of the mysterious mountain ranges that block the horizon? Will they take account of stock in their own spiritual condition, and, responding to the call from heaven, "show thyself a man," and like the woman who "hath chosen the better part, ' ' build themselves up ' ' after the manner of the perfect man, to the measure of the stature of the fullness in Christ? " In proportion as you can do this, the reve- lation of your opportunity will be the revelation of your sense of obligation. Children use the gifts of life as playthings. Men and Avomen, after the j)attern of the Master, use opportunities as a summons to new obligations and ever new effort to achieve the best given to them to do. As I have gone over, in the light of my past exx^erience in the Southern States, w"hat I should say to the young men and women who here represent the 100,000 youth of tlie colored race, my mind has constantly turned to the great original order from headquarters, given by the "Captain of our salvation " to his first twelve obscure and untried disciples, sent forth to preach the gospel of love to God and man to an unbelieving and unrighteous Avorld. Wonderful as that tenth chapter of Matthew's record is in its profound insight into human nature and perfect comprehension of the conditions of all radical mis- sionary effort, it is no less remarkable for its complete adaptation to the opportunities and obligations of the body of people for whom I have meditated this discourse. How can I find a more fitting climax to all I have said to-day than in reading over again this great order No. 1 from headc^uarters, delivered eighteen centuries ago? First — Take courage, all of you, from the fact that such an order should have been given to these twelve obscure young men, absolutely untried in the great work to which they were appointed. Even in the Sermon on the Mount when the disciples were only a little group of people attracted by a new preacher, Jesus had said to them : ' ' Ye are the light of the world. A city that is set on a hill can not be hid. Let your light so shine before men that they may see your good works and glorify your Father which is in heaven." And to the twelve apostles, two of whom were to fall away and all were to "forsake him and flee " in the hour of supreme trial, and later to the eleven Avho were to l)e involved in contentions and misunderstandings among themselves and the chief of apostles, Paul, he gave such power and authority to preach, heal and even "cast out imclean spirits" as would indicate a body of men tried and proved as by the fire. He gave them no inspiration that was proof against their own folly, conceit or sin, but simply issued his sublime order, demanding the most exalted courage, persistence and character, even a consecration unto death. This is just what the Lord Christ now says to each of you. It is not given because THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1245 of any special merit in youryelf. It is given as an inspiration to the grandest and most unselfish service for God and man of which you are capable. This ministry for God and humanity to which j-ou are invited is in itself the highest " higher edu- cation" for every man and woman, strong and sweet and brave, enduring enough to receive it. If you can not live up to it, it will appear, aa in many an enthusiastic folloM'cr of the Master, who, in the hour of danger, "forsook him and fled." If you are made of the right stuff, the call, with all its overwhelming splendor of oppor- tunity and weight of obligation, will only introduce you to your better self, and as you go on, bring forth qualities in you never suspected by you or by your nearest and dearest friends. Like the twelve apostles, you are sent, not to deal with the people, friendly or (itherwise, among whom your lot is cast. They have their opportunity and their obligation in their connection with you, and a responsibility in no respect less im- portant to them than yours to yourself. But you are sent to "the lost sheep" of your own "house of Israel." First, to the lower strata of your own race, in your own commonwealth, 60 per cent of whom are still in the bonds of an illiteracy that means everything that should be hateful and abhorrent to every friend of mankind. Your order is: "As ye go, preach, saying the kingdom of Heaven is at hand." Now is the time for this people, "sitting in darkne.ss," to be "wakened out of sleep" as by the shining forth of a great light. The kingdom of Heaven to them and all like them is a new birth into the Christian manhood and woman- hood that this great Eepublic, no less than the Master, now demands from every man and woman on whom it has bestowed the eminent degree of American citi- zenship. The sick, the poor, especially the dead-alive, will all be brought to you. And if you can cast out the legion of devils and the "unclean spirits" that now tor- ment the lower order of these, your unhappy brothers and sisters, great will be your reward long before you go to any other heaven than the one you are called to build up right here in this commonwealth, in this beautiful and bountiful Southland. Do not waste time prospecting for a favorable situation, or give too much thought to your supply of gold and silver, or to your own rank in the army of the Lord. Shoulder your Bible and go in wherever there is an open door. In anj' city "those who are worthy" of your ministry will find you out, and "your peace will come upon them. ' ' Otherwise ' ' let your peace return to you. ' ' Al waj-s ' ' keep the peace, ' ' for somebody will finally accept it. At the worst "shake the dust from your feet" where there is no place for you, and go your way, leaving God, through his all- directing providence, to deal with the situation. " If they persecute you in one city, flee ye into another," for you will not have gone through even all the cities of Ala- bama before the kingdom of God will have come. Somewhere will be found some- body who will welcome your coming and "hear the Word with gladness." And the kingdom of God always comes in this world when one soul throws open all doors and windows and bids the everylasting truth, love and beauty come in and there abide. Do not imagine that yonr ministry, even if it is confined to living up to the "mark of the high calling" in the most common station in life, is to be a promenade, a reception, a festival, or even a Sunday-school picnic. Read over again the awful words of the Master, prophetic of every sincere endeavor made since He went to the Cross to preach and live a new departure in righteousness, intelligence, social or political uplifting anywhere. Perhaps the most obstinate of all who resist you will be your own people, offended with your call to repentance and newness of life; for "a man's foes shall be they of his own household." There is no hatred, contempt, or malignity like that of a people " half savage and half child" when shown the true picture of themselves. But if you can be " wise as serpents and harmless as doves," falling back on God in the hour of emergency to know "what ye shall speak " and 1246 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. do, and especially if you can "endure unto the end," you will be saved and your success will be the earthly and spiritual salvation of many of those to whom you come. Even if you are broken down with only the burden of living up to the best you ■■tnow, be not disheartened, for what you meditate in darkness will be spoken into the light, and what you hear with the ear and fitly speak and worthily do will be repeated and done over and over again, till it is shouted from every housetop and proclaimed from all the mountain summits around the world. If "the Master of the house was called Beelzebub," who are you " of his household," even if you are "hated of all men for his name's sake?" Your bodily life is only lent you from God to be spent in the service of God for the uplifting of man. Even if taken from you, you Avill not di<=i. Your "soul will be marching on." Abraham Lincoln in the White House was a man on a mountain top, bracing himself against the tempests and thunders of a nation in the throes of a mighty revolution. Abraham Lincoln, the martyr President, is now the father of the new Eepublic, honored and everywhere beloved throughout the world. And finally, never forget that God is the supreme economist in the affairs of this world. " Not a sparrow falls to the ground without the Father," and the very hairs of the head grown gray or bald in the Master's service are all " numbered." Not a word, or act; or thought, or look, if worthy of your high calling, will be lost. And ' ' whosoever shall give to drink unto one of these little ones a cup of cold water in the name of a disciple, verily I say unto you, he shall in nowise lose his reward." God grant that, whether the "time of departure " of any of us is far off or "now at hand," each one may be able to say with the apostle, " I have fought a good fight. I have finished my course. I have kept the faith." II. How TO Improve the Condition of the Negro. ^ We must admit the stern fact that at present the negro, through no choice of his own, is living among another race which is far ahead of him in education, property, experience, and favorable condition; further, that the negro's pi-esent condition makes him dependent upon the white people for most of the things necessary to sus- tain life, as well as for his common-school education. In all history those who have possessed the property and intelligence have exercised the greatest control in gov- ernment, regardless of color, race, or geographical location. This being the case, how can the black man in the South improve his present condition? And does the Southern white man want him to improve it? The negro of the South has it within his power, if he properly utilizes the forces at hand, to make of himself such a valuable factor in the life of the South that he will not have to seek privileges; they will be freely conferred upon him. To bring this about, the negro must begin at the bottom and lay a foundation, and not be lured by any temptation into trjdng to rise on a false foundation. While the negro is laying this foundation he will need help, sympathy'-, and simple justice. Progress by any other method will be but temporary and superficial, and the latter end of it will be worse than the beginning. American slavery was a great curse to both races, and I would be the last to apologize for it; but, in the presence of God, I believe that slavery laid the foundation for the solution of the problem that is noAV before us in the South. During slavery the negro was taught every trade, every industry, that constitutes the foundation for making a living. Now, if on this foundation — 1 From "The future of the American negro," by Booker T. Washington. THE DUTY OF EDUCATED NEGROES. 1247 laid in a rather crude way, it is true, but a foundation, nevertheless — we can gradu- ally build and improve, the future for us is bright. Let me be more specific. Agri- culture is, or has been, the basic industr}'' of nearlj"- every race or nation that has succeeded. The negro got a knowledge of this during slavery. Hence, in a large measure, he is in possession of this industry in the South to-day. The negro can buy land in the South, as a rule, wherever the white man can buy it, and at very low prices. Now, since the bulk of our people already have a foundation in agri- culture, they are at their best when living in the country, engaged in agricultural pursuits. Plainly, then, the best thing, the logical thing, is to turn the larger part of our strength in a direction that will make the negro among the most skilled agri- cultural people in the world. The man who has learned to do something better than anyone else, has learned to do a common thing in an uncommon manner, is tlie man who has a power and influence that no adverse circumstances can take from him. The negro who can make himself so conspicuous as a successful farmer, a large taxpayer, a wise helper of his fellow-men, as to be placed in a position of trust and honor, whether the position be political or otherwise, by natural selection, is a hundredfold more secure in that position than one placed there by mere outside force or pressure. * * * What I have said of the opening that awaits the negro in the direction of agriculture is almost equally true of mechanics, manufacturing, and all the domestic arts. The field is before him and right about him. Will he occupy it? Will he "ca.st down his bucket where he is?" Will his friends North and South encourage him and prepare him to occupy it? Every city in the South, for example, would give support to a first-class architect or housebuilder or contractor of our race. The architect and contractor would not only receive support, but, through his example, numbers of young colored men w^ould learn such trades as carpentry, brickmasonry, plastering, painting, etc., and the race would be put into a position to hold on to many of the industries which it is now in danger of losing, because in too many cases brains, skill, and dignity are not imparted to the common occupations of life that are about his very door. Any individual or race that does not fit itself to occupy in the best manner the field or service that is right about it will sooner or later be asked to move on, and let some one else occupy it. But, it is asked, would you confine the negro to agriculture, mechanics, and domestic arts, etc.? Not at all; but along the lines that I have mentioned is where the stress should be laid just now and for many years to come. We will need and must have many teachers and ministers, some doctors and lawyers and statesmen; but these professional men will have a constituency or a foundation from which to draw- support just in proportion as the race prospers along the economic lines that I have mentioned. During the first fifty or one hundred years of the life of any people are not the economic occupations always given the greater attention? This is not only the historic, but, I think, the common-sense view. If this generation will lay the material foundation, it will be the quickest and surest way for the succeeding generation to succeed in the cultivation of the fine arts, and to surround itself even with some of the luxuries of life, if desired. What the race now most needs, in my opinion, is a whole army of men and v/omen well trained to lead and at the same time infuse themselves into agriculture, mechanics, domestic employment, and busine.ss. As to the mental training that these educated leaders should be equipped with, I should say, give them all the mental training and culture that the circumstances of individuals will allow — the more, the better. No race can permanently succeed until its mind is awakened and strengthened by the ripest thought. But I would constantly have it kept in the thoughts of those who are educated in books that a large proportion of those who aref educated should be so trained in hand that they can bring this mental strength and knowledge to bear upon the physical conditions in the South which I have tried to emphasize. 1248 EDUCATION REPORT, 1898-99. Frederick Douglass, of sainted memory, oiice, in addressing his race, used these words: "We are to prove that we can better our own condition. One way to do this is to accumulate property. This may sound to you like a new gospel. You haA'e been accustomed to hear that money is the root of all evil, etc. On the other hand, property — money, if you please — will purchase for us the only condition by which any people C9.n rise to the dignitj^ of genuine manhood; for without property there can be no leisure, without leisure there can be no thought, without thought there can be no invention, without invention there can be no progress." The negro should be taught that material development is not an end, but simply a means to an end. As Prof. W. E. B. Du Bois puts it, "The idea should not be simply to make men carpenters, but to make carpenters men. " The negro has a highly religious temperament; but what he needs more and more is to be convinced of the importance of Aveaving his religion and morality into the practical affairs of daily life. Equally as much does he need to be taught to put so much intelligence into his labor that he will see dignity and beauty in the occupation, and love it for its own sake. The negro needs to be taught that more of the religion that manifests itself in his happiness in the prayer-meeting should be made practical in the per- formance of his daily task. The man who owns a home and is in the possession of the elements by which he is sure of making a daily living has a great aid to a mora] and religious life. CHAPTER XIII. EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. ADDRESSES DELIVERED AT THE TENTH ANNUAL MEETING OF THE SOUTHERN EDUCATIONAL ASSOCIATION, HELD AT RICHMOND, VA., DECEMBER 27-29, 1900. Contents.— Industrial education and the New South, by George T. Winston.— Education and production, by Charles W. Dabney.— Negro education in the South, by Paul B. Bai-ringer.— Reply, by Julius Dreher.— Discussion, by H. B. Frissell.— Reply, by Paul B. Barringer. INDUSTRIAL EDUCATION AND THE NEW SOUTH. By George T. Wixston, President of the Xo7-th Carolina College of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts. The two great forces of modern life are education and machinery. The one ele- vates man, the other subdues nature. Together they develop civilization and deter- mine the destiny of nations and races. How far removed is the American Indian in bark canoe from the modern engineer in iron steamship! Stretch canoe and Indian in endless chain around the globe, each within call of the next, multiply them by 100,000, and the sum of their power will not equal that of a single trans- Atlantic steamer. * * * The little Commonwealth of Massachusetts, with its machinery for education and its education for machinery, is more potent in the life of the world than the whole continent of South America. The cotton crop produced this year by the Southern States could not have been grown, housed, picked, spun, and woven a century ago by the entire population of the globe. The greatest industrial changes ever wrought within a lifetime have been wit- nessed by the generation now living in the South. For more than a hundred years we maintained an industrial system in opposition to the industrial forces of the world. The long and bitter struggle between North and South, although waged apparently in courts of justice and halls of Congress, in pulpits and drawing- rooms, on deck of ship and field of battle, was not political, nor legal, nor social, nor military, but educational and industrial. It was a struggle between the edu- cated Yankee mechanic, astride the steam engine, and the educated Southern planter, carrying on his shoulders the negro slave. The heroism of that struggle, the courage, the fortitude, the skill, the energy, and the power v/ith which the South maintained it in peace and in war, are emphasized, beautified, and almost glorified into martyrdom by the absolute certainty, the preordained necessity of its total failure. There was no need of Gettysburg or Appomattox. The contest had already been settled by the mills and factories, the railways and steamships, the power looms and spinning jennies, the reapers, binders, threshers, and other machinery of a people leading the world in mechanical invention, in use of machinery, in industrial progress, and in public education. Had the South pos- sessed resources of skilled and educated labor, of shops and factories, of mills and furnaces, of ships and locomotives, of accumulated wealth such as the North pos- sessed, had the victory been possible by endurance and fortitude, by courage and heroism alone, the boys in graj', under Lee and Jackson, would have been invin- cible, not only by the North but by the world. 509 510 EDUCATIOE" REPORT, 1900-1901. The building up of the South since her overthrow in war, the revival of old industries and the establishment of new, the accumulation of wealth, and the multiplication of schools, colleges, and universities are the admiration and the wonder of the world. But there is nothing wonderful about it. The people who were great with slavery and unskilled labor have become greater with freedom and education. The apparent emancipation of the negro slave was the real emancipa- tion of the Southern white. By Lincoln's proclamation the South v/as freed from slavery, and the road v/as cleared to educated labor and industrial development. We realize at last that slavery w.is not our riches, but our greatest poverty. We dare not picture the condition of the South to- day, with slavery dominant, con- trolling her industries, and repressing her development. The South is now in touch with the world. She is educating her own children and the children of her recent slaves. Through the aid of machinery she is con- verting into wealth her large and varied resources. The roll call of her slaves will never be heard from Bunker Hill monument, but the whirr of her spindles and the click of her looms is already heard in Lowell and Manchester. She is shipping iron to Birmingham, coal to Newcastle, calico to Calcutta, and tobacco to Turkey. Cotton is still king, but Ms throne is no longer in the field. He rules in the mill and hears the music of machiuery instead of the song of slaves. But the development of the South is only begun. We are traveling in the right direction, but we have not traveled far. We must quicken our pace or we shall fall behind in the world's industrial race. As yet our products are chiefly raw material, or coarse and cheap fabrics. We ai'e winning our way by cheap prod- ucts, cheap labor, and long hours of work; but the day may come when cheaper labor and cheaper products and longer hours elsevv^here will drive us from the field. Cheap labor is abundant in South America, and in Asia is practically unlim- ited in supply. The safety of the South is in better labor and better products. The labor unit of the South is still the negro, emancipated, but ignorant, unam- bitious, and less trained than when a slave. In his present condition he renders difScult, if not impossible, the changes requisite to intensive and diversified agri. culture and retards the development of all industries in which he is employed. As a race he is less skilled than during slavery. The industrial development of the South demands that the negro be either improved or gotten rid of. The problem is not political, but purely industrial. With the South it is one of development; with the negro, of esisteuce. It must be solved, and solved aright. The mistakes of reconstruction must be corrected. The North and the South, government and philanthropy, education and religion, all forces, domestic, social, and industrial, must combine to make the negro a better workman. The real race struggle is for existence, a,nd the negro is ill prepared to win it. Dragged from barbarism to civilization, educated through slavery into freedom, cut off suddenly by emancipation and enfranchisement from the influences that had given him all the power he possessed, he wandered about like a child in the night of reconstruc- tion after the false lights of political and social promise, away from the paths that led to industrial progress and economic independence. It was in his power for twenty years after emancipation to control the industries of the South. Had the energies of the race and the ambition of its leaders been directed to obtaining homes and acquiring wealth instead of political and civil power its condition to-day would be far better, not only from industrial and physical standpoints, but men- tally, morally, and even politically. The present ideals and ambitions of the race belong to the distant future. For this generation and many yet to come there is need of radical change in negro education. His colleges of law, of medicine, of theology, and of literature, science, and art should be turned into schools for indus- trial training. Hampton Institute and Tuskegee should be duplicated in every Southern State— if possible in each Congressional district. The visionary ideals of Wendell Phillips and Frederick Douglass should give place to the practical work EDUCATIOlsr IN THE SOUTH. 511 of General Armstrong and Booker "Washington. The wasteful expenditure of money for negro literary education in the public schools of the South should be changed into jirofitable and useful training in industrial schools, shops, and farms, maintained at ijublic expense and under public direction, for negro education in each county or township of the South. The entire system of public education for the negro race, from top to bottom, should be industrial. As yet all the indus- tries of the South are open to his employment. The door of his opportunity is not yet closed: but sinless he speedily enter, armed with skill, training, and industrial power, it will close, and close forever. The sl:ill and training which the race pos- sessed in slavery must be regained. The new generation, now less capable than the old. must be taught to work. After handicraft will be time for headcraft. The race is not yet out of tutelage. Its industrial apprenticeship, begvm in slav- ery, must continue in freedom. We must recognize the fact that the negro is still unable to stand alone. But the help he needs is not so much of books and " schoolmarms " as of tools and master workmen. lie needs the aid, the sympathy, the daii J' instruction of his Southern employer. Every Southern household, farm, shop, factory, and mill might be a school for the training of the negro. It was so in slavery. But to-day the chasm between the races is deep and wide, forbidding interest and sympathy and authority on the part of the whites; docility, obedience, and zeal on the part of the blacks. Nothing will bring the races together again but the industrial skill and power of the negro. His education should look to this end. The race is entitled to live. Justice and humanity demand that it be given a chance. The duty and the problem are national. The burden is too large lor the South. The National Government should aid in the industrial education of the n^gro until he is able to earn a decent living. Then may come independence and self-reliance, to be followed finally by culture, learning, and refinement. Give the negro a chance, a natural and reasonable chance, for progress, and either, like other races, he will aid the development and share the prosperity of great America, or, if s'owly dying through race inferiority and incompetency, he linger ages longer, a curse and a hindrance to the nation that miade him slave, let it be said that the white race through every agency of training and education patiently and bravely endeavored to save the negro from extinction and equip him for free existence. The necessity of industrial educat'on is almost as great for Southern whites as for the negro. The industrial life of the Ne\V South must be based upon educa- tion. The education of the New South must lead to industrial life. The Southern schoolboy dream of statesmanship must yield to desire for workmanship. Our children must be taught to express their thoughts in work as well as in words. The healthful happiness, the lasting utility, and the real nobility of genuine, downright labor, of labor wrought into things of beauty and value, muat supplant the nervous excitement of mere intellect'^al gymnastics and the tiresome weariness of the mental treadmill. Our present system of education is not in touch with life. The highest expres- sion of the worlds pov/er today is not literary but industrial. The world's work is growing daily in character, value, and intensity, and is demanding for its per- formance not only labor but genius— genius of the highest order and thoroughly trained. Ours is an age of action and performance. The world's demand is not for skilled talkers but skilled workers. Mountains must be tunneled, rivers bridged, oceans led captive over continents, deserts irrigated, cities built into air and guarded from fire and filth, enemies to life detected and destroyed in plant and animal, goods exchanged between the ends of the earth, nature's forces har- nessed to human service, and her crude material, infinite in variety and extent, fashioned into forms of beauty and utllitj^ to gratify the ever increasing desires and necessities of life. This is the age of the engineer, the chemist, and the biologist. The educational system of the South needs to be greatly changed, if not recon- 512 EDUCATION REPOBT, 1900-1901. structed. For one hundred years our schools have manufactured orators, states- men, and universal geniuses. The supply now exceeds the demand, and a change of industrial machinery is necessary. For declamation and dialectics we must substitute the microscope and the laboratory, the drawing board and the machine shop. The South needs workers, trained and skilled workers, in every department of industry. Rude labor will not suffice, even in agriculture. Our cotton crop has been trebled in thirty years. Improvements in cultivation, in machinery, in fertilizers, and in utilization of waste products have produced this wonderful result. The methods of slavery would mean bankruptcy to-day. Thirty years hence the crop will be trebled again and the methods of to-day will mean bank- rviptcy then. The same is true of all our industries. To remain stationary is really to fall behind. As ginning has supplanted hand picking, carding machines hand cards, and power looms hand looms, so the i^laids and sheetings of to-day must yield to lawns and laces and muslins to-morrow. The weavers of Asia are still using hand power. When they rise to steam and power looms the South must move up further or else be ruined. Industrial edu- cation is our only hope. Other people are employing it and revolutionizing their industries. Germany is dotted with industrial schools; of agriculture and for- estry, of metal and woodworking, of weaving, bleaching, and dyeing. German goods are filling the markets of the v/orld in spite of tariffs and hostile legislation. Great Britain is no less active; Japan, after her sleep of centuries, has awoke to life through industrial education. Even Russia is preparing for the struggle. In the United States, outside of the South, the chief industrial centers have organized technical colleges and schools for manual training. In New England the public schools from top to bottom are looking to industrial training. Draw- ing and designing, wood and metal working, the plastic arts, the microscope and the laboratory, unused a century ago, are commoner to-day in the schools of the North than books of declamation and treatises on the human understanding. But not so in the South. We are stumbling along in the same old paths. Our public schools are not arousing public enthusiasm or inspiring public confidence. As a rule they do not deserve it. They are not following, much less leading, the indiistrial revolution of the South. Our system must be changed. Necessity will require it. We have reached the limit of skill and production without the help of industrial education. Our public schools— kindergarten, primary school, grammar school, and high school — all should be strengthened with mantial training. Every child should be taught to do something, to make something, and to make it well. Drawing, plaiting, weaving, coloring, designing, carving, and molding would be more useful prepa- ration for life than learning the ancestry of Tiglathpilezer or the boundaries of the world as imagined by Ptolemy. Special industrial schools adapted to the pre- vailing industry of each district should be established in all industrial centers. The principles underlying each industry — chemical, mathematical, mechanical, or biological— should be thoroughly comprehended. Actual manipulation and expe- rience in at least the leading lines of work should be required. Such schools would supply skilled workmen for every industry— wood workers, metal workers, leather workers, workers in field and forest, in mine and mill and factory, skilled workers, exchanging in the markets of the world finished goods for raw material, skill and knowledge for rude labor. The system should be crowned in each State with well-equipped colleges of tech nology, offering complete instruction in the applied sciences and furnishing the State with an adequate supply of highly trained professional experts; with civil engineers for the construction of railways and bridges; with hydraulic engineers for the construction of dams and waterways and the transmission of water power; with electrical engineers for the creation, transmission, and application of elec- EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. 513 trie power; with mechanical, mining, chemical, sanitary, and textile engineers; with architects, designers, inventors, industrial promoters, and managers. The South must follow the spirit of the age. She will do so from necessity, if not from preference. Industrial comi)etition will force her to it. Her resources are practically undeveloped and unlimited. She is amply endowed with all three requisites for the production of wealth; with natural resources, capital, and labor. Her natural wealth is the greatest on the continent. In variety and fertility of soil, in diversity and healthfulness of climate, in abundance and "variety of min- erals, in forests and fisheries, in water power and fuel, she is rich beyond power to calculate. She is accessible to world markets, both for raw material and for finished products. Her capital is abundant and easily increased by foreign impor- tation; her white labor is native, of English, Scotch, and German stock, reliable, intelligent, abundant, and cheap. All conditions are favorable to the production of enormous wealth, and with it the promotion to a high degree of popular happi- ness and prosperity. The one thing lacking is industrial training and skill. Sup- ply these and the South will be the paradise of the world, the realization of per- fect democracy, where labor is so productive and wealth so abundant that there is leisure and opportunity for vmiversal culture and universal progress. EDUCATION AND PRODUCTION. By Charles W. Dabney, President of the University of Tennessee. Every lover of his country must rejoice in the great interest in technical educa- tion manifested recently in the South. It shows that we have at last come to rec- ognize the deficiencies of our system of education and the one-sidedness of our present schools. The recent agitation for technical education grows directly out of the desire of the people to work up their own resources, their cotton, wood, and iron, and produce more wealth. Are we not in danger of taking too narrow a view of this subject? If increased production is our aim, we must begin by edu- cating all of our people in the public schools, and not merely a few of them in tech- nical schools. As patriotic men and women we want to see all of the people earn more, so that they may live better and happier. The difficulty with our system of education in the South thus far is that we do not pay enough attention to the common schools. We have given most of our thought in the past to the higher education and too little to the broader education. A complete educational system is like a pyramid; its base must be broader and stronger than any other part of it. Our i^resent educational system, as far as we have any at all, is a column with a beautifully carved capital upon its top, which is altogether too large for the base and the shaft. The reason our institutions of higher education are not attended as largely as those of other States is because they have too few public schools to support them. Technical education is important, but I beg my fellow-countrymen of the South not to forget that universal public education is more important. Let xa begin at least by putting manual training and scientific branches in the high schools where all the children can have an opportunity for the broad training. If greater pro- ductivity is our aim we must first have better common schools. If we content ourselves with a few technical schools here and there, we will be greatly disap- pointed. My first proposition, then, is that if we desire to produce more wealth in the South we must begin by building better public schools. The chief characteristic of the nineteeth century has been the extension of the ED 1901 83 514 EDUCATIOl^T EEPOKT, 1900-1901. tenants of education to the masses of the people. Its chief lesson is that ©dtication increases the wealth-producing power of a people in direct proportion to its distri- bution and thoroughness. In fact, the relations between education and produc- tivity are so well understood now that you can measure the wealth-producing power of a people by the school privileges which they have enjoyed. Statistics show, for example, that the power of the people of the different States to earn money is in direct proportion to the length of the period the average citizen has attended school. To illustrate ' , the average school period in 1898-99 of each inhab- itant of the United States was 4.4 years; of Massachusetts, which has the best schools, it was seven years; of Tennessee it was a little less than three years. The total annual production of the United States in the year 1800 was less than $30 a year, or 10 cents a day, coiinting 308 working days in the year, for each man, woman, and child; by 1850 the production had increased to nearly $92 a year, or 30 cents a day, and in 1899 it was about $170 a year, or 55 cents a day. MASS. EDUCATION 14 PRODUCTION EDUCATION 8.8 u. s. PRODUCTION 8.5 EDUCATION 6 TENN. PEODUCT'N 5.8 The production of Massachusetts in 1899 was $260 for each man, woman, and child, or 85 cents a day. The most favorable figures make the* total annual pro- duction of the people of Tennessee in 1899 less than $116 a year, or 38 cents a day, for each inhabitant. Another way to express it is to say that the average family of 5 in Tennessee must live on $580 a year, counting everything produced on the farm and in the home, as well as sales and money wages, while the same family in Massachusetts has $1,300 a year to spend, and the average family of the United States has $850. Put these facts together and we at once see their tremendous significance. The proportion between the school period in Massachusetts, the school period in the whole United States, and the school period in Tennessee is expressed by the figures 7, 4.4, and 3; or, multiplying each by 2, by the figures 14, 8.8, and 6. The proportion between the prodiictive capacity of each person in Massachusetts, in the whole United States, and in Tennessee is expressed by the figures 360, 170, and 116; or, dividing by 20 to bring to terms similar to the others, we havei^lS, 8.5, and 5.8. Think of this! Education is as 14 in Massachusetts to 8.8 in United States to 6 in Tennessee. Production is as 13 in Massachusetts to 8.5 in United States to 5.8 in Tennessee. This is not a mere coincidence in the case of Massachusetts, the United States, and Tennessee. It is the law the world over. The productivity of a people is everywhere proportional to their education; that is, their intellectual, physical, and moral training. It is not the natural resources, the climate, the soils, and the min- erals; it is not even the race, miich as these things count in production, but it is education which above everything else determines the wealth-earning power of a people. The Southern people have made great sacrifices for public education, and espe- cially for the education of the negro, but they must prepare to do even more if ' The data used in this paper were derived from the Reports of the Commissioner of Education of the United States and of the State board of educEition of Massachusetts, from Butler's Edu- cation in the United States, from articles by Dr. William T. Harris, Commissioner of Education of the United States, and from the Tennessee State reports. EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. 515 they are to keep up with the other States in production. The States represented in this association are still far behind the Eastern and Western States in the man- ner in which they support their public schools. Let me take for comparison the best school State in the Union— Massachusetts— and my own State of Tennessee, which represents, 1 find, the average conditions in the South. The population of Massachusetts is 3,805,348; of Tennessee, 3,020.616. They have the same number of children to educate. The enrollment and the average daily attendance at their public schools in 1898-99 were as follows: Enrollment. Average daily attendance. Massachusetts 471,977 499, 845 360,317 3.52 734 Tennessee Massachusetts tauj^ht school 188 days in the year, and her enrolled pupils attended an average of 14.S.5 days. Tennessee taught school only 89 days, and her enrolled pupils attended only 63.8 days. The average Tennessee child is absent 36.3 days in the 89 days of the school session. Massachusetts expended for all purposes of her public schools in 1898-99 $13,889,838, which was $38.55 per pupil in average daily attendance and $5.07 per capita of her population. Tennessee expended for her public schools in the same year §1,638,313, which is $4.63 per pupil in average daily attendance and only 83 cents per capita of population. The average expenditure for all the States of the Union is $19 per pupil in average daily attendance and $3.67 per capita of the popu- lation of the entire country. The power of education in production may be presented again in this concrete way: From the statistics above it is seen that Massachusetts spent in 1898-99 $13,361,535 more upon her public s-chools than Tennessee; but see what a return she gets. Each one of the 3,805,346 citizens of Massachusetts — men. women, and infants— has, as we have said, a productive capacity of $360 a year against $170 a year for the average inhabitant of the whole United States and $116 aj^ear for the average inhabitant of Tennessee. The inhabitant of Massachusetts has thus an excess of $90 a year over the average inhabitant of the United States and $144 a year over the average inhabitant of Tennessee. This means that the people of Massachusetts earned last year $253,487,140 more than the same number of aver- age people of the United States and $403,969,834 more than the same number of people in Tennessee. Twelve million dollars invested in superior education yield $400,000,000 a year. If the people of the South would compete in production with the people of the other States and of the world— and they must do so whether they will or not — they must educate all their children, not only their white children, but their black; and they must educate them all not poorly for a few months in the year and a few years in their lives, but thoroughly through a long series of years. If history teaches lis anything it is the solidarity of all mankind, that "no man liveth unto himself," and "no man dieth unto himself," but that we are each our "brother's keeper. " Our great resources— climate, soi^s, and minerals— are useless in the hands of an untrained people. Moreover, if we do not educate our own people to use these resources intelligently the trained men of other States will come in and do so and make our native people "the hewers of wood and the drawers of water " in their industries. Some persons seem to think that the marvelous energy and common sense of our people are a sufficient guarantee of their success in the battle of life; but common sense and even unmeasured energy do not win in these days without education. 516 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. We must give our people knowledge and training or they will surely fail ia the hot competition of the twentieth century. Will we not realize that our best resources are our own children and that our highest duty is to educate them for the greatest usefulness in life? Having made x^rovision for the elementary education of the people on this broad plan, we may wisely turn our attention to the technical education. A complete system of technical schools comprehends the following: 1. A system of trade schools in which pupils are trained for the leading arts. 2. Polytechnic schools in which instruction in the applied sciences and techni- cal or professional training are offered more advanced stadents. 3. Institutes of technology or departments of science in universities in which the highest professional instruction in the applied sciences is provided. There is no difficulty in accounting for our early indifference in the South to science and technology. It was in accordance with the history of science the world over and with the laws of its development in aJl countries. Up to fifty years ago we ha,d all the science, or more than we could use. We were engaged in getting out raw uaaterial, in "skinning " our soils, in cutting down our forests, and in working a few surface mines. Germany and France supplied us at first with our science and England or New England with our technical esperts. A young people always view their raw material as their chief source of wealth, and they are often too ready to barter it for a mere mess of pottage. When they become older, they discover that it is not upon natural wealth alone, but upon the culture of the scientific intellect that permanent prosperity depends. England was not a manufacturing nation until the Elizabethan age. Though coal, iron, and wood were found in abundance in the reign of the Plantagenets, they pro- duced little prosperity. Their home-grown wool was sent to Flanders to be man- ufactured and turned into cloth. Spain, which had fallen heir to Arabian science, was the greatest manufacturing country of those days. When the Moors were banished and the loolitical crimes of Spain led to its destruction as a nation, England took its position as the leading industrial nation of the world. The invasion of the low countries by Philip II drove the Flemish manufacturers, as the French persecution drove the Huguenots, to England, and they introduced the industries of cotton, wool, and silk in that country. In none of these countries was science a subject of study at this time. The acquisition of wealth must pre- cede tlie cultivation of science. Technical skill is needed to utilize the raw material to the best advantage. The time comes, however, in the history of every nation when it must educate its people in science and train them in manufactures and industries or it will go down. This higher scientific education is the fore- runner of higher prosperity, and the nation which fails to develop the intellectual faculty for production must degenerate, for it can not stand still. In society, as in biology, there are three states. In the first, the state of primal equilibrium, things grow neither better nor worse; the second is the state of evo- lution or development, during which animals and plants adapt themselves to their environments and take on new characteristics; the third is that of degeneration, when they first stand still, then decay, and so go back to the earth from which they sprang. The same is true of nations. A nation may remain in equilibrium for a brief time in the early stage of its history, but it is imi30ssible to hold its forces in balance when its environment is constantlj^ changing. To stand still then, is to die. The life of a people industrially is science. We must feed its fountains and keep them pure or growth will cease, industry will fall, and the nation will die. Our southland stands at the beginning of the second state. We have lived as long as we can upon the bounties of nature, and have reached that point at which we must study science, learn the arts, use our material resources and accumulate wealth, or else fall behind and go down. The study of science and the application of science always have gone and always EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. 517 mnsfc go hand in hand. As a matter of fact, discoverers and appliers of science are often combined in the same person. The interests of pure science and of tech- nology are largely identical; and science can not take a step forward without opening new fields for indiistrj'. New truth in science always leads to new devel- opments in industry. Hence, we must have the inventor as well as the investiga- tor. So, on the other hand, every advance of industry facilitates the experimental investigation upon which the growth of pure science depends. See how the glass industry has promoted the progress of chemistry, and how the electrical industry has in our own time aided physics and mechanical engineering. Pure science and technology can not be separated. Civilization began with man as a tool-making animal; it has grown with man as a machine-making being. It is not the classics or philosophy that alone makes a people strong; else India might have been the ruling nation of the world and England its province. Historically, technical progress did not follow the growth of science, but preceded it. Mining developed geology. Fisheries led to biology. It is not generally known that General Lee was a great believer in scientific and technical education. Says Professor Joynes, his colleague: "General Lee's plans for the development of Washington College were distinct and definite. He aimed to make this college represent at once the wants and the genius of the coun- try. Under his influence the classical and literary schools of the college were fully sustained; yet he recognized the fact that material well-being is, for a peo- ple, a condition of all high civilization, and, therefore, though utterly out of sym- pathy with the modern advocates of materialistic education, he sought to provide all the means for the development of science and for its practical applications." The Southern people have still to realize the ideals of Lee in education. NEGRO EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. By Paul B. Barringer, University of Virginia. Those of US of the South who have elected to abide by the South must, for that reason if no other, take a proper and natural interest in any specific class of its people which numbers nearly 40 per cent of its population. It matters not how insignificant this people may be when measured by economic standards, nor how humble they may be socially, nor how impotent politically; so long as they consti- tute 40 per cent of the population they are a factor which must be taken into seri- ous account whenever we think of the South and its future. If this 40 per cent — the negro race — improve, the South to that extent will improve; if it go backward, it will either carry the South with it, or, failing in this, it will demand as the price of progress an expenditure of energy on the part of the whites which no people can endure. All general questions of humanitarian interest aside, what is the present out- look for the negro, and therefore for the South? I say general questions of humanitarian interest aside, because he who approaches this great problem in the spirit of the doctrinaire has no place in the councils of the South, be he for the negro or for the white. This is not a matter of sentiment, but of interest— acute, present interest. The question is one land for two peoples, and these the most divergent. This one land — who can best rule and administer it with benefit to the greatest number, the white man or the black? This is the Southern problem, the race problem, the negro problem; but the education of the negro is its most important factor. We of the South are to educate him. Shall we prepare him to be a political antagonist? Shall we make of him an economic antagonist; or can we prevent him from becoming either, and yet have the South, as a whole, improve? That is the question. 518 EDUCATION -REPORT, 1900-1901. I am sorry that I have to mention political antagonism, but the case can not be •fairly presented without it. The political antagonism between the Southern white and black is manifested by the fact that since his enfranchisement the negro has, as a race, voted solidly against the measures, local or general, advocated by the white people of the South. This is a peculiar fact, because nine times out of ten there is a personal friendship between every black and the whites he knows. This antagonism, therefore, is not personal, but racial. This was not always so, for there are hundreds here who remember the old slave days, the manifest affection of the negro for and his pride in the old master, the mistress, the young master, and all. * * * After the war, we all remember how short was the first racial flight of freedom; how, like birds, startled but not affrighted, they circled but to return. It was not then. No, the antagonism between the Southern whites and blacks has come since the war, and it is now reciprocal. It is now race against race. What has caused it? This question, daily asked, is hard to answer, becaiise no one cause is responsible. There are two great causes — the one political, the other economic. As to the political cause. For over a century preceding the war between the States slaveholders dominated this Union. They gave it its flag and thirty-four out of forty-four stars on its field. They gav^ this Republic every general that carried this South-made flag to victory against America's foes — Washington, Jack- son, and Scott. They gave to America every creed and policy which we even now invoke as fundamental. Liberty and freedom — Jefferson; the Constitution and its father — Madison; no foreign entanglements — Washington; America for the Ameri- cans— the Monroe doctrine — Monroe; Southerners all. They gave her everything of which she can well be proud and nothing of which she need be ashamed. But the war brought a change. With army gone, people, land, and credit exhausted, the South stood as "on her sheepskin," expectant. What did her peo- ple expect? Thej^ expected to see a new symbol added to the flag of their fathers; a steel-blue bar across stars, field, and stripes, and riveted at every joint. This would have been truly fitting. They expected, moreover, to see a new amendment added to the Constitution which would declare the dogma of State sovereignty for- ever dead. They saw neither. The flag still waves as before, the unchanged ~blazon of their fathers' deeds; and, as far as statute is concerned, the Union is still on the basis of the tenth amendment or the "secession of 1787." ¥7hat they did see were the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth amendments to the Constitution. The purposes of these were quite distinct. The first (thirteenth) gave to the negro freedom, while the last two (fourteenth and fifteenth) gave citizenship and its attributes. The first, intended by the donors as a recompense to the negro for years of servitude, has become a threatening soiirce of racial decay through an economicrevolutionnow just becoming evident. The second * * * has failed. Its immediate result was the production of race hatred, and is now becoming a souyce of peril to our public policy. The attempted degradation of a proud peo- ple was simply a sectional crime; but a brake on the wheel of national expansion is, if possible, a greater evil still, and this the fifteenth amendment has put. Two more Southern stars— Arizona and New Mexico — and then we stop. We dare not give statehood to even the islands already under the flag, v/ith their Spanish-American, Chinese, Malayan, and Polynesian population. A government of the people, by the people, and for the .people can not exist with the franchise for such as these. We must, as a nation, now confess that only intelligence can rule, for we know the political stability of the Spanish- American and his "republics," we know China and the Philippines, and Wilcox is with us! No; the bill for the reduction of Southern representation will never pass, and negro disfranchisement is to stand. America now sees the handwriting on the wall, for she faces a golden opportunity with hands tied. EDUCATIOISr IN THE SOUTH. 519 The fourteenth and fifteenth amendments have been failures. Let us look at the thirteenth, which opened the economic problem. It has always been a mystery to the people of the North why the nonslaveholding class at the South fought so ardently during the war. No explanation seems to solve the mystery for them. Let me first note, by way of explanation, that in the mountains of North Carolina, Tennessee, and A'irginia (now West Virginia), where the negro was unknown, the poor whites did not fight, or else fought on the Federal side. Let me also recall that the enormous emigration that took place from the South was chiefly a labor emigration, and even the wealthy, when threatened with poverty, fled from the South. These things were because every workingman who knew the negro looked with a holy fear upon the day of his emancipation. With the well-fed chattel, the expensive slave, he could compete; but with the starving negro of freedom he had not a ghost of a chance. In the fated language of Professor Ross, late of Stanford University, speaking of the Chinaman, the .white man can "outdo" the barbarian, but the latter can "underlive" him, and there's the rub. The laboring man, who alone knows what it means to have to underlive his fel- low, will always hate the negro on contact. There are to-day thousands of negroes in the South living on a ration that costs 6.5 cents a day, or less than $2 per month, while, if pressed, they can live on the half of it. Imagine the fate of the white man who has to comi^ete with such labor. Lured by higher wages, many negroes are now making pilgrimages to the North — to New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago. As a rule they are the best-trained workers of their race in the South, and hence the highest livers, but they under- live all competition so easily and cut wages with such profit to themselves that the hatred of the negro, always felt by the white workers of the South, is beginning to be felt at the North; and this is the true and only reason of the late race riots there. Wherever the negro gops disenchantment follows. The old slave owner, his natural friend, is now, as we have seen, against him as a political foe, and the poor whites of the South still haLe him as an economic enemy, while the laboring men everywhere now recognize that the " deification of the darkey'" was for them a mistake. There is one other class in the South, fortunately a small one. I refer to the men of wealth or education whom the war and its consequent social chaos brought down to poverty and personal manual competition with negro labor. Thirty years of unrequited toil has broken and soured them, till any " ism," from populism to nihilism, finds fertile soil. They have not risen; they have done well even to " mark time" in the ranks; 4)ut through the public schools their children are rising, and they are the hope of the South and nation. A distinct generation is coining with an hereditary intelligence shai-pened by adversity; but with their very mother's milk they have drawn in a hatred of the negro race that is a hate infernal. I have here briefly presented the facts leading up to present conditions. Some of these will change and some will not, and the last to go -will be the bitter economic antagonism of the white Southern laborer. When you leave this out, you are leav- ing the Southern problem. If the political question is not reopened, the antago- nism of the dominant class will be at once withdrawn. This class has never been and will never be influenced by negro competition, and if the fifteenth amendment is nullified as at present, or, better still, repealed, they will have nothing more to ask. Their antagonism will die with politics; the laboring antagonism dies only with the man. We might as well be frank. These conditions exist and they seri- ously complicate the case as presented by the negro himself, which is about as follows: Having received from the South, American residence, the English tongue, the opportunities of the Christian religion, a sound body, and thorough training ia 520 EDUCATION" EEPOET, 1900-1901. agriculture and all the domestic arts, he, after two centuries, received from the North, freedom, citizenship, and the ballot. In the next generation he received from the two sections two hundred millions in education, and he still stands a beg- gar at the door of the South, now a criminal beggar. What are we to do with him? As he has grown in criminality and physical depravity since receiving what he has of education, that kind of education is surely a failure. Moreover, he has used this education, given in compassion as an arm of defense, as a weapon of political offense against those who gave it. Under the circumstances there is a natural and growing sentiment in the South demanding that we give him only the pittance that he himself produces as a taxpayer, and then let him shift for him- self. The object of this paper is to protest against the adoption of this policy as economically unwise and as unworthy of the South. We should as soon think of withdrawing our subscription to the church because its Sunday school class had missed its lesson. It would be better to double your subscriiDtion and get better teachers. No! We should not and we will not withdraw from the negro the one and only hope of his race — the white man's support. Noblesse oblige. So far we have been consistent. Of all the sections the South now alone presents in her history that rare virtue. In all the years of her domination, from Roanoke Island to Appomattox, she claimed just what she claims now, namely, that Ameri- can citizenship was a privilege of the highest kind, reserved for the highest type, and that degraded and barbarous races, specifically marked by nature as inferior, were unfit for its functions. She set the white man up as the guardian and the example for the savage. The North claimed that the Union was an asj'lum for all, and that citizenship was for all, regardless of race, color, or previous condition. Her sincerity has ever been open to doubt; shall we let ours be so likewise? Ifc will be if, claiming that the Southern slave owner was the only sincere friend of the negro, we let him revert to savagery imder our very eyes. We can not lay down the white man's burden yet. It is now suggested that the hope of the negro is industrial education. It is hailed as a discovery, and it is shrewdly claimed that this education will check political antagonism. This is a mistake. Any education will be used by the negro politically; for politics, once successful, is now an instinctive form of war- fare. The question, then, plainly put, is simply this: Shall we, having by great effort gotten rid of the negro as a political menace, deliberately proceed to equip the negro of the future as an economic menace? Shall we, knowing his primitive racial needs, arm him and pit him against the poor white of the South? Shall the educated class of the South to whom the lower classes, both white and black, look for guidance, indorse a policy which will certainly promote racial warfare? It is all very well to ignore racial hatred in New York and Chicago, with a police- man at every corner and politics behind every policeman, but do it long enough even there and a time will come when there will not be policemen enough. To- day if the hand of olScial "protection " were withdrawn, the negroes of these cities woiild have short shrift. Labor fears and hence hates the man who can underlive a church mouse, be he Chinaman, negro, or Malay. Shall we see a negro and Malay exclusion act? In the South, policemen do not patrol the fields, and race hatred must be kept down if only for the sake of the black. Read any account of a Southern race riot and see who usually furnishes the funerals. Almost always the black. There was never before on the face of the earth a people more law abiding, patient, or long suffering in the face of great temptation than our white yeomanry of the South, Living beside an alien race which they know to have been the cause of their poverty, which they recognize as having corrupted their manners, their morals, and their speech, and which, above any other race, degrades labor, they spare him. If you have race riots on tap at the North from a beginning labor competition, what would happen were that mongrel city brood exposed to the EDUCATION m THE SOUTH. 521 temptations daily long present at the South? Our people have been brought down, but they still have the Saxon virtue of the courage that dares refrain. Do not press them. To see hovp' best to educate our two races at the South, let us look into the recent progress of this section and see what it shows. In 1895 there were about two and a half million spindles in the South, at the close of 1899 5,000,000 spindles, to-day over 6,000,000. What part has the negro labor played in this extension and what part the white? In furnishing the raw material, the cotton, he plays the old slave- day part, but in the function of the new South, in manufacture, he has no part. It may be asked has he had the chance? Yes, in Charlotte, N. C, and in Charles- ton, S. C. , he has been tried in the clothing factory and in the cotton mill, and he has failed in each case. The reason of his failure was the absolute lack of moral responsibility. While perhaps capable enough, an excursion, a circus, or a revival always had claims upon him in excess of his obligations as an employee. You may make him a perfect physical imitation of the workman, but morally he is the negro still. Wo have just seen the first great labor strike in the South. For months 4,000 white mill hands stood out against their employers. These mills could have been filled at any time with cheaper negro labor, but it was not done. When the cold, practical logic of economy turns down an opportunity like this there is a reason. The reason was the absolute mercantile distrust of the moral stamina of the pres- ent black. While the negro came out of slavery illiterate, he was not ignorant of the trades and the mechanic arts. He was the smith, the carpenter, the shoemaker, the tan- ner of the plantations of the South. Trained to labor as few white men were, and with labor ever in demand, he is still the laborer and the common mechanic; rarely the skilled artisan. He has not kept pace with his opportunities. All this is suggestive, and leads to the conviction that it would be folly for any State to enter upon the industrial training of its deficient race while the laboring class of its higher race is equal to any training and any effort. We can not equip both, and to equip the negro to the neglect of the poor white would be a grave political error and an economic absurdity. The average negro is so light-hearted, so gay, and so free from care that he gives a pleasant impression, but in all his actions he shows the mimic. He pro- vokes an involuntary smile, and we ignore the lack of the genuine article. These characteristics are generic, and in varying degrees they make up our idea of the negro to the extent that we habitually discount his faults, vices, and defects. In fact, we set for this race a different standard from our own. The result is that any old suit makes the negro a " dude," reasonably fluent speech makes him seem the " orator," while a fair address and intelligence so dumfound us that such a negro " shines as a one-eyed man amongst the totally blind." He is never what he seems. What we may call a " good " manservant may be, and sometimes is, an absolute liar, something of a thief, and quite a rascal. A "good" nurse or ccok may be anything, provided she can nurse and cook. We pay no more attention, as a rule, to the moral atmosphere of the kitchen than to the stars of heaven, and the kitchen and our children suffer. We pour out our blood and treasure on the literary heathen of China, and shut our eyes to the greater need of missionaries at home. What the negro needs as a race is moral training, some "thou shalt not," something to form character. When we have given him a morality which will save him from degeneracy and the hand training which will make him an even respectable servant or laborer, then, and not till then, may we think of the technique of the higher industries. The public-school training of this people should be primarily a Sunday-school training; a moral training, given by those to whom morals mean more than ■words. This training the whites must give financially and, in large measure, 522 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. personally; for there are not enough properly qualified teachers of the negro race to do' this work. In the midst of peace and opportunity we now see daily from this race spontaneous evidences of reversion to savagery which make us utterly distrust the influence and the capacity of those thus far responsible for their training. It seems as if every paper adds something new to the catalogue of negro crime. Their moral training should be supplemented by the three R"s and such simple training in agriculture and the domestic arts as all will need. The negro race is essentially a race of peasant farmers and laborers, and their education should first be directed to improving them as such. It is claimed that since education has raised up for this people its own leaders, the problem is solved. Far from it. An education that makes leaders at the expense of the led is a failure. Every negro doctor, negro lawyer, negro teacher, or other " leader " in excess of the immediate needs of his own people is an anti- social product, a social menace. Neither in the North, the South, the East, nor the West can such a professional man make a living at his calling through white patronage; and to give him the ambition and the capacity, and then to blast his opportunity through caste prejudice and racial instinct, is to commit a crime against nature. Nature made the white man and the black; it made the natural and unaltei'able prejudice between the two races; and hence the crime lies at the door of him who knowingly attempts the impossible. In equal measure what is true of the professional man is true of every trade and calling in which the negro's natural qualifications are not first considered. As a source of cheap labor for a warm climate he is beyond competition; everywhere else he is a foreordained failure; and as he knows this, he despises his own color. When a race is in such a condition that every paper issued by its educated class carries advertisements of nostrums openly claiming to produce such changes in hair and skin as will make the black man less a black, what are we to think? When its reading, and hence its higher, class give such patronage as to maintain these advertisements in their papers year after j'ear, what would you give for the influence on them of any "leader" whose skin and hair bore, in however slight a degree, the same racial stain? The very solution of the negro problem is a part of the white man's burden. But it is asked. How are we to continue to educate the negro at all and avoid future political ti-ouble? In answer I say: Base his franchise upon a property qualification, and give him for once a legitimate stimulus to work. He has never been offered an attainable ideal before. To-daj' the partly educated black, jail- bird or i)reacher, looks with contempt upon the negro whose only forte is honest work and accumulation. Let us change this and make the taxpayer and not the politician the racial ideal. The temptation to spend is inherent in the human race; to learn to save is to cultivate man's highest power, the power of inhibition. When a man can hear and obey any '-thou shalt not," monetary or moral, he is improved as a citizen. The Jew has had this mandate longer than any other race, and he is the greatest of all accumulators and the least criminal of races. The negro is the most criminal, and he needs the mandate. One truth about the trouble with our negro ballot in the past is instructive. The poor white, in competition with negro labor, has had to work his children to live. The negro, easily underliving him, was able to use this same white man's taxes in the i^ublic school, and hence has given his children the rudimentary knowledge now necessary to vote. This is fast making a reading, voting, paujjer class of blacks and an illiterate, working, taxpaying class of whites. Which of these classes has most interest in the State and most right to be heard? This political paradox must be changed, so changed that it will still allow us to work for the salvation of the negro. With an educational suffrage, the first step toward improvement— education — is the first act in a political feud. Let us be done with it and be free to help him and make him help us. EDUCATIOK IN THE SOUTH. 523 As for ciirselves, let us go back to the old rule of the South and be done forever with the frauds of an educational suffrage. Let us break up the game that pro- duces political professionalism. Let us return to the political status we had when we furnished the men of America. In national politics also let us strive for truth and consistency. We can not be high and mighty in the Philippines and high and holy in Cuba and maintain the respect of the world. It is now more than a gen- eration since the war. and our fanatical altruists have posed long enough. Let us see that the hypocrisy that now ties our hands in Cuba is the last act of the comed}^ We of the South are by heredity the expansionists of America; and as we must expand, let us strive to be honest expansionists. Let us boldly say dollars in lieu of duty and land in lieu of liberty. NEGRO EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH— A REPLY TO DR. BARRINGER'S PAPER. By Julius D. Dreher, President of Eoaiiokc CoUetje. The education of the negro in the South, taken in its broadest sense, is the most difficult problem before the American people to-day. It is not a simple, but a complex problem. If it were simply to provide good schools for the colored j^eo- ple, the task would tax the wisdom and resources of the South, but we have to deal with the more difficult question of so ediicating the negroes that their rela- tions to the white people may be finally so adjusted that both races may live together peaceably on a just economic and political basis. In any serious discus- sion of this problem we may as well take it for granted— (1) That the negroes will remain in the South; (2) That the fifteenth amendment will remain a part of the Constitution; and, consequently, (3) That the negro will remain a voter. We are confronted, therefore, with a great humanitarian problem, which is also economic and political, and which, while being national, is also in a peculiar sense a Southern problem. How shall we so educate the negro as best to develop his manhood, make him a valuable economic factor, and fit him for intelligent citizenship? After more than thirty years of effort in trying to solve our problem we all agree that it was a grave mistake to suppose that with a ballot in his hand and a book under his arm the negro could make substantial progress simply by acquir- ing a certain amount of knowledge in ordinary schools. We believe that it was also a mistake to establish at first so many institutions of higher education, a large proportion of these being called universities. But the negro has had thirty-five yeai's of freedom, during which he has made considerable progress in ac(iuiring education and property, so that it would be a greater mistake to assert to day that he does not need higher education at all. If we think for a moment how many ignorant teachers and preacher.s are trying to instruct the negroes, we shall be quick to recognize their need of many more educated men and women than are now to be found among them. In order to advance in civilization everj' race needs educated leaders— concrete examples of what the best of the race may aspire to be; but what the negro certainly does not need is a class of educated idlers who wish to live simply by their wits. It seems to me that for many years to come the education of the negro should be of a very practical character, such as is given, for instance, at Hampton, and Tus- kegee. The prevalence and increase of crime throughout our country may well 524 EDUCATION REPOET, 1900-1901. cause us to suspect that our system of education for the white people might also be improved by introducing more of the practical and industrial into our public schools. As almost every line of industry and business is open, at least in the South, to the competent of both races, there seems to be no need for a radical dif- ference in the education of the masses of the tv70 races. It might be well to give more attention to moral and religious (not sectarian) instruction in all our schools. As to the ' ' Sunday-school training " advocated by Dr. Barringer, that should be left mainly to the negro churches; but I believe it would be a distinct advantage to the negroes at present if they had more white teachers in their Sunday schools and also in their other schools. As the white people own nearly all the property, and as the negroes are mainly laborei's on farms, the education of the latter should be to as large an extent as possible industrial and i^ractical, in order that they may the more readily make a living and improve their mode of living. Little can be done to elevate any people until they begin to acquire property and independence, until they become self- supporting and self-respecting, as we have learned from our costly experience with our Indian tribes. We must teach the negro the value of steady habits, so that he may become a reliable workman; the necessity of economy, so that he may gradually acquire property; the importance of raising the standard of his social and domestic life, so that his character may be improved, and the need of education, in order that he may be fitted for intelligent and patriotic citizenship. The low standard of living among the negroes tends to depress the price of labor, and thus in j uriously affects the white workman . Wherever there is a low standard of living and of morals among the colored people the white people suffer from it; and if in any part of our country there is marked improvement in the general condition of the weaker race, the stronger race will be favorably affected by such progress. If in any line of industry the negroes bring sharp competition to bear on white workmen, it is not a matter to be wholly deplored on account of the latter, for this very competition v/ill cause them to become more efficient in their trades, and effi- cient labor, as we all know, is a crying need of the South. If there is danger that the white mechanic may be displaced by the better- trained negro mechanic, let us not for that reason give the latter less industrial training, as suggested by Dr. Barringer, but rather let us provide the same sort of education for the white man, and then let there be an open field for fair competition on the basis of merit. It is to be hoped that our Southern people will not discredit their own profession of interest in the negro by shutting against him doors of opportunity for making a living as has been done at the North, where his position and inferior advantages and opportunities to better his condition are so discouraging as to account largely for race deterioration and crime. If odds are to be given in the race of life, indus- trial and political, surely the Anglo-Saxon with his centuries of education, achieve- ment, and accumulated advantages will not be so lacking in chivalry, generosity, and Christian spirit as to ask odds at the expense of a weaker race, which is only now fairly setting out, with uncertain step but steady purpose, on the ample high- way of a larger freedom and higher civilization. In the solution of our problem the fortunes of both races in the South are involved. We must help to lift the negroes up or they will drag us down. As the Republic could not exist half free and half* slave, so no Commonwealth can long prosper with one half of its citizens educated and the other half illiterate. We must convince our people that no investment pays better dividends than that in brains. In Massachusetts, for instance, where the best educational facilities are freely provided for all classes alike, the average price of a day's labor is more than double the average price in the Southern States; and, although that Common- wealth is the most densely peopled in the Union, the census just taken shows that its population increased more than 35 per cent in the last decade, while that of Vir- ginia increased less than 13 per cent. In the South every effort should be made to EDUCATION IN THE SOUTH. 525 lengthen the school term for the children of both races, and we ought to hear nothing more of that unwise and unpatriotic suggestion to divide the school fund between the races in the proportion of taxes paid by each, a proposition against which I am happy to know that Dr. Barringer protests. The more education and property the colored people acquire the better for the State, for they will thus become more valuable citizens. If the negroes of Virginia had as much property per caput, and as high an average in intelligence and educa- tion as the white people, does anyone doubt that the State would be immensely benefited? And if we could to-day lift up the entire colored population in the South 100 per cent in property, education, character, and general civilization, would we not be far on the way toward the solution of our problem? That prob- lem, as well as all the other problems of humanity, must be solved, if solved at all, by the power of religion and the right sort of education. After a somewhat careful study, I have come to the conclusion that the negroes are generally more eager to educate their children and improve their condition in life than are the middle and the poorer classes of white people. The self-denials and sacrifices of colored parents to educate their children would make a story at once pathetic and inspiring. The present able State superintendent of schools in Geor- gia told me nearly two years ago that he had frequently used with good effect the example of the negroes when he was urging white people to take more interest in the education of their own children. We who have spent our lives in the South, and especially those of us whose experience and observation antedate the civil war, know well how much the con- tact of the white people did to civilize the negroes during slavery. Wherever this contact brought the races into relations of closest sympathy and interest, the best results were produced. As educators we know that unless a teacher has the con- fidence of his pupils, he can do little more than instruct them from the text-books, while the more important work of molding character is scarcely touched. So in adjusting the relations of the races in the South, mutual sympathy and confidence are as much needed as education from books and in trades. The negro is natur- ally influenced more by the acts and example of the white man than by his words. In working out our problem it is of the highest importance that the negro should trust the white man as a friend and well-wisher, and that the latter should set an example of absolute fairness and justice in all his dealings, as well as in making and executing laws. The blighting results of reconstruction left a wide political gulf between the races. To bridge that gulf should be the aim of the statesman, teacher, minister, editor — of every true patriot of both races in public or in private station. It must be counted as unfortunate, therefore, that recent legislation in several States has seemed to justify the negro's belief that the white people are unwilling to do him justice; and it is also to be deplored that in so many cases of all sorts of crimes mols of white men in all parts of our country have trampled law under foot by undertaking to do what should be left to the calm deliberation and deci- sion of courts and juries, after the evidence on both sides has been duly pre- sented and considered. Such examples of injustice in making laws and of lack of respect for laws on the statute book hinder the good work of establishing and maintaining harmonious relations between the races, and thus far render the solution of our problem still more difficult. Example is more powerful than pre- cept. Lawlessness breeds lawlessness, hatred begets hatred, revenge incites to revenge. If we sow the seeds of wrong and injustice, of hatred and revenge, of cruelty and brutality, we can not expect to reap the fair fruits of Christian civilization. If it be true, as Dr. Barringer asserts, that "a distinct generati^^n is coming withan hereditary intelligence sharpened by adversity, but with their very mother's milk they have drawn in a hatred of the negro race that is a hate infernal," then 526 EDUCATIOlSr REFOET, 1900-1901. it is high time to do missionary work to save the civilization of the white people of the South. Such hatred is no part of our religion, and has no place in our civi- lization. And if white people are growing up with such diabolical hatred of the negro, what answer do you expect this " man with the hoe "' to make to such a challenge in the next generation? But I do not believe that Southern mothers are teaching such bitter hatred to their children, and it is difficult for me founder- stand why Dr. Barringer makes such a bold assertion. It eeems to me to have little, if any, foundation to support it; and if I did not know that his creed is that of the stern orthodoxy of the Presbyterian Church in the South, I would suspect that he had been reading Universalist books and had thus been persuaded to adopt a much milder idea of things infernal; or else we must charitably stippose that when Dr. Barringer speaks of "a hatred of the negro race that is a hate infernal,'' he is simply indulging in superfluous rhetoric. As one deeply interested in all the facts bearing on our problem, I wish Dr. Bar- ringer would produce some proof to substantiate also the statement that " we now see daily from this race spontaneous evidences of reversion to savagery." White men occasionally act like barbarians in America, as they have been recently act- ing also in China and elsewhere, but we do not believe for that reason that the race is reverting to savagery. Neither do I believe it about the negroes. At the present time, when the negro is being eliminated as a political factor, it may seem inopportune to si:>eak of educating him as a voter; but I am discussing this question in the firm belief that it can not be settled by temporary makeshifts of doubtful morals and still more doubtful expediency. "Whether it takes one century, or two, or five, to solve this problem, we may be sure of one thing, and that is that it will never be settled by injustice. The truth may be so obscured now as to be only dimly apprehended by people in the South, but it remains true that it is the chief glory of our country that it is great enough to give equal rights before the law to all classes of its citizens of whatever race or condition. If it be taken for granted that the suffrage has been made too free throughout our coun- try, it must, nevertheless, be admitted that at the present stage of the negro's advancement whatever restrictions are placed on the elective franchise, whether of education, or property, or both, should apply with equal justice and fairness to the voters of both races alike. And it should be borne in mind that it is a far wiser policy to fit men for intelligent citizenship than to disfranchise any consid- erable number on account of illiteracy or poverty. For as James Russell Lowell so pertinently says in his address on democracy: " It may be conjectured that it is cheaper in the long run to lift men up than to hold them down, and that the bal- lot in their hands is less dangerous to society than a sense of wrong in their heads," Our Southern people, with their love of fair play, will not long tolerate laws which put a iDremium on the intelligence of the negro and on the ignorance of the white man — laws which incite the former to make the utmost efforts to qualify himself for the intelligent exercise of the elective franchise, and which encourage the latter to remain in a state of chronic apathy with regard to education. A law which in the letter discriminates against the negro and which has an ' ' understand- ing clause " by which it is intended that he shall be further discriminated against at the ballot box according to the whims of the officers in charge is a discredit to any civilized State that pretends to legislate on a basis of equal justice to all its citizens. Such laws operate to the injury of both races. The negro is profoundly discouraged in his efforts to educate and improve himself; ne resents the injustice done to him and still further distrusts the white man, while the latter loses respect for laws which permit such injustice. Already from Mississippi and Louisiana we are hearing reports of alarming apathy among the white voters, indicating that there is little iwlitical life in those States. As a matter of fact, the election returns of last fall show that there is one Congressional district in West Virginia EDUCATION IN" THE SOUTH. 527 and others in various Northern and Western States in each of which more votes virere cast than in all the Congressional districts together in either Mississippi or Lonisiana. We have happily passed the period when negro domination was possible any- where in our country. Any State in the South could now pass laws of absolute fairness to restrict the suffrage without the least risk that the evils of the recon- struction period would ever be repeated. Hence it is our plain duty, as well as good political policy, to treat the negro with sympathy, justice, and absolute fairness, and to condemn in individuals or States anything like duplicity, chican- ery, and injustice in dealing with them. Let us not forget that the negroes are not to be blamed for their present situa- tion. They did not come to America of their own accord; they were i)atient and submissive through generations of slavery; and the}' had little to do in gaining their freedom. Instead of taking partin the struggle which involved their freedom, the slaves, as guardians and protectors of the families on the plantations, exhib- ited a faithfulness to their trust which should entitle them to the lasting gratitude, kind consideration, and patient forbearance of the white people of the South. The suffrage was thrust upon the freed negro when he was wholly unprepared to appreciate and discharge such grave responsibilities; and, in spite of his mistakes and blunders, it should be said in justice to him that in his political life he has been rather sinned against than sinning. But he is learning. His political illu- sions, with others, have been dispelled by the stern logic of events. He now real- izes that the road to manhood and character and independence is a long one, and the journey painfully tedious; that there are no short cuts, and that he must at last work out his own civilization as the Anglo-Saxon gained his, through centu- ries of effort and struggle and conflict. We can not, however, turn a deaf ear to this last child of the centuries in his appeal for all the help and encouragement we can give him. The negro is now our trust, our charge, and our burden. We dare not be faith- less to that trust. We should not forget that the white man's burden will become even heavier in the coming years if he withholds his sympathy and help from the black man in his efforts to lift up himself and his race. We dare not do him injustice by any policy of industrial or political repression or suppression, and we can not afford to degrade our Anglo-Saxon manhood by hating or wronging onr weaker brother in black. By as much as we are superior to him in civilization, by just so much are we under the greater obligation to help the less favored race" in every worthy endeavor for moral, social, and inaterial progress. Whatever may be the fate of the negro in the future, we should not shrink from the respon- sibility of doing our duty manfully in the present; and if we do the right as God gives us to see the right, we may with unfaltering faith leave the consequences to that gracious Providence which has blessed our nation through all the eventful years of its history. For right is right, since God is God; And right the day must win; To doubt would be disloyalty, To falter would be sin. DISCUSSION. By H. B. Frissell, Principal of Hampton Institute. I approach the discussion of the subject before us with a certain reluctance, for 1 realize that there are men in this audience and on this platform who know much more about this problem than I do. For though I have lived in Virginia for many years, I am not to the manner born. I realize that this is a Southern mans prob- 528 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. lem; that if it is to be worked out at all he is to do it, and that we of the North can only help. If I have any fitness for the task it is because I have had such good teachers. For years I have sat at the feet of Dr. Curry, whose grand work in the cause of common-school education is known to you. I am glad of a chance to express publicly to-night my sense of obligation to him for the sympathy and help that he has rendered Hampton. I take no such dark view of the relation of the races as Dr. Barringer does. I have lived in Virginia for twenty years. Dur- ing all that time I have worked alongside of Southern white men, most of them mechanics, and I do not believe that the average Southern white man hates the black or that there is any danger of a race war. Most of our shops at the Hamp- ton school are in charge of Southern white men, and I have never fonnd a more loyal, devoted body of men, or men more interested in the improvement and uplift of the negro j^outh. I should be glad if I had time to tell you stories showing the pride that these white men take in the progress of their black proteges. ; I live in a community where the blacks largely outnumber the whites, and where both whites and blacks receive the highest wages that are paid in any part of this State. There is the least possible friction between the two races. It may be that I am not an unprejudiced witness in this matter of the relation of whites and blacks, for I have been connected with a negro school that has received continually the strongest evidences of sympathy and interest from the governor and superin- tendent of instruction down to the plainest citizen of the State. Year after year the Senators and Representatives of this State have pleaded in the Halls of Con- gress for an appropriation for Indians. Through Dr. Curry, that eloquent apostle of education for every man, white or black, the school has received generous approijriations from the Slater and Peabody funds, and from every part of the country have come assurances of kind feeling. It is not easy under such circum.- stances for me to believe in race hatred or race wars. ♦ Some years ago there was a suggestion that the school's industries, which are quite extensive, were interfering with the industries of the town. It was pro- posed by the citizens, and cordially seconded by the school authorities, that a com- mittee of the senate and house of delegates be sent down to investigate the matter. A hearing of three days was given in the county court-house. Witnesses were sum- moned from every walk of life — merchants, mechanics, and farmers — white and black. There was not a single case of a man who wished the school withdrawn. Not only was it shown that the school was bringing thousands and tens of thousands of dollars into the town, not only did merchants show that their trade was largely helped by this negro school, but one white contractor after another testified that he had gotten his first start in his business in helping to erect some one of the school's sixty buildings. The farmers testified as to the better stock and machines and the improved methods of farming which the school had brought into the com- munity. From every class there came the most cordial witness to the fact that the school was not only not a hindrance but a great help, not only to the blacks but to the whites. They showed what I firmly believe to be always the case, that just as one finger can not be fattened without tlie others, so you can not lift up one portion of a community without lifting up all of it. The report of the joint committee of the senate and house of delegates is one of the strongest campaign documents that the school has ever received. In it Judge Cardwell and his associates say: "The institute has been a great benefit to this county and to Hampton, giving employment to a large number of citizens, white and colored, bringing annually tens of "thousands of dollars to the community. It has been one of the means of building up this part of the State; population has increased, every branch of business has been made more prosperous, and, indeed, it is a self-evident fact that the Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute has spent a vast amount of money in the community, bringing great benefit to all classes of citizens." This testimony as to the value to all classes of the proper education of the blacks, and the kindly relations resulting from it. comes from some of the wisest lawyers and business men of this State. But similar testimony to that given in regard to Hampton has been given in the case of the schools started by its graduates all over the South. Booker Washington was a graduate from Hampton, and started a school on the same plan in Tuskegee, Ala. We have sent 50 of our graduates to help him carry it on. In his autobiography, which is just appearing in the Out- look, he bears witness to the uniform kindness shown him and the school by every class in that community. He was called to make the chief address at the opening of the Atlanta Exposition and was cheered to the echo. I much doubt if there is any white man in the South more cordially loved and honored by the whole South and the whole country than this black son of Hampton and the Old Dominion. I What Mr. Washington has done at Tuskegee in a large way, hundreds of Hamp- ton graduates have done all through the South in a small way. I went not long EDUCATIOlSr IN THE SOUTH. 529 since to the town of Lawrenceville, in Brunswick County, in this State, where a Hampton graduate has started an industrial school. I met the leading white phy- sician of the place. He told me that he was the school physician, and commended the work. I found that the leading lawyer of the place was the school's treasurer. Every white man in the town whom I met had only pleasant words to say of this colored teacher who had started in the black belt of Virginia a smaller Hampton. I couM take you to certain counties in this State where not many years ago the blacks bore no part of the burden of taxation, but to-day are paying one-fifth of the property tax. I could take j'ou to counties where crime is reduced to a min- imum and the relations between the races are of the pleasantest. There has been an increase of the land holdings of the blacks in the country districts of Virginia of nearly one-third in the last six years. Hampton has sent out between five and six thousand young people since its founding. So far as we can find out there has been only one' of them behind the bars, and there has been absolutely no complaint of unkind treatment by the whites. What has been true of Hampton graduates has been true of the blacks that other schools have sent out. The leading citizens of Winston>Salem, N. C, have helped a young colored man to start a school, a model black colony, and a farm. They have themselves subscribed generously, and have done all in their power to improve the blacks. When I was last in their beautiful city they told me that in that black community of hundreds of souls there had never been an arrest made or a legal paper served. That shows what can be done when Southern white men really take this negro problem in hand. Prof. .Jerome Dowd, a professor in Trin- ity College. North Carolina, in an excellent article in the December Century, on "Paths of Hope for the Negro," says: " The field is broad enough for both races to attain all that is possible for them. In spite of the periodic political conflicts and occasional local riots and acts of individual violence, the relation between the races iu respect to nine-tenths of the population are very friendly." 1 have watched with great interest for the last ten years the labor problem being worked out near my home, in one of the largest shipyards in the world, where whites and blacks labor side by side. There have been fewer strikes and less labor trouble in that great yard, with its thousands of workmen, than in almost any yard of its size in the world. Instead of the blacks pulling down the wages of the whites, the wages paid to both are the highest in the market. In an undevelox'ed country like the South, which needs all the labor that it can possibly obtain, with vast tracts of land waiting to be cultivated, with untold resources of iron and coal to be developed, the last thing to be feared, it seems to me, is a race labor war. I have traveled largely in the South; I have talked with all classes of men. The one thing that faces planters and manufacturers is scarcity of labor. The planters tell me that their men are drawn off to the mines and the railroads. The wage of the laboring man, both white and black, is rising, and that means prosperity for both races, but especially for the white man. The Hon, John Temple Graves pleads eloquently for the removal of the blacks. But whenever there is a hint of the removal of any of them there comes the loudest protest from every class in the community. Not long since a movement was made in one of the agricultural counties of Georgia to take away the blacks. The planters begged that the exodus be stopped, declaring that if it went on they would be ruined. A friend of mine tried to move a colony of blacks from Alabama and Mississippi to Mexico. He declared to me that the greatest difficulty he had to encounter was the opposition of the Southern white man. The trutla is, people all over the world are turning their eyes continually toward the Southern negro laborer, realizing what many a Southern man has told me, that the blacks, when properly treated, are the best laborers in the world. Shrewd, long-headed Ger- many has asked Booker Washington to send some of his men to raise cotton in South Africa. In the December number of the International Monthly, Mr. Wash- ington says that within the last two months he has received letters from the Sand- wich Islands, Cuba, and South America asking that the American negro be induced to go to these places as laborers. In each case, as he says, there would seem to be an abundance of labor already in the places named. It is there, but it seems not to be of the quality and value of that of the negro in the United States. In the testimony given recently before the United States Industrial Commission, again and again Southern white men have stated in the most emphatic language that the negro is the best laborer that the South has ever had, and is the best the South is likely to get in the future. We have been hearing much of late to the effect that the negro is dying out, that he is thoroughly criminal, that education ruins him, and that he is altogether valueless as a laborer. The census seems to show that he has increased from four to nearly ten millions since the war, that he has accumulated nearly a billion ED 1901 34 530 EDUCATIOIT REPORT, 1900-1901. dollars' worth of property of his own, and that as a free laborer he raised four times as much cotton in J 899 as he did as a slave in 1850. Is it quite just to say ot this people that it "stands at the door of the South a criixiinal beggar? " It is not strange that in the demoraiization following emanci- pation crime should have increased, that the negro should have often confused freedom with license and thought that it meant freedom from labor, that the negro father and mother should have had little idea of family life or of the proper way to train thoir children, but the suggestion that education is the cause of crime, or that an increase of intelligence in any part of the community is harmful is certainly not to be entertained in this home of Thomas Jeiferson. Mr. Washington has received fx-om 300 prominent Southern white men answers to tiiese questions: 1. Has education made the negro a more useful citzen? 2. Has it made him more economical and more inclined to acquire wealth? 3. Has it made him a more valuable workman, especially where thought and skill are required? Nine-tenths answered all three questions emphatically in the affirmative. A few expressed doubt; only one answered no. REPLY By Paul B. Barringeb. [By previons.arrangeinent Dr. Dreher and Dr. Frissell replied to Dr. Barringer's paper, and in reply to Dr. Fris-sell's criticism of the words " criminal beggar," Dr. Barringer presented the following statements.] A few years ago a balance sheet for the blacks and whites of Virginia stood as follows : For negro criminal expenses $204, 018 For negro education _ _ 324, 364 For negro lunatics - -., 80,000 Total negro expenses 608, 383 ToLal negro taxes , 103, 565 Annual loss to Virginia on account of negro 504, 817 The above report was made by the State auditor, and was quoted in Hoffman's Race Ti'aits and Tendencies, page 301. It will bo seen from it that the annual net loss on the negro population of this State (Virginia) is over a. half a million of dollars, and that the total negro taxes paid is even less by |100,000 than the sum annually expended by the whites to repress negro crime. Secondly, Br. Barringer called attention to the report of the Virginia Peniten- tiary for 1899, where there were among the State convicts only 404 whites as against 1,694 blacks, giving on the basis of population negro criminality as 7.4 times greater than the white. The latest reports of the State penitentia,ries from Maryland to Texas show about the same results, rising to 9.4 and 8 in Georgia, wliere progressive muuieipal administration draws the negro to town, and falling as low as 5.4 in Mis-sissippi, where the negroes live in the country, and v/here white domination and negro disfranchisement are most complete. These facts. Dr. Ba.rringer stated, warranted him in making this clear state- ment of the situation. CHAPTER XVL THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. By Kelly Miller, Professor of Mathematics, Hoioard University. TOPICAL OUTLINE. PART I.— THE ECONOMIC BASIS OF NEGRO EDUCATION. I. The Educational Significance of the Growth and Tendency of the Negro Population. The growth and spread of the negro popnlation in the United States. The bulk remains in the South. Localization of national problem calls for national aid. Slight tendency toward North and West. Mixed schools in North and West. Dwindling of race in border States. Social isolation the cause. Difficulty of maintaining adequate separate school system for sparse negro element in border States. Decline of negro population in Kentucky. Black belts of the South. Area in which negroes are more than twice as numerous as whites. Area and relative density of region in which negroes are in the majority. Causes tending to perpetuate black belts. The social and educational problems of black belts. II. Early Struggle for Education, Personal Risk, and Economic Sacrifice. The negro's desire to taste of the forbidden tree of knowledge. How Frederick Douglass learned to read and write. The experience of John M. Langston. Regulations in the several Southern States against the instruction of the negro. Negro schools in the large cities. The colored schools of Wa.shington, D. C. Kind-hearted slave owners who taught their slaves to read. Negroes attending school in slave States, 1S50 and 1860. The establishment of negi'o schools by Freedmeu's Bureau and other agencies. The negro ever eager and anxious to learn. III. Separate School Provisions. Establishment of public schools by reconstruction governments. Laws and regulations of the several States establishing separate schools for the two races. Density of population of white and colored elements. The effect of division of school fund where population is sparse. Equal provision for both races. Total and per capita cost of education of the two races. Sources of public-school funds. The extent to which negroes ijay for their own schooling. General educational statistics showing school population, enrollment, number of teachers, average salary, and length of school term for the two races. IV. Negro Owners and Tenants of Farms and Homes. Negroes who own and hire their own homes and farms, and negro property owners in Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia. Unsupported assertions as to support of negro schools. The Democratic purpose of public schools. White and negro population in slave States. Number of negi-oes who own and hire their homes and farms. Reuters are bona fide taxpayers. Negro property holders in Georgia, North Carolina, and Virginia. Ownership of corporate enterprises. V. Occupations of Negroes. The negro as a contributing factor to the industrial life of the South. Persons engaged in gainfiil pursuits. Occupations of white and negro women. Negro agi'icultiiral laborers, farmers, planters, and overseers. Negro laborers acquiring self- direction. Negro employed mainly in agriculture and domestic service. Few employed in the trades or in the arts. Domestic service the chief employment in the border States. Education should be directed to industrial condi- tions. Persons employed during portion of the year. The negro the most important industrial factor in the South. His labor the basis of production and accumulated property. 731 732 EDUOATIOlsr EEPORT, 1900-1901. VI. Special Studies of the Economic Condition of the Negko. The importance of the studies undertaken by the Labor Bureau. The negroes of Sandy Springs, Md. The negroes of Farmville, Va. Negroes in the black belt (six groups). The city negro. Economic lesson derived from these special studies. Negro spends and is spent for the good of the several communities in which he resides. He is everywhere a contributing factor. VII. The Education of the City Negro. The relative status of the urban and rustic negro. City and country school provisions in the South. Negro city schools fairly well equipped. The practical aim of education not fulfilled. The adaptation of school program to the needs of the negro race. Special features of negro schools. The importance of kindergarten training. The large function of negro education. Negro teachers must awaken moral enthusiasm. The necessity for training in concrete things. The need of practical judgment. Baleful effect of smattering. Industrial training. The city negro a servant and bodily laborer. The predominance of the female element influences city schools. The negro shoiild be taught concerning himself and the condition of his race. The city schools are centers of light for the entire race. PART II.-THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. I. The Intellectual, Capacity of the Negro. The negro regarded as an inferior order of creation. Higher susceptibilities denied, since they were not needed. Ill usage and proscription based upon innate inferiority. Intellectual manifestation the highest measure of the man and the race. The negro able to master Euro- pean courses of study. Relative capacity of the races. Arguments and testimony to uphold negro's claim. Why the negro has not produced great names in the intellectual arena. Charge of Thomas Nelson Page. Plea of Thomas Jefferson. Intellectual glory depends upon social and political status. Distribution of ability in America. The intellectual position of women analo- gous to that of the negro. The negro has shown surprising intellectual exuberance. 11. The Need of the Higher Education. Knowledge is its own reward. The negro must connect with civilization in its best form and at its highest point. Education must assist evolution. Choice youth must assimilate culture and hand it down to the masses below. Contact with superior race can not produce civilization. Education will foster self-reliant activity and teach the impersonal quality of knowledge and virtue. The negro has to compete with white youth and needs the same helpful influence to prepare him for his work. The higher education necessary to produce leadership. The evil of poorly equipped leaders. Historical example of race development. Backward races perish for want of competent leadership. The culture influence of the ancient languages. Higher educa- tion discriminates between the real and the apparent. It gives a larger tolerance for existing conditions. It fosters and stimulates industrial activities. Ill Objections to the Higher Education of the Negro Answered. The money spent on higher education has been wasted. Education has not eradicated the negro's evil and criminal disposition. Higher education lifts the negro above the needs of his people. The negro is leaving the farm and shop for the college and the university. Education has not solved the race question. IV. The Relative Claims of Industrial and Higher Education. The two phases of education not antagonistic, but supplementary. The white people believe that the negro's place is to work. Philanthropist's interest in helping the most needy. The negro's view of the question. It would be useless to equip large numbers of colored men with trades in the cities. The white laborer will neither compete nor combine on equal terms. The value of industrial schools. The educational impulse proceeds from above. Life is more than meat. Agricultural and domestic education. The need of knowledge to direct. V. The Higher Education op Colored Women. The weaker element of the weaker race. The attitude toward the higher culture of women in general. Analogy between the cause of women and that of the negro. The lowly status of colored women. The power of education to reach and to uplift her. Home life the base of the real advancement of the race. The education of the colored women should be mainly industrial and domestic. Room for the ambitious few. Number of colored women who have graduated from Northern and Southern colleges. Examples of successful college-bred colored women. Their work in the future. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 733 VI. The Origin of the Negro College. The educational status of the negro before the war. Toleration in Northern colleges. Ober- lin College invites negro students. Intellectual darkness at the close of the war. The North- ern missionaries came as angels of mercy. The educational work of Freedmen's Bureau. Rise of denominational educational movements. The reconstruction government. The State col- lege. Date of f oimding of negro colleges. VII. "Work, Ways, and Future of Negro Colleges. The old and the new function of the negro college. Rivalry between public and private schools. Negro universities largely secondary and primary schools. A college should measure up to standard. Requirements of admission and curricula of negro colleges. Relative influence of white and colored teachers. State schools imder control of colored men. Small productive resources. Colleges are too numerous. Extravagant abuse of literary degrees. Occupations of graduates of negro colleges. Their religious and philanthropic activity. Leaders in the learned professions. Captains of industry. The future of the negro college. What they have done and what they are calculated to do. Sensible modification and adaptations needed. VIII. The Negro in Northern Colleges. The benefits and disadvantages of mixed schools. What makes an institution great. The existence of negro colleges does not estop colored students from attending Northern institu- tions. The negro college gives the negro racial enthusiasm. It develops negro scholarship by giving negroes a chance to develop beyond graduation. It does not put a damper upon his self-respect. Northern colleges do not contemplate the needs of the negro race. Northern institutions can not be relied on to take a considerable number of colored students. Negro colleges do not perpetuate prejudice. Negro graduates of Northern colleges. IX. Colored Men in the Professions. The element of society from which professional men usually come. The rise of the colored clergy. The negro teacher. The negro lawyer and physician. Early negro practitioners. Statistics of professional occupations. X. Negroes who have Achieved Distinction along Lines Calling for Definite Intellectual Activity. The individual the proof of the race. The African in contact with the European has pro- duced distinguished names. Sources of information. Phiilis Wheatley, Benjamin Banneker, H. O. Tanner, Paul L. Dunbar, and others. PART I.— THE ECONOMIC BASIS OF NEGRO EDUCATION. I. The Educatioxal Significance of the Growth and Tendency of the Negro Population in the United States. Popnlatiou lies at the basis of all human problems. All progress, development, and civilization are merely emergencies from man in the mass. A persistent group of people, however lowly its present state may be, contains all the potential pos- sibilities of the human race. The development and expansion of population, there- fore, afford the surest measure of advancement. The one striking feature about the American negro is his physical persistence and expansion. The half million Africans who were imported into this country from their native land have so multiplied and ramified as to complicate every factor in the equation of American life. The negro element in the United States to-day exceeds the entire population of ninety years ago. The negro is found in every State and Territory, in almost every town and hamlet, ranging in relative density from fifteen to one in the black counties of the South to less than one in a hundred in the higher latitudes. This widespread distribution among the white population gives an African flavor to local and national problems. No question can be con- sidered on its merits apart from its bearing upon the black man and brother. Religious, political, industrial, and educational problems all take on racial color and tinge. 734 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. Of all uplifting agencies one would say that education is the common lever, i applies alike to all without regard to ethnic considerations. And yet the edu tion of the negro constitutes as urgent a special problem as any that confronts 1 American people for solution. A study, then, of the distribution of the negro e ment among the general mass of the population is essential to a clear understand ing of the educational needs of the situation. It is only by this knowledge tha we can locate the area where the need is greatest and where the call for agencies of enlightenment is loudest. A localized Imowledge of the negro peoples will also enable the educator to adapt plans and methods to the requirements of a variant situation. No greater mistake can possibly be made than to suppose that the entire negTorace requires one fixed and inflexible programme of treatment, with no varia- tion to meet local and special conditions. A race of 9,000,000 souls, scattered over so wide a geographical area and endowed with divergent aptitudes and capacities, encompasses the entire circle of human needs. There are four phases of the negro population which entail important educa- tional consequences. (1) The movement toward the Northern and Western States, where there are no separate schools, places a portion of the race on the same educational footing with children of European descent. A broad distinction, therefore, must be made between the States which divide the schools on racial lines and those which do not. Owing to the relative density of the negro population in the two sections, the scho- lastic separation of the races follows quite closely the line of cleavage between the slave and free States. The half million negroes in the Northern States constitute no special educational problem. (2) The tendency of population to drift into cities presents important educa- tional suggestions. This tendency is no doubt due, in part, to the better school facilities which the cities afford. The million negroes in the large centers have fairly adequate and ample educational facilities. The South is too poor to pro- vide adequate schools for the population sparsely scattered over the rural area, and especially so under the policy of separate instruction for the two races. But in the cities, where the population is dense and where the wealth is amassed, the conditions are much more favorable. Nor does the duplication of schools work such an economic hardship; for where there are sufficient numbers of both races to maintain the schools with a full complement of pupils there is little waste in the dual system. The education of the city negro will be treated in a separate chapter. (3) The thinning out of the African element in the border States, where separate schools exist for the two races, must eventually raise the question of the feasi- bility of maintaining an independent system of schools for so sparse a population. In the State of Missouri 150,000 negroes scattered throughout the State wovild demand in equity almost as many schools as 16 times as many whites, and on a corresponding scale of cost. Oftentimes there are not enough negroes in a whole county to supply children for a single school, and yet these few children may be scattered over four or five hundred square miles. This is merely suggestive of the special educational problem of the border States. (4) The segregative tendency of the negro population to lodge itself in certain sections of the Southern States localizes what might otherwise be a national prob- lem. If this black mass were equably diffused throughout the country, the problem, in its educational aspect at least, would lose in intensity what was gained in extension. But the stubborn tendency of this mass to settle into knots and ganglia where the institution of slavery planted it most thickly emphasizes the pressing need of special remedial agencies. The condition of the negro in these congested localities and the utter inadequacy of local provision call more loudly than anything else for national aid to popular education. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 735 A detailed study of the negro population will bring these problems more clearly to light: Negro population of tlie United States. Year. Colored popula- tion. Decennial increase. Per cent Increase, of total per cent, popula- tion. 1790 752,208 1,0(K,037 1,377,808 1, 771, 656 3,338,642 3,873,648 3,638,808 4,441,830 5,391,000 6, 580, 793 7, 470, aw 8,840,789 19.27 1800 344,839 375, 771 393,848 556,986 545,006 765, 169 803,023 949,170 1, 189, 793 889,247 1,570,749 33.33 37.50 28.50 31.44 33.44 26.63 23.07 31.37 33.07 13.51 18.35 18.88 1810 19.03 1820 . 1 18.89 1830 18.10 1840 - 16.84 ISiiO . - ..-,... 15.69 1800 14.13 18701 13.84 1880 13.12 1890 - 11.93 1900 - 11.57 1 Estimated by Gen- Francis A. Walker. If we begin with 1810, the first census year after the constitutional abolition of the slave trade, we see that the growth of the negro element followed the ordinary laws of population, viz, a gradual decline in the rate of increase. In 1810 there were 1,377,808 negroes in the United States. In eighty years this number had swollen to 7,470,040. It more than quintupled itself in eight decades. The relative decline of the African element as a factor of the general popiilation is due to the influx of foreign white immigration. Seven hundred thousand negro females in eighty years produced a progeny of 7,000,000. The African is without question the most prolific element in America. The race will not only persist as a physical factor of the American people, but its natural increase will be sufficient to per- petuate the race problem in unabated force. This fact suggests the wisdom of immediate action, in so far as the problem will yield to ascertained methods of treatment. To delay is not only dangerous, but is expensive as well. While it is conceded on all hands that the negro has made wonderful strides in education, yet there are probably more illiterate negroes in the United States to-day than there were in 1860. The additive difficulties keep fully abreast of the agencies of relief: If national aid to education had been extended ten years ago there is no doubt that some of the phases of the race problem v/ould have been much nearer solution than they are to-day. Procrastination to-day will only add new comx^lications for to-morrow. ' Negro population of the United States, by slave and free States. State. Alabama Arlcansas Delaware District of Columbia- Florida Georgia Kentucky .-. Louisiana Maryland- Missouri Mississippi -. North Carolina 1890. 678,489 309, 117 28, 386 75, 573 166, 180 858, 815 268, 071 5.59, 193 215, 657 150, 184 743, 5.59 561,018 1880. 600,103 210, 666 26, 443 59, 596 126, 090 725, 133 271,4.51 483. 655 310, 330 145,350 656, 291 531,277 1870. 475,510 123, 169 23,794 43,404 91,689 .545, 142 232, 210 364, 210 175, 391 U8, 071 444, 201 391,650 1860. 437, 770 111,259 21, 627 14,316 62, 6V7 465, 698 236,167 3.50, 373 171,131 118,503 437, 404 361,523 1850. 345, 109 47,708 20, 363 13,746 40, 343 .384, 613 220, 993 263, 271 165. 091 90, 040 310, 808 316,011 1 Race Traits and Tendencies of the American Negro, by Frederick L. Hoffman, which was published in 1896, predicted the rapid decline of the American negro through the operation of inherent degenerative agencies. This work at the time attracted wide attention. The Twelfth Census has progressed far enough to show the utter erroneousness of Mr. Hoffman's conclusions. For answer to Mr. Hoffman's argument see Occasional Papers No. 1, American Negro Academy. 736 EDUCATIOK REPOET, 1900-1901. Negro population of the United States, by slave and free States — Continued. State. 1890. 1880. 1870. 1860. 1850. 688, 934 430, 678 488, 171 635,438 32,690 604,332 403, 151 393, 384 631, 616 25,886 415,814 333, 331 353, 475 512,841 17,980 413,320 2a3, 019 183, 921 548,907 393, 944 245, 881 58, 558 520, 861 6,889,153 6,104,253 4,538,882 4,315,614 3, 433, 338 1,190 614 937 22, 144 7,393 13,303 70,092 47, 638 107,596 1,451 685 1,057 18,697 6,488 11, 547 65, 104 38, 853 85,535 1,606 580 934 13,947 4,980 9,668 52,081 30,658 65,294 1,327 494 709 9,603 3,953 8,637 49,005 25,336 56, 949 1,356 530 718 Massaclin setts 9,064 Rhode Island . . 3,670 7,693 49, 069 34,046 53,636 269,906 229,417 179, 738 156,001 149, 763 87,113 45,215 57,028 15,223 2,444 3,683 10,685 150,184 373 541 8,913 49,710 79,900 39,228 46,368 15,100 2,702 1,564 9,516 145,350 401 63,213 24,560 28, 762 11,849 2,113 759 5,763 118,071 94 36,673 11,428 7,638 6,799 1,171 259 1,069 118,503 35, 279 11,263 5,436 2,583 Wisconsin. .. 635 39 a33 Missouri' .. . 90, 040 Soutli Dakota . -... - .. 2,385 43, 107 789 17,108 82 627 North Central Division 280,938 240,271 155,009 65, 736 45, 567 1,490 933 6,215 1,956 1,357 588 243 301 1,603 1,186 11,822 846 298 3,435 1,015 155 333 488 53 335 487 6,018 183 183 456 173 26 118 357 60 207 346 4,273 Colorado . 46 85 33 Utah 59 45 50 30 128 4,086 207 California Western division ., ,. 27,081 11,853 6,380 4,479 1,240 Total free States 580, 888 6,889,152 476,540 6,104,253 341,137 4,538,882 336,316 4,21.5,614 196,570 8, 432, 238 United States 7,470,040 6, 580, 793 4,880,009 4,441,830 3,628,808 1 Included in slave States. This table shows that the tendencj^ of the race is to settle in the Southern States. Notwithstanding considerable waves of immigration toward the North, 92 per cent of the race is still found in the South. Nor is there the slightest intimation that the mass center of the race will be disturbed by the northward movement. The dust may fly, but the solid earth will remain. Notwithstanding the influx of negroes toward the liberal States since emancipation, the increment in the free States from 1860 to 1890 had scarcely more than kept pace with the growth of the general negro population. All rivers run into the sea, and jet the sea is not full. This suggests the inability of the colored race to maintain itself in a higher lati- tude. But whether this inability is due to the rigidity of the climate or the fri- gidity of the social atmosphere is not apparent. The essential fact, however, remains. The Northern States are not likely to receive the negroes in such num- bers as to relieve the South of its congested condition. It is often suggested as remarkable that the negro does not rush to the freer conditions of the North as a gas from a denser to a rarer medium. There civil and political rights are guaran- THE EDUCATION OF THE NECIKO. 737 teed, and educational privileges are ample and free alike to all. Why a peopla should prefer to remain in a region of repression, where their children must per- force be brought up without ample educational equipment, when they might remove many of these disabilities by crossing an imaginary line, might seem to be^ a great sociological mystery. But there are other deterrent causes that hinder. The negro is essentially a conservative race. It would rather bear the ills it has than fly to those it knows not of. The industrial proscription of the North is scarcely less depressing than the political suppression in the South. In the New" England States, where the sentiment toward the negro is freest, there is evinced the least tendency to immigration. In all New England there are fewer negroes than can be found in the city of New Orleans. The increase of the negro element- in the North Atlantic States from 18G0 to 1890 was 73 per cent, or only 3 per cent- above the general growth. The movement toward the West has been more gen- eral, but even this has not been marked enough to indicate a shifting of the base of population. A glance at the table showing the growth of the negro population by geogra-phical divisions is sufficient to enforce the truth of this statement. Negro population of the United States by geographical divisions. 1890. 1880. 1870. 1860. Increase- from 1800 to 1890. 7,470,040 6,580,793 4,880,009 1,441,830 3,028,210 6,889,152 6,104,253 4,538,882 4,215,614 2,673,538- 269,906 280,938 30,054 229,417 240,270 11,853 179, 738 155,009 6,380 156,001 65,736 4,479 113, 90& 215, 193- 25,575 Total in free States . 580,888 476,540 »tl,137 326,216 354,673 ' Missouri is taken out of the column of the North Central States and placed with the slave States. The above table shows that the increment in all the free States for the three> decades from 1880 to 1890 was only 354,672, against 2,673,538 in the slave States. The entire negro population in the free States has remained constantly less than, the colored element in the State of Alabama. 1890. 1880. 1870. 1860. Negroes in — 678,489 580,888 600,103 476,540 475, .510 341,137 437,770 226,316 There is no mistaking the tendency of the bulk of the negro population to remain in the Southern States. The fascinating attractions of the North allure them not. The educational as well as the general sociological problems growing oiTt of the presence of the negro must be -jvorked out in the South, where the black man is destined to abide. As the localization of a national problem places too great burden on the afflicted States, the General Government should lend a hand toward wiping out the national reproach. ED 1901- 47 788 EDUCATION BEPORT, 1900-1901. Negro population in border States. States. Delaware Kentucky Maryland Missouri Tennessee Virginia West Virginia . Total 1860. 21, 236, 171, 118, 283, 1,379,354 1870. 23, 794 233, 310 175,391 118,071 333, 331 514, 841 17, 980 1, 391, 618 1880. 36, 443 271, 451 310, 2:50 145, 350 403, 161 631,616 35, 886 1,714,136 1890. 28,386 268, 071 215, 657 150, 184 430,678 635, 438 33,690 1,761,104 Increase from 1860 to 1890. 363, 770 the table shows that throughout all this region the race increase in thirty- years was only 363,770, or 26 per cent, while the negro population at laige increased during the same period 70 per cent. This slight apparent increment is due almost wholly to the growth of the city element. The rural negro in this sec- tion is growing scarcer and scarcer. If we could separate portions of West Ten- nessee, southeast Virginia, and southern Maryland, where the negro population is relatively dense and where its increase -is normal, from the rest of the section under discussion, the tendency would be greatly accentuated. Per cent of negro population in border States frovi 1860 to 1S90, shoiving its rela- tive decline. States. 1860. 1870. 1880. 30.43 16.82 16.47 26.36 23.46 32.49 10.03 6.86 7.16 27.07 25.63 26.14 34 49 41 4 4 4.1 1890. Kentucky Maryland Missouri Tennessee Virginia West Virginia 14.42 21.07 5.61 34.37 38 4.3 We see that there has been a rapid relative decline throughout this section. In Kentucky the negro element declined in thirty years from 30 to 14 per cent and in Missouri from 10 to less than 6 per cent of the total population of the State. Absohite decline of negro pop>ulation outside of cities in the border States from ISSO to 1S90. States. Outside of — Decrease. Delaware Kentucky Maryland , Missouri Tennessee , Virginia West Virginia . 1 city... 3 cities . Icity... 2 cities . 3 cities . 3 cities . 358 13, 186 7,961 5,333 6,910 6,807 1 6, 801 1 Increase. If we except a few cities, we see that there has been an absolute decline throu-gh- out the border region, except in West Virginia, which has had a great influx of negroes, owing to special industrial conditions which prevail. The reason for this tendency is not hard to seek or far to find. Where the negro is sparsely scattered among the white population, he is made painfully conscious of his isolation. He pines for con,sort with those of his color and kind. There are no schools for his children, or churches to meet his religious aspirations, or organizations to satisfy THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 739 his social desires. He is shut up to the dull routine of toil and can get only such social relaxations as the cold tolerance of his white neighbors may accord him. He is really in social cai^tivity and pines for those communities where a more con- genial environment prevails. The result is he either rushes to the cities or leaves the section for those communities where society is more congenial. The same tendency is noticeable in the Northern negro, or, rather, in the Southern negro who goes to the North. Although he comes from the farm, with whose life and methods he is tolerably well acqiiainted, he rarely seeks agricultural work in his new home, but goes to the cities, where he may affiliate with others of his race. The growth of negro churches in the North is significant of the same tendency. Wherever two or three dozen negroes meet together in a Northern community, there a colored church springs up among them to meet, in a large measure, their social needs and aspirations. This tendency is not to be marveled at, for the con- sciousness of kind is a strong incentive in all races. The Anglo-Saxon, with the spirit of enterprise, goes to the utmost ends of the earth to dwell among all kinds and conditions of men. but he never loses touch with the higher life of his race and is determined to live above the social level of the peoxDle among whom he dwells. He is a^so inspired by the hopa of gaining a competency, so as to return to the congenial environment from whence he came or of making his new envi- ronment congenial by bringing it under control of his own race and its higher institutional life. If, however, he had to live like the negro, below the level of his social environment, with no conceivable outlook, he would doubtless pine as does the negro, and at the first opportunity fly to more congenial companionship with his own race and color. Whatever maj' be the cause and its justification the effect remains the same. Ill order to bring more prominently to light the serious educational problem that this movement in the population entails, let us notice a few typical counties in a single border State. Negro population of certain counties of Kentucky from 1860 to 1890. County. Adair Bath. Boyle Butler Carroll Clay Edmonson Floyd Grant Hancock- Henderson ... Jefferson Knox Leslie Logan Magoffin Meade Montgomery. Ohio Perry Rockcastle . . . Simpson Trimble Webster Negro po] Area. 1860. 1870. Sq. miles. 400 1,663 1,836 270 2,641 3,703 180 3,714 3,679 453 795 643 165 1,087 540 580 611 495 348 284 326 410 220 171 380 736 .509 200 831 739 473 .5,844 5,990 375 13,311 19, 146 350 673 557 420 544 6,726 5,733 300 147 179 333 1,954 1,294 200 3,893 2,699 610 1,331 1,393 448 87 96 280 397 369 330 3.4a3 3, 167 155 •-3C 4.56 340 l.lld 1,355 2.171 2; 017 4,737 830 771 706 5.55 199 733 803 7, .572 25,995 663 28 7,381 150 1,274 3, .566 1,464 1.39 437 2, 797 577 1,666 1890. 1,828 1,.578 4,809 773 757 413 458 151 483 758 8, 233 33,617 778 33 6,569 100 769 .3,643 1,346 160 155 3, 374 331 1,912 Number of negroes to square mile. 1860. 4.1 9.8 20.6 1.5 6.6 1.1 .8 .5 3.6 4.3 13.5 33.8 1.9 13.3 .5 6 14.4 3 3 .2 1.4 7.5 5.3 3.3 1870. 4.5 10 • 20.4 1.4 3.3 .8 !4 1.8 3.6 13.6 50.1 1.6 10.5 .6 3.9 13.5 3.3 1^3 6.8 3.9 3.9 1880. 5.4 7.5 26.3 1.8 4.7 1.3 1.6 .5 2.6 4 16 79.3 L9 .06 15 .5 3.8 17.8 3.4 .3 1.5 8.7 3.7 4.7 1890. 4.5 5.8 26.7 1.7 4.6 .7 L3 .4 L7 3.3 17.4 86.9 2.3 .08 13 .5 2.3 18 3 2.2 .S .6 7.4 2 5.6 Number of ne- groes to lUO whites in 1890. 15 14 59 59 9 3 6 1 4 9 70 20 .6 .8 30 1.7 8 41 6 2 i.5 38 4 13 The foregoing table shows the evolution, or rather the retroaction, of the negro population in several counties in the State of Kentucky. In order that the coun- 740 EDUCATIOISr EEPOET, 1900-1901. ties selected might be impartially chosen, every fifth county was taken in alpha- betical arrangement. It appears that in 19 out of 24 counties there were less than 10 negroes to the square mile, and in 6 counties the race did not average 1 to the square mile. It is also seen that there has been an absolute decline from 1860 to 1890 in 12 of the counties, and in 15 from 1880 to 1890, Throughout the counties under discussion it will be noticed that the negro element is very thin as compared with the white. If we suppose that this relation holds good for the entire State, as indeed we have every reason to believe, it will be seen that in two-thirds of the counties in Kentucky the negro averages less than 10 persons to the square mile, and in one-third of the State the average is less than 1 negro to the square mile. Not only is this true of Kentucky, but equally, or rather to a greater degree, will it hold for Missouri, and to a lesser extent, perhaps, for the other border States. These States are pledged to the maintenance of separate schools with equal facilities for both races. How this can be done for the less numerous element of the population at a reasonable cost is the special ediTcational problem which the border States present. The growth and expansion of the so-called black belts in the South possess great sociological significance. Although our modern statesmanship has not consciously set apart a land of Goshen for the abiding place of the sable sojourners, neverthe- less, this land is establishing itself by the sheer force of racial gravitation. The tendency of the negro population to cluster about black centers notwithstanding the operation of potent dispersive influences has been widely noted and remarked upon. A careful study of this population shows that it is solidifying along the river courses and in the fertile plains of the South, where it was most thickly planted by the institution of slavery. In order to bring this tendency clearly into evidence the following tables have been prepared on the basis of the Federal censuses. Table I shows the number of counties in each State in which the negroes are more than twice as numerous as the whites, the aggregate areas of such counties, and their progressive changes during the three census decades, 1860-1890. The growth of this Africanized area has been remarkable. It increased from 71 coun- ties with an aggregate area of 35,732 square miles in 1860 to 103 counties and 66,084 miles in 1890. While these "black belts "would have covered a territory as large as South Carolina at the beginning of the civil war, thirty years later they had grown to an area greater than that of all the New England States. Table I. — Counties in wMcJi negroes exceed the whites more than tioo to one. 1860. 1870. 1880. 1890. State. Number of coun- ties. Area. Number of coun- ties. Area. Number of coun- ties. Area. Number of coun- ties. Area. 7 1 1 13 13 17 1 8 Sq. miles. 5,863 760 910 6,598 7, 183 10,994 454 8,186 11 3 3 14 14 15 2 8 Sq. miles. 8,676 2,024 3,793 7,063 8,376 9,292 1,134 5,456 11 6 3 18 17 22 3 12 1 3 7 Sq.m.iles. 8,676 4,103 1,510 7,888 9,597 13,037 1,6.54 9,343 630 3,200 2,059 11 6 2 33 16 33 3 3 4 Sq. m,iles. 8,676 4,103 Florida 1,510 10, 100 9,007 13,757 North Carolina South Carolina 1,134 11,699 630 2 8 3,230 3,236 3 6 3,300 1,756 3,300 Virginia 1,318 Total 71 35, 732 79 48,568 93 62, 707 103 66, 084 THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGHO. 741 Table II. — "Black belts" in trJiicJi negroes exceed vJdtes more than tiro to one. 1860. 1870. States in which the "black belt" is located. Negro popula- tion. White popula- tion. Negroes to 100 whites. Negro popula- tion. White popula- tion. Negroes to 100 whites. Alabama 147.396 7, .513 9, 149 85.298 129, .568 210,968 10,803 145,839 52,293 1,723 3,194 ai,331 3:3,948 61,382 4,923 48,885 281 436 284 345 3.52 342 219 298 220,9.50 18,469 34,631 103, 682 101,7.54 179,2.37 26,483 164,771 73,085 7,940 11,3:11 37,809 40, 730 60,004 11,694 64,294 315 233 305 271 248 298 North Carolina 236 256 Texas 9,242 48,554 4,047 20,669 228 240 20, 167 35,978 7, 705 15,989 264 Virginia 325 Total 804,329 265,393 303 911,131 330,581 276 States in which the 'black belt' is located. 1880. Negro popula- tion. White popula- tion. Negroes to 100 whites. 1890. Negro popula- tion. White popula- tion. Negroes to 100 whites. Alabama Arkansas Florida Georgia Louisiana Mississippi North Carolina Soiith Carolina. Tennessee Texas Virginia Total 274, 64, 29, 193, 191, 350, 66, 303, 22, 33, 49, 76, 910 20,827 6,219 76, 131 55, 890 101,001 23, 481 118,904 9,633 12,097 21,2.59 368 309 476 254 341 347 296 255 231 266 234 28.5,513 93,398 26,830 210,075 200, 620 401,639 33,774 318, 113 20, 492 35, 695 26,309 75,fU0 26, 898 6,679 79,806 .55,925 110,436 15, 494 114, 806 8,386 13,116 11,985 311 402 261 358 363 211 377 244 272 219 1,583,244 531,342 304 1,652,458 517,571 319 Table III. — Counties in icliich there are from 100 to SOO negroes to 100 whites. State. Alabama Arkansas Florida Georgia Louisiana Maryland Mississippi North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia United States Number of counties. 1860. 1870, 166 170 1880. 1890 178 165 Population in 1890. Negro. White 106,387 67,375 80, 834 380, 435 176, 695 13,201 191,420 142,.496 274,330 77,209 36, 895 251,367 1,772,614 81,738 52,818 57,631 278, 863 120, 435 11, 8.50 147,016 105,115 184,9.54 59, 089 28, .595 183,905 1,312,009 Number of ne- groes to 100 whites. 130 127 140 136 147 119 130 135 147 130 128 137 i;35 Table II shows the relative density of the negro population within the area described by Table I. There are, on the average, more than three negroes to each white person. The negro population is increasing far more rapidly than the v/hite, having increased from 3.03 times the white in 1860 to 3.19 times in 1890; and, what is, perhaps, more surprising, is the rapid increase of this ratio during the census decade 1880-1890, which showed such a marked decline In the general increment of the negro population; 1,652,458 negroes, or nearly one- fourth of che entire race, were found in these "black belts ' m 1890, against 804,329, or about one-fifth of the race, in 1860. 742 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. Tables I and II, taken together, show an unmistakable tendency of these " black belts " to increase, both in extent and intensity. The probability is that they will not only maintain themselves, but will expand with the coming decade. Much criticism has been heaped upon the successive censuses on account of alleged errors, both of an excessive and defective character; but the discrepant enumera- tions do not affect the tendency herein noted. This growth is steady and unmis- takable. We can predict with fullest assurance that the twelfth census will confirm this general law of growth. Table III shows the number of counties in each State in which the negroes are in the majority but less than twice as numerous as the whites, together with the aggregate population of such counties in 1890, and the number of negroes to eyerj 100 whites. This area is much larger than that considered in Table I, and has remained almost stationary during the decades under consideration. There are 165 counties and about 100,000 square miles in this region. There are, on the average, 135 negroes to every 100 whites. Tables I and III show that the entire reo-ion in which negroes are in the numerical majority embraces 268 counties and covers an area as large as the North Atlantic division of States. There are 3,400,000 negroes, against 1,800,000 whites. Nearly one-half of the entire race is found within this Goshenized territory. We often speak of the ' ' black belts " as being congested, but this miist refer to the constantly thickening darkness and not to the absolute density of the population; for, as noted above, these belts form an area about the size of the North Atlantic States. The total population is about 5,000,000, while the North Atlantic States have a population of 17,000,000. The average density of the population is less than one-third that of the States in the higher latitude. The indications are that the negro will be able to maintain the ground already gained, but will not be able to make further headv/ay against the " white man's country." The opposite tendency in the Southern population is also noticeable. Just as the black spots are growing blacker the white spots are growing whiter. The line of cleavage seems to take place where the two races are about evenly balanced, and the relative densities increase in both directions. In those counties where the negroes constitute only a small fraction of the total population their relative decline is notable. If we turn to the cities, we find the same tendency toward a geographical sepa- ration of the races. There are 25 cities with a total negro population of more than half a million. A careful study of their distribution will show that they are segregated in districts and wards as definitely marked as the "black belts" of the South. The politician is as familiar with the black and the white wards of ou,r large cities as is a seaman with the depths and shallows of the sea. There are several causes which conspire to perpetuate the segregative tendencies of the negro population: 1. Under the social conditions nov/ prevailing the negro is compelled to flock with his kind. He is thrown back upon himself by the expulsive pov/er of preju- dice. The negro possesses the social instinct in a high degree, and can not endure isolation. The thinly veneered tolerance which he receives when scattered pro- miscuously among the whites by no means satisfies his longings. He longs for his own church and society and forms of social life. 2. The white population shuns open rivalry or contact with the negro on terms of equality. Wherever white men and women have to work for a living, they avoid those sectioBS where they have to compete with the negroes; and if indige- nous to such localities, they often migrate to where the black rival is less numerous. For this reason immigration avoids the "black belts." Whenever a community of Northern agriculturists settle in the South, they usually select a white neigh- borhood, and, in some instances at least, they have been known to "freeze out" the negroes by methods of their own devising. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 743 3. As manufacturing industry moves southward, the poor country whites will be drawn to the cities as operatives and workmen along lines of higher mechanical skill, leaving the negro in vast numerical preponderance in the agricultural districts. These factors operating separately and cooperating conjointly will perpetuate the "black belts" of the South and make permanent this modern land of Goshen. The political, social, and industrial future of these localities is a matter of serious importance. These belts are so distributed among the States that they can not maintain political integrity. They do not follow the Atlantic coast line, but are only tangential to it at several points, and therefore their commercial importance is materially lessened. The negro constitutes a majority in only two States; but even in these the white man's superior political sagacity will enable him to main- tain governmental control for any calculable period of time. The educational, social, and industrial life must be elevated by the negro him- self under the stimulus of local and national assistance. It is here that must be worked out the future of the race on this continent. The great masses will be gathered in these belts or in the corresponding black wards of our large cities, from which the volatile particles will fly off in all directions to be dissipated and lost. It is no reproach to these people to say that if left to themselves they would lapse into barbarism. No people, unaided, can lift themselves from a lower to a higher level of civilization. It is a social, as it is a physical, impossibility to lift one's self by pulling against the straps of one's own boots. But this land of Goshen is not to be left alone; there will always be a number of whites affiliating with the negroes for purposes of philanthropy or gain. Hampton and Tuskegee and Fisk are types of philanthropic helpfulness. There is need of autochthonous enterprise. Young men of ambition and education will be forced to such commu- nities as a field to exploit their powers. The secret and method of New England may thus be transplanted to the South by the hands and brains of sons of Ethiopia. It is here that the great educational and developmental problems must be worked out.' II. — The Struggle for Education — Personal and Economic Sacrifice. A full knowledge of the education of the negro can not be had without making some reference to the earlier educational efforts. It is well known that .slavery discouraged the dissemination of literary knowledge among persons of African descent, and, in most cases, this discouragement amounted to a positive prohibi- tion. But despite the rigid regulations of the slave regime there were many kind-hearted slaveholders who taught their slaves to read and write. Many others picked up such knowledge in ways which it is mysterious to comprehend. The fact that book information was withheld from the negro made him all the more anxious to acquire it. Stolen waters are sweet, and the fact that they are forbid- den leads those from whom the privilege is withheld to suspect that they possess mysterious efficacy. Such hungering and thirsting after knowledge amid dark and dismal discouragements is surely a compliment to the intellectual taste of the African. The antebellum struggles of tht free colored people and the more ambi- tious slaves to acquire the use of printed characters is almost incomprehensible, in view of the liberal educational provisions of these latter days. The experience of Frederick Douglass was not without many j)arallels and counterparts. In his autobiography he tells us: The most interesting feature of my stay here [in Baltimore] was my learning to read and write under somewhat marked disadvantages. In obtaining this knowl- 1 This chapter was written before the figures of the Twelfth Census were available. This census, however, in so far as it has been coinpleted, coufirras the conclusions of this chapter in every essential particular. See Forum, February, 1903, ''Expansion of the Negro Population." 744 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. edge I was compelled to resort to indirections by no means congenial to my nature and which were really humiliating to my sense of candor and uprightness. My mistress, checked in her benevolent designs toward me, not only ceased instruct- ing me herself, but set her face as a flint against my learning to read by any means. ^ She would rush at me with the utmost fury, and snatch the book or paper from my hand with something of the wrath and consternation which a traitor might be supposed to feel on being discovered in a plot by some dangerous spy. The conviction once thoroughly established in her mind that education and slavery were incompatible with each other, I was most narrowly watched in all my movements. If I remained in a separate room from the family for any consider- able length of time, I was sure to be suspected of having a book, and was at once called to give an account of myself. Teaching me the alphabet had been the "inch" given; I was now waiting only for the opportunity to take the "ell." Filled with determination to read at any cost, I hit upon many expedients to attain my desired end. The plan which I mainly adopted, and the one which was most successful, was that of using my white playmates, with whom I met in the streets, as teachers. I used to carry almost constantly a copy of Webster's Spelling Book in my pocket, and when sent on errands, or when playtime was allowed me, I would step aside with my young friends and take a lesson in spelling.' Meanwhile, I resolved to add to my educational attainments the art of writing. After this manner I began to learn to write. I was much in the shipyard, and observed that the carpenters, after hewing and getting ready a piece of timber to use, wrote on the initials of the name of that part of the ship for which it was intended. When, for instance, a piece of timber was ready for the starboard side, it was marked with a capital "S"; a piece for the larboard side was marked "L "; lar- board aft marked "L. A."; starboard aft "S. A."; starboard forward "S.F." I soon learned these letters, and for what they were placed on the timbers. My work now was to keep fire under the steambox, and to watch the shipyard while the carpenters had gone to dinner. This interval gave me a fine opportunity to copy the letters named. I soon astonished myself with the ease in which I made the letters, and the thought was soon present, if I can make four letters, I can make more. With playmates for my teachers, fences and pavement for my copy books, and chalk for my pen and ink, I learned to write.-^ This was the university training of the most illustrious American negro, which could be duplicated by thousands of his fellow-slaves Avho remained ' ' mute and inglorious." A different and less strenuous phase of early educational opportunities may be found in the experience of another distinguished colored American, the late Prof. John Mercer Langston. Mr. Langston thus recounts the early schooling of his brother: His father (a Virginia white man), manifesting the deepest interest in him, sought by his own efforts and influence to give him such thorough English educa- tion, with general information, and mental and moral improvement, as to make him a useful man. He [at 7 years] was required to appear for his recitations in his father's special apartments the year around at 5 o'clock in the morning.^ A second brother was put through the same regime, and John M., though too young for definite training when his father died, had ample provision made for his education.^ These citations represent two phases of negro education before the civil war. The one gives a picture of the dauntless, self-impelling determination to gain knowledge at any cost; the other, the kind and genial disposition of a father- master, in spite of the rigorous requirements of the law. These instances may be regarded as typical, and might be multiplied by hundreds and thousands. There were also organized efforts for the education of the colored race. Schools were established for the free colored people within the limits of the slave territory. These were mainly in the large cities. A careful and detailed study of such early educational efforts for the several States and cities affords a rich field for interest- ing and valuable monographic writing. This chapter attempts little more than to 1 Life and Times of Frederick Doiiglass, p. 72. 2 Ibid, p. 74. 3 Ibid, pp. 85-86. 4 From Virginia Plantation to the National Capitol, by John M. Langston, pp. 19-20. =Ibid, p. 30. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 745 present some of the hindrances, embarrassments, personal and economic sacrifices under which the negro in the slave territory labored dnring the dark daj's of slaverj^ in order to secure what he considered the talismanic power of knowledge. The Report of the Commissioner of Education for 18S8 contains an interesting and exhaustive study upon " The legal status of the colored population in respect to schools and education in the different States." As this work is now out of print, a recount of some of the antebellum school laws and regulations may not be without interest. The sources of information for the following citations are the Report just referred to, Williams's History of the Negro Race, Chapter XII on Negro School Laws, and R. R. Wright's Historical Sketch of Negro Education in Georgia. In Alabama the law of 1832 j)rovided that " any person or persons that shall attempt to teach any free person of color, or slave, to spell, read, or write, shall, upon conviction thereof by indictment, be fined in a sum not less than $250, nor more than $oOO." In 1833 the mayor and aldermen of the city of Mobile were authorized by law to grant licenses to such persons as they might deem suitable to instruct for limi- ted periods the free colored creole children within the city and in the counties of Mobile and Baldwin, who were the descendants of colored Creoles residing in said city and counties in April, 1803, provided, that said children first receive permis- sion to be taught from the mayor and aldermen and have their names recorded in a boo\- kept for the purpose. This was done, as set forth in the preamble of the law, because there were many colored Creoles there whose ancestors, under the treaty between France and the United States in 1803, had the rights and privileges of citizens of the United States secured to them. Arkansas seems to have had no law on the statute book prohibiting the teaching of persons of African descent, although the law of 1838 forbade any white persons or free negro from being found in the company of slaves or in any unlawful meet- ing, under severe penalty for each offense. In 1843 all migrations of free negroes and mulattoes into the State was forbidden. There was no law expressly forbidding the instruction of slaves or free colored people in the State of Delaware until 18G3, when a positive enactment against all assemblages for the instruction of colored people, and forbidding all meetings except for religious purpor-es and for the burial of the dead, was made. While the free colored people were taxed to a certain extent for school purposes, they could not enjoy the privileges of public instruction thus provided, and were left for many years to rely principally upon individual efforts among themselves and friends for the support of a few occasional schools. In 1840 the Friends formed the African School Association in the city of Wilmington, and by its aia two very good schools, male and female, were established in that place. In 1828 the State of Florida passed an act to provide for the establishment of common schools, but white children only of a specified school age were entitled to school privileges. In Georgia the following law was enacted in 1829: If any slave, negro, or free person of color, or any white person, shall teach any other slave, negro, or free person of color to read or write, either written or printed characters, the said free person of color or slave shall be punished by fine and whip- ping, or fine or whipping, at the discretion of the court; and if a white person so offend he, she, or they shall be punished with a fine not exceeding $500 and impris- onment in the common jail, at the discretion of the court. In 1833 a penalty not exceeding $500 was provided for the employment of any slave or free person of color in setting up type or other labor about a printing office requiring a knowledge of reading or writing. The code remained in force until swept away by events of the civil war. In 1833 the city of Savannah adopted an ordinance that if any person should teach or cause to be taught any slave or free person of color to read or write within 746 EDUCATION BEPOET, 1900-1901. the city or who shall keep a school for that purpose, he or she shall be fined in a sum not exceeding $100 for each and every such offense; and if the offender be a slave or free person of color, he or she may also be whipped not exceeding ;{9 lashes. Notwithstanding this severe enactment, there were, nevertheless, several schools for colored children clandestinely kept in Augusta and Savannah. The poor whites would often teach negro children clandestinely. If an of&cer of the law came round the children were hastily dispatched to the fictitious duty of "picking up chips." The most noted ne^ro school was opened in 1818 or 1819 by a colored man from Santo Domingo. Up to 1829 this school was taught openly. The law of that year made concealment and secrecy a necessity.^ In Kentucky the school system was established in 1830. In this provision the property of colored people was included in the basis of taxation, but they were excluded from school privileges. Louisiana, in 1830, provided that whoever should write, publish, or describe any- thing having a tendency to produce discontent among the free population or insubordination among the slaves, should upon conviction be imprisoned at hard labor for life or suffer death, at the discretion of the court. It was also provided that all persons who should teach or permit or cause to be taught any slave to read or write should be imprisoned not less than one month or more than twelve. In 1847 a system of public schools was established for the education of white youth, and one mill on the dollar upon the ad valorem amount of the general list of taxable property might be levied for its support. Prior to the civil war the only schools for colored youth in Louisiana were a few private ones in the city of New Orleans among the Creoles. St. Francis Academy for colored girls was founded in connection with the Oblate Sisters, in Baltimore, Md., and received the sanction of the Holy See Octo- ber 2, 1831. There were many colored Catholic refugees who came to Baltimore from Santo Domingo. The colored women who formed the original society which founded the convent and seminary were from Santo Domingo. The Sisters of Providence is the name of a religious society of colored women who renounced the world to consecrate themselves to the Christian education of colored girls. This school is still in successful operation. A colored man by the name of Nelson Wells left by will to trustees $7,000, the income of which was to be applied to the education of free colored children. The Nelson Wells school continued from 1835 to the close of the civil war. Dr. Bokkelen, State superintendent of education, recommended in 1864 the establishment of colored schools on the same basis as those of the whites, and states in his recommendation— 1 am informed that the amount of school tax paid annually by these (colored) people to educate the white children in the city of Baltimore for many years has been more than $500. The rule of fair play would require that this be refunded unless the State at once provided schools under this title. By an act of January, 1833, the legislature of Mississippi provided that the meeting of slaves and mulattoes above the number. of five at any place or public resort or meeting-house in the night or at any schoolhouse for teaching reading or writing in the day or night was to be considered an unlawful assembly. In 1846 an act was passed establishing a system of public schools from all escheats and all fines, forfeitures, and amercement from licenses to hawkers and all income from school lands. The:e schools were for the education of white youths. The legislature of Missouri in 1847 provided that no person should teach any schools for negroes or mulattoes. In North Carolina until 1835 public opinion permitted the colored residents to maintain schools for the education of their children. These were taught some- times by white persons, but frequently by colored teachers. After this period colored children could only be educated by confining their teaching within the 1 Negro Education in Georgia, by B. R. Wright, p. 20. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 747 circle of their own family or by going out of the limits of their own State, in which event they were prohibited by law from returning home. The public sys- tem of North Carolina declared that no descendant of negro ancestors to the fourth generation, inclusive, should enjoy the benefits thereof. In 1740, while yet a British colon}-, South Carolina took the lead in directlj- leg- islating against the education of the colored race — Whereas the having of slaves taught to write, or suffering them to be employed in writing, may be attended with inconvenience, be it enacted, That all and any person or persons whatsoever, who shall hereafter teach or cause any slave or slaves to be taught, or shall use or employ any slave as scribe in any manner of writing whatever, hereafter tau.ght to write, every such person or persons shall for every such offense forfeit the sum of £100 current money. In 1800 free colored people were included in this provision. In 1834 it was pro- vided — If any person shall hereafter teach any slave to read or write, or shall aid or assist in teaching any slave to read or write, or cause or procure any slave to be taught to read or write, such person, if a free white i^erson, upon conviction thereof shall, for each and every offense against this act, be fined not exceeding $100and [suffer] imprisonmentnotmore than sis months: orif a free person of color, shall be whipped not exceeding 50 lashes. * * * And if any free person of color or slave shall keep any school or other place of instruction for teaching any slave or free person of color to read or write, such free person of color or slave shall be liable to the same fine, imprisonment, and corporeal punishment. And yet there were colored schools in Charleston from 1744 to the close of the civil war. In 1838 Tennessee provided a system of public schools for the education of white children between the ages of 6 and 16, but the colored children never enjoyed any of its benefits, although the free colored i^eople contributed their due share of the public fund. Texas never exiiressly forbade the instruction of negroes, although the harsh and severe restrictions placed upon the race made such a ijrovision scarcely necessary. In 1831 the general assembly of Virginia enacted, among others, the following provisions: That all meetings of free negroes or mulattoes at any schoolhouse, c'.iurch, meet- inghouse, or other place for teaching them reading or writing, either in the day or night, under whatsoever pretext, shall be deemed an unlawful assembly. * * * If any white person or persons assemble with free negroes or mulattoes at any school- house, church, meetinghouse, or other place for the purpose of instructing such free negroes or mulattoes to read or write, such person or persons shall, on con- viction thereof, be fined in a sum not exceeding $50, and, moreover, may be impris- oned, at the discretion of a jury, not exceeding two months. It is known, however, that schools for colored children were established and maintained in such cities as Petersburg, Norfolk, and Richmond, The early educational efforts of the colored people of the District of Columbia have been studied with more fullness than those of any other Southern commu- nity. He who presents the movement in Baltimore, Richmond, Louisiana, Charles- ton, and other Southern centers with as much detail and accuracy will render no inconsiderable service to the history of education. There does not seem to have been any express law forbidding the education of colored people in this District. In 1807 the first schoolhouse for the use of colored pupils was erected by three colored men— George Bell, Nicholas Franklin, and Moses Liverpool — not one of whom knew a letter of the alphabet. They had been former slaves in Virginia, and, like others of their condition, had an exalted notion of literary knowledge, A white teacher was secured. From this time to the open- ing of the new regime, brought on by the civil war, there was a tolerably adequate number of schools, supported mainly by the colored people themselves, but not 748 EDUCATION REPORT, 1900-1901. without assistance from Northern philanthropy. But that these schools did not alwaj-s have plain and smooth sailing may be gathered from the fact that in 1835, on account of an alleged indiscreet utterance of a colored resident, colored schools were attacked by a mob, some of them burned, and property destroyed, while the most conspicuous negro teacher, Mr. John F. Cook, was compelled to flee for his life. This outbreak is known as the snow riot. Many of the best-known names in the District were both products of and factors in these early schools, the most noted of whom, perhaps, is Mr. John F. Cook, who subsequently became tax collector of the District of Columbia. For substance, dignity, and influence he stands as one of the conspicuous names of the national capital, regardless of race distinction. His brother, George F. T. Cook, who was both a pupil and a teacher in the antebellum schools, subsequently became super- intendent of the colored public schools of Washington and Georgetown, which position he held for thirty years. This survey has been limited to the Southern or slave States. In the free States of the North the negro had a more picturesque and exciting educational expe- rience. The Northern States did not expressly forbid the education of colored persons, but the hostility to such movements is attested by many a local outbreak. It was amid such dangers and difficulties that the negro began his educational career. It must not be for a moment supposed, however, that the laws above referred to were rigidly enforced. It is known that pious and generous slave- holders quite generally taught their favorite slaves to read, regardless of the inex- orable provisions of law. Quite a goodly number also learned the art of letters somewhat after the furtive method of Frederick Douglass, and in the cities schools for negroes were conducted in avoidance, connivance, or defiance of ordi- nances and enactments. In 1865 there was to be found in every Southern community a goodly sprinkling of colored men and women who had previously learned how to read and write. The censuses of 1850 and 1860 give the number of free colored people attending school in the several States. These figures, for obvious reasons, represent only a small fraction of the negroes, free and slave, who were openly or furtively gain- ing the elements of literary knowledge. The decline in avowed school attend- ance between 1850 and 1860 is dvxe to the growing intensity of feeling which cul- minated during that decade. Free negroes attending school. State. Delaware Maryland District of Columbia . Virginia North Carolina South Carolina Georgia Florida Alabama Mississippi Louisiana 1850. 187 1,616 i67 64 217 80 1 66 08 1,319 1860. 350 1,355 678 41 133 365 7 9 114 3 275 State. Texas Arkansas .. Tennessee.. Kentucky .. Missouri Slave States Free States. Total .. 1850. 20 11 70 288 40 4,414 28,313 32, 627 11 5 53 209 155 8,661 23,800 26,461 It will be noticed that most of the enactments against the education of the negro were made subsequently to 1830. The Nat Turner insurrection and the open- ing up of the antislavery campaign in the North had a decidedly reactionary effect in the slave territory. A people who have made such sacrifice and run such risks for the sake of knowledge, who of their own scanty means were ever willing t.o support schools for the education of their children, although their property had been taxed for THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 749 the support of an educational system from which they were excluded, surely deserves a larger and fuller draught of that knowledge of which the regime of slavery permitted them to gain only a foretaste. The civil war wiped out all of these restrictions, and at its close the Freedmen's Bureau, religious and benevo- lent associations, and the reconstructed governments of the former slave States threw wide open the gate of knowledge. The avidity and zeal with which the erstwhile suppressed population seized upon the new opportunity furnishes the most interesting chapter in the history of American education. Educational opportunities were thus thrown open to a people who desired and needed them above all, and who had shown by long and persistent endeavor that they were fully worthy and deserving of them. III. Separate School Provisions. Although the reconstruction governments have been charged with every known public sin, yet they have one conspicuous countervailing claim to the everlasting gratitude of the South. They established the public school system upon a broad and enduring foundation, making provision for the education of all children regardless of race or color. The South will search its records in vain for another act of statesmanship fraught with so much wisdom and beneficent consequences. No one has yet had the temerity to question the wisdom of this one redeeming memorial to the hated reconstruction regime. Be it said to the credit of the white people of the South, that when they regained political ascendency they undertook to strengthen, rather than to upset the educational propagandaoriginated by their political foes. The avowed policy of the Southern people is that equal, but separate, educa- tional facilities shall be provided for the two races. This is with them a funda- mental principle, concerning the wisdom of which it would be a mere waste of time to contend. It is the most vital clause in their social creed, and has become embedded in the fundamental and organic laws of the several States, being as fixed and invariable as the laws of the Medes and Persians. The following cita- tions will show the imanimity of the several Southern States as to scholastic sepa- ration of the races: Alabama. — The general assembly shall establish, organize, and maintain a sys- tem of public schools throughout the State for the equal benefit of the children thereof between the ages of 7 and 21 years: but separate schools shall be provided for children of African descent. (School Laws, p. 3. ) Arkansas. — Intelligence and virtue being the safeguards of liberty, and the bul-. wark of free and good government, the State shall ever maintain a general, suit- able, and sufficient system of free schools, whereby all persons in the State, between the ages of 6 and 21 years, may receive gratuitous instruction. (School Laws, 1897, p. 9.) The said board shall make provisions for establishing separate schools for white and colored children atid youths. (Ibid., p. 48.) District of Columbia. — Separate schools for white children and for colored chil- dren shall be provided, (Rules of Board of Education, 1901, p. 1.) Florida, — White and colored children shall not be taught in the same school, but impartial provisions shall be made for both, (School Laws, 1897, p. 13,) It shall be a penal offense for any individual, body of individuals, corporation or association, to conduct within this State any school of any grade, public, pri- vate, or parochial, wherein white persons "and negroes shall be instructed or boarded within the same building, or taught in the same class, or at the same time by the same teacher. (Ibid,, chaps, 43-45, sec. 1.) Any person or persons violating the provisions of section 1 of this act, by patron- izing or teaching in such school shall, upon conviction thereof, be fined in a sum not less than $150 nor more than $500, or imprisoned in the county jail for not less than three months nor more than six months for every such offense. (Ibid,, bee. 2,) Georgia. — It shall be the duty of said board of education to make arrangements for the instruction of the children of the white and colored races in separate 750 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. schools. They shall, as far as practicable, provide the same facilities for both races in respect to attainments and abilities of teachers and length of term time; but the children of the white and colored races shall not be taught together in any common or public school of this State. cSchool Laws, 1897, p. 15.) Kentucky. — There shall be maintained throughout the State of Kentticky a nni- form system of common schools. * * * It shall not be lawful, under any of the provisions of this chapter, for any white child to attend any common school provided for colored children, or for any colored child to attend any common school provided for white children. (School Laws, 1897, chap. 151.) Maryland. — It shall be the duty of the board of county school commissioners to establish one or more public schools in each election district for all colored youth between 6 and 20 years of age, to which admission shall be free, and which shall be kept open as long as the other public schools of the county: Provided, The average attendance be not less than 10 scholars for two consecutive terms. (School Laws, 1898, sec. 96.) Each colored school shall be under a separate board of school trustees, to bo appointed by the board of county school commissioners, and shall be under the same laws for its government and furnish instruction in the same branches as schools for white children. (Ibid., sec. 7.) Mississippi. — There shall be maintained a uniform system of free public schools for all children between the ages of 5 and 21 years. (School Laws, 1894, sec. 3162. ) Separate schools shall be maintained for children of the white and colored races. (Ibid., sec. 207.) Missouri. — Separate free schools shall be established for the education of chil- dren of African descent; and it shall hereafter be unlawful in public schools of this State for any colored child to attend any white school or for any white child to attend any colored school. (School LaAvs, 1893, p. 17.) North Carolina. — The school commissioners shall establish and locate in the districts, schools for the white race and schools for the colored race. (School Laws, 1897, sec. 2550.) South Carolina. — The general assembly shall provide for a liberal system of free public schools for all children between the ages of and 21 years. — (Constitu- tion, 1895.) Separate schools shall be provided for children of the white and colored races, and no child of either race shall ever be permitted to attend a school provided for children of the other race. (Ibid.) Tennessee. — There shall be established and maintained in this State a uniform system of public schools. (School Laws, 1895, sec. 1.) Nothing in this act shall be so construed as to allow or permit mixed schools of the white and colored population, but such schools shall be taught separately, as now provided by law. (Ibid., p. 23.) Texas. — The children of the white and colored races shall be taught in separate schools, and in no case shall any school consisting partly of white and partly of colored children receive any aid from the public school ftind. (School Laws, 1899, sec. 16.) All the available public school funds of this State shall be appropriated in each county for the education alike of white and colored children, and impartial provisions shall be made for both races. (Ibid., sec. 13.) Virginia. — White and colored persons shall not be taught in the same school, but in separate schools, under the same general regulations as to management, usefulness, and efficiency. (School Laws, 1892, sec. 77.) West Virginia. — White and colored persons shall not be taught in the same school, (School Laws, 1897, p. 17.) This separation of races raises important economic questions. It is well known that a 'dual scheme of schools covering a sparsely settled territory practically duplicates the expense of a unified system. Although race prejudice proves to be very expensive, yet the white South is pledged to its maintenance at any cost. The wisdom of this policy is not a profitable subject of discussion. The policy emphasizes the necessity of outside aid for the education of both classes of children. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. Number of persons to the square mile, 1S90. 751 state. Total. White. Colored. 22.11 41.81 36.39 271. 48 317.44 154. 03 125. 95 193. 82 116.88 Rhode Island . - Colli) ectifut Pennsylvania North Atlantic Division 101.37 85.97 105. 72 3,839.87 •41.27 30.95 33.30 30.18 31.15 7.22 60. 49 83. a5 2, 590. 40 25. 44 29. 65 21.85 15. 43 10. 00 4.17 14 48 Maryland 21 87 1 249 47 Virginia . . .. ... 15 83 West Virgrinla . 1 30 11.45 South Carolina 23.74 Georgia ,. 14 55 3 05 South Atlantic Division .- 32.98 North Central States 29.68 18. 94 2. 58 3S.98 46.47 South Central Divisi;m Western Division .. Missouri 36.79 39. 76 2.19 Kentucky.. 6 71 United States 21.31 The accompanying table shows the relative density of the population for the several geographical divisions of the United States. It is noticeable that the slave States as a group are more sparsely settled than any other section of the country, excepting, of course, the far West, with its vast stretches of uninhabited and uninhabitable spaces. The difficulty of maintaining a duplicate system of schools for such a population is clearly apparent. The inevitable result is inferior scho- lastic accommodations and greater hardship on the part of the pupils in securing them. Pennsylvania has an average density of 116 persons to the square mile, while Georgia has only 31, or, to count the two independent component elements, lOA white, and 14^ colored. The State must be covered with a dual sj^stem of schools for the accommodation of the two component classes. If the two States were equal in proportional financial ability, and if both had a unified system, Pennsylvania could maintain far more efficient schools, because of the relative density of the pupils to be taught; but when we take into account the relative fiscal status and the solidified system in the one, and the bifurcation of funds and facilities in the other, the educational po.ssibilities of the two become startingly dis- proportional. Georgia and Iowa have approximately the same area and popula- tion. The school expenditure for Georgia in 1899-1900 was $1,807,815; for Iowa, §8,583,417. The population in both States is mainly rural. And yet Georgia, with only one-fourth of the school funds, must do twice the work of its northern coun- terpart. The result is inevitable. A dollar will go no further in Georgia than in Iowa, and a dollar applied to the education of the negro will accomplish no more than one applied to the education of a white child. These instances are but typical of the relative educational conditions which prevail in the Northern and Southern States. National aid alone can bring the latter up to the requisite educational status. In the second place these States, by clear declaration or imperative inference, are pledged to equal school facilities for both races. The general school fund should therefore be apportioned between the races on the basis of relative numer- ical strength. The colored element being shorn of political power, is wholly at the 752 EDUCATION EEPOKT, 1900-1901. mercy of the whites for the carrying out of this provision. It will be seen also that the schools for the less numerous race, provided equal facilities are afforded, must be proportionately more expensive than for the race numerically dominant. In all the Southern States, therefore, except South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana,' the cost of education of the negro would relatively esceed that of the whites. Several of the States— notably Maryland, Kentucky, and Delaware — appor- tion only that portion of local school taxes paid by colored property holders to col- ored schools. The Maryland law requires that "the total amount of taxes paid for school ptirposes by the colored people of any county, or in the city of Balti- more, together with any donation that may be made for this purpose, shall be devoted to the maintenance of schools for colored children.'"^ This does not of necessity limit the provision for colored schools to the taxes paid by colored people. It is not imperative, but permissory; and in some of the counties at least the practice prevails. The school laws of Kentucky are more emphatic: "But no tax shall be levied upon the property or poll or any services required of any white person for the benefit of a school for colored children ; and no tax shall be levied upon the prop- erty or poll or any services required of any colored person for the benefit of a school for white children."^ In the school report for the county of Sussex, Del., 1892, we find the following components of the educational fund for the colored race: Amount from State $3,783.33 Unexpended balance for books 114. 93 Amount of colored taxes 569. 89 Unexpended balance for salaries 45. 78 Total 3,513.93 Reserved for books -. 464. 04 Balance applied to salaries 3, 049. 89 The State fund is of course distributed equally according to population, the application of taxes frozn negro property holders to negro education applying only to county or local provisions. In these States we have an indication of the general policy which has sometimes been advocated of assigning to colored education only the proportional taxes paid by that race. As a matter of fact the educational fund in the South is not equably apportioned between the two races except in a few States. The accomiDanying table clearly indicates the inequality of distribution: Per capita expense of tvhite and colored schools, 1S97-9S^ State. District of Columbia Florida Kentucky Maryland , North Carolina Expenditure. "White. Colored. s $693, 547 565,405 6 3,586,033 3, 388, 731 7 454,970 6 §373, 383 171, 486 6 333, 333 330, 383 ' 340, 446 Estimated number of children 5 to 18. White. Colored. 46, 720 95, 460 570,000 373, 700 387, 600 35,700 75,040 97,500 78,700 233,400 Per capita cost of education. White. Colored. $14. 83 5.93 «4.59 8.76 1.17 $10. 64 3.37 6 3.34 4.07 1.03 1 The Twelfth Census gives a clear -white majority in Louisiana. 2 School Laws, 1898, sectino 94. 3 School Laws, 1897. * Report of Commissioner of Education, 1898-99, vol. 1, p. Ixssix et seq. ^Does not include permanent improvements. « 1896-97. 'Excluding certain sums not classified by race, and a few counties not reported. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 75a School expenditure of the sixteen former slave States and the District of Columhia approximately cla,ssified by race. ' Year. Estimated expenditure for each race. Estimated school population for each race. Expenditure per capita of school population. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. 1870-71 S9, 605. 158 11,397,560 10,133,542 12,730,938 16,392,646 21,24.5,685 24,432,222 24, 765, 544 S780,306 1, 723 954 3,236,630 .1 K17 Asn 1,578,170 1,794,870 2,042,1,50 2,331,9.30 3,383,570 3, .551,. 511 2,761,205 3,844,570 $2.97 3.18 2.60 3.96 3.44 4.06 4.30 4.35 $0.49 96 1874-75 1878-79 2,050,599 3,900,2.'>0 3,633,533 4 snfi mn 1 (X) 1883-83 1 63 1886-87 4,429,323 5,444,625 5,011,362 6,451,935 4, 7.59, 100 5,230,115 5,679,755 5,828,980 1 86 1890-91 2 13 1894-95 1 81 1897-98 3 27 TotaP 444,769,585 101,860,661 ' Report of Commissioner of Education, 1898-99, vol. 1. * Specimen items are here presented at intervals of five years in order to show the progressiva character of these provisions. The total is taken from the full table as prepared by the Bureau of Education. These tables show that the per capita expense of the education of the negro child is, in the Southern States, at present about one-half of that of the white child. In North Carolina the two are nearly even, being $1.17 for the white and $1.03 for the colored, while in Florida the proportion is §5.92 to §3.37. The encouraging suggestion of these fierures is that the cost of the education of the col- ored race has been steadily increasing both absolutely and relatively since 1870. In that year the per capita cost of the education of the white child was $3.97 and of the colored child $0.49, whereas in 1897 the figures were $4.25 to $3.27, respectivel.y. It is but fair to slate that part of the disproportion is due to the fact that the schools of the white race represent a higher grade of scholastic attainments and, as is well known, advanced courses are more expensive than the elementary branches. The State, in so far as it controls education, must, by the very nature and theory of its function, furnish e^ual accommodations for all of its citizens. The funds are the common property of all the people, and therefore should not be appor- tioned according to class or race distinction. It is interesting to study the sources of these funds as furnishing light as to their justapi)ortionment between the races. Sources of public-school funds. ALABAMA (1898). Balance §42,727.50 Apportionate 407, 579. 25 White poll tax. 107,480.86 Colored poll tax 37,344.77 Total 595,133.38 ARKANSAS (1900). Amount on hand §570,595.20 Common-school fund 446, 557. 55 District tax 805,412.54 Other sources 19,111.91 Total income 1,841,677.20 DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Congi-essional appropriation, one-half being chargeable to the District. ED 1901 48 754 EDUCATIO]Sr report, 1900-1901. FLORIDA (1900). Cash on hand.. -- $74,608.00 Interest on State fund 35, 557 . 00 One-mill apportionment . . 88, 892. 00 County levies 371,539.00 Back taxes 68,418.00 Poll taxes. - 36,432.00 Back poll taxes ---- 11,396.00 Examination fees --- 1,967.00 Nonresident pupils .-. -. ,. 402.00 School district taxes - --- 40,234.00 All other sources 24,627.00 Total income... 754,072.00 GEORGIA (1899). Poll tax - - $238,515.00 Direct tax 800,000.00 Eent W. andS. R. R -... 210,006.00 Liquor tax ,.- 142,452.00 Inspection of fertilizers 6, 173.00 Convict lease -.. 24,255.00 Dividend from stock , - 2,046.00 Show tax 4,692.00 Oil fees.. 12,503.00 Total 1,440,642.00 KENTUCKY (1896). Balance $44,060.76 Sheriffs' revenue 1,161,055.36 Interest on old school bonds 79, 620. 00 Interest on new school bonds 36, 399. 01 Tax on banks 275,000.00 Tax on railroads 120,000.00 Tax on distilled spirits 20,000 00 Tax on miscellaneous corporations _ 25, 000. 00 Licenses, fines, etc 245,000.00 Dividends in banks of Kentucky 5,880.00 Miscellaneous 30,000.00 Total. 2,042,015.13 MISSISSIPPI (1898-99). Balance $142,091.89 Stats distribution 617,780.62 Polls ., 246,305.67 Institute fund. 8,279.91 Sixteenth section 77,712.12 Chickasaw fund.. 47,492.54 Special tax for old warrants 164. 20 County levy 33, 937. 89 Interest on 3 per cent funds 18, 352.74 Separate school districts 342,589.47 Two and 3 per cent fund 3, 699. 90 Total income 1,538,466.95 THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 755 NORTH CAROLINA (1899). Balance ---. §189, 681. H State and county poll tax 303,;^13.2r General property special tax 483, 8^'6. 44 Special property local tax ,..- 15, 781 . 35 Fines, penalties, etc - 14,413.15 Liquor licenses - - - 71, 122. 36 Auctioneers - -- -- 1,435.00 State treasury - -• - 8, 975. 36 Other sources ^ - - - - - 56, 275. 36 Total - - 1,059,213.13 SOUTH CAROLINA (1899). Balance $99,131.30 Foil - 121,383.72 Three-mill tax. 437,310.09 Dispensary - 76, 672. 65 Special levy - - 93,088.49 Total..- - 827,586.25 TENNESSEE (1899). Balance - - §633,233.06 From State..- - 157,245.98 From counties -- 1,407,082.10 From other sources. — 170,366.21 Total 2,367,927.35 TEXAS (1896-97). Balance - - $323,879.18 State appropriation, 1895-96 152,904.20 State appropriation, 1898-97 2,977,429.60 Apportionment to towns and cities. 307,660. 96 Local, county, city, and town taxes 807,600. 19 Transfer of pupils 24,897.27 Tuition 41,170.80 Other sources --. -- -- -. 82,094.66 Total-.. -.-- 4,717,636.36 VIRGINIA (1899). Statefund $764,282.01 Direct appropriation by legislature 200,000.00 Interest on literary fund 47,532.96 County fund --- - 259,654.44 City fund 3:i2.352.14 Other local funds -- 55,462.78 District fund.. 291,339.20 Total... - ...-.-. 2,010,623.53 These figures of nearly all of the Southern States are sufficient to show the general amounts and sources of school funds. It has recently been urged that the negro pays only a small percentage of the cost of his own education, while the great burden falls upon the shoulders of the white taxpayer. A study of the sources of the public school funds will throw much light upon the theory sought to be upheld in this assertion. The figures for the State of Georgia are perhaps more easily analyzed than those of any other State. This question was studied by the recent Atlanta conference, with the conclusion that the negro, to a much greater degree than is generally supposed, pays for his own education, "It was estimated that the negroes of Georgia paid during 1899 §26,347.43 in 756 EDUCATION REPOST, 1900-1901. direct tax and $89,003 in polls, making a total of $115,530.43 paid directly by the race for educational purposes. The nature of the indirect taxation of Georgia IS such that the negro is, without any shadow of question, entitled to his due proportion. Western and Atlantic Railroad $210, 000 Liquor tax .. 142,000 Convict lease .. 24,255 Dividend from stocks .. 2, 046 Show tax.... . 4,693 Oil tax _..-. 12,503 "The negro's pro rata share of the school fund raised by indirect taxation was $176,898.24, making a grand total of $292,248.67. The expenditure for negro schools, including proportional cost of superintendence, was $288,128. This would seem to show that the whites of Georgia, at least, do not contribute one cent to negro education. "On the same basis of calculation, though with confessed lack of definite data, the conference shows a like condition of things for the entire South. The negro is shown to have contributed in thirty years $104,539,591 toward public education. This sum, of course, includes his pro rata share of general funds, such as land funds and indirect taxation. The total cost of negro education for the period was $101,860,601. "Although these figures are given out as tentative, yet there can be no question as to the substantial correctness of the conclusion that the negro's education imposes no special burden upon the white taxpayers of the South. The wide currency and general acceptance of the assertion is but another illustration of the ease with which frequently reiterated though unsupxiorted statements concern- ing the negro gain currency and credence. " ^ General educational statistics. School popula- tion. Eni'ollment. Number of teachers. Average sal- ary. Length of school term. State. 6 13 ? O o O CD o "o O 6 U O 6 2 '6 o o U 03 '6 '0 351,328 341, 492 623,554 93,351 282, 733 131,016 113,555 68,077 196,299 230, 345 391, 080 67,077 162, 460 263,217 123,398 133,915 84,317 64,246 41,797 196, 839 127,399 146,477 4,773 5,518 8,564 3,084 4,419 3,301 1,441 1.396 645 3,033 $25.05 $17.66 168 163 Florida 36.81 30.49 26.33 27.67 19.59 32.23 195 187 403, 787 196,600 =14.06 36.81 212.83 3,000 7,347 10,468 2,003 1,867 3,855 33.63 566,434 193,728 48.45 46.86 35.29 34.85 397, 162 268,703 241, 696 117,129 Days. 2 Weeks. 3 Months. This table, while not complete, and the figures not being for the same date for all of the States, nevertheless gives a fair general impression of the prevailing educational treatment which the two races receive. In general, the white schools run longer than the colored, there are more white teachers in proportion to the population, and they receive higher average of salary. These discrepant arrange- ments range from the most glaring disproportions in some States to an almost exact equivalence in others. In South Carolina there are 3,000 white teachers for 123,398 pupils and 2,003 colored teachers for 146,477 negro pupils. The length of school term for the whites is 6.81 months and for the blacks only 3.65 months. 1 Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, Independent, July 18, 1901. THE EDUCATIOK OF THE NEGEO. 757 Although the blacks constitute three-fifths of the population, their educational allowance absorbs scarce more than one-fourth the total school fund. In Florida the whites have 2,084 teachers for G8,077 pupils, while the blacks are allowed only 645 teachers for 41,797 pupils. The relative compensation for teachers is $36.81 and $37.67 per month, and the relative lengths of school terms ninety-five and eighty-seven days. On the other hand, in North Carolina, if we make the neces- sary allowance for the inevitable differences in the scholastic requirements of the two races, the provisions both as to length of term and compensation of teachers seem to be equitable enough. In Texas, whose school laws require equal facilities for the two races, the provisions are entirely beyond complaint, whether we con- sider the relative number of teachers employed, their compensation, or the length of school term. While the whites are a fraction ahead, yet this difference can be accounted for on other grounds than race discrimination. The white teachers average $48.45 per month, while the colored teachers average $46.86, This differ- ence is doubtless due to the higher-grade certificates held by white teachers. The average term for white schools is 5.39 months; for colored, 4.85. This slight dis- crepancy may be effected by the relative distribution and density of the two elements of the population. On the whole, it appears that while the negro constitiites one-third of the popu- lation of the original slave States, the cost of his education is not more than one- fifth the total allowance— that is, the educational provision of a colored child costs just half as much as that for a white child. IV. Negro Owners and Tenants of Farms and Homes. The census of 1890 contains a vast deal of valuable information concerning the negro race, a careful study of which throws much light upon current educational discussion. The negro problem is ever discussed, but seldom sttidied. In no other field of serious inquiry do we find siich an extravagance of assertion coupled with such paucity of proof. We are expected to accept, without investigation, state- ments and solutions born of impatience and haste, although they clearly violate easily accessible and accurate data. The assertion that the whites gratuitously impose a tax upoji themselves to defray the cost of negro education has gained such wide currency and credence as to become almost a universally accepted belief. Indeed, it is postulated as an axiom in current discussions. But the potency of fact must in the end overcome the fascination of assertion. It is, however, a slow and painful process to uproot popular prejudice by scientific demonstration. A full and fair presentation of the negro as a contributing factor to the industrial and economic life of the South will be sufficient proof that his educational privileges are not bestowed as a charity,, but are a legitimate part of the friiits of his own endeavor. Interesting as such inquiry might be, it is not the purpose of this investigation to discuss the theory and function of public education, except in so far as its bear- ing upon the present task makes it imperative. The public-school system is the most democratic feature of our democratic insti- tutions. The obvious object is to produce a higher average of intelligence a.n6. good citizenship. It is undertaken and controlled by the State for the general welfare. The rich and the poor meet together on terms of perfect equality, and the State administers facilities impartially, alike to all. The taxpaying ability of the recipient is no more a legitimate factor in popular education than it is in tha enforcement of law or the administration of justice. The childless millionaire is taxed to educate the progeny of the prolific peasant with as much justice and equity as when a tax is imposed upon the exemplary citizen to restrain the vicious and the lawless. The injection of the negro usually forms a perturbing element in tne sociological equation. The social formulas which pass unchallenged among white men lose 758 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. much of their force and effect when made to include the negro. This race was iniected. without warning or preparation, into the general body politic, and has ever since formed a disturbing and irritating factor. At the close of the war the negro, as might well be imagined, figured scarcely at all in the roll of taxpayers. When, therefore, public schools were inaugurated in the South carrying like pro- visions for both races it might have appeared, on first view, that the whites were being tased for the education of the blacks. How prone men are to be satisfied with appearances without stopping to investigate the underlying principles. It is a dictum of political economy that labor pays every tax in the world. The negro d:d not, indeed, enjoy the privilege of passing the tribute to the tax taker, for the accumulated fruits of his labor were in the possession of another race. But does this justly preclude him from sharing in all the public privileges which the fruits of his labor make possible? Every laborer contributes his full share and more than his share toward bearing the piiblic burden; and even if he did not, motives of self-preservation would induce the State to abate no whit in its el3fort toward popular enlightenment. The argument that the rich are taxed for the education of the poor is seldom heard of outside of communities compli- cated with the race question. Who would have the temerity to suggest such an argument in New York or Minnesota? A Ivnowledge of the extent to which the negro has acquired property, upon which he pays taxes directly, or hires it, in which case he certainly meets the taxation item indirectly, will do much to correct an erroneous impression. White and colored population of the sixteen original slave States, 1890.^ State. White. Colored. Per cent. White. Colored. 833,718 818,753 140,066 154. 695 224, 949 978,357 1,590,462 568,395 826, 493 544,851 2,538,458 1,055,383 462,008 1,336,637 1,745,935 1,020,122 730,077 678,489 303,117 28,386 75,573 168, 180 858, 815 368, 071 559,193 316,657 742, 659 150, 184 561,018 688,934 430,678 488,171 635,438 33,690 .55. 10 73.57 83.13 67.14 57.47 53.35 85.57 49.93 79.39 43.35 94.37 65.35 40.13 75 63 78.10 61.60 95. 71 44.84 27.40 6.85 33.80 42.46 46.74 14.43 49.99 20.69 57.58 5.06 34.67 59.85 24.37 31.84 38.37 4.39 Total — - 15,549,357 6,888,153 69.31 30.69 This table shows the number of whites and blacks in the slave States in 1890 and their respective percentage as a factor of the total population. As this study is concerned primarily with the negro and with the whites mainly as a concomitant factor, only persons of African descent are tabulated wherever it is possible to sep- arate them from the Indian and Mongolian races. In the report of the Eleventh Census, Indians, Chinese, and Japanese are classed with negroes as constituting the colored element; but since the aborigines and the orientals constitute no part of the negio's educational problem, they are therefore justly excluded from the present consideration. The comparatively slight numbers of such non- Aryans do not, in general, produce any appreciable effect upon the racial equation between Africans and Europeans; but in Louisiana, where the two elements are almost equal, they constituted in 1890 the balance of population There were 558,395 whites, 559,193 blacks, 833 Chinese, 39 Japanese, and 627 Indians. Thus the 999 I Omitting Chinese, Japanese, and Indians. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 759 Mongolians and Indians were sufficient to change a negro plurality into an absolute minority. The negroes were in the majority in two of these States, and if we consider the competing races only there would be three States in which this race predominated numerically. The per cent of the negro element ranged from 59 85 in South Caro- lina to 4.29 in West Virginia. In the entire region there were 15,549,357 whites and 6,888,153 colored, the negro element averaging 30.69 per cent. If we omit Missouri and West Virginia, where the African element did not exceed 5 per cent, the negroes constituted 35 per cent of the remaining fourteen States. This territory, with its mixed population, constitutes America's most serious educa- tional problem. It is interesting to study the extent to which the negro has gained material proprietorship since emancipation. Let us not forget that he began at the zero point of materiality. He was emancipated without so much as one day's i:)rovision. Being cast upon the cruel current of material rivalry, without expe- rience or intelligent self-direction, he has had to drift blindly in the dark, with- out compass or pilot. His material accumulations, therefore, should not be judged in the light of their absolute value, without regard to the disadvantageous circum- stances under which they were acquired. We may regard his preseut ownership as an earnest of future acquisitions. Number of persons oivning and hiring farms and Jiomes in the sixteen slave States and the District of Columbia, 1890. State. Owners. Tenants. Aggreg:ate. White. Colored. "White. Colored. White. Colored. 83,774 89,311 11, 869 9,093 29,479 90,629 163,318 48,660 68, 619 61,. 500 2<34. 674 118,211 43,983 135, 712 168,983 100,212 77,898 1,5,736 11,844 1.364 3, 132 10, 649 20, 005 13, 877 14,603 8, .596 16, 956 8,894 30,010 21,101 14.663 30,880 29,888 1,471 71,119 67, 796 17, 491 20, .533 17, 179 96,395 141,804 57, 803 94, .541 39,939 233,815 8.5,474 44,314 130,218 156,084 91,971 56, 796 116, .575 44, 602 3,929 12,167 22,676 145.033 36, 441 93.768 a), 291 122,285 20, 677 82, 875 114,4.50 63, .532 64, 961 83, .516 4,184 154, 893 157, 107 39, 360 29,615 46, (i58 186,934 305, 122 106.462 ir>3, 160 101,429 498, 489 203 685 87,296 255,930 3;i5.()66 193, 183 134, 694 133 311 56,446 5,193 District of Columbia 14,299 33,325 165, 137 49,318 107,370 38,887 139, 341 29.571 102. 885 135. &11 78, 195 Texas 85,841 113,404 5,655 Total 1,565,933 231,568 1,413,150 1,059,991 3,763,073 1,291,919 Percentage of population oicning and hiring farvis and homes, by race, 1890. State. Ownei-s. Tenants. Aggregate. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. 10. a5 10.91 8.47 .5.88 13.10 9.36 10.37 8.71 8.30 11.29 10. 47 11.21 9.30 10.15 9.68 9.83 10.67 3.33 3.83 4.45 2.83 6.41 2.33 4.80 2.61 3.99 2.28 5.93 3. .57 8.06 3.40 4.38 4.70 4.50 8.53 8.28 12. 49 13.27 7.64 9.84 8.92 10.35 11.44 7.33 9.25 8.10 9. .59 8.99 8.94 9,03 7.78 17.18 14.43 13.84 16.10 13. 65 16.89 13.59 16.59 14. 05 16.47 13.77 14.77 16 61 14. 75 1-3.39 13. 99 13.80 18.58 19.19 20.96 19.15 20.74 19. 10 19.19 19.06 19.74 18.62 19.72 19.31 18.89 19. 14 18. .52 IS. 84 18.45 19.50 18.26 18.29 District of Columbia 18.92 Florida 20.06 19.22 18.39 19.20 Maryland 18.04 18.75 19. 69 North Carolina 18.34 19.67 18.15 Texas 17.59 17.69 West Virginia ... .-- 17.30 760 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. The foregoing tables contain the number of persons owning and hiring their farms and homes, by race, compiled from the Eleventh Census, for the sixteen original slave States and the District of Columbia. There were 231,568 negroes who owned their farms and homes, against 1,565,923 whites. The contributing power of the whites to the ownership of farms and homes was 10.07 per cent of the white popula- tion, against 3.23 per cent for the negroes. If we estimate 5 persons to the family, it will be seen that 50 per cent of the white families owned their farms and homes, and 16 per cent of the colored families. It would probably be a revelation to most persons who decry the lack of energy, thrift, and foresight on the part of the negro race to be told that one-sixth of them own their own farms and homes. There were 29,888 negro owners in Virginia alone. This State contained, in round numbers, 100,000 white and 30,000 negro owners of farms and homes, representing 9.82 and 4.70 per cent of the respective populations; or, to put it in other terms, 23 out of every 100 negro families were their own proprietors, against 49 out of every 100 whites. The highest average contributing power to the ownership of farms and homes on the part of the negro is found in Florida, where 32 negro families out of every 100 are their own jDroprietors, and the lowest in Alabama, which con- tributes only 11 out of 100. It will be seen that one -sixth of the colored people of the South are taxpaj'ers upon their own property. We must not forget also that capitation tax prevails in most or all of the Southern States, so that every negro male over 21 years of age becomes a taxpayer. These two classes contribute directly to the public revenues. The table under consideration also contains the number of persons who hire their farms and homes. The number of blacks is in relative excess of the whites. There were 1,413,150 whites and 1,059,991 colored tenants. These might be called indirect taxpayers; for it is well known that the owner of a farm or home esti- mates the taxation as an essential element of cost in fixing the rental. So that whether the tenant pays in money, service, or part of crop he is the real taxpayer upon the house which he occupies or the farm which he tills. The percentage of the colored race who are owners and tenants, and therefore taxpayers, directly or indirectly, is not so far below that of the whites; or, to be exact, 19 per cent of the one against 24 per cent of the other. It is doubtless true that the absolute values of the colored holdings are rather small by comparison. This is inevitable. The negro out of his scanty earnings acquires a small piece of land or humble shanty which he can call his own. Bub this does not alter the fact that a large number of the race have become owners of the farms and homes which they occupy, and that their property is subject to all the requirements of public revenue. The essential fact to be borne in mind is that nearly a quarter-million negroes in thirty years have risen from the condition of chattels to that of proprietorship. The race which a generation ago was rated with fai^ms and homes as a part of the common asset now represents 13 per cent of the ownership of all the homes and farms in the South. Nor do the figures reveal the whole truth. It is quite easy to take for granted that all white and negro tenancy implies white proprietorship; but, as a matter of fact, many negroes, and white persons as well, are tenants of farms and homes that are owned by members of the colored race. The census of course does not take cognizance of such cases, which, if revealed, would doubtless bring the total negro holdings to a much higher figure. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGKO. 761 Owners of farms and homes, separately, in the former slave States and District of Columbia, 1S90. Owners of farms. State. Free. Incumbered. Total. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. 60,746 68,629 3,151 317 63,408 18,423 114,209 16,484 45,941 108, 130 91,393 29,531 97,394 107,569 66, 527 48,327 27,757 8,045 7,319 199 15 7,706 4,746 3,870 1,691 10,033 1,812 9,670 12,048 5,9.51 11, 505 13,097 436 6,257 2,337 2,639 1,306 9 2,065 503 4,751 7,335 3,178 63,077 4,377 2,590 3,003 6,213 2,014 7,319 997 803 685 89 1 426 200 210 4.59 1,494 933 824 1,027 427 1,008 581 53 428 63,073 71,358 4,457 226 65, 473 18,926 118, 960 23,819 49,119 170,207 95, 770 32,121 100,396 113, 782 68, 541 55,546 28, 749 8,847 8,004 Delaware District of Columbia _ 288 16 18,131 4,940 4,310 2, 150 11,526 2,745 10,494 13,075 6,378 12,5.3 13,678 West Virginia 489 6,685 Total. 967,836 104,393 112,587 9,677 1,080,423 114,269 Owners of homes. State. Free. Incumbered. Total. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. Alabama 20, 108 17,031 4,548 6,595 24,501 10,031 41,272 32, 875 11, 869 67, 775 21,338 10, 084 a3,538 55, 836 30, 411 18, 169 19, 131 6,656 3,583 595 1,751 11,518 5,489 8,237 5,239 5,117 4,747 9,052 7,589 7,675 8, 018 15,534 746 7,625 593 1,032 2,864 2,372 655 532 3,076 11,935 512 26,693 1,103 777 1,178 2,361 1,260 4,183 780 233 257 881 365 376 220 530 1,207 253 1,403 464 437 610 349 686 2:36 292 20, 701 18,053 7,412 8,867 25, 1.56 10.553 44,358 44,800 13 381 91,467 22,441 10, 861 35,316 55.200 31,671 22,352 19,911 6,889 3,840 Delaware 976 District of Columbia 2, 116 11,874 Florida 5, 709 8,867 Maryland Mississippi 6,446 5, 430 6,149 North Carolina . . 9,516 South Carolina 8,026 Tennessee 8,285 8, .36 7 Virginia . . 6,210 1,083 7,907 Total 425,103 109, 161 73, 788 8,297 484,600 117,689 This table shows that the negro owned 104,393 unincumbered farms and 9,677 incumbered ones. It is easy to assume that the property which is recorded iu the negro's name is only nominally his, whereas the real owner is the white man who holds the mortgage. Of the 330,000 negro owners of homes and farms, less than 18,000 carry mortgages. It might appear that the comparatively small number of pieces of involved property held by the negro implies that he is not rapidly increasing his holdings. Those who are acquainted with his financial methods know that he is in the habit of secreting his savings until he has sufficient accu- mulations to make a purchase outright. An old, unobtrusive colored man often surprises his friends and neighbors by a sudden show of financial strength who had previously been regarded as impecuuious. NEGRO PROPERTY O^WNERS IX GEORGIA, VIRGINIA, AND NORTH CAROLINA. A most interesting bulletin has just been issued by the Bureau of Labor on Negro Landholders in Georgia.' Georgia contains a larger black contingent than any other State. The negro element amounts to more than 1,000,000, comprising 46 1 Bulletin No. 35, July, 1901; Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, investigator. '62 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. per cent of tlie entire population. Record of the ownership of property by negroes in this State has been kept since 1874. Tlie assessed value of total jifoperty owned by negroes in Georgia, 1S74 to 1900, Year. Assessed value. Year. Assessed value. 1874 - S6, 157, 798 5,393,885 5, 488, 867 6,430,844 5, 134, 875 5,183,398 5, 764, 293 6,478,951 6, .589, 876 7,583,395 8.031, 525 8,153,390 8,655,398 8,936,479 1888 $9, 631, 271 1875 -- - 1889 _ 1890 10,415,330 1876 - 13, 323, 003 1877 -- 1891... 1893 14, im, 735 1878 14, 869, 575 1879 1893 .- 14, 960, 675 1880 1894_ 1895 . 14, 387, 730 1881 13,941, 2^) 1883 - , 1896 _- 13, 293, 816 1883 1897 13, 619, ®0 1884 1898 .. 13, 719, 200 1885 . ..... 1899 13,447,423 1886 1900 14, 118, 730 1887 This table shows a gradual, healthy, general increase, which is not free from the fluctuations caused by the ebb and flow of the tide of general business conditions throughout the country. Number of acres and assessed valuation of land oumed by negroes in Georgia, 1874 to 1900. Year. Number of acres. Assessed valuation. Year. Number of acres. Assessed valuation. 1874 338,769 396,658 457,635 458, 999 501,890 541, 199 586, 664 , 680,358 693,335 666,583 756, 703 788,376 803, 939 813, 735 1888 868,501 877, 113 967,234 1,004,306 1,063,649 1,043,860 1,084,431 1,038,824 1,043,847 1,057,567 1,097,087 1,063,333 1,075,073 S3, 823, 943 1875 ,S1,363,903 1,334,104 1,363,723 1,294,383 1,348,758 1, 533, 173 1, 754, 800 1, 877, 861 2, 065, 938 2,263,185 3, 363, 889 2, 508, 198 2,598,650 1889 3,047,685 1876 1890 - 3,425,176 1877 1891 3,914,143 1878 1893 4,477,183 1879- 1880 1893 1894 4,450,121 4, 386, 3^ 1881 1895 1896 4,158,9©) 1882 4,234,848 1883 1897 1898 4,353,798 1884 4, 340, 1iied their farms, so that more than 400,000 others must have risen above the grade of laborers who have not yet acquired their own lands. This is the iirst step toward acquisition. "When a man rises above the lov,-est grade of agri- cultural service and gets a foretaste of independent activity in the management and direction either of a hired farm or as overseer for the owner, the next step is personal proprietorship; so that we may say that there are 500,000 negroes who have started on the road to ownership of land. It will be a surprise to those who have never looked into the subject to be informed that the negroes consti- tute 24 per cent of the 'farmer, planter, and overseer class. The number of colored women who belong to this grade is nearly 50,000, against 92,0.00 white women. There were 377,679 colored female farm laborers and only 67,514 whites. The employment of so large a number of females in the hard, bone-breaking work of the farm is indicative of an unsatisfactory social and industrial state. It never- theless helps to show that all of the available energies of the colored race are expended in developing the industrial life of the South. Mr. Booker T. Washington is fond of telling a story of an old colored man who objected to the bringing of white immigrants to the South on the ground that there were as many white people there already as the colored people could sup- port. The serious side of this suggestion is more significant than its humorous aspect. The burden of industry in the South falls most heavily upon the negro race. Not even its women are spared the onerous task of tiresome toil. Tiiat this labor from beneath supports the general life of the community is as certain as that the mudsill supports the superstructure which rests upon it. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGSO. Negro agricultural laborers. 71 state. Alabama Georgia Louisiana Mississippi South Carolina Male. 98, 400 73, 144 81,444 85,503 Female. 59, 159 50, 351 45, 899 07, 347 67,584 State. Maryland Missouri Kentucky West Virginia Male. Female. 20,921 8, 523 26, 201 1,814 549 513 17 While the number of negro male field hands is noticeably small in the border States as compared with the States farther South, the negro woman practically falls out of the equation as a field worker in the higher tier of States. The number of negroes who have risen from the level of field laborer to the dig- nity of farmers, planters, and overseers is quite considerable, and is not far behind the number employed as agricultural laborers, so far as the males are concerned. In Arkansas, Florida, Mississippi, and Texas the number of negro male farmers, planters, and overseers surpasses the number of field laborers. This is a fact of striking significance. It shows to what extent the negro is becoming an independ- ent worker in the agricultural industries and how indissolubly he is interwoven in the warp and woof of the agricultural life of the South. As agriculture con- stitutes its chief productive resource, and as the negro is at the base of this life, he is therefore the real productive factor of that section. Persons unemployed during a portion of the year only J Agriculture, fishei-ies. and mining . . Domestic and personal service Manufacturing and mechanical in- dustries Tradeand transportation Professional service Males. Females. White. Colored. White. Colored 898.419 583,323 860, 973 237,557 51, 146 All occupations 2,631,318 Per cent of population 214,193 99,886 15, 822 78,435 37,970 162,740 19,173 14,919 3, 447 84, 828 374,668 356,734 93,060 53,163 5,055 189 3,079 153,546 Aggregate. White. Colored. 914,341 661,648 1,033,713 242,476 135,974 3,978,053 5.42 307,253 153,019 43,035 19,361 6,256 545,678 7.10 1 These tables apply to the entire United States. Persons employed during the whole or a part of the year. Slales. Females. Aggregate. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. Part of year The year round 2,021,318 13,981,829 374,668 1,736,711 3.56,734 153,346 2,582,307 821.651 2,978,052 16,564,130 528,214 2, 544, 950 Total 16, 603, 147 2, 101, 379 2,989,041 971, 785 19,542,188 3, 073, 164 Per cent of population employed driHng a part or all of the year. Males. Females. Aggregate. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. Part of vear . . . 9.33 49.57 10.15 65.46 1.39 6.95 4.05 22.03 5.42 30. 15 7.07 The year round 34.07 Total 41.14 We see that 2,631,318 male whites, or 9.33 per cent of the male white population, were unemployed during part of the year, and 374,668 male negroes, or 10.15 per 772 EDUCATIOiSr report, 1900-1901. cent of tlie male negro population; 80.15 per cent of the whites of both sexes were employed the year round, against 34.07 per cent of the negroes. It will be remem- bered that only 30.93 per cent of the white people of the South are employed at ail; thus, if we take the negroes of the country at large, they were more generally employed the year round than the white people of the South, including both regular and irregular employment. The assertion that we see so often reiterated that the negro is an idle and worth- less incumbrance upon the life of the South is not borne out by the facts. Summarizing the results of this chapter, we find that the negro is engaged mainly in agriculture and domestic service; that he is to a much greater degree employed in gainful pursuits than his white neighbor; that he is rapidly becoming a land- owner, and much more rapidly an independent farmer and planter; that he is making little or no headway in the mechanical and industrial arts; and that the marked tendency in the far Southern States is toward agricultural labor, while in the border States the drift is toward domestic service. Taking all these things together it is fully apparent that the negro is the most valuable productive element in the industrial life of the South, and that most of its prosperity rests upon the basis of his toil; that he is therefore .iustly entitled to share in all the public benehts which his labor makes possible, and that it is the part of wisdom for the white South to encourage him in the development of intel- ligence, virtue, and industrial skill, so that he may become a more efficient factor in the development of the general welfare. VI. Special Studies of the Economic Conditions of the Negro. The most valuable special studies upon the economic conditions of the negro race are to be found in the bulletins of the Department of Labor. It is the purpose of this Department to make a series of investigations concerning the economic and social relations of this race. The method adopted is to present an exhaustive analytic study of well-defined typical groups of negroes in different sections of the country. Expert investigators are employed by the Department for this purpose. Several such investigations have already been made and still others are under con- templation. When the series shall have been completed the student will have accurate and reliable data from which to draw conclusions. The bulletins so far issued present special studies rather than broad generalizations and speculative dissertations. Of all problems pressing for solution, the American people seem to approach the negro qiiestion with the greatest degree of nervousness and impa- tience. The tlieorizer reaches his conclusion and leaves the investigator to furnish data for proof, and discards him if he does not. An accurate, analytic, scientific presentation of facts and rational deduction of conclusions therefrom is still an unfulfilled desideratum. The student of sociology, therefore, hails with delight the effort of the Department of Labor, which undertakes this work with adequate machinery and equipment for its successful prosecution. Such work can be done effectively only through some such central and commanding agency. The diffi- culty with individual and private attempts is that they lack unity of purpose and plan, and therefore the divergent methods and conclusions confuse as much as they elucidate. Several of these bulletins have been prepared by Dr, W. E. B. Dti Bois, that careful, accurate student of the race problem, who is doing more than any other worker in this field to supplant, by scientific method, guesswork and vagaries. Being himself of the race to the study of whose problems he has consecrated his splendid faculties, he not only approaches the subject with the best approved methods of sociological inquiry, but brings also the stimulus and zest of personal solicitude. THE EDUCATION OF TPIE FEGEO. 773 THE NEGROES OF SANDYSPEING, MONTGOMERY COUNTY, MD.' The Sandyspring community lies in Montgomery Coiinty, Md., due north of Washington City. The nearness to the national capital is of great economic importance to the inhabitants of the neighborhood, the southern corner of which is about 8} miles, in an air line, north of the northern angle of the District of Columbia. Here within a stone's throw, as it were, of the seat of Government, is a thriving agricultural communitj', among whom still live the descendants of negro families which liave been free for a century and a quarter. The community is of irregular shape, about 5 miles from east to west and about 5 miles from north to south. Sandyspring is in Montgomery County, some knowl- edge of whose social and economic condition can be gathered from the following statistics: Population of Montgomery County, 1790 to 1S90. Year. Whites. Negroes. Total. 1790 11,679 8,508 9,731 9,082 12, 103 8,766 9,435 11,319 13, 128 15,608 17,500 6,324 6,550 8,249 7,318 7,713 6,690 6,425 6,973 7,43t 9,150 9,685 18,003 15,058 17,980 16,400 19,816 15,456 15,860 18,322 20,562 a 24, 759 27,185 18(X) 1810 1820 ,c 1830 1840 . . 1850 1800 1870 1880 1890 « Including 1 Indian. It will be seen that the two races have made almost exactly proportional gains in 100 years. The county contains 367,933 acres, of which 193,937 acres are improved. There are 1,959 farms, of the average size of 137 acres; only 177 farms contain less than 10 acres, and 4 over 1,000 acres; 1,641 farms, or 83.77 per cent, were cultivated by owners. The farm produce for 1890 was estimated at §1,531,760, and the live stock and poultry at $1,249,790. The basis for the tax levy of 1898-99 was $12,443,795. The amount levied for the support of the public schools, 1899-1900, was $30,200. There were 114 public schools, which were open for nine mouths. Of these, 81 were white schools with 100 teachers, and 33 were colored schools with 40 teachers. For these schools the county received from the State school tax §16,181.03; from the free-school fund, $3,154.35; for free text-books. §6,784.55. The total, includ- ing county levy, was §59,546.60. For the colored schools the receipt for 1898-99 was §7,477.44 from the State, §1,107.74 (the proportional amount of county tax paid by negroes) from the cbunty school board, and §3.33 from miscellaneous sources, making a total of $8,588.51. Much side light is thus thrown upon the educational provisions for the two races in this county, and incidentally in other counties of the State. For a white population of 17,500 persons, there were 81 schools and 100 teachers, at a total cost of $50,958.09. For a colored population of 9,685 persons, scattered over the same area, there were 33 schools and 40 teachers, at a total cost of $8,588.51. The per capita cost of the education of each negro child was $5.74, while that for the county at large was §16.10. There was 1 white teacher for every 175 of the white population, and 1 colored teacher for every 242 of the negro population. One white school was provided for every 5.2 square miles, and 1 colored school for every 14 square miles. The pay of the colored teachers ranged from $180 to $225 1 Compiled from Department of Labor Bulletin, No. 32, pp. 43-102 (January, 1901), by William Taylor Tliom, Ph. D., investigator. 774 EDUCATION KEPOET, 1900-1901. per annum. The average pay of all teachers, including both races, was $328.90, so that that of the white teachers must have been in the neighborhood of S;400. It is rather curious to be informed by the investigator that " there is no provision made in the office of the county commissioners or of the county clerk by which property can be identified as held by white or negro owners," when both by law and practice the colored schools receive only that proportion of county taxes paid by negroes. The settlement of Sandyspring was founded by the Society of Friends. To this fact is attributable the large number of free colored people in the community, as well as its general prosperity and thrift. The white population of Sandyspring is estimated at about 700 and the negro population at 1,000. There were 3 schools and 5 teachers for the Sandyspring negroes, 1898-99. The school term was nine months. The salary of the teacher was $25 a month, and the salaries of the assistants $20. The total enrollment was 391, only 240, however, belonging to the Sandyspring district proper. Of these 1,000 persons 484 were able to read, 38 could read but not write, while 140 were returned as illiterate. Of the 683 people i-eported, 70.9 per cent could read and write, 5.5 per cent could read but not write, and 20.5 per cent could neither read nor write. The negro males were distributed as follows among the several occupations: Barber 1 Mail carrier 1 Mail contractor , — 1 Merchant 1 Miller 1 Shingle maker ... 1 Teacher -. 1 Waiter 1 Bricklayers and stone masons 2 Carpen ters - - 3 Clergymen 2 Hucksters 2 The females were employed as follows Day workers 27 Day v/orkers and housewives 25 Domestic servants 72 Housewives — 49 Monthly nurses _.- 5 Seamstresses and housewives 7 Teachers 4 Coachmen 3 Domestic servants 8 Engine drivers. 3 Shoemakers 3 At home 7 Not reported... , 19 At school 64 Laborers 65 Farm laborers 105 Total 313 Washerwomen and housewives 51 Not reported .. 30 At home - 23 At school . 80 Total 370 Grand total _ 68? If we subtract from this number 144 school children and 49 hausewives, 49 not reported, and 30 reported as being at home, we have left 411 engaged in gainful occupations. This represents 41.1 per cent of the aggregate colored population. Cunously enough, we have here the identical per cent of negroes thus engaged throughout the United States.' There were 153 males and 91 females who had worked at the same place from two to five years. The great majority of females had resided in their present place of residence for more than three years. This indicates a fair degree of steadiness in residence and occupation. There were 205 negro families, with an average of 4.29 to each family. Of the 165 economic fami- lies, 63 families own their own homes, 54 were renters, 44 farm hands, and 4 tenure not reported. The average annual rent was $26,50. One-third of the families had annual incomes ranging between $250 and $750. The estimated income and 1 Occupations of the Negroes, by Henry Gannett, p. 5. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEC4R0. 77 5 expenditure of a farm hand's family of five persons will be seen from the accom- panying table: Income. Husband (farm hand), $12 per month Wife (washintr), SI per v%'eek Boy, 6 mouths' labor, $3 per mouth. .. Total - Expenditures. SU4 ; Food SS8. 40 Fuel 20.20 18 Clothing , - ., 50.00 i Rent 18. 00 10. (» Medical treatment- 10.00 11.40 i Total 214 214.00 It will be seen that a family may exert itself to the ntmost stretch of endeavor, and would have to spend all its earnings in order to maintain the scanty necessi- ties of living. Its earnings are spent with the merchant, the landlord, and the professional classes, each of whom abstracts a surplus percentage in order to meet the cost of public taxation. Sixty-three females owned their own homes, 54 rented their houses, 44 were farmhands occupying their houses free of money rent, and 4 were not reported as to tenure. There were 92 owners of real estate; the size of the average holding was less than five acres; the assessed value was §31,500. The county tax rate was SI. 02 per $100, so that the landed interests alone of the Sandy Spring negroes produced $258.90 for county revenue. In the opinion of the investigator, "from an economic point of view, the conclu- sions drawn from the investigation of this group would appear to be favorable. The Sandy Spring negroes seem to be acquiring and holding property, and the agricultural element of labor among them gives a good account of itself." THE NEGROES OF FARMVILLE, PRINCE EDWARD COUNTY, VA.' Farmville is the county seat of Prince Edward County, Va., and contains about 2,500 inhabitants. The white and colored population from 1790 to 1890 will be seen from the follow- ing table: Pojpidation of Prince Edward County, 1700 to 1S90, Census year. Whites. Negroes. Total. 1790 . , .. 4,082 4,978 5,264 4,627 5,039 4,923 4,177 4,037 4, 106 4, 7.54 4,707 4,018 5.984 7, 145 7,950 9,008 9,140 7,080 7,807 7,893 9,914 9,924 8,100 1800 - 10, 962 1810 12. 409 1820 . . 12, 577 18iO 14, 107 1840 14, 069 1850 11,857 IStiO 11,844 1870 12,(«I4 1880 14,668 1890 14,094 The white population has remained nearly stationary for a hundred years, whereas the negroes have more than doubled in number. In 1890, the negroes out- numbered the whites more than two to one. There were 487 farms, 318 of which contained between 400 and 500 acres, with only six containing less than 10 acres, and two more than 1,000 acres. Fifty-seven per cent of the farms were cultivated by their owners. i"W. E. B. DuBois, Ph. D., Investia pp. 1-38, itor, DsiJartmeut of Labor Bulletin, No. 14, January, 1898, 776 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. The assessed valuation of real estate and personal property v/as $2,397,007. On this was raised the sum of $24,281 for taxation, $4,714 of which went to the sup- port of public schools. The negroes of the county, in 1895, owned 17,555 acres of land, assessed at $132,189, against 202,962 acres, with an assessed value of $164,180, owned by the whites. The number of acres and the assessed valuation of lands held by negroes will be seen from the following table: Year. Number of acres. Assessed value. 1891 - 13,215 13,207 U, 754 16, 467 17,555 $83,212.48 1893 , 89, 787. 75 1893 - - 97,341.53 1894 . 105, 024. 48 1895 . 132, 188. 66 Farmville is the trading center of six surrounding counties, with a population of 961 whites and 1,305 negroes. The chief industry is the storage, manufacture, and shipping of tobacco, wood-working, coopering, milling, and wholesale and retail merchandising. The total valuation of the town in 1890 was $661,230, on which a tax of $9,855 was raised, $661 of which went to the State school fund and $1,322 to the town and comity school fund. In 1895 negroes owned $51,240 worth of real estate, or about 7 per cent of the aggregate. There were 262 families of negroes in the town, about half of whom had moved there since 1880. The town has no school for colored children, but sends them to the district school, just outside of the corporation limits. The school term is six months. The teachers' salaries do not average over $30 a month. There were 867 children between 5 and 15 years of age, of whom 205, or 55.9 per cent, were in school. Forty-two per cent of the negroes could read and write, 17^ per cent could read but not write, while 40 per cent were wholly illiterate. Four hundred and fifty-nine males were distributed among 41 different occupations. There were 128 teamsters, 58 laborers, 16 domestic servants among the men, and 144 day workers, 65 domestic servants, 23 teachers, and 23 employees in the canning fac- tory among the women. Six hundred and fifty-one persons, or 48 per cent, were engaged in gainful pursuits, against 41 per cent of the negro population of the United States. The average size of the real family was 5.03, and of the economic family, 4.61. Of the 262 families, 114, or 43.5 per cent, own the homes they occupy, and 148, or 56.5 per cent, rent. The estimated amount of rent paid is $4,872 annually. The income of families ranges from $50 to $750. There were five families whose income exceeded the latter limit. Estimated annual income and expenditure of family of five persons. Income. Head of family: 24 weeks' labor, at 75 cents per day- IB weeks' labor on farm, at 40 cents per day Housewife: Fifty weeks' washing, at $1.50 per week Total Expenditure. Food Fuel Clotliing Rent Miscellaneous Surplus Total.... 32.40 50.00 36.00 15.00 3.73 221.40 THE EDUCATION OF THE NEURO. 777 Estiviated income and expenditure of famihj of five persons oioiiiig Jiome and in moderate circumstances. Income. Head of family: ;53 weeks' work as carpenter, 'at 75 cents per day Odd jobs Housewife and boy: Twenty weeks' work at tobacco factory, at %'i per week ., Total Expenditure. Food Fuel Clothinfj Taxes Miscellaneous Surplus Total.... jiir.on 30. m m m 8. on 30.00 39. 00 284.00 Here we see. as in Sandy Spring, tliat the average negro family, making the best use of its opportunities, must spend practically all of its earnings in the commu- nity, part of which, tinder any just estimate, goes to the support of public taxa- tion. In 1895 there were 119 negro taxpayers in the corporation on lots and buildings, ranging in value from $25 to $2,800. There were 232 white holders of real estate, the highest of whom was assessed at $16,000. There wa^s a considerable number of negro farmers owning valuable farm lands in the district surrounding the corporation. The investigator says that "it seems fair to conclude, after an impartial study of Farmville conditions, that the indastrious and property-accumxilating class of the negro citizens best represents, on the whole, the general tendencies of the group." THE NEGRO IN THE BLAOK BELT.' Grot n 1. — Six small groups, containing 920 negroes, have been studied by the Atlanta University, under the direction of Professor DuBois. All but one of these groups are situated in Georgia. Eleven representative families in Doraville and vicinity were studied, with the result that the average family was found to consist of 11.9 persons. Four of the heads of families could read and write: 5 owned their homes. The farms varied from 1 to 11 acres in extent and were worth from $100 to $100. Six families rented their farms on shares and cleared from $5 to $10 in cash at the end of each year. Women and girls were employed as farm hands. Group ;?.— Lithonia is a small village of about 800 persons in Dekalb County, Ga. , 25 miles east of Atlanta. Negro stonecutters are employed at from $5 to $5.50 per week. They rent, for the most part, small two-i*oom frames at $4 per month. The whites have a private and public school, giving them a term of from eight to nine months. The nogro schools comj)rise a Methodist and a Baptist school, each of which has a term of three months. Sixteen negro families were specially studied. Six of these families owned their homes and had an average yearly income of $369. The other 10 families paid on an average between $4 and $5 a month. Five of these families had an income of less than $200. GroKj) 5.— Covington is a village 41 miles southeast of Atlanta, Ga., and con- tained, in 1898, 3,000 persons. There were between 259 and 300 negro families, 50 of which were chosen for study. The average size of these families was 3.76. There is a public school for negroes open nine months in the year. The principal receives $50 a month; his two female assistants .$30 a month. The illiteracy among the 50 families does not exceed 10 per cent. There were 8 porters, 6 teachers, 4 barbers, 5 carpenters, 4 laborers, 3 gardeners, 3 office boys, 2 mail agents, 2 drivers, 2 draymen, 2 grocers, 2 ministers, 2 waiters, 1 bartender, 1 fireman, 1 quarryman, 1 contractor, 1 brick mason; of the females there were 11 teachers, 10 seamstresses, 6 cooks, 3 washerwomen, 1 boarding-housekeeper, 1 housekeeper, making a total of » Labor Bureau Bu.lletin, No. 33, May, 1899, pp. 401-417. W. E. B. DuBois, Ph. D. , investigator 778 EDUCATION EEFOET, 1900-1901. 85 i3ersons. or 45 per cent, engaged in the gainful occupations. The average income is between $300 and $500. The majority of the better class of negroes are buying property. The yearly income of the mass of negroes is between $100 and $300; of the better class, between $300 and $500. Of the 50 families studied, 41 own their homes and 9 are renters. Group 4.— Marion is in the midst of the black belt of Alabama, where the negroes outnumber the whites 4 to 1. The town has 2,000 inhabitants, equally divided between the races. Thirty-three negro families were studied. Tlie average family contained 5.3 persons. Twenty-eight owned their homes; five were renters. Among the mass of the negro population there are a number who own their homes. Sixty-one persons, or 41 per cent, were engaged in gainful occupations. The public school is poor, but is supplemented by three missionary schools. Oroup 5.— Marietta is a town of 4,000 inhabitants, 23 miles northwest of Atlanta. It has a negro population of 1,500, of whom 40 families, comprising 162 persons, were studied. The public schools are fair. Twenty-four families own their homes. Negroes are employed in local industrial works, receiving from 50 to 75 cents per day. The average negro family lives on from $2 to $4 a week. Group 6.— Athens is a city of 10,000 inhabitants, of whom one-third are negroes. Forty-five families were studied. Ten or fifteen were illiterate. Their public schools are well conducted. Thirty-nine of these families own their homes and six are renters. Thirteen families have an income of $750 a 3'ear; sixteen, between $500 and $750. It is probable that the families of the several groups were of the better class, and therefore show a higher average of living and industrial activity than would be true for the groups at large. CONDITION OF THE CITY NEGRO.' The first of the special studies relating to the negro race issued by the Labor Bureau was upon the condition of negroes in cities. The work was accomplished under the general direction of the Atlanta University. Reports were made from 50 negro investigators. These were for the most part college graduates, teachers, doctors, and lawyers, each of -whom was expected to study one or more small groups of negroes in his own vicinity. From 10 to 20 houses standing together in portions of the city thought to be representative were taken as constituting a group. The number and distribution of the groups thus studied may be seen from the accompanying table: City. Groups. Eami- lie6. iDdiyid- uals. Atlanta, Ga - Nashville, Tenu ... Savannah, Ga Cambridge, Mass ... Washington, D. C - - , Macon, Ga Jacksonville, Fla ... Columbia, S. C BiTmingham, Ala . . Tuskegee, Ala Orangeburg, S. C -- Sandtord,Fla Athens, Ga Cartersville, Ga ... Louisville, Ky Macon. Miss Chattanooga, Tenn Jack.son, Tenu Total 59 334 24G 96 1,137 1,292 1,090 380 38'j 293 90 827 81 63 119 109 116 73 53 70 64 89 67 4,743 1 Labor Bureau Bulletin No. 10, May , 1897, pp. 2.57 and 373. investigators. Atlanta University graduates et al., THE EDUCATIOlSr OF THE NEGKO. 779 The observations were sufficiently widespread to be typical of general city con- ditions. The average family contained 4.17 persons. This was considerably below the average size of a family for the cities under discussion, as shown by the Eleventh Census. Of 324 families in Atlanta, Ga., 73, or 22,53 per cent, owned the houses in which they lived, while 249, or 76.80 per cent, paid an average rent of $4.25 per month. Of the 24G families in Nashville, Tenn., 116, or 47.15 per cent, owned their houses, while 123, or 50 per cent, paid an average rent of $1.68 per month. In the 82 groups located in other cities, of 469 families embraced therein, 157, or 33.48 per cent, owned the houses in which they lived, and 384, or 60.55 per cent, paid an average rental of §5.51 per month. Some families were paying for their houses on the installment plan. The occupations and earnings, by families, may be seen from the accompanying typic-al tables; Group 10. — Atlanta, Ga. Head of family. Children. Family No. Occupation. "Weeks em- ployed. Average weekly earnings. Earnings for the year. 1 50 49 36 53 53 53 53 .53 53 43 53 43 53 53 53 49 45 48 53 49 53 $7.00 3. .50 7.00 5.10 4.00 4.01) 7.50 4.00 5 fiO 2. .50 13.00 3. 50 4.00 6.00 3.00 10. CK) 6.00 7.00 12.0(1 ..50 1.50 $133 2 48 3 100 4 r, do ... ... 690 6 Laborer - . . 156 8 130 9 Well-digger ... 90 10 11 234 12 13 14 15 933 16 Bandmaster 511 17 235 18 91 19 a) 21 Group 5. — Other cities. Carpenter ...do Barber, proprietor Letter carrier Carpenter, lodging-house keeper, and capitalist . Merchant, boots and shoes Merchant, lum.b3r Cigar maker Not reported 'Barker Steward of a club Carpenter Physician --. Clergyman Carpenter ^... Barber Clergyman .^ Post-office clerk Compositor Store porter Barber Longshoreman Contractor, building.. Contractor, building Barber, proprietor Merchant, boots and shoes ^ Waiter , head, hotel Teacher Merchant, commission do Clergyman and capitalist (') $13. 00 53 13. (K) 53 35. 00 53 14. 00 53 75. (H) 53 15. 00 53 15.00 53 13.00 53 13. (K) 53 30. 00 63 12.00 53 20. 00 53 12.50 52 12.00 53 13.00 53 35.00 53 16. m 53 8.00 53 10.09 53 13. 00 53 10.00 52 15.00 53 .50. 00 ■53 15.00 53 35. 00 40 35. 00 32 13.. 50 53 50. 00 53 30.00 53 40.00 $330 212 260 308 550 530 326 520 218 520 218 560 ,496 240 300 936 780 1 Not reported. 780 EDUCATIOIT KEPORT, 1900-1901. Nashville, Tenn. Family No. Head of family. Occupation. Weeks em- ployed. Average weekly earnings. Children. Earnings for the year. Carpenter Laborer Carpenter Washerwoman No occupation, charity . Porter Cook, restaurant Clergyman Porter Furniture merchant... Teamster Saloon keeper Hack driver Shoemaker Cook, family Engineer Porter, railroad Teamster, with team . . No occupation Sorter, lumber Teamster , . , Gauger, lumber Carpenter 36 15.00 5.00 9.50 9.00 30.00 7.00 25.00 6.00 15.00 10.00 7.00 2.50 8.00 15.00 5.00 6.00 6.00 9.50 7.50 $1,123 463 118 13 173 39 108 163 183 260 536 416 100 428 These figures give quite a clear idea as to the steadiness of employment among negroes, as well as to the character of their occupation; 41 out of 60 heads of families in the groups here presented were employed 52 weeks during the year. In the city of Atlanta, Ga., out of a total of 324 families, 73, or 22.55 per cent, were supported wholly by male head of family; 31, or 9.57 per cent, wholly by a female head, and 84, or 25.93 per cent, wholly by a male and a female head of family. It is suggestive that 63.27 per cent of the families were supported wholly or in part by the mother; all of which goes to show to what an extent negro females are wage-earners in our cities. The death rate of the negro race was given much attention in this investigation. The vitality of a people affects all the relations which it sustains to the com- munity, whether economic or social. The general conclusion on this point is that the negro's death rate is about as 8 to 5 when compared with the whites, and that this excess is due mainly to remedial sanitary causes. While these studies are not sufi&cient to enable us to draw infallible conclusions, yet we have here a body of data covering a wide area and a great diversity of con- ditions. We are at present concerned only with the economic side of these inves- tigations in so far as they throw light upon the negro as a contributing factor of the several communities, who thus helps to support the burden of public taxation; and more especially the extent to which he contributes directlj' and indirectly to the education of his children. To this end it is essential to know (1) to what extent he has become a property owner; (2) to what extent he is tenant, and the money value of his rental; (3) how generally he is engaged in gainful occupations, and the manner in which he disposes of his earnings. We saw that of 1,000 persons composing 165 families, at Sandy Spring, Md., 92 persons were owners of real estate; 63 families, or 38.2 per cent, owned the houses in which they lived; 54, or 32.7 per cent, paid money rent for the houses they occu- pied, and 44, or 26.7 per cent, occupied houses on the farm as a part of the stipu- lated agreement; 4 were not accounted for as to conditions of tenure. Forty-one per cent of the entire population was engaged in gainful occupations, and on the average a family must spend in the community nearly or quite all of its earnings in order to meet the ordinary requirements of living. In Farmville, out of 262 families, 114, or 43.5 per cent, owned their own houses; THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 781 148, or 56.57 per cent, rented the houses they occupy, at an average rental of $4,872 annually. Fortj'-eight per cent of the entire population was engaged in gainful pursuits, and, as at Sandj' Spring, the average family must s{)end nearly or quite all of ita earnings in order to live. The Black Belt reveals the same conditions. In group 1, 5 out of 11 families owned their own homes, the other 6 rented their farms, and both sexes worked as farm hands. In group 2, 6 out of 16 families owned their homes, and 10 families paid rent, from §4 to §5 monthlj'. The men were generally employed. Forty-five per cent of group 3 were em^iloyed and the majority were reported as buying property. Of 50 families, 41 owned their own homes and 9 were renters. In group 4, 28 out of 33 families owned their homes, and 5 were renters. Forty- one per cent were distributed among the various lines of industrial pursuits. Group 5 showed 26 out of 40 families owning their own homes. Group 6 yielded 39 home owners out of 45 families studied, and 6 renters. When we turn to the cities, in Atlanta, Ga., 73 out of 324 families, or 22.53 per cent, owned their own homes, while 249 families, or 76.85 per cent, paid an aver- age rental of $4.25 per month. In Nashville, Tenn., 47.15 per cent of the families studied owned their homes and the rest paid an average rental of §4.68 per mouth. For the other cities in which investigations were made, of 32 groups in all, 33.48 per cent owned the houses in which they lived and the rest paid §5.50 average monthly rental. That these families were steadily employed at wages not much more than suffi- cient to meet the urgent necessities of life can be judged by glancing at the tables under the head of city groups. Thus we see that the negro spends, and is spent in the several communities in which he resides, the little mite which, by the most rigid economy, goes to permanent accumulation after meeting the physical neces- sities of life, representing only an insignificant fraction of his energies. The pro- ductibility of his labor enhances the industrial and economic power of the com- munity. His expenditures swell the bulk and profit of the merchants' business. From the rents collected from his black tenant the landlord pays the taxes on his tenements, and in every sense the negro is a vital contributing factor in the economic welfare and is justly entitled to his due share of public privileges. VII. The Education of the City Negro. The urban negro constitutes a distinct problem from his rural brother. In their industrial status, social environments, and educational facilities they are widely asunder. In discussing the education of the negro it is not usual to discriminate between the two classes, but to include the entire race under the same formula. The eco- nomic conditions of the Southern cities are so different from those of the country, and the educational provisions are so glaringly discrepant, that the two must be separated in any scheme of profitable discussion. The negro's educational for- tunes have, perhaps, the widest margin of variation. His school opportunities in the cities are more nearly equal to those of the whites than in the rural districts. Thus the gap between the educational status of the two classes is emphasized. In the rural districts, where the school term covers only four or five months, and where economic and industrial conditions are such that the scholars do not attend regularly for even so short a term, it may be easily seen that the curriculum can not profitably be patterned after the city courses, with their superior advantages and facilities. When we consider that an average country child attends school for only a few terms, it appears that liis entire schooling is scarcely equal to four grades of the city curriculum. On the other hand, the negro city school has all of the essential advantages of up to date scholastic requirements. 782 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. Cities of more than 5,000 colored inhabitants in 1890, State and city. Alabama: Birmingham -- Mobile Montgomery- - Arkansas, Little Roek. - Delaware, Wilmington-.. District of Columbia, Washington Florida: Jacksonville -- Key West - - Penaacola .- Georgia: Atlanta Augusta - - Columbus Macon .. Savannah - — . Kentucky: Lexington Louisville Louisiana: Baton Rouge -. New Orleans--- - Shreveport- Maryland , Baltimore Mississippi : Meridian _-. -- Natchez. Vicksljurg Missouri: Kansas City - St. Louis Ncirth Carolina: Charlotte Newbern Raleigh Wilmington. South Carolina: Charleston. Columbia Tennessee: Chattanooga - Knoxville Memphis Texas: Dallas Galveston Houston Virginia: Alexandria- Danville - Lvnchburg Norfolk Petersburg Richmond White popula- tion. 14, n, 8, 16, 63, 15i, 13 37, 17, 9, 11, 20, 13, 133, 4, 177, 4 337! 5, 4, 6, 118, 434, 909 429 893 114 754 695 373 390 001 416 395 276 538 311 020 457 444 376 439 143 442 858 ., 164 ,821 ,704 ,417 .573 ,320 ,731 ,919 ,563 Colored popu- lation. 11,354 i;3,630 13, 987 9.739 7,6-14 75,573 9,601 5, 6.54 5,743 38,098 15, 875 8,035 11.203 23, 963 8,544 38, 651 6,027 64, 491 7,532 67, 104 5,178 5, 211 7,304 13,700 :26, 865 5,134 5,371 6, 348 11^324 30, 970 8,789 13,563 6,423 28, 706 7,993 6. 733 10, 370 5,113 5,538 9, 803 16, 344 13,331 32, 330 Expendi- ture for school purposes, 1808-99. S38, 764 76, 644 67,599 229, 332 57,618 12, 209 18,847 143, 345 94, S86 45,862 80, 983 131, 288 86,171 685,063 398.000 16, 000 25,076 545,988 ,118,454 112, 720 31, 751 .43,000 55,633 182, 607 105, 464 111, 001 School expendi- ture for State, 18S9-1900. SI, 300, 000 1,369,709 418,479 1,323,0;0 710,919 1,807,815 3,163,000 1, 135, 116 3, 159, 503 1, 165, 840 7,184,250 963, 045 769,815 1,661,144 5,485,391 ],971,3C4 The foregoing table reveals 4G cities in tlie Southern States with a negro popula- tion of more than 5.000, ranging irom that limit np to 75,000, Twenty-two cities have a negro population above 10.000, 11 cities above 20,000. and three above 50,000. We have hei-e an aggregate population of well nigh three-quarters of a million negroes collected in large municipal centers. The number of urban negroes exceeds the population of the State of Maine. Constituting about 10 per cent of the entire race, this body is too large to be ignored in any comprehensive treat- ment of the race problem. The movement of population toward cities constitutes one of the most marked sociological phenomena of our times. The negro follows in the wake of this move- ment, and, although he does not seem to possess a profitable economic status in the centers of commerce and marts of trade, he is attracted by the allurements of city life as a moth by the glare of a candle. Perhaps the most pressing phase of the THE EDUCATION" OF THE NEGEO. 78^ race problem it^ presented by city conditions. The country negro is embalmed, as it were, in a state of nature, where ho will be preserved, physically at least, nntil his opportunity comes. With the city negro, on the other hand, it is immediate rescue or destruction. The rural negro llets from the country, with its meager opportunities, to the city, with its congenial social circles and school privileges, unmindful of the fact that he is swapping industrial conditions Vvith which he is familiar for those of which he has no knowledge. This constant influx of raw rural recriiits imposes new problems upon city schools, for with a crude and unde- A'aloped people the schools must fulfill not only the ordinary function of education, but must supplement defective home training. The city negro therefore presents a distinct educational problem with many interesting and peculiar features. In the rural districts of the South the school fund is woefully inadequate to support a satisfactory sj'stem. The duplication of schools m the same territory for the two races serves to accentuate this inadequacy. In the cities the funds are much more ample, and though they fall far short of the educational provisions made in the other sections of the country, nevertheless they are sufficient to pro- vide the essential facilities of instruction and to keep the schools in operation for the fall length of term. The division of the school funds on racial lines does not work so great a hardship in cities as in rural places, where the population is sparse. Per capita school funds for States and cities of the South. ^ Percapitafor- State and city. Alabama: Birmingliam Mobile - IVIontgomei'y Arkansas, Little Eock. . . Florida: Jacksonville Key West.. Pensacola-- Georgia: Atlanta Augusta Macon Colnmbus Savannah Kentucky: Lexington Louisville Louisiana, New Orleans. Maryland, Baltimore State. Cities SO. 71 l.Oi 1.34 .71 1.48 .83 3.07 $1.84 3.G1 1.90 3.60 4.23 1.64 State and citj'. Mis.=iiRsippi, Meridian Missouri: Kansas City St. Louis North Carolina: Charlotte Newbern Raleigh Wilmington South Carolina: Charleston Columbia Tennessee: Chattanooga Knoxville Memphis Texas: Galveston _. Houston Virginia Percapitai'or- State. Cities. 3.31 .59 .57 .83 1.80 1.19 S3. 37 5.50 3.08 2.74 3.83 This table shows the school funds for the several States and cities under dis- cussion, and the cost per capita for school expenditures. It is seen that the pro- visions for the cities enormously exceed those for the State at large. In Alabama the per capita cost of education is only $0.71, while in the three leading cities of that State it is §1.84. In South Carolina the State educational fund is only §0.57, wtiile for Charleston and Columbia it is $2.08. If we should separate the cities from the rural districts, it will be seen that the per capita cost of the rural schools would fall much below the figures in the table. Let us not forget, also, the relative densities of the popiilation as au essential factor of efficiency. The courses of instruction for tlie colored schools embrace the ordinary primary and grammar grades, and in some of the cities high schools are also provided. The Supreme Court of the United States has recently decided, however, that a city is not compelled to maintain a high school for the colored race because it main- tains one for whites.^ ' Population for 1890 and expenditure for 1898-09. 2 One hundred and seveuty-fifth United States Eeports, p. 538, decided December 18, 1899. 784 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. The teaching force in city colored schools is more or less proficient from a pro- fessional standpoint. The colored teachers compare quite favorably with their white colaborers. The schools furnish the only avenue of profitaMe employment above domestic service for colored women, and therefore the best equipped mem- bers of the race are thiis engaged. The colored school teachers, male and female, receive on an average better pay than any other class of colored men or women in the several coro.m"anities. They are looked up to as leaders in social life and public activities. This gives to the colored schools a relative advantage which the whites do not enjoy, for their best energies flow in other channels. On the whole, it might be said that the urban negro's educational opportunities, so far as elementary instruction is concerned, are fairly ample, though of course far from ideal. Intellectual opportunities are open to every colored boy or girl which, among white youth, are counted sufficient to prej)are for the ordinary duties of life. The educational facilities for colored children in the communities under discussion are, perhaps, superior to those offered the white race on a similar scale thirty years ago. The true aim of education is to make the recipient wiser and better and to render him a more efficient instrument for service. Its beneficial effect is measured in terms of knowing, being, and doing. That the education of the negro has vastly increased his knowledge and tightened his intellectual grasp upon the problems of life can not be denied or doubted. The practical fvinction, however, is far from fulfillment. The industrial life of the race has in no sense kept pace with its intel- lectual improvement. The negro labors to-day under the same industrial dis- abilities as he did thirty years ago. His education has neither enabled him to counteract the effect of hostile industrial influences nor to make himself independ- ent of them. Indeed, he is daily losing industrial ground which he occupied when the dissemination of knowledge was not so general. It is doubtless true that to a large degree the cause of industrial decline is due to the operation of social forces which he can in no way direct or control; but the plain fact remains, and the edu- cational effort of the future must occupy itself largely with means of meeting these industrial deficiencies. Just here arises the perplexing question as to what modifications must be made in the general pedagogical programme in order to answer the peculiar needs of the negro race. All V(?iil agree that in any rational plan of education the scheme of instruction should be adapted to the needs, capacities, and x^robable vocation of those for whom it is proposed. Existing programmes were adapted to the capacities and needs of the white race, and handed down to the negro on the somewhat generous principle that what is good for the white goose is good also for the black gander. It is true that in fundamental requirements and laws of growth the human mind is one and has the same formative needs. Knowledge and virtue have no ethnic quality. The multiplication table and the sermon on the mount do not accommodate them- selves to local environments. The mind of the negro has the same faculties, pow- ers, and susceptibilities as. that of his white confrere. No competent authority has ever pointed out just where the two differ in any evident feature, and yet the average status of the races are so far asunder that the educational needs must be divergent at many points. It would not be wise here to enter upon the intricate question as to the relative capacity of the two races. Any discussion of potential capacity would be wholly speculative and void of practical value. The practical educator must be governed by that component of capacity which is available for practical work. Suppose the pupil can attend school only a fraction of the time, or that by reason of neces- sary detention he is habitually absent or tardy, or that he is so poorly fed and illy clad that the strain and stress of physical necessity enfeebles his intellectual energy, or that the course and tone of his home life stifles rather than stimulates THE EDIJCATION OF THE NEGEO. 785 his bndding faculties. Can tliese factors be ignored with impunity? Would it be wise to proceed as if such obstacles did not exist? The negro constitutes the submerged element, and of necessity furnishes an excess of the defective, delin- quent, and unfortunate classes. We should not forget that the object of public schools is to benefit the masses. Their plan and scope should be adapted to the capacity and condition of those for whose welfare they are intended. The main concern of the college and the university is with the highest common factor, but the public schools must deal with the lowest common multiple. There are in every community many colored children who, by reason of exceptional faculties or good early influences, would easih' take intellectual rank with superior persons of the dominant race. This fact is demonstrated wherever mixed schools exist. But the negro race is a race of extremes; there is little continuity of devel- opment; his growth is by leaps and bounds. The field hand or house servant of yesterday becomes class orator at a Northern college to-morrow; but the 10,000 field hands and domestic servants whom he leaves behind continue to pursue the daily humdrum of their stupid toil. It is perhaps generally true that the effect of the diffusion of knowledge is to increase the general capacity rather than to improve the extreme cases of ability. While three centuries of intensive culture has lifted the average status of the English race by many degrees, it has not enabled England to produce individuals superior to Shakespeare or Bacon. If this contention be correct, it is but natural to expect that the exceptional colored pupil will deviate widely from the normal average. This fact makes a just and equitable scheme a matter of great perplexity. The main feature of the pro- gramme should be placed near the center of gravity, with as wide a latitude of privilege as is compatible with the main purpose. If, therefore, it should appear that prevailing schemes are not suited to the exigencies of circumstances, there should be no hesitancy in adopting such modi- fications as the necessities of the case require. No maudlin sentimentality should be allowed to prevent such sensible adaptation. It might be argued with a considerable show of reason that it would be an unwise and dangerous acquiescence to acknowledge that there might be any divergence in the plan, scope, or method of public instruction. It is here that the humble are exalted and the mighty brought low until they meet upon a common level. The rich and the poor meet together; the state is the teacher of them all. The state, it may be claimed, has no right to discriminate among its subjects. The primary fact of discrimination is seen in the scholastic separation of the races. We should make the best use of the agencies in hand. It might also be argued that it is inexpedient from the negro's standpoint to acknowledge that the negro child requires any treatment different from that of the white child. This feeling is already too prevalent, and if once the precedent be established there is no telling where the innovation will end. Many believe that the whites are only waiting for a reasonable excuse to readjust the negro's education to what they think il ought to be. This objection is not without much validity and goes to show that such modification should proceed along wise, cau- tious, and conservative lines, effecting only a sensible adaptation of effort to con- dition. Our duty is to our day and generation. Future generations will have their own problems and their own facilities for solving them. We can no more establish educational regimes for the future than we can prescribe the style of bonnet or cut of gown for our great-granddaughters. If at any time in the future the social and economic status of the races should come nearer together than they are to-day, can we not rely upon the wisdom and good sense of that time for a wise readjustment of regimes? All the hopes of the negro for a larger and better future rest upon the basis of this reliance. The wild clamor for identity of plan and method without examining into fitness and adaptability shows a lack of self-knowledge, self-confidence, and self-respect, ED 1901 50 78'^ EDFOATIOK BEPOKT, 19G0-1901. Imitation witliout intelligence leads to grotesque and cTangerons results. It is related of a Chinaman tliat when taking his first lessons in cooking he observed that his preceptress rejected every other egg out of a dozen, and when it came his turn to repeat the experiment this disciple of the kitchen, exercising a character- istic facility for imitation, rejected the eggs in the same order in which he observed his mistress had done; but as the rotten eggs happened to be differently dis- tributed in the two cases, the pupil was subjected to the double chagrin of wasting his mistress's eggs and of spoiling her cake. By apish imitation, without intelli- gent discrimination, we may waste eggs and spoil the cake in a pedagogical as well as in a cuMnary sense. Every subject in a programme of study, as well as every j)lan and method of iaipartation, should be interpretable in terms of actual needs and conditions. In a community where there is a considerable fraction of foreign population, there might be suiScient reason for introducing the vernacular of that element in the school programmes. Such language might be serviceable in the conduct of business and social intercourse, or might lead to a cultivation and enjoyment of ancestral literature and life; but there could be no such motive for adding similar lines to the colored schools. This dees not apply to the educational value of language, but to its practical bearing and use. The attempt to master a foreign tongue before the pupil can secure harmony among the parts of speech in his own vernacular is grotesque and irrational.. A large proportion of white pupils on leaving school will enter upon business careers, either as occupants of prepared places or on their ovv-n responsibility. It is but reasonable, therefore, that professional business courses should form a part of their regular programme. But not one colored child in a hundred is likely to enter upon such a career. While the negro needs to be instructed in business forms and methods, the motive in the two cases is entirely different. The subject should be approached from the direction of the motive, reason, and end in view, and not in the spirit of observing a superficial sameness. Prof. Booker T. Wash- ington will go down to history as one of the greatest educators of his day, per- haps as the greatest. His success is due mainly to the fact that he does not copy methods that have been exploited under other and more favorable conditions, but has devised plans for his constituency adapted to their present environment. It must not be supposed, however, that the state owes less to the colored than to the white child. Although the needs of the negro child may often differ from those of the white child, yet they are rather greater than less. It certainly requires as great an outlay and as assiduous an effort to bring Jiim up to the required stand- ard of good citizenship. Let us now consider some of the especial and distinctive features which should be made prominent in colored schools. Although many of these features are com- mon to the needs of all schools, nevertheless in their application to the negro in the present state of his needs specialty of condition demands a more decided emphasis. There is much dispute among educators as to the exact function and value of kindergarten training, but all wilh agree that it is of the highest importance to children of the neglected classes. No clearer statement of the case can possibly be made than was done by the superintendent of schools for Baltimore in a recent annual report: Many children are compelled to leave school by the time they are old enough to earn wages to help support the family. Consequently many of them must receive all of their schooling befo: e they are 10 years of age. In order to afford this class of children, found generally in the slums and in the most forlorn parts of the city, better opportunities for improvement it is very desirable to organize schools in such sections for the instruction of children between 3 and 6 years of age. Kinder- gartens would lengthen the school life of such children about three years and rescue them, for a time at least, during the most impressionable period of their THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 787 lives from the evil influence of homes in which idleness, vice, and crime are the daily examples set for their imitation. If the 5"0ung children of idle, thriftless parents could be taken from their homes and subjected daily to the hnmanixing and eniishteninsj inflnenees of good schools, in charge of proiserly qualified teach- ers especially adapted to the performance of such worli, many of them would be doubtless rescued from Jeading such lives as they see daily those amoi^g them liv- ing, and instead of growing up in igi^orance and vice, to increase the number of idle and lawless, they would become industrious and law-abiding citi: ens. Such schools must constitute an important feature of any successful scheme the city may be compelled to adopt in its own protection.' These words apply with especial emphasis to the colored race, which supplies a large part of the submerged element. The criminal and vicious tendency of a large fraction of the negro population is alarming in its proportions. The ordi- nary process of education seems to have but little beneficial influence. Some method must be devised to reach, to help, and to save them. The state will be forced to animadvert to this matter for its own protection and defense. The kin- dergarten is the only institution yet proposed which promises the desired relief. The expense of such schools Avould doubtless be enormous; but it is poor econ- omy that saves in the educational department only to add to the criminal budget. There are only two vvays by which children of degrading environments can be rescued. One is to take hold of them at a tender age, before the}' reach the ordi- narj' school period, and giA^e their thoughts, feelings, and aspirations the proper direction and trend. The other is to keep them in school for a sufficient length of time to appreciate the transforming power and refining influence of knowledge and culture. So far as the masses are concerned this last remedy is impossible. The first years of school life are spent in mastering the hard mechanics of learning. There is little or no reflex influence ui)on the life and character. This must come, if at all. at an earlier or a subsequent date. The school influence must reach lower do-WTi in the life of the negro child. The human twig is given its moral bent and inclination before reaching the ordinary school period, and the whilom effect of routine instruction can scarcely prevent it from growing into a twisted and. dis- torted trunk. The State establishes and maintains schools for the sake of producing a better grade of citizenship. In order to succeed with the submerged element it must step in loco parentis and take hold of the child while it is yet susceptible to moral impressions. This is not a charity or vicarious benevolence, but a plain duty demanded by every consideration of enlightened self-interest. It is as essential that the State protect itself from such internal evils as it is to maintain the Army and Navy to ward off foreign foes. The great difficulty with the ordinary colored child is that he enters the school too late and leaves too soon to derive from it the full benefit which it is calculated to impart. The term can be lengthened more easily and more profitably from below than from above. Let the education of the negro reach down before reaching up, and if there needs be a choice let it reach down rather than up, but let it always reach as far as possible in both directions. To the white child the essential aim of education is to enable him to fit into an established social and industrial order. The negro child must endeavor to improve the status of his race. There is no one who has gone before to prepare a place for him. The teacher of the negro child needs more of the spirit of the mis- sionary to arouse and quicken his lethargic energies into life and activity. Every successful teacher must be devoted to duty, but the colored teacher should be con- secrated to a cause. He needs not only professional zeal for the work, but also the ardent devotion of a moral enthusiast. Every such teacher should regard himself as a laborer in the vineyard of humanity and not merely as a jiedagogue peddling his services for pay. 1 Seventeenth annual report of the Board of Commissioners of Public Schools of Baltimore, 1898, p. 102 et seq. 788 EDUCATIOlSr EEPOET, 1900-1901. The Northern missionaries wlio came South immediately after the war to labor among the recentlj^ emancipated slaves would hardly be accounted educators in the modern sense of that term. Many of them were not even educated, and yet by reason of their missionary zeal and moral enthusiasm they wrought marvelous transformations. The State, with its more competent secular agencies, has sup- planted them in the educational field, but it can neither hire nor demand the subtle spirit. It can only exact outward decency of behavior and a reasonable proficiency of service. The spirit of enthusiasm and consecrated zeal must spring from the consciousness on the part of the teacher that his own welfare is indissolubly linked with that of the masses whom he is commissioned to enlighten. The negro child needs especially to be rooted and grounded in the concrete prin- ciples of things. It is characteristic of tropical temperaments to revel in intellec- tual subtleties and fine flights of fancy while ignoring the material things by which they are surrounded. Races and nations remain in a backward or barbarous state because they fail to heed the divine injunction to subdue the earth. All attempt to escape the difficulties of earth by building a tower to reach to the skies must end in a confusion of tongues. The Anglo-Saxon has gained his present eminence among the nations because he is of the earth earthy. He delves while others soar; he applies while others speculate. The Anglo-Saxon is not siiperior to other men in intellectual gifts or moral endowments. For intellectual subtlety and spiritual perception the Hindoo is conceded to be his equal, if not his superior, and yet when it comes to bringing things to pass one Englishman is equal to a thousand Asiatics. A close study of the Yankee reveals the fact that he is equal to almost any practi- cal emergency, even when he has a rather slender basis of intellectual equipment. On the other hand, the negro is rather theoretical than practical. He knows immensely more than he can do. His practical prowess has by no means kept pace with his intellectual achievements. Slavery taught him to work by rule and rote, but not according to plan and method. The first effect of intelligence was, natu- rally enough, to disgust him with manual toil, which stood to him as a reminder of slavish drudgery. He has never learned the gospel of work or the joy of service, because he has never entered into it with intelligent plan and purpose. A thought is married to a thing and an enterprise is born, but when thought is divorced from things there is nothing but sterile speculation and barren criticism.. The greatest need of the negro is to bring the wild energy of his muscle under the guiding intelligence of his mind. In all his experience he has not been com- pelled to observe the fine adaptation of effort to task, but he has been confined to such crude lines of service that the vaguest approximation was deemed sufficient. There are only two ways by which a people may gain proficiency in practical things. One is by long familiarity and practice in controlling affairs until the habit becomes fixed and is handed down by heredity. The other is by means of education of the young. The latter process is by far the more rapid, and is indeed the only course open to the negro at the present time. The child learns in a few years what it took the race half a dozen generations to acquire. If education can not overcome heredity, it can at least discount it by an enormous per cent. The negro child needs to be trained in practical judgment, a faculty in which it must be conceded he is woefully deficient. He is too apt to commit to memory rather than to the understanding. If the average child were put to the test as to the weight and value of things which have become familiar by glib recital or required to interpret the verbal image of ideas in terms of their concrete equiva- lents, the results would be grotesque indeed. His information should be inter- preted in terms of his own thoughts, feelings, and volitions. He should be made to feel that all lines of knowledge radiate from him as a conscious center. The method of impartation should be actual, tactual, factual. The old adage tells us that knowledge is power, but this applies only to digested and assimilated knowl- THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 789 edge. If one takes food into his stomacli and fails to digest it, it not only does not give him added strength, but saps from him the strength already acquired. Intel- lectual indigestion acts in about the same manner as the corresponding physical ailment, Negro youth are everywhere suffering from intellectual indigestion, and. there is danger of a race of mental dyspeptics. The only remedy is through a method of education which shall observe a just balance between the abstract and concrete. The complaint is universal that our school curricula are overcrowded and that the pupil can get only a smattering of the kaleidoscopic programme. If this be a detriment to the white youth, it must be doubly so to the negro child, who may be the first, or well nigh the first, in the history of his rp.ce who has learned the use of letters. A little learning is a dangerous thing, and especially so if dissi- pated over too wide an area. The white child is apt to be steadied and balanced by his setting in society; the negro can hope for no such corrective influence. He is likely to overestimate his capacity and attainments and to make a miserable fizzle in an ambitious career, where he might have made a useful and respectable citizen in a more modest sphere. Or he may become a vainglorious, self-conceited egotist, disgusting sensible men with a showy display of shallow learning. To correct this tendency the courses should be judiciously limited in range and scope and a thoroughness of mastery rigidlj'' insisted upon. All that has been said under the head of concrete methods emphasizes the importance of manual training. The negro was brought to this country to labor with his hands. For more than two centuries he has fulfilled this manual mis- sion; and for many years to come this must be his chief function in society. He should be taught to do with skill, accuracy, and method that which inevita- bly devolves upon him. Being shut out from the shops he must look to the school for the only means through which he may be prepared to gain and retain a satis- factory status in the industrial order. Manual training must be carefully discriminated from industrial education. The one looks forward to definitely established lines of work, the other to the acquisition of power. So far as we can judge the future by the present, it would be almost useless to equip any considerable number of our colored youth in our large cities with mechanical trades. They would have few facilities for plying them. The colored workman is rigorously excluded by organized effort. He labors under the double disadvantage of being weak and of being black. This makes the negro's industrial outlook a very unpromising one. The real hope is that he may be driven to take the industrial initiative, as the spirit of caste has already developed in him ecclesiastical independence and social self-sufficiency. The real demand is for manual training which will enable him to do with mind as well as with might what his hands may find to do. Nine-tenths of the negroes in cities must make their living by bodily labor and domestic service. More skill, intelligence, and character must be put into these lines of work. Whatever may be said of the universal requirement of a system of ediication in the abstract, all will agree that the ijractical programme must have reference to the probable vocation of its recipients. The negro race can not escape this law. The bulk of them for all time that we can foresee must earn their livelihood by some form of manual labor. The following table shows the occupations in which city negroes are generally engaged. There are no potent forces at work which will materially modify this programme within any calculable period of time. The table shows that in all of the largest cities of the South 98,470 males and 79,429 females were employed in gainful occupations, making a total of 177,899. Of this number 60,172 men were employed as laborers, servants, draymen, teamsters, messengers, etc., and 67,680 women followed domestic and laundry service. It is 790 EDXJCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. within these industrial lines that the negro must live and move and gain a liveli- hood. His education, therefore, should have direct bearing upon that sphere of industrial activity. Occupations of negroes in cities. MALES. City. Atlanta, Ga Baltimore, Md... Charleston, S. C . Kansas City, Mo. Louisville, Ky ... Memphis, Tenn., Nashville, Tenn . New Orleans, La Richmond , Va . . . St. Lor.is,Mo Total All occu- pations. 470 Labor- ers. 2,3!)7 5,498 2, 610 1,528 3.123 1, 143 2, 503 7,455 2,248 2,2'48 31,584 Serv- ants. 1,134 3,507 852 1,331 1,356 990 1,017 1,374 1,100 1,543 14,203 Dray- men, team- sters, etc. ' 775 2,586 503 383* 1,232 1,052 803 1,096 805 921 10, 156 Messen- gers, por- ters, etc. 300 1,139 280 188 388 565 334 331 305 519 4,329 FEMALES. City. All occu- pations. Serv- ants. Laun- dresses. All other occu- pations. Atlanta, Ga. Baltimore, Md... Charleston, S. C . Kansas City, Mo Louisville, Ky .-. Memphis, Tenn. . Nashville, Tenn . New Orleans, La Richmond, Va ... St. Louis, Mo Total 79,439 I 38,932 3,986 6,191 3,638 973 3,455 2,283 2,465 4,635 3, 086 3,043 28,754 561 1,733 3,141 220 597 7.54 673 3,930 1,653 483 11,743 The question of sex as a factor in education has recently received much atten- tion. One of the most strilfing phenomena of the city negro is the relative excess of women. Strangely enough, this phenomenon seems to have escaped attention. The economic conditions which prevail in the rural districts are sufficient to account for this condition of things. The women are not well suited to farm labor; they can not enter into competition with men in such arduous tasks. On the other hand, there is an unlimited demand in the cities for competent and efficient col- ored females in the domestic sphere. It is not surprising, therefore, to find an enormous preponderance of women in the large centers. This excess of the female element conditions all phases of urban negro life, whether in home or church or general society. The school also feels its controlling influence. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 791 Total population, school population, and school attendance of negroes in cities having more than 5,000 negro inhabitants. Population. School population. Number of pupils in school. Males. Females. Males. Females. Males. Females. Alabama: .5, .511 6.100 5, 413 4,738 4,202 33,831 4,362 2, 739 2,810 12, 400 7,108 3. 526 4, 995 10, 493 13. 348 3,915 3,118 28,936 3,486 29, 105' 2,324 2,210 3,139 7,0.53 13,247 2.280 2:305 3,398 5,070 14. 187 4,366 6. .599 3.101 13.:333 13,334 4, 114 3,063 4, 792 2.393 2.382 4,048 7.506 5,409 14,216 5,738 7,547 7,578 4,311 5,134 41,866 .5,176 2, 951 2,939 15, 717 8,797 4.501 6,210 12,485 15.324 4,632 2.916 a5,727 4,034 38,131 2,8.58 3,033 4,070 6,842 13,819 2,860 2,9C6 2,9.55 6,225 16,849 4,424 5,976 3,328 15,396 16,061 3,947 3,702 5,587 2,720 3,1,59 5,758 8,748 6,813 18,138 1.716 2,293 1,994 2,007 2,603 2,642 664 538 798 612 Delaware: Arkansas: Little Rock 1,429 12,083 1,624 928 993 4. .5:19 2,013 1,316 1.816 3,328 4,291 1,437 1.041 9,946 1,256 8,595 960 887 1,099 1,897 3,978 888 939 1,130 1,899 4.877 1,512 2,019 1,012 4,281 4,&52 1,311 1,013 1,619 975 878 1,593 2,293 2,052 4, 8-52 1,791 14,536 1,889 1.061 1,118 5.673 3,131 1,(547 2, 175 4,177 4,8.36 1,517 1.094 11,852 1,495 11,999 1,123 1,060 1,368 2,208 4,399 1,084 1,049 1, 054 2,152 3, 729 1,609 2, 139 1,191) 5.091 5,518 1,436 1,32;J 2,125 1.015 1. 110 2. 182 2.811 2.4^11 6,o0<) 653 877 District of Columbia: Florida: 690 277 381 1,094 692 484 229 620 2,1.54 395 105 2,595 198 3,073 211 329 313 948 2,449 257 6:53' 594 1,094 362 897 346 790 Key We.st . - 321 415 Georgia: Atlanta Augusta 1,240 945 726 292 822 Kentucky: 2,675 502 Loiiisiana : 111 New Orleans 2,783 214 Maryland: 3,676 Mississippi: 275 421 473 Missoiiri: 1,162 2, 573 North Carolina: 835 Ncwbern - Raleigh .. 742 093 South Carolina: 1,390 505 1,066 434 1,189 400 392 64(5 383 401 6R0 513 769 2, 110 1,577 Texas: 500 4.59 776 Virginia: 378 409 C93 745 1,055 2,858 Total - 334,4:13 397,990 111,074 134,689 30,758 37,623 This table shows the excess of colored females in the Southern cities which con- tained in 1890 more than 5,000 colored inhabitants. There is an excess of 63,557 colored females, who are in the majority in all the cities named except Baton Rouge. La., Chattanooga, Tenn., Raleigh, N. C, Kansas City. Mo., and Dallas, Tex. The preponderance of men in these cities can be explained on the ground of special industrial conditions. It is known that there is great demand for colored male labor in the works of Chattanooga; and the excess in Kansas City can be accounted for by the fact that tlie males oxitriumber the females gc-nerally through- out the Western country. The relative excess of females of school age can not be 792 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. wholly accounted for by industrial conditions, and is a phenomenon which still awaits an explanation. That there should be 63,000 more females than males in the population at large, or 119 females to every 100 males, is surely a less striking phenomenon than that for ages between 5 and 20 the ratio should be 121 to 100. When the school attendance is considered the disproportion is still more glaring, there being 122 females to every 100 males. These figures should be studied in the light of proportion rather than as absolute numbers. The figures relative to a few cities are not given. For example, the census does not give the x)upils for the city of Washington, whose numbers would have much weight on the general result; but it is also probable that the omitted figures bear about the same disproportion as those which are presented, so that the value of the table is not affected by their omission. The female excess for the 11 cities which contained in 1890 a colored population of more than 20,000 is here presented: Excess of colored females over males. City. Colored males. Colored Excess of females. Number of fe- males to 100 males. Baltimore... Richmond-... Atlanta Washington . New Orleans Nashville Charleston - . Savannah ... Memphis Louisville ... St. Louis Total.. 39, 165 14,316 13,400 83, 831 28,936 13,334 14, 187 10, 493 13, 333 1-3,348 18.247 38,131 18,138 15, 717 41,866 35,727 16, 061 16, 849 13, 485 15, 396 15,324 13,819 131 128 127 123 133 120 119 119 115 115 104 196, 490 239, 513 43,033 131 This table bears out the general tendency. There are 121 females to every 100 males, the total excess of females being 43,023. This surplus would form a city as large as Jersey City, N. J. Such a disproportion in the population makes an unsatisfactory condition of society. But it presents a problem with which the schools must grapple. This is especially significant as applied to industrial education. These girls must become wage-earners. The investigations of the Atlanta conference showed that a large per cent of negro homes were supported wholly or in part by female wage-earn- ers.^ The preponderence of the female sex renders their participation in wage- earning pursuits inevitable. There is practically but one field open for them, and that lies in the sphere of the household industries. When we speak of industrial education, reference is usually had to work in wood or metal or training in some manly vocation; but the city negro presents a unique industrial problem. The negro male has no fixed industrial status. The trade organizations exclude him from participation in the higher mechanical pursuits. There is no assurance that any considerable number could find means of plying their trades, even if they were equipped with them. It is true that the spirit of trades unionism is fiercest in the North, but there seems to be no doubt that the same policy will be adopted in the South whenever the exigencies of industrial rivalry make it necessary. The whites belong to the preferred class, and the negro is forced out of any pursuit which they wish to occupy themselves. This unpleasant, though stubborn, fact renders a programme of profitable industrial training for the city negro very dif- ficult to formulate. > Bulletin Labor Bureau, No. 10, p. 267. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 793 On the other hand, the colored woman holds undisputed sway in the field of domestic service, and nothing but her own incompetence can ever dislodge her. This affords one of the chief means of support of negro families, more than half of whom subsist in whole or in part by such service. The industrial education of the city negro must take cognizance of these facts and should be shaped largely to the requirements of domestic economy and household industries. The negro pupil should be taught a knowledge of the conditions and circum- stances of his race. As he must live the life conditioned by his race, his training should give him some adequate notions about that life. The German, the Irish- man, the Scandinavian, or any other element of our cosmopolitan population need not of necessity study the status of their racial stock. What to them may be a matter of sentiment or pride, to the negro is a stern necessitj'. They are not com- pelled to live the life of their race unless they elect to do so. They are eligible to become at once fuli-fledged American citizens, without any hyphenated prefix. But not so with the negro. He can not escape the onus of his race. Mr. Douglass used to say that wherever the negro goes he carries himself with him. Every per- son who is tainted with his blood is circumscribed and conditioned by that fact. If it is the function of education to teach the pupil to enter upon the life which lies before him, should not the negro pupil be taught something of that life of which he must ever form a part? The American pupil is instructed in the history, institutions, and traditions of his country, in whose economy he must soon take his place. The negro is an American, but he is none the less a negro. Unlike the Jew, who of his own choice jirefers to cling to the traditions of his fathers, the negro lias little opportunity of gaining accurate or beneficial knowledge of his race through personal and domestic channels. His main reliance here, as in all other relations, must rest in the schools. The ordinary text-books that treat of ethnological topics are often humiliating to his pride and revolting to his sense of self-respect, A hideous picture of an African savage and some reference to a domesticated race are about all he can hope to find about himself in the ordinary text which is placed in his hands. Whatever is creditable to the negro is merged in the credit of the general popula- tion, while the odious and repugnant stand out in bold relief. Some special cor- rective influence is necessary in order that the negro may not despise himself, for no class of people who despise themselves can hope to gain the respect of the rest of mankind. While he is feasting upon the fruits of the tree of knowledge, he should beware lest he should be eating and drinking unto his own damnation. It is folly to feed the intellect and starve the spirit. The negro child has a right to know of the contributions and achievements of his race, however insignificant these may appear in the eyes of his white neighbor. " These little things are great to little men."' Inspiration is a more valuable function of education than informa- tion. Youth are inspired to noble endeavor mainly by the deeds of those of their own kind and condition. It is indeed true that a people may become too painfully self-conscious. This will make them too proud and elated or too abject and mean. The negro whose time is spent in lachrymal lamentations over the woes and miseries of his race would not make an ideal citizen. The colored boy or girl, on the other hand, who grows up ignorant of the special condition of the class to which he is relegated would be as deficient in practical knowledge as the American youth who knows nothing of the history, institutions, and laws of his country. No negro can afford to be incurious as to the status of his race. It would be as great a manifestation of folly as it would be on the part of a convict to attempt to ignore the fact that he is in durance vile. Wherever separate schools exist— and the fact of their existence is the most per- suasive argument that the negro is shut in to a racial circle and range — there should be some definite instruction in subjects that pertain to the race. Of course, 794 EDUCATIOIsr EEPOET, 1900-1901. there shoiald be the highest prudence and caution in the selection of subject-matter and in the manner of itnpartation. All f rictional and inflammatory methods should be discarded, and only subjects that are accurate, comprehensive, and sensible should find favor. There might be placed in parallel columns vprongs suffered and benefits received, rights withheld and duties neglected, present proscription of privilege and the larger promise of the future. We have in the city negro a special educational problem of peculiar importance. The entire negro population mnst look to the cities for diffusion of light. The perfection of their educational regimes, therefore, is not only of prime importance to the 700,000 therein collected, but also to the 8,000,000 who are scattered abroad. PART II.— THE HIGHER EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. I. The Intellectual Capacity of the Negro. The negro is scarcely ever considered with reference to the primary problems of life. Those needs of the human race which do not depend upon temporary condi- tions and circumstances are not generallj^ deemed predicable of him. The African is not regarded in his own. right and for his own sake, but merely with reference to the effect which his presence and activity produce upon the dominant Aryan. He is merely a coefficient which is not detachable from the quantity whose value it may either increase or diminish. The black object is always projected against a white background, producing a grotesqne and gloomy silhouette. The whole history of the contact of the races deals with the negro as a satellite whose move- ments are secondary to those of the central orb about which it revolves. Civili- zation was not thonght possible for the sons of Ethiopia. The sable livery of the Tropics was deemed impervious to ennobling influences. The negro could only contribute to the wants and welfare of the higher race. With a self- debasement surpassing the vow of the anchorite, he was expected to bow down to this white god and serve him, ascribing unto him "the kingdom, the power, and the glory, forever." The whole scheme of the subjugation and oppression of the Africa,n is based upon the theory that the negro represents an inferior order of creation, and therefore his needs are secondary to and derivable from those of his white lord and master. The ordinary attributes and susceptibilities of the hnman race were denied him. When it Avas first proposed to furnish means for the development of the nobler side of the negro race, those v/ho possessed the wisdom of their day and generation entertained the proposition either with a sneer or with a smile. Ridi- cule and contempt have characterized the habitual attitude of the American mind toward the negro's higher strivings. The African was brought to this country for the purpose of performing manual labor. His bodily powers alone were required to accomplish this industrial mission. No more account was taken of his higher susceptibilities than of the mental and moral faculties of the lower animals. The white man, as has been wittily said, saw in the negro's mind only what was apparent in his face — '■ darkness there, and nothing more." His useful- ness in the world is still measured by physical faculties rather than by qualities of mind and soul. Even after the wonderful transformations of the past thirty years, many claim to discern no function which he can fill in society except to administer to the wants and wishes of others by means of bodily toil. The merci- less proposition of Carlyle, "The negro is useful to God's creation only as a ser- vant,"' still finds wide acceptance. It is so natural to base a theory upon a long- established practice that one no longer wonders at the prevalence of this belief. The negro has sustained servile relations to the Caucasian for so long a time that 1 Occasional Discourses on the Nigger Question. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 795 it is easy, as it is agreeable to the Aryan pride, to conclude that servitude is his ordained place in society. As the higher susceptibilities of the negro were not needed, their existence was, at one time, denied. The eternal inferiority of the race was assumed as a part of the cosmic order of things. History, literature, ocience, speculative conjectures, and even the holy Scriptures were ransacked for evidence and argument in sup- port of this theory. It was not deemed inconsistent with divine justice and mercy that the curse of servitude to everlasting generations should be pronoimced upon a race because their alleged progenitor utilized as an object lesson in temperance the indulgent proclivity of an ancient patriarch.' Science was placed under tribute for support of the ruling dogma. The negro's inferiority was clearly deducible from physical peculiarities. In basing the existence of mental, moral, and spiritual qualities upon the shape and size of skull, facial outline, and cephalic configuration, the antinegro scientists outdistanced the modern psychol- ogists in assuming a mechanical eqiiivalent of thought. But in spite of scientific demonstration, learned disquisitions, prohibitive legis- lation, and alleged divine intendment, the negro's nobler nature persisted in mani- festing itself. The love, sympathy, tender fidelity, and vicarious devotion of the African slave, the high spiritual and emotional fervor manifested in the weird wailings and lamentations of the plantation melodies, the literary taste of Phillis Wheatley, the scientific acumen of Benjamin Banneker, the persuasive eloquence of Frederick Douglass, were but faint indications of smothered mental, moral, and spiritual power. The world has now come to recognize that the negro possesses the same faculties, powers, and susceptibilities as the rest of mankind, albeit they have been stunted and dwarfed by centuries of oppression and ill usage. The negro, too, is gradually awakening to a consciousness of this great truth. The common convergence of religious and secular thought is toward the universal fatherhood of God and brotherhood of man. This universality of kinship implies commonality of powers, possibilities, and destiny. It is difficult to estimate the importance of this belief to the backward races of the earth. We have of late heard a strangely discordant jangle from the jungles of India, with contemptuous reference to "lesser breeds without the law." Rudyard Kipling regards all other races of the earth only as contributory factors to the glory of his own. This con- viction is betrayed even in what he intends for a kindly reference: But the things you will learn from the yellow an' brown, They'll 'elp you and 'eap you with the white. - The backward races, according to this new light of Asia, have no inherent capacities, rights, or prospects, but are merely a part of the "white man's bur- den," a load more grievously to be borne than the weiguc which mythology assigned to the back of the ill-fated Atlas. But this note is strangely discordant to the prevailing sentiment of the opening century. How much broader in com- prehension, truer in prophecy, and nobler in sympathy and spirit are the lines of Walt Whitman: A man's body at auction! (For before the war I often go to the slave mart and watch the sale.) I help the auctioneer, the sloven does not half know his business. Gentlemen, look on this wonder 1 Whatever the bids of the bidders, they can not be high enough for it. For it the globe lay preparing quiutillions of years without one animal or plant. For it the revolving cycles truly and steadily rolled. In this head the all-baffling brain. * * * * * * * Examine these limbs, red, black, or white, they are cunning in tendon and nerve, * * * * * * * i Genesis, IX: 31-27. = Seven Seas, p. 171. 796 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. Exquisite censes, life-lit eyes, pluck, volition, ***** * * And wonders within there yet. Within there runs blood, The same old blood! the same red running blood! There swells and jets a heart, there all passions, desires, reachings, aspirations, (Do you think they are not there because they are not expressed in parlors and lecture- rooms?) This is not only one man — this the father of those who shall be fathers in their turns, In him the start of populous states and rich republics. Of him countless immortal lives with countless embodiments and enjoyments, i It is a matter of prime importance for the negro to feel and to convince his fellow-men that he possesses the inherent qualities and therefore the inherent rights that belong to the human race. Carlyle, though blinded by narrow preju- dice when handling the negro in the concrete, is nevertheless a true philosopher when dealing with general principles. The same author who regards the negro as an "amiable blockhead," and amenable only to the white man's "beneficent whip," also exclaims, "that one man should die ignorant who had the capacity for knowledge, this I call a tragedy, were it to happen more than twenty times in a minute."^ When it is granted that the negro has capacity for knowledge and virtue, all of his other problems flow as corollaries from the leading proposition. The lack of capacity on the part of colored youth to secure the higher lines of education has, until recently, in this country at least, been generally assumed. The few negroes who showed any intellectual development during slavery days were exceptions, sufficient only to prove the rule. It used to be an accepted dic- tum that the negro's skull was too thick to learn. This dictum, however, seems to have been founded upon a desire rather than a belief; for in order to justify the assertion laws were made forbidding the attempt. It was made a crime for the negro to perform the impossible. Why reenact the laws of God? It will be noticed that those who deny the negro mental capacity may fairly be suspected or a motive. This was certainly true in the case of the slaveholders before the war. It is equally true in certain quarters to-day. Men will resort to all kinds of arguments in order to shape their consciences to their dealings. All the resources of knowledge were exhausted to show that the negro was not like other men, and that God had designed him for an inferior station in life. All this was undertaken to justify the system of slavery, or, slavery being dead, to shut out the negro from the full privileges of manhood and citizenship. It is easy as it is safe to shift responsibility from men's guilty consciences and place it upon divine intendment. The process was a logical and a cunning one. Admit the negro's mental and moral endowments and all justification for inhuman, unfair, or proscriptive treatment falls to the ground. If I'm designed yon lording's slave, By nature's law designed; Why was an independent wish E'er planted in my mind? ^ John C. Calhoun was by all odds the most sagacious defender of slavery. He placed its justification squarely upon the ground of the negro's intellectual and moral inferiority. He is reported to have said that if he could find a single negro who understood the Greek syntax he would regard the race as human and worthy to be treated as men. * This statement sounds very remarkable in the light of 1 Leaves of Grass, p. 85. ^ Sartor Resartus (Helotage) . " Robert Burns's Man was Made to Mourn. ■* On account of the importance and' widespread currency of this statement, I deem it advisable to give hero an account of its origin. The late Rev. Alexander Crummell, founder and first president of the American Negro Academy, gives the following account: In the j^ear 1833 or 1834, the speaker (Rev. Alexander Crummell) was an errand boy in the THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 797 subsequent developments. If Mr. Calhoun cotild be reincarnated and could visit his old alma mater at New Haven, he wonld undoubtedly change his opinion. This remarkable statement should serve to make us heedless of all sweeping denunciations and hostile generalities against the race, however arrogantly they may be put forth or with however high authoritj^ they may be supported. The mental capacity of the negro with reference to this higher education gives rise to two distinct questions: (1) Can he master and assimilate the branches usually placed in the college curriculum? and (2) is he equal in capacity to the white man? The first proposition needs no argument. Nobody whose opinion is worth quot- ing doubts at this late date that the negro can master the higher branches of European learning and interpret them in thought and action. Whoever affects to doubt it himself needs to be pitied for his incapacity to grasp the truth. The only excuse for introducing this proposition is thn,t it was at one time denied. Duty depends upon and is proportionate to ability. Even though it be shown that the white man has larger gifts of mind than the negro, that does not relieve the latter from the duty of cultivating his mind by means of higher education. If the Russians should find that they are intellectually interior to the Germans, would that make it any the less incumbent upon Russian youth to cultivate their minds to the highest possible degree? The possessor of one talent is called upon to make returns as well as the holder of ten. It is only the sloth who hides his talent in the earth because he imagines that somebody else has a larger allowance. The claim for the higUer education of colored youth is not based upon relative capacity, but upon their ability to profit by it. There is a principle in mechanics that no more work can be gotten out of a machine than power is put into it. The problem of machinery is to so adjust force and friction as to bring out the largest possible fraction of useful work. The analogy applies with much strength to the case in hand. It is not attempted to create capacity. God alone can do that. But the problem is how can we best prepare the negro to do the work before him and that, too. with the capacity with which God has endowed him. The wisdom of man- kind has decided that the best preparation for any serious duty is a careful train- ing and discipline of the mind. Although the relative capacities of the races can not be decided by arrogant assertions on the one hand and indignant denials on the other, nevertheless it is .i matter of much speculative interest. Affirmation is worth no more than denial, and continued asseveration on either side is worth little more than a spirited con- tent of "did ■' and " didn't " between two pugnacious boys. It will take ten generations to decide this question. The intellectual ascendancy of the various races and tribes is subject to strange variability. The Egyptian, the Jew, the Indian, the Greek, the Roman, the Arab, and the modern European has each had his turn at intellectual domination. When the early nations were at the zenith of art and thought and song, Franks, Britons, and Germans were roaming through dense forests, groveling in subterranean caves, practicing bar- barous rites, and chanting their horrid incantations to savage gods. In the days of Aristotle the ancestors of Sir Isaac Newton and Kent and Gladstone could not count beyond the ten fingers. Tacitus tells us that the British youth were incapable of learning music and i^hilosophy. antislavery office in New York City. On a certain occasion he heard a conversation between the secretary and two eminent lawyers of Boston— Samuel E. Sewell and David Loo Child. They had been to Washington on some legal business. While at the capital they happened to dine in the company of the great John C. Calhoun, the Senator from South Carolina. It was a period of great ferment upon the question of slavery. State's rights, and nullification; and con- sequently the negro was the topic of conversation at the table. One of the utterances of Mr. Calhoun was to the effect that if he could find a negro who knew the Greek syntax he would then believe that the negro was a human being and should be treated as a man. (American Negro Academy, Occasional Papers, No. 3, pp. 10-11.3 798 EDTJCATIO]^ REPORT, 1900-1901. To affirm that all races are equal in intellectual capacity is a rather liazardoiis proposition. There is not wanting, however, eminent authority to support it. Leaving this broad proposition untouched, let us now deduce some of' the argu- ments which support the negro's claim to intellectual capacity. 1. Within the limits of the white race there is the voidest possible divergence of mental capability. A philosopher and an idiot may not only be members of the same race, but of the same family. Such divergence is eqiially true of the negro race. No intellectual classification is possible which will put all whites in one class and all blacks in another. Some negroes are iiuquestionably superior in intellectual endowment to most white men. 2. Where mixed schools exist there is no discoverable difference of capacity or aptitude on the part of the pupils of the two races. This phenomenon has mani- fested itself not only in the case of the negro in the United States, but it is equally true of the children of all the so-called inferior races who have been brought in intellectual competition with Caucasian children. It has been observed, however and remarked upon by Herbert Spencer, that the children of weaker races do not continue their mental activity after reaching maturity with the same vigor as their Vvhite competitors. This inactivity is clearly due to a lack of stimulus and incentive and not to incapacity. 3. Colored students pass through Northern colleges with success and sometimes v/ith distinction. Their average rank is exceptionally high when Vve consider their early environments and opportunities. From time immemorial negro stu- dents from Africa, Haiti, South America, and the islands of the sea have passed through the universities of Europe. This occurrence is so common that it no longer excites remark. 4. The race has produced from time to time individuals who show unmistakable evidences of the highest susceptibility of mind. Such instances are so numerous that it would be invidious to mention a few of them, not being able to mention all. 5. Of the numerous authorities that might be quoted in this connection I will cite only a few. William Matthews, LL. D., one of the most successful American authors, in discussing negro intellect, says: We affirm that the inferiority of the negro has never been proved, nor is there any good reason to suppose that he is doomed forever to maintain his present rela- tive position, or that he is inferior to the white man in any other sense than some white races are inferior to others.^ Benjamin Kidd, author of Social Evolution, says: The children of the large negro population in that country [United States] are on .lUst the same footing as children of the white population in the public elemen- tary schools. Yet the negro children exhibit no intellectual inferiority; they make just the same progress in the subject taught as do the children of the white parents, and the deficiency they exhibit in later life is of ciuite a different kind.^ Prof. N. F. Shaler, of Harvard University, dean of the Lawrence Scientific School, writes in the Arena: There are hundreds and thousands of black men in this country who in capacity are to be ranked with the superior persons of the dominant race, and it is hard to say that in any evident feature of mind they characteristically differ from their white fellow-citizens.^ The following citations from the highest academic authority furnish valuable testimony as to the negro's intellectual capacity:'* ' North American Review, July, 1889. ^ Social Evolution, p. 295. ^ Arena, December, 1890. ^ These citations are taken from The College-Bred Negro, p. 31 et seq. The College-Bred Negro appeared as Atlanta University Publications, No. 5, and contains the fullest extant his- torical and statistical account of the negro's higher educational efforts. Dr. W. E.B. Du Bois is secretary of the Atlanta conference, and the success of this work is due largely to his efforts. THE EDUCATIOlSr OF THE NEGEO. 799 From the University of Kansas we learn (January, 1900) : I am pleased to state that this year we have twice as many colored students in attendance at the university as ever before; in all. 2y, The rule is that no student shall be allowed to take more than three studies. It he fails in one of the three, it is a "single failure:" in two of the three, a "double failure."' The latter severs the students connection with the university. There are 1.000 students in attend- an 'e at the present time. The semiannual examination was held last wet.k. and as a result there are 200 '• single failures " and 8u " doub e iailures." The gratifying part of it is that not one of the colored students is in either number. The secretary of Oherlin writes (February, 1900) in sending his list: "It is a list containing men and women of whom we are proud.'' Colgate University, New York, writes of a graduate of 1874 as " a very brilliant student," who " was graduated second best in his class. It was believed by many that he was actuallj' the leader." A graduate of Colb}' College, Maine, is said by the librarian to have been " uni- versallj' respected as a student, being chosen class orator." Wittenberg College, Ohio, has two colored graduates. "They were both bright gir!!s and stood well up in their resi)ective clas;ses." A negro graduate of Washburn College, Kansas, is said by the chairman of the faculty to be " one of the graduates of the college in whom we take pride." The deau of the faculty of Knorc College, Illinois, writes of two negro students — Senator Bruce, of Mississippi, and another— who graduated and wore remembered because of " their distinguished scholarship." A black student of Adrian College, Michigan, " was one of the best mathemati- cians I ever had in a class," writes a professor. Adelbert College, of the Western Reserve University, Ohio, has a negro graduate as acting librarian who is characterized as "one of the most able men we know;" while of another it is said, " We expect the best." Lombard University, Illinois, has "heard favorable reports" of its single negro graduate. The dean of the State University of Iowa writes (December, 1899) of a graduate of 1898: He distinguished himself for good scholarship, and on that ground was admitted to membership in the Phi Beta Kappa Society. He is a man of most e.Kcellent char- acter and good sense, and 1 expect fur him a very honorable future. He won the respect of all his classmates and of the faculty. As president of the Phi Beta Kappa Society, I received him into membership with very great pleasure as in every way worthy of this honor. Boston University writes of one graduate as "a fine fellow." He is now doing postgraduate work at Yale, and the agent of the Capon Springs negro conference writes (November, 1900) "I continually hear him mentioned in a complimentary way. On the other hand, two negro boys were in the freshman class not long ago, and both were conspicuously poor scholars." Otterbein University, Ohio, has a graduate who " was a most faithful and capa- ble student." The dean of Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, writes (December, 1899) of its graduates: The last two or three are hardly established in business yet. but the others are doing remarkably well. These men have been in each case fully equal to if not above the average of their class. We have been very much pleased with the work of the colored men who have come to us. They have been a credit to theniseives and their race while here and to the college since graduation. I wish we had niore such. The president of Tabor College, Ohio, says of two colored graduates: "They are brainy fellows who have done very much good in the world." One of the most prominent colored Methodist ministers in Philadelphia said to the president of Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, speaking of a colored graduate; "Any college may be proud to have gr-aduated a man like him." 800 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. The University of Idaho graduated in 1898 a yoting colored woman of "excep- tional ability." Westminster College, Pennsylvania, has graduated two negroes. "Both were excellent students and ranted high in the estimation of all who knew them." Of a graduate of Hamilton College, New York, the secretary says: He was one of the finest young men we have ever had in our institution. He was an earnest and consistent Christian, and had great influence for good with his fellow-students. No one ever showed him the slightest discourtesy. On leaving college lie spent three years in Auburn Tlieological Seminary; was licensed to preach by one of our Northern presbyteries, and then went to Virginia, near Nor- folk, where he built a church and gave promise of great usefulness, when, about two years ago, he suddenly sickened and died. He had many friends in Clinton outside of the college. He prepared for college in the Clinton Grammar School. On leaving the school for college the wife of the principal of the school made to me the remark that it seemed as if the spirit of tiie Lord had departed from the school. I received him into the church and was his pastor for a number of years. Everybody was his friend. Members of the Presbyterian Church of Clinton con- tributed to the erection of his church in Virginia, and the Sunday school has edu- cated his sister. His untimely death caused deep sorrow in this community, where he was greatly beloved. We felt that he was destined to become a power for good among his people in the South. At the larger colleges the record of the negro students has, on the whole, been good. At Harvard several have held scholarships, and 1 a fellowship; there has been 1 Phi Beta Kappa man, 1 class orator, 3 commencement speakers, 3 mas- ters of art, and 1 doctor of philosophy. In schoiarshii^ the 11 graduates have stood: 4 good, 3 fair, 2 ordinary, and 2 poor. At Brown one of the most brilliant students of recent years was a negro; he was among the junior 8 elected to the Phi Beta Kappa. At Amherst the record of colored men has been very good, both in scholarship and athletics. A colored man captained the Amherst foot-ball team one year and is now one of the chief Harvard foot-ball coachers. At Yale and Cornell colored men have held scholarships and some have made good records. But, say the objectors, if the negro possesses this great capacity of mind, why has he not given the world the benefit of it during the course of history? By their fruits ye shall know them. Mr. Thomas Nelson Page, in his otherwise delightful book on the Old South, asks with supercilious disdain: "What of value to the human race has the negro race produced? In art, in mechanical development, in literature, in mental and moral science, in all the range of mental action, no nota- able work has up to this time come from a negro. "^ Henry Ward Beecher's sneer against the negro race is a hackneyed recital, viz, that " If all the negroes in the world were sunk to the bottom of the ocean, the bubbles that would come to the top would be of as much benefit to civilization as the bodies that went down." Mr. Thomas Nelson Page and Mr. Beecher make the mistake of confounding intellectual capacity with intellectual activity. Capacity is potential and not kinetic energy. Whatever native energy the mind may possess, it must receive reenforcement from the prevailing tone of society before it can show any large results. In arithmetic a figure has an inherent and a local value, the latter being by far its more powerful function in numerical calculations. So it is with intel- lectual achievements. The individual mind may count for much, but the tone of society counts for more. It is absolutely impossible for a Bacon to thrive among barbarians or a Herbert Spencer among Hottentots. In confirmation of this view let us for a moment follow the career of the Greeks, who were undoubtedly the most intellectual people that ever lived. Mr. Lecky tells us in his History of European Morals: I regard it as one of the anomalies of history that within the narrow limits and scanty population of the Greek states should have arisen men who in almost 1 The Old South, p. 314. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 801 every conceivable form of genius, in philosophy, in ethics, in dramatic and lyric poetry, in written and spoken eloquence, in statesmanship, in sculpture, in paint- ing, and probably also in music, should have attained almost or altogether the highest limits of human perfection. ^ Mr. Galton, in his Hereditary Genius, tells us: We have no man to put beside Socrates and Phidias. The millions of all Europe breeding, as they have done, for the subsequent two thousand years have never produced their equals. It follows from all this that the average ability of the Athenian race is, on the lowest estimate, very nearly two grades higher than our own; that is, about as much as our race is above that of the African negro. ^ These remarkable statements are supported by the highest possible authority, and yet this intellectual race, this race of Phidias and Plato, of Homer and Soc- rates, has continued for two thousand years in a state of complete intellectual stagnation. In the words of Macaulay, "Their people have degenerated into timid slaves and their language into a barbarous jargon.''^ Can there be any stronger proof of the fact that intellectual activity depends upon the environing stimulus, political and social stability, and not upon capacity? It is often said that no negro has written a book fit for a white man to read. In so far as this is true, it grows out of the fact that the negro has not had favorable intellectual environment. The Dumas, pere and fils, have laid the world under a debt of literary gratitude, but they did not write as colored men. They were not hindered by the environments of that race. Our own country has not escaped the odium of intellectual inferiority. The generation has scarcely passed away in whose ears used to ring the standing sneer: "Who reads an American book?" It was in the proud days of Thomas Jefferson that a learned European declared: "America has not yet produced one good poet, one able mathematician, one man of genius in a single art or science. " In response to this charge, Jefferson offers an eloquent, special plea. He says: When we shall have existed as a people as long as the Greeks did before they produced a Homer, the Romans a Virgil, the French a Racine, the English a Shakespeare and Milton, should this reproach be still true, we will inquire from what unfriendly cause it has proceeded.* How analogous to this is the reproach which Mr. Page hurls against the negro race! Let the negro shield himself from the reproach of Page under the plea of Jefferson. Quoting again from Dr. Matthews's contribution to the North American Review: Hardly two centuries have passed since Russia was covered with a horde of barbarians, among whom it would have been as difficult to find any example of intellectual cultivation and refinement as at this day to find the same phenomenon at Timbuctoo or among the negroes of Georgia or Alabama. But subsequent events have shown that the Russians are in no wise inferior to any other European race. It is an evident fact that the thought, the culture, and progressive spirit of our country is confined chiefly to certain sections and localities. According to Henry Cabot Lodge's Distribution of Ability in the United States,^ Massachusetts has contributed more stars to the galaxy of America's intellectual greatness than all the South and West combined, leaving out the single State of Virginia. Would it be fair, therefore, to assert that an inhabitant of Georgia or Illinois is God- ordained to be Intellectually inferior to a native of Massachusetts? The difference in age, wealth, culture, and refinement of the communities accounts for the dis- parity in the results. The negro claims the benefit of the same argument. He 1 History of European Morals, vol. 1, p. 418. ^ Hereditary Genius, p. 331. sMacaulay's Essays (Mitford's History of Greece'*. < Jefferson's Notes on Virginia. 6 The Century, September, 1891. ED 1901 51 802 EDUCATION EEPOKT, 1900-1901. has never, during the whole course of history, been surrounded by those influences which tend to strengthen and develop the mind. It takes long generations of cul- ture and leisure to produce the best results in scholarship and learning. The negro may not be expected to equal James Russell Lowell in letters, or Bancroft in history, or. John Fiske in philosophy until the community in which he lives, as well as the special society to which caste assigns him, has developed a correspond- ing intellectual tone. The intellectual equality of the sexes has recently gained many advocates, and yet, in all the list of civilized years, the feminine sex has contributed to history scarcely a single name of the first degree of luster . The explanation is offered that their energies have been directed along other lines of endeavor, and that they have not been competing for intellectual distinction. It would be as unfair to upbraid them for not reaching intellectual heights after which they have not been striving as it would be to chide them for not shining on the field of military renown. The cause of woman and the contention of the negro have many interesting jpar- allels, but none more striking than the common argument which they advance to account for the lack of superior intellectual manifestations. Leaving the speculative question in abeyance, it can certainly be said that his- tory fails to reveal any people who, under such adverse circumstances of heredity and environment, have ever equaled the uegxo in the exuberance of intellectual qualities. II. The Need of the Higher Education. Culture, like virtue, is its own reward. It needs no vicarious excuse. The pos- session of a faculty justifies the development of it. The negro needs the higher education because, as was shown in the first section, he is susceptible of the cul- ture which it affords. Civilization is due to the evolutionary process and grows by slow and imperceptible stages. Each generation does not begin its acquisitions de novo, but starts with the inheritance of all that has gone before. It must, how- ever, take some time to digest and assimilate its inheritance. Suppose each gen- eration had to rediscover for itself the propositions of Euclid, the state of math- ematical learning would always remain in its infancy. This principle is equally true of a race which has recently entered the arena. The eleventh-hour adven- ttirer enters into equal enjoyment with those who have borne the heat and burden of the day. No greater mistake can be made than to suppose that the colored race must pass through every variety of physical and mental vicissitiide which the Caucasian race has undergone before it can attain like renown. This erroneous supposition lies at the basis of much of the opposition to the higher education of colored youth. Civilization was not an original process with any race known to history. The torch is handed down from age to age and gains in brilliancy as it goes. A race can not lift itself independently into civilization any more than a man can sustain himself by pulling against the straps of his own boots. The negro, as much as any, can boast, in the lines of Tennyson, " I, the heir of all the ages, in the foremost ranks of time."^ Other men have labored, and he has entered into their labors. In order for the negro to assimilate the civilization into which ho has been suddenly thrust, he must contemplate its highest models and latest forms. It is said that the negro is a great imitator. This is a compliment rather than a reproach, provided only that he imitates the purest, the loftiest, and the best. The wearisome repetition of the slow steps and stages by which i^resent heights have been attained is impossible and absurd. It will be readily agreed that language is the surest measure and gauge of a civilization. Wherever the language of a people prevails, their customs, laws, and institutions are sure to follow. Would anyone argue, therefore, that because the negro is a new creattire in modern civilization 1 Locksley Hall. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 803 he must follow the course of historical development in the employment and use of English speech? That he must dwell for generations upon Anglo-Saxon forms and Chaucerian diction before he is prepared for the language of Gladstone and Lowell? Such questions need no answer. Whites and blacks have the same linguistic needs. They study the same forms of language and strive alike for excellence in syntax and diction, in spolien and written style. What has been said of language applies with equal force to all the complex elements of modern life. The higher educa- tion is the gateway to the best that civilization has to offer. Civilization may be defined as the sum total of those influences and agencies that make for knowledge and virtue. This is the goal, the ultima thule, of all human strivings. The essential factors of civilization are knowledge, industry, culture, and virtue. Knowledge comprehends the facts and truths of the universe; indus- try embodies them in concrete form; culture leads to rational enjoyment; virtue preserves and makes eternal. The African was snatched from the wilds of sav- agery and thrust into the midst of a mighty civilization. He thus escaped the gradual i^rocess of evolution, and education must span the gap. Education must accomplish more for a backward people than it does for those who are in the fore- front of progress. It must not only lead to the unfoldment of faculties, but must fit for a life from which the recipient is separated by many centuries of develop- ment. The fact that a backward people are surrounded by a civilization which is so far in advance of their own is by no means an unmixed advantage. In the temijestuous current of modern life the contestant must either swim on the sur- face or sink out of sight. He must either conform or succumb to the inexorable law of progress. The African chieftain who would make a inlgrimage from his native principality to the city of Washington might accomplish the first part of his journey by the original mode of transportation — in the piimitive dugout and upon the backs of his slaves — but he would complete it upon the steamship, the railway, the electric car, and the automobile. How swift the transformation, and yet how suggestive of centuries of toil, struggle, and mental endeavor. It required the human race thousands of years to bridge the chasm between savagery and civilization; but now it must be crossed by a school curriculum of a few j'ears' duration. The analytic process is always more rapid than the synthetic. The embrj'ologists tell us that the individual, in developing from conception to maturity, must pass in rapid succession through all the stages traversed by the race in its struggle upward. We are also informed that social evolution must take a some- what similar course. The European child is supposed to absorb the civilization of his race in about twenty-five years of formative training. The negro is required to master, de novo, the principles of civilization in a similar and, indeed, in a shorter time. In a settled state of society education is conservative rather than progressive in its main feature. Its chief function is to enable the individual to live the life already attained by the race. The initiative of progress is reserved for the few choice spirits of the human race. The bulk of any people can only live up to ths level of their social medium, and can be uplifted only by social impulses imparted by some i^owerful personality. It is a wise provision of nature that large bodies move slowly, otherwise they would acquire dangerous momentum. The progress of the race must be provokingly slow as compared with that of the individual. Education prepares for a statical rather than a dynamical condition of society. And yet, notwithstanding these stern truths, every educated negro must be a reformer, a positive, aggressive influence, in uplifting the masses, and that, too, in spite of the fact that he belongs to a backward breed that has never taken the initiative in the progressive movements of the world. He ' must therefore be aroused to a consciousness of personal power, the energy of the will, the individ- ual initiative, that subtle, indefinable quality which has always exerted a control- 804 EDUCATIOK REPOET, 1900-1901. ling influence upon human affairs, in spite of the theories of doctrinaires and the formulas of philosophy. The first great need of the negro is that the choice youth of the race should assimilate the principles of culture and hand them down to the masses below. This is the only gateway through which a new people may enter into modern civilization. Herein lies the history of culture. The select minds of the back- ward race or nation must first receive the new cult and adapt it to the peculiar needs of their own people. Did not the wise men of Greece receive the light from Egypt? The Roman youth of ambition completed their education at Athens; the noblemen of northern Europe sent their sons to the southern peninsulas in quest of larger learning; and up to the present day American youth repair to the European, universities for a fuller knowledge of the culture of the Old World. Japan looms up as the most progressive of the non- Aryan races. This wonderful progress is due in a large measure to their wise plan of procedure. They send their picked j^outh to the great centers of Western knowledge; but before this culture is applied to their own needs it is first sifted through the sieve of their native comprehension. The graduates of the higher schools of learning and other institutions are forming centers of civilizing influence in all parts of the land, and we confidently believe that these grains of leaven will iiltimately leaven the whole lump. That mere contact with a race of superior development can not of itself unfold the best possibilities of a backward people is a proposition which, I think, no stu- dent of social phenomena will be inclined to dispute. For four hundred years the European has been brought in contact with feebler races in all parts of the world and, in most cases, this contact has been as the blighting finger of death. Nowhere do we fand a single instance in which a people has been lifted into civili- zation thereby. Outward conformity may be enforced by a rigid discipline; but outward forms and fair practices are of little or no avail if the inward apprecia- tion be wanting. Civilization is a centrifugal and not a centripetal process. It can not be injected hypodermically. Healthy growth can not be secured by feed- ing a child when he is not hungry or by forcing upon him a diet which he can neither digest nor assimilate. Aside from political ambition and commercial exploitation, the chief motive of the European in treating with feebler races has been to civilize and enlighten them. The conversion of the Indian to the Christian faith v/as the chief motive assigned for the early colonization of America, and yet the influence of such schools as Hampton and Carlisle has, perhaps, done more to uplift the red man than all of the contact with the white race since Columbus first planted his Catholic cross in the virgin soil of a new world. Indeed, the superficial, the friv- olous, and the vicious qualities are most easily communicable. The substantial qualities of mind and soul can only be developed by independent activity. For four centuries the Portuguese have been touching the life of the east coast of Africa with their missionary propagandism, commercial enterprise, and gov- ernmental policy, but, according to the highest testimony, they have made no more abiding impression on the life of that continent than one might make upon the surface of the ocean with the dent of his finger. The negro has now reached a critical stage in his career. The point of attach- ment between the races which slavery made possible has been destroyed. The relation is daily becoming less intimate and friendly aiid more business like and formal. It thus becomes all the more imperative that the race should gain for itself the primary principles of knowledge and culture. Civilization can not be imparted by attrition, but is the unfolding of the seed whose potency is m itself. It becomes all the more needful for the negro to pursue the higher lines of edu- cation, because this is the principal avenue of refining influence now open to him. There is no long line of ancestors to inspire to noble thoughts or deeds. The THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 805 present basis of society does not admit the negro to close social and personal touch with the best forms of culture and refinement. Just as it is more needful for the crude rustic lad to study English syntax than it is for the son of a refined family who gains facility of speech by familiarity and use, so it becomes all the more necessary for the colored youth of crude antecedents and environments to gain culture and refinement through the medium of the school. That servile and domestic contact has greatly benefited the race, at least so far as outward conformity and the graces of life are concerned, can not be doubted. This kind of contact served its purpose in its day, but its spirit is repugnant to the instincts of manhood. Slavish conformity growing out of favor or fear is not the kind of development that makes men. The helping hand that is most helpful must not be inclined downward, but stretched out on the horizontal. The alarm is sounded that as the negro is being freed from the restraining influence of the master class he is, in some localities at least, relapsing into barbarism. The fact is, .slavery has never lifted them nauch above that deplorable state. The boasted benefits of slavery are superficial, not real. It reminds one of induced electricity, that lasts only so long as the inducing influence is present. Slavery can not ele- vate a people. The real uplifting influence has been the schoolhouse and the col- lege. These are to become more and more effective as the other influences are removed. Another great need of the race, which the schools must in a large measure supply, is self-reliant manhood. Slavery made the negro as dependent upon the intelligence and foresight of his master as a soldier upon the will of his com- mander. He had no need to take thought as to what he should eat or drink or wherewithal he should be clothed. Knowledge necessarily awakens self-consciousness of power. When a child learns the multiplication table he gets a clear notion of intellectual dignity. Here he gains an acquisition which is his permanent, personal possession and which can never be taken from him. It does not depend upon external authorit}-; he could reproduce it if all the visible forms of the universe were effaced. They say that the possession of personal property is the greatest stimulus to self-respect. When a man can read his title clear to earthly possessions, it awakens a consciousness of the dignity of his own manhood. And so when one has digested and assimilated the principles of knowledge he can file his declaration of intellectual independence; he can adopt the language of Montaigne: " Truth and reason are common to every- one and are no more his who spake them first than his who speaks them after; 'tis no more according to Plato than according to me, since he and I equally see and understand them.'" Primary principles have no ethnic quality. We hear much in this day and time of the white man's civilization. We had just as well speak of the white man's multiplication table. Civilization is the common possession of all who will assimi- late and apply its principles. England can utilize no secret process of art or inven- tion that is not equally available to Japan. We reward ingenuity with a patent right for a period of years upon the process that has been invented; but when an idea has been published to the world it is no more the exclusive property of the author than gold, after it has been put into circulation, can be claimed by the miner who first dug it from its hiding place in the earth. No race or nation can preempt civilization any more than it can monopolize the atmosphere which surrounds the earth or the waters which hold it in their liquid embrace. In passing through the streets you may notice a young man accommodate his com- panion with a light from his cigar. After the spark has once been communicated the beneficiary stands upon an equal footing with the oenefactor. In both cases the fire must be continued by drawing fresh supplies of oxygen from the atmosphere. 1 Essay on the Education of Children. 806 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1900-1901. From whatever source a nation may derive the light of civilization, it must be perpetuated by the exercise of its own faculties. All of the visible forms of civili- zation have been dug out of the ground. We boast of our towns and cities, of our steamships and railways, and of the mighty VN^orks of art and invention, but the voice of time is ever whispering, "Dust thou art, to dust returnest." But after all these shall have crumbled into dus. the ingenuity of man will be able to produce mightier works than those that perished. Mind and matter are the irreducible elements. Mind is the common heritage of man, and matter is indestructible. The negro race has not yet directed its energy to the solution of primary prob- lems. It has been content to receive the crumbs that fall from the white man's table. Several years ago I received from my florist a fine rosebush that had been grafted upon a Manetti stem, with instructions that the Manetti must be buried out of sight and that its shoots must be pinched back as fast as they appeared above the ground. The strength v/hich its hardy roots derived from the soil was to be diverted from the natural course of developing the plant itself and infused into the more lordly rose, thus insuring greater vigor of growth and brilliancy of bloom. I was forcibly reminded of the analogous situation of the negro in the industrial world. While the race has, in a sense, been dealing with industrial first principles, it has, nevertheless, served only a vicarious purpose. The negro has been suppressed below the social surface, and wherever an individual emergence appeared it was forthwith pressed back to the common level. The substance which his sinews derived from the soil went to enrich, adorn, and glorify another race. But now, under the guidance of intelligence, the substance of his toil must be utilized to promote his own growth and expansion. ' ' Each plant must grow from its own roots" is the botanical equivalent of the o-d mechanical adage, "Every tub must rest on its own bottom." The negro race hitherto has been as the vine, which must cling to the tree or trail in the dust; but now it must imitate the oak, which gains independence of foothold and dignity among its rivals of the forest by sending its roots into the soil and expanding its foliage upon the happy air. It is knowledge that must rouse the negro to self-conscious activity. Whatever system of education is good for Anglo-American youth is good also for Afro-American youth, who have to confront the same issues, and that, too; under much severer conditions. White youth, fortified and reenf orced as they are by every advantage of opportunity and environment, find it necessary to pursue the higher education in order to equip themselves for the duties of life which lie before them. Should colored youth be less well prepared? Are their tasks any less difficult? Do the problems that await them call for an inferior order of ability or tact? The arbiter of success is a cruel master, reaping where he has not sown, gathering where he has not strewn, demanding friiit in abundance where he has not planted the seed of advantage. The stream of modern competition is a tem- pestuous current. The contestant must either swim on the surface or sink out of sight. The world in its cruel demands will accept no excuse. It makes little or no allowance for a man because his ancestors lived under a vertical sun. If you can not do the world's work, it will say to you, if it is in the humor to stop long enough: '"Tis true 'tis pity; and pity "tis 'tis true," and pass on to some one who can. Men demand the best services available for their needs. No one is willing to trust his life in sickness, his cause in litigation, nor yet his moral and spiritual needs to half-trained or incompetent hands. That the higher education increases the efficiency of service goes without saying. If it is believed that the negro race is doomed to everlasting servility, and that its ordained mission is to hew wood and carry water, then discouragement of higher education is consistent. If all the ennobling vocations are to be filled by white men only and menial stations THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGKO. 807 assigned to the negro, then his higher culture is a delusion and a snare. But if the negro has wrapped up in liim all the possibilities of humanity, he should pre- pai-e himself for the larger responsihilities. Again, the class of men who justify human degradation has not yet passed away. Great learning and scholarsliip have always been employed against the negro. Men of great ingenuity and mental cleverness have always been arrayed against human rights. History, anthropology, ethnology, and the whole range of the inexact sciences, from which men derive the doctrines they are looking for, have been ransacked for testimony against the African. Our magazines frequently startle us with some amazing article, from authority of high repute, tending to degrade and belittle the race. Scholarship must be combated with scholarshiiJ. The situation calls for negroes who shall be able to accept the challenge on any plane and to meet and match the adversary in deep research, in logical acumen, in persuasive rhetoric, or disquisitional skill. The work of educated colored men is largely that of leadership. They require, therefore, all the discipline, judgment, and mental balance that long preparation can afford. The more ignorant and backward the masses, the more skilled and efficient should the leaders be. It is easier to lead a trained army than a mob of raw recruits, ignorant of the di'-cipline and tactics of wai'. It requires less wis- dom to direct those who need no guidance than to control tho.-;e who do not know their intellectual right hand from the left. It must be rem.embered, too, that the matters in which the negroes are to be directed are of the highest importance. It requires high qualification to deal wit^ely with finance, economics, and the general matters of government and state. But does it not require superior wisdom to deal wisely with human hopes and destiny? No man or set of men can be too learned or too profound into whose hands are committed the temporal and eternal welfare of a people. Leaders will arise whether qualified or not. If the blind lead the blind all will land in the ditch. Who does not know of the harm which such leaders have inflicted by their rash judgment and ill-advised counsel? It is not contended that a college education makes a man a leader or that a lack of liberal culture disquali- fies him for useful service. America has produced scores of men of the highest renown who were not the product of the schools. There are negroes, not a few, who are doing valiant service for the race by means of their virile common sense and untutored energy. Far be it from me to detract one iota from their useful- ness or dim the luster of their renown. But when all that has been claimed is conceded the balance of advantages will be foimd on the side of culture. The whole trend of liberal learning is toward noble manhood and exalted service. The situation is too serious, the crisis too critical, to neglect any means whereby help might come. In selecting the choice youth of a backward race and giving them a liberal edu- cation as the best means ol preparing them to uplift their own people, we are only following ancient precedent. The Hebrews labored under disadvantages remark- ably similar to those of the American negro. Gods idea of a leader was a man identified in blood and sympathy with the downtrodden races, who should be learned in all the wisdom of his day and generation. He must be able to cope with the wisdom of Pharaoh's court. It seems that in ancient as in modern times learning frequently arrayed itself on the side of arrogance aud oppression. Moses, in order to succeed in his mission, must match the wisdom of Egypt in logical argument, in ijersuasive speech, and in the manifestation of magical power. If the wise men of the Nile could perform wonders, he must do mightier works than these. His serpent must swallow up the rest. The culture of Moses, however, was of the greatest service to him in leading the undisciplined hosts through the wilderness and in laying the foundation of their national and perma- nent greatness. Can we not learn lessons from history? Although under the 808 EDUCATION SEPORT, 1900-1901. present circumstances a single commanding leader is almost or altogether impos- sible, nevertheless the same principle holds now as then. There is no doubt that there were to be found both Egyptians and Hebrews who decried giving a Hebrew youth an Egyptian education, on the ground that it unfitted him for his place and made him think that he was as good as Egyptians. It was the common practice of Rome to select the most promising youth of the provinces and give them a complete education in order that they might dissemi- nate an uplifting influence among their own people. To-day the Japanese send their choicest youth to the universities of Europe and America as the best means of transplanting Western civilization to oriental soil. It is the highest ambition of missionaries in all parts of the world to send the best specimens of the native youth to the home country to take on the higher education and bring back the good influence to their ov/n race. It will be noticed that in all these cases it is the higher education that is sought for— the highest that the recipient will take. The select negro youth of this country have as much need to absorb the higher culture and disseminate the beneficial influence throughout the race. This race needs teachers, preachers, physicians, and lawyers, aggregating more than 50,000, all of whom will be the better prepared for their functions by the higher education, or at least by a flavor of its influence. The higher education tends to develop supe- rior individuals who may be expected to exercise a controlling influence over the multitude. The individual is the proof, the promise, and the salvation of the race. The undeveloped races, which in modern times have faded before the breath of civilization, have perished probably because of their failure to produce com- manding leaders to guide them v/isely under the stress and strain which an encroaching civilization imposed. A single Indian with the capacity and spirit of Booker T. Washington might have solved the red man's problem and averted his impending doom. The contention among scholars as to what place the classical or dead languages should occupy in a system of education is of much general interest. The friends of liberal learning need to stand firm against all short cuts to culture and the mad rushes after practical results. It is the part of wisdom for the educators of col- ored youth to adhere to the orthodox standards of culture approved by long cen- turies of trial and usage. The safest road to culture runs through Greece and Rome. "From thence," says Macaulay, "have sprung directly or indirectly all the noblest creations of the human intellect." It is especially necessary for col- ored youth to acquire acquaintance with classical institutions and life. The negro borrows his civilization from thosb who borrowed in their turn. A recent v/riter argues:' It is quite important that the higher education of the negro should include Latin and Greek. The Anglo-Saxon civilization in which he lives is a derivative one, receiving one of its factors from Rome and the other from Athens. The white youth is obliged to study the classic languages in order to become conscious of these two derivative elements in his life, and it is equally important for the colored youth. A liberal education by classic study gives the youth some acquaintance with his spiritual embryology. The belief that a sound scholastic education will enable the negro to discrimi- nate between the real things of life and the superficial appearances is clearly set forth in the following citation: They say that egotism and self-conceit are characteristic of the African race, and especially the Afro-American of academic training. You will have to deal with a population that places a premium upon bombastic display and a discount tipon unpretentious merit. You should devote your powers to the masses to uplift them and not to exploit them for your vamglory and unrighteous self- aggrandizement. It is said that a native African struts proudly when decorated with flaming European neckwear ot the latest Parisian pattern, though he wear ' W. T. Harris in Atlantic Montlily, June, 1893. THE EDUCATIO.Y OF THE NEGKO. 809 not a single other article of dress. Men cross the seas, and even go to college, with- out changing their natures. Witness tliose Afro-Americans who decorate tliem- selves witli the highest-sounding literary and scholarly degrees, making heavy demands upon the alphabet to exyiress them, without a single other item of intel- lectual adornment to support this gaudy display. Reprobate all such childish infirmity. It will only make you ridiculous in the eyes of sensible men. Be nat- ural. Be simple. "Be whatever you may, but yourself first." Do not impose cheap and shoddy standards upon the masses, but teach them to appreciate the noblest and the best. Grasp the real things of life rather than the superficial and showy. It is perfectly natural for a people who are rapidly acquiring civilization, and in whom the faculty of imitation is strong, to be captivated by the superficial aspect of things, to grasp after the frith and froth rather than the life-giving li(iuid upon Nvhich it floats. If a wild man from Borneo should plunge into the gayeties of the Eurojjean capitals, should become initiated into the latest style of dress and forms of fashionable display, he might vainly flatter himself that he had leveled the immense lift between savagery and civilization, totally oblivious of the fact that he is separated from that life whose forms he slavishly imitates by ten centuries of solid development. It is true that other men have labored and you have entered into their labors, but you must prove your right to this inherit- ance by striving to comprehend its inner spirit and meaning, and to unravel its secret and method. I have said that your education has brought you in touch with the fundamental things of life. Return ever and anon to these first princi- ples as your standards and data of reference. In Greek mythology we learn that Antaeus, the giant, in wrestling with Hercules, received new vigor whenever he touched his mother earth; but Hercules, discovering the secret of his strength, lifted him into the air and squeezed him to death in his herculean grasp. I advise you to make sure of the firmness and fixture of your foothold in the basis of solid things for fear that you be lifted into the delusive realm of unreal allurements and be intoxicated by the frivolous demigod of this unsubstantial region.' In the same discourse it is also shown that a knowledge of tke laws of growth of human institutions will give the negro a larger patience with the temporary ills of his lot. Do not waste time complaining against the existing order of society. Enter a manly protest against all forms of wrongs and injustice, but do not pass your days in wailful lachrymations against the regulations of a civilization whose grandeur you have done nothing to make and whose severities you are doing nothing to mollify. Leave that to the ignorant demagogue. Bring your knowl- edge of history and of human nature to bear upon the situation. I have already pointed out to you that the adjustment of man's relation to man constitutes one of the primary problems of life. Where this adjustment is complicated by diverse physical peculiai'ities and by different inherited or acquired characteristics the problem becomes one of the greatest intricacy that has ever taxed human wisdom and patience for solution. Race prejudice is as much a fact as the law of gravi- tation, and it would be as suicidal to ignore the operation of the one as that of the other. Mournful complaint is as impotent as an infant crying against the fury of the wild wind. History has taught you that the path of moral progress has never taken a straight line, but has ever been a zigzag course amid the conflicting forces of right and wrong, truth and error, justice and injustice, cruelty and mercy. Do not be discouraged, then, that all the wrongs of the universe are not righted at your bidding. The great humanitarian movement which has been sweeping over the civilized world from the middle ot the eighteenth century to the present time, manifesting itself in political revolutions, in social and moral reforms, and in works of love and mercy, affords the amplest assurance that all worthy elements of the population will ultimately be admitted to share in the privileges and bless- ings of civilization according to the measure of their merit. ^ One of the chief functions of higher education for the negro is to stimulate his industrial energies. Many able and earnest advocates of the negro's cause seem to have lost the power of binocular vision and have become one-eyed enthusiasts over a narrow feature. The two forms of education are not antagonistic, but supplemental; the one applies to the few, the other to the many; the one supplies the motive, the other the method. The negro needs, first of all, lofty ideals. The surest way to » Address to graduating class, Howard University, Jano^ 1898, by Kelly Miller, p. 10. 2 Ibid , p 11. 810 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. induce a people fco provide for the material needs of life is to teach them that "life is more than meat." In order that the negro may feel a zest for work and enter into the joy of service he must have prospect and vista. The day laborer pursues the mechanical rounds of his stupid toil, conscious only of the fact that "time and hour run through the whole day." Under a more enlightened view he would be inspired and sustained by the anticipated enjoy- ment of the fruits of toil. The negro lacks enlightened imagination. "While slavery inculcated the regular habit of labor, it held out no incentive beyond the master's crib. The negro does not make provision because he lacks prevision. The prayer "Give us this day our daily bread" to him has a material and literal significance. The industrial incapacity of the negro is due largely to the fact that he has been confined to the low grounds of drudgery and toil without being permitted to so much as cast his eyes unto the hill of aspiration and promise. " The man with the hoe " is of all men most miserable, unless, forsooth, he has also a hope; but if he be imbued with the spirit of hope and xjromise he can wield the hoe with as much zest and satisfaction as any other instrument of service. It is true that a people must be rooted and grounded in the concrete principles of things. When a seed is sown in the ground it first sends its roots into the soil, but only that it may rise out of it, so as to bring forth foliage and flower and fruit in the air above. The incentive to noble endeavor comes from a rational conception of the true end of existence. We can not reach the sky on a pedestal of brick and mortar, and all attempt to do so must end in bewilderment and con- fusion, as it did on the plains of Shinar in days of old. Even the builders of the tower of Babel derived their inspiration from above. They were inspired by the conceit that they were descended from the skies, and sought by mechanical con- trivance only to regain the blissful seat. The negro needs a wider and a larger range of vision. He can not see beyond the momentary gratification of his desires. He does not look before and after. The most effective prayer that can be uttered for him is. Lord, open Thou his eyes. Such influences can be brought to him by means of the higher culture only. Prof. Booker T. Washington is the greatest man which the race, under freedom, has produced. But his success is due wholly to his intellectual and moral facul- ties — his enlightened mind, consecrated zeal, and persuasive ability. The mastery of a hundred handicrafts would add nothing to his usefulness or power. Those leaders who have been most effective in guiding, directing, and controlling the life, in stimulating the lethargic energies, and in quickening the zeal of the masses, have derived their inspiration, either directly or indirectly, from contact with higher culture. This is true of Douglass, the orator; of Washington, the educa- tor, and of Dunbar, the poet. The architect must plan before the artisan can exe- cute. The idea comes from above and descends until it strikes the basis of popular needs, and then rebounds, bringing the concrete fulfillment up toward the level of the ideal from which it sprang. III. Objections to the Higher Education of the Negro Answered. Of late it has been all but the universal fashion to discourage and discredit the higher education of the negro. So widespread has this spirit become that it is doubtful whether the proposition to afford facilities for the higher education of this class would receive substantial support were it now made for the first time. Indeed, many who were most enthusiastic in making the experiment have become hostile or indifferent in the light of experience. In the first place, we are told that the cost is out of proportion to the result; that the higher education has been fostered at the expense of primary and indus- trial instruction, which are more essential in the present state of need. The late Charles D. Warner, who had been a lifelong friend and advocate of the negro's THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 811' cause, espoused this view in his last striking public utterance. In his notable address delivered before the American Social Science Association, in 1900, he said: But the effort at education went fiirther than the common school and the pri- mary essential instruction. It introduced the higher education. Colleges — usu- ally called universities — for negroes were established in many Southern States, created and stimulated by the generosity of Northern men and societies and often aided by the liberality of the States where they existed. The curriculum in these was that in colleges generally — the classics, the higher mathematics, science, philosophy, the modern languages, and in some instances a certain technical instruction, which wa^ being tried in some Northern colleges. The emphasis, however, was laid on liberal culture. This higher education was oifered to the mass that still lacked the rudiments of intellectual training, in the belief that education — the education of the moment, the education of superimposed informa- tion—can realize the theory of universal equality. This experiment has now been in operation long enough to enable us to judge something of its results and its jDromises for the future. These results are of a nature to lead iis seriously to inquire whether our efifort was founded upon au adequate knowledge of the negro, of his present development, of the requirements for his personal welfare and evolution in the scale of civilization, and for his train- ing in useful and honorable citizenship. I am speaking of the majority, the mass to be considered in any general scheme, and not of the exceptional individuals — exceptions that will rapidly increase as the mass is lifted— who are capable of tak- ing advantage to the utmost of all means of cultivation, and who must always be provided with all the opportunities needed. Millions of dollars have been invested in the higher education of the negro, while this primary education has been, taking the whole mass, wholly inadequate to his needs. This has been upon the supposition that the higher would compel the rise of the lower with the undeveloped negro race as it does with the more highly developed white race. An examination of the soundness of this expecta- tion will not lead us far astray from our subject.' This is not saying that the higher education is responsible for the present con- dition of the negro. Other influences have retarded his elevation and the devel- opment of proper character, and most important means have been neglected. I only say that we have been disappointed in our extravagant expectations of what this education could do for a race undeveloped and so wanting in certain elements of character, and that the millions of money devoted to it might have been much better applied. - Dr. G. A. Alderman, president of Tulane University, New Orleans, has quite recently claimed that the» money contributed to negro education by Northern philanthropy has been, for the most part, literally wasted.^ These views have been assigned to the^e distinguished persons rather for the sake of definite location than for the weight of personal authority, for they repre- sent stock assertions which have gained much headway by persistent asseveration. And yet, when we look the facts squarely in the face, the charge that the money spent on the higher education of the colored race has been wasted or even misap- plied is indeed a remarkable one. Does this charge come from the South? When we consider that it was through Northern philanthropy that a third of its population received its first impulse to better things; that these higher institutions prepared the 30,000 negro teachers whose services are utilized in the public schools; that the men and women who were the beneficiaries of this philanthropy are doing all in their power to control, guide, and restrain the South's ignorant and vicious masses, thus lifting the gen- eral life to a higher level and lightening the public burden; that these persons are almost without exception earnest advocates of harmony, peace, and good will between the races, to say nothing of the fact that these vast philanthropic contri- butions have passed through the trade channels of Southern merchants, it would seem that the charge is strangely incompatible with that high-minded disposition and chivalrous spirit which the South is so zealous to maintain. 1 Education of the Negro, by Charles Dudley Warner, pp. 4-5. 2 Ibid., p. 13. 3 Independent, September 5, 1901. 812 EDUCATIOTT EEPOET, 1900-1901. Does this charge come from the North? It might not be impertinent to pro- pound a few propositions for consideration. Is it possible to specify a like sum of money spent upon any other backward race which has produced greater results than the amoxint spent upon the Southern negro? Is it the American Indian, upon whom four centuries of missionary effort has produced no more progress than is made by a painted ship on a painted sea? Is it the Hawaiian, who Avill soon be civilized off the face of the earth? Is it the Chinese, upon whom the chief effect of Christian philanthropy is to excite them to breathe out slaughter against the strangers within their gates? It is incumbent upon him who claims that this money has been wasted to point out where, in all the range of Christian activity, the contributions of philanthropy have been more profitably spent. Those who disparage the higher education because it has not banished ignorance and poverty and obliterated vicious tendencies are too impatient. If it takes twenty-five years to educate a white boy, it must require an incalculably longer period to educate a black race. It is true that $10,009,000 or $50,000,000 have been already contributed by philanthropy for the education of the negro. This is about equal to the biennial expenditure of the city of New York for^ educational pur- poses. And yet, if we are to believe the reports of the low state of municipal morality and the rumors of corruption and wrongdoing, we see that education has by no means done its perfect work in our national metropolis. Then why should we rave at the heart and froth at the mouth because a sum of money scarcely equal to the biennial educational cost of a single American city, when scattered over a territory of a million square miles and distributed through a period of thirty years has not completely civilized an undeveloped race of some ten million souls? .. The American people must yet learn to apply the simple principles of political economy to the race problem. A dollar contributed by philanthropy is not neces- sarily any more efficacious than one appropriated out of the public treasury. Money devoted to the education o" the black race need not be expected to yield any greater return, either of knowledge, virtue, or practical capacity, than a like sum devoted to the white race. Although the Southern States have contributed to the full amount of their ability, it is still true that the combined contributions of Northern philanthropy and Southern statesmanship have been woefully inad- equate to the task imposed. Fifty millions of dollars is indeed a princely sum, but on examination we find that it would not average one dollar a year for each negro child to be educated. Why should we marvel, then, that the entire mass of ignorance and corruption has not put on enlightenment and purity? We should be patient with the slow evolution of social forces. The human race makes very slow progress toward the goal of righteousness. After the lapse of nineteen cen- turies of Christian endeavor the curse of sin is still in the world. It is no mar- vel, then, that the negro has not put on the perfect dress of civilization and right- eousness because exhorted to do so in proverb and psalm. Wisdom is justified by her children. As an illustration of the value of the higher education to the negro race, I point to Howard University, which is the largest and best equipped institution of its class. The establishment and main- tenance of this institution during the past thirty-four years has cost between $3,000,000 and $3,000,000. As the returns on this investment, it has sent into the world, in round numbers, 200 ministers of the gospel, 700 physicians, pharmacists and dentists, 300 lawyers, and 600 persons with general collegiate and academic training, together with thousands of sometime pupils who have shared the partial benefits of its courses. These graduates and sometime pupils are to be found in every district and county where the negro population resides, and are filling places of usefulness, honor, and distinction, as well as performing works of mercy and sacrificial service for social betterment. Not a half dozen of the entire number have a criminal record. They serve as an inspiration and a stimulus, THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 813 qnickening the dormant energies of the people and urging them to loftier ideals and nobler modes of life. It devolves upon the complainant to present some plan by which a like sum of money, in a like space of time, can be expended so as to produce a more wholesome or more widespread effect upon the general social uplift. Another potent objection against the higher education is that it has not checked the evil disposition and vicious tendencies of the race. Prof. John Roach Straton, in the North American Review, sets forth this view with much erudition and argu- mentative skill.' As this phase of the question has never had a more learned or effective advocate, it seems well to consider at length the arguments which Pro- fessor Straton advances. In the first place, he contrasts the present criminal status of the race with its moral behavior under the regime of slavery. Several weighty considerations must have escaped the author while he had this topic under discussion. Slavery did not improve the moral nature of the negro, but merely compelled out- ward conformity by i^hysical force. If convicts in prison are wull behaved, it is from physical necessity and not from moral choice. Herein lay the chief evil of slavery. It suppressed overt manifestations of wrongdoing, but did not imijlant the corrective principle. When the physical restrai nt was removed there was no corre- sponding moral restraint to take its place. It was inevitable that when let loose this pent-up momentum would expend itself in wild license and excessive indul- gence. It is manifestly unfair to compare the behavior of the race under freedom of action and liberty of choice to its conduct when under the control of an alien will. The parallel increase of crime and intelligence is not peculiar to the negro, but is a common phenomenon of the country at large. "After the war the education of the negro began and rapidly advanced, but side by side with it has gone his increase in crime and immorality in even greater ratio. "^ If the author had left out the word "began *' and substituted " the American people " for " the negro" in this recital, he would have told the whole truth and not merely a disjointed fragment, to the disadvantage of a discredited class. The negro constitutes the lower stratum of society, where the bulk of crime is always committed. His social degradation is the greatest factor contributive to his high criminal record. If corresponding social classes among the whites could be segregated for the sake of comparison, equally damaging conclusions would doiibtless be revealed. The foreign element of our cosmopolitan population shows a much higher criminal average than the native whites, because they represent a lower social stratum, and they have not yet become adjusted to their new environ- ment. Both of these arguments, with intensified force, apply to the case of the negro. The polished granite may look with contempt upon the rough and uncut stone buried beneath the mud and mire, but its lordly eminence is due to the unseemly foundation which it affects to disdain. The amplest proof that the criminal record of the negro race, alarming though it be, is not due to inherent trait is furnished by the fact that the presence of a large number of negroes in any community does not increase its total criminal average. While it is true that 12 per cent of the population commit 30 per cent of the crime, does anyone believe that if this 13 per cent were supplanted bj' a corresponding class of the white race the criminal quality of the whole population would be improved? According to the Eleventh Census the North Atlantic Division of States, in which the negro ele- ment constitutes only a slight sprinkling, had 833 prisoners to every million inhabitants; the South Atlantic Division, where the race is densest, had only 831, 1 North American Review, .June, 1900. See also Booker T. Washington's reply to Professor Straton, North American Review, August, 19(X). * Professor Stratwi in North American Review, June, 1900, 814 EDUCATIOlSr EEPOET, 1900-1901. while the Western section, where the negro is a negligible quantity, had 1,300. The same condition of things is revealed if we limit our study to States and municipalities. In 1890 New York had 1,369 prisoners to the million, California 1,703, Alabama 720. According to the police reports of 1896 the percentage of arrests in Boston was 9.37, whereas in Washington, D. C, one- third of whose population is colored, it was only a slight fraction above 8.' If it were asked why, according to the revelation of statistics, the white people of the North Atlantic States were not so well behaved as the mixed population of the South Atlantic Division, or why New York and California have a higher criminal record than Alabama and South Carolina, or why Boston has a greater percentage of arrests than Washington, it would be manifestly unkind to attribute the lower ethical average of the higher tier of States to race degeneracj^ or to superior education. Professor Straton urges as unassailable proof of his position the fact that the Northern negro is two or three times as criminal as his more unfortunate bi'other in the South. He fails, however, to make suitable allowance for the restlessness and recklessness due to unsettled conditions. The Northern negro population is recruited very largely by emigration from the South, many of whom leave their homes for reasons best laiown to the police. He is apt to mistake liberty for license, and to make the largest possible use of his new-found privilege of apparent social equality, which culminates in the dens of vice and crime. The employment of the Northern negro is unsteady and intermittent, affording a wide latitude of idleness, thus giving the evil one his coveted opportunity for raischief. Again, the Northern negro meets with a wider hostile area than his Southern brother, and is more apt to resent insult from the white race. The prejudice in the North is as narrowing and as harrowing as it is in the South, albeit it may reveal itself under a different mode of manifestation. The disx^arity between profession and performance in the North is as great a provocative as the repressive treatment of the South. It is useless to attempt to gainsay the alarming criminality of the negro, so far as this can be tested by statistics. The facts presented by Professor Straton are not disputed, only he fails to credit them to the proper account. It is environ- ment, not race; condition, not color; and education, instead of being a contribu- ting factor, as the author avers, is a partial though not a complete deterrent. Our philanthropists have expected too much from education, especially when it is applied to the negro. It is folly to suppose that the moral nature of the child is improved because it has been taught to read and write and cast up accounts. Tracing the letters of the alphabet with a pen has no bearing upon the golden rule. The spelling of words by sound and syllable does not lead to the observance of the Ten Commandments. Brill in the multiplication table does not fascinate the learner with the Sermon on the Mount. Rules in grammar, dates in history, sums in arithmetic, and points in geography do not necessarily strengthen the grasp upon moral truth. These things constitute the mere mechanics of knowledge. It is only when the pupil begins to feel its vitalizing power that it begins to react upon the life and to fructify in character. While the criminal tendency of the race, so far as it can be tested by the statistician, shows an alarming tendency to increase, it is notable that the products of those schools with prolonged courses of study and continuous discipline have met every expectation from the stand- point of conduct and demeanor. We do not hear one word of criticism as to the behavior of the graduates of Howard, Fisk, Atlanta, Hampton, Shaw, Wayland, and other institutions of rank. It is sometimes said that the higher education of the negro will carry him beyond his race and make him dissatisfied with his lot. Discontent is a necessary condi- tion of progress. What American is there who is not trying to improve his lot? ' See police repoz-ts for Boston and Washington, 1898. THE EDUCATIOIT OF THE NEGRO. 815 Then, why should the negro be satisfied with his, which Is the most miserable of all? If nature intends one for a fool no amount of education can alter the design. Intellectual sham, vainglorious display, and pompous pretense are, unfortunately, unavoidable. This is the fault of too little rather than too much education. The familiar lines of Pope are pertinent: A little learning is a dangerous thing; Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring; There shallow draughts intoxicate the brain. And drinking largely sobers us again. There is no danger that education will lift the recipient above the needs of humanity. The missionary work among crude and primitive peoples calls for men of the best minds as well as the highest consecration. Jonathan Edwards, who, perhaps, possessed the most philosophical mind that America has yet pro- duced, spent the last years of his life as preacher among the savage Indians. The schooling which leads away from sympathy with the race is a perversion which experience shows to be quite unusual. Prejudice, relentless and cruel as it is at points, is nevertheless not, perhaps, an unmixed evil. It keeps within the race serviceable elements which otherwise would be lost to it. All such volatile ele- m.ents ai-e thrown back upon the race by the repellent power of prejudice. The attempt to escape is as suicidal as the conduct of the caged eagle which beats its wings to insensibility against the iron bars of its prison house. Give the negro the higher education and his sense of duty and love of humanity will make it effective for the good of his race; or, this failing, a meaner motive necessitated by prejudice will make it available also. It is assumed that the negroes are leaving the farm and the shop and are rush- ing in disproportionate numbers to the college and the university. This race is affected with great material and intellectual poverty. After abstracting all v/ho are able to think there will be left sufficient to toil. The following table taken from the Reports of the Bureau of Education ought to forever silence this assertion: Number of pupils in secondary and higher institutions in the United States. 1. 3. 3. 4. 5. 6. Year. Population. Number of secondary and higher students. Same per million of popula- tion. Number of pupils in sec- ondary and elementary public schools. Percent- age of col- umn 3 on column 5. 1879-80 50, 155, 783 63,633,250 173,800,000 218,809 437,308 753, 776 4,363 6,983 10,313 9, 867, .505 13,731,581 15,038,636 2.22 188;»-90 1897-98 3.44 5.01 THE COLORED RACE. 1879-80. 1889-90. 1897-98. 6, 106, 695 6, 954, 840 ^ 7, 933, 000 7,874 14, :m 17,440 1,289 2,061 13,303 2 784, 709 1,396,959 1,506,713 1.00 1.11 1.10 1 Estimated. « Former slave States. ^ 3^517 jq 1899-1900. Mr. A. F. Hilyer, in commenting upon these figures, says: This table shows that the proportionate number of secondary and higher stu- dents to the whole number of children attending school in the United States as a whole had increased from 2.22 per cent in 1879 to 5.01 per cent in 1897, nearly two and one-half times, while the proportion of colored in secondary schools and colleges 816 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. had increased very little, indeed, from 1 per cent to only 1.16 per cent, and that now, at the height of all this outcry against any further aid, public or private, for the higher education of colored youth, there is only one- fifth as many colored students in secondary and higher institutions as the average for the United States as a whole. But the story is not yet half told. According to the Report of the Com- missioner of Education, 1897-98, volume 2, page 2097, the total number of stu- dents taking the higher education in the United States as a whole was 144,477, being 1,980 to each million of the total population, The same Report, page 2480, gives the total number of students pursuing collegiate courses in these much- discussed colleges as 2,492. This is only 310 to the million of colored popula- tion; whereas the whole of the United States, as shown above, had 1,980 to the million, nearly six and one-half times as many in proportion to population. This does not look as though the whole of the colored race is rapidly stampeding to the higher education, or that the labor supply in the Southern States is falling off from this cause. This is an age of higher education for the masses. The increase in the number of students taking the secondary and higher education in the United States during the last ten years has been phenomenal — unprecedented. Is the person of color so much superior to the white that he does not need so much educational training? I think not. In view of the history and present condition of this race the obvious necessity for a large number of educated and trained teachers, ministers, physicians, lawyers, and pharmacists; and in view of the sta- tistical fact that this race has only one-fifth of its quota pursuing studies above the elementary grades, vv^hat fair mind will not say there is great need of more of the secondary and higher education for the colored youth instead of less of it? According to the Report above cited, there are 161 academies and colleges for colored yonth in the United States. The total number enrolled was 42,328, of whom 2,492' were reported in collegiate grades, 13,669 in secondary grades, and 28,167 in elementary grades. Even in these colored colleges less than per cent of their students are pursuing collegiate courses, and perhaps not more than 2 per cent are pursuing a college course equal to that offered at Howard. Nearly two-thirds of the total enrollment in these colored colleges are receiving elemen- tary instruction in "readin', 'ritin', and "rifmetic." Classified by courses of study, 1,711—217 in a million— were taking the classical course; 1,200—150 in a million — the scientific; 4,440—555 to the million— the normal course, preparing for teaching; 1,285 — 160 in a million — professional courses; 9,724 English, and 244 the business course. In each of these courses the colored race has only about one-fifth or one-sixth of its quota. Is there anything in these figures to alarm the nation? About one- third of the total number of students in these 161 colored schools and colleges are taking industrial training.- There is surely no need of further proof or assertion on this score. Again, we hear that higher education for the negro does not solve the race problem. It was a shallow philosophy that predicted this result in the first place. The race problem divides itself into two leading divisions: First, the development of a backward race, and, second, the adjustment of two races with widely diver- gent ethnic characteristics. These two factors are in many respects antagonistic to each other. The more backward and undeveloped the negro, the easier is the process of adjustment to the white lord and master, but when you give him Greek and Latin and meta- physics he begins to feel his manhood stirring within him and frictional problems inevitably arise. The good old negro servant, ever loyal and true, is esteemed and honored, but his more ambitious son with a Harvard diploma in his knapsack is persona non grata. Under slavery the adjustment between the races was com- plete, but the bond was quickly burst asunder when the negro was made a free man and clothed with full civil and political privilege. It would be rather a haz- ardous statement to aiSrm that education will solve social and ethnic problems. The development of humanity would be a simple task indeed if a few years school- ing could facilitate the adjustment between the European and Asiatic, African and Aryan. The adjustment of peoples, races, and social systems lies in the sphere of statesmanship, philanthropy, and religion. 1 The investigations of Professor Du Bois show that there can not be more than 1,000 negro students of collegiate grade, according to the average American standard. 2 Popular Science Monthly, August, 1900. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 81? The function of education is to develop the faculties of the individual in order to fit him for the life of that society of which he forms a part. The function of the education of the negro is to develop in the individual and in the race the requisite degree of personal and social efficiency. And if it does not eradicate deep-seated prejudices and batter down race and ethnic barriers, it is because the wrong remedy has been applied to the disease. Wise men do not expect to gather grapes of thorns or figs of thistles. IV.— The Relative Claims of Industrial and Higher Education. Whenever the higher education of colored j-outh is advocated somebody is sure to suggest industrial training as a counterirritant. The higher and industrial phases of education are not mutually exclusive, and neither can properly be played off against the other. They are both essential to the symmetrical development of any people. Both factors are equally essential to the common product. The one-sided advocates of a particular kind of education for all colored youth remind us of the disputants in rural debating societies who decide, once for all, the momentous question: " Which is the more indispensable element of civiliza- tion, fire or water?" The fact is, civilization could not exist without either of these elements, neither can the negro race reach the full measure of develop- ment without receiving both kinds of education. It is deemed timely, ho-w- ever, to point out and compare the relative advantages to the negro derivable from industrial training and the higher education, and especially so since the trades school is being prescribed as a panacea for all the ills of the situation, while literary culture is being decried and disparaged. As there are several parties to this contention, it may be well to analyze the motives that give rise to the prevailing preference for industrialism. 1. The vast majority of white people in this country believe that the ordained mission of the negro is to do manual labor — to perform personal and domestic service. This belief is vaguely founded upon a scriptural reference: " Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall he be unto his brethren.' The old method of textual interpretation has been superseded by Biblical research and rational criti- cism. The traditional classification of the human family has been abandoned by most authors of scholarly repute. The Hametic origin of the negro race is accepted by few modern archaeologists, yet the agreeable belief in the ordained servility of the negro still lingers. It was on the basis of this belief that the African was first enslaved. Las Casas, the philanthropic priest, first suggested the enslavement of the African as a means of merciful relief to the poor Indian, who sickened and died in the house of bondage. The negro was brought across the sea to be made a hewer of wood and a carrier of water. Human slavery had a benevolent origin. It was regarded more philanthropic to enslave captives in war than to slay them. But there was not a bit of pbilanthrophyin the establish- ment of African slavery. It was a business measure pure and simple. The only part of the negro deemed to be valuable was his hands. No account was taken of his mind, his soul, or his all-baffling brain. For well-nigh three hundred years he fulfilled the purpose of his enslavers. Although the civil war overthrew the system of slavery it did not materially alter the minds of the white people as to the negro's place in the social scale. He is still looked upon as a servant whose mission is to minister to the wants of others. Among men of this way of think- ing it is easy to gain popularity by advocating industrial training for negroes — any iiolicy that has work for its main object is heartily approved, but the higher education is held up to ridicule and scorn. 2. The second class to this controversy may be called the philanthropists, or those who have a special friendly interest in the colored race. It is this class that has already done so much to rescue the perishing and to lift up the fallen. They ED 1901 52 818 EDUCATION EEPOET, ] 900-1901. have sent millions of dollars into the South to educate and enlighten the blacks, and have hitherto constituted the leading factor in the upbuilding of the race. It is 'easy to discern that their sentiment also, during the last few years, is shading toward industrial training, to the disparagement of higher culture. This is easily intelligible. Charity should be applied where it is most needed and where it will reach the largest possible number of the helpless. Its aim is to help those who are lowest in. the scale of want and distress. Benevolent people are easily and willingly persuaded that assistance rendered an industrial institution will be more widespread in its application than if given to a college. Colored universi- ties have almost without exception added on industrial courses, largely for the sake of gaining the favor of Northern philanthropists. The literary education of colored youth is so far discredited in the public mind that institutions of higher learning have to attach industrial courses in order to gain financial favor and support. This is practical wisdom, if not pedagogical prudence. Experience bears out the opinion that trades schools and colleges should be maintained as separate and distinct institutions, unless reasons of financial policy suggest other- wise. Blending of the two reminds us of Horace's ridiculous picture with the head of a beautiful woman and the tail of a horrid fish. But, as suggested above, the drift of benevolent sentiment is easy explainable. Charity aims to help the beneficiary to go so far and no farther. We do not aim by charity to lift others into complete equality with ourselves. It is not human nature to assist those whom we deem our inferiors to reach our own plane. The unwritten law of human charity demands that we relieve acute distress when it is easily within our power to do so, but our civilization is not yet sufiiciently altruistic to require us to take the unfortunate creatures thus relieved on terms of equality with our- selves. We give a crust to the starving poor. Even Lazarus in the parable fed of the crumbs that fell from the rich man's table. But we do not invite them to attend the banquet which we spread for our friends. Let us marvel not, then, that benevolent friends are ready to assist the negro to a knowledge of letters . and the use of tools, but are totally indifferent as -to whether or not he studies Greek philology, or the diiferential calculus. They do not feel any obligation to sustain the beneficiary in those pursuits of truth and beauty which themselves and their children enjoy. A donation to Harvard or Yale can hardly be called charity; it is simply giving on one's own level, to perpetuate's one's own name or to advance some favorite idea. But colored schools need not expect gifts of this character from white men; in all such benefactions eleemosynary intent is plainly apparent. Industrial education of the colored race will doubtless continue to be considered of more importance than literary culture by Northern philanthropists, and will continue to receive the bulk of their benefactions. 3. The negro himself is the most interested party to this contention. He bears the same relation to the race problem that a beast does to the burden which has been placed upon its back. How does he think that the youth of the race should be educated? The time has come when the race should do its own original think- ing on such vital questions, and not regulate its conduct according to the opinion of white men. However kindly the intentions of the Anglo-Saxon may be, still it seems impossible for him to view the situation under the negro's angle of vision. The sentiment of the white race is well-nigh unanimous that the colored race should confine its energies chiefly to manual and industrial pursuits, and they will make it so in so far as they can control the situation. But the negro can not accept the estimate which the white race places upon him, and consequently must in a large measure reject the treatment prescribed. The sentiment of every self-respeciing negro, when clothed in his right mind, must be: "I am a man, and all things which are human appertain to me, although circumstances and environ- ments may hamper me for a season, I will suffer it to be so now, but will relin- quish none of the ultimate claims of my species."' THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 819 There are two leading aims of education : ( 1 ) To develop the faculties and powers of the mind, the accomplishment of which is a uniform and invariable process, the same for all minds under all conditions of outward life; and (2) to jirepare the individual for the special work which he has to perform: this preparation varies according to environment, opportunity, or the ambition and aptitude of the learner. In any well-regulated community the inhabitants will I e distributed among the various industriea. trades, and professions according to the needs and opportunities of the commianity and the capacity, aptitude, and natural bent of individuals. The negro race in this land occupies a peculiar ami unique position. The vast majority of them follow agricultural pursuits, domestic service, and other forms of crude, unskilled labor. The number ou;side of these lines is so small that it would hardly form a homeopathic fraction of the population. They are also the creatures, or rather the victims, of circumstances over which they have no control. In this discussion, then, we are shut up to special circum- stances rather than general principles. The unwisdom of an exclusive industrial and mechanical education of the colored race will appear from the following considerations: 1. It would be almost useless to equip a considerable number of colored men with the mechanical trades, for they could find no opportunity to ply tliem. This is an age of great combinations; both capital and labor are organized and solidi- fied. What the trusts are to capital the trades unions are to labor. Neither the small dealer nor the individual workman can compete with these gigantic monopo- lies. This is an age in which " the individual withers and the trust is more and more." These trades unions will not admit the negro, in large numbers, on equal terms, and he is absolutely powerless to combat them. They will not combine with him, and he can not compete with them. If any one industrial fact in our history is clearly demonstrated it is that white labor will not compete with black labor. The poor whites of the South, rather than compete with negro labor, betook themselves to the woods, and lived in the mountains and i^ine thickets in idleness and poverty, constituting that thriftless element known far and wide as "poor white trash." The complaint goes up from all sections of the country that white men are driving negroes out of employments which were hitherto consid- ered peculiarly theirs. It is not because the negro is not a competent and etfic:eni workman in these lines that he is thus supplanted, but it is simpl}^ a case of the stronger element driving the weaker to the wall. The Asiatics were excluded from the western coast because they manifested too much skill, thrift, and econ omJ^ They were shut out on the plea that competition with them would lovrer the American white laborer to the level of Mongolian life. The same argunent could and would be advanced against the negro. As a further evidence that it ia n. .t a lack of skill which renders the negro unable to hold his own in the labor world, he is being crowded out of occupations where no complaint has ever been uttered against his efficiency, and where his supplanters are not more apt or compete nt than the black competitors. It is a notorious fact that in all the large centers of population positions of waiters, coachmen, and barbers are being filled by white men to the exclusion of his brother in black, or rather, his brother in colors. The competency of the colored waiter has never been questioned. White men do not make more courteous, safe, and reliable coachmen. The whole world a knowl- edges that the negro is an expert with the razor. The labor wars between the races precipitated in the mines of Tennessee and Alabama and along the levees of New Orleans were not inaugurated because of the inefficiency of colored labor, but because white men wanted the places. It is the i^olicy of mosr Southern rail- roads to employ negro firemen, but with the express understanding that they shall never be promoted to positions of engineers. No incapacity is alleged; but white labor zealously guards all such employments against black encroachment. 820 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. There was a time when the mechanical work of the South was performed by colored men; but the Northern laborer has gone there and carried his trades unions and his exclusive policy, and the result is the negro is being relegated to the rear. The industrial war has been carried into Africa. It requires no gift of prophecy to predict that in the near future negro mechanics will be as rare in Richmond and Atlanta as they are in Boston and Philadelphia. All will agree that under the present circumstances the negro can not compete with the Anglo-Saxon for political domination; he is equally incapable of sustaining the contest for indus- trial supremacy. The stronghold of the race hitherto has been its ability to do crude, unskilled work, along lines Avhere white men did not care to compete; to work with the body under a tropical sun where the white man pants for rest and shade. But it has not been able to stand the onward march of skilled labor and machinery. It was announced some time ago that a machine had been invented for iDickiwg cotton. An influential Southern journal announced with triumph that the introduction of this invention would settle the race problem for all time. The picture is indeed a dark one. The situation calls for the highest wisdom on the part of negro leaders and the friends of the race. But it is more than foolish to shut our eyes to the facts before us. It is absolute folly to advise remedies which reason tells us in advance can not be effective. The chief value of the mechanical and industrial schools in the South is that they inculcate in the minds of the crude agricultural population notions of thrift, econ- omy, and decency, and not because they teach the mechanical and scientific trades. Hampton, Tuskegee, and Claflin are among the most useful institutions in Amer- ica, because their graduates go to and fro throughout the South and carry with them their newly acquired notions of character and life, and disseminate them among the people. They are for the most part engaged in teaching school. I ven- ture the assertion that not one such graduate in ten finds an opportunity to ply the trade which he learned in school. The literary and moral features of their courses are after all of the greatest value. Prof. Booker T. Washington is the most remarkable product of this class of schools. No colored man of his generation has rendered a moiety of the service which he has done in a visible, tangible shape. He is justly accounted one of the great men of America. But the chief element of his success has been his mind, heart, and character, and his unselfish devotion to the welfare of his race. No mere artisan or mechanic could do the work which Professor Washington has done; no, nor 10,000 of them rolled into one. Professor Washington is endowed by nature with splendid mental and moral gifts which he has developed by wide observation and study. He possesses the sagacity to see the needs suggested by special circumstances, and the constructive ingenuity to devise ways of meeting those needs. 2. A supply of labor, skilled or unskilled, can never create a demand for it; but where there is a demand the supply is always forthcoming. Where is the demand for colored mechanics? It certainly is not in the North; it isnotin thelarge cities North or South. There is no considerable demand for colored mechanics in Bos- ton, Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Washington, and I fear not in Richmond, Atlanta, or New Orleans. When there was a demand for such workmen they were always to be found. If there were 5,000 such artisans in Washington City, as skilled as the master workman whom King Hiram sent to Solomon to build the Temple at Jerusalem, they would starve to death under the shadow of the national Capitol for the want of employment. The trades schools may turn out these workmen, but they can not create a demand for them. It is not wise to have in a community a number of men with trades but with no opportunity of plying them; they usually have not the aptitude or willingness to turn to any work except their particular trade, and the last state of the community will be worse than the first. It is often urged as an argument against the negro's higher education that after he has filled THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 821 his mind with knowledge he can not find a field in which to use it; but can not this objection be urged, and that, too, with a greater show of probability, against too much industrial training? A trained mind is likely to be more fertile in expedients than a mere "hand;" if it does not find a way it will make one. The one will do with his might what his hands find to do; the other will find with his mind what his hands might do. 3. The educational impulse proceeds from above downward. " Mens agitat molem." I am not arguing, be it borne in mind, against industrial education in its proper place, and under those favorable circumstances where it can be wisely applied; but against the general policy of shutting up the negro to a particular kind of training. It is sometimes objected that the negro race began on top. The top is the natural birthplace of progress. Does Jewish history boast of greater names than Abraham and Moses, the one the founder of the race and the other of the nation? Does not every good and perfect gift come from above? The phi- losophy of evolution has clearly established a close analogy between the development of organic life and the growth of human society. Even biolog- ical progress, it is claimed, is from above downward. Some individual by acci- dent acquires some valuable acqiiisition to the life of the race, and by a slow process it infiltrates into the life of the species and finally lifts it up to the level of the lucky individual. History reveals the fact that the same law governs the growth of races, states, empire, and republics. It seems as if Provi- dence raises up in the outset some commanding genius so that the common peo- ple may have some model to work to. Then why should the negro race not strive to imitate worthy models and lofty ideals? Stimulus can not come from the workbench, the furrow, and the dull routine of daily toil, but must be handed down from "the radiant summit." True, great lights have arisen from lowly occupations, but it was because their avocations could not contain them; they burst their bands asunder and swiftly leaped beyond them. In a certain industrial school which is deservedly famous throughout the country a majority of the instructors in influential positions are college-bred men and women. This is only natural; the educated mind will direct its energies where the need is greatest. All true progress grows out of applying the thought within to the thing with- out; but the thought is the primary agency, and the outward thing only the object operated upon. 4. The negro is a man and is entitled to all of the privileges of manhood. Why should his education be circumscribed and limited? Why should the larger ele- ments of his nature be left unnurtured, while the mechanical side only is developed? Life is more than meat. As important as the material element is in our civiliza- tion, there is danger of pushing it too far. The highest possessions of man do not consist in material wealth. A slaveholder was once asked what was his object in farming. He replied, " I raise corn to raise hogs; I raise hogs to raise niggers; I raise niggers to raise corn." Thus the gross material circle begins and ends in itself. The great evils which confront the negro race are rather of a moral than of a material nature. Truth and justice do not hinge upon industrialism and trade, but are abstract, eternal verities. The negro cries for justice and is offered a trade; he pleads for righteous laws, and is given an industrial school. The case is wrongly diagnosed; the remedy does not apply to the disease. It is sometimes urged upon the negro to get money as the surest means of solving the race problem. Those who argue tlius show themselves ignorant of the law of moral reforms. In all the history of the human race, the possession of money has never corrected an evil or righted a wrong. But, on the other hand, it lies at the bottom of most of the ills which our nature is heir to. The greed for gold is the fundamental cause of the negro's misfortune in this land. Will this same love for gold when trans- ferred from the white man to his victim remedy the evil? The accumulation of 822 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1900-1901. evils do not usnally counteract, but aggravate each other. The love of money is the root, not the remedy, of all evil. Grod's truth will not be altered in order to suit the convenience of the negro. That the negro can have no great industrial future in the large cities, especially where the climatic conditions are such that white men are willing and able to work, has been clearly seen by students of social problems for many years. There are sufficient white men in such communities to perform the skilled mechanical work, and as they belong to the preferred class they will always receive first con- sideration. They will not combine with the negro, nor are they Vvdlling to com- pete with him on terms of equality. This intolerant policy relegates the negro to those classes of work which white men do not particularly care for. The negro is excluded not so much because he is black but because he is weak. The same exclusive policy is exercised toward all feeble classes, because there is not enough of the higher lines of work for all of the contestants. The negro is being driven out of his erstwhile indtistrial strongholds. The colored coachman, barb, r, waiter, and private domestic is a vanishing quantity in all of the large cities. The white workmen have filled up the ranks of their accustomed voca- tions and are pushing over the boundaries into the territory occupied by their weaker neighbors. This industrial contest, or rather conquest, is exactly analo- gous to what is taking place in the political world. As fast as the stronger and more powerful nations have populated their own countries up to the limit of com- fortable subsistence, they push over the boundaries into the possessions of the weak, helpless, and feeble races. In sociology, as in physics, when a stronger body comes in contact with a weaker one, the motion of the weaker is reversed and that of the stronger proceeds in the same direction as before, though with a lesser velocity. It is true that industrial discrimination lies at the base of much of the negro's social degradation. We may say that it is unjust, un-Christian, and unreasonable, but sti.l the fact persists; nor is its force or sanction one whit diminished by the bitter denunciation. The industrial rivalry is fierce and brutal. Kindness is not characteristic of sharp competition. It is an old maxim that business and philan- thropy are dissociable. Each competitor is bound to use every advantage at his disposal. To suppose that the white man is going to voluntarily surrender the advantage which his co'or confers, in order to admit the negrO into industrial rivalry on equal footing with himself, is to expect too much of weak human nature. Mankind is not yet sufficiently sanctified for such sublime acts of self- surrender. Of late we can hear nothing but the hue and cry about the industrial education of the colored race, and, indeed, great good may reasonably be expected to come 'from this worthy movement. A training in system, order, and method, and a knowledge of how to do things with skill, accuracy, and science will be of incal- cuiable advantage to the possessor in whatever station of life he may be. But who believes that the industrial disadvantages of the negro, in the large cities at least, can be overcome or even materially altered by industrial education? To equip a considerable number of colored boys in Philadelphia, Baltimore, or Washington with the mechanical trades would be simply to furniah them with edged tools without anything to cut. That form of industrial training which alone offers any considerable relief lies in the field of agriculture and the domestic industries. It is encouraging to note that thoughtful colored people are giving this matter serious attention. The resolution touching this topic, adopted by the Second Hampton Negro Conference,^ is significant: 1 Report of Second Hampton Negro Conference. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 823 We call Tipon our teachers and preachers in the country districts to advise the people to develop the agricultural and industrial resources of Their respective communities, and not to be deceived by the glare and glitter of city Jite. The flocldng of the agricultural masses to the cities constitutes one of the ;. reat social evils of the period. This evil is especially emphasized in the case of the ne.i^io immigrants. They do not form a part of the industrial current and are ai)t to drift into the alleys and dens of s/ualor and vice, and their last state becomes worse than their first. On the contrary, every effort should be put forth to nduce those who are now in the alleys and bywaj's of the city to seek the country. No one should be encouraged to migrate from the country to the city unless he or she hasjsome definite employment or plan of work previously determined upon. The negro mtist dig his civilization out of the grotmd, as all other races have done. In the country the competition is not so sharp and color forms no barrier. The rain falls and the sun shines on white and black alike. The earth will yield for him just as much as his skill and industry can persitade her to bring forth. Corn and cotton are supremely indifferent to the color of the planter. The mar kets ask only the quality of the produce and not the color of the producer, TJe who succeeds in inducing the negroes to work out their industrial salvation in the fertile soil of the South and under conditions with which they are familiar, rather than to rush to the large centers of population, where thej' have no industrial status, and whose evils they know not of, may truly be denominated their guide, philosopher, and friend. But in every instance it will be found that the wisdom which comes from the higher culture is alone profitable to direct. V. — The Higher Edlx'ation of Colored Women. If the higher education of the colored man seems or seemed ridiculous in the eyes of the wise and prudent, that of the colored woman must appear too absurd for a moment's consideration. The function of the higher culture for the female element of a backward race still waits to be clearly set forth. The cause of woman in general bears many analogies to that of the negro. They are both characterized by weakness and have had to fight everj^ inch of their way to their present degree of opportunity. All of the arguments which are now being urged against the education of the negro were at one time put forth against the enlightenment of woman. The general attitude on this question at the beginning of the nineteenth century is well expressed in the following citation; In the very first year of our century, the year 1801. there appeared in Pans a book by Sylvain Marechal entitled "Shall Woman Learn the Alphabet.''' The book proposes a law prohibiting the alphabet to women, and quotes authorities, weightv and various, to prove that the woman who knows the alphabet has already losr part of her womanliness. The author declares that woman can use the alphalet only as Moliere predicted they would, in spelling out the verb "amo:'" that th^y have no occasion to peruse Ovid's Ars Amoris, since that is already the ground and limit of their intuitive furnishing: that Madame Guyon won'd have 1 een far more adorable had she remained a beautiful ignoramus, as nature made her that Rtith. Naomi, the Spartan woman, the Amazons. Penelope. Andromache. Lucr tia. Joan of Arc, Petrarch's Lauia. and the daughters of Charlemagne could not spell their names; while Sappho, Aspasia. M idame de Maintenon, and Madame de Stael could read altogether too well for their good; finally, that if women were once permitted to read Sophocles and work with logarithms or to nibble at any side of the apple of knowledge there would be an end forever to their sewing on buttons and embroidering slippers.^ This sounds very much like the objections that used to be put forth, and, indeed. in some quarters are still putting forth, against the higher education of the negro. There has been a radical change of sentiment on this question during the prog- ress of the nineteenth century. Indeed, this century did more than all the list of preceding years to emancipate the weak and lowly and to place them on equal 1 A Voice from the South, by Mrs. Anna J. Cooper, pp. 48-49. 824 EDUCATION REPORT, 1900-1901. footing witli the rich in the rivalry of life. Educational facilities have been fur- nished for women on a scale and schedule approximating those provided for men. In this matter, as in all other phases of human emancipation and broadening of the bounds of opportunity, the United States has taken the leading part and played the most conspicuous role. All of this, however, has had reference mainly to the gen- tler sex of the favored race; But while the showers of blessings were scattering so freely, some of the surplus droppings have fallen even upon the weaker sex of the weaker race. The negro woman represents the most unfortunate class of Ameri- can womanhood. The mere contemplation of her condition fills the soul with infinite pity. No negro can think of the unfortunate status of the womanhood of his race without feeling the force of the wailful plaint of the prophet of old: "Oh, that my head were Avaters, and mine eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for the slain of the daughter of my people. "^ The sins and weak- nesses of both races were and are visited upon her. No one has described the con- dition out of which negro womanhood sprung with more clearness and accuracy than the late Dr. Alexander Crunimell: In her girlhood all the delicate tenderness of her sex has been rudely outraged. In the field, in the rude cabin, in the press room, in the factory, she was thrown into companionship of coarse and ignorant men. No chance was given her for delicate reserve or 'tender modesty. From her childhood she was the doomed vic- tim of the grossest passions. All the virtues of her sex were utterly ignored. If the instinct of chastity asserted itself, then she had to fight like a tigress for the ownership and possession of her own person, and oftentimes had to suffer pains and lacerations for her virtuous self-assertion. When she reached maturity all the tender instincts of her womanhood were ruthlessly violated.'^ Her home life was of the most degrading nature. She lived in the rudest huts, and partook of the coarsest food, and dressed in the scantiest garb, and slept in multitudinous cabins upon the hardest boards.^ Gross barbarism, which tended to blunt the tender sensibilities, to obliterate feminine delicacy and womanly shame, came down as her heritage from genera- tion to generation; and it seems a miracle of providence and grace that notwith- standing these terrible circumstances so much struggling virtue lingered amid these rude cabins; that so much womanly worth and sweetness abided in their bosoms.* On first view one would say that bringing the facilities for the higher culture within the reach of such a condition is like casting pearls before swine. But it has-been abundantly demonstrated that the influence of culture is able to reach and to relieve, even unto the uttermost limit of degradation. The world has probably never witnessed a more heroic striiggle than these women, hampered, as it were, with a millstone chained about their necks, have made and are making for virtue, knowledge, and light. Mrs. Mary Church Terrell, ex-president of the National Association of Colored Women, who is herself a college- bred woman, and whose life adds emphasis and exemplification to her words, says: Nothing, in short, that could degrade or brutalize the v/omanhood of the race was lacking in that system from which colored women then had little hope of escape. So gloomy were their prospects, so fatal the laws, so pernicious the cus- toms, only fifty years ago. But from the day their fetters were broken and their minds released from the darkness of ignorance to which for more than two hundred years they had been doomed, from the day they could stand erect in the dig- nity of womanhood, no longer bond, but free, till now, colored women have forged steadily ahead in the acquisition of knowledge and in the cultivation of those vir- tues which make for good. To use a thought of the illustrious Frederick Douglass, if judged by the depths from which they have come rather than by the heights to which those blessed with centuries of opportunities have attained, colored women need not hang their heads in shame. Consider, if you will, the almost insur- 1 Jeremiah, ix, 1. ^ Africa and America (The Black Woman of the South), p. 6i. 3Ibicl.,p. 65. ^Ibid., p. 66. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 82$ mountable obstacles which have confronted colored women in their efforts to educate and cultivate themselves since their emancipation, and I dare assert, not boastfully, but with pardonable pride, I hope, that the progress they have made and the work they have accomplished will bear a favorable comparison at least with that of their more fortunate sisters, from whom the opportunity of acquiring knowledge and the means of self-culture have never been entirely withheld; for not only ai"e colored women with ambition and aspiration handicapped on account of their sex, but they are everywhere baffled and mocked on account of their race. Desperately and continuously they are forced to fight that opposition, born of a cruel, xmreasonable prejudice which neither their merit nor their necessity seems able to subdue. Not only because they are women, but because they are colored women, are discouragement and disappointment meeting them at every turn. Avocations opened and opportunities offered to their more-favored sisters have been and are closed and barred against them. While those of the dominant race have a variety of trades and pursuits from which they may choose, the woman through whose veins one drop of African blood is known to flow is limited to a pitiful few. So overcrowded are the avocations in which colored Avomen may engage and so poor is the pay, in consequence, that only the barest livelihood can be eked out by the rank and file. And yet, in spite of the opi^osition encountered and the obstacles opposed to their acquisition of knowledge and their accumula- tion of property, the progress made by colored women along these lines has never been surpassed by that of any people in the history of the world. Though the slaves were liberated less than forty years ago, penniless and ignorant, with neither shelter nor food, so great was their thirst for knowledge and so herculean were their efforts to secure it, that there are to-day hundreds of negroes, many of them women, who are graduates, some of them having taken degrees from the best institutions of the land. From Oberlin, that friend of the oppressed, whose name will always be loved and whose praise will ever be sung as the first college in the country which was just, broad, and benevolent enough to open its doors to negroes and to women on an equal footing with men; from Wellesley and Vassar, from Cornell and Ann Arbor, from the best high schools throughout the North, East, and West, colored girls have been graduated with honors, and have thus forever settled the question of their capacity and worth. But a few years ago in an examination in which a large number of young women and men competed for a scholarship, entitling the successful competitor to an entire course through the Chicago University, the only colored girl among them stood first and captured this great prize. And so wherever colored girls have studied their instructors bear testimony to their intelligence, diligence, and success. With this increase of wisdom there has sprung up in the hearts of colored women an ardent desire to do good in the world. No sooner had the favored few availed themselves of such advantages as they could secure than they hastened to dispense these blessings to the less fortunate of their race. With tireless energy and eager zeal colored women have, since their emancipation, been continuously prosecuting the work of educating and elevating their race, as though upon them- selves alone devolved the accomplishment of this great task. Of the teachers engaged in instructing colored youth it is perhaps no exaggeration to say that fully 90 per cent are women.' In the backwoods, remote from the civilization and comforts of the city and town, on the plantations, reeking with ignorance and vice, our colored women may be found battling with evils which such conditions always entail. Many a heroine, of whom the world will never hear, has thus sac- rificed her life to her race, amid surroundings and in the face of privations which only martyrs Cd,n tolerate and bear. Shirking responsibility has never been a fault with which colored women might be truthfully charged. Indefatigablyand conscientiously in public work of all kinds they engage that they may benefit and elevate their race. The result of this labor has been prodigious indeed. By banding themselves together in the interest of education and morality, by adopt- ing the most practical and useful means to this end, colored women have in thirty short years become a great power for good.- The home life of a people lies at the basis of its progress, and by the intendment of nature and the decree of society woman is regnant in the domestic sphere. Let it be frankly conceded that the education of the colored woman should be mainly of an industrial and domestic character. The higher education has a much nar- rov/er function in general for woman than it has for man. In its application to the colored race its function is proportionately restricted for the two sexes. If 1 This estimate is too Iiigh. * Progress of Colored Women, pp. 7-9. 826 EDUCATIOISr EEPOET, 1900-1901. the demand for college-bred men is small in proportion to the population, that for colored women is indefinitely more so. The programme laid down by Dr. Crummell for the education of the colored woman of rhe South has never been, and perhaps can not be, improved upon:' 1 . Boarding schools for industrial training. 2, Intellectual training in the rudimentary branches. 3. Domestic industries. 4, The cultivation of flowers, fruits, and vegetables. But there is ample scope for the few ambitious and determined spirits in the higher reaches of intellectual pursuits. School- teaching is very largely in the hands of colored women, and it is necessary for those who would occupy com- manding places in the educational arena to equip themselves thoroughly for such exalte J stations. There are other fields calling for higher preparation on the part of colored women. Not a few such women have entered the arena as authors, lecturers, and as practitioners in the learned professions. The distinctive schools for colored girls which have done and are doing so much to elevate negro woman- hood are Scotia Seminary, in North Carolina; Spellman Academy, in Atlanta, Ga. , and Hawthorn College, in Richmond, Va. These schools do little more than cover the scope as laid down in Dr. Crummeirs programme, although they make excursions into the field of secondary studies. Most of the institutions for the education of the colored race admit women on equal terms with men. Females are to be found in all of the courses, although they do not so generally patronize the higher reaches of the curricula. The number of graduates from the collegiate courses can be seen from the accom- panying table: Colored women college graduates to 1898. FROM NORTHEEN INSTITUTIONS.^ Oberlin College - . 55 Iowa Wesleyan University 4 University of Kansas _-. 3 University of Michigan 3 Cornell University . >, 3 Wellesley College 2 Wittenberg University 2 Geneva University., 2 Butler University 1 University of Iowa Adrian College University of Idaho Bates College Vassar College Mount Holyoke College McKendree University . Total 82 FROM SOUTHERN INSTITUTIONS. Fisk University _ 31 Shaw University 21 Wilber force University 19 Paul Quinn College 13 Knoxville College ._ 10 Atlanta University 8 Southland University 8 Howard University 8 Central Tennessee College 7 Rust University 7 Livingstone College _ 6 Claflin University 6 New Orleans University. 5 Philander Smith College 5 Roger Williams University 5 Berea College 4 Leland University .. 1 Virginia Normal and Collegiate In- stitute Paine Institute Straight University ... Branch University Clark University Allen University 1 Total - 170 Grand total 253 » Africa and America, p. i 2 Du Bois: College-bred Negro, p. 55. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 827 There have been 83 colored women to graduate from Northern aiid 170 from Southern colleges. Of the colored colleges, only two institutions, both of which are under control of the Presbyterian Church, do not admit girls. In the year 1898-99, of the college students of Howard, Atlanta, Fisk, and Shaw 2'3 per cent were females. The proportion shows a decided tendency to increase. ^ Of 100 college-bred women reporting their conjugal condition, one-half had been married. It is interesting to note the tendency of college-bred women to marry and develop cultivated homes. The great need of the negro is to develop a higher tone of family life. The highest culture of negro women will not have been in vain if it is exploited in the domestic sphere. There have been 2,272 college-bred negro men and 252 negro women, making a total of 2,524, of whom the females constitute 10 per cent. These college-bred women are or have been for the most l)art engaged in the work of teaching. Their influence for good has been felt in scores of communities throughout the country. Many of them have become wives of influential colored men, and have thus merged their talent and influence with the work of their helpmates and the development of cultivated family life. Mention might be made of a few college-bred women who may be regai'ded as typical, albeit perhaps a little more conspicuous than the general average of their class. Mrs. Fannie Jackson Coppin:'- Fannie M. Jackson was born a slave in Wash- ington, D. C, in 1887, and was purchased by her aunt. She was sent to Oberlin College, where she was gradiiated with honor. She has the distinction of being the first colored person to teach a class at Ober- lin College, which she taught with good sucrcess for two years. In 1865 she took a position in the Institute for Colored Youth, Philadelphia, and in 1869 was made principal of that institution, which position she has held for thirty years. She is the wife of Bishop Levi J. Coppin, of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Perhaps no single individual influence among the colored race has done so much to stimulate high aspirations and zeal for knowledge and service as Fannie Jackson Coppin. '•Without doubt she is the most thoroughly competent and successful of the colored women teachers of her time, and her example of race pride, industry, enthusiasm, and nobility of character will remain the inheritance and inspiration of the pupils of the school she helped to make the pride of the colored people of Pennsylvania. " ■^ Miss Lucy E. Laney is a graduate of Atlanta University. She has, mainly by her own endeavor, built up the Haines Institute, of Augusta, Ga. , of which she is principal. This institution is under the auspices of the Presbyterian Church, and is one of the best secondary schools in the South. Mrs. Booker T. Washington, wife of Prof. Booker T. Washington, principal of Tuskegee Institute, Tuskegee, Ala., was graduated from Fisk University in the class of 1889. She was a teacher at Tuskegee, where she met and married Pro- fessor Washington. She is a coworker with her distinguished husband and has been very successful in improving the social life of the black people in the black belt of Alabama. She is vice-ijresident of the National Association of Colored Women. Mrs. Anna J. Cooper was born in Raleigh, N. C. Mrs. Cooper entered Oberlin College in 1881, after the death of her husband. Rev. G. A. C. Cooper, a talented 1 College-bred Negro, p. 57. = The interesting work. Women of Distinction, by L. A. Scruggs, A. M., M. D., published at Raleigh, N. C, 1893, contains an account of a long list of notable coloi'ed women. Much of the information presented is from this book, although it has been confirmed by other sources of information and brought nearer to date. 2 Williams's History of the Negro Race, Vol. II, p. 449. 828 EDUCATION REPOET, 1900-1901. Episcopal divine. She was graduated from Oberlin in 1884 and haa taught at Wilberforce University, Wilberforce, Ohio, St. Augustine Normal School, Raleigh, N. C, and the Colored High School, Washington, D. C, of which she is at present the principal. Pier book, A Voice from the South, has elicited flattering enco- miums from competent critics and forms a valuable part of the literature of the the race problem. Mrs. Mary Church Terrell v*^as born in Memphis, Tenn., and was graduated from Oberlin College in 1884. She has taught at Wilberforce University and the Washington High School; has served as trustee of the public schools of Washing- ton, D. C, and was the first president of the National Association of Colored Women. Mrs. Terrell is listed among the regular lecturers before the Western Summer Chautauquas, where her addresses are always well received. Mrs. Josephine Turpin Washington was born in Richmond, Va., and was grad- uated from Howard University in 1886, She taught for several years in her alma mater before she was married to Dr. S. S. H. Washington, of Alabama. She has written quite widely in Southern and Northern papers and magazines and is well known as a worker for the general social betterment of the people. College-bred women are everywhere doing their full share to lift the social life of tiie race to a higher level, which is ample justification of the training they have received. The strivings and triumphs of colored women are well expressed in the follow- ing citation: And so, lifting as we climb, onward and upward we go, struggling and striving and hoping that the buds and blossoms of our desires will burst into glorious frui- tion ere long. With courage born of success in the past, with a keen sense of the responsibility which we shall continue to assume, we look forward to a future large with promise and hope.' In the fruition of these desires and the fulfillment of this crescent promise the higher education will exercise no inconsiderable influence. VI.— The Origin of the Negro College. Before plunging "in medias res," as Horace would say, let us take a brief sur- vey of the educational opportunities of the colored race before the war. Schools for persons of color had been established and maintained at scattered points throughout the North for well nigh two hundred years. These schools usually met with the good will and approval of the white people in the several communities, althotigh in some instances hostility and opposition were encountered. Several States from the earliest times admitted colored pupils to the genei'al school system without distinction. One searches their records in vain for any legislation upon this question. It is a curious fact that the colored girl who was the initial, though innocent, cause of Miss Prudence Crandall's troubles had received her pri- mary education in the district schools of Connecticut along with white pupils. In general, however, it might be said that the ante-bellum opportunities for an education on the jiart of the colored man were few and far apart. The training obtained in the schools was of the most meager and rudimentary sort. It embraced the fundamental processes, reading, writing, and arithmetic, and but little more. In the larger centers, such as New York, Philadelphia, and Balti- more, efforts were made, with more or less success, to establish academies and schools of higher training. A few white institutions would now and then admit a colored man who was preparing for the ministry. An occasional college would open its doors to him, but not very often and not very wide. It was late in the forties, 1 believe, when Harvard first let him in. When the colored applicant? 1 The Progress of Colored Women, by Mrs. Mary Church Terrell, p. 15. THE EDUCATIOlSr OF THE NEGRO. 829 Williams by name, first knocked at the door of this ancient seat of learning there was great confusion and uproar. The usual tactics were resorted to— the patrons threatened to -withdraw their support— but President Everett manifested that deliberate courage which always conquers. He informed the objectors that if every other student should be withdrawn from the institution he would use all of its resources and machinery to educate tins sole colored man. Dartmouth College was founded about the middle of the eighteenth century for the education of the Indians. So far as I have been able to ascertain, it has never made any discrimi- nation on account of race or color. Those who have gone unto her with the proper intellectual and moral qualifications she has in no wise cast out. By all odds the greatest stimulus which the educational interest of the colored race received before the war was the foundation of Oberlin College in 1833. A few other institutions extended to colored youth a cold i^ermission ; Oberlin a warm welcome. She cordially invited all colored people who were hungering and thirst- ing after knowledge to come unto her and be supplied. This, indeed, they did. They flocked to her in such numbers that in 1865 fully one-third of the students of Oberlin College were of the colored race. The policy of Oberlin in this regard can not be better set forth than was done by Miss Sophia Jex Blake, an English woman, who visited the leading American schools and colleges in 1865, for the pur- pose of studying their coeducational feature as applied to women. In her report published in England, entitled A Visit to American Schools, we read: In 1834-35, the trustees [of Oberlin] took up their definite position with regard to one of the questions then even more bitterly agitated than now, and decided it by the free admission of all colored students on equal terms with the whites. This step marks an epoch in the educational history of America; for though solitary colored students had been admitted to Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, and possibly elsewhere, no such proclamation of welcome had hitherto gone forth from any educational body, and the extreme opposition which the measure called forth is the best testimony to the merits of its supporters. The Ashum Institute was established by the Presbyterian Church in 1853, and chartered by the legislature of Pennsylvania in 1854. Its aim and purpose are clearly set forth by the action of the Presbytery which founded it: "There shall be established within our bounds and under our supervision an institution called the Ashum Institute, for the scientific, classical, and theological education of col- ored youth of the male sex.'' This institution still survives under the name of Lincoln University. It is the largest and one of the most prosperous and useful of the negro colleges. When we turn from the North to the South, we are confronted by an appalling situation. As we look itpon the intellectual horizon and mental sky, despair and gloom are everywhere — "darkness there and nothing more." Here and there it was indeed possible to find a few negroes who had furtively snatched a few mor- sels of knowledge. In the earlier stages of slavery, it was not uncommon to find slaves v/ho had been taught to read and write. But the Missouri compromise, the Nat Turner insurrection, and the growing abolition sentiment of the North in- flamed the Southern passion. It was at this time that the antinegro sentiment reached the acute stage of malignity. The legislation of most of the Southern States forbidding the teaching of negroes bears about the same date. The educational value of slavery is thus portrayed by Col. George W. Williams: The institution of American slavery needed protection from the day of its birth to the day of its death. Whips, thumbscrews, and manacles of iron were far less helpful to it than the thraldom of the intellects of its helpless victims.' The real intellectual life of the race began with the overthrow of slavery. This applies to the North as well as to the South. When the smoke of war had blown 1 History of the Negro Race, by George W. Williams, Vol. II, p. 117. 830 EDUCATION EEPOKT, 1900-1901. away, when the cessation of strife proclaimed the end of the great American con- flict, when " the war drum throbbed no longer, and the battle flags were fnrled," there emerged from the wreck and ruin of war 4,000,000 of human chattels, who were transformed, as if by magic, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, from slavery to freedom, from bondage to liberty, from death unto life. These people were absolutely ignorant and destitute. They had not tasted of the tree of knowl- edge which is the tree of good and evil. This tree was guarded by the flaming swords of wrath, kept keen and bright by the avarice and cupidity of the master class. No enlightened tongue had explained to them the deep moral purpose of the Ten Commandments and the Sermon on the Mount. They were blind alike as to the intellectual and moral principles of life. Ignorance, poverty, and vice, the trinity of human wretchedness, brooded over this degraded mass and made it pregnant. The world looked and wondered. What is to be the destiny of this peopled Happily at this tragic juncture of affairs, they were touched with the magic wand of education. The formless mass assumed symmetry and shape. Order began to rise out of chaos. Contrast that day with this day. Turn back 4U pages of the leaves of history. Look on this picture, and then on that. The words of prophecy are fulfilled: " Though ye have lien among the pots, yet shall ye be as the wings of a dove covered with silver, and her feathers with yellow gold." Nowhere in the whole sweep of history has the transforming effect of intelligence had a higher test of its power. Nothing is great or small, high or low, except by comparison. The same power, mainly educational, that has brought the negro safe thus far, will lead him on and on until he reaches the climax of his destiny. The circumstances amid which this work had its inception read like the swift- changing scenes of a mighty drama. The armies of the North are in sight of victory. Lincoln issues his immortal emancipation proclamation; Sherman, with consum- mate military skill destroys the Conf edei-ate base of supplies and marches through Q-eorgia triumphant to the sea; Grant is on his road to Richmond; the Confederate iiag has fallen; Lee has surrendered; the whole North joins in one concerted chorus: '■ jline eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord." These thrilling epi- sodes will stir our patriotic emotions to the latest generations. But in the track of the Northt^rn army there followed a band of heroes to do battle in a worthier cause. Theirs was no carnal warfare. They did not battle against flesh and blood, but against the powers of darkness intrenched in the ignorance of a degraded people. A worthier band has never furnished theme or song for sage or bard. These noble women— for these noble people were mostly of the female sex — left homes, their friends, their social ties, and all that they held dear, to go to the far South to labor among the recently emancix)ated slaves. Their courage, their self- sacrificing devotion, sincerity of purpose and purity of motive, and their unshaken faith in God were their pass keys to the hearts of those for whom they came to labor. They were sustained by an unbounded enthusiasm and zeal amounting almost to fanaticism. No mercenary or sordid motive attaches to their fair names. They gave the highest proof that the nineteenth century, at least, has afforded that Christianity has not yet degenerated into a dead formula and barren intellectualism, but that it is a living, vital power. Their works do follow them. What colored man is there in ail this land who has not felt the iiplif ting effect of their labors? Their monument is builded in the hopes of a race struggling upward from ignorance to enlightenment, from corruption to purity of life. These are they who sowed the seed of intelligence in the soil of ignorance and planted the rose of virtue in the garden of dishonor and shame. They had no foregoers; they have left no successors. It is said that gratitude is the fairest flower which sheds its perfume in the human heart. As long as the human heart beats in grateful THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 831 response to benefits received, these women shall not want a monument of living ebony and bronze. The National Government inaugurated the work of education among the colored ' people of the South. Earl 3^ in the war, Gen. U. S. Grant appointed Rev. John Eaton, afterwards United States Commissioner of Education, to take charg ot the instruction of the colored people who were following in the wake of his army. The work developed into enormous proportions. General Banks undertook simi.ar work in New Orleans. The Union Army was turned iuto a band of schoolmasters. Teachers from the North came down to work under the protection of the Federal Army. Northern churches and benevolent associations soon entered the field Freedmen's aid societies were organized in all the leading denominations. Con- tributions poured in both from this country and from Eiirope. This work on the part of the Government soon grew too large and bulky to be wisely managed by disjointed agencies. In 1864 the Freedmen"s Bureau was organized, wiih Gen. O. O. Howard at its head. The working of this bureau is too well known to need comment here. The reports of General Alvord, the superintendent of education for the bureau, are most valuable contributions to the history of this subject. The work of the Freedmen's Bureau was largely that of education. It confined lis efforts chiefly to building schoolhouses and furnishing facilities of instruction, leaving Northern benevolence to supply and support teachers. It is estimated that the General Government thus spent fully $"3,000,000 for the education of the fi'eedmen. The need of the higher education was soon felt. Teachers and leaders must be provided. Hence arose the negro college and university. When the Freedmens Bureau came to an end it turned its educational interests over to religious and benevolent societies, which had cooperated with it in the work. About this time also the reconstruction movement was under way. A great many things have been written in condemnation of this unwise experiment in government. The rule of black ignorance under the guidance of white villainy proved a failure. But it has left the South one monument that should take away some of the um a- vory flavor from its memory. It established the public-school system throughout the South, and thereby conferred upon that section the greatest boon which it has received since the adoption of the Constitution. It is upon this corner stone that the South must build all her hopes for future years. Naturally enough the reli- gious and denominational associations did not want their work swallowed up in the public-school system. These schools became chartered institutions. They assumed the high-sounding name of college or university, while their work was mostly of an elementary character. In addition to the institutions of the class above described, almost eveiy South- ern State has established a State college for colored youth as an offset to the State institutions maintained for the whites. The National Government appropriates a large sum of money for colleges of agriculture and the mechanic arts. Wherever a State has separate schools it is stipulated that the division of this fund between the races must be in numerical proportion to their numbers. Thus tlie negro colleges wei'e born in weakness. May they be raised in power. The accompanying table will show the order in M'hich the negro colleges were established, and under what auspices they were founded and supported. 832 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. Negro colleges, in the order of establishment. ' 1864. 1866. 1868. 1869. 1870. 1870. 1871. 1873. 1873. 1872. 1873. 1874. 1874. 1874. 1874. 1874. 1878. 1878. 1879, 1879- 1880. 1880. 1883. 1883. 1883. 1885., 1885., 1885 -, 1890.. 1890.. 1893.. 1894.. 1894.. 1894.. Lincoln University Wilberforce University Howard University Berea College Leland University Benedict College Fisk University. Atlanta University Biddle University Southland College Roger Williams University _ Central Tennessee College _ New Orleans University.. Shaw University Rust University Straight University Branch College (Arkansas) Claflin University Knoxville College Clark University Alcorn University (Mississippi) Wiley University Paine University Allen University ._ Livingstone College Talladega College Virginia Normal and Collegiate Institute Paul Quinn College Lincoln Institute _ Morris Brown College. Atlanta Baptist College... Georgia State Industrial College Delaware State College Philander Smith College Presbyterians. African Methodists. Freedman's Bureau, United States Government. American Missionary Association. Mr. H. Chamberlain. Baptists. American Missionary Association. Do. Presbyterians. Friends. Baptists. Methodists. Do. Baptists, Methodists. American Missionary Association. State. Methodists. Presbyterians. Methodists. State. Methodists. Southern Methodists. African Methodists. Zion Methodists. American Missionary Association. State. African Methodists. Colored soldiers and State. African Methodists. Baptists. State. Do. Methodists. ' Taken from the College- Bred Negro. VII. Work, Ways, and Future of Negro Colleges. " New occasions teach new duties." The conditions out of which the colored institutions grew are quite different from those by which they are surrounded to-day. A great wave of philanthropic enthusiasm swept the country immedi- ately after the war. Institutions had been founded to meet the immediate needs of the situation. These schools must adjust themselves to the change of environ- ments. The experimental stage has passed. The following announcement of the trustees of the John F. Slater fund is eloquent with suggestion: "The trustees believe that the experimental period in the education of the blacks is drawing to a close. Certain principles that were doubted thirty years ago now appear to be generally recognized as sound. In the next thirty years better systems will undoubtedly prevail. "'^ When these schools were first founded the work was an untried experiment, now it is settling into definite" lines; then the great demand was to provide teach- ers, now there are more teachers than can be supplied with schools; then the public-school system had not been organized in the South, now schools are well established in all the States; then high and normal schools were unknown, now each Southern State has one or more of them under its jurisdiction. The relation between private and public schools is one of primary importance. There is some jealousy and not a little rivalry between them in many instances. The private schools were first in the field and do not wish to give way. It is, however, decid- edly unwise for private instruction to rival the public schools in their legitimate 1 The trustees of the John F. Slater fund, Occasional Papers, No. 1, page 4. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 833 territorj'. According to our theory of government primary education is the duty of the State. It is true that the Southern States are too poor to do their full duty in this regard. The effort which they put forth, however, is commendable in the highest degree. No other community in this country lays such heavy propor- tional taxes upon itself for school purposes as the South. Any supplement to the public schools of the South has always been welcome. The Peabody and Slater funds have added greatly to the educational progress of that section. But the question arises as to the wisdom of private institutions, calling themselves colleges and universities, duplicating the work of the public schools. An examination of the catalogues of many of the colored colleges will show that they are for the most part huge primary schools with the college course attached for ornament and style. Proportion of college students to total enrollment in negro colleges, 1S98-99. College. College Secondary Primary students, students, students. Lincoln Biddle - Fisk - - Howard Shaw Atlanta -.. "Wilberforce "Virginia Normal and Collegiate Institute Leland - Livingstone - AUen State College (Delaware) Knoxville.-- Claflin (1897-98) Clark Philander Smith Roger Williams New Orleans _ Georgia State Paine Talladega Bust - - Atlanta Baptist Arkansas Baptist Straight -. Southland -.. Southern Wiley :.-. Branch (Arkansas) .35 m 135 .51 180 133 4a 3t'5 37 2:25 »{ 230 23 ;^i 159 59 an 138 163 ao 34 33 w 53 159 19 111 149 18 21 18 94 145 17 109 553 IR 108 323 1.5 69 238 15 99 74 14 37 275 Vi 72 140 10 180 80 9 68 129 9 76 125 9 25 66 9 33 143 8 131 382 « 57 70 7 66 341 5 49 288 a 57 129 The poet Horace tells us that a lawyer of mediocre ability may be held in high esteem, though he be not so eloquent as Messalla nor so learned as Aulus; but neither gods nor men nor booksellers will tolerate a mediocre jwet. ..What the Apulian bard remarks of the poet will apply vnth equal force to a college. There can be no excuse or toleration for an inferior institution of high pretension. The old adage, *'a whole loaf or none," suggests a principle that is at once salutary and sound. One had better remain untaught in the higher branches of learning than to be imperfectly instructed. From an intellectual standpoint it is better not to see at all than to see through a glass darkly. The worst possible condition of the mind is to have it crammed with smatterings of undigested and unassimilated knowledge. This is the state of mind from which spring bigotry, conceit, and shallow pretense. A self-resi>ecting individual can not afford to be very different in his dress and habits of life from the society in which he moves; if he finds it too difficult to keep pace with his class, he is relegated to the grade below by the law of social gravitation. So it is with an institution of learning; it can not afford to be much different from other schools of like grade and pretension; and if it can not maintain itself on such a plane, it had better fall back to the next lower grade of academy or ntting school. Colored colleges need not expect ED 1901 53 834 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. exemption from the Tisual tests of excellence. Knowledge is color-blind. Science and philosophy do not accommodate themselves to the various hues of the human species. The requirements for admission to colored colleges, as well as the extent of courses and allotment of time to the several subjects of study, may be seen from the accompanying tables: Requirements for admission to negro colleges. Length of pre- paratory course. Number of years of preparatory study required in — Weeks Institution. Latin. Greek. Mathe- matics. English. Other impor- tant studies. study per year. 3 3 4 2 3 3 2 4 3 3 2 3 4 3 3 2 3 3 3 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 2 li f 2 2 1| 3^ 2 3 1 2^- 1 1 1| i 1" i 1 2| 2 2 3 11 u ll 5 2 33 Biddle 35 37 Howard - 36 33 34 39 Virginia Normal and Collegiate In- 33 31 28 36 From this it would seem that these colleges ranked in the severity of their entrance requirements about as follows: 1. Howard: Nearly equal to the smaller New England colleges. 2. Fisk, Atlanta, Wilberforce, Leland, Paul Quinn: From one to two years behind smaller New England colleges. 3. Biddle, Shaw, Virginia Normal and Collegiate Institute, Livingstone: From two to three years behind smaller New England colleges. 4. Lincoln: A little above an ordinary New England high school. Table slioiving ivhat fractional part of the four-years'' college course is devoted to certain studies. Institution. College pre- paratory course of- English. Modern lan- guages. Ancient lan- guages. Natural science. Political science, history, and phi- losophy. Mathe- matics. Years. 4 3 3 3 4 3 3 2 2 2 1-8 1-30 1-16 1-18 1-15 1-20 1-13 1-6 1-15 1-10 1-7 1-16 1-6 1-13 1-4 1^ 1-3 1-3 1-3 1-3 1-3 1-5 1-3 1-2 2-5 1-8 1-5 1-6 1-5 1-4 1-5 1-6 1-5 1-9 1-9 1-9 1-4 1-6 1-4 1-9 1-5 1-5 1-7 1-6 1-7 1-10 1-9 1-16 Fisk 1-8 Atlanta 1-7 1-7 1-7 Paul Quinn .. ..... .. 1-20 1-13 1-8 1-8 1-r Biddle 1-6 1-8 Virginia Normal and Colle- 1-5 1-6 Lincoln 1-5 THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 835 Approximate distribution of u'ork in negro colleges. [Hours of recitation per week for the year.] FRESHMEN. a. 2 t- M OS o oj < -a S o .9 '? 4 (3 O 3 Latin f 5 i 5 5 4 4 ^ 4 Greek 5 5 5 5 5 4 4 5 4 4 5 2 5 5 1 5 5 5 4 1 4 1 5 (J 4 4 English 3 t 3 4 3 1 2 1 SOPHOMORES. Latin Greek Mathematics English History Natural science .- Civics Modern languages Other studies 3i 3i 4 5 4 4 4 4 4 4 U 3? 5 5 4 4 4 4 4 3^ 3 5 34 4 4 3 4 4 4 3 i o 3 3 'Zi 3 1* (t 4 4 3 4 U li U 5 4 ^ i JUNIORS. Latin Greek iViatliematics English History Natural science Political science Modern languages Psychology and philosophy Other studies (') IS 4 4 (') 3* 4 4 4 4 4 4 (') 2* 4 2 1 o 3^^ 4 3 2 3 '(3) 'i 2 '3 5 ti? 6 54 4 5 2? 3 U 4 (» n M'4) 5 4.^ 3 4 4 u 2 •> I 4 14 o H3) 1 i SENIORS. Latin Greek Mathematics English History , Natural science ... Political science .. Modern languages Psychology, etc .. Other studies 3 H u 3 {■h n if' 4 ■M 5 J '3 4 2 U 2(3) 5 5 5 4 ;h 4 4 4 4 '^(24) 3i 4 is 4 n U 3 {•') ik 3 B| 5 2f 4 6 5 6 4 5 4 34 " 4 4 ' Ten additional hours to be chosen from these. The figures in parentheses indicate a prob- able course. ^ Five and one-third hours of electives to be chosen from these. The figures iu parentheses indicate a probable course. The best of these schools are almost on pai* with the average New England college, so far as standard of admission and reach and range of curriculum are concerned. Howard University stands at the head of the list. It would certainly not fall far below the prevailing collegiate standard, with Fisk and Atlanta as close seconds. From these the range is downward until they reach the level of a New England fitting school. The chartered institutions are usually located in the large centers of population, where the provisions for public institutions are more or less ample. Men who 836 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. have carefiTlly studied the situa,tion are asking themselves the question whether it is good policy to entreat Northern philanthropy to carry on a work which the States themselves can more easily perform. There is no doubt that there will be outside benevolence to assist in this work for a long time to come. Begging at best is a disagreeable task. It should never be indulged in unless there is some overshadow ing necessity. It is the unanimous opinion of thoughtful observers, as well as the dictate of common prudence, that these institutions should relegate to the public schools all the work that properly belongs there, and should confine their energies to that class of work which falls beyond, or at least outside of, the range of public instruction. The relative influence of white and colored men in the management and conduct of the schools is a matter of much moment and not a little delicacy. This ques- tion, however, is a persistent one. It will not down at our bidding and has no regard for our delicate scruples; it requires brave, heroic treatment; it should be handled with all the plainness of English speech. Most of these schools are under the management and control of some church or religious organization. These societies have founded the work, developed the jDlants, and accumulated the property. This class of schools is usually directed and ofticered by white men. There is a good deal of human nature even in the persons who are engaged in missionary work. Nowhere do we find it a common thing for men to voluntarily yield up authority when it is possible for them to retain it. It is only reasonable to suppose that this class of schools will continue to be dominated by white men. The argument is advanced that white people furnish the means, and it is but fair that they should dispose of it in any manner which they deem fit. It is true that practically all of the money for this work is furnished by the whites. However it may be liked or disliked, it will probably continue to be the fact that as long as the whites contribute the support they will continue to wield the dominant influence. Those institutions which are supported by the States are under the control of colored men. It is the policy of the South to let the negro manage his own affairs. It is found that those institutions which are under colored management are in no wise behind the rest in point of discipline, order, and good results. There is still another class of institutions, originally supjoorted and managed wholly by colored men. These are to be found for the most part within the limits of the A, M. E. Church. There are as many as 40 such institutions, several of which take high rank as colleges. It is here that we must look for the best illus- trations of independent action in many directions. These institutions are of the colored people, by the colored people, and for the colored people. The resources of these schools are a matter of serious concern. The total pro- ductive endowment of all the higher institutions is about threo- quarters of a mil- lion dollars. This is about sufficient to run one small college alone. The small amount which colored men have contributed to these funds is remarkable. There have been several illustrious examples of colored men in the A, M. E. Church who have left the bulk of their fortunes to the educational institutions; but I know of no others who have followed their example. The race spends immense sums of money for the support of their religion, but very little for education. The value of negro church property is placed at $26,000,000, all of which has been contrib- uted or solicited by themselves; but their contribution to education would hardly amount to a tenth part of that sum. One thing seems to be certain, the sup- port as well as the management of colored institutions must ultimately be transferred from the white to the colored race, if they are to be permanent. The resources of charity will not last forever. A people who really deserve and appre- ciate institutions for their moral and intellectual welfare will sustain them. It is a physical impossibility for a body to remain in stable equilibrium whose center of gravity falls outside of the basis of support. THE EDUCATIOIT OF THE NEGEO. 887 There are entirely too manj' of these colleges. Every school that teaches the least bit of classics is ambitious to confer the academic degrees. There is not a fitting school pure and simple in the whole range of the educational work. There are more universities for colored people in the United States than there are alto- gether in England or France and quite as many as there are in Germany. If the educational work could be harmonized and systematized, so that a majority of the universities could be reduced to fitting schools and academies, leaving two or three stronger ones to carry on the higher lines of study, the work could be done with half the present expense and with thrice the elSciencj% ■ -• The denominational feature is largely responsible for the great number of insti- tutions with high-sounding names. Every denomination is anxious to have its own schools, to enforce its own principles, and inculcate its own doctrines. Hence it is not an uncommon thing to find two or three universities of as many different denominations in a single Southern city. Any unity of action or harmony of plan is made exceedingly diincult on account of this denominational rivalry. A university in its complete growth and equipments represents the ripest product of a civilization. The colored schools, notwithstanding their shortcomings, repre- sent more fully than anything else the progress of the race. They not only show what has already been accomplished, but are the surest promise of what is to be. The collegiate prerogative of conferring degrees is one which these schools exer- cise without the least modesty. Degrees were originally conferred upon students as a license to teach. In course of time they came to stand for various achieve- ments in several branches of learning. Some of them indicated the courses of study pursued, while others stood for eminence or proficiency in the arts and sciences. A love of cheap distinction seems to be the greatest malady which afflicts the American mind. The theory is that under democratic institutions the love of titular distinctions is eradicated. Our Government grants no titles of nobilitj'. To be an American citizen is supposed to be honor enough for any man. We laugh at the number of worn-out counts and earls and what-nots of the old world, but we can overmatch them in the number and variety of degrees. Few people seem to be satisfied with a plain name; they want some addition either before or after it. Our civilians who never saw action in the field and who know no more about military operations than Shakespeare's arithmetician are dubbed "captain," "colo- nel," or '-general." Men are called "judge" whose judgment would not be respected on a single item of human interest from a horse race to metaphysics. Masonic societies load down their votaries with a list of degrees that seem to exhaust the letters of the alphabet. American heiresses swap their millions for a titled name. It should not be wondered at, then, that colleges, which hold the exclusive patent of literary degrees, should partake of this same lavish spirit. The smaller and feebler colleges seem to make up their deficiencies by the number and variety of degrees which they confer. It is said that in many cases they are sold out- right. The story is told of a certain Southern institution that its faculty con- sisted of two members of the same family. The father was president and the son was professor of the whole curriculum. The faculty met on a day and voted to confer the degree of LL. D. upon the president, and, in order to return the compli- ment, the president conferred the degree of Ph. D. upon the faculty. The writer is familiar with the facts of the following case: An eminent divine was invited to deliver the commencement address before a certain college class. After having per- formed the task to the best of his ability the institution offered either to pay his railroad fare or to give him a D. D. The railroad fare was preferred. This evil has become so prevalent that not only educators but common-sense men in all walks of life have become aroused to its serious nature. Several of the leading institutions have decided not to confer any more honorary degrees. Mr. James R. Garfield has recently introduced a measure in the Ohio legislature to have that 838 EDUCATION BEPOBT, 1900-1901. body regulate the matter of degrees from the colleges of the State. President Cleveland several years ago declined the honor of an LL. D. from Harvard Uni- versity; more recently he has declined the same proffer from Wilberforce. His declension is based on the ground that he is not a college graduate and is not other- wise entitled to literary distinctions. What has been said so far upon this topic refers to the abuse of degrees in gen- eral and is not especially applicable to colored schools. This abuse is a general one. Our 400 or more colleges have so flooded the land with learned degrees that they have lost their intended significance. They are not recognized by the institutions of Europe. There is an old adage in the South, " If you want to see a thing run in the ground, let the negroes get hold of it." This adage has been more than justified in the present instance. The matter of degrees has been car- ried to ridiculous, even to disgusting, extremes. The extravagant lavishness with which persons who in the nature of the case can have no claim to them are loaded with literary degrees would be amusing if it were not so amazing. Colored men are no longer willing to have their attainments properly characterized by the three R's; they must be represented by the various combinations of L's and D's. It has been facetiously stated that a great many colored men who stagger under the heavy load of A. B., A. M., D. D., LL, D., etc., would have their acquisitions more accurately described by A B G and the other letters of the alphabet. There are hundreds of colored men dubbed D. D. who can not give a critical rendering of a single passage of Scripture in the original or give an opinion on any phase of theology that would challenge respect, or write a single line on any topic, sacred or secular, that will live six hours after they are dead. Many of these degrees have been conferred on account of useful work, pious life, holy consecration, or ecclesiastical eminence. Too much can not be said in praise of these things. But it is pure mockery, a travesty upon learning, to decorate such ]Dersons with honors which they do not deserve and whose significance they can not appreciate. Do men gather grapes of thorns or figs of thistles? So far has this practice prevailed that when it is announced that the Rev. Mr. Blank, D, D., LL. D., is going to preach at such and such a church, we no longer think of a learned scholar who can partake of the things of God and show them unto us with logical clearness and power, but instead our risible emotions are aroused. Ecclesiastical degrees are not more abused than those of purely literary or scientific import. Many of the colleges fall short of the average standard. Their regular degrees, therefore, do not stand for a fair amount of culture. The goods are not properly labeled. Thus the land is full of A. B.'s and A. M.'s which could not stand the test of severe standards. It was but yesterday that the negro race first saw the light of intellectual day. The bulk of the race is still illiterate or nearly so. So it is marvelous beyond words that so many of them have reached the highest pitch of literary honors. Where else in history is there such a sharp contrast of bright lights and deep shadows? When we think of the suddenness with which this has been brought about, we can but suppose that these learned men must have sprung into being full fledged, like the Grecian Minerva from the brain of Zeus. This question has its serious as well as its facetious side. It points out an evil and suggests a duty. It is positively damaging to sound scholarship and to high standards. If the highest honors are so easily won, and when won are of so little significance and worth, what stimulus is there for young men to struggle for honest acquisitions? There needs to be cultivated a wholesome public sentiment which will not tolerate such intellectual sham. Institutions which have no higher appreciation for this collegiate function than to abuse it so shamefully should meet with stern popular disfavor. The educators of colored youth can render no gxeater service to the intellectual welfare of the race than to discourage intellectiTal dis- honesty under the guise of unmerited degrees. These colleges and universities should see to it that these bogus honors are stopped. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGKO. 839 Negro college graduates of u'hite colleges, according to institutions. (A) THE LARGER UNIVERSITIES. Name of college. Total gradu- ates. Name of college. Total gradu- ates. Harvard . 11 10 10 8 4 4 Catliolic 3 Yale 3 Michigan Stanford Cornell Total. ^ 54 Pennsylvania (B) COLLEGES OF SECOND RANK. Oberlin University of Kansas Bates Colgate Brown - Dartmouth Amherst Buclcnell - Oh io State Williams .. Boston University University of Minnesota Indiana Adelbert Beloit Colby University of Iowa University of Nebraska Wesleyan (.Connecticut) Radcliffe Wellesley Northwestern Rutgers Bowdoin Hamilton New York Univer.sity .. Rochester Denver De Pauw Mount Holyoke Vassar Total (C) OTHER COLLEGES. 10 ? 6 4 4 4 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 o Geneva Hillsdale Otter bein Lafayette Wesleyan (Iowa) Dennison Olivet Baldwin Albion Western of Pennsylvania University of Idaho Hiram Wittenberg Butler's Westminster St. Stephen's Ohio University Total Tabor Knox 90 Adrian 389 Washington and Jeffer.son Negro college graduates from negro colleges. Name of college. Total gradu- ates. Name of college. Total gradu- ates. 96 194 94 130 16 18 140 106 27 38 616 29 24 6 44 46 Clark 21 Fisk 29 Atlanta 76 Wilberforce 30 1 Paul Quinn Paine Talladega 11 Biddle-..- 5 Shaw Rust 30 Virginia Normal and Collegiate In- Atlanta Baptist.. stitute Arkansas Baptist 4 Livingstone.. 11 Lincoln. Southland . . 19 Berea Wiley .. 9 Allen 9 State College of Delaware c Knox ville 3 Claflin 46 840 EDUCATION EEPOBT, 1900-1901. There have been 1,941 graduates from negro colleges, and 389 from white insti- tutions. Their occupations, usefulness, and influence must be taken as the high- est measure of the value and importance of the higher education. The fifth Atlanta conference was at great pains to study this phase of the question. The 1,312 negro graduates reporting were distributed as follows among the several vocations: Number. Per cent. 701 53.4 331 16.8 83 6.3 74 5.6 63 4.7 53 4 Per cent. Teachers Clergymen Physicians Students.- Lawyers In Government service In business Farmers and artisans Clerks, secretaries, etc Editors Miscellaneous 3.6 3.7 3.3 Commenting on these figures, the report continues: ' These figures illustrate vividly the function of the college-bred negro. He is, as he ought to be, the group leader; the man who sets the ideals of the community where he lives, directs its thought, and heads its social movements. It need hardly be argued that the negro people need social leadership more than most groups. They have no traditions to fall back upon, no long-established customs, no strong family ties, no well-defined social classes. All these things must be slowly and painfully evolved. The preacher was, even before the war, the group leader of the negroes, and the church their greatest social institution.^ Naturally, this preacher was ignorant and often immoral, and the problem of replacing the older type by better-educated men has been a diSicult one. Both by direct work and by indirect influence on other preachers and on congregations, the college- bred preacher has an opportunity for reformatory work and moral inspiration, the value of which can not be overestimated. The report of the Atlanta confer- ence on "Some oEorts of American negroes for their own social betterment," shows the character of some of this work. it has, however, been in the furnishing of teachers that the negro college has found its peculiar function. Few persons realize how vast a work, how mighty a revolution has been thus accomplished. To furnish 5,000,000 and more of ignorant people with teachers of their own race and blood in one generation was not only a very difficult undertaking but a very important one, in that it placed before the eyes of almost every negro child an attainable ideal. It brought the masses of the blacks in contact with modern civilization, made black men the leaders of their communities and trainers of the new generation. In this work college-bred negroes were first teachers and then teachers of teachers. And here it is that the broad ciilture of college work has been of peculiar value. Knowledge of life and its wider meaning has been the point of the negro's deepest ignorance, and the sending out of teachers whose training has not been merely for bread winning, but also for human culture has been of inestimable value in the training of these men.^ Another question which philanthropists have a right to ask about these gradu- ates is. What are they doing for the general social betterment of the race aside from the vocations from which they derive a livelihood? The following table throws much light on this question, which gives a list of college-bred negroes who are engaged in religious, philanthropic, and literary work: Occupation. Number. Occupation. Number. Active in religious service Investing in negro business enter- prises - Contributing to newspapers Editing and publishing newspapers - Lecturers - College and .student aid Benevolent club work. Nurseries, orphanages, and homes .. Slum, prison, and temperance work. 101 48 105 40 31 30 9 13 16 Organized charity Kindergartens and mothers' meet ings.. Building associations Hospitals - Farming and truck gardens.. Savings banks Contributing to magazines Papers before societes ' Cf . The New World, December, 1900, article Religion of American Negro. 2 College-bred Negro, p. 65. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 841 It is true tliat the college-bred negro has not as yet entered, in appreciable num- bers, upon productive pursuits, but has followed the line of least resistance, and fitted into positions that were already prepared. The college-bred men of New England, up to the middle of the present century, sought the ranks of the learned professions and political careers, but seldom entered upon practical pursuits. When the educated negro finds prepared places all occupied, he too will be com- pelled to launch out into profitable industry and productive enterprises. And then he will be found to be a captain of industry, just as he is now the leader in the more leisurely and learned callings. The negro college has a valuable function in the general educational equation and will occupy an important i)lace among American institutions of the future. They have been centers of light that have ilhiminated the darksome path of an entire race. They antedated the public schools, and gave to the negro his initial impulse toward the better things of life. There is scarcely an educated colored man or woman in the South who has not been touched by their beneficent influ- ence. The value of an object is enhanced by contemplating its absence or with- drawal. We do not dare even think what the condition of the negro would be if it had not been for these colleges. It is equally painful to speculate as to the con- ditions of the future if these institutions should be withdrawn. How could the preachers, of whom there is need for many thousands, be prepared for the work? Where would the lawyers and doctors and teachers in the higher range of instruc- tion qtialify for their function? The vital question of perpetuity is one of financial support. Only two of them, the Gammon School of Theology and the Lincoln University, are adequately endowed. The others must depend for the most part upon current contributions from the State, religious denominations, and private philanthropy. Those schools which have been fostered by religious denominations will doubtless continue to receive such support as a means of religious propagandism. Fisk University and the Union University at Richmond, Va., will doubtless be upheld as representing the highest expression of the missionary and philanthropic endeavor of their respective denominations. The futvire of those schools which have no definite mooring, but which must depend upon the ebb and flow of public and private favor. Is more precarious and uncertain. It can not be denied that the trend of private philanthropy is toward the indus- trial and practical idea to the discouragement of the higher culture. This turn in public sentiment is scarcely due to the abiding conviction that the industrial policy will come any nearer solving unsettled problems than the higher knowledge, but is perhaps the outgrowth of the feverish spirit of the Athenian, which is ever in quest of some new thing. When the new idea has been exploited as fully as the old, there will in all probability be a redistribution of public favor between the two according to their proper proportion and balance. The tendency on the part of the State colleges is to eliminate everything that flavors of the higher culture, and to adapt their courses to the requirements of an agricultural and industrial regime. There can be but little doubt that the State institutions will relinquish what little claim they now have to collegiate distinc- tion and take rank in the more elementary and x)ractical class. There is need of a sensible adaptation of the negro college to the requirements of its function in the light of what experience has taught us. 1. Let it be conceded that a backward and suppressed race must of necessity be aflSicted with great intellectual poverty. Such a race can, at best, produce only a small number of youth who, with their present incumbrances, are likely to profit by the advanced courses of learning. The mass of any people must ever fall short of the collegiate grade. At present the negro shows only 1 student in 3,000 of the population, who by the widest stretch of courtesy can be said to be pursuing the 842 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1900-1901. higher education. After abstracting all who are able to think, there will be left sufficient to toil. 2. The courses of study should be thorough and the instruction competent. Nothing is so dangerous to a backward race as a smattering of learning. The people need sane, safe, cautious, conservative standards. They are already too prone to superficiality and show. 3. The Northern college is not likely to inspire colored youth with enthusiasm and fixed purpose for the work which destiny has assigned them. The white col- lege does not contemplate the needs of the negro race. American ideals could not be fostered in the white youth of the country by sending them to Oxford or Berlin for their tuition. No more can the negro gain racial inspiration from Harvard or Yale. And yet it would be a calamity to cut them off from these great centei's of learning. They need the benefit of contact and comparison, as well as the greater facilities which they afford. If the negro is shut in wholly to himself he becomes too painfully self-conscious; on the other hand, if allowed to stray too far from his race, he finds himself stranded on the barren shores of cul- ture, or, like Mohammed's coffin, suspended in mid-air, without upper or nether support. The negro college in the South and the larger institutions of the North will preserve a just balance between these conflicting principles. 4. Negroes should contribute liberally toward their own higher education. You who have been benefited ought therefore to be enlarged. Thousands of colored people are better able to contribute to such movements than many of the regular contributors in the North. No equilibrium can be stable when the center of grav- ity falls outside of the basis of support. 5. There are by far too many schools which claim the collegiate function. The number might v,-ell be reduced to three or four— perhaps one for each of the lead- ing denominations and a central one in the city of Washington. 6. There is a great need of fitting schools which should be content to do thor- ough secondary work without the ambition to assume full academic prerogative. Most of the schools which now call themselves colleges and universities might easily confine themselves to this work without sutiering the least in real character. 7. The work of primary grades, now a prominent feature of most of the negro universities, should be relegated to the public schools, and their courses should be confined to those lines of instruction which fall beyond, or at least outside of, the scope of public instruction. The work now undertaken could thus be done at a tithe of the present cost with thrice the efficiency. The higher educational inter- est of the race needs to be rationally modified and sensibly adopted. There should be a sharp definition of the function and sphere of the college and those of the industrial school. Appeals should be made to philanthropic sources on the basis of relative, not rival claims. It would be as unwise policy on the part of philan- thropy to abandon the higher education of the negro as it would be to give up his industrial training. They are supplementary parts of a symmetrical whole. This ought ye to have done and not to have left the other undone. VIII. The Negro in Northern Colleges. There are, or were in 1890, 442 universities or colleges in the United States, counting the good, the indifferent, and the bad. Many of these— generally the poorer and feebler ones— are located in that section of the country where the races are not accustomea to be taught together. The largest, richest, and most influen- tial of these, however, are open to all, without regard to race, color, or previous servitude, regardful only of the present intellectual rating of the applicant. There are 25 or more universities, for the most part courteously so called, which were established for the benefit of the negro race. These schools, together with the higher institutions of the North, are open to colored youth. Let us now con- sider the relative advantages of the two classes of institutions to the negro. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 843 It is not perhaps profitable to discuss the lai'ger question of mixed schools, except in so far as the logical exigencies of the subject require. It offers such wide latitude for difference of opinion and friction of feeling that I would gladly avoid it altogether if the subject in hand permitted me to do so. Some notice of it here, however, is unavoiadable. A stranger with a keen, inquiring, critical sense and unbiased prepossessions who should visit a community for the first time and should notice the existence of parallel courses of instruction, maintained at increased public cost and care, for different elements of population would begin to suspect that there must be some maladjiistment of social forces. If, on closer scrutiny, he should find that the same distinction obtains in all the other relations of life, in business, in politics, in society, and even in religion, and that the sepa- ration in each case rested upon a racial basis, he would speedily conclude that there must be a race problem on hand. He would also be convinced that separate schools do not form an isolated distinction, but are only a part of the prevailing social status of the two races. ISTor would he, if he were wise and liberal minded, rail against the existence of separate schools, knowing in the fullness of his wis- dom that they were expedient just so long as the causes that make them necessary exist; seeing also that protest would be of no avail, but would serve only to engen- der bad feelings and harmful friction. Separate schools are not the cause, but simply one of the effects of the race problem. The effect is less than the cause. This problem will be on our hands for many a long day, and that, too, whether our schools be separate or mixed. The advantage claimed for mixed schools is that the colored pupils gain much by contact with the white race, and that the two races being brought into close association will learn to appreciate and respect each other. It is argued, on the other hand, that where mixed schools prevail the negro teacher is excluded^ and the colored pupil, accustomed to seeing all ennobljng stations filled by white men and women, imbibes, consciously or unconsciously, a feeling of the inferiority of his race, and consequently loses ambition and self-confidence. The isolated instances of colored teachers, whose tenure of office is more or less precarious in such schools, do not materially relieve the situation. Some advocates of mixed schools are so enthusiastic as to claim that they will furnish a panacea for all the ills which the race suffers. Unfortunately, this roseate view is not sustained by the facts of experience. Those who believe that prejudice is not strong enough to survive class-room contact are greatly mistaken. The Jews in Germany attend the universities and rise to the highest ranks by reason of their undoubted mental endowments, and yet prejudice against them seems to abate no whit on that account. The University of Salerno, founded in Italy in the ninth century, received Jews both as students and teachers at a time when persecution against that unfortunate race was at its highest pitch. ^ There is, indeed, a democracy of letters, but its liberality of spirit is largely confined to its own domain. The ineffl- cacy of mixed schools in our land to solve the race problem is too painfully appar- ent. It has nowhere been shown that they have had any appreciable effect in sof- tening the asperities of prejudice. On the other hand, many honest observers are convinced that prejudice in the North is more hurtful than in the South, and that it is on the increase. True, it takes on another form, but only to accommodate itself to a change of circumstances. Nor have mixed schools produced such strik- ing results for the good of the race as to justify us in ascribing to them any extravagant advantage. No one, I presume, would undertake to justify separate schools, unless it be on the ground of expediency. The ideal school system is one in which such questions as we have been discussing do not enter, but where all elements of the population stana on an equal footing in management, instruction, and pupilage. But, unfor- » Britannica Encyclopedia— Universities. 844 EDUCATION REPORT, 1900-1901. innately, we are creatures of circumstances. We have, therefore, to deal with things as they are, and not as we fancy they ought to be. It is a fact which is as certain and as convincing as the law of gravitation that where the colored people form a considerable fraction of the x^opulation the races are taught in separate schools; wherever there is sufficient of the African element to give decided color, it is secluded and set apart. This is not a question of geographical lines and political divisions. It depends simply upon the relative weight of the colored element in the community. The negro is the weaker vessel. He can only accept, it may be with an ineffectual protest, conditions which are forced upon him. His frantic outcry against existing discriminations will have no more effect than the wail of an infant crying in the night. There are three elements of greatness in an institution: (1) Great wealth, which enables it to secure the best equipments and facilities of instruction and to sur- round itself with learned professors and distinguished scholars; (2) age and schol- arly tradition, filling the atmosphere with a bracing influence and intellectual tone; (3) an enthusiastic constituencj^ and a large and Vv'idespread body of influ- ential alumni. The better colleges of the East possess all these elements of strength. Contrasted with these, the negro colleges are young, poor, and strug- gling. It must not be taken for granted, however, that because a college is small and comparatively poor it can not do good and efficient work. If such an institu- tion has sufficient funds to emploj' a competent faculty, and adhere to a conserva- tive policy of restricting its energies to a definite, limited range of work, there is no reason why it might, not accomplish as much in its scope as a school of greater pretensions. Success in the ordinary studies of a college curriculum does not depend so much upon large libraries and laboratories, showy and imijosing sur- roundings, nor yet upon the exalted abilities of the professors, beyond a fair degree of competency, as upon faithfulness, diligence, efficient direction, wholesome enthusiasm, and serious purpose. The smaller college can not rival the great uni- versities in the range and variety of courses, in the liberty, sometimes amounting to license, of electives, nor in the upper reaches of post-graduate and special lines of work. The mission of the small college is to do faithful and efficient work along definite if somewhat limited lines, stamping a deep moral and intellectual impress upon its products; to turn out handmade instead of manufactured articles, not hiding the man in the multitude. Many of the best scholars and most promi- nent citizens are products of feeble colleges. The colored student is drawn to the Northern university because of the impos- ing surroundings and the attractive power of a great name. His ambition is indeed noble, his motive worthy. It is also true that the colored man who attends a white school seems to gain, for a time at least, an enhanced preferment among his own race. This can be explained partly because of his supposed superior equipment and partly on the same ground that a New Englander, in years gone by, who had visited the national capital was looked upon with something of bewilderment by his less fortunate associates. The old doggerel couplet, though wanting perhaps in dignity, is not without direct applicability: How much a monkey that has Ijeen to Rome Excels a monkey that has stayed at home. The colored youth from the South, on entering a Northern institution, finds himself in such different relations to white men from those which he has been accustomed to sustain (and which, alas, he is not destined to sustain again) that he is often carried beyond himself by the first heat of enthusiasm. In the minds of many the fear exists that the Southland may be thus decimated of its best intel- ligence and strength. This would indeed be regretful — a sheer waste of energy. The negro, under the present circumstances, can add nothing to the civilization of the North, If the intelligence and vigorous manhood of the colored race be thas THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 845 wasted in unprofitable fields, the negro youth would take to the North that which does not enrich it, but would rob the race in the South of that which leaves it poor indeed. Education should not cause the recipient to shrink from dutj', how- ever difficult or disagreeable, but to meet it manfully and to bring all of one's added mental resources to bear upon its accomplishment. The claim of the col- ored colleges is advocated on several grounds: 1. The existence of a colored college does not prevent those colored youth who prefer to do eo from going to Northern institutions. It rather stimulates them to go. There has recently been planted at Washington the Catholic University of America, but that does not imply that all Catholic students will forthwith cease to attend Protestant tchools. Denominational institutions never include all the students of a particular faith. It need not be supposed, then, that negro schools muse include all negro pupils. It would bo a great misfortune if the colored race were cut off from intellectual contact with the Caucasian. The negro has not 3'et learned a tithe of what the white man can teach him. The time has not yet come for a declaration of intellectual independence. I adopt for the purposes of this argument the words of the late W. W. Patton, D. D., LL. D., president of Howard Universit5\ "But," he says in his inaugural address, "to secure this result (the higher education of the negro) , so difficult and yet so essential, the proc- ess must be such as to throw the colored man under every possible quickening influence. Hence it is not best to separate him carefully from his white brother and raise him in an institution by himself, like a tender plant in a hothouse. He needs the contact with the more advanced race. The acknowledgment of his manhood thus given will add to his self-respect and will fire his nobler ambition." ^ I will venture the proposition that the most wholesome and beneficial contact between the races in the schools is to be found in those cases where the colored student has first passed through some first-class negro college, and afterwards goes to a Northern institution for work in special lines or professional equipment. This view is borne out partly by facts of experience and partly by considerations of a general nature. So far as the results of experience are concerned, let each look around and judge for himself. On general prin'ciples, it might be said, the graduate of the colored school has been trained in the atmosphere in which his future lot must bo cast. He is impressed on every hand by the vast magnitude of the work which awaits him. If urged on by a desire to extend his knowledge in a greater school, he does so with the fixed purpose of applying his wider acquisi- tions to the needs of his race. He has also a definite attachment to some school as his alma mater; his zeal for the advancement of education is thus localized and heightened. Mr. S. W. Powell, writing in the Century Magazine on a topic of like import, says: " By getting their education where they would be brought face to face with the heartbreaking destitutions of their race, they would be more apt to acquire the enthusiasm and fixed purpose of the missionary. Lack of these is one of the most marked defects of the negro who has a little education. Unless these qualities are developed in those of higher gifts and attainments the task of elevating the race will be much more formidable." Graduates of colored schools, having reached a considerable degree of maturity and soberness, are not likely to be carried away by false enthusiasm and lose their racial balance because of a quasi equality with white men, artificially fostered, and destined to last only for a day. The graduates of these schools should not limit their further search after knowl- edge to American schools, but should be encouraged to go to the English, German, and French universities, and to gather the sparkling gems of knowledge wherever they glitter. 2. The colored college serves to develop negro scholarship by giving members of the race an opportunity to make their education effective. The scholar must have > Inaugural address as president of Howard University. 846 EDUCATION EEPOBT, 1900-1901. time, leisiire, and opportunity to observe, study, and reflect. Many usually finish their education, in the strict literary sense, at the college commencement, unless, luckily, their vocation in life calls for constant literary activity. A college is a seat, and not merely a dispensary of learning. It is not more a distributing center than a depository of knowledge, The mission of the college professor is not merely to teach, but to study, to investigate, and to grow. The great minds of Europe are gathered in the universities. Harvard, Yale, and Princeton mean most to American scholarship. If the negro student is to be permitted to go to the uni- versities, but is to be given no opportunity to develop beyond graduation, the intellectual status of the race will always be low. One of the striking peculiarities of the colored race is that its members are not inspired by the great achievements of white men. It seems to be taken for granted that the Caucasian should do great things. The negro seems to think that the white man is removed from his plane of competition. It seldom, if ever, occurs to the colored pupil to equal or surpass his white teacher. He is at most a pupil, never a disciple of his Caucasian master. But when one colored man rises, every other colored man begins to look upward. The negro does not care how far the white man outstrips him, but will do his level best to keep pace with one of his ovra color. There should be colored men of approved character, culture, and racial enthusiasm conspicuously at the front in these schools of higher learning. They stand out before the students as a typical embodiment of the possibilities of their kind. The abolition of the negro college would be the death knell of the higher education of the race". Colored youth would soon cease to attend Northern colleges if there were no stimulus beyond the commencement. The negroes of the North have often been upbraided for not taking better advan- tage of the educational facilities by which they are surrounded. They answer th's reproach with the query, "Cui bono?" Let us notice the harmful effect of this principle when applied to another situation. In a publication of the Bureau of Education, entitled Education in Maryland, the author attributes the back- wardness of that State in higher educational matters, until quite recentlj% largely to the fact that in the early history of the colony the youth were sent abroad for their higher education, to the neglect of home institutions. Some went to William and Mary in Virginia, others to England, and still others of Catholic parentage, like Charles Carroll, were educated on the continent of Europe. 3. " Practical education" is the cant phrase of the hour. Let us repudiate the cheap sentiment that all negroes should be taught a mechanical trade. What is here meant by a practical education is one that will enable the recipient to deal wisely with the issues which he must grapple with in after life. Ones educa- tion should, as far as possible, fit for the special circumstances of his environ- ment. Dr. Edward W. Blyden, the world-renowned negro scholar, tells us: " The object of all education is to secure growth and efficiency, to make a man all that iis natural gifts will allow him to become, to produce self-respect, a proper ^^preciation of our own powers and the powers of other people, to beget a fitness for one's sphere in life and action, and an ability to discharge the duties it imposes." ^ The negro's " sphere of life and action " in this land is well known. The American negro may attempt great works, may plant fields and build houses, may gather silver and gold and the precious treasures of the earth — yea, may turn himself to the pursuit of wisdom and surround himself with the highest delights known to the sons of men — but unless he measures it all by the gauge of his racial circumstances he will find that it is all vanity and vexation of spirit. During the civil war all of the moral, mental, muscular, and material resources of the North were called into use to defend and uphold the Union. The skilled mechanic must build ships and devise engines of war; the chemist must invent destructive com- 1 Islam and the Negro Race, p. 85. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 847 pouuds; the philosopher must uphold, the theory of the government in dispute by his erudition; the scholar must write books and the poet must sing songs full of the Union sentiment and patriotic devotion. The negro race is in the midst of a life and death struggle for a higher existence, for racial development and manly recognition. All available powers need to be impressed into service. The colored college is necessary ia order that the youth may be educated consciously and enthusiastically as to the needs of the race, 4. The courses of study in the Northern colleges do not contemplate the needs of the negro. They were made out without reference to him, and indeed without any thought that he would ever participate in them. These may include subjects which to the negro student's manly instinct and sense of self-respect are worse than a chilling blast. In one of the most liberal of American universities there is, or was, a distinguished professor who is the author of a book which sinks the negro to the lowest depths of degradation, from which, according to its learned dictum, he shall be lifted nevermore. Think of a self-respecting colored student learning the science of man from such a source! I can more easily think of a Baptist minister putting his children under the tutelage of a Jesuit priest, or a Union general during the war sending his son to school in South Carolina. Quot- ing Dr. Bly den once more: "In all English-speaking countries the mind of the intelligent negro child revolts against the descriptions— given in elementary books, geographies, travels, histories — of the negro; but though at first he experiences an instinctive revulsion from the caricatures and misrepresentations, he is obliged to continue, as he grows in years, to study such pernicious teachings. After leaving school he finds the same thing in newspapers, in reviews, novels, in quasi scien- tific works, and after awhile, saejie cadc?K?o, they begin to seem the proper thing to saj' about his race.''' There is to the colored race a baneful influence lurking in that literature which sets forth the negro in every mood and tense of contempt. The Southern white people, if we omit a single issue, possess many admirable traits and qualities. Their sense of self-respect is most highly commendable. No Southerner would send his child to a school where any doctrine was taught repug- nant to his sense of dignity and self-esteem. No text-book reflecting in any way on Southern character can be introduced into their schools. The new woman, clamoring for what she considers to be her rights, has learned the same lesson. No institution is too venerable, no book too sacred to be attacked, if in her opinion it degrades and humiliates her sex. She has rendered a new interpretation of the Bible itself in accordance with the new notion of the dignity and elevation of womanhood. A distinguished bishop of an influential denomination has suggested a new rendering of the sacred book in its reference to the negro. All these parties are doubtless extreme in their sensitiveness, but the whole trend of manhood is to accept nothing that insults one's own soul. The negro university, then, in its fuller development, can be a bulwark of strength to the -race as a friendly interpreter of science and learning. 5. It would be very unfortunate if the negro in Texas who desired a higher education should have to go all the way to Massachusetts to procure it. Should there not be some higher institutions of learning accessible to him nearer home? Emperor Frederick II gave as his reason for founding the University of Naples in 1325 that his subjects in his Kingdom of Naples should find in the capital ade- quate instruction in every branch of learning and '• not be compelled in the pur- suit of knowledge to have recourse to foreign nations or to beg it in other lands. "'■' 6. It is not wise to depend wholly upon the Northern institutions for the higher education of colored yoxith. It can not be predicted at what point they may fail. Prejudice is a capricious frenzy. It obeys no law and is subject to no rational principle. Its slightest whim will put to naught our profoundest plans and pur- "^ Islam and the Negro Race, p. 88. ' Encyclopedia Britannica— article Universities. 848 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. poses. It is impossible to make the operation of prejudice conform to the formu- las of logic. It is illogical and inconsistent and cares nothing for the discomfiture of its victim. If prejiidice orders it so an institution will close its doors to the negro to-morrow, notwithstanding it received him yesterday with open arms. Can anyone predict what would be the policies of the universities of the North should the negro contingency become " too numerous?" Dr. J. E. Rankin, presi- dent of Howard University, in a notable utterance before the second Mohawk Conference on the Negro Question, tells us: "It is true that colored men can go to Northern institutions of learning; that is, as an individual — one of him. But ten of him would break up any college class. Even Harvard would cease to elect him class orator. He can not be educated in large numbers except in institutions established for his benefit. Christian as are our theological seminaries, I believe that the white students of a class would regard one colored man as a ctiriosity, a phenomenon, and two colored men as a double enigma, but ten colored men would put 10,000 of them to flight." i 7. It is objected that separate institutions tend to perpetuate prejudice. There is time and patience for but a word to objectors of this class. The best possible way to perpetuate prejudice is for the negro to do nothing and to have nothing, but to live like the sponge and the parasite. If the time is to come when the foundations of prejudice are to be broken up, separate institutions, especially if they be good ones, will not stand in the way. The wisest way to break down prejudice, if that is possible to be done, is for the negro to have something which white men want and not always be wanting something which they have. IX. Colored Men in the Professions. In a homogeneous society where there is no racial cleavage, only the select mem- bers of the favored class occupy professional stations. In India it is said that the populace is divided horizontally by caste and vertically by religion; but in Amer- ica the race spirit serves both as a horizontal and vertical separation. The isola- tion of the negro in all social and semisocial relations necessitates independent ministrative agencies from the lowest to the highest rungs on the ladder of serv- ice. It is for this reason that the colored race demands that its preachers, teachers, physicians, and lawyers shall be for the most part men of their own blood and sympathies. Strangely enough this feeling first asserted itself in the church- that organization founded upon the universal fatherhood of God and brotherhood of man. In the estimation of its founder there is neither Jew nor Greek, Bar- barian, Scythian, bond nor free. According to a strict construction of its require- ments, there is no difference in kind among those who are spiritually akin. And yet the organic separation of the races first asserted itself in the matter of religion. Whenever the colored adherents became sufficiently large to excite attention, they were set apart, either in separate communion or in separate assignment of place in the house of worship. V/hen the negro worshiper gained conscious self-respect, he grew tired of the back pews and upper galleries of the white churches, and sought places of worship more compatible with his sense of freedom and dignity. Hence arose the negro church and the negro clergy. This was the first profes- sional class to arise, and is still relatively the most numerous. The religious inter- ests of the race are almost wholly in the hands of the colored clergy. Outside of the Catholic Church it is almost as difficult to find a white clergyman over a col- ored congregation as it is to meet with the reverse phenomenon. The two denom- inations, Methodists and Baptists, that are wholly under negro ecclesiastical control, include well-nigh the entire colored race. The proportional number of church communicants for the colored race exceeds 1 Report of second Mohawk Conference on the Negro Question. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGEO. 849^ that for the white race. In 1890 the colored race had one communicant for every 2.T9 of the negro population, while the whites had one out of every 8.04. The negro church communicants were distributed as follows among the seve.al religious denominations: Regular Baptists -. 1,348,989 African Methodist Episcopal - - - 453, 725 African Methodist Episcopal Zion . — 349, 788 Methodist Episcopal - 246,249 Colored Methodist Episcopal 129, 383 Regular Baptist North 35,221 Discii:)les of Christ ^ 18,578 Primitive Baptist 18,162 Presbyterian (Northern) 14, 961 Roman Catholic 14, 517 Cumberland Presbyterian ._ .-.. 13, 956 Other denominations (17) 34,448 Total 2,673,977 This vast host of church members is, as above stated, almost wholly under colored ecclesiastical control. There is need for at least 25.000 trained men to administer to the spiritual needs of this multitude. Herein lies one of the most powerful arguments for the highej education of select members of the negro race. The tendency of the times is to require of candidates for the professions sound academic training as a preparatory basis for their professional equipment. It is idle to say that because the negro rtice is ignorant and imdeveloped therefore its clergy need not measure up to the average of professional requirements. It surely requires as much discretion, resourcefulness, and sense to meet the needs of the lowly as to administer to those who are already e:;alted. It is true that the negroes have been gathered in the church in great multitudes under the guidance of men who had little academic equipment for their worlj; but we know full well that this is but the first step in their spiritual development, and that their futiire wel- fare requires not only men of consecration, but men of definite training for their work. Let us not forget also that the negro church has a larger function than the white church. Therefore the negro preacher must be not only the spiritual leader of his flock, but also the general guide, philosopher, and friend. The rise of the colored teacher is due almost wholly to the outcome of the civil war. The South soon hit upon the plan of the scholastic separation of the races, and assigned colored teachers to colored schools as the best means of carrying out this policy. Hence a large professional class was at once injected into the arena. As the negro preacher is responsible for the spiritual life of the race, so the negro teacher is charged with itsintellectual enlightenment. The 2,000,000 negro children of school age constitute the charge committed to the keeping of 30,000 negro teach- ers. There were at the inception a great many white laborers who generously entered upon this work, of whom there still remains a goodly sprinkling. But their function was and is mainly to prepare colored men and women for the responsible tasks. It was inevitable that many of the teachers, for whom there was such a sudden demand, should have been illy prepared for the tusk imposed. It was and still is in many cases a travesty upon terms to speak of such work as most of these teachers were able to do as professional service. We find here as strong an argument for the secondary and higher education of the negro as was furnished by ecclesiastical necessities. The duty imposed upon negro teachers is as onerous and requires as high a degree of knowledge and professional equipment as that imposed upon any other class engaged in educational work. ED 1901 54 850 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1900-1901. The special needs of their constituency call for a higher rather than a lower order of training, preparation, and fitness. The colored doctor and lawyer have only recently entered the field in anything like sufficient numbers to attract attention. The same spirit that demanded the negro preacher has also operated in favor of the negro doctor. The relation between patient and physician is close and confidential. The social barrier between the races often operates against the acceptability of a physician of the opposite race. The success of the colored physi^dan has often been little less than marvelous. The colored lawyer has not been so fortunate as his medical confrere. The rela- tion between client and attorney is not necessarily close and personal, but i)ar- takes of a business nature. The client's interest is also dependent upon the court and jury, with whom the white attorney is generally supposed to have greater weight and influence. For such reasons the negro lawyer has not made the head- way that has been accomplished in the other professions. It must be said for the professions of law and medicine that the applicants are subjected to a uniform test, and therefore colored and white candidates are on the same footing. Colored practitioners, therefore, must have a fair degree of pre- liminary training and professional preparation. Macon B. Allen was the first colored attorney regularly admitted to practice in the United States. He was admitted in Maine in 1844. It is claimed by some that the husband of Phyllis Wheatiey was a lawyer. Robert Morris was admitted to the Boston bar in 1850, on motion of Charles Sumner, where he practiced with sp'iendid success until his death, in 1882. Prof.. John M. Langston was admitted to the Ohio bar in 1854. James Durham was born a slave in Philadelphia in 1762. His master was a surgeon. He purchased his freedom and became one of the most iioted physicians in New Orleans. His practice is said to have been worth $3,000 a year. The following account attests the success of a black physician: Dr. David Ruggles, poor, blind, and an invalid, founded a well-known water- cure establishment in the town where I write (Northampton. Mass.), erected espensive buildings, won fashionable distinction as a most skillful and successful practitioner, secured the warm regard and esteem of this community, and left a name established in the hearts of many who feel that they owe their life to his skill and careful practice. ' Dr. John V. Degrass was admitted in due form as a member of the Massachu- setts Medical Society in 1854. The above are only samples of negroes in the learned professions before the civil war. Of course, there was a larger- number of ministers and teachers. Out of such meager beginnings has grown the great number of professional colored men and women of to-day. The number and distribution of colored and white men among the different professions for the sixteen former slave States and the District of Columbia can be seen from the following table: Professional occupations.'^ ALABAMA. Profession. Number. White. Colored. Number of per- sons to each. White. Colored. Teachers .. Doctors Lawyers .. Clergymen 3,188 1,798 1,298 1,046 946 28 13 799 263 464 642 799 718 24,618 53,2.54 850 ' Wendell Phillips in introduction to W. C. Nell's Colored Patriots of the American Revolu- tion, 1853. 2 Eleventh Census. THE EDUCATIOJSr OF THE NEGKO. 851 Professional occnjmt ions— Continued. ARKANSAS. Profession. Number. Number of per- sons to eac-h. White. Colored. White. Colored. 2,792 2,224 1,0.52 1, 138 612 40 30. 666 293 369 816 719 .'jOe 7,75 Delaware. Teacheri? . . Doctors Cloi'gymen Lawyers . . 679 14,214 395 14, -127 DISTRICT OP COLUMBIA. 996 2.55 692 1,375 361 129 37 26 1.55 6I« 224 112 209 hb7 2,046 2,911 FLORIDA. 1,204 486 630 501 417 433 12 13 187 464 30,5 401 397 385 1-3,873 12, 806 GEORGIA. 3,999 1,2*,) 2,343 1,713 1,-5.35 1,270 4(1 17 217 790 411 5-59 673 21. •175 50,629 KENTUCKY. Teachers . . Clergymen Doctors Lawyers . . 377 412 6, 385 19, 155 LOUISIANA. Teachers . . Clergymen Doctf)rs Lawyers .. 893 871 H,926 15.339 MARYLAND. Teachers . - Clergymen Doctors. ... Lawyers .. .565 5,.5t>;5 8,592 852 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. Professional occupations — Continued. MISSISSIPPI. Profession. Teachers . - Clergymen Doctors Lawyers .. Number. White. Colored 3,157 8M 1,634 873 1,546 989 34 26 Number of per- sons to each. White. 173 668 335 626 Colored. 758 21,905 28,644 MISSOURI. Teachers . . Clergymen Doctors Lawyers .. 13,689 546 189 3,439 402 735 5,225 28 484 3,943 8 641 376 375 5,383 18,591 NORTH CAROLINA. Teachers . . Clergymen Doctors Lawyers .. 3,679 1,091 1,385 855 1,488 46 978 14 287 762 709 1,079 516 658 12,229 40, 183 SOUTH CAROLINA. Teachers... Clergymen Doctors ... Lawyers .. 775 787 22,971 29,963 TENNESSEE. Teachers . - Clergymen Doctors . .. Lawyers . 394 531 4,224 5,669 TEXAS. 7,388 2, .518 4,286 3,540 1,473 836 54 12 236 694 408 493 333 .586 9,068 40, 799 VIRGINIA. 6,026 1,417 1,893 1,611 1,459 747 39 38 169 720 539 633 435 851 16,253 16,733 WEST VIRGINIA. Teachers - 3,823 910 1,023 935 134 77 4 191 803 714 789 244 425 8,179 Lawyers 16,358 The colored preachers are quite as numerous in proportion to the population as the white, and in some cases more so. In West Virginia there are 425 whites and THE EDUCATION" OF THE NEGRO. 853 only 803 blacks to each minister of the respective races. One might expect a pre- ponderance of colored ministers for two reasons: (1) There is a larger relative church membership; and (2) the colored population has not more than half the density of that of the white in the area under consideration. In the StatS of Mis- souri, for example, 73o colored preachers cover the same territory as 3,439 white ministez's; and while each of the former laai on an average 375 persons to the parish to the latter 's 735, yet his geographical area is five times as extensive. If we turn to the States where the negroes predominate, we may expect to find a reversal of conditions. In Mississippi and South Carolina the colored parish is smaller in area but more populous than that of the whites. The clerical demand of the negro population is fully supplied in a numerical sense, albeit there is much need for a higher standard of professional equipment for its most arduous and delicate duties. In no case has the colored race as many teachers in proportion to the popiilation as the white. In some cases, like South Carolina and Alabama, the disproportion is glaring, the number of persons to each teacher being 217 to 775 in the former, and 2G2 to 718 in the latter, in favor of the more fortunate race. It must be said, however, that the number of persons to each teacher does not necessarily represent the actual distribution of the work between the races; for it is known that in every Southern State there are white teachers working among colored people. These are mainly in private and philanthropic schools, however, and do not materially affect the general equation, or rather the inequality, of educational conditions. If we take geographical conditions into account, and the fact that the two sets of teachers operate over the same area, it will be seen that the disparity is greatly enhanced. Taking all in all, it appears that the negro teaching force is in no sense adequate to the task imposed u]pon it. The colored lawyers and doctors form so small a proportion of the general popu- lation as scarcely to merit mention as a professional class. In Texas there is 1 negro doctor in 9,000 and 1 negro lawyer in 40,000 of the population, while in South Carolina there are 22,000 and 29,000 to a colored practitioner in the respec- tive professions. In Alabama there is 1 black doctor to look after 24,000 patients, and each colored lawyer has 52,000 clients. The work in these professions is con- ducted mainly by the whites, although the Twelfth Census will undoubtedly show a large increase in the colored practitioners. Where numbers are small, propor- tions are sensitive. The number of persons to each practitioner will be materially reduced. The argument which we sometimes hear that negroes are leaving the farm and the shop to rush into the learned professions is not borne out by the col- lected facts in the case. In Alabama, for instance, only 1 negro in 50,000 has entered upon the practice of law and 1 in 25,000 upon the profession of medjicine. While it is true that there is no large demand for colored men in these professional pursuits, especially outside of the large centers, nevertheless the steady progress of the people in property, intelligence, and diversified material and commercial interests calls for a conservative increase in the number of professional colored men both in medicine and in law. It can not be claimed that the colored race has developed superlative names in the several professions. There are not a few ministers of piety and eloquence. The teacher in the public service must maintain the average proficiency of the sys- tem to the satisfaction of the white superintendents. The negro lawyers are in open competition with their white colaborers, and must render satisfactory service, else they wf*uld have no clients. Colored physicians generally have a good record for professional skill and integrity. There is no movement affecting the lot and life of the colored race so suggestive of its educational needs as the size of the pro- fessional class. 854 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1900-1901. X. Negroes who have Achieved Distinction along Lines calling for Definite Intellectual Activity. The iMividual is tlie proof of the race, the first tinfoldment of its potency and promise. The glory of any people is perpetuated and carried forward by the illustrious names which spring from among them. As we contemplate the great nations and peoples, whether of the ancient or of the modern world, their command- ing characters rise up before us, typifying their contribution to the general wel- fare of the human race. 'On the contrary, no people can hope to gain esteem and favor which fails to produce distinguished individuals illustrative and exemplary of its possibilities. For four centuries the African race has been brought in contact with the European in all parts of the globe. This contact has not been of an ennobling character, but of the servile sort, affording little opportunity for the development of those qualities which the favored races hold in esteem. And yet there has arisen from this dark and forbidden background not a few striking individual emana- tions. This race, through a strain of its blood, has given to Russia her national poet and to France her most distinguished romancer. Toussaiut L"Ouverture, the negro patriot, is the most commanding historical figure of the entire West Indian Archipelago. In South America persons of negro blood have gained the highest political and civil renown. The Anglo-Saxon deals with backward peoples on a different basis from the Latin races. While he has a keener sense of justice and is imbued with a spirit of philanthropic kindness, yet he builds up a barrier between himself and them which it is almost imjjossible to overcome. To him personal solicitude and good will and racial intolerance are not incompatible qualities. On the other hand, the Latin races, while possessing a much lower order of general efficiency, accept on equal terms all who conform to the prevailing standards. Under the Latm dispensation color offers not the slightest bar to the individual who exhibits high qualities of mind or soul. We need not be surprised, therefore, to find that the colored men who have reached the highest degree of fame should have sprung from the Latin civilization. The persons of African blood who are most nearly comparable with names of the first order of renown among Europeans are Toussaint L'Ouver- ture, of Haiti; Alexander Pushkin, of Russia; Alexander Dumas, of France. In France, Italy, or Spain color is only a curious incident. The Afro-American therefore belongs in a category by himself. His circumstances and conditions are so different from those of his European brother that although of same color they are not of the same class. Several lists of distinguished colored men have been prepared, the most impor- tant of which, perhaps, was published by Abbe Gregoire, and was prepared to answer the argument of Thomas Jefferson and others, who undertook to prove the negro's intellectual inferiority. This work contains accounts of negroes in all countries who had reached eminence and distinction in all lines of endeavor.' An account of the part played by colored men in the Revolutionary war contains the deeds and achievements of noted negroes.'- Rev. William J. Simmons brings the former work nearer to date and includes many colored men now living.^ A list of distinguished colored women has also been compiled.^ Numerous magazine articles have appeared on this subject from time to time, 1 De la litterature des Negres, ou Recherches sur leur f acultes intellectuelleH, leur qualites morales, et leur litterature; suivies par notices sur la vie et les ouvragea des Negres qui se sent distingues dans les sciences, les lettres et les arts. Par H. Gr6goire. Paris, 1808. - Colored Patriots of the American Revolution, by William Cooper Nell, with introduction by Harriet Beecher Stowe. Boston, 1855. ^ Men of Mark, lUl pages, by William J. Simmons, D. D. Cleveland, 1887. ■* Women of Distinction, by A. L. Scruggs, M. D. Raleigh, 1893. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGSO. 855 The two which are, perhaps, of the greatest importance, and which include the substance of the rest, appeared in the International Quarter.y Review ' and in the North American Revie ^ An interesting syllabus has recently been prepared by Mr. A. O. Stafford on "Negro ideals," which gives a good outline of the efforts of the negro toward better things.'' It is with some hesitancy that a few names of the more distinguished Afro- Americans are here presented. In such a restricted list it is inevitable that many should be omitted who are equally worthy as some who are mentioned. The names here presented have not been selected because of general distinction, but rather for technical, artistic, and intellectual achievements in the scholastic sense. Only those have been included of whose achievements the world takes account. There is no name in the list which may not be found in Apple!^on"s Cyclopedia of American Biography. Nothing is great or small except by comparison. The names here jiresented are at le;!St respectable when measured by European stand- ards. It is true that no om of them reaches the first, or even the second degree of luster in the galaxy of the v/orld's greatness. The competing number has been so insignificant and the social atmosphere has been so repressive to their budding aspirations that it would be litte short of a miracle of genius if any member of tuis race had reached the highest degree of glory. It is true that if not one of these had ever been born the bulk and quality of science, literature, and art would not be appreciably affected. While these contributors must be measured in terms of European standards in order that there may be a sane and rational basis of comparison, yet there is another measure which takes account of the struggles and strivings out of which they grew. In the light of European comparison it appears that they represent more than the marvelous vision of a one-eyed man among the blind, but rather the surprising visual power of a one-eyed man among two-eyed men. The sig- nificance of these superior manifestations, however, must not be measured solely by their intrinsic value. They serve both as an argument and an inspira- tion. They show the American people that the negro, at his best, is imbued with their own ideas and strives after their highest ideals. To the negro they serve as models of excellence to stimulate and encourage his hesitant and disheartened aspirations. One will be struck by the versatility and range of the names in the list. They cover well-nigh every field of human excellence. It will be noticed that the imi- tative and esthetic arts predominate over the more solid and severe intellectual acquisitions. Is this not the repetition of the history of culture? The ])oet and the artist precede the scientist and the engineer. This meager fruitage does not furnish cause of self-complacent glorification on the past of the negro, but is only an index of the promise of the tree of which they are the initial bearings. With its extended range and scope, the rising generation can lo )k upon them in the light of promise rather than fulfillment. That which they have done but earnest of the things that they shall do.* Phyl'is Wheatley was born in Africa and was brought to America in 1761. She was bought from tne slave market by John Wheatly, of Boston, and soon devel- oped remarkable acquisitive faculties. In sixteen months from her arrival she cotTld read English fluently. She soon learned to write, and also studied Latin. She visited England in 1774 and was cordially received. After returning to Boston 1 " The intellectual position of the negro," by Prof. Richard T. Greener. International Quar- terly Review, July, 1880. 2 " Negro intellect," by William Matthews. North American Review, July, 1889. ' Hampton Sumner Nin-mal Institute Papers, July, 1901. * Tennyson's "Locksley Hall." 856 EDUCATIOK REPORT, 1900-1901. she corresponded with Countess Huntington, the Earl of Dartmouth, Rev. George Whitfield, and others, and wrote many poems to her friends. She addressed some lines to Gen. George Washington, which were afterwards published in the Penn- sylvania Magazine for April, 1778. General Washington wrote a courteous response and invited her to visit the Revolutionary headquarters, which she did, and was received with marked attention by Washington and his officers. Her principal publications are xln Elegiac Poem on the Death of George Whitfield; Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and Moral, published in London in 1773, and republished as The Negro Equalled by Few Europeans, two volumes, Phila- delphia, 1801. The letters of Phyllis Wheatley were printed in Boston in 1864, collected from the proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society.* Benjamin Banneker was born November 9, 1731, near Ellicotts Mill, Md. Both his father and grandfather were native Africans. He attended a private school which admitted several colored children along with the whites. Although his early educational facilities were scanty, young Banneker soon gained a local repu- tation as a miracle of wisdom. In 1770 he constructed a clock to strike the hours, the first to be made in America. This he did with crude tools and a watch for his model, as he had never seen a clock. Through the kindness of Mr, Ellicott, who was a gentleman of cultivation and taste, he gained access to his valuable collec- tion of books, and was thus inducted into the study of astronomy. In this study he gained great proficiency and constructed an almanac adapted to the local requirements of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and Maryland. This was the first alma- nac constructed in America, and was published by Goddard & Angell, Baltimore. Banneker "s Almanac was published annually from 1792 to 1808, the year of his death. It contained the motions of the sun and moon; the motions, places, and aspects of the planets; the rising and setting of the sun, and the rising, setting, southing, place, and age of moon, etc., and is said to have been the main depend- ence of the farmers in the region covered. He lived mainly from the royalty received from this publication. Banneker sent a copy of this almanac to Thomas Jefiierson, which elicited a flattering acknowledgment on the part of the philoso- pher and statesman. Banneker assisted the commissioners in laying out the lines of the District of Columbia. A life of Banneker was published by Hon. J. H. B. Latrobe, Baltimore, 1845, and another by J. S. Norris, 1854." That Thomas Jeffer. son believed in the intellectual capacity of the negro and appreciated the force of the argument that the treatment of this race found justification in its assumed low state of mental possibility is revealed by his letter to Benjamin Banneker, the black astronomer: Sir: I thank you sincerely for your letter of the 19th instant and for the almanac it contained. Nobody wishes more than I do to see such proofs as you exhibit that nature has given to our black brethren talents equal to those of the other colors of men, and that the appearance of a want of them is owing merely to the degraded condition of their existence, both in Africa and America. I can add with truth that nobody wishes more ardently to see a good system commenced for raising the condition both of their body and mind to what it ought to be as fast as the imbecility of their present existence and other circumstances which can not be neglected will admit. I have taken the liberty of sending your almanac to M. de Condorcet, secretary of the Academy of Sciences at Paris and member of the Philanthropic Society, because I considered it as a document to which your color had a right for their justification against the doubts which have been entertained of them. I am. with great esteem, sir, Yoiir most obedient humble servant, Thomas Jefferson. Mr. Benjamin Banneker, Near Ellicotts _Lower Mills, Baltimore County.^ ' See Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, Vol. VI, pp. 449, 450. 2 Williams's History of the Negro Race, Vol. I, pp. 385-398. 3 Jefferson's Works, Vol. Ill, p. 291. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO. 857 Lemuel Haynes was born in Hartford, Conn., Jnly 18, 1753. His father was an African, his mother a white woman. He received the honorary degree of A. M. from Middlebnry College in 1804. After completing a theological course he preached in various places and settled in West Rutland, Vt., in 1788, where he remained for thirty years and became one of the most popular preachers in the State, He was characterized by a subtle intellect, keen wit, and eager thirst for knowledge. His noted sermon from Genesis 3 and 4 was published and passed through nine or ten editions. His controversy with Hosea Ballon became of world-wide interest. The life of Lemuel Haynes was written by James E. Cooley, New York, 1848. Ira Aldridge was born at Belaire, Md., about 1810.' There is some dispute as to the exact composition of his blood, some claim that he was of pure African descent, while others contend that he was of mixed extraction. He was early brought in contact with Mr. Kean. the great tragedian, and in 1826 accompanied him to Europe. Mr. Kean encouraged his dramatic aspiration, and on one occasion, at least, permitted him to appear as Othello, while he himself took the part of lago. As an interpreter of Shakespeare he was very generally regarded as one of the best and most faithful. He appeared at Covent Garden as Othello in 1833, and in Sur- rey Theater in 1848. On the Continent he ranked as one of the greatest tragedians of his time. Honors were showered upon him wlierever he appeared. He was jiretented by the King of Prussia with the first-class medal of arts and sciences, accompanied by an autograph letter from the Emperor of Austria; the Grand Cross of Leopold: a similar decoration from the Emperor of Russia, and a mag- nificent Maltese cross, with the medal of merit, from the city of Berne. Similar honors were conferred by other crowned heads of Europe. He was made a mem- ber of the Prussian Academy of Arts and Sciences and holder of the large gold medal; member of the Imperial and Arch Ducal Institution of Our Lady of the Manger in Austria; of the Russian Hof-Yersamlung of Riga; honorary member of the Imperial Academy of Arts and Sciences in St. Petersburg, and many others. Aldridge appeared with flattering success in Amsterdam, Brussels, Berlin, Bres- lau, Vienna, Pesth, The Hague, Dantzic, Konigsberg, Dresden, Berne, Fraukfort- on-the-Main, Cracow, Gotha, and numerous other cities in the leading parts of the standard plays of the times. He was an associate of the most prominent men of Paris, among whom was Alexander Dumas. When these two met they always kissed each other, and Dumas always greeted Aldridge with the words "mon confrere." Aldridge died at Lodz, in Poland, 1867. Col. George W. Williams was born in Pennsylvania in 1849. He was educated in public and private schools and completed his theological training at West New- ton Theological Seminary. His History of the Negro Race in America is the sole existing authority on the subject of which it treats, and forms, without doubt, as valuable a literary monument as any yet left by a colored man. Paul Laurence Dunbar is still a young man under 30 years of age. He has already made an impression on American literature that can never be effaced. He has published Oaks and Ivy, Majors and Minors, Lyrics of Lowly Life, and Lyrics of the Hearthstone, together vath half a dozen volumes of fiction and short stories. Several of his works have been reprinted in England. Speaking of his early poems, William Dean Howells says: "Some of these [poems in literary English] I thought very good. What I mean is, several people might have writ- ten them, but I do not know anyone else at present who could quite have written his dialect pieces. There are divinations and reports of what passes in the hearts and minds of a lowly people whose poetry had hitherto been inarticulately 1 There is some dispute as to the exact date of his birth; 1804: is the time given by Simmons in Men of Maris. 858 EDUCATION BEPOET, 1900-1901. expressed, but now finds, for the first time in our tongue, literary interpretation of a very ai'tistic completeness." ^ Henry O. Tanner, son of Bishop B. T. Tanner, of the African Methodist Church, was born in Pittsburg, Pa. , in 1859. His early educational opportunities were good, having studied at the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts, and subsequently at Paris. His pictures have been hung on the line in many a salon exhibition, and now the Government of France has crowned the long list of medals and prizes which Mr. Tanner has received by buying one of his most important works, The Raising of Lazarus, for the Luxemburg Gallery. The picture has already been hung in the Luxemburg Gallery, and in the course of time will naturally be transferred to the Louvre. Other notable pictures by the same artist are Nicode- mus, owned by the Academy of Fine Arts, Philadelphia; The Annunciation, which now hangs in the Memorial Hall, Philadelphia; the Betrayal, in the Carnegie Gallery, at Pittsburg. - Dr. Daniel H. Williams, of Chicago, is widely knov/n throughout the medical profession. He has performed several noted operations that taxed the skill of sur- gical science. In 1897 Dr. Williams performed an operation on account of a stab wound of the lieart and pericardium, a report of which was published in the Medical Record, March 27, 1897, attracted the attention of the entire medical and surgical frater- nity, and was published in the medical journals of nearly every country and lan- guage. It has also been referred to in most recent works on surgery, especially in International Text- Book on Surgery and Da Costa's Modern Surgery. An article on " Ovarian cysts in colored women," by Dr. Williams, published in the Philadelphia Medical Journal, December 29, 1900, had for its purpose the refu- tation of the idea that had been almost universal among surgeons, that colored women did not have ovarian tumors. The re-ord of the cases collected by Dr. Wil- liams furnishes sufficient data to sustain his contention. It is also shown in this article that the same may be said of fibrous tumors. This article has been consid- ered of such value to the profession that it has been copied extensively in medical literature and notably in some of the best German and French medical journals. Dr. Williams has performed various important operations that have been pub- lished in medical journals and widely commented upon in the medical world. He was surgeon in ch:ef of the Freedmen's Hospital, at Washington, D. C, from , 1893 to 1897. Charles W. Chestnut was born in Fayetteville, N. C, about fifty years ago. He moved to Cleveland, Ohio, where he was employed as court stenographer. Mr. Chestnut has written several works of fiction which, according to competent critics, place him among the foremost story tellers of the time. The Wife of J\Iy Youth, The House Behind the Cedars, and the Marrow of Tradition are published by Houghton, Mifflin & Co., Boston, Mass. Prof. W. S. Scarborough was born in Georgia in 1853, was graduated from Oberlm College in 1875, and is professor of Greek at Wilberforce University. He is a member of the American Philological Society and of the Modern Language Association. He has published First Lessons in Greek (New York, 1881), and the Theory and Functions of the Thematic Vowel in the Greek Verb. Prof. W. E. B. Du Bois was born in Massachusetts about thirty-three years ago. He was graduated from Fisk University and subsequently from Harvard, alter which he studied two years in Germany and earned his Ph. D. degree from Har- vard. He has been a teacher in Wilberforce University, associate in sociology at the University of Pennsylvania, and professor of history and political economy at Atlanta University. His chief works are The Suppression of the African Slave 1 Introduction to Lyrics of Lowly Life, by W. D. Howells. !" See "A negro artist of unique power," by Elbert Frances Baldwin, Outlook, April, 1900. THE EDUCATION OF THE NEGKO. 859 Trade, publislied in the Harvard Historical Series; The Philadelphia Negro, pub- lished under the auspices of the University of Pennsj-lvania. and numerous special studies and investigations that have appeared in the proceedings of the Atlanta conferences and the bulletins of the Bureau of Labor, as well as sundry magazine articles. Mr. Du Bois has done more to give scientific accuracy and method to the study of the ra e question than any other American who has essayed to deal with it. It is generally believed that while the negro possesses the imitative he lacks the initiative faculty; that while he can acquire what has already been accumulated, he can not inquire into the unrevealed mystery of things. As an illustration of how easy it is for the achievements of the negro to escape his fellow-colaborers, the following incident may be regarded as typical. The Patent Office sent out circulars inquiring as to the number and extent of colored patentees. One of the leading patent attorneys responded that he had never heard of the negro invent- ing anything except lies; yet the Patent Oliice record reveals 2.50 colored patentees and more than 400 patents. Many of these show the highest ingenuity and are widely used in the mechanical arts. Granville T. Woods was born in Ohio, and is 44 years old. He has more than twentj' x'atents to his cre'lit. Mr. Woods is the inventor of the electric telephone transmitter, which he assigned to the American Bell Telephone Company for a valuable considei-ation, said to amount to §10,000. This transmitter is used in connection with all the Be'l telephones. Elijah T. McCoy, of Detroit, Mich., has t.iken out 30 patents, mainly devoted to the improvement of lubricating devices for stationary and locomotive machinery. His inventions are in general use on locomotive engines of leading railways in the Northwest, on the lake steamers, and on railways in Canada. There are numerous colored people who have achieved distinction in fields call- ing for practical energy, mcral courage, sound intelligence, and intellectual resource. Mr. Frederick Douglass and Prof. Boo.ker T. Washington are. in gen- eral average of distinction, the most renowned of their race, although their fields of exertion are not mainly intellectual, in the academic sense of the term — and yet Mr. Douglass was one of the most eminent American orators, and his autobi- ography form.'^ an integral part of the literature of the antislavery struggle; and Mr. Washington's Up from Slavery is one of the most popular books printed in the first year of the twentieth century. As Mr. Douglass's life is woven in the warp and woof of the great epoch ending in the civil war, so Mr. Washington's life and work have become a vital part of current educational literature, and his place in the history of education is assured. CHAPTER III. THE COLLEGE-BRED NEGRO. « The following information lias been selected (in large part reprinted verbatim) from a report of the restilts of a social study, made under the direction of Atlanta University, to the Fifth Conference for the Study of Negro Problems, held at Atlanta University,'' May 29-30, 1900. The report refeiTed to was drawn np by W. E. Burghardt DiiBois, Ph. D., corresponding secretary of the conference. Appended to this chapter is an argument by President Bnnistead of Atlanta University in favor of the higher education of the negro. The general idea of the Atlanta Conference is to select among the various and intricate questions arising from the presence of the negro in the South, certain lines of investigation which ^N^ill be at once simple enough to be pnrsned by vol- untary effort, and valuable enough to add to our scientific knowledge. At the same time the different subjects studied each year have had a logical connection, and will in time form a comprehensive whole. The starting point was the large death rate of the negroes; this led to a study of their condition of life, and the efforts they were making to better that condition. These efforts, when studied, brought clearly to light the hard economic struggle through which the emanci- pated slave is to-day passing, and the conference therefore took up one phase of this last year. This year the relation of educated negroes to these problems, and esijecially to the economic crisis, was studied. Schedules of inquiry, containing 26 questions, were sent out to nearly 2, .500 negro graduates: returns more or less complete were received from 1,2.j2. Any gradii- ate who had received the degree of B. A. or B. S. from an institution which had "a course amounting to at least one year in addition to the course of the ordinary New England high school," was considered a college graduate for the pui-poses of the inquiry. nSeo also an article entitled "The education of the negro," by Prof. Kelloj' Miller, of Howard University, in Vol. 1 of the Report of 190(MI1, chap. 16. That article contains a nuiaber of tables and some other matter from Dr. DuBois's report not reprinted in this chapter. & Atlanta University is an institution for the higher education of negro youth. It seeks, by maintaining a high standard of scholarship and deportment, to sift out and train thoroughly' talented members of this race to be leaders of thought and missionaries of culture among the masses. Furthermore, Atlanta University recognizes that it is its duty as a seat of learning to throw as much light as possible upon the intricate social problems affecting these masses, for the enlightenment of its graduates and of the general public. It has, therefore, for the last five years, sought to unite its own graduates, the graduates of similar institutions, and educated negroes in general, throughout the Sor.th, in an eflf ort to stxidy carefully and thoroughly certain definite aspects of the negro problems. Graduates of Fisk University, Bcrea College, Lincoln University, Spelman Seminai-y, Clark University, Wiiberforco University, Howard University, the Mehari'y Medical College, Hamp- ton and Tuskcgee Institutes, and several other institutions have kindly joined in this movement and added their efforts to those of the graduates of Atlanta, and have, in the last five years, helped to conduct five investigations: One, in 189G, into the '• Mortality of negroes in cities; " another, in 1897, into the "General social and physical condition " of .5,000 negroes living in .selected parts of certain Southern citias; a third, in 1898, on " Some efforts of American negi-oes for their own social betterment; " a foiirth, in 1899, into the number of negroes in business and their suc- cess. Finally, in 1900, inquiry has been made into the number, distribution, occupations, and success of college-bred nesvoes.— From the Introduction. 191 192 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. The number of negro college graduates, -with their date of graduation, was ascertained to be as follows: I Number of negro graduates. From— Negro colleges. White colleges. Before 1876 137 143 250 413 465 475 58 1876-1880 22 1880-1885 31 1885-1890 43 1890-1895 - 66 1895-1899a-. 88 Class unknown 64 Total __ 1,941 390 a The report for 1899 is incomplete. NEGRO GRADUATES FROM WHITE COLLEGES. In corresponding with white colleges, for the purpose of procuring information bearing upon the subject of the inquiry, most of the colleges addressed confined themselves to furnishing a simple list of graduates; some, however, added infor- mation as to the standing and character of their negro students, information which is considered all the more valuable from its having been unsolicited; others made some statement of the conditions regarding the admission of negro students. The following extracts will serve to show the trend of these observations: From the University of Kansas Ave learn (January, 1900): "I am pleased to state that this year we have twice as many colored students in attendance at the university as ever before; in all, 38. The rule is that no student shall be allowed to take more than three studies. If he fails in one of the three, it is a 'single failure;' in two of the three, a 'double failure.' The latter severs the student's connection with the university. There are 1,090 students in attendance at the present time. The semiannual examination was held last week, and as a result there are 200 'single failures' and 80 ' double failures.' The gratifying part of it is that not one of the 28 colored students is in either number." From Bates College, Scranton, Me., President Chase writes (February, 1900): ' ' We have had about a dozen colored people who have taken the full course for the degree of A. B. at Bates College, one of them a young woman. They have all of them been students of good character and worthy piirpose." One was a "remarkably fine scholar, excelling in mathematics and philosophy;" he was " one of the editors of the Bates Student while in college." Another was "an honest, industrious man of good ability, but of slight intellectual ambition." A third ' • was a good scholar, especially in mathematics. ' ' A fourth graduated ' ' with excellent standing. He was a good all-around scholar, but excellent in the classics." A fifth "acquired knowledge with difficulty." A sixth did work " of a very high order," etc. The secretary of Oberlin writes (February, 1900) in sending his list: " It is a list containing men and women of whom we are proud." Colgate University, New York writes of a graduate of 1874 as " a very brilliant student," who " was graduated second best in his class. It was believed by many that he was actually the leader. ' ' A graduate of Colby College, Maine, is said by the librarian to have been " uni- versally resi)ected as a student, being chosen class orator." Wittenberg College, Ohio, has two colored gradiiates. " They were both bright girls and stood well up in their respective classes." A negro graduate of Washburn College, Kansas, is said by the chairman of the faculty to be '• one of the graduates of the college in whom we take pride." The dean of the faculty of Knox College, Illinois, writes of two negro students. Senator Bruce, of Mississippi, and another, who graduated and was remembered because of " his distinguished scholarship." _ A black student of Adrian College, Michigan, "was one of the best mathema- ticians I ever had in class," writes a professor. THE OOLLEGE-BRED NEGRO. 193^ Adelbert College, of the Western Reserve University, Ohio, has a negro gradu- ate as acting librarian, who is characterized as "one of the most able raen we know;"' while of another it is said, "we expect the best." Lombard University, Illinois, has " heard favorable reports " of its single negro ■ graduate. The dean of the State University of Iowa writes (December, 1899) of a graduate^ of 1898: " He distinguished himself for good scholarship, and on that ground was admitted to membership in the Phi Beta Kappa Society. He is a man of most excellent character and good sense, and I expect for him a very honorable future. He won the respect of all his classmates and of the faculty. As president of the Phi Beta Kappa Society I received him into membershii:> vsdth very great i)leasure as in every way worthy of this honor. We have three colored people in the uni- versity at present; two in the collegiate department and one in law. You are aware that we have but a small colored population in Iowa. In all cases colored, yoiing men in the university receive the very best treatment from instructors and^ stiidents." * * * Boston University writes of one gradiiate as "a fine fellow." He is now doing; post-graduate work at Yale, and the agent of the Capon Springs Negro Conference writes (November, 1900) that "I continually hear him mentioned in a comj)li- mentary way. On the other hand, two negro boys were in the freshman class not long ago and were both conspicuously poor scholars. ' ' Otterbein University, Ohio, has a graduate who " was a most faithful and cap- able student." The dean of Dartmouth College, New Hampshire, writes (December, 1899) of: their graduates: "The last two or three are hardly established in business yet» but the others are doing remarkably well. These men have been in each case fully equal to, if not above, the average of their class. We have been very muck pleased with the work of the colored men who have come to us. They have been a credit to themselves and their race while here and to the college since gradua- tion. I wish we had more such." The president of Tabor College, Ohio, says of two colored graduates: " They are brainy fellows who have done very much good in the world." A graduate of Soiathwest Kansas College "was one of the truest, most faithful and hard-working stxidents that we ever had." One of the most prominent Methodist ministers in Philadelphia said to the president of Allegheny College, Pennsylvania, speaking of a colored graduate: "Any college may be proud to have gradiiated a man like him." The University of Idaho graduated in 1898 a young colored woman of " excep- tional ability." Westminster College, Pennsylvania, has graduated two negroes. "Both were excellent students and ranked high in the estimation of all who knew them." Of a graduate of Hamilton College, New York, the secretaiy says: "He was. one of the finest young men we have ever had in our institution. He was an earnest and consistent Christian, and had great influence for good with his fellow students. No one ever showed him the slightest discourtesy. On leaving college^ he spent three years in Auburn Theological Seminary; was licensed to preach by- one of our Northern Presbji:eries, and then went to Virginia, near Norfolk, where he built a church and gave promise of great usefulness, when, about two years ago, he suddenly sickened and died." * * * At the larger colleges the record of negro students has, on the whole, been good.. At Harvard several have held scholarships, and one a fellowship; there has been 1 Phi Beta Kappa man, 1 class orator, 2 commencement sfteakers, 3 masters of art and 1 doctor in philosophy. In scholarship the 11 graduates have stood: 4 good,. 3 fair, 2 ordinary, and 2 poor. At Brown one of the most brilliant students of recent years was a negro; h& was among the junior eight elected to the Phi Beta Kappa. At Amherst the record of colored men has been very good, both in scholarship and athletics. A colored man captained the Amhei'st football team one year and he is now one of the chief Harvard football coaches. At Yale and Cornell colored men have held scholarships, and some have made good records. Among the women's colleges the color prejudice is much stronger and more unyielding. The secretary of Vassar writes (December, 1900) : " We have never had but one colored girl among our students, and as no one knew during her course that she was a negro, there was never any discussion of the matter. This young woman graduated from the college, and although it is now well known that she is a negro, the feeling of respect and affection that she won during her ED 1902 13 194 EBTJOATIOE- EEPOET, 1901-1902. college cotirse has not been changed on the part of those who knew her here. There is no rule of the college that wotild forbid our admitting a colored girl, but the conditions of life here are snch that we should hesitate for the sake of the candidate to admit her, and in fact should strongly advise her for her own sake not to come." Barnard College, New York, the new woman's adjunct of Columbia, says (December, 1900): "No one of negro descent has ever received our degree, and I can not say whether such a person would be admitted to Barnard, as the question has never been raised; but there is nothing in oiir regu.lations that excludes any- one of any nationality or race." Wells College and Elmira College, New York, both agree in saying that they never have had negro students and " do not know what would be the policy of the board of trustees if such a person should make application for admission." A prominent Southern institution, the Eandolph-Macon Woman's College, of Lynchburg, Va., writes frankly: " We entirely favor the education of negroes to any degree they may wish, but are not prepared to enter upon the work ourselves. We believe that in all boarding schools and colleges the races must, for the good of both, be educated separately." In the West the sentiment is more favorable. The president of Rockford Col- lege, 111., writes: "I think that no one of negro descent has ever received the bachelor's degree from this college. In 1889-90 such a lady came here from St. Louis. This one was here only about two years, I believe. She afterwards mar- ried. Persons of negro descent, if able to meet our requirements, would be received here. So far as I know, however, this is the only such student that we have had; but before she left us, she had made herself very popular with her f ellov/ stiidents." The trustees of Mills College for women, in Alameda County, Cal., " decided some years ago that it was not best for us to receive siich students." In New England there is usually no barrier, although Motmt Holyoke puts the statement negatively: " We do not refuse admission to colored persons, but we seldom have application for this class of candidates." They have one negro graduate from Smith College, we learn: " Our first colored student graduated last year with the degree of A. B. * * * We also have two students of negro descent in our present senior class. No person is refused admis- sion to Smith on account of color, provided she is able to meet our reqairements for entrance. Miss was an excellent stu.dent, and very popular." Wellesley had quite a number of colored students, of whom two graduated. " Both these yoimg women had more than average ability, and one did brilliant work." Radcliife College, the Harvard "annex," has two colored graduates, who are well spoken of. In all Northern institutions there have appeared, from time to time, black students as well as white who lacked ability to do the required work. The negroes of this sort are of course always conspicuous. It is naturally much easier to con- vince an average American group of a negro's inferior attainments than of any unusual abUity in any line. So that one such student has often done more by his failure to form public opinion than several others by their success. Then, too, there has been, in some instances, a tendency to coddle black students simply because they were black; in some cases scholarships have been granted them, and pass marks given which in strict com.petition they did not earn. Of course these cases are more than balanced by the opposite kind, whero the prejudice and imcon- scious bias of students and instructors have made life so intolerable for some lonely black student that he has given up in despair, or done far poorer work than he might have done. In the older institutions all these phases are now pass- ing away, and the black student is beginning to be received simply as a student, without assumptions as to his ability or deserts until he has given e-vddence in his work and character. Besides the negroes who have graduated from these coUegOE, there has been a large number who have piirsued a partial course, but taken no degree. They have dropped out for lack of funds, poor scholarship, and various reasonr. Then, too, many institutions having no graduates have promising candidates at present, 'i'he registrar of the University of lUinoic informs us " that so far no negro has ever been graduated from the University of Illinois. One member of our present senior class is a negro, and he will doubtless be gradua,ted next June. He is a good scholar, and is very much respected in the LTniversity. He is this year the editor of the student's paper." THE COLLEGE-BRED NEGRO. 195 Wabasli College, Indiana, "has had frequently colored students enrolled in her classes, but none have completed their course. We hare at present two colored stiidents in attendance at college." Dickinson College. Pennsylvania, "has never conferred a degree upon a negro. We have two at i^resent time in attendance at the College: One, Miss . a member of the freshman class, and the other. Mr. •, a member of the junior class, and one of the brightest scholars and most highly esteemed gentlemen in attendance at our institution." The universities of Wyoming. Montana, and California, have all had. at one time or another, colored students. Syracuse University has three negro students now, "especially bright and promising. ' ' The L'^niversity of Vermont dropped two colored members of the class of 1897 ' ' on account of inability to do the work. " ' Wheaton College, Illinois, has "had many colored students, and some good ones, but none of them has gained the degree of A. B.'" Among the colleges who have never had any negro students it is not easy to learn how many would actually refuse stich students. Most of the replies are noncommittal on this point, as in the case of John Hopkins. " No colored man has ever been a candidate for a degree here." So. too. from Bryn Mawr they write: ' ' President Thomas desires me to acknowl- edge the receipt of your letter, and to say that no person of negro descent has ever applied for admission to BrjTi Mawr College, probably because the standard of the entrance examinations is very high and no students are admitted on certificate." The attitiide of Princeton is thus defined (December. 1900): "The question of the admission of negro students to Princeton University has never assumed the aspect of a practical problem with us. We have never "had any colored students here, though there is nothing in the university statutes to prevent their admis- sion. It is possible, however, in view of our proximity to the South and the large number of Soiithern students here, that negro students would find Princeton less comfortable than some other institutions; but I may be wrong in this, as the trial has never been made. There is, as I say, nothing in the laws of the college to prevent their admission." In other places, usually smaller Western schools, the attitude is quite cordial. "I am sorry to say that we have no negro graduates as yet." writes Carleton College. Minnesota. Whitman College, Washington, says:*" We should be glad to receive any negroes if they were to apply, biit there are few in this section of the country." The University of Oregon says the same thing. To sum up, then: Negroes have graduated from Northern institutions. In most of the larger universities they are welcome and have, on the whole, made good records. In nearly all the Western colleges they are admitted freely, and have done well in some cases and poorly in others. In one or two larger institutions, and in many of the large women's colleges, negroes, while not'exactly refused admission, are strongly advised not to apply. The summer schools at Harvard, Clark, and the University of Chicago, have several negro students. BIRTHPLACE OF COLLEGE-BRED NEGROES. The birthplace of 646 college-bred negroes is given as follow.^: South Carolina 95 North Carolina . _ 80 Tennessee 73 Virginia 60 Georgia 55 Mississippi . 48 Alabama 34 Ohio 84 Kentuckv ... - - 25 Maryland 17 Indiana 4 Massachusetts 3 West Virginia 3 Iowa 3 New Jersey .. 3 Michigan 3 Rhode Island 1 Connecticut 1 Vermont 1 Colorado 1 Pennsylvania 17 Missouri 13 Louisiana 13 Illinois 11 District of Columbia 10 Texas 9 Kansas 9 New York 5 Arkansas 4 Florida 4 Delaware , 1 196 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. In foreign lands: Hayti 4 West Indies 1 3 West Africa 2 Ontario 1 North 30 South ...542 West 64 Abroad 10 Total 646 The most interesting question connected with birthplace is that of the migra- tion of colored graduates — that is, where these men finally settle and work. If we arrange these 600 graduates according to sections wh«re they were born and where they now live, we have this table: Migration of college graduates. Persons born in— Are now living in — A. B. C. D. E. P. O. H. J. K. L. M. A New England 2 1 A 3 1 10 18 8 2 3 5 148 35 7 1 1 39 159 4 4 1 1 1 12 6 9 4 B. New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey C. Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, West Vir- ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Caro- lina, Missouri, District of Cohimbia D. South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Missis- 4 1 1 5 1 5 26 1 3 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 E Michigan Wisconsin, Illinois, Ohio 1 F. North and South Dakota, Minnesota, G. Oklahoma, Texas, Arkansas, Indian Ter- 3 2 2 2 3 3 — - — 2 2 L. California, Nevada, Washington, Or egon_ This means that of 254 college-bred negroes born in the border States (i. e. , Del- aware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, Missouii, and the District of Columbia) , 148 or 58 per cent stayed and worked there; 39 or 15 per cent went farther South; 26 or 10 per cent went Southwest; 13 or 5 per cent went to the middle West, etc. Or again: Of 73 college graduates born North, 35 stayed there and 38 went South. Of 507 college graduates born South, 443 stayed there and 62 went North. These statistics cover only about one-fourth of the total number of graduates, but they represent pretty accurately the general tendencies so far as our observa- tion has gone. It is therefore probably quite v^ithin the truth to say that 50 per cent of Northern-born college men come South to work among the masses of their people at a personal sacrifice and bitter cost which few people realize; that nearly 90 per cent of the Southern-born graduates, instead of seeking that personal free- dom and broader intellectual atmosphere which their training has led them in some degree to conceive, stay and labor and wait in the midst of their black neigh- bors and relatives. WOMEN -GRADUATES. The number of negro women as follows: graduates, not including the graduates of 1899, is Oberlin 55 Shaw 31 Paul Quinn 13 Atlanta 8 Southland 8 Rust 7 Claflin 6 Philander Smith 5 Iowa Wesleyan 4 University of Kansas 3 Cornell 3 Geneva 3 Leland 1 University Iowa U. 1 THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGRO. 197 Idaho IJates Clarke. --- Straight Branch, Arkansas Mount Holvoke . _ _ Fisk r Roger Williams 5 Berea 4 University of Michigan 3 Wittenberg 2 Wellesley 3 Butler Adrian McKendree . Virginia Normal and Collegiate Allen Paine Institute Vassar 1 1 1 1 1 1 31 Wilberforce 19 Knosrvdlle 10 Howard 8 Central Tennessee 7 Livingstone 6 New Orleans 5 Total women 253 Total men 3, 373 Before the war 10 women graduated, as far as we have been able to ascertain; from 18G1 to 1869, 36; from 1880 to 1889, 76; 1890 to 1898, 119. The rapid increase of college-bred women in later years is noticeable, and the present tendency is toward a still larger proportion of woraen. Twenty-three per cent of the college students of Howard, Atlanta, Fisk, and Shaw were women in the school year of 1898-99. The economic stress will probably force more of the young men into work before they get through college and leave a larger chance for the training of daughters. A tendency in this direction is noticeable in all the colleges, and if it results in more highly trained mothers it will result in great good. Of 100 college-bred women reporting their conjugal condition, one- half had been married, against nearly 70 per cent of the men. EARLY TKAINING. There is little in the matter of early training that lends itself to statistical state- ment, but there is much of human interest. A number of typical lives are there- fore ajipended which show in a general way the sort of childhood and youth through which these college-bred negroes have passed. First as to the men: 3Ien. " My early life was sjjentin the schools of the American Missionary Association. I attended Beach Institute and finally Atlanta University. ' ' '• I attended the public schools in Augusta, Oa. , and sold papers, brushed boots, and worked in tobacco factories. While in college I taught school in summer time." " Born in Springfield, Mass., where I attended the public schools, and acted as driver and hotel waiter. I attended Fisk University and during vacations taught school, worked in a sawmill, waited on table, and acted as Pullman porter." " My parents were old and poor and I worked my way through school and helped to support them by manual labor. ' ' "I came to Texas with my parents about 1876, and attended the Galveston public schools. I then went to college, assisted in part by my parents and in part by my own efliorts. Tlie expenses of the last two years were paid by a scholarship which I won by examination." ' ' I spent most of my youth with my uncle , a merchant in Florence . S. C. , where I attended the public school, which was poor. I afterwards worked five years on my father's faiTQ, and finally went to college." " I attended public schools in Virginia, working in white families morning and night for my board. I then worked my way through a normal course, and finally through Hillsdale College." "I was a farmer before going to school. My church conference sent me to school. My parents were jwor and my mother died when I was but 4 years old." " I came to Kansas when 9 yearg old and lived on a farm until I was 20, neither seeing or hearing from any of my relations during that time. In 1871 I went to Oberlin and began work in Ray's Third Part Arithmetic." 198 " EDUCATION EEPORT, 1901-1902. " I was born a slave in Prince Edward County, Va. I worked as a farmer and waiter and then went to Hampton Institute. After leaving Hampton I lielped my parents a few years and then entered Shaw." "Isold papers and went to school when a boy; I learned the brick-mason's trade of my father. After graduating from the high school I worked in the print- ing office of a colored paper, tlms earning enough to go to college." "I was borii in Calvert County, Md., being one of 7 children. We lived at first in the log cabin which my father had built in slavery times. Soon we moved away from there and settled on a farm which my father commenced buying on shares. I went to school, worked on the farm, and taught school until I was 22, when I entered Lincoln." "I was born in Crawford County, Ga. My father moved to Macon, then to Jones County, then back to Crawford County, then to the town of Forsyth, and finally to the State of Mississippi. I finally left home at the age of 16 and roamed about for two and a half years. I saved some money by work on a railroad and started to school." " My parents, having been slaves, were poor. I was the fifth of 10 children, and the task of educating all of us was a serious one for the family. My parents made every sacrifice, and at 9 years of age I was helping by selling papers on the streets of Pittsburg, and colored papers among the negroes on Saturday. After com- pleting the common schools I worked as elevator boy and bootblack, and finally at the age of 15 was enabled to enter the engineering course of the Western Uni- versity of Pennsylvania." " I was born in a stable; my faither died when I was 2 years old. I blacked boots and sold sulphur water to educate myself iintil I was 18." " My mother and father took me from Alabama to Mississippi, where my father joined the Union Army at Corinth, leaving me with my mother, brother, and sister. We went to Cairo, 111., and then to Island No. 10. There mother and brother died and my sister sent me to Helena, Ark. , in charge of an aunt. My father died during the siege of Vicksburg, and I was sent to the orphanage in Helena, which afterwards became Southland College." " My father died when I was 5 and my mother when I was 12, leaving me an orphan in the West Indies. At 14 I left home with a white man from Massachu- setts. I went to school one year in Massachusetts, then shipped as a sailor and stayed on the sea ten years, and finally returning, started to school again." " I was born in Alton. 111., in 1864. In 1871 we moved to Mississippi, and hap- pening to visit my grandfather at Wilberforce, Ohio, I begged him to let me stay there and enter school. He consented, and by housework, taking care of horses, and his help I got through school." " I was born of slave parents v/ho could neither read nor write. I had but five months' regular schooling until I was 17 years of age. Then I worked my way through a normal school in South Carolina, and thus gained a certificate to teach and helped myself on further in school." "Father died aboiit my ninth birthday, sol attended the public schools and worked on the farm to assist mother earn a livelihood for herself and the four children. Late in my teens, after three months' day labor upon the farm, rail- road, wood chopping, etc., I entered Alcorn with the sum of $20.50. By working there I was enabled to remain in school six years, the last five of which I secured work as a teacher in Wilkerson County. The money I obtained was used by myself, my two brothers, and a sister in common, as from time to time each joined me in college. Mother would accept very little of our earnings for herself, lest we might be deprived of an education." " I was born and reared on my aged mother's farm near Thomastown, Miss. I began going to a country school at 12 years of age, having learned my A B C's under Uncle York Moss, at his Sunday school, where we used Webster's " Blue- back.' My chances for attending even a country school were mea,ger, for I had to help on the farm. Attending two and four months in the year, I got far enough advanced by the time I was 16 to teach a little and use my earnings in entering, fixst, Tougaloo and then Alcorn." , " I was reared on a farm and was 16 before I knew my letters and 21 before I spent a month in school." THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGRO. 199 " In early life I lived with ray parents, wlio were ex-slaves and took great pride in working hard to educate their children. I attended the first Yankee schools established in Savannah. As soon as I conld read, write, and figure a little I started a private afternoon school at my home, which I taught." '• I was born a slave. Soon after the fall of Port Royal, S. C in 1861, three of ns escaped from Charleston to Beaufort, and joined the Union forces. We were taken on the U. S. gunboat Unadilla. There I was attached to a lieutenant in the Forty -eighth New York Regiment of Volunteers, and remained with him until he was wounded before Fort Wagner. I then went North, attended night school in Portland, Me., and finally entered Howard University." " I was the fifth child in a family of eleven. My father was a poor farmer and did not believe in education, so my training was neglected until I was able to work and help myself. ' ' " I was born a slave and taken North to an orphanage by Quakers after the war, both my j^arents being dead. Afterwards I was sent to New Jersey, and then worked on a Pennsylvania faitn until I went to Lincoln." ' ' My father was set free prior to the war and purchased my mother. He died when 1 was 8, leaving a little home and $800 in gold. My mother was an invalid and we had to work at whatever came to hand, going to school from three to five nionths a year. At the age of 15 I stopped school and labored and taught a three- months' school at $25 a month. Finally I entered Roger Williams University, working my way through and helping mother." '• Twelve years of my life was spent as a slave. I worked at driving cows, car- rjing dinner to the field hands, and running rabbits. My master ovv^ned 300 negroes, so that boys were not put in the field iintil they were 18. When I was freed I did not know a letter, but I worked my way through Webster's ' Blue- back ■ speller." ''I was born the slave of Jefferson Davis's brother and attended contraband schools before the close of the war." '• Mine was the usual life of a boy whose follfs were comfortably circumstanced. School was the chief occupation. At 16 I went to sea as a cabin boy, and on return- ing entered Lincoln." "I was raised partly on a Mississippi jjlantation and partly in and near New Orleans. For about two years I was with the Union Army as servant to an officer in a Vermont regiment. I went with him to Vermont, where I attended school and finally entered Dartmouth College." "I had very little early training, and was apprenticed at the calker's trade from 13 to 16. At the age of 18 I joined the Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Volunteers, and was finally discharged on account of wocinds. I then entered the preparatory department at Lincoln." "Lived in Lebanon, Tenn., until 11 years old, when I joined a company of colored men and went to West Tennessee. I kept books and cooked for the com- pany. I moved the whole family at last to West Tennessee, and bought and paid for a fai-m by raising cotton and teaching school. I then entered Fisk University, and by teaching and farming during vacations supported myself and two sisters in school." " The gi-eater portion of my early life was spent in East Tennessee, whither I had been broiTght away from my parents when only 5 years of age. My mas- ter kept me as errand boy about his store and house until the close of the war. By this time, under the tutelage of the white children of the family, I had learned to read. In the summer of 1865 I started out without a cent of money to try my own fortune in the world, working at anything I cotdd find to do. I made con- siderable money, attended public schools, and finally entered Fisk University," ' ^ Soon after the war my father built a log schoolhoiise on a spot given him by his former master. I went to school seven months before my father died, after which I was compelled to go to work to support my widowed mother. At the age of 20 I entered school again." " Bom of a good woman in Mississippi, I left home while the war was raging and went to Alabama. There I finally went into the service of an ex-Confederate general, who sent me to the Burrell School, an institution fostered by the Ameri- can Missionary Association. Afterwards I went to Tovigaloo and Roger Williams. ' ' 200 EDUCATION" EEPOET, 1901-1902. " I lost my mother wlien I was only 1 year old. I was tlien sold as a slave to an aged French couple, who treated me as their child. Then, in 1862, I was sold again, taken to Texas, resold, and finally, "when free, returned to New Orleans in 1869. I found my father dead, and so I went North and stayed there until I entered Fisk in 1876. I had had but little schooling up to this time — only what I had picked up at a night school and at an eight-months' free school in Texas." ' ' I was born in Raleigh, N. C. , and emancipated in Pennsylvania in 1830. I went to school and learned the three E,'s and afterwards went to Ohio and ent/Cred Oberlin, working at my trade of gunmaker all through the course. I studied, because I found knowledge was power; I also found that I was a bom mechanic. I never had the idea that education would elevate me into any profession whatso- ever. My trade occupied my whole mind and thought." "I was born of slave parents and worked when young in a tobacco factory. I was taught to read by an ex-Confederate soldier. I entered school right after the surrender of Lee and remained till I finished the college course." "I had the advantage of a father who had a good education, for his time. He was free and able to conduct his business in Augusta, Ga. , during slavery time. I quit school and served two years at a trade. A Northern teacher offered to help me finish my education and my parents gave me my time." " My earliest recollections are of slavery, the perturbed conditions at the begin- ning and end of the war, the struggle of mother and grandmother under the new conditions, and the assumption of the support of the family by myself at the age of 10 years." "My parents moved to Providenco, R. I., when I was very young. I attended school about five years and night school one winter. Then I learned the barber's trade. During the winter of 1890-91 I decided to prepare myself for work among my people in the South and entered Livingstone College." ' ' My mother and I were sold away from my father, who lived in South Carolina, and taken first to Mississippi, and then to Banks County, Ga. Here, when I was 6 years of age, my master started me at work in a stable, with the pur]X)se of making me learn the care of horses and become his carriage driver. I wa« freed in 1865, and then my mother and I walked to Newberry, S. C. (110 miles), and found father again. We were very poor and my parents had to hire me out for a year. Then they decided to send me to school and I went very irregularly from 1866 to 1874. I gained at last a State scholarship in the South Carolina College, but the Republicans, after two years, were forced out of power and the college closed to them. Finally I entered the Atlanta University." "I was born in Buffalo, N. Y., in 1867, the son of the sexton of a large city church. I passed through the common and high schools of the city, and at the same time worked as office hoj and waiter. In 1879 I came South to enter college and prepare for teaching. ' ' "About the close of the war Confederate soldiers stole me from my parents in South Carolina and took me to Georgia. I ran away to Temiessee, where I worked as janitor in a white school and studied at night by the aid of the principal, who was very friendly. He afterwards sent me to Howard University." "I was born in Richiaond, Va., and when 3 years of age was sold with my mother, sister, and brother away from my father and taken to South Carolina. We have never seen father since. My new mistress taught me the alphabet, and after emancipation paid my expenses through school and college." " I worked my way through college. I was the oldest of eight children, with father bitterly opposed to education, although he had a commanding mind and had heard lectures at the University of Virginia before the war. Have been practically the head of the family for over 12 years, and assisted and encour- aged all the children to educate themselves. Five of them went or are going to school." " My mother died when I was but 2 years old, and I was left to the care of my mother's mistress, wlio, though a slaveholder, cared for me a^ though I was her own child, until emancipation, when my father took charge of me and placed me in school under Northern teachers sent South by the Presbyterian board of edu- cation." THE COLLEGE-BRED NEGRO. 201 ' ' I was reared on a farm ; then became meat cook on a steamboat during vaca- tion. I served two years and five months as first sergeant Company C, Fifty-fifth Massachusetts Volunteers, diiringthe civil war, and was i7ijured t^vice, at James Island and Honey Hill engagements. I made out contracts between ex-slaves and former masters in South Carolina in the Freedman's Bureau, under Gen. O. O. Howard, after being disabled." *■ Until 15 years old I stayed with my grandparents, and followed the occupa- tion of my gTandfather, a gardener. From 15 till 171 clerked in a colored grocer's store; from 17 till 19 I worked in a colored restaurant, giving my earnings to my grandparents, for they cared for my wants and gave me what little school train- ing I had. My parents were dead. In my 20th year I taught a five months' dis- trict school, with the proceeds of which I began a course of study at Wilberforce University." ' ' My early life, until I was 6 years old, was spent on a large plantation. At that age, father having secured a little home of his own, consisting of 3 acres of land and a log house, I with the family was carried thither. At the age of 10 1 entered my first school, where I learned to read and write. The school was a Presbyterian school. During the summer I worked on a farm which father rented. At the ^ age of 12 we moved to Lexington, N. C. I still attended school in winter and' worked in a brickyard in summer. At the age of 14 my school days stopped until I was 19 years old. I did hotel work during the intervening years, and taught a three months' country school. At the age of 19 I entered college." " My early hfe was spent as most poor boys, at work. I have served in every capacity from a dinner boy to a clerk. Have clothed myself since I reached my 14th year, beginning with earning 25 cents a week, and in two years I com- manded a salary of §6 per week. At 18 I was head clerk for a produce firm that did a business of §10,000 a year. This was at Nashville, Term." '■ I was bom on a farm near Chillicothe. Ohio, November 15, 1825. At the age of 4 years I was taken with my parents to Jackson County, where there was a com- munity of colored people; they had settled in close proximity in order to educate their children, becaiTse they were debarred from attending the public schools with white children. I attended a seleet school until 14 yeai's of age." '• My first school-teacher was Mr. Turner, who was the colored Congressman from Alabama. His school was destroyed by Kuklux while I was attending it. Next attended Freedman's Bureau school and Swayne school in Montgomery, Ala. I attended Storr's, in Atlanta, and taught school when 15 years old; entered Atlanta University in 1874. Taught school during vacations." " Born in Yazoo County, Miss., 6 miles from Yazoo Citj'. I was taught my letters by my father. He died in 1866, and left mother with nine children, six sons and three daughters, three younger than myself. Desiring her children to have educational advantages, mother removed to Vicksburg in December, 1866. Here I entered the United Presbyterian mission school. I attended five years, sometimes day school and sometilnes night school, as circumstances i)ermitted, being larg;ply dependent upon myself for support. I often had to hire out to earn money with wliich to purchase books and clothes, but when I hired out in the day I attended school at night. I taught school 1871-72. Was paying and collecting teller in A^icksbnrg branch of the Freedman's Savings Bank \873-lS75. Taught school 1875-76. Entered preparatory department of Oberlin September, 1876; admitted to college 1879. Matriculated at Dennison University in 1880, gTaduat- ing in 1884. Though a slave I always had love for books and craved learning, in which I was much stimulated by mother, who, though unable to render me any financial assistance, gave all moral and prayerful help." " Father was in good circximstances, so my opportunities for atlvancement were as fair as those of the average colored boy. I attended the pubHc school of my native town -antil 17 years of age, then I went to Straight University, New Orleans, La., graduating from the classical course in 1881. My home surroundings were favorable to success. I had an excellent father, who is still living; my mother, whose memory l can not too greatly reverence, has been dead for many years. Their teachings, example, and influence have molded my character. Whatever success I have had I owe to them." 202 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. Women. "I was 'born on a farm in Ohio, and lived there until I was 16. My father died when I was 12 and I had to provide for myself. At the age of 16 I tanght a country school and saved $100. With this I went to Oberlin, and went through by teaching and working. ' ' ' ' I am an African Methodist preacher's daughter, and from my 10th until my 15th year we were continnally traveling over the State. Finally we came to Atlanta, where I stayed till I finished school." "Lived a short time in Virginia, some time in Ohio, but principally in Miasonri. Attended pnbllc schools in Macon, Mo., nntil the age of 15, when I went to Lin- coln Institute for one year and Oberlin for five years." " Was born and schooled in Philadelphia during the dark days of slavery. Was intimately associated with the work of the ' underground railroad ' and the anti- slavery society. I was sent to Oberlin in 1864." "My early life was spent at my home at Shoreham, Yt., where I attended !N"ewton Academy. In the fall of 1891 I entered Mr. Moody's school at North- field, Mass., graduating as president of my class. I then entered Middlebury College, Vermont." " My father v/as route agent between Norfolk and Lynchburg. Va. Both of my parents had som.e education a,nd were careful to send their children to school. I started in the public schools at 7. " "■' I went to school at Ivionroe, Mich., until a female seminary was opened there from which colored children were barred. I then went to Oberlin." " My father was a Creole and my mother a free negro woman. We moved from Mobile, Ala. , to Wilberforce, Ohio, where I was reared. My parents were devoted Christians and were blessed with the comforts of life. My father had a fine collection of books." "At a very early age I assumed the responsibility of housekeeper, as my mother died and I was the oldest of a family of five; hence I labored under many disad- vantages in attending school, but nevertheless I performed my household duties, persevered with my studies, and now I feel that I have been rewarded." ' ' My mother and I ' took in ' washing for our support and to enable me to get an education. After finishing the public schools of Jacksonville, 111., I was sup- ported four years in college by a scholarship. -" ' ' My early life was spent in Darlington, S. C. I did not attend the public school until I was a large girl, but was taught at home, first by my naother, then by a private teacher. When the public school was graded, in 1889, 1 entered the high- school course." ' ' While a schoolgirl I taught persons living out in service , going into the premises of some of the most i:)rominent white i)eople in New Orleans. I always kept a large class of night pxipils at the same time. I paid my tuition out of these earnings." i OCCUPATIONS. The most interesting question, and in many respects the crucial question to be a,sked concerning college-bred negroes is: Do they earn a living? It has been intimated more than once that the higher training of negroes has resulted in sending into the world of work men who can find nothing to do suitable to their talents. Now and then there comes a rumor of a colored college man working at menial service, etc. Fortimately the returns as to occupations of college-bred negroes are quite full — nearly 60 per cent of the total number of graduates. This enables us to reach fairly probable conclusions as to the occupations of college-bred negroes. Of 1,312 x)ersons reporting there were: Per cent. Teachers 53. 4 Clergymen 16. 8 Physicians, etc 6.3 Students 5.6 Lawyers 4.7 In Government service 4 In business 3.6 Farmers and artisans 3-7 Editors, secretaries and clerks , 2.4 Miscellaneous =.^- 5 THE COLLEGE-BRED NEGRO. 203 Over half are teachers, a sixth are x>reachers. another sixth are sttidents and professional men; over 6 per cent are fanners, artisans, and merchants, and 4 per cent are in Government service. These fignres illustrate vividly the function of the college-bred negro. He is, as he ought to be. the group leader, the man who sets the ideals of the community where he lives, directs its thought, and heads its social movements. It need hardly be argued that the negro people need social leadership more than most groups. They have no traditions to fall back upon, no long-established customs, no strong family ties, no well-defined social classes. All these things must be slowly and painfully evolved. The preacher was even before the war the group leader of the negroes, and the church their greatest social institution." Naturally this preaclier was ignorant and often immoral, and the problem of replacing the older type by better educated men has been a difficiilt one. Both by direct work and by indirect influence on other preachers and on congregations the college-bred preacher has an opportunity for reformatory work and moral inspiration the value of which can not be overestimated. The report of tlie Atlanta conference on '" Some efforts of American negroes for their owm social betterment" shows the character of some of this work. It has, however, been in the furnishing of teachers that the negro college has found its peculiar function. Few persons realize how vast a work, how mighty a revolution has lieen thus accomplished. To furnish five millions and more of ignorant peojile with teachers of their own race and blood in one generation was not only a very difficult undertaking but a very important one, in that it jilaced before the eyes of almost eA-ery negro child an attainable ideal. It brought the masses of the blacks in contact with modern civilization, made black men the leaders of their communities and trainers of the new generation. In this work college-bred negroes were first teachers and then teachers of teachers. And here it is that the broad culture of college work has been of peculiar value. Knowledge of life and its wider meaning has been the point of the negro's deepest ignorance, and the sending out of teachers whose training has not been merely for bread- wnnning, but also for hiiman culture, has been of inestimable value in the training of these men. In earlier years the two occupations of preacher and teacher were practically the only ones open to the black college graduate. Of later years a larger diversity of life among his people has opened new avenues of employment. The following statistics of occupations according to the year of graduation illustrate this partially: Occupation. Before ISTO. 1870-1879. 1880-1884. 1885-1889. 1890-1894. 1895-1898. Total. Teachers ... 10 5 1 ? 1 1 1 6.5 38 5 74 26 1 11 159 56 3 14 179 56 1 23 214 31 1 ■ 7 701 Clergymen Editors Lawyers _ Gunmakers _. 313 9 63 1 Miners 1 Merchants 1 8 i 1 12 i 1 1 1 3 14 13 9 16 13 31 4 5 43 Physicians - 76 Drnggists 4 Clerks and. secretaries 1 5 11 23 Elocutionists 1 United States civil service 8 5 15 2 13 6 6 1 50 Farmers 36 Real estate dealers 4 Matrons 1 2 Dentists 1 1 3 Enarineers i 1 Missionaries ' 3 3 1 1 14 3 53 2 9 Students 1 4 74 Printers _ _J i 3 City civil service ' 1 1 1 Sta'te civil service '___ ' . " ■ 2 1 2 Librarian 1.. 1 1 1 Tailor 1 1. 1 1 1 1 1 1 Draftsman 1 1 1 1 Hotel work ^. 1 ..1 . . I 1 Carpenter 1 1 . ":: 1 """"I 1 " A study of present and previous occupation gives a still deeper insight into the problem of work. For instance, the following number of person^ have never had but one occupation; they began as teachers and are still teaching, or as preachers and are still preaching: aCf. The New World, December, 1900, article on " Religion of American negro.' 204 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. Persons who have never changed occu2)ation. Teachers 315 Clergymen 106 Lawyers 26 Physicians . 24 Students 15 Farmers 7 In business 7 Editors 3 Artisans 3 United States civil service 3 Clerks and secretaries 3 Dentists 2 Hotel work 1 Let lis now add to these such persons as have changed occupations once. In the following table the period of study necessary in preparing for a profession is not considered a different occupation. Previous and present occupations of persons who have had but tivo successive occupations. {Showing also persons who have had hut one occupation. ) Previous occupation. Present occupation. Teach- ers. Clergy- men. Stu- dents. Farm- ers. Clerks and secre- taries. In busi- ness. United States civil serv- ice. Physi- cians. Lawyers 11 (315) 7 5 4 26 2 9 1 7 2 9 (7) 1 13 1 Teachers 18 6 1 1 (106) 1 """"(7) (3) .. 1 1 Farmers 1 1 1 1 i 1 (24) Students 7 12 2 1 (15) 1 1 1 .- i 3 (3) Editors 1 3 1 1 Changed work 87 315 23 106 5 15 7 7 12 3 14 7 17 1 34 - Total . .'.... . 402 129 20 „ 15 31 20 25 Previous occupation. Total Present occupation. Law- yers. Edi- tors. United States Army. Den- tists. Arti- sans. Ma- tron. Menial work. ber report- ing. (26) 1 1 1 43 Teachers 2 1 3 1 378 In business 15 Dentists (3) 2 Clerks and secretaries 2 1 1 1 14 15 Clergymen 1 ia5 Eeal estate agents 4 Physicians ... 1 36 1 Students 1 28 United States civil service 18 1 Editors (3) 5 (3) (i) 6 1 Changed work ._ .. . 7 26 3 3 1 §■ 3 3 1 6 1 187 515 Total . . 33 6 1 2 6 1 7 703 Many interesting things may be noted in the above table. For instance, 43 lawyers report; of these, 26 started on a law course immediately after graduation, finished it, went to practicing, and are still engaged in that work; 11 taught before reading law, 2 were in business, and 4 in other employments, from which THE COLLEGE-BRED NEGRO. 205 they turned to law. There are reservations to be made, of conrse, in interpreting these figures; some persons report a few months of teaching as a " previous occu- pation," while others ignore it; some have not changed occupations, because being young graduates they have not given their present vocation a sufficient trial. Nevertheless, with care in using, the table has much to teach. We find that the profession of teaching is a stepping stone to other work; 87 persons were at first teachers and then changed, 11 becoming lawyei-s, 7 going into business, 26 enter- ing the ministry, 12 entering the United States civil service, etc. Seven have at various times engaged in menial work, usually as porters, waiters, and the like, but all but one man working in a hotel have done this only temporarily. It is quite possible that others who are engaged in such work have on this ac-coimt sent in no reports. We see in this way that of 700 college-bred men over 500 have immediately on graduation found work at which they are still employed. Less than 200 have turned from a first occupation to a second before finding apparently permanent employment. Making all allowances for the gaps in these statistics and some bias on the part of those reporting, it seems fair to conclude that the majority of college-bred men find work quickly, make few changes, and stick to their undertakings. That there are many exceptions to this rule is probable, but the testimony of observers, together with these figures, makes the above statement approximately true. ORADUATES OF A SINGLE TYPICAL COLLEOE. It might be well here to turn from the more general figures to the graduates of a single representative institution. A graduate of Dartmouth College who has been in the work of educating negro youth for over thirty years writes as follows in a small publication which gives the record of Atlanta University graduates, including the class of 1899: * ' This leaflet covers an experienc-e of about a quarter of a century of graduating classes. It will tell of the work of only the graduates of Atlanta University, all of whom have been kept under the watchful eye of their alma mater. It would be difficult to trace the careers of the thousands of others who did not graduate but who have attended the institution for a longer or shorter period, although many of them are known to have made good use of their meager attainments and some are occupjTng prominent positions. If it were asked why no larger per- centage of the students have obtained diplomas or certificates of graduation a sufficient answer would be found in the one word, ' jpoverty.' Their parents have been too poor to spare them fi-om home or to pay their expenses at school and they themselves have been utterly unable to fmd any employment sufficiently remunerative to permit them to keep on and graduate within a reasonable limit in time. Probably the world can not show instances of greater sacrifices by par- ents or greater pluck, persistency, and self -denial of students than are to be found among the patrons and pupils of Atlanta University. "While the 94 graduates from the college department represent only a small portion of the work done by the university, they represent a very important part of that work, as will be e^ddent from a statement of the jKtsitions they occupy and the work they are doing. " Of these 94 graduates 12 have died, and it seems to the writer of this leaflet as rather remarkable that only 1 has died during the four years since a similar leaflet was written. Of the 82 now living 11 are ministers, 4 are physicians, 2 are law- yers, 1 is a dentist, 43 are teachers, 1 is a theological student, 1 is studying at Harvard University and another at the University of Pennsylvania, 10 are in the service of the United States, 6 in other kinds of business, and 2 are unemployed. ' ' Three of the ministers are pastors of Ck)ngregationai churches in the cities of Chattanooga, Tenn.; Selma, Ala., and Savannah, Ga.; two are pastors of Baptist churches in Augusta, Ga., and Charleston, S. C; two of Methodist churches in Griffin, Ga., and Portsmouth, Va.; one is chaplain of the Tuskegee Nonnal and Industrial Institute and dean of its Bible school; another is secretary of the Inter- national Sunday School Convention; another is the general secretary of the Baj)- tist negro churches in Georgia, and another is presiding elder of the African Methodist Episcopal churches in Sierra Leone, Africa. All the churches named are centers of great power and wide influence. Some of these ministers have made addi-esses in national and international assemblages, one is a fellow of the Royal Geographical Society, and one has had the unique pleasure of being a member of the board of education in a large Southern city for eleven successive years. "Many of the teachers are holding high positions. Eleven are principals of 206 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. public schools and three of high schools. Others are designated as follows: Pro- fessor of Latin and Greek in Clark University, Atlanta, Ga.; teacher of music in Savannah, Ga.; president of the State Industrial College of Georgia; principal of Howard Normal School, Cuthbert, Ga.; principal of ISTormal School, Oakland, Tes.; professor of Greek in Morris Brown College, Atlanta, Ga.: vice-principal of N'ormal School, Prairie View, Tex.; principal of Knox Institute, Athens, Ga.; superintendent of the industrial department in Biddle University, Charlotte, N. C.; professor-of modern languages, history, and pedagogy, and vice-president in Lincoln Institute, Jefferson City, Mo.; president of the Florida Baptist College, Jacksonville, Fla. ; professor of natural science in the State Normal School, Frank- fort, Ky. ; principal of the Georgia Normal and Industrial Institute, Greensboro, Ga.; principal of Walker Institute, Augusta, Ga.; superintendent of mechanical department of Knox Institute, Athens, Ga.; teacher of science in the J. K. Brick Noraial and Agricultural School, Enfield, N. C; assistant s^iperinteudent of the mechanical department in Tougaloo University, Tougaloo, Miss. " The four physicians are located in Denver, Colo.; St. Joseph, Mo.: Savannah, Ga,, and Chicago, 111. All of them were among the very first in their classes in the medical schools that they attended. " The two lawyers are practicing severally in Boston. Mass., and Augusta, Ga., and are successful in their profession. One is a master in chancery by appoint- ment of the governor of his State. The one dentist lives in Atlanta and has an extensive practice. ' ' One of these graduates was a lieutenant iii the Army diiring the Spanish war and is now a captain of United States Volunteers, serving at Manila. Another was paymaster with the rank of major. ' ' Several of the graduates who are clerks in the United States service in Wash- ington have taken a full course in law or medicine. And when it is considered that this has required several hours of hard work in the evening after a full day at the office, for months and years, one can understand that they have grit and perseverance. Then three at least have been mail agents on railroads under four successive administrations, and have successfully passed the severe examinations required and conquered the violent opposition that has arisen against them from various sources. ' ' The peculiar conditions existing in the South have prevented these graduates from becoming prominent in political affairs. Yet one of them has been a mem- ber of three successive national Republican conventions and another has repre- sented his county in the Georgia legislature, while a third has served two terms in the Texas legislature, being elected by the aid of the votes of Southern white men in a predominantly white community. * * * His most conspicuous serv- ice has been rendered to the negro farmers of bis State. _ This has been done through the organization of a farmers' improvement society with many branches, whose members are pledged to become landowners, to diversify their crops, to improve and beautify their homes, to fight the credit system by biiying only for cash on a cooperative plan, and to raise their own supplies so far as possible. The fact that he can report to-day 88 branches of his society scattered over the State of Texas with 2,310 members, who have bought and largely paid for 43,000 acres of land, worth nearly half a million dollars, is a valuable illustration of what one negro with high ideals and an earnest purpose can accomplish for the economic and material advancement of his race. " Several graduates have done considerable newspaper work, and many sermons and addresses delivered by them have been published. At least two publications have been highly commended by the press. Of President Richard R, Wright's Historical Sketch of Negro Education in Georgia the Journal of Education says: 'And it is just this that makes his story so valuable a.nd forces one to read it straight through from beginning to end, which is not the way books and pam- phlets ai*e usually read in newspaper offices.' And of Prof. William H. Crog- man's Talks for the Times the New York Independent says: ' The author speaks for his race and speaks in strong, polished English, full of nerve and rich in the music of good English prose.' "And these gradiiates are not fickle and unstable, but retain their positions year after year, doing faithful, earnest, and patient service. The length of the pastor- ates of the ministers has been far above the average, and one of the teachers is completing his twenty-fourth year in the same institution. " Do not these simple statements impress their own lessons? Should they not help to silence the sneers against Latin and Greek and higher education for negroes? Could less than a college course have fitted most of these men and women so well for the responsible positions they are occupying and the work they THE COLLEGE-BRED FEGRO. 207 are doing as pastors, professors, principals, physicians, editors, teachers, Sunday school siiperintendents, home builders, and leaders of their people? If half of them had failed to fill the place for which their education ought to have prepared them, even then their teachers and friends would not have been disheartened. But almost none have failed t(3 meet reasonable expectations. This record of the college graduates is ftill of encouragement and inspiration."' THE WORK OF TEACHERS. A glance at the work done by negro college graduates in different fields can be but casual, and yet of some value. The teachers we asked to estimate roughly the pupils they had taught. Some answered frankly that they could not, while others made a statement, which they said was simply a careful guess. From these estimates, we find that 550 teachers reporting think they have taught about 300,000 children in primary grades and 200.000 in secondary grades. From this we get some faint idea of the enoi^mous influen(jp of these TOO teachers and the many other college men who have taught for longer or shorter periods. OTHER PROFESSIONS. Outside the work of teachers, the chief professions followed are the ministry, law, and medicine. In most cases a regular professional course is pursued after the college course is finished, in order to prepare for the profession. The chief theological schools are Biddle, at Charlotte, N. C; Howard, at Washington, D. C; Gammon, at Atlanta. Ga.; Straight, at NewOi'leans, La.; Payne, at Wilberforce, Ohio; Lincoln, in Pennsylvania, and Union, at Richmond, Va. These institu- tions and others have turned out large numliers of ministers, until the supply to-day is rather more than the demand, and the number of the students is falling off. The work of replacing the ordinary negro preachers by college-bred men will go on slowly, but it will require many years and much advance in other lines before this work is finished. Some colored men have gone to Northern theolog- ical schools, usually to the Hai-tford Theological School, Newton Seminary, and Yale University. The leading negro ministers to-day are not usually college-bred men; still a large number of the rising ministers are such, and the influence of the younger set is widespread. There are comparatively few negro law schools, those at Shaw University and Howard being practically the only ones. There has been a good deal of contempt thrown on the negro lawyer, and he has been regarded as superfluous. Without doubt to-day lawyers are not demanded as much as merchants and artisans, and they have often degenerated into ward politicians of the most annoying type. At the same time there has been a demand for negro lawyers of the better type. The negi'oes are ignoi'ant of the forms of law, careless of little matters of procedure, and have lost thousands of dollars of hard-earned property by not consulting law- yers. In criminal cases in the South, vv^here public opinion would support and protect in many cases the innocent but unfortunate white, it would allow the- negro to go to the corrupting influence of the chain gang. Such practice a white lawyer woiild not care to follow, because of the prejudice of his clients. Where public opinion sets strongly against a negro suspect, it is very difficult to get a white lawyer to make more than a perfunctory defense, even if convinced of the man's innocence. His standing in the community would be seriously jeop- ardized if he showed too much zeal. There is. therefore, a distinct place for the black lawyer, but one hard to fill, with small and uncertain income in most cases. Here and there are exceptions, especially in the North. In Boston, for instance, there are four or five colored lawyers who make fair incomes, largely from white practice — foreigners, Jews, Italians, and some few Americans. In Chicago there are two or three colored lawyers v*ith large incomes, and a host who make a living. Some of the reports from lavryers are of interest: A Memphis lawyer v/ho has practiced for twenty-five years says: " I can not complain of the treatment I have received at the hands of both bench and bar." A lawyer of Vicksburg, Miss., says: "• There are two colored lawyers here in bar of about fifty. I do not enjoy any considerable white practice, but get my share from my race.'" A Kentucky lawyer writes: "In my profession I am succeeding fairly well. My experience with the whites in all sections is that the white man looks upon himself as white and you as black." A South Carolina man says: "As a rule white lawyers appear friendly; some will associate in cases with colored lawyers. The country white, however, who 208 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. sits on the jury is tisually ignorant and prejudiced. When the jury is intelligent the chances are better. I am doing fairly well." A very successful Tennessee lawyer reports his collections in 1899 as amounting to over $4,000. A Nashville lawyer writes: ' ' I Imow of no special success attending my practice. I am making a living out of it." A North Carolina practitioner say»: " I handle real estate for both white and colored. I have a paying practice in all State courts. My clients are all colored." From the North the character of the replies differs somewhat. " My practice is largely amongst the whites," says a Minnesota lawyer. From Chicago come several reports: "As a lawyer of six years' practice here, I have no reason to complain. My clients are about evenly divided between the two races. " "In my practice as a lawyer for the past seven years I have done general law practice. Nine-tenths of my patronage from point of emolument has been and is from white clientage. I do considerable business for Irish people, a few Germans, many Poles and Bohemians, and many of English desqgnt." "My clients are nearly all white. When people here want a lawyer, they want a man that can do their work, and they don't consider the color of his skin." From Buffalo, N. Y., a lawyer wiites: " My practice has not yet assumed pro- portions sufficiently extensive or varied to warrant m.e in making deductions upon present success. I can see no reason, however, why a colored man of high char- acter and the requisite qualifications should not succeed in the practice of law. Of the white man's skeptical attitude toward the professional negro's ability and training one has frequent experiences at once amusing and disgusting." Another writes: " My experience as a lawyer in Buffalo has been pleasant, and in my intercourse with the lawyers, almost exclusively white, I have had no cause for complaint, being apparently respected by bench and bar. I have been success- ful in winning cases, but have had less success in collecting fees." A Minnesota lawyer, graduated in law in 1894: " Was appointed clerk of crim- inal court, and resigned December 21, 1898, to serve as a member of the Minnesota house of representatives. Am still a member, and have been practicing law. The district I represent — the Forty-second — is an entirely white district. I led the Republican ticket by 690 votes." A Cleveland, Ohio, lawyer says: " My practice is increasing." An Omaha, Nebr., lawyer says: " My practice has been mixed both as to kind of cases and classes of people. ' ' A Boston lav/yer, who is common councilman of Cambridge from a white ward, reports "fair success." Another Boston lawyer has been alderman of Cambridge for several years. A Philadelphia lawyer says: " My practice is largely confined to Jews. The better class of negroes is not so likely to patronize me as the whites are." The chief negro medical schools are Meharry, at Nashville, Tenn.; Leonard, at Raleigh, N. C; Howard, at Washington, D. C; Knoxville, at Knoxville, Tenn., and New Orleans, at New Orleans, La. These institutions have done remarkable work in sending out colored physicians. Their standard is lower than the great Northern schools, but in most cases the work seems honestly done and the gradu- ates successful. Negroes have also graduated at the Harvard Medical School, the Medical School of the University of Pennsylvania, and other Northern insti- tutions. The rise of the negro physician has been sudden and significant. Ten years ago few negro families thought of employing a negro as a physician. To-day few employ any other kind. By pluck and desert black men have cleared here a large field of usefulness . Moreover , in this profession far more than in the minis try and in the law the professional standard has been kept high. The college-bred physician has had quacks and root doctors to contend with, but to no such extent did they hold and dominate the field as was the case in the churches and criminal courts. The resiilt is to-day that there is scarcely a sizable city in the United States where it is not possible to secure the services of a v/ell- trained negro physi- cian of skill and experience. The Freedmen's Hospital, of Washington, has made an extremely good record in the difficult operations performed, general efficiency, and training of nurses. Hospitals have grown up in various cities under colored medical men, notably in Chicago, Charleston, and Philadelphia. There are State medical associations in Oeoxgia, South Carolina, Tennessee, and several other The testimony of physicians themselves is usually hopeful. From the North a report from Newark, N. J., says: " I am and have been medical representative on our grand jury. Two-thirds of my practice is among whites. I run a drug store in connection mth my practice." THE COLLEGE-BRED NEGRO. ' 209^ From New York City: "At first I fotincT the whites very backward in dealing with me, but success in several emergency cases gave me some rejiutation. Now my practice is about equally divided among black and white." Another from New York City says his practice amounts to about $10,000 a year, and he actually collects about half of that. About a third of his patients are white. From Philadelphia one rei)orts a large practice, chiefly among blacks and in the colored hospital. One colored physician is connected with a large white hospitaL A lady physician from the same city reports " marked courtesy and respect on the part of all." From the "West a Chicago physician says: " I have been quite successful in the= short time I have been practicing. About one-half of my patients are white." • Another Chicago physician represented the State of Illinois at the Associatiort of Military Surgeons of the United States. From Minnesota one writes: " I am succeeding in the practice of medicine in a. city whose negro population is very small." From Denver it is reported that a negro was the first chief medical inspector of the Denver health office, and he was also State sanitary officer. He has a large practice. From the border States a Tennessee doctor reports: " I have succeeded in build- ing up a good practice here among my own people. No missionary ever had a- better field for useful labor. ' ' A man who ranked his class at the Harvard Medical School reports a practice- between $3,000 and $4,000 a year. " I am fully succassful as a practitioner and surgeon, and I belieA'e I enjoy the confidence of a large number of people." From Missouri a report says: " I meet with most of the best white physicians^ in consultation, and they treat me with coiu-tesy." From Kentucky a young physician reports: " I am located in a town of 12,000» inhabitants, one-third of whom are colored, and am thoroughly convinced that there is a great field here in the South for the educated young colored man. As a physician I am well received by my white professional brother. We ride in the same buggy, consult together, and read ejich other's books. I have a few white patients, but most of them are colored. I have purchased property on one of our best residence streets, and also a business house on the main street of our town."' A 'rejiort from Baltimore, Md., reads: "As a physician I find my practice a paying one." From the heart of the South come many interesting reports. A North Carolina, man says: " I have a fair practice for the length of time I have been at work.. My intercourse with the, white members of my profession is cordial along profes- sional lines. I seek no others." Another North Carolina physician " has treated more than 40,000 patients with:, reasonable success." He is now condiicting a sanitarium for consumptives. A colored man of Savannt h, Ga., has been one of the city physicians for niore than five years. '* I have treated no less than 25,000 patients, including several hundred whites." A Columbia, S. C, practitioner is often "called upon by white physicians to- consult with them in medical cases and assist in surgical cases in their practice^ I have an extensive and paying practice among my own people and a considerable practice among the poorer classes of the white people." Another North Carolina physician has been tisually invited to attend the white- State medical society meetings. On the other hand an Arkansas doctor says: " I have experienced some prejudice' among my white friends. We do not have much to do with each other as physicians." Still another Arkansas man reports that he ' * has had a half interest in some of the real major surgical ox)erations done in this city. I have a large field and ant often called to see patients at a distance of 20 and 30 mUes." In Macon, Miss., an unusually successful doctor says: "My practice here is' very large and among both colored and white. Before I settled here no one had heard of a ' colored doctor.' The history of my parents, who had always lived here,, helped to establish me. I have had white people come here from a distance and . board here to get my treatment. ' ' No thoughtful man can deny that the work of negro professional men as thus' indicated has been, and still is, of immense advantage in the social uplift of the- negro. There have of course been numerous failures, and there has been a tend- ency to oversupply the demand for ministers and lawyers. This is natural and isi ED 1902 14 210 ED.¥CATIO]S' BEPO.Il,T, 1901-19G2. not a racial peculiarity, nor indeed is it chargeable to tke Mglier edTication of tlie negro. It was the natural and inevitable rebonnd of a race of menials grEinted now for the first time some freedom of economic choice. In the ministry this natural attraction was made doubly strong by the social prominence- of the negro church, and by the undue ease with which theological students can get their tra,in- ing all over the land. ISTevertheless, granting all the evils arising from some over- crowding of the professions, the good accomplished by well-trained ministers, business-ldlse lawyers, and sMILed physicians, has far outbalanced it. OWNERSHIP OF PROPERTY. It is very difficult to collect reliable statistics of propei-ty which are not based on actual records. It was not ad_-\dsable, therefore, to ask those to Vv^hom reports^ were sent the amount of property they were worth, for v»dth the best of motives on the_ part of those answering the resulting figures "vvould be largely estimates and personal opinion. One kind of property, however, is least of all liable to be unknown to persons or to be exaggerated in honest reports, and that is real estate. Each college-bred negro, was asked,. tliei*ef ore, to state the assessed value of the real estate owned by him. The following table was the resiilt of 557 answers: Assessed valve of I'eal estate. Under SIOO... §100 to §300 S20O:toS3OO. §300 to §400 §400 to §500. ,..- §500to§7.50 - §750 to §1,000- §1,000 to §3, 000 §2.000 to §3,000 §3^000 to §4,000 §4,000 to §66,000 N timber. 15- 10 5 68 28 129 73 42- 18 Actual amount. §150. .50 410. m 2,035.00 4, 810. 00 1,625.01 31,400.00 23,375.00 163, 230. 00 1.5B, 400.00 239,887.00 83, 600. 00 §5,000 to §6,(»0 §b, 000 to §7,000 .S7,000 to §8,000. §8,000 to §10,.000- §10,000 to iS15,000 §15,000 to §20,000 .§20,000 to §25,(M) Own no real estate Number Total _. Average per individual.. Actual amount. §182,275.00 75, .540; 00 56,500.00 79; 37,5. GO 161, 030.00 71, .550. 00 21, 700. 00 1,342,862.50 •2,411.00 With regard to the 85 who are tabulated as owniing no real estate, it is not cer- tain that in all cases this is a fact, or that some of them may not have had prop- erty which they did not wish to report. There is no way of knowing, of course, how far these 557 persons are representative of the 2,331 negro gradtiates. All things considered, however,, this is probably an understatement of the i>roperty held; for while many of those not reporting held no property, yet most of those who did report represent the more recent graduates, who have just begun to accumulate,, while numbers of the other graduates with considerable property could not be reached. Some who are known to own property did not report it. It is therefore a conservative statement to say that college-bred negroes in the United States own on an average $3,400 worth of real estate, assessed value. If the assessed value is two- thirds of the real value in most ca,ses, this represents $3,600 worth of property, raarket value. To this must be added the worth of all personal property, so that the average accumulations of this class may average $5,000 each, or $10,000,000 for the group. Such figures are, of course, mere esti- mates, but in the light of the testimony they a,re XJlausible. THE FUTURE OF THE NEGRO. Among the most interesting of the answers received were those given to the questions: "Are you hopeful for the future of the negro in this country?" "Have you any suggestions?" Of 733 answers received, 641 were hopeful. 40 were doubt- ful, and 52 Avere not hopeful. Two hundred and seventy-six persons simply answered ' ' Hopeful. ' ' Others who were hopeful made the following- suggestions as to the best methods and ways of advance: One hundred and twenty-five, "College and industrial training;" 49, "Accumulate land and wealth;" 47, "Better trained leaders;" 34, ' ' More unity among ourselves ; " 28 , " The way seems dark ; " 17 . " A more friendly feeling between the races;" 11, "Parents and women hold the keys to success:" 10, "America is our home; stay here and work out the problem;" 8, " Better sex- ual morals;" 8, " Keep out of politics;" 7, "Eventually some must emigrate;" 6, THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGEO. 211 "Learn economy;'' 4. "The negro will never rule, Imt will gradually gain his rights:" 1. " Emigi-ation talk should be stopped." Of persons who said simply " Not hopeful " there were 49. Others who were not hopeful or doubtful said: Nine. " They must raigrate;" 6, " Fight for morals, industry, and higher education:" 5, " Little chance for the masses; Certain indi- vidiials will survive;" 4, "Do not accumulate means;" 3, "The industrial craze must be stoi:)ped;" 2, " Prejudice has gone to the North;" 2, " He must enter the commercial world;" 1, " Tendencies of the youth to crime." The different points of \ievr can best be appreciated by reading the following extracts: " I am hopeful of the negro. The changes in a rapidly developing country like onrs will afford many opportunities for the advancement of the negro; let him acquire the keenness of vision to see them and have the good sense to embrace them; let him seize every opportunity to put any community or the country at large under obligations to him for some manly ser-vice, regardless of how he is treated now. These obligations will be paid, if not in this, in the next genera- tion. Problems will do good. Every theory presented by his opponents can be shattered by facts, facts, facts. There is no way in the world to deprive him long of a vote. It is very dark for him now. I think ignorance is making it harder for him than it would otherwise he. Not simply a want of knowledge of letters, but a general deficiency in everything necessary for well-being." " Yes. but it is only in proportion as the negro is socially, commerciallj', and politically oppressed hy the white people. In other words, under existing circum- stances, I count oppression a blessing." " Sometimes I am hopeful, sometimes I am not. In this part of the country negroes do not seem to embrace opportunities. Too much talent is wasted in politics and in office holding." " I have always heretofore lived North and have not known the real condition of my people South. While I think I may say I am hoi>eful, yet as I see the condi- tions here I sometimes tliink that it is the progress rather than our lack of prog- ress that is causing the continued friction between the races." " While I am hopeful of the future of the negi-o in this country, I realize that he is now passing through the most crucial period of his existence here, if we except his condition in slavery. The sympathy of the North is being largely with- drawn from him and the South I believe to Ije growing more antagonistic to his progress and self-respect as a citizen. I would suggest a college education for the few exceptionally bright and industrial training for the majority of the negro youths. ■ ' " His future depends upon his own self-i'espect and thrift." " Despite hindrances, too many opportunities are opened and oi5eningfor us for it to be possible to despair. The work of sclioolhouses and churches, of such organizations as you represent, means a brighter day. The greatest need of our people, as I can see it, is parents. We need, need sadly, fathers and mothers who realize the full importance of the training of the children sent to them. Every home that has a cultivated, womanly mother and a manly, intelligent father is a source of strength and jiower. God grant that such homes may increase." ' ' This coimtry offers the negro the brightest f iiture of any in the world. He will and must succeed." "Present oppression, suppression, and misrepresentation must give place to a sentiment of fairness and fair play. We must expedite its coming by developing a ministry that will study and comprehend the moral needs of the race and teach accordingly. Parents must be awakened to a sense of their duty as parents — the trend of the youth toward the vices must be checked. I am not in sympathy with those who say that the negro should eschew politics to the extent of neglecting to exercise his fi-anchise." ''" The negro must know that he must rid himself of obnoxious characteristics, save money, acquire property, learn trades, and become moral. The leading men among us must have sense enough to denounce the rapist as well as the lynchers." ' ' Guard well the sanctity of the home. Make a home, beautify it, make it pure, protect it, defend it, die by it. If the youths of our race were sent out from pure, happy, well-regulated homes, half the battle would be fought to begin with." 212 EDFCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. " In spite of conditions, apparently inanspicions, I am snfficiently optimistic to be hopeful of the f titure of the American negro. I consider the ostracism — polit- ical, social, industrial, etc. — to vrhich he is subjected to be a training school out of which he will emerge a united race and, as a necessary concomitant, invincible. The key to the situation is the fostering of the spirit of race pride and the forma- tion of ideals necessary to be realized and possible of realization." ' ' I think the strong caste prejudice in certain sections will lessen as those sec- tions become less provincial and more cosmopolitan. " " I find that the negro's ignorance, superstition, vice, and poverty do not dis- turb and unnerve his enemies so much as his rapid strides upward and onward." " I would like to see a restricted ballot fairly applied; I believe the negro would be the greater gainer." "I suggest that one-tenth of his external religious energy t-e applied to the accumulation of homes and desirable lands." ' ' The future of the negro depends upon his making himself felt as a race. Not by force, but by intelligence and wealth. Also, I would add that our colored lawyers have much to do, for through them we are to get our legal rights." " When we look at the masses of our people and see on the one hand ignorance and on the other careless indifference, it is difl&cult to feel very hopeful for the future. We see so many of our young people who seem to have no thought of the future, no ideas beyond haviiig a good time in the present, who seena able to have no enthusiasm over anything higher than a ball or like entei'tainment. They can not be brought to take interest in any measure that will benefit us as a people." "Patience, character, time. I believe the negro will have to build up a gov- ernment of his own somewhere." " A good many of our young men and ladies, after they have gone to college, think that manual labor is not for them to do. When we get more real estate we can open stores and other places of business and employ the college-bred negro." " Money, money, money, is what he needs." " The negro should engage in business, have his own stores, dry goods, drugs, groceries, banks, his own professional men; and make naorality and education the basis of worth." " I would suggest that we accumulate more property, get homes, and that those who have homes invest their money in negro enterprises." "I am very hopeful. All of the older races have -risen and fallen; the white race is at its zenith and of necessitj^ will fall and the negro take its place." " I am indeed hopeful for our future, and not only in this country but here in the South. Daily I ride through thousands of acres of land owned by negroes in Mississippi. They are happy and prospering. Let us fear God, treat our white neighbor with courtesy, save money and educate our children, and the close of the twentieth century will find us a great and prosperous peoj)ie." "For the remote future I am hopeful; but a triumph v/hich is to come only ' after the silence of the centuries ' holds out little to those of the present age; and still there is some pleasure in planting trees for future generations." " I have never seen any good or sensible reason to despair of the future of our people in this country, though I must admit the outlook at times is anything but hopeful. I can not escape the conclusion that it would have been better for the race in the long run had a Territory or Territories been set apart for it. His progress would certainly have been more apparent. As it now is he is over- shadowed by the white race. The negro may eventually reach his best here and will doubtless, but it will be a long while yet." "I am hopeful for individual members of the race, but for the race as a whole I am not. I am in favor of expatriation." " I would suggest that our leading men do less talking on the negro question as such. Much talking means much concession, and much concession means less opportunity." ' ' More should turn their attention to business and fewer enter the professions of teaching or preaching. ' ' THE COLLEGE-BRED NEGEO. 213 "As a race, no; as individuals, yes. Class legislation, sncli as * Jim Crow cars,' disfranchisement, and other kindred evils, is slowly undermining the manhood of the race. The negro begins to think that he is in all respects inferior to all other people." "I believe that the wheels of progress never glide backward. How fast the advancement of the negro will be is left to his control. I believe in union of negroes — that they should stand together in all things, and that their inherent prejudice should be turned from each other and directed toward those who hate them." '' Suppress the so-called political leaders among us and send those who incite to deeds of violence to the Transvaal, and the period of right living and right thinfi:- ing which must come will be hastened. ' ' ' ' Those of us who are getting out of the wilderness and mire of ignorance and degradation must help those who will not or can not help themselves." " Why should I not be hopeful? The abandonment of the priesthood of a race has always been attended with disasters. Let the negro stick to his church in the service of God. Be honest, honorable, peaceable, make and save money, educate his children as highly as he can afford to, attend to his own business, and let white people settle their ovsm quarrels." ' ' I suggest that religious and educational work should be done on the missionary plan in the lanes and quarters where the lowest and most vicious negroes live. Negro churches are not practical enough in their work. Religion is too often mistaken for piety. Our educated young people are too high above the masses to help them. Let them personally help in the moral uplift of the criminal classes, and especially their children. Industrial training should be advocated for the masses, but higher education should not be discouraged v/hen the means and ability are sufiScient. " I believe that ultimately, just as the Pilgrim Fathers left England to escape persecution, so the negro will have to leave this country to escape color persecu- tion. It is also necessary for him to leave this country to gain racial independ- ence. As long as the negro is carried alx)ut in the lap of the superior race as an infant in 'swaddling clothes,' which he is, or as long as he permits any other people to assign to him a place he does not like, or which he has not carved out for himself, or which he is unable to maintain, so long will he continue to remain helpless and despised. There are plenty of countries in the Tropics where the thrifty negro may go, and where by patient and earnest toil he might lay the foundation of a government which would be free from color persecution and which would be attra-ctive to future generations of American negroes." '• I am hopeful, though it is dark just now and the woi;ld seems to be against us. God is just and will lead us through the cloud in His time. The people should be urged to buy land, get homes, educate their children, save their money, live honestly, and stick together — that is, love our race better than any other." ' ' The abiindance of ignorance and poverty among our people is the general hindrance." " I would suggest that we be honest with ourselves, not try to lay the blame upon some one else; stop whining and try by individual effort and accomplish- ment to prove our claim and right to American citizenship." " My suggestion is that he make good use of the opportunities at hand; develop that which is best in himself. Don't strive to be other jjeople, but make himself the equal, and if possible the superior, of other people." " When I look back to the jwint from which the negro started, the distance he has already come, and the achievements he has made through adverse circum- stances, all this is to me but dim prophecy of future possibilities, and therefore I can see no reason for despair, though the night be dark and the storm rage." "I have the most profound confidence in the future of the negro; but there is need, first, of a greater dissemination of knowledge among the masses; second, more attention given to real character building; third, facts creditable to the negro made known; fourth, falsehoods answered and publicly exposed; fifth, immoral and weakening habits rebuked, and Judases among negroes denounced. " 214 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. " If the white people were more disposed to reason on the race question from the negTo"s standpoint, and the colored people were also more disposed to reason on the question from the white man's standpoint, there would be good ground for being more hopeful." " I was hopeful until 1 went to Alabama." "If the fullest glow of warmth and glare of light possible to American life would be afforded him he would eome to the light and walk in the light, biat with a flaming sword at every gate he can not progress. Without a radical and early change in the general judgment and treatment of the negro the first half of the twentieth century will place him in a position more inextricable and more hopeless than Ms enslavement." ' ' I am. sorry to say that the future for the negro in this country looks very dark to me, and the more I come in contact with the masses of the people, especially our people, the more confirmed becomes my opinion." "Am much afraid of the bad influence of so-called leaders who lack the moral stamina, and often have large influence with the masses. They work on their prejudice, and appeal to their instincts. In place of noisy ' leagu.es,' 'conven- tions,' and showy resolutions and talk, only talk, more solid, honest, modest work among us would wonderfully help. Our leadership is often superficial in char- acter, sentimental, insincere. We are often discredited among better classes of other ra,ces because we fail to discriminate on lines of character." "In a manner, yes. He is a sluggish, lazy creature, however, and must be driven either by necessity or some other master, or he will not accomplish much. They need competent leadership, especially in the pulpit, from which point most of them may be reached. Too many of their ministers are mercenary politicians entirely lacking in character. ' ' "Very hopeful. The work lies mainly in the hands of teachers and ministers. They must insist upon neatness, cleanliness, good, orderly homes, refinement, quiet manners in all public places. Teach boys and girls to establish an ever- increasing bank account. Every family should have at least one good newspaper and family magazine." "No, there is no future here for the negro but peonage. A few of the quad- roons will lift themselves out of the slough of oppression and go to the English colonies. The mass will go lower and lower to the dead level of mere existence. Tlie reasons for this are the terrible combination of odds against the negro and his own qualities." "A few years ago I had great hope that the depressing conditions which existed then could not last long, but my hopes have about faded. The main reason for this is in the fact that prejudice against the colored man has spread from the South to the farthest point North. ' ' " I am discouraged when I note, particularly in the South, the tendency of our young men to immorality, vice, and crime. The saloon and the dice are playing terrible havoc with the ' flower ' of the race. I am more hopeful for the young- women, as shown by the numbers that a^re being trained in schools and colleges." ' ' The negro can not be a great race in this country. Let the race learn all the trades and professions, and thus be prepared for separation, for ser>aration mtist come some time." "I am hopeful. I would suggest that the negro leaders, preachers, teachers, editors, etc., assemble and have a conservative understanding as to how we shall best reach and improve the condition of that class of negroes who are guilty of the crimes which are the alleged cause of the confusion in this country. That class of negroes who are guilty of confusing this country with heinous crimes is a class that never attend church and school, nor do they read a paper." " I believe he can prosper here if hell get an education, be honest, and accumu- late property. I believe the future of the negro rests with the women. Every effort should be made by mothers and schools to raise their morals. I would advise young women not to take immoral men as their equals. Mothers should teach their daughters that it is better to be alone than in bad company. ' ' " Our future looks dark to me. I think colonization out West or in the West Indies our only hope." THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGEO. 215 " There is no hope for the negro in America unless pnt to himself. As long as he is found with the white people so long will he be their servant. This is clearly seen every day. The prejudice is too great. Emigration is the only solution. Let him get to himself." '■ The negro religion at the present time is a hissing and a reproach. Kipling says: ' When the negro gets religion he returns to the first instincts of his nature.' We are cartooned to the full extent of the law and many of these car- toons have m^^ch truth in them. Purify negro worship. Uncloud the negro's God and the church will be the true solvent of the difficulties of the race." " I have hope, because we have a Bible. In a heathen country in the midst of like conditions I should utterly despair. The American conscience wall some day I'espond to the Sermon on the Mount." " Tliis is the most favored spot on the globe for any man. I do not recognize any demands upon the negro different from those upon every other man of our conglomerate civilization and nationality. My suggestion is that we be ourselves to the very' fullest and highest." " To my mind the future of the negro in this country seems dark. Ten. fifteen, and twenty miles from the cities and towns in this State you will find the major- ity of our people practically slaves to the landlords. We need a true Moses to lead us away." " I do not think that the negro will ever reach the height of his ambition in this country. I think we should have a territory to ourselves; somewhat like the Indians have." '• I am not very hopeful of the negi'o as a race. The only suggestion I would make is that those of us who haA'e influence do something to stop this indus- trial craze. It is popular because many of the whites believe that the theory is to educate the negro to be a good servant. The average white man cares little for the negro as a man. If he is to be ediicated to take some inferior place the whole country applauds." " It is a hard question. I fear the negro is degenerating. Our boys and men are for the most part lazy around our cities and towns, and the outlook so far as they are concerned is gloomy." " I think that the physical vitality of the race has been and is still being lowered by immorality and the race stock i>ermanently weakened. " I am hopeful, but I fear I shall never live to see the better day which is assuredly coming. The present negro will have to suffer, sacrifice, work, and die for those who will come after us. I think we are too sycophantic. We do not agitate enough right here in the South, and we do not avail ourselves as we ought of the right of petition to redress our grievances." "I write from Oklahoma. This place offers to my mind the best opportunity negroes have had in tMs country. The civilization is being built up now and negroes have a chance to be in the formation." "I think the negro has a fiiture in this country, but they must rise as individ- uals and not as a mass. ' ' " I fear more from the negro's own misconduct toward himself than I do from the outrages of others. I am hopeful, however, of the negro's future." " The negro can succeed in this country. One of the jirincipal things against us is the boastful spirit in the negro. Let him throw away that spirit and take on one of kindness and obedience to law and order, puttirig forth every effort to accumulate money and to buy land and other of thfe earth's treasures, he will succeed beyond man's estimate." " The negro in this country must learn to be a unit, to stop social strife, and, above all, to forbid the ignorant to attempt to rule those of their own race who are educated and are competent to fill positions of tmst and honor on their merits and educational qualifications." " Let each negro forge ahead regardless of proscription. Success must come to the man who works regardless of obstacles." " I am hopeful, yet it will be necessary for us to open the eyes of our people to the fact that we are being supplanted by white men. White men are taking employment from us. What must be done? We must do something." 216 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. "His future is beclouded. He is drifting morally, and unless there be some speedy rescue his doom is sealed. The Bible asserts that: 'A man's greatest enemy is in his own house; ' so my candid belief is that the negro is the greatest enemy of the negro. Confidence must be implanted, that organizations may be per- fected for protection and successful enterprise." ' ' Can you offer a solution for the employm-ent of the great loafing classes? These are the ones who cause the enoiinous death rate in our cities. These are the ones who commit the crimes chargeable to the negTO race." " Not throtigh amalgamation nor deportation — often we console ourselves with such delusive hopes — but through much humiliation, many obstacles from within and without, much learning and labor, many tears and years to success." "I am, provided he will acquire real estate; own something that somebody wants; separate and go into different political parties; stop clamoring for places; go mate places and occupy them; economize along all lines." " Yes, if they can be encouraged to buy farms, and not seek the cities and towns unless they have a profession. Give the negro a farm and a plenty to eat and he will care but little for the ' Jim Crow ' car. Independence is the best way to keep from being oppressed." "If we could get the negro to see his own condition, and then be willing to strive with all his might to improve even the few opj)ortnnities he has, I am sure he would soon come to the front." ' ' I must be hopeful of a race that has made in one generation the progi^ess that we have, and that in competition with the most progressive people on earth." " I think through industry, constancy, and self-respect the future of our race will be made secure. I am not in sympathy with any colonization schemes." "The negro can never enjoy equal civil and equal political rights with the white man in this country except through centuries of wars and revolutions sim- ilar to those Rome, England, and France esperienoed in securing equal rights to their different classes of subjects." ' ' When we can get our women to see that the future success of the race depends on them; when they have a higher standard, when we have purer mothers, wives, and daughters, then we shall have better men; then will our race succeed." " I hardly know what to say here. If it were intelligence which was demanded of the negro I would be hopeful. But I fear it is not that; the prevailing belief among the masses of the white people is that the negro is made for all lowly work in life, and wherever the negro differs from this belief there is ground for trouble." "As to the future of my race I am an optimist. I believe that the salvation of the negro lies in the regenei-ated South." "I entertain hopes, but I am not enthusiastic over them." " I am hopeful, yet sometimes I doubt the wisdom of being so." " I think the future of the race in this country is indeed uncertain." "As a negro, ' no.' As an American citizen, growing important silently under persecution, individually catching the prosperity epidemic by contact until m-erit forces color in the background, ' yes.' " " The chief occupation of the young negroes of this town seems to be as waiters, caterers, and the like. Outside of these menial lines I see but little prospect of any notable success among them, though if increased ideas of soberness and thrift could be made theirs, they might be a more respected and powerful portion of this community." "I am sanguine. The negro must get in the van of every prof ession pursued by the Anglo-Saxon and stay there. Solid reason molded into general intelligence, sound morality, financial independence, and reverence for the Constitution and laws of our country is the basis upon which the race is destined to reach a pre- eminent place in American history. ' ' " I am hopeful, though I regard the present condition in the South as alarming. I have serious apprehensions on account of the friendship between the North and South as a result of the war, and I have some fear lest the industrial theory of THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGKO. 217 ediication may be exaggerated or inisconstrtied and the race be put in the light of aspiring to nothing more than to he snccessfxil ' hewers of wood and drawers of water. ' ' ' "If we are left to carve our own future, unhampered by negative laws and influences. I have hope in our own powers of development, but I fear the things that may discourage us. ' ' " The fittest will sur\ave; the public schools and the graveyard will ultimately bring things right. ' ' " I am; but the difficulties seem to increase with progress. I am in favor of industrial education, but not to take the place of higher education." " I am hopeful of the negro's future. Organized support should be given for the education of negroes of superior mental ability at the l>est imiversities in this coiintry. The best among us must be fully developed and the worst truly saved." . " I am hopeful of our future. But inequality of wages and expenses is greatly hindering our progress in almost every way. Far more of our troubles are to l^e attributed to this than one would suppose." ' ' History shows that the negro of America is treated better than the peasants of the past w«re treated, though they were of the same race as were their masters." " I have, and my hopes are based on the equality of the work that is being done in risk, Atlanta, Wilberforce, Central, Howard, Tnskegee, and like institiitions. Surely the catalogues of higher instruction are sufficient to inspire hope when one sees the vast amount of work accomplished by their army of graduates. I sug- gest that each negro principal of public school should be the representative of some standard negro publication; should endeavor to create an interest in race literature. Each teacher should take at least a half hour each week talking of representative colored men and women and what they have accomplished; shoiild teach race history in conjunction with United States history, from the battle of Lexington to the storming of San Juan Hill." " It will require an age to cement the negroes together. Intelligence, virtue, industry will join education and work; all lands of education, from kindergarten to the university, and all kinds of work, from the plow to the telescope. The young negTO must be put to work in order to save virtue, keep oixt of crime, and lay the foundation for a mighty race." '■ To the extent that he is willing to distill his life's blood into his chosen work, I am. ♦ Let him find out what he can do well, and do that thing with all his might. If in any case ' his legs fail him, let him learn to fight on his knees.' " " Yes, and no. Materially and financially, yes. For iis as a people who may hope to win an equal respect and consideration for our manhood from the dominant race, I am afraid the situation is hopeless." " The fault is not in our stars, dear brothers, but in ourselves." " We need be tier primary schools, more teaching force, and longer terms in the rural districts." "The Northern negro, as I see him, lacks earnestness of purpose, is too easily satisfied, lives too easy, does not appreciate the value of character, and too often does not know what it is. Lives too much in the present, thinks not of to-morrow. ' ' " We should never forget that the world belongs to him who \«dll take it." ' ' I am hopeful for the future of the negro to a certain extent. The masses in the rural districts must be looked after more than they are. Earnest, educated men and women must go among these people to live and work. ' ' * "I am sorry to say that the evidence of our hox)e is not as siibstantial as I would like it to be." "The hope of the masses of the negroes will be, in my opinion, in industrial education." "I regard the future of the negro in this country as assured. He will never encounter absolutely insurmountable barriers to his really essential progress. Men are ashamed to be quoted as opposing him in that direction. The wrongs done 218 EDUCATION EEPOST, 1901-1902. him in the name of resifsting his criminal tendency will operate only to spnr him to better things, and those who interpose to hinder him here will suffer permanent moral deterioration and decay." " While I favor industrial schools, there never was a time, m my opinion, when there was a greater need of college-bred negroes than there is to-day. There will never be too many, the road is too long and rough for too many ever to reach the end. Our race needs college-bred men just as badly as do the whites; in fact, we need them more." " It does seem to me notwithstanding the criticisms from without and the con- stant complaining within that the race is progressing." ' ' I would suggest that each put forth effort to have a greater number of college- bred men and women. We need them as leadera. Our race has and is furnishing plenty of muscle, but we need more brain." ' ' The responsibility of this age is upon the negro to edijcate the white man out of his prejudice. It is our condition rather than color that is our great drawback. When we want a special car, put up the money and we get it. If we owned rail- road stock we could help make the rules that govern the company. If we had the controlling amount of stock we could have our conductors. " " I am optimistic in spite of the lowering clouds. V/e have but recently burst from the storm and are not far enough away from it to become settled. I believe this to be the ' Sturm und Drang ' period of the negro's existence. I am aware of the strong arguments against such a position, but in the light of the teaching of history there must be, there is, a turning point down near the gates of despair; where once the opposing currents are mastered brighter and better conditions must arise. A better understanding, and the practical application of the laws of chas- tity, morality, Christianity; an ever increasing acquisition of wealth and practical intelligence; the adoption of principles of courageous manhood; the wholesale ban- ishment of buffoonery and instability; a closer study of those elements that have made the Anglo-Saxon great, and a strong pull, a long iduH, and a pull individually and collectively toward the acquisition of the same traits, seem to me to be a few of the essential things that may jpossibly level our barriers." "(a) In spite of the present disquieting conditions I am inclined to feel hopeful for the following reasons: " 1 . The difficulties that now confront the negro will serve to awaken his dormant energies, and in proportion as he applies himself to master these difficulties will he be developing his manhood. I notice that where the negro is most oppressed there he is most prosperous. For this reason I have always held that the salvation of the race is to be worked out in the South. , "2. I feel in what the negro has achieved since emancipation the promise of what he will achieve in the future. His power and resources have increased consider- ably in these thirty-five years. " 3. I perceive in the negro elements of character which are his saving virtues. He is ambitious, irrepressible, patient, and possessed of marvelous powers of endurance. He aspires to be something else than what he is, and will strive for it. If he is kept back he will still look at the object, bide his time, and seize the oppor- tunity when the chance invites. " 4. I believe that humanity, respect for law, and love of justice, which are such conspicuous qualities of the heart of the Anglo-Saxon — the dominant race of this country — -will some day reach otit and embrace the negro in America as it hajS his brother in Cuba and his cousin in the Philippine Islands. "5. I have strong faith in the irresistible power of the Christian religion to bring those under its inffuence to accept the doctrine of the brotherhood of man and to live ui3 to its obligations. "(f>) As the conditions of American life demand that the negro shall talre an active part in bringing about a change for the better in his situation, there are some things which should engage his most earnest endeavor. I venture to suggest those that now occur to me: "1. To try and make himself a necessity. Whatsoever his liands find to do he must do it so well that his services will be indispensable. And he should strive to be a producer as well as a consumer. In order to gain this position let him follow the example of his prosperous Anglo-Saxon brother, namely, of cultivating and applying the resources of his intellect. To this end an opportunity could be afforded by means of the university-extension system, adapted to the peculiar needs and circumstances of the race. The plan should provide for night schools, in which THE COLLEOE-BKED NEGRO. 219 professional men and women can, in their own communities, give ilieir service freelj^ or for a small remuneration. "2. The practice of thrift and frugality. " 3. The establishing of real unity and cooperation of the race. " 4. The making the best use of the opportunities which are at hand.'' IS THE COLLEGE TRAINING OF NEGROES NECESSARY':' A few opinions of prominent men in answer to this query are subjoined. They are partly in answer to a circular letter sent to a few college president*: I have never lived South, and my opinion on the question you ask is not very valuable. It is. in a word. this, that Mr, Warner's contention is right for most members of the race, but that the way should be kept as wide opeu as possible for gifted men like * * * , Booker Washington, and many others to have every opportunity that any of the Northei"n or other colleges can alf ord. I am, very truly, yours, G. Stanley Hall, President of Clark University. December 10, 1900. I believe not only in common-school and industrial education for the negroes of the South, but also in their higher education. The higher education is neces- sary to maintain the standards of the lower. Yours, truly, George E. MacLean, President of the State University of loiva. December 11, 1900. I believe fully in the higher education of every man and woman whose character and ability is siTch as to make such training possible. There are relatively fewer of such persons among the negroes than among the Anglo-Sasons,*but for all of these the higher training is just as necessary and just as effective as for anyone else. For the great body of the negroes the industrial and moral training already so well given in certain schools seems to me to offer the greatest hope for the future. Very ti-uly, yours, David S. Jordan, President of Leland Stanford Junior University, December 14, 1900. Your circular of December 8 comes duly to hand. In response I would say that in my judgment no race or color is entitled to monopolize the benefits of the higher education. If any race is entitled to be specially favored in this respect I shoiild say it is the one that has by the agency of others been longest deprived thereof. The above you are at liberty to present as my sentiments. Yours, cordially, Wm. F. Warren, President of Boston University, December 13, 1900. In reply to your request of December 5, 1 would say that it seems to me that the collegiate or higher education is not a special favor to be granted to men on the ground of race, family, or any such minor consideration. The only condition for the receiving of a college education should be the ability to appreciate and to use it. Human nature is substantially the same everywhere. It should be the glory of our country to afford to all her young men and women who crave the broadest culture and who have the spirit and ability to acquire it, the amplest opportunity for development. Loolring at it more specifically, I can see that the general uplift- ing of our negi'o iwpulation requires a proi)er percentage of college-bred negro leaders. Yours, sincerely, George C. Chase. President of Bates College. December 17, 1900. 220 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1901-1902. Yon ask for my opinion in regard to the desirableness of higher training for the negroes. Let me begin my statement by saying that I have the utmost faith in the management of the Atlanta University and several other institutions for the training of negroes in the South. I will, however, candidly say that in my judg- ment there are a gi-eat many of the negroes whom it is not worth while to guide through a course of university training. I think that is true also of the white race, but in the present condition it is peculiarly true with regard to colored people. My idea would be that all the training that the colored man is capable of thor- oughly mastering should be given him, but that in the higher departments of learning,' like political economy and history, the ancient classics and the natural sciences, only selected men should be given the fullest opportunities. I have the strongest confidence that such training as is given at Hampton and at Tnskegee, largely manual and industrial, is of the greatest importance for the negroes and is to be the means of fitting the race a generation or two hence to enter more fully into the more abstract and philosophical studies. I do not know that I have made myself perfectly clear, but in a general way I should say the raultiplication of universities of the higher sort is not desirable in comparison with the multiplica- tion of training schools for all the trades and manual activities. With best wishes, very sincerely, yours, Franklin Carter, President of Williams College. December 12, 1900. Teachers and leaders need more than a common school education. This is as true of negroes as of whites. Where shall they obtain a liberal education? With few exceptions, I think, it should be in the Southern colleges. The color line is so sharply drawn in North- ern colleges (unfortunately) that a negro is at great disadvantage, not in studies, but socially. * * * Very truly, yours, George Harris, President of Amlierst College. December 12, 1900. ^ I believe in the Southern negro college and the higher education of negroes. * * Very truly, yours, Joseph Swain, President University of hidiana. Decejiber 10, 1900. The problem is such a difficult one that I have been compelled largely to rely on the judgment of my friends. My opinions are chiefly taken from the experi- ence of Mr, William F. Baldwin, now president of the Long Island Railroad, and are therefore hardly such as I ought to put in a form for quotation. Sincerely, yours, Arthur T. Hadley President of Yale University. December 10, 1900. I am, like many others, greatly interested in the question of education of the negroes. There seems to me to be a place for the college properly so called which shall teach a certain number, who may be leaders of their race in the South, as preachers and advanced teachers. At the same time, I have much sympathy with Sir. Booker T. Washington's idea, that a large proportion of them should be edu- cated for industrial pursuits. Yours, truly, James B. Angell, President of the University of Michigan. December 10, 1900. How, then, are the teachers, the preachers, the physicians for the colored race of the South to be provided, unless the South has institutions of the higher educa- tion serving the negro, fitting him for these higher positions? We know very well that the negro, as he rises in the social scale, wiYL live in better houses and THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGEO. 221 follow better trades, and, in general, be industrially and financially elevated; and we should not for a moment criticise the work which is going on throughout the South in several institutions which Bo&ton interest and sympathy have furthered. But there is another essential thing — namely, that the teachers, preachers, phy- sicians, lawyers, engineers, and siiperior mechanics, the leadei"s of industry, throughout the negro communities of the South, should be trained in sui)erior institutions. If any expect that the negro teachers of the South can be adequately educated in primary schools, or grammar schools, or industrial schools pure and simple. I can only say in reply that that is more than we can do at the North with the white race. The only way to have good primary schools and grammar schools in Massachusetts is to have high and normal schools and colleges in which the higher teachei^s are trained. It must be so throughout the South; the negro race need absolutely these higher facilities of education. — Charles "W. Eliot, President of Harvard College (in a si)eech at Trinity Church, Boston, February 23,1896). The higher education is the last thing that the individual pupil reaches; it is what he looks toward as the end. But from the x>oint of view of the teachers, from the point of view of the educational system, the higher education is the very source and center and beginning of it aU; and if this is wanting the whole must collapse. Take away the higher education, and you can not maintain the level of the lower; it degenerates, it becomes corrupt, and you get nothing biit pretentiousness and superficiaUty as the residuum. In order to maintain the lower education which must be given to the South, you must have a few well- equipi)ed institutions of higher learning. — William D. Hyde, President of Bow- doin College (in a speech at Trinity Church, Boston, February 23, 1896). It seems fair to assume from these and other letters that the conservative public opinion of the best classes in America is that there is a distinct place for the negro college designed to give higher training to the more gifted members of the race; that leaders thus trained are a great necessity in any community and in any group. On the other hand, there is considerable difference of opinion proba- bly as to how large this ' ' talented tenth ' ' is — some speaking as though it were a negligible quantity, others as though it might be a very large and important body. The opinions of some other persons ought perhaps to be added to the above. First, there is the almost unbroken line of testimony of the heads of negro col- leges; this is, of course, interested testimony, and yet it is of some value as evidence. A man who left a chair in the University of Michigan to go South and teach negroes before the war ended wrote after twenty -five years" experience in college work: " By this experiment certainly one thing has been settled — the ability of a goodly number of those of the colored race to receive what is called a liberal education. A person who denies that shows a lack of intelligence on the subject. " But the possibility granted, the utility of this education is doubted both as to individual and race. First, then, as to the individual, aside from the mere mer- cantile advantage derived from education, does not the hunger of the negro mind for knowledge prove its right to know, its capacity show that it should be filled, its longing that it should be satisfied? And as to the race at large, does it not need within it men and women of education? How would it be with us of the white race if we had none such with us — no edxicated ministers, doctors, lawyers, teach- ers, professors, writers, thinkers? All the preaching to 8,000,000 of colored people in the United States is done by colored preachers, with the merest excei^tions here and there. Do these negroes not need preparation for their vastly responsible calling? "The entire work of instruction in the colored public schools of the South is done by colored teachers. These teachers can not be prepared in the white schools and colleges of the South. Where, then, shall they be prepared if not in special higher institutions of learning open to them? What is to become of the millions of colored people in the United States? Who are to be their leaders? Doubtless persons of their own race. Do they need less preparation for their calling than 222 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. do members of the wMte race for theii's? Is not their task even more difficnlt? Have they not questions of greater intricacy to solve? Did not Moses when lead- ing ex-slaves out of Egj^pt need special wisdom? Are not the colored xieople of to-day ' perishing for lact of knowledge? ' ' "But the objector wiU say, Why have these long courses; these colleges for colored people? Would not shorter courses be as well, or even better? The fol- lowing is my belief on this point, after twenty-five years of thought and experience: If the negro is equal to the white man in heredity and environment, he needs an equal chance in education; if he is superior, he can get on with less; if he is infe- rior, he needs more. The education require^l is not simply that of books, but of life in Christain homes, sttch as are supplied in nearly all our missionary schools for that people, and of religion through the Christain church and its influences." The president of another negro college said in 1896: " To imagine that the negro can safely do without any of the institutions or instriimentalities which were essential to our own advancement is to assume that the negro is superior to the white man in mental capacity. To deprive him of any of these advantages, which he is capable of using, would be to defraud ourselves, as a nation and a Christian church, of all the added power which his developed manhood should bring to us. It does not seem to be necessary in this audience to discuss the proposition that intelligence is power, and that the only road to intel- ligence is through mental discipline conducted u^nder moral influences. " What have we been doing for our brother in black to help him in his life struggle? The work began somewhat as in the days of our fathers. The John Harvards and the Elihu Yalesof Pilgrim history found their counterparts in Gen- eral Fish, Dr. Phillips, Seymour Straight, and Holbrook Chamberlain, who founded colleges even before it was possible for many to enter upon the college course, but vsdth a vn.se forecast for the need that would eventually come and is now actually upon us." These two extracts sufficiently represent the almost unanimous opinion of the presidents and teachers in negro colleges that this training is a success and a necessity. Further testimony is at hand from the answers which college-bred negroes made to questions as to their present estimate of the value of their training. This tes- timony is, of course, ai^t to be distinctly one-sided — -only a few peculiarly open natures being likely to acknowledge a failure in their own. training. Nevertheless the answers received were so frank and varied that they shoiild be studied: HAS YOUR COLLEGE TRAIMI>rG BENEFITED YOU? Yes 412 It was a great benefit . 34 The largest possible benefit 6 It was certainly a benefit . 23 My college training has fitted me for life - - _ 17 A wonderful help 21 It has been of incalculable value 7 Immeasurable 18 It has been of infinite value 8 It was indispensable 20 The college made me 9 I owe my success to it 6 Too difiicult to answer 1 ISTo other would have been serviceable . 11 Could not pursue my present course without it 4 Indtistrial and college training together benefit me greatly 1 To do g'reat service for my race 4 Useful even to a laborer 1 Have no reason to regret .__ 5 It has been the best investment 3 ll^othing above it but virtue 1 Wish I laad time for more 6 Gave me a foundation 3 No otiier could take its place 1 It has enabled me to educate 500 persons 1 It has been invaluable to me 2 Great service in rearing my children 1 It has not, in my line of v/ork 1 THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGRO. 223 AVOULD SOME OTHER TRAINING HAVE BEEN OF MORE SERVICE? I think not 172 Doubtful 11 Not sure 7 Some system to keep in mind professional intentions 1 An agricultural course might have been of more benefit 1 Good business course would have been better 2 Industrial training helps 1 Judging from present conditions, no 1 A scientific course 1 Tliere is no substitute 1 No other could be of so general service . 3 Could tell if I had used my energies in another direction . 1 A practical coiirse in the English Bible and in music training 1 A course in music 1 Would not exchange for another kind. It is an eminence from which all other fields can bo surveyed 1 No other kind could have 7 Would not exchange 2 A commercial in addition 3 Not as far as I can observe 1 Some other in addition would have been helpful 4 No other would have suited my case 1 Financially, some other might 9 A more complete training wotild be beneficial 1 Maniial training would have been more beneficial 1 A complete mastery of one trade would be of great help in addition 8 Would have to try some other to be sure 3 Architectural drawing would have helped me . 1 No other in my profession 2 Tried another. Tjut found college most beneficial « 1 A practical training would have been quite beneficial - 1 Primary work more beneficial in my work 1 A course in se%ving ■. 1 A carpenter's and a printer's trade in addition 1 Can not sav -. 18 Yes : 2 From a careful consideration of the f'lcts and of stich testimony as has been given the following propositions seem clear: 1. The great mass of the negroes need common school and manual training. 2. There is a large and growing demand for industrial and technical training and trade schools. 3. There is a distinct demand for the higher training of persons selected for talent and character to be leaders of thought and missionaries of culture among the masses. 4. To supply this demand for a higher training there ought to l>e maintained several negro colleges in the South. 5. The aim of these colleges should be to supply thoroughly trained teachers, IDreachers, professional men, and captains of industry. The central truth which this study teaches to the candid mind is the success of higher education under the limitations and difi&culties of the past. To be sure that training can be criticised justly on many points: Its curriculiim was not the best: many persons of slight ability were urged to study algebra before they had mastered arithruetic, or Grerman before they knew English; quantity rather than quality was in some cases sought in the graduates, and nbove all, there was a tendency to urge men into the professions, particularly the ministry, and to over- look business and the mechanical trades. All these charges brought against the higher training of the negroes in the past have much of truth in them. The de- fects, however, lay in the application of the princij)le, not in the principle; in poor teaching and studying rather than in lack of need for college-trained men. Courses need to be changed and improved, teachers need to be better equipped, students need more careful sifting. With such reform there cm^ be no reasonable doubt of the continued and growing need for a training of negro youth, the chief aim of which is culture rather than bread- winning. Nor does this plain demand have anything in it of opposition or antagonism to industi-ial training — to those schools 224 ■ EDTJCATIOlSr EEPOET, 1901-1902. which aim directly at teaching the negro to work with his own hands. Quite the contrary is the case, and it is indeed tinfortanate that the often intemperate and exaggerated utterances of some advocates of negro education have led the public mind to conceive of the two kinds of education as opposed to each other. They are rather supplementary and mutually helpfiil in the great end of solving the negro problem. We need thrift and skill among the masses; we need thought and culture among the leaders. As the editor has had occasion to say before: " In a scheme such as I have outlined, providing the rudiments of an education for all, industrial training for the many, and a college course for the talented few, I fail to see anything contradictory or antagonistic. I yield to no one in advocacy of the recently popularized notion of negro industrial training, nor in admiration for the earnest men who emphasize it. At the same time I insist that its widest realization will but increase the demand for college-bred men — for thinkers to guide the workers. Indeed, all who are working for the uplifting of the American negro have little need of disagreement if they but remember this fundamental and unchangeable truth: The object of all true education is not to make men car- penters — it is to make carpenters men." HIGHER EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO— ITS PRACTICAL VALUE. By President Horace Bumstead, D. D., Atlanta University, Georgia . All education is practical which can be turned to use and made productive of some desired end. In the education of the American negro there are certain ends which all good people agree in desiring. The appalling illiteracy of the masses must be reduced. The criminal tendencies of the lower classes must be checked. The productive capacity of the wage-earners must be increased. The domestic life of the race must be improved. Their citizenship must be safeguarded and ennobled. The development of personal character must be stimulated — this last the most important of all. MANY CLASSES OP NEGROES. It is idle to suppose that all these desired ends can be secured by any single form of education without the cooperation of other forms. No man can wisely shout "Eureka," and proclaim the race problem solved by any one method of training. The problem is too manifold, too complex, too intrioate to admit of solution by a single panacea. Moreover, the American negro is in condition to receive in due proportion a much greater variety of education than many people have supposed. We have too long made the mistake of regarding the race as one homogeneous mass instead of recognizing the diversity of its different classes. The 4,000,000 set free by the civil war have grown, probably, to 9,000,000, or nearly as many as the entire population of the United States in 1820. So large a population as this, mostly born in freedom and growing up for thirty-five years in contact with American civilization, could not fail in that length of time to differentiate itself into classes of varjdng character and ability, illustrating many different grades of progress. No careful observer can deny that this differentiation has taken place. The more hopeful classes may still be smaU relatively to the whole mass of the negroes, but they are too large absolutely, and they are potentially too important a factor in the solution of the great problem, to be safely ignored. With full recognition, then, oi' the varied forms of educational effort needed and with no desire to disparage any of them, let me come to my task of presenting the practical value of the higher education. And I will ask you to measure this value as related, first, to the individual negro himself, and second, to the social group or mass of negroes of whom the iBdividual forms a part. THE COLLEGE-BKED NEGEO. 225- For the individual negro who so far rises above the common mass of his race as to be fitt.ed to receive it, I believe that the higher edtication has a preeminently practical value. If the term "higher education'" needs definition, let me say that I have in mind such education as an average white boy gets when he "goes to college." I mean a curriculum in which the humanities are prominent and in which inter- course with books and personal contact with highly educated teachers constitute the chief sources of power. Let us, "furthermore, understand such a curriculum to be handled not in any dry-as-dust spirit, but with the most modern methods of teaching and with the most direct and practical application to the needs of modern: life as they will be encountered by the students pursuing it. INDIVIDUAL OPPORTUNITY. There is a practical advantage in the mere offering of such an educational opportunity to the individual negro of exceptional ability. So long as it is denied he will ask, " On what ground do you set a limit to my educational progress?" If we answer ' ' Because the masses of your race are not fitted to take a college course," he can reply, "That is a principle of exclusion which you do not apply to your own race, and why should you apply it to mine?" If we say, " Because, we doubt your individual ability to take it," he may answer, " That is a matter which only a fair trial can determine, and I ask the privilege of testing my ability as an individual." How can you justly refuse such a plea as this? If the claim- ant really has exceptional ability he ought to have the exceptional opportunity. If he does not possess such ability it is still worth something to set l)efore him the open door of the higher education, for then, if he does not enter it, the responsi- bility is entirely his own. In education there is no principle more just or wise than this: To every negro youth, as to every white youth, an educational oppor- tunity commensurate with his ability as an individual. Let us not forget in this connection to how large an extent it is in the province of all colleges to discover talent. For many boys and girls the studies of the grammar and even of the high school are insufficient to reveal their most marked aptitudes and point out the most promising path of usefulness. It is only as they are confronted with a college curriculum that this revelation is made in the case of very many. It is sometimes said that any bright negroes in the South who want a college education can come to Northern colleges and get it. This may be true as regards the very brightest who can feel the attraction of an educational opportunity a thoiTsand miles away and obtainable there only at high cost. But for a much larger number, only the inexpensive college of the vicinage, within easy reach of home, can either discover talent, or train it when discovered. TEACHING TO THINK. A very practical service which a college education renders to the individual negro is to teach him to think. The power of rational thought is one which the past history of the race has not tended to cultivate. Neither savagery in Africa nor slavery in America were favorable to it. As a slave the negro was trained not to think. The thinking negro was a dangerous negro. The master and the overseer did his thinking for him, regulating his movements and planning his work, and the more the negro surrendered his self -direction and became a facile machine in their hands, the better slave he was. This is an unavoidable feature in every system of human slavery. But the moment freedom begins and the responsibility for one's life and work is transferred from an outside authority to the individual himself, the jMDwer of ED 1902 15 226 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. rational and consecutive thinking bscomes an absolute necessity. It is the lack of this power which constitutes one of the chief elements of weakness in the negro of to-day. The studies of the usual college curriculum are especially fitted to develop it. Slavery did much to make the negro a worker, and since slavery ended we have all been very properly concerned to make him more and more a skilled worker. But we have been far too little concerned to make him a careful thinker. Incidentally to this, a very practical advantage which comes to the individual negro through a college education is the discovery of how large a part of the world's work is performed by the world's thinkers. The delusion that work of the hands is the only work worthy of the name can not remain long m the mmd of a college student. In the study of history, and science, and language, and philosophy, and mathematics, he discovers again and again how the chief workers in those fields have been foremost among the promoters of the world's progress, ever cooperating vnth and stimulating the work of the hand workers and often exceeding them in the severity of their toil. It is not too early for the negro to learn that some of the opportunity and responsibility for the brain work of the world belongs to him, and that in proportion as he is able to embrace it and use it well will his race achieve a symmetrical development of its powers, more nearly approaching that of other races, and so gain more and more the respect of their fellow-men. NEED OF INCENTIVE. But the individual negro needs not only opportunity and training for working with both hand and brain, he also needs incentive for working, and the highest kinds of incentive. If anytliing, he needs incentive more than he needs oppor- tunity. There are numerous opportunities open to many a negro which he fails to utilize simply from lack of incentive. He is too easily content with his low estate, and has too little ambition to improve it. There is probably not a negro in the South who does not have the means, the skill, and the time, which consti- tute opportunity, for making his condition less wretched than it is, if he wanted to. But the trouble is he does not want to, and never will want to until sufficient incentives are set before him. It is a good thing to present the incentives of material comfort and financial prosperity — to tell the negro he can have a bet- ter house and a more productive farm and an account at the bank, if he will only bestir himself; these are all worthy incentives for effort, but they do not go far enough. It is as true of the negro as of any other human being, that the life is more than meat and the body than raiment, and that a man's life consisteth not in the abundance of the things he possesseth. Does it not behoove us, then, to awaken within the negro's soul the desire for a better life for himself and family in that better home, whenever he shall get it, and to stimulate a craving for higher pleasures than those of the body, to the gratification of which he may utilize his abundant harvest and his grovnng bank account? Many a negro already has more of this world's goods than he knows how to use wisely, either for himself or for others. Making a livelihood is important, but realizing a wholesome life is more important. The "plain living and high thinking " of owx homespun ancestors in ISTew England and Virginia is a worthy object of aspira- tion to set before the American negro of to-day. From the colleges and universi- ties it came to our ancestors, and from colleges and universities it must come to the negro. And as it comes, his incentive to work, wdth both hand and brain, for both the material and the spiritual progress of America, v/ill be increased. But it is time to turn to the second part of our subject. THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGBO. _ 227 THE EXCEPTIONAL NEGRO AND THE MASSES. In a recent address President Tucker, of Dartmouth College, used these words: "I believe, with a gi-oAving conviction, that the salvation of the negro of this country lies with the exceptional men of that race."' These words of President Tucker concisely express the tiiith which explains the practical value of the higher education to the negro as a social gi'oup or mass of which the individual foiTUs a part. In showing how college ti-aining is of practical advantage to the indi^ndual negro, in enabling him to discover and train Ms highest powers, and in furnishing the most potent incentives for their use, we have by no means stated the strongest reason for such education. A much stronger reason is to be found in the relation which the college-bred negro holds to the masses among whom he dwells and works. The ruasses may not be able to go to college, but they may send their representative to college, and when he comes home they may be wise by proxy. This does not mean that they are all going to learn Latin and Greek from their representative or make him a little demigod of culture for their wor- ship. But it does mean this: That in every community of negroes it ought to be possible for the common people, occasionally at least, to look tiito the face of a college-bred man or woman of their own race and catch something of inspiration from his high attainment. Currents of culture and progress are ever being set in motion among the masses of mankind by this sort "of educational induction, even where no direct efforts are put forth to that end. But the opportunity for the direct and positive acti^sdty of the college-bred negro in promoting the elevation of his own people is of the most varied and striking character. NEGRO PUBLIC SCHOOLS. Consider the matter of popular education in the public schools. The South has separate schools for the 'two races, and custom requires that the teachers of these schools shall be of the same race as the pupils attending them. The 30,000 negro public schools, on which the Southern States are spending six and a half milli(m dollars annually and have spent over a hundred millions since 1870, are greatly weakened and the vast sum of money spent on them wasted because of the inefS- eiency of the negro teachers. To stem this great tide of waste and to provide teachers of the desired efficiency there is no influence more potent than that of the negro colleges in the South. The graduates of these colleges not only teach in these schools, usually filling the most prominent positions in them as principals or otherwise, but they are also teachers of teachers, a single individuiil often mmibeiing the teachers whom he has trained for other i)ublic schools by the scores and hundreds, and the pujnls thus reached at second hand by the thou- sands. One graduate of Atlanta University has trained 200 teachers, who in turn are instructing 10,000 children. These college graduates are also prominent in organizing and maintaining State associations of negro teachers, and in C(3nducting, under the direction of State supeinntendents of educa.tion. the summer teachers' institutes which are fostered by appropriations from the Peabody fund. In one case a negro graduate lias served for eleven years as a member of the city board of -education by appoint- ment of the mayor and aldermen in a large Southern city. RELIGIOUS AVORK. The religious work of the i-ace presents another most important field of activity for the college-bred negro. While slavery lasted the negroes in many localities shared the religious privileges of their masters, and listened to the sermons of educated preachers. With the advent of freedom, and the inevitable sei3aration 228 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. of the races in so many of the relations of life, the negroes very naturally organ- ized churches of their own, to the ptilpits of which they called men of their own race, in most cases with little or no preparation for their work. Though some advantage was gained in the assumption by the negroes of the responsible man- agement of their own church organizations, there was an undoubted loss for the time being in the character of their religious and mor^l training, and it is not unreasonable to suppose that to this, among other causes, may be attributed the criminal tendencies of the race in their new life of freedom. While the character of the negro ministry is gradually improving through the accession of better educated men to their ranks, the supjily of such men is far inadequate to the need. OTHER PROFESSIONS. As physicians, too, college-bred negroes find an import.ant field of usefulness. Aside from the ordinary round of their medical practice, they are needed to foster the work of hospitals and training schools for nurses among their people. They can also do much in instructing their people in matters of hygiene, in improving the sanitary condition of their homes, and in the proper care of young children; thus helping to reduce the excessive d^ath rate of the negroes. In much of this work they can accomplish.far more than white physicians working among their race could do. The opportunity for the college-bred negro in the legal profession is not so large, nor the call so urgent as in the occupations already considered. But in propor- tion to their numbers the few college-bred negroes who have bec-ome lawyers are having as successful and useful careers as the members of other professions. Some editors, too, must be supplied by the negro colleges, and these, in cooper- ation with the lawyers and ministers, Vv'ill be more and more needed as the race progresses to foster a wholesome public opinion among the negroes, to elevate the character of tlieii" citizenship and harmonize their relations with the white race. SELF-REOENERATION OF THE RACE. Another field of activity which loudly calls for the attention of all college-bred negroes, whatever their specific occupation m.ay be, is the matter of organized efforts for their own social uplift. In ev^ry considerable community the negro teachers, ministers, doctors, lawyers, editors, and others occupying prominent positions have it in their power, by united action, to promote, efforts for reform in such matters as temperance, purity, the improvement of home life, the train- ing of children, the provision of wholesome amusements, the organizing of read- ing clubs, debating societies, and lecture courses, and in general so ministering to the higher life of their people as to help them to stem the tide of animalism and materialism that is ever threatening to sweep them away. Considerable of this work has already been undertaken with fair success, generally under the auspices of the negro churches, secret societies, and other beneficial orders. But the organ- izing power of the negroes is still in a somewhat crude stage, and gi-eatly needs the enlightening and directing influence which the college-bred negroes can fur- nish, and are already furnishing to an encouraging extent. And herein appears another very i^ractical advantage of the higher education of the negro, in that it is helping him to do for himself that which many have supposed only the white man could do for him. We have too long failed to recognize the tremendous power for the self-regeneration of the race to be found in the race's highest class, and in the aspiring members of its middle class. The discovery and equipment of this power is one of the very practical services rendered by the colleges for negroes. THE COLLEGE-BEED NEGRO. 229 ■ AX APPEAL TO FACTS. A striking confirmation of the positions taken in this paper is to be found in the results of a careful investigation into the careers of college-bred negroes under the direction of Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, as brought out at the Fifth Annual Conference on Negro Problems, recently held at Atlanta University. « Since 1826, 2,414 negroes have been graduated fi-om college; most of them since 1870, and for the last six years to an average number of about 130 a year. With few exceptions these negro college graduater cent of those graduated in the North go South and labor where the masses of their people live. To the question: "Do you vote?" 508 answered " Yes," and 213 "No." To the question: "Is your vote counted?" 7 said " No," 61 were in doubt, and 455 answered " Yes." To the question: " Are you hopeful for the future of the negro in this country?" 40 were in doubt, 53 said "No," and 041 answered that they were hopeful. May we not safely conclude that the negro college graduate as an individual is a good breadwinner, thrifty property holder, and conservative citizen, and that as the exceptional man of his race who has enjoyed exceptional opportunity, he is devoting himself in a very remarkable degree to the forms of service most adapted to the uplift of the masses in intelligence, morality, and good citizenship? What can be more practical than an education that secures such results as these? I plead for a larger faith in the exceptional negro — a larger faith in his capacity as an individual, and a larger faith in his power as a regenerator of the masses of his race, on whom we should seek more and more to shift the ' ' white man's cSos the preceding pages (191-234). CHAPTER V. THE WORK OF CERTAIN NORTHERN CHURCHES IN THE EDUCATION OF THE FREEDMEN, 18G1-1900. By A. I>. Mayo, LL.D. Contents. — The American Missionary Association. — The Freedmen's Aid Society of the Metho- dist Episcopal Church. — The Presbyterian Church (North) in connection with the schooling of the freedmen. — The Protestant Episcopal Church in the education of the colored race. The Society of Friends in the education of the colored people of the South. — The Baptist Church of the Northern States in the education of the colored race in the South. THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY ASSOCIATION. The first and still the most notable of the several great missionary associations for the training of the negro race in the Southern States, through schools of every grade and the ordinary methods of mission work employed by the Evangelical Protestant churches in the Northern United States, was the American Missionary Association. It was incorporated January 30, 1849, with a constitution containing ten ai'ticles. Article I announces its purpose "to conduct Christian missions and educational operations, and diffuse a knowledge of the holy Sci-iptures in our own and other countries which are destitute of them, or which present open and urgent fields of effort. ' ' Its active and voting membership was limited to persons of "Evangelical religious opinions, who profess faith in the Lord Jesus Christ, * * * not slaveholders or in the practice of other immoralities." An addi- tional fee of $30 constituted a life member; although " children and others who have not professed the faith may be constituted life members, without the privi- lege of voting." In a footnote, the term "Evangeli(^l faith"' is explained as in accordance with the Puritan creed. In Article VIII the antislavery clause of the organization is emphasized by the declaration that all its operations shall tend "particularly to discountenance slavery, by refusing to receive the fruits of unre- quited labor, or to welcome to its fellowship those who hold their fellow beings as slaves." As at first organized, during the twelve years jirevious to the opening of the civil war, the operations of the American Missionary Association do not especially concern the object of this essay, since there could evidently have been no field through all the fifteen slave States for the operation of an association that even refused to accept the money or the personal cooperation of slaveholders. Up to 1861 it was a general missionary association of the strict antislavery type, including all persons of the different evangelical denominations desirous of using a society freed from cooperation with one specified class. But the breaking out of the civil war and the drifting of large numbers of negroes from the plantations of Virginia to the army of Gen. B. F. Butler, with headquarters at Hampton, for the first time opened a wide door for missionary activity, which during the past forty-one years has never been closed. It has been stated in a paper which appeared in the pre- ceding Report of this ofBce that the first school for the " contrabands " was opened 285 286 EDUCATION KEPORT, 1901-1902. by a woman, Mrs. Mary Peake, at Hampton, under tlie guns of Fortress Monroe. At the close of a three-years' service as agent of the Freedmen's Burean in ten counties of east Virginia, Gen. S. C. Armstrong found a school of 1,500 colored pupils housed in the old hospital barracks and in the Butler School in that vicinity. Duiing the fourteen years after this first appearance in the schools for the col- ored race the work of the American Missionary Association grew apace. Between 1866 and 1870 it received $243,753.22. The Freedmen's Biireau, on its retirement from educational work, passed over a large sum of money to it, which was expended "in the erection of the first buUdings of the schools at Hampton, Va,, Nashville, Tenn., Charleston, S. C, New Orleans, La., and othex places. It is estimated that the people of Great Britain contributed not less than $1,000,000 in money and clothing for the colored people during these years. During this loeriod thb foundations of several of the association's most important schools were laid. Its first report after the close of the war appeared in 1869-70. At an important convention held at Chattanooga, Tenn., November 31-26, 1869, reports were received from the churches established by the American Missionary Association (all open to a mixed membership of white and colored) and represent- atives from the schools already established appeared. At this initial period the new public-school system of the South, though recognized in the revised constitu- tions of all the reconstructed States, was not in a condition to supply the wants of any class. Indeed the aspirations, especially among the lower orders of the white people, and the discontent among the better sort with the policy of reconstruction, largely under negro rule for four years, found constant vent in opposition to the teachers and directors of the schools. If the negroes were to be educated at all, it seemed necessary that the work should go on under the direction of the same agency that since 1862 had been so active among great numbers of the colored ■ masses. But from 1870 to 1876 the association failed to receive the assistance of the National Government, either by supplies or by personal protection from the remnant of the Army of the United States gathered at military posts through these States. The well disposed among the white people and the new State gov- ernments were greatly shorn of their power or influence to prevent a reign of disorder. It was a mercy, under such conditions, that educational work should be in con- nection with a missionary enterprise, and really under one direction. And, although the people and clergy of most of the great Northern religious bodies had long since outgrown the church parochial system of schooling the masses at. home, yet under the patronage of the educational missionary societies for the colored people a system of parochial schools for the negroes was placed upon the ground that is not yet abandoned. The American Missionary Association, now practically one of the great missions of the evangelical Congregational Chui-ch (the denomination under which the common school originated and was, developed during the entire colonial period in New England) , had never used this parochial church system of schooling to any great degree, and retired from it earlier than any other. It can not but be regarded as a misfortune that this system should have been so early associated with popular education in the minds of the better class of the Southern negroes that it has been very difficult to eradicate it, and at present, in many ways, it acts as a serious obstacle to the improvement and proper working of the common school of the American type in every State of the South. But good things can not always be done, in the beginning, in the most approved fashion. The American Missionary Association took up the work among the negroes as it came to hand. It found the churches far more disposed to contribute funds, and teachers were more willing to go forth to a life of toil and sometimes of pern, uniformly of social and religious neglect by the Southern people of their THE KOETHERN CHUBCHES AND THE FREEDMEN. 287 own color, in connection -nnth an organization supplied and backed as was tliis association. In the reports of the American Missionary Association at this time we come across much information concerning the more important schools which, iTnder different names, "nniversities," "colleges," "institutes," etc., have given their full influence and wrought with great success in the uplifting of the chil- dren and youth of the negro race. It is impossible in this essay to give more than a glance at the different insti- tutions or localities through which this great association for the past forty -one years has wrought for God and humanity and the general welfare of the Republic. A few brief notices will give the trend of its work, and the voluminous piiblica- tions of the association will supply the interesting details. In October, 1869, Avery Institute, at Charleston, S. C, was opened with 335 pupils, "mainly of the better class of colored people in the city." Besides this, there was in Charleston a school for colored pupils, established by the family and friends of Col. Robert Q. Shaw, who lost his life at the head of his col- ored regiment in the onset on Fort "Wagner; another school under Northern Presbyterian protection, and one sustained by the Episcopalians. The city of Charleston had already moved in the establishment of a free public school for the sam e class , of 900 pupils. In connection with the Avery Institute general missionary work was carried on among the negroes. All these agencies were also concerned with charitable work, and distributed large amovints of clothing and supplies and rendered assistance of various kinds, of which no estimate has been attempted in computing the pecuniary cost of the work during the past forty-one years. During the period of reconstruction a large school for colored youth was opened in Charleston by Mr. L. Cardozo, a free man of color and a graduate of the Uni- versity of Glasgow, Scotland, where the Latin and Greek languages and other branches of secondary and higher education were taught. Cardozo and his brother became noted political officials in the reconstruction government of the State. This school contained 1.000 pupils and 20 teachers. The teachers of the American Missionary Association schools were gathered from the great body of churches to this attractive field, or had been employed in similar work during the war, or were known as friends of negro education. Atlanta University, at Atlanta, Ga., was also getting ujpon its foundations. President E. A. Ware, of Connecticut, one of the most admirable of all the men connected with this early work, commenced in April, 1870, and presided over the building operations — a dozen of the colored boys armed with shovels digging for the foundations. President Ware read the proclamation of President U. S. Grant on the ratification of the fifteenth amendment, and made a few very stirring remarks. This proceeding is thus noticed for its historical value and because it is a fair representation of the spirit of these schools at the advent of the new order of affairs, to which Atlanta University has already been a large contributor. In Louisiana, as already shown in the paper before referred to, the common school system, established by Gen. N. P. Banks in 1864, had gone the way of all positive attempts to anticipate the coming of the new education. Before the close of the war the American Missionary Association had sent to this State a band of 2G missionaries and teachers. The public schools opened by the arrange- ment of Genei*al Banks were under the superintendency of Maj. Rush Plumley, of Philadelphia. After the failure of this movement there had been no public schools in the State, outside of New Orleans, until 1869. The school law enacted that year v/as almost impotent, from lack of funds and organization and the want of local interest, and in 1870 it was estimated that at least 85,000 colored children in the State were mthout any educational jirivileges whatever. The American Missionary Association, in company vrith the Northern Methodist and Baptist missionary bodies, came to this inviting field, sustaining more schools in 288 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1901-1902. the rural cTistricts than all other agencies combined, aided by the Freedmen's Bureau as long as it was in operation. In 1870 it supported 50 teachers with 3,000 children in as many as 30 schools. Children were accustomed to walk 12 nailes a day to attend these little district schools. The people could pay the board of the teacher if the schooling could be given. But it is also recorded that, as soon as the State came under the charge of the original white population, the American Missionary Association withdrew from this elementary work to give its attention to the secondary, higher, and professional grades. Straight University had already been founded, by the investment of $25,000 in land and buildings in Nevr Orleans, contributed by the General Government through theFreedmen's Bureau, and soon announced itself as "incorporated in 1869, with the power to confer all such degrees as are conferred by universities in the United States." The exalted titles of the schools established by this and other of the Northern educational missionary bodies have furnished occasion for a great deal of ridicule, which might also be applied to the same mischievous habit, in many portions of our country, of magnifying the character and grade of schools by the magnifi- cence of their titles. There can be no doubt in the minds of the most reliable educators that this practice has been especially harmful to the genuine advance- ment in letters of the first generation of these children and youth gathered in schools, especially coming with the virtual indorsement of the churches of the Northern States to a people sunk in dense ignorance. It can, however, be truly said that the teaching faculties of all these seminaries have largely recognized the actual situation and labored as faithfully in laying the foundations of an elemen- tary education as if they did not bear the learned title of professor or president. For many years the best of these schools were only of the secondary rank, and in the most siicx^essful only a meager half dozen of the 500 pupils in attendance could be pushed up to a college graduation. At present the majority of these semina- ries are accepting the situation and giving to their pupils the mental fare adapted to their capacity, with a growing emphasis on a sound English education, the proper training of teachers, and. industrial theory and practice in great variety. The great work, of course, has been in the field of religious, moral, and social advancement, in which all these seminaries have wrought v/ith undisputed ability and success. The new school at Hampton was at first largely aided by the American Mis- sionary Association, which has always been its "next friend." But under the administration of Gen. S. C. Armstrong it was organized as an independent cor- poration with 6 teachers and 75 students. The institution received its charter from the legislature of Virginia, by which it was subsidized at the rate of $10,000 a year for the industrial training of its pupils; but its government from the first was in charge of a board of 14 trustees, including men like Gen. O. O. Howard; President Hopkins, of Williams College, Massachusetts; Hon. James A. Garfield, of Ohio; State Superintendent of Public Instruction B. G. Northrup, of Connecti- cut; and President R. E. Strieby, of the American Missionary Association. At Wilmington, N. C, 800 pupils were instructed by the night schools of the American Missionary Association. " Three-fourths of the colored children of the State are living in ignorance. There are no sufficient schools for the colored people and there can not be till their young men are educated. There are but few colored men fit to hold civil office. We are trying [say the managers] to reform the religious worship of the people, so much of which is degrading and demoralizing." To far-away Florida the American Missionary Association had gone. At Jack- sonville during the war, in 1864, the opportunity of schools for colored children had been furnished under the supervision of the ■ military. April 10, 1869, a norma,l institute had been opened, t\70 stories high, with a library and apparatus, and rooms and arrangements for 300 pupils, at a cost of $16,000. There were THE NOETHEEISr CHURCHES AND THE FKEEDMEN. 28&*' 400 piipils, cliiefly under the care of Mrs. Williams, of Deerfield, Mass., aiMf 300 children were in the white schools. It is declared that this was the firsn normal school building erected in Florida. The State had already moved in the establishment of common schools, and it was compelled to look to the norma? institnte for the teachers of the colored children. In Alabama, in the beautiful city of Montgomery, on a high hill fronting the" State capitol where Jefferson Davis eight years before took the oath of the Presi- dency of the Southern Confederacy, was organized a school of 450 colored children and 10 teachers, in a fine building; the best schoolhouse then in the city. The teacher reports that he has "a normal class of 16 of the most promising young merr and women it has l^een my privilege to see in any school, white or colored, south of the Ohio River." The superintendent of public schools, after examining 11 of these students for service in the adjoining county, says, " they were the first col- ored teachers we sent out to the country. They took the carriage in sight of the' capitol where JefEerson Davis took his oath as President; where the first Confed- erate Congress met and sent the message ' to open on Sumter,' and in sight of the barracks where still hangs the sign 'Negro barracks,' where their fathers and- mothers had l^een sold as slaves." Berea College, Kentticky, situated at the foot of the great mountain world of the Central South, a region as extensive as the German Empire, inhabited by 2,000,000 people, generally loyal to the Union during the war, but still in the most- primitive condition of civilization of any class of native-born people in the coim- try, had been organized before the war by Rev. J. G. Fee, who, during the con-- flict, had been compelled to leave the State while endeavoring, at the risk of his life, to school the negroes. In 1889 it held its fourth commencement in the pres- ence of one to two thousand of the country people. This college is the only school- of similar rank that has been able to exist and steadily grow weighted by thee union of the two races among its students and t-eachers. Fisk University, at Nashville, Tenn., named from Gen. Clinton B. Fisk. one- of the most active of the army men in the employment of General Eaton in the- educational work in the valley of the Mississippi, had an attendance of 250. This^ school will long be remembered in connection with the tour of the first group of "Jubilee Singers," who went from State to State and to England and Germany,, singing the old plantation melodies. They literally sung up the walls of the first- college building for colored youth in Tennessee, the parlors of which are adorned by the portraits of some of the most distinguished personages in Great Britain, These children of freedom were welcomed everywhere and even flattered by the^ crowned heads of the Old World. To Mississippi, at Tougaloo, near the capital of the State, indeed, to every Stat©' of the South, the American Missionary Association sent forth its missionary teachers, among them many women of large culture, high character, and social standing, to labor among the colored children and youth. In addition to the- laborious ofiice of teacher and practically mother, these excellent people were bur- dened with the responsibility of preparing their crude and wayward constituency" for the " grand and awful time " to which they had been awakened as by "the.' new Jerusalem coming down from Heaven, adorned with shining grace." At V/ashington, D. C, Howard University, a seminary of the secondary aca- demic, higher, and professional education, had been established as one of the firsts of its kind and subsidized generoiisly by an appropriation from Congress. As in- other schools, the American Missionary Association was interested in its begin- nings, although it is now an independent corporation, receiving an annual grant from Congress. There were 506 teachers and students at Howard, representing." the sixteen former slave States and the District of Columbia. ED 1902 19 290 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. In 1870 the American Missionary Association was furnishing education to 21,840 pupils. Besides this it was doing a great work in other directions. Its teaching and missionary force numbered 3,161. The reports from the field secretaries in 1870 showed that the new public-school system was beating its way up to success against great opposition, although the disordered state of political and industrial affairs was largely responsible for the resistance. In several of the States, as in Virginia at Hampton, the legislature cooperated with the American Missionary Association by subsidies for their schools. From this time the Freed- men's Bureau withdrew its aid from the American Missionary Association. It had disbursed $213,000 for Southern education through this agency. One of the most vitalizing forces of this early work was the religious zeal and consecration which surrounded it with an atmosphere siircharged with power and love. The teachers all worked on what would be a pittance in the North, and assumed bur- dens in and out of school hours that, of themselves, would often appear to be a hardship in a,ny well-organized community. They lived in crowded dorraitories with their students, generally partaking of the inferior diet which, although often better than these scholars had ever known, was of a quality ill-adapted to their own health. They were always in reach of these children, who needed everything, and obliged to sustain a relation far more resembling a public reform institution than a school. The very nature of the work develoj>ed in all its superior workers an exaggerated and often a morbid sense of responsibility, which held them to their posts with the courage of a soldier on a perilous outpost, only to be vacated at the risk of disgrace and m.aintained at the great risk of collapse of health. Numbers of these excellent teachers laid down their lives in this work as certainly as the soldiers who fell in battle ; indeed , comparatively few of them have ever been able to bear the strain of the work for a long succession of years. Of course they were not received in any proper social or even, religions fellowship by the white peoi)le among whom, they came to serve. Yet there were noble exceptions to this exclusiveness, and many a lifelong friendship dates from an acquaintance formed during these years of service in the Southland. It is probable that this phase of the situation was unconsciously exaggerated, especially by the women teachers. Their schools were generally established at a distance from the social center of the villages and cities in which they were situated. At that time there were few or no means of rapid transit, even in the larger towns. The teachers were gen- erally overworked and unable to place themselves in the way of making acquaint- ances, perhaps sometimes, although very useful in their work, without the social interest or tact to make their way in this respect. The people whose social acquaintance would have been a pleasure were themselves, to a great extent, under a cloud, often of personal affliction, made doubly severe by the straitened circumstances that forbade the old-time social hospitality, and under the pecu:liar circumstances made it next to impossible to seek new friends among the teachers of their former emancipated slaves. The class most accessible, not only to the men but to the v/omen, consisted of the public men, the physicians, superior teachers, and public-school oiScials, who were more frequently brought in con- tact with the mission schools, and from the first were glad to avail themselves of all the service in conventions, institutes, etc., which the newcomers had the strength and time to afford. It can truly be said that there was no considerable portion of the superior i^eople of the South who ever showed any persistent and public hostility to this work. The reports of the teachers, missionaries, and agents of the American Missionary A-Ssociation in these years read like a perpetual romance, and in future years will be regarded by the historian, jDoet, and educator as most valuable material for the illustration of this period. This peculiar condition continued until as late as 1880. ■One hundred years hence the vast body of publication that grew up around these THE NOKTHERN CHURCHES AND THE FEEEDMEJN". 291 schools will fm'nisli the material for an important division of our new American literature. Especially will the historian of education, who at the begmning of the second century of the Republic seems to be just coming to a sense of his place in the national literature, find in these interesting records of the adoption and the rehabilitation of the former things the wondrous versatility of the American people, making the Republic itself the world's '"nation of all work." The spectacle of more than five millions of slaves coming up from the darkness of centuries of pagan barbarism through the experience of two hundred and fifty years of chattel bondage into the possession of full citizenshii) in the world's chief republic was also a demonstration of the power of Christianity and t}ie progress of humanity never to be left out of the history of mankind. It ma J' be noticed that by 1880 the American Missionary Association, which at the beginning had included a large constituency from the different evangelical Protes- tant denominations, had finally become a representative of the evangelical Congre- gational churches of the country. In 1881 a constitutional re\'ision of the charter adjusted tjie association to its new i)osition. The thirty-fifth annual report places its expenditure for educational work among white and colored children and youth at $180,398.97, and its entire expenditure for all purposes at $244,578.96. The State of Massachusetts had furnished $150,000 of this sum. In addition to this the association had received for education through State aid for colored schools and in various other ways large sums in money and supplies. Its educational outfit in 1880 was 8 chartered institutions of the higher education, under tlie titles of college, university, and institute; 111 high and normal, and 35 common schools; instructed by 230 teachers and missionaries. In 1886, at the end of forty years of work, the association moved on a new line of work among the 2,000,000 of white people in the great central mountain world of the South. Out of this population had come tv>'o of the Presidents of the United States — Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson. This class of the South- ern i>eople, by a large majority, was favorable to the Union during the civil war and furnished a most efficient section of the Army of the Southwest. But the masses of these peojDle twenty years after the dawn of peace remained largely illiterate. From the center of operations at Berea College. Kentucky, with which the American Missionary Association had always maintained a friendly relation, a group of valuable schools has come up under the direct control of the associa- tion, into which an increasing number of the more ambitious and intelligent of the young mountain people have been gathered. Several of these seminaries are established in the new villages which have been developed by the extension through the vast, and to-day by far the most interesting, portion of the undevel- oi)ed country east of the Mississippi River, of the great railroad systems connect- ing the East and the West, and have proved themselves among the most notable agencies in the uplifting of the people of the entire district. In 1888 the American Missionary Association was reenforced by the generous gift of $1,000,000 by Mr. Daniel Hand, an aged retired merchant, residing at Guil- ford, Conn. Mr. Hand was born in 1801, of good Puritan stock, and until the age of 18 worked on his father's farm in Connecticut. In 1818 he removed to Augusta, Ga. , entering into business with his uncle, an old merchant of that city and Savan- nah. Daniel Hand succeeded to the house and, up to a few years before the breaking out of the civil war, was a leading member of the firm. Fifteen years before 1860 he admitted Mr. G. W. Williams, of South Carolina, to a business arrangement in which the partners had. an equal interest. At the breaking out of hostilities Mr. Hand v/as at the head of the capital invested in Charleston. During the war he resided at Asheville, N. C, relying upon Mr. Williams in Charleston for the general charge of affairs. After a great deal of litigation, largely through the personal influence of his old partner he saved the house from 292 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. wreck. At the age of 88 he made this great bequest to the American Missionary Association. He wisely left to the directors of the association the manner of its expenditure, premising that only the income should be expended annually and suggesting that it should be used largely as a student aid fund of $100 a year for promising students. With this reenfbrcement the association launched out in a wide expansion, so that it subsequently found itself involved in a debt that compelled immediate attention. The sinking fund of $100,000 was established and a policy of economy adopted. At the jubilee meeting in 1896, held in Boston, the association was welcomed by the governor of the State and the mayor of the city, and the sermon was preached by Dr. Lyman Abbott, editor of the Outlook, successor of Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, of the Plymouth Church, Brooklyn, N. Y. The receipts of this year were $340,798.65 and the expenditures .$311,223.85; the debt having decreased from $96,000 to $86,000. The income of the Hand fund was $68,830. This year was the fiftieth anniversary of the association. The will of Mr. Hand had left a large additional sum to the cause. From 1860 to 1893 the expenditures of the American Missionary Association in the South nearly reached the large sum of $11,610,000. In 1898 the association reported 6 chartered institutions, 44 normal and graded and 27 common schools, with 413 teachers and 12,348 students. Of all the mission educational enterprises of the Northern Protestant evangeli- cal churches, the American Missionary Association seems to have borne in mind most completely the idea of working in connection with the Southern States and people in the upbuilding of the common school for the colored race. It has, more than others, discouraged the mischievous habit of engrafting the old-time paro- chial school on the churches that have been developed by its missionary activity. In three of these States — Virginia, Mississippi, and Georgia — at different times its larger schools have been subsidized by the State in the interest of their normal and industrial departments. It has not shown the usual desire to retain its origi- nal authority or to utilize its bounty to acquire the perpetual educational control of its schools. Four of the most important schools of the higher order with which it has been connected and v\?-hich have been liberally aided by it are now entirely separated from it — Howard, Washington, D. C. ; Hampton, Virginia; Eerea, Kentucky, and Atlanta University, Georgia. The explanation of this may be found in the fact, already stated, that although the American Missionary Asso- ciation first united with several of the evangelical Protestant churches in its work among the colored people, each of these associations in turn has preferred to sepa- rate itself from others and organize on a more decided and exclusive denomina- tional basis, looking to the church it represents for its support and guided by the sectarian policy thereof. This has left the American Missionary Association, like the A. B. C. F. M. , virtually in charge for the evangelical Congregational Church. It was in New England, which for one hundred and fifty years of the colonial life was exclusively committed to this form of Congregational Church government, the only ecclesiastical polity that owes its origin to the Christian people of this Republic, that the people's common school was developed and alone sustained until the close of the war of independence. That original interest in and connec- tion with the common school by the Congregational clergy and laity has never been lost by the members of this great and growing religious organization. It has not, like the three great remaining Evangelical Protestant churches, been ruptured by a sectional secession from the original body; as, previous to the close of the civil war there were, outside a fev/ congregations in the border cities, no Congregational churches in the Southern States. Hence it has been called to encounter no sharp conflict with a rival church of its own household and has been left more exclusively to the radical work of preparing the colored race for a THE ISrORTHERiN^ CHUECHES AND THE FREEDMEN. 293 sviperior form of religion through a general uplift of mental, moral, social, and industrial life, in which all the habits and the general spirit of society will become the most powerful teachers and the new citizenship of the race become at once a TTniversity and a church. There is nothing in the idea or the policy of the Amer- ican Missionary Association that will forbid any or all of its present educational, foundations, as new times and changed circumstances might demand, to retire amicably from its denomination control and become independent or even State institutions for the mental, moral, and industrial training of the class of students that has always been found under its benign and progressive influence. In 1891 the American Missionary Association reported 8 schools of the higher and secondary tyiie, 4 seminaries for the mountain whites in North Carolina, Kentucky, and Tennessee, 2 for Indians iti Nebraska, and 93 other normal, indus- trial, graded, and primary schools. Its church work is almost entirely confined to the very poor among the Indians, and the lowland colored people of the South, with a growing interest for the people of the Soiithern mountains. Altogether there are 106 schools, with 15,353 pupils, and 343 churches, with 708 missionaries and 13,905 church members, the majority in the South. A bureau of woman's work is connected with the association. THE FREEDMAN'S AID SOCIETY OF THE METHODIST EPISCOPAL, CHURCH. The first report of this society furnishes a complete account of its organization in 1866, the reasons for it, and its preliminary operations until May, 1868. It was established in response to a call, dated March 8, 1866, and signed by Bishop D. W. Clark, representing the board of bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church. During the progress of the civil war the original work for the Freedmen in the North was carried on by a variety of Freedman's aid associations formed in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, and Chicago during the years 1863-63. The first call was for the relief of the physical condition of the "contrabands," and it has already been related how this aid was dispensed largely through the agency of the Union Army, while supplies and money were forthcoming from these and private agencies. In 1864 the general conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church indorsed these additional methods of charitable aid. But as early as 1863-63 the call was made for additional effort in behalf of the mental and moral elevation of these people. Teachers were sent to the seaboard in 1803 and to the valley of the Mississippi in 1883. The physical needs of the Freedmen were so well supplied by the arrangements for their self-support on the vacated lands and in the Army, as soldiers and laborers, that after 1863 the chief need of assistance was for the maintenance of schools and teachers. The beginning of this great v/ork seemed at first to be an open door of invitation by Divine Providence for the long-desired and prayed-for, but slow in coming, union of the different di-vnsions of the Protestant Church in some one grand and voluntary enterprise for the uplift of humanity. But it was soon found that here the churches were the first to break the bond. It was decided that the educa- tional workers among the negroes should be members of the churches of the evan- gelical type of creed. This, of course, would leave outside the large majority of the American people whose ' ' good will to man ' ' was manifested by undenomina- tional and practical labors and sacrifices, rather than throiigh the regular chan- nels of church work. First of all, the Friends, then the United Presbyterian Church, in 1863, inaugurated special denominational work among the freedmen. Later followed another division of the Presbyterian, and the United Brethren, and one type of the Baptists. In 1864 a committee was chosen by the old-school Pres- byterian Church (North) for the subsidizing of a proper missionary work. The Congi'egational Evangelical churches in 1865 reorganized the American 294 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. Missionary Association, tliat had. existed since 1849, and reconsecrated it to this special work, and proposed to raise iiJ250,000 per annum for this piirx^ose. In the same year the Methodist Episcopal Chnrch organized "The Freedman's Aid Society," and the Northern Baptists of the regular "persuasion" called for $100,000 as a fund for denominational work in the South. The five leading com- missions already on the groxmd had fallen apart, the two in the West as a rule employing members of the evangelical churches as teachers, while the three in the East — Boston, New York, and Philadelphia — did not make church membership a necessary qualification for any position in the work. By 1866, despite vigorous efforts to combine these organizations in one free-school society, every teacher from the undenominational societies had been displaced and every Protestant religious sect save two had adopted speeial plans. It was inevitable that those great ecclesiastical bodies should all, in time, come to see that the field of denominational missionary effort for the final evangeliza- tion of the 6,000,000 of the freedmenand the legitimate propagandism of their own churches was such as had never before been opened. In jjlace of sending the missionaries of the cross beyond the sea to distant heathen or Mohammedan lands, all under foreign governments which vf ere not always friendly to such enterprises, here Avas a new American citizenship of 6,000,000 of our own freedmen, just emerging from two hundred and fifty years of bondage, needing almost everything, with an ardent desire to " learn their letters," and receive aid and comfort of all kinds from the North and the nation to whom they were indebted for their new- found freedom. The I'eport of the Freedman's Aid Society referred to declares, however, that they were more anxious to have schools for the freedm.en and their children than even to consider the founding of missions. This v\''as very natural, since during the period of their former slavery the negroes had all nominally been converted from paganism to about as much of Christianity as was possible for a people in their condition of ignorance and dependence. Their new religious zeal, as usixal, took the form of a direction to their own former denominational bodies, largely Baptist and Methodist, and often became a superstitious and fanatical caricature of the more enlightened denominational spirit of these great Christian sects. The desire to preach was very pronounced among the leading class of the freed- men, and it was soon apparent that one of the first uses of their liberty was to be the formation of great religious denominational bodies which, under the old names, really were the beginning of a church organization founded upon and represent- ing the then esisting condition of religious and moral culture among these people. The white clergymen of the South, although often greatly honored for their zeal- ous " labors of love " among the slave population, were generally dispensed with at this ci^isis in the new life of the race. It was therefore natural that all the Northern churches and clergy of the evangelical type should hasten to provide for the then vacant pulxjits and buildings, and on the strength of such work as they had done before the war, and their patriotic services during the four years of the sectional conflict, endeavor to take the reins and direct the civilization of the rising race. In the w^ords of the report, "The control of the edacational v7ork connected with missions was as necessary to success as the work itself, and this necessity, soon observed by every denomination that entered the inviting field presented by the South, was the chief care and guidance of denominational schools." Of course, by this decision, the church abandoned the ground already taken by the northern American people, that the most effective and reliable moral agency for educating and training American children and youth was the undenomina- tional common school. This conclusion had been slowly reached through the THE NORTHERN CHURCHES AND THE FREEDMEN. 295 experience and perpetual conflicts of tlie two linndred and fifty years since the passage of the original public-school statute by the Massachusetts Bay Colony in 1647. While a majority of the ecclesiastical organizations did favor the estab- lishment of the American common school in the reconstructed States of the South, and the more advanced of them retired from the support of primary schooling for the negroes as fast as it was supj^lied by the States and communities where they labored, and made it a permanent feature of their policy to train teachers for all grades of these schools, the schools of the Methodist Ei)iscopal Church were, at first, as far as possible, connected with churches. In 1868 the majority of the school teachers were the missionary workers, the same buildings being used for the school houses and churches, and the administration of the entire enter- prise was so interlocked that it would be impossible to separate in any way the exclusively educational plant. But the inevitable tendency of American thought and action in respect to uni- versal education planted every Southern State, by 1870, on the American i)olicy of an unsectarian common school, and, outside a few Southern communities, the attempt to subsidize denominational schools in these States has not been a sticcess. In obedience to this condition of affairs and urged by the impossibility of educat- ing 6,000,000 people, all in 1866 practically illiterate, by Northern Christian char- ity, all these great mission schools, like the denominational colleges and academies of the North, have modified their sectarian character, and to some extent con- formed to the policy of similar institutions of learning in the*new South. Still, ill testing this plan of school education among the negroes, it should always be understood that the only just and correct point of view is the whole field and its necessities as suzweyed and organized by the larger Protestant Christian sects, and that the educational was always subordinate and tributary to the need of the religious uplift and moral reformation of these people. It is not strictly in line with the purpose of this essay to give an elaborate record of the doings and results of this great missionary movement in the South for the past thirty-five years. As a feeder to the common-school system, on which the race must more and more rely* for the training of its children and youth for reliable manhood and womanhood and good American citizenship, it has maintained, and must for a considerable period to come continue to maintain, a vital and necessary connection with the founding of the American common school. It will be observed that, more and more, its academical and normal schools are conforming to the methods of instruction and discipline and especially of industrial training that are best known under the general title of '"The new education." Still, the fundamental purpose of all these great ^-nd useful bodies is the same as that of the churches by which they are sujiported and also mainly relied on to shape their policy, and whose teachers are chiefly found in all important positions in their school work. It is not necessary that the most earnest advocate of the American common school in all its departments should look with disfavor or in any spirit of hostile criticism on any of these great schools, which are regarded by their workers in con- formity to popular nomenclature as ' ' Christian ' ' instead of ' ' secular. ' ' The great \vork of the moral and spiritual ui)lift of mankhad is the radical motive of these schools, as of the Christian churches, and much as we may deplore the inevitable results of these sectarian divisions and the hindrance to educational development by the contentions and rivalries of the denominational system of schooling in general, there was never a better work done by any people in any land than has been achieved by the results of forty years of missionary and educational activity in the type of schools now under consideration, and there has been no expenditure of time, money, and effort for the general uplifting of God's "little ones" that has resulted in more benefit than has been achieved by the disbursement of more 296 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. than $50,000,000 tliro-agh the schools and churches in the social and industrial improvement of the colored and white people of the humbler class in 16 States. The churches of the Methodist Episcopal body of the North responded to the original appeal with remarkable promptitude, although the country was in the agonies of one its periodical spasms of " financial depression. " In the seventeen months ending March 31, 1868, $58,477.69 ($.54,231.73 in cash) was collected, of which $35,815.83 was expended in field work in 9 States. There were 59 schools with 124 teachers, and, in 1868, 7,000 pupils. Only half the teachers drew full support from the territory and the remainder cost $10 per month. A large num- ber of the teachers were ministers of the gospel who labored both in church and school, and all the teachers served in the Sunday as well as the day schools. The general outcome of the work could not be better described than in the words of the superintendent: Our schools have rendered essential aid in the work of restoring social order; in bringing about friendly relations between the employers and laborers; in pro- moting habits of cleanliness, industry, economy, purity, and morality; rendering more emphatic the grand distinctions between right and wrong, falsehood and truth; enforcing fidelity to contracts; portraying the terrible consequences of intemperance, 'licentiousness, profanity, lying, and stealing; teaching them to respect the rights of others while they are prompt to claim protection for themselves. The teachers have furnished for the freedmen a vast amount of valuable information in regard to the practical matters of life which could be obtained novfhere else. The schools have met a great want which no military or political organization could supply, and without which it will be impossible for peace and harmony to be restored. Our teachers have been pioneers in the work of reconciliation, and are laying a foundation upon which the most enduring superstructure can be reared. In fact the only fair and appropriate way of estimating this peculiar combina- tion of church, school, and home in the Southern educational work during the past generation among the negroes is to regard it as a vast university of all work; a continental training in the new American civilization to which the younger generation of the freedmen had been so wonderfully summoned. Like the lyceum of the old and the Chautauqua assembly and summer school of the later times, it was a characteristic development of our American educational life, as sincere and praiseworthy in motive, in social and religious as in industrial and political affairs. As the years go on and the educators of the colored race come to a full recognition of their opportunities and obligations in respect to this class of pupils, much of what was an imperative necessity in the first generation will be dropped and the more imi^ortant of these seminaries will become the permanent academical, industrial, and collegiate foundations for the increasing numbers of this race. And then it may be seen that the apparent presumption of naming a school of 500 boys and girls in the elements of useful knowledge, the first genera- tion of their people ever gathered in a schoolroom , a " college " or " university , ' ' has been justified by giving to the country half a century later a class of institutions of the higher education in the best sense, seminaries of the higher Christian civil- ization, "universities" more in accordance Vi'ith the grand ideal of John Milton than are yet to be found in any of the great educational institutions of to-day. The report for 1868, from which these facts are drawn, was accepted with marked favor by the general conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church for that year, and from that day to the present the Freedman's Aid Society has gone steadily forvv^ard along the high road to success. The conference, took a wide and practical view of its duties in the situation. In its announcement it says: " When the Southern States are fully reconstructed and a wise common-school system is established, and a returning prosperity shall enable the maintenance of free schools, the work of this society may possibly be superseded. Already the society reports the establishment of three normal schools at Nashville, Tenn., Huntsville, THE NORTHEKN CHUKCHES A'SB THE FEEEDMEN. 29T Ala., and Columbia, S. C."' These early normal schools were as yet rather academies, where the superior young colored people received the schooling neces- sary for a teacher's work, with biit little of what is regarded the professional training now everywhere demanded in the teachers of the people's schools. The necessity of help for teachers and preachers is noted in the report. Arrangements- were made for the employment and assistance of Dr. Rust, of Cincinnati, Ohio, as corresponding secretary, whose services during many years were so valuable over the entire field of Southern educational work; also Rev. J. M. Walden, after- wards most widely knovni as the chief traveling bishop of his church, was assigned to this work. Another decade passes, and in 1878 the eleventh ann-aal report of the Freed- man's Aid Society opens a view over a wider field -vvith greater results. The Methodist Episcopal Church has now 28 conferences in the South, 14 largely of white and 14 principally of colored members. These 28 conferences already contained 396,000 members, although the Meth- odist Church South and several great organizations of colored Methodists were working in the same field. In this territory there were 6,32G traveling and local preachers, of whom 3,365 were colored. There were 4,381 Sunday schools, with 240,671 scholars, of which 2,033 schools and 96,474 scholars were colored. The church property developed by this ten years' work was valued at $8,732,716, of which $1,868,503 was in use by the colored members. Already this great school missionary effort by the different churches of the North had borne abundant fruit. The negroes themselves had not been deficient in zeal, and report 448,000' members of the African Zion and Colored Methodist Episcopal churches of America. One of the shadows cast by the denominational '"pairing off" of Northern Christians into church missionary associations was the development of the sectarian spirit in the negro race, while the church parochial school, adopted as a necessary expedient in the early stages of educational work, was now, after a generation, found often to be a positive and obstructive hindrance to the- building up of the effective system of common-school instrxiction. which always- must be the agency of civilization to the negro race. The school work of the Freedman's Aid Society had not lingered behind the church enteri^rise. Five chartered institutions, with three denominational theo- logical schools, two medical colleges, and ten seminaries of the academical grade were reported, with an attendance of 3,040 students, 1,000 of whom were classed as normal, in 11 States. It was estimated that 64 per cent of the'colored people of school age vfere abiding in the darkness of ignorance. " Of the 5,000,000 colored people of the country — one-third, perhaps, seem to have risen to a higher degree of comfort and a higher phase of life — one-third have sunk down to a lower plane, and one-third are left the victims of circumstances. ' ' The report brings to notice the vast field of Christian work open to women in the reformation of the family. " The great opportunity for the women of America is presented in this work, which God has placed at our door." In two of the schools a medical education can be obtained. The financial side of the society gives the least favorable accotint of itself, reporting $63,403.85 expended in 1878— only $3,000 more than ten years before. In the eleven years of its operation the Freedman's Aid Society had disbursed $715,852.40; 100,000 pupils had been taught by teachers educated in the schools of the society. For reasons not explained the public-school attend- ance had fallen off in 6 of the Southern States during the year. Even in Ken- tucky not half the school population had ever been enrolled in the common school. There was still a great field of labor awaiting the fit workers in the building for the children of the South. In 1880 the writer of this essay began the first of a series of annual visitations among the schools of all sorts in all the Southern States that has contimied under 298 EDUCATION EEPORT, 1901-1902, the name of " a ministry of education " tmtil the present day. In the Clark Uni- versity, Atlanta, Ga., founded by Bishop Gilbert Haven, he found the most successfnl attempt to introduce industrial training in the mechanical and domes- tic arts ontside the Hampton Institute. This feature has since been developed in the schools of the Freedman's Aid Society to a remarkable degree. On the same college campus as Clark University we -now find the Gammon Theological Sem- inary, the most important of this class in the South, endowed and vnth belong- ings even superior to the average of " divinity schools " in the North. Another decade has passed and the report of 1888 reveals a steady progress. " One theological school, 13 institutions of college grade, 2 medical, 6 noi*mal, 3 legal, and 12 with industrial departments, with 28 academies, have been sup- ported and aided. In these 41 centers of intellectual and moral power 328 teach- ers have faithfully done their work and 7,682 different students have been instructed, an increase of 10 institutions, 40 teachers, and 715 students over the preceding year. ' ' The race question is practically settled on the American policy of " local option." {1) " One society and administration for all people and con- ferences. (2) Schools among colored and white people, to be so located as to best serve the interests of the conferences to be benefited. (3) There is to be no exclu- sion on account of race, color, or ' previous condition.' Supervision in schools, as in conferences, is to be by the choice of the people themselves." It is noted that while the attempt to employ the educated class of the colored race as teachers in the mission schools " has resulted only in a partial siiccess in a few fields," the general field open to the colored graduate has been greatly enlarged by the Freed- man's Aid Society. During the year a new chapel has been built at Clark, and 8 schools have been designated as centers where college studies could be pursued. The Gammon Theological School has been declared the center of this department, with arrangements for practical theological training, while the 12 academies are restricted to the sections nearest them. Four colored schools, admitting white pupils, were also undertaken. Different courses of study were arranged for every class of schools. In all these institutions there were 4,048 in the collegiate, 269 in the theological, 66 in the medical, 67 in the legal, 1,455 in the industrial, and 3,589 in the academical departments. The teachers in the "collegiate cen- ters " make reports to the superintendents of the pupils pursiiing college studies. The society was already in debt $133,619.41, largely due to the purchase of lands and "building." The managers plead for an annual income of $280,000, of which the schools were- expected to pay in tuition and rent $48,179. According to an estimate of the society, the population of the 16 slave States was estimated at 12,784,612. Of these 4,715,381, 10 years of age and over, were illiterate, 3,042,435 of the colored race. In the conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in the South there w^ere 447,016 members, of whom 226,833 were colored. There were 7,326 preachers, teachers, and workers employed. These people were gathered in 48 conferences, 32 consisting of colored and 16 containing only white people. i In the central mountain regions of the South, where the v/hite people were gen- erally loyal during the Vs^ar, the Methodist Episcopal Church, in 1890, had 100,000 members, organized in 7 conferences. One hundred and fifty thousand volunteers went into the United States Army from that territory. The negro population in this region was very small. There were then 100 Grand Army posts in this region and the U. S. Grant University at Chattanooga was in effective operation. Largely by donations from the Slater fund, under the management of Dr. Attictis G. Haygood, the industrial work in the schools had greatly increased. The society eeemed to be fully alive to this important annex to its educational forces. The Woman's Home Missionary Society was founding schools of domestic economy in five of the larger institiitions, and the local missionary v/ork had been greatly . aided by the establishment of a missionary home located among the people, to be THE NOETHERN CHURCHES AND THE FREEDMEN. 299 the residence of the woman missionary and the model for the imitation of the well-to-do colored people. One of these college centers, Claflin University, at Orangeburg, S. C. , one of the largest of tlie scliools for colored youth in the South, was for several years a department of the University of South Carolina, under the direction of the same board of trustees as the old college of South Carolina and the military school at Charleston for white youth. It is unnecessary to continue the record of the great work of the Freedman's Aid Society, the deeply interesting details of which have been written in the annual reports and a bimonthly publication devoted to this work of the arssocia- tion. The Methodist organization, discipline, and instruction in its mission schools are essentially the same as developed in the American Missionary Associa- tion. They do not vary in all these denominational schools, save in the polity, and, in some respects, the type of the membership. Few churches have done more of the proper i>ersonal school work than the Metlaodist Ei^iscopal. During the first thirty years of its existence the Freedman's Aid Society expended more than §6,000,000. Its chief school of the university type continues to be Wilber- force University, in Xenia, Ohio, established in 1857. The 65 institutions sap- ported by all branches of the Methodist Church for colored students, as late as 1895, included 388 teachers, 10,100 students, $1,905,150 property, and $650,500 expended in administration. Dr. Hartzell, one of the ablest and most effective workers in the educational affairs of the society, has recently been elected to the office of bishop, and is now established in Africa. The great develppment of the Methodist Episcopal Church in its educational policy is one of the notable features of the liistory of editcation in the United States during the past thirty years. The Chautauqua Assembly, established thirty years ago by the present Bishop Vincent, a native of Alabama, is one of the raost characteristic and triumphant developments of American genius for all educa- tional work. The new American University at Washington, D. C. , will fitly crown this half century of effort. In 1901 the Freedman"s Aid Society reports: "From its humble beginning of more than a quarter of a century since, when there was only one teacher, A\dth a borrowed capital of $800, it has to-day 47 institutions of Christian learning, about eqtially divided between the negroes and the poor whites, in all the former slave States, with lands and buildings worth $2,l'o5,000." It is able to declare: " Dui-ing all these years not a single student or graduate has ever been charged with crimes against virtue.". The reports from the schools were most encouraging. The attendance was the largest since the financial panic of 1892-93 and the number of gradfiates the largest in the history of the society. It is encouraging to note that special stress is jjlaced on the normal department and English branches. "Our aim has been not only to secure good English scholars, as opposed to Latin and Greek scribblers who can not speak their mother tongue, but especially to pre- pare well -trained teachers." It boasts that it has more teachers in the irabiic schools of the South than any otlier benevolent institution doing work in that section. After a temporary interrui:)tion, caused by the financial panic, the society had taken up its industrial work with new vigor, and asserts: " We have more industrial students, teach more industrial pursuits, and have moi'e graduates than any institiition or set of institiitions in the Soiith. The total number of students in all the industrial schools the present year is 2,906." The society approi)riates $90,625 annually; $79,975 to colored pupils, for 1 theological school, 2 medical schools, 10 institutions with the title of college ov university', and 10 academies, with 3 universities and 22 academies for white students. It expended for colored schools during the year 1900, $171,773.01; for white schools, $47,815.66; total, $219,588.67, besides a miscellaneous expenditure of $136,216.79; its total receipts having been $355,805.46. It still has an indebtedness of $154,891.34. The presi- 300 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. dent of tlie society is Bishop J. M. Walden, who, with Vice-President R. M. Rust, D. D., and W. P. Thirkeld, corresponding secretary, have been for many years, with Bishop Hartzell, araong the best known and most intelligent workers in the Southern educational field, THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH (NORTH ) IN CONNECTION WITH THE SCHOOLING OF THE FREEDMEN. The northern Christian denominational organizations which, at the close of the civil war, undertook work of education among the freedmen of the South, may be divided into two distinct divisions. The first includes the American Missionary Association, representing the Congregational; the Freedman's Aid Society, estab- lished by the Methodist Episcopal, and the edticational organization through which the Baptist churches operated. Although these were missionary enter- prises largely engaged in denominational propagandism, including the establish- ment of churches, yet in their educational work, which produced great inde- pendent and State institutions, of which Hampton, Va., and Tuskegee, Ala., are conspicuous examples, they put themselves at once into the most vital and sym- pathetic relations with the new common-school system for the colored race of every Southern State. And although for a period they somewhat failed to appre- ciate the importance of the normal and industrial training absolutely essential to the success of the colored teacher, yet they did furnish for ten years and more a large majority of the teachers for the more important free colored schools in these States. This tendency, despite a persistent ecclesiastical opposition in the management, is now so confirmed that these three great denominations, beyond comparison, retain their leadership in the Southern educational work and are to-day supplying probably the larger number of competent instructors, not only in the public schools, but in the State normal and industrial colleges throughout the South. Another division of these religious bodies, like the Presbyterian, Protestant Episcopal, the Friends, and several of the smaller sects, adopted at first the same policy as the Catholic Church, not only making their mission schools for both ra.ces thoroughly sectaria,n, but inclined to favor what is called the parochial system of schooling all the way up from the primary school connected with the church to the university. It was doubtless from the fact that these churches proposed to themselves this persistence in the old European method of education that their siiccess in collect- ing funds for establishing schools has never been commensurate with their wealth and general importance as religious bodies in this country. The church school of every degree has its uses every v/here, especially in the secondary academical and higher collegiate and tiniversity departments. But the educator or chtirchman, however zealous and consecrated, who proposes the planting of a little parochial- school annex by the side of every colored church, to the exclusion of iDublic schools, must be prepared for the indefinite postponement of even the elementary instruc- tion and discipline of the vast majority of the more than 2,000,000 negroes under the age of 20 years. After thirty years of prodigious effort by the Southern peo- ple themselves, aided by great missionary effort from the North, more than 50 per cent of the colored people of the South to-day above the age of 10 can neither read the Bible nor write their own name in a business transaction. The only way out of the inevitable disturbance from such a condition of affairs is the hearty union of the whole people, even better if aided by some practical scheme of national aid, to lift up at least one-third the population of these 16 States, of both races, into line with the American life of the present. Among the Protestant chiirches that adopted the parochial school system was the Presbyterian Church, North. As early as 1865 this church had put forth "a THE NORTHEEIf CHUECHES A:Nr> THE FREEDMETST. 301 declaration in favor of special efforts in behalf of the lately emancipated African race." Six years later (1871), in the first annual report of the "Presbyterian Committee of Missions for Freedmen," we read that the first five years' work in 1870 had resulted in a financial indebtedness of $17,789.15, besides an additional bnrden of $3,400 for real estate furnished. In preparing the schedule of school work for the year 1871, the committee "reduced it, with bnt three exceptions, to that which is strictly parochial, dropping with their teachers such schools as had no denominational church connections," with a view to scale the debt. They report $70,934 as the value of church property. There were 67 churches, upon 6 of which there was an incumbrance of $5,933. There were 6,230 scholars in the Sabbath schools. In the year 1871 the entire number of schools was 45, with 58 teachers and 4,530 pujnls. Biddlg Memorial Institute, at Charlotte, N. C, a theological and normal school; Wallingford Academy, at Charleston, S. C, with 800 pupils; the Normal School at Winchester, Va., with 95, and Scotia Seminary, for colored girls, at Concord. N. C, with 45 pupils, were all the institutions that were sup- ported outside the parochial schools. Complaint is made that the churches do not come to the help of the association, as was earnestly hoped they would, and the general assembly of the year 1871 at Chicago, " regrets to find that the work among the freedmen has not been sustained in a manner at all commensurate with its importance." In 1873 the expenditures amounted to $65,803.95. The churches still held back, and the debt was not wholly paid. The number of pupils in the schools had diminished by 1.000 since 1871. At the Scotia Seminary, for colored girls, at Concord, N. C, industrial training, needlework, and dom.estic economy were pronounced features. Biddle Institute, at Charlotte, N. C, in 1873 had some 14 Presbyterian churches in charge, was situated amid 8 acres of well-cultivated grounds, the property valued at $13,000, and had an able corps of teachers for its 100 students. In 1872 the Presbyterian General Assembly approved the work done and the call for $90,000. In 1876 the debt was finally paid. The high schools had been opened, the Chester, S. C, Brainerd School had increased to 331 pupils, and an enterj^rising colored preacher had collected $4,359 in scattered places for the work. The parochial type of the school keeping was still maintained. The most interesting of the new schools, in 1878, was located at Midway, Liberty County, Ga. Lib- erty County was first settled by a colony from Dorchester, Mass., v/hich, after a long residence at Summerville, S. C, removed to the seacoast of St. John's Par- ish, below Savannah, some time before the war of the Revolution. They estab- lished there a famous academy and a Congregational church. At the breaking- out of the Revolution the county distinguished itself by sending a local delegate, Mr. Lyman Hall, afterAvards first governor of Georgia, to the Continental Con- gress in place of a Territorial delegate, and received its name, on the organiza- tion of the State, in honor of its patriotism. For many years it remained one of the foremost of the educational centers of the State and flourished under its reli- gious organization. The close of the civil Vv^ar found the county almost depoiiii- lated of its white people. In 1898 the report of the school authorities informs us that " the freedmen of this county, in mind, manners, and morals, are evidently superior to this race in general," a result attributed largely to their training in the district Sunday schools by their former masters and mistresses. By 1880 the number of scholars in the Presbyterian schools had somewhat increased, and the expenditure was $73,000. In 1881 it is noted that the negro poijulation had largely increased since the war, the gain being 38 per cent; the white folk increasing only 34 per cent, while 33 per cent had been the average of colored increase during the last two decades of slavery. The colored population 302 EDUCATION REPORT, 1901-1902. of the South in 1881 was estimated at 6,577,151. The management urges the churches to labor with more fervor in the work, and points to the reports of other denominations as a stimulus to greater efforts. The school at Charleston, S. C, had organized a distinct department of industrial education, with an attendance of 100 pupils. There were 1,537 students in the 5 superior schools. In 1883 the general assembly of the Presbyterian Church, North, authorized the incorporation of ' ' The Presbyterian Board of Missions for Freedmen of the Pres- byterian Church in the United States of America." The annual income of the board had risen to $108,120.85. The number of schools had increased to 65, with 6,995 pupils and 129 teachers; all the schools " sti*ictly parochial." In 52 parochial schools there were 8,370 pupils, and 10,771 gathered in 158 Sabbath schools in 178 churches with a membership of 13,883. The board urges the fact that 76 per cent of the freedmen in the South are still illiterate, besides 1,000,009 voters, of whom 69 per cent could neither read their ballots nor write their names. In South Carolina, Louisiana, and Mississippi the colored poiDulation was far in excess of the white. In 1885 a freedman's department of the woman's execiitive com- m-ittee of home missions was organized. In 1888 the work had been extended to the treaty tribes of the Indians. Ten years later, 1896-97, we find the work of this church for the Southern freed- men but little advanced. A debt had been permitted to accumulate, and the reports speak of schools suspended or cut down in their appropriations. The number of superior schools had increased to 6, the fine buildings of one, the Bar- ber Memorial, at Anniston, Ala., having recently been destroyed by fire. The day schools numbered 67, with 204 teachers and 9,443 pupils. The school term of 13 of the 17 leading schools had been reduced one month; 12 in session only six months each; the parochial schools, maintained at the expense of the board, in session only four months in the year. The oince of the treasurer was consolidated with that of the field secretary. The general receipts declined to a lower figure in 1897 than in the previous eight years. During the twenty-seven years of the existence of the board $1,000,387 had been expended. A theological school for negro students had been opened in Alabama. It is not easy to understand why the powerful and wealthy Presbyterian Church of the E'orbhern States has fallen so far behind the Congregational and Methodist bodies in the support of its schools for the freedmen. It will be remembered that at an early date this religious sect had formed the backbone of the educational work for the white people of the Southern States, and has always been distin- guished for the cultivation, ability, and Christian zeal of its ministry. Perhaps an explanation will be found in the fact that in this church the central purpose of training teachers for the common schools of the colored people of the South has been almost ignored, there being only five schools of this sort, none of them of the first class in numbers and importance, engaged in this work. Their day schools have been "strictly parochial," and, of course, out of touch with the general work of the American common school. The financial depression of several years previous to 1897 told on all these missionary school agencies, and those that were exclusively ecclesiastical were the first to suffer. THE PROTESTANT EPISCOPAL CHURCH IN THE EDUCATION OF THE COLORED RACE. Prior to the establishment of the commission for the education of the colored race in the Protestant Episcopal Church the records of church work among this people in the different dioceses were not kept separately. In 1866 the sum of $34,738 was expended in this VTOrk; in 1867, $38,309; but in 1879 the support had fallen to $8,519. In 1886 the sum total rose to $18,433. In that year the commis- sion for the colored race was established at the general convention of the church THE NOKTHERN CHUECHES AND THE FEEEDME^-. 803 in Chicago. At first it consisted of a board of 15 managers— 5 bishops, 5 pres- byters, and 5 laymen — the entire work in each diocese in charge of the bishop. In 1892 the membership of the commission was increased to 21 — 7 from each order — and all bishops were entitled to attend its meetings. In 1895 the ntimber was again reduced to 15. The chairman of the commission is Right Rev. F. W. Dudley, D. D., bishop of the diocese of Kentucky, whose zeal and wisdom, as shown in his contributions to the literatiire of this work among the colored folk, are v.'ell established. The work of the commission is entirely under ecclesiastical control. It declares that " our chief need in dealing with the education of the negro race is to provide educated and consecrated ministers fully alive to the conditions and wants of their bretheren, and anxious to labor with earnestness and devotion to dispel their prevailing ignorance and lift them to a higher plane of Christian intelligence and life." For this reason the work of the Christian commission is to so great an extent mingled with the general work of the church that it can not fairly be treated as separated therefrom. Of the five chief institutions that have been established since 1865, viz, in Raleigh, N. C; Nashville, Tenn.; Washington, D. C; Lawrenceville and Petersburg, Va., only two — St. Augustine, Raleigh, and St. Paul, Lawrenceville — cover the usual type of normal and industrial schools. These are evidently of the better class of their kind, containing in 1900 some 500 pupils and 23 teachers. The three theological schools have 32 students in preparation for the ministry. During the twenty years from 18GG to 1886 the Protestant Episcopal 'Church expended $351,514 in the entire church and school work among the negroes, and in the ten years from 1886 to 1896 the larger sum of $441,494, the total for thirty years being $793,008. The sum expended in 1895-96 was $56,880, and in 1896-97 '$57,920. In the latter year the salary and office of general agent were abolished. The schools supported by the commission are all, with the exception of the five before named, of the parochial type of this church. In the fifteen old slave States and District of Columbia, with a negro population of 8,000,000, these schools had in 1896 an average attendance of 4,346. Thei*e were 61 colored churches in the Southern dioceses and more than 60 white clergymen in the South actually interested in the colored work. Vv''hile the work among the vast colored population of the South by this church is perhaps more limited than that of the other leading Protestant churches, and only indirectly can it be said to affect the common school interest of the different States, it has yet, in one respect, a decided advantage above that of some of the churches that are doing moi'e and are in nearer touch with the great central feature of popular edxication. The Protestant Episcopal Church, although divided diiring the period of the civil war, made haste on the advent of peace to close up its ranks and has wrought with great zeal and remarkable success as a united combination in every part of the Union. It concentrates its energies, to the great advantage of all the Southern churches of the body, in the work already described. Its bishops in all the fifteen former slave States and the District of Columbia are, in fact, the super\asors of the work of their own dioceses, and four of the five bishops, fotir of the five presbyters, and four of the five laity who compose the general commission are from the Southern States. The later organism, by which all the bishops are included as a sort of ad\'isory committee in this commission, testifies to a growing interest in this important mission. The Spirit of Missions has given a large por- tion of its space to the subject, and the discussions of the foremost clergy and laity are every year more decided in regard to an increasing zeal in the cause of the colored people. The two normal and industrial and j^robably an increasing number of the parochial schools are every year more and more conforming to the 804 EDUCATION REPOET, 1901-1902. type of normal and industrial tuition represented by Hampton, Tnskegee, and the State institutions already described. In all ways it would seem that this church is in some respects more fully prepared than all others, save the Catholic and Con- gregational bodies, to concentrate its mind and treasure upon this point of mis- sionary work as the years go on. THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS IN THE EDUCATION OF THE COLORED PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH. The record of the relation of the religious denomination of the Friends, or Quakers, to the institution of slavery is one of the most suggestive chapters of the ediicational history of the British Empire and its colonies in America. From the days of George Fox, the founder of the sect, its protest against negro slavery at home and in the colonies became stronger with every year. There were excep- tions to the general sentiment of the body, and Friends at different periods became slaveholders; but as far as possible under the conditions, especially in view of the severe laws against the emancipation of slaves in Virginia and North Carolina, the two States of the South in which the greater number of the Friends lived, the ijrotest may be said to have fairly represented the public sentiment of the body. Under discouraging circumstances, in many ways in the North and South they kept alive the agitation which, begun in a state of peace, finally kindled the flames of a civil war which ended in the complete emancipation of the enslaved race. It is asserted that the first important demonstration in the United States to bring before the public the duty and policy of immediate and unconditional emancipa- tion was by Charles Lundy, who was born in North Carolina in 1775 and died in 1850. He removed to Tennessee in 1806. In 1814 he assisted in the organization of a nixmerous antislavery society and spent several years in this work. In 1817 he removed to Ohio and published the Philanthropist. He gave up the use of all slave-grown produce and in 1842-43 worked with the antislavery forces in Indiana. His effort in the advocacy of unconditional and immediate emancipation preceded that of William Lloyd Garrison in the North. In 1821 Lundy removed from Ohio to Tennessee and for three years published the Genius of Universal Emancipation, the paper afterwards being removed to Baltimore. The result of these efforts was to strengthen the hands of the majority of the sect of the Friends who in Virginia and Maryland and through the South had steadily labored against the "peculiar institution." Besides emancipating their own slaves they had persuaded others to " go and do likewise," and several thou- sand negroes were sent through their aid to the North, although some of the West- ern States framed laws forbidding their reception. But the most decisive result of this opposition to slavery was seen in the emi- gration of large numbers of the Friends from all the States of the South Atlantic to the new land of freedom in the Northwest. Begun in 1769 in Virginia, the movement was accelerated by the opening of the West, through the settlement at Marietta, Ohio, in 1788. As the years went on and the protests of the yearly meetings of the sect became of less effect, and even numbers of their people were still found among the slaveholders, the scattering departure of Friends changed to their migration by groups and in some cases of the entire membership of a yearly meeting. The tables compiled by Dr. S. B. Weeks, formerly of the U. S. Bureau of Education, in his exhaiistive treatise on The Southern Quakers and Slav- ery, give the names of 2,178 persons, representing 1,000 families, who were recorded by the yearly meetings as " going West " from 1801 to 1860. The majority of these people found their new home in Ohio and Indiana, and several of the most substantial counties in these States bear witness to the excel- THE NOETHERN CHURCHES AIS'D THE FEEEDMEInT. 305 lent quality of this popxilation, Wayne County, Ind., witli Riclimond as its county town, being a representative region of this description. Indeed, it is estimated that in I80O one-third of its population was composed of whit-e Carolinians and their children of the first generation. Although not all or probably the majority of Quaker ancestry, yet this denomination of Christians so largely represents the wealth, worth, and intelligence of many of these counties that their presence wa& not only a powerful influence against the growing i)ower of slavery in the Union, but an encouragement of the immigration of large numbers of the nonslavehold- ing i)oorer class of Southern whites, for whom life in their native States had little of hojje for themselves or their children. No class of immigrants to the West during the progress of the years has given a better account of itself in the develop- ment of distingiiished characters than the southern Friends. Besides numerous eminent persons in. jjublic and professional life, many a prosperous community of the old East beyond the great central mountains has l^een indebted to them for leadership. From an early period the qiiestion of the education of their children came to the front with increasing interest. In 1833 the celebrated Friends' Boarding School in Guilford County, N. C, was chartered. It was coeducational and received only the children of Friends, but its suijeriority broke down this limit and in 1S65 70 per cent of the pupils were from families who sent their children; on account of the merits of the institution. It oi^ened in 1837 with 2~) boys and 25 girls. In 1850 there were 94 and in 1858, 139, of whom only GO were Quakers. In 1860 it foiTnd itself burdened with a debt of $39,000, which the yearly meet- ing was unable to provide for. During the civil war it was conducted as a> private school and came out intact in 1865. The influence of such an institution in a county so small could not be otherwise than great. In 1851 there were 854 Quaker churches in North Carolina and 1,038 young people were taught in ISO' schools, all coeducational. Of 1,853 children only 8 over the age of 5 were out of school. In 1855, of 1,080 children between 5 and 21, none over 5 wei-e grow- ing up in ignorance. At the close of the civil war the migration of the Friends broke forth with nev>r energy. Between 1866 and 1873 10,000 people left North Carolina alone, among- whom were many Quakers. An effort was made, responding to a request from high quarters, to prevent this wholesale departure of a people so reliable. The- Baltimore Association of Friends, to assist and advise Friends in the Southern- States, was organized in 1865. Large supplies of provisions were sent and some- of the people were persuaded to return and others to remain in the old home. The president of the association made 35 journeys to North Carolina and lalwred with great zeal in prosectiting this vv^ork. The denominational schools were rehabil- itated and in 1866 reported 160 students. A normal school for training teachers,, the first in the State, was kept up for several months and the teachers thus- instructed were in great demand. In 1866 $33,534.51 was expended. In 1865 the^ Friends in North Carolina had been left destitute of schools. A superintendent was sent from Indiana, who labored for three years, followed by a second front that State for eight years. In 1866 30 schools had been reestablished, which received aid from the Baltimore association. In 1868 the number had increased to 40, with 3,588 pupils; 1,430 being children of Friends — the schools in ses.sion sis and one-half months in the year. In 1871 the number remained the same. Ik central North Carolina the movement was hailed as " one of the most favorable- evidences of reconstruction. ' ' In 1867 a normal school for the training of Simday- school teachers was organized. This movement eventually extended to the schools for the freedmen. In 1867 the committee of management reyjorted 6 day and 33 Sunday schools, with 1,600 to- ED 1902 20 306 EDUCATIOlSr EEPORT, 1901-1902. 2,000 colored children in attendance. In 1869 34 day and 35 Sunday schools contained 1 ,707 pnpils. Dr. J. M. Tomlinson, brother of one of the most successful of the group of able superintendents of the new graded schools of North Carolina, was appointed superintendent of these colored schools in 1869. In 1871 there were 800 pupils in 16 schools, educated at an outlay of $1,308.61. After this the movement for the colored schools seems to have declined. The excellent character of the Quaker schools, always the most pronounced of all the Protestant sects in respect to parochial educa- tion, doubtless told against the rapid development of the common school for the negroes. Indeed, for a long time in all the Southern States the movement for popular education for white as for colored children was confined to the country and village district school, leaving the more ambitious of the colored students to find their opportunity for the secondary and higher schooling in the different institutions established largely and supported by the Northern churches, the majority of which, if they did not assume the name "college" or "university," contained a class in high-school and college studies. A positive addition to the facilities for the advancement of the negroes yer influence of their churches. It would seem to be the duty of such boards, while giving the colored race a fair representation through their wisest and best men and women, to insist that the schools shall not fall under the control of a group of contentious preachers or politicians, but that the children and youth should be defended, often against the inexperience and even more destructive defects that still characterize the administrative work of this people. Attention was also called to the fact that in all these schools it should be impressed on the pupils that every year there should be sent forth an increasing number of young people who in some useful way could be missionaries of a true American civilization to their own families and neighborhoods, which often at great sacrifices and with greater expectations had given to their young what were to them ext7;aordinary opportunities for superior training and culture. It was also shown that the 5,000 students in all these schools, one-half of whom were in the professional classes, were being instructed at a sum many hundred dollars less than the one city of Baltimore paid its teachers in either one of its high or large grammar schools. The superintendent ansvv^ers the question of the Eastern contributors whether the chief responsibility of superintendency and management in these schools should be placed upon the colored public teacher, by a decided '' No." With all the encouraging signs in the material and other development of this people he declares that this policy would surely result in a rapid retrograde movement and lead to the ultimate ruin of the schools. The weak point of the colored people, even in the better educated class, is the lack of executive capacity and the dan- ger -from perpetual jealousy and contention fatal to the success of educational affairs. He returns to his former topic concerning the conditions of the masses of the freedmen after thirty years of liberty and a quarter of a century of American citizenship. It would seem that no argument was required on this point to any fair-minded educator after a, careful observation of the entire field. It was always necessary to meet the persistent demand of a growing party among the colored people that this great amount of school property and appliances should be committed altogether to themselves. But here is the problem which, before another thirty years have passed, will tax the seamanship of these great educational bodies to keep this splendid fleet of educational craft afloat in the open sea. The State industrial and normal colleges will avoid this peril, from the fact that the entire public school system is under the superintendence of State and local boards which will be largely composed of white persons in all these States of the South. But all these matters of administration fall into comparative insignificance before the previous question of the colored support of this sphere of education by THE NOETHERN CHUECHES AND THE FEEEDMEN. 31 S the Baptist Church. This church had ten years ago a colored membership of 1,400,000, more than one- third of the entire number of the denomination in the United States. In the fifteen years of the service of Dr. McVicker as correspond- ing secretary the schools had increased from 8 to 34, from 38 teachers to 200, from an attendance of 1,191 to 5,000 or 6,000 pupils. Thirty-five substantial build- ings had been reared and a school property of $1,000,000 placed on the ground. The schools had greatly improved in quality and the cost of their maintenance had accordingly increased. At least 7 of the larger schools put in an immediate demand for a stronger corps of instruction. In five years $150,000 would be needed for the annual expenditure. The i)owerful competition of the schools of other churches woiild leave the schools of this sect in the background when left to the test of respective merits. The Home Mission Society has already found it impos- sible to meet this demand except by the sacrifice of important missionary and ediicational enterprises. The society is steadily falling behind in pecuniary affairs. A reduction of 40 or 50 per cent in missionary appropriations shouM be made, if the schools in the South are kept up. It is safe only to appropriate $50,000 a year for this important vfork. A permanent fund of $1,000,000 is imperatively needed, as the present expenditure requires the income of $'3,000,000 at 5 per cent interest. In view of these facts, Superintendent McVicker urges the impossibility of siipport- ing schools of any save the superior class. The training of leaders should be the chief if not the only work of the schools of the society. The graduates should be not only prepared as teachers and ministers, but trained for leadership in every department of life, industrial, social, civil, private, and public. All theological work should be confined to the school at Richmond, Va. Only a limited iiumber of schools should be allowed to do proper college work, seven at the most, and not more than two schools be permitted to give a full professional training for v/hich a normal diploma should be granted. A careful system of examination and inspec- tion should be inaugurated in all the schools and the quality as well as quantity of the teaching force should be strictly considered. A large portion of the report deals with a bad condition of affairs in one of the institutions in Texas, and the burning by incendiary fires of several of their school buildings in Arkansas, Texas, and South Carolina. In 1895 the Baptist church had made a hoi:)efnl advance toward the improve- ment of the school work in the aiipointment of an advisory committee in connec- tion with the schools for colored people in the South supported by the Home Mission Society. The committ«e was to be only advisory, with no general or educational authority, but to have access to all schools and invited to present the results of their investigation to the two Home Mission Boards and the acting authorities of the institutions. This was a favorable movement toward what must inevitably come, the practical union and cooperation for all general purposes of the great educational missionary bodies, especially of the Protestant evangelical churches in both sections of the Union. Indeed, the practical beginning of this outAvard advancement toward some union of the sort is to-day evident to all observers competent to hold in one view the past experience and the inevitable bur- den that will fall upon these denominations if they continue the purely sectarian policy of expansion that has ali-eady brought the richest and most zealous of them to the brink of a financial crisis. The amount expended in 1895 for schools was $117,480.50, with a total expenditure of $134,554.83. There were 233 teachers, of whom 130 were colored, with 4.358 stu- dents. The report for 1897 shows a singular condition of affairs in the work of schooling the colored race in the South. The 29 schools were supported at an expense of $108,869.75. A gratifying feature in the case was the fact that the colored people, represented by the 5,000 students, supplied for teachers $20,137.32, and the board, $64,079.57. This sum, increased by other gifts to $32,591.31, made 314 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1901-1902. a total of $106,808.30. There seemed yet to be no response to the call for the general endowment, regarded essential to the continued existence of the higher schools, although the secondary seminaries were aided by special gifts. Beside this large expenditure now during forty years in behalf of the colored children and youth in the South by the churches of every sect in the Northern States, there ha,s been a large amount of money contributed and a great deal of good work done by personal and private effort. Indeed, one of the most philan- thropic divisions of the religious public, including the Unitarian and Universalist denominations, and perhaps the larger bodies of the Christian connection may be added, with a great number of gemireligious benevolent associations, has never followed the example of other sects in establishing schools, although in pro- portion to its numbers and means it is probable that as much has been con- tributed, especially to Hampton, Tuskegee, and a variety of smaller enterjprises, as by the great organized ediicational and missionary boards. Numbers of faith- ful men and devoted women, some of the.best in the land, have through all these years kept alive, in the more* destitute districts of the Southern States, schools, missions, churches, along with an amount' of private charity which has done much to supplement the public efforts of the communities to which their benefi- cence has been directed. Here ends the account of the special movement which for the past forty years has wrought every year in a growing connection with the greater labors of the Southern people, directly and indirectly, in building their first general system of common schools. It was essential to the truth of history and to a fair estimation of the interest by the North and the nation in the civilization and education of millions of the new colored citizenship that this should be put in permanent record. All this has been done by these educational boards in a spirit as praise- worthy as has often been found in the similar work of the Christian church in any age or land; and every year it has been better appreciated by the sufjerior class in the States which have been the great field of their operation. Indeed, the time has already passed when this remarkable movement in behalf of the colored, people is regarded with disparagement by any considerable class of iDeople any- where. There will still be inevitable differences of opinion concerning the best m.ethods of educating a people in a condition so peculiar. It may be that at times and in special places the school instruction has been too far above the capacity of the: majority of pupils to be thoroughly or very largely incorpor- ated into the character and living, especially of large numbers who were too young and remained too short a time in school to be permanently affected thereby. But in the great rivalry of the educational agencies now at work all m.ethods have an opportunity of being tested, and a general drawing together of the superior educational workers in these schools will inevitably bring to the front the most valuable elements and forces developed by the entire movement. The churches have still a great work before them; first of all, " to settle up " all their differences which refer to the past, especially those connected with the j)eriod of sectarian contention and sectional hostility, through the twenty years from 1860 to 1880. There is certainly, ahead, in the opening century, a vast field of effort among the destitute places of our own population at home and in our new possessions around the world in which the united energies of the National Government, the chiirches, and the whole people may be brought to bear for the extirpation of the illiteracy of the millions who bear the name of American citi- zen or aspire to the possession of American citizenship. And when the people are lifted above the deplorable strife of partisan politics and sectarian ecclesiasti- cism it may be revealed to them that there is no grander work than the training of owv twenty millions still involved in the great national slough of illiteracy toward the broad upland of that American citizenship which is the loftiest posi- tion yet offered to a whole people in the history of mankind. CHAPTER XLI. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. References to preceding publications of the United States Bureau of Education in which this subject has been treated: Annual Reports— 1870, pp. 61, 337-339; 1871, pp. 6, 7, 61-70; 1872, pp. xvii, xviii; 1873, p. Ixvi; 1875, p. xxiii; 1876, p. xvi; 1877, pp. xxxiii-xxxviii; 1878, pp. xxviii-xxxiv; 1879, pp. xxxix-xlv; 1880, p. Iviii; 1881, p. Ixxxii; 1882-83, pp. xlviii-lvi, 85; 1883-84, p. liv; 1884-85, p. Ixvii; 1885-86, pp. 596, 650-656; 1886-87, pp. 790, 874-881; 1887-88, pp. 20, 21, 167, 169, 988-998; 1888-89, pp. 768, 1412-1439; 1889-90, pp. 620, 621, 624, 634, 1073-1102, 1388-1392, 1395-1485; 1890-91, pp. 620, 624, 792, 808, 915, 961-9S0, 1469; 1891-92, pp. 8, 686, 688, 713, 861-867, 1002, 1234-1237; 1892-93, pp.15, 44*2, 1551- 1572,1976; 1893-94, pp. 1019-1061; 1894-95, pp. 1331-1424; 1895-96, pp. 2081, 2115; 1896-97, pp. 2295- 2333; 1897-98, pp. 2479-2507; 1898-99, pp. 2201-2225; Introduction to Annual Report for 1898-99, pp. Ixxxviii-xcii; 1899-1900, pp. 2501-2531; 1900-1901, pp. 2299-2331; 1901-2, pp. 191-224, 285-307, 2063- 2095; Circulars of Information— No. 3, 1883, p. 63; No. 2, 1886, pp. 123-133; No. 3, 1888, p. 122; No. 5, 1888, pp. 53, 54, 59, 60, 80-86; No. 1, 1892, p. 71; Special report on District of Columbia for 18<39, pp. 193, 300, 351-400; Special report. New Orleans Exposition, 1884-85, pp. 468-470, 775-781. This chapter exhibits, so far as information could be obtained, tlie present status of negro education in the United States. Tlie 15 tables require but little explanation. The amount of money expended each year since 1870 in the 16 former slave States and the District of Columbia for the public education of both races, and the separate enrollment of whites and negroes since 1877, may be seen from Table 1. It is estimated that at the present time about 20 per cent of the public school funds in the South is for the support of schools for the negroes. The table shows that for the year 1902-3 the sum of $39,582,654 was expended for the schools of both races. The public school expenditure for the entire South since 1870 has aggregated $727,867,089. It is estimated that at least $132,000,000 of this sum has been expended to support common schools for the colored race. Comparative statistics of the schools for both races will be found in Table 2 for the year ending June, 1903. Summaries of the statistics of public high schools for negroes will be found in Tables 3 to 6, while Table 13 gives a list of such high schools, with information in detail. Tables 7 to 12 summarize the statistics of private institutions devoted to the secondary and higher education of the negro race, Tables 14 and 15 giving in detail the statistics of these private schools. Table 1. — Sixteen former slave States and the District of Columbia. Year. Common school enrollment. Expendi- tures (both races). Year. Common school enrollment. Expendi- tures (both races). White. Colored. White. Colored. 1870-71 SIO, 385, 464 11,623,238 11,176,048 11, 823, 775 13,021,514 12, 033, 865 11,231,073 12, 093, 091 12, 174, 141 12, 678. 685 13, 656, 814 15,241,740 16, .363, 471 17, 884, 5.58 19, 253, 874 20, 208, 113 20,821,969 21, 810, 158 1888-89 3,197,830 3, 402, 420 3, 570, 624 3, 607, 549 3, 697, 899 3, 848, 541 3,846,267 3, 943, 801 3,937,992 4, 145, 737 4, 144, 643 4,231,369 4, 301, 954 4, 397, 916 4, 428, 842 1, 213, 092 1,296,959 1,329,-549 1,354,316 1,367,515 1,432,198 1,423,593 1,449,325 1,460,084 1,540,749 1,509,275 1,560,070 1, .594, 308 1,. 587, 309 1,578,632 $23, 171, 878 24,880,107 26 690 310 1871-72 1889-90 1872-73 1 1890-91 1873-74 1 1891-92 .. . 27 691 ' 488 1874-75 1892-93 28 535 738 1875-76 1893-94 29 223, .546 1876-77 1,827,139 2,034,946 2,013,684 2,215,674 2, 234, 877 2,249,263 2,370,110 2, 546, 448 571, 506 675, 150 685, 942 784,709 802, 374 802, 982 817, 240 1 005! 313 1894-95 29, 443, 584 31 149 724 1877-78 1895-96 . 1878-79 1896-97.. 31,286,883 31 247,218 1879-80 1897-98 1880-81 1898-99 33, 110, 581 1881-82 1899-1900 1900-1901 1901-2a 1902-3 n Total .... 34, 805, .568 35 998 667 1882-83 1883-84 37, ,567, 552 39, 582, 654 1884-85 2,676,911 1,030,463 2,773,145 1,048,659 2,97.5,773 1,118,556 3,110 606 1 140 4n.T 1885-86 1886-87 727, 867, 089 1887-88 ' ' " Subject to correction. 2253 2254 EDUCATION REPORT, 1903. Table 2. — Common scliool statistics of the South, 1903-S. State. Estimated number of persons 5 to 18 years of age. Percentage of the whole. Persons enrolled in public schools. Per cent of per- sons 5 to 18 years enrolled. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. White. Colored. 346, 241 333, 290 41, 185 42, 968 99,356 403, 914 602, 912 245,207 271, 969 221, 981 905, 569 429, 672 188, 423 508, 552 865, 979 374, 293 302,550 296, 136 128,458 9,133 20, 660 75, 812 376, 445 88, 580 230, 830 71, 686 332, 141 46,469 228, 526 294, 962 161, 919 234, 655 232, 144 11,951 53.90 72.18 81.85 67.53 56.72 51.76 87.19 61.51 79.14 40.06 95.12 65.28 38.98 75. 85 78.68 61.72 96.20 46.10 27.82 18.15 32.47 43.28 48.24 12.81 48.49 20.86 59.94 4.88 34.72 61.02 24.15 21.32 38.28 3.80 a 239, 055 249,694 c 30, 754 32, 987 a 69, 541 300, 596 c 438, 601 136,488 / 176, 747 192, 881 672, 936 a 314, 871 134, 330 393, 542 558,061 257, 138 231, 720 a 126, 116 87, 895 c 6, 141 15, 768 a 42, 843 201,418 e 62, 981 72, 249 / 48, 257 210, 766 31, 257 ag 149, 798 154, 383 99,234 142, 075 118, 463 8,998 69.04 74.92 74.67 77.00 69.99 74.42 72.73 55. 66 64.62 86.89 74.31 73. 45 71.29 77.38 64.44 68.70 76.59 42.59 68. 42 67.24 District of Columbia Florida 76.27 56.61 53.51 71.10 Louisiana 31.30 Maryland 67.32 63.46 67.28 North Carolina South Carolina 65.26 52. 31 61.29 Texas 60. 54 61.03 West Virginia 75.29 Total, 1902-3.. Total, 1889-90. 6,184,060 '15,132,948 2, 840, 497 2, 510, 847 68.52 67.15 31.48 32.85 4,428,842 3, 402, 420 1, 578, 632 1,296,969 71.63 66.28 55.56 51.65 Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri North Carolina South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia West Virginia Total, 1902-3 . . Total, 1889-90 . Average daily attend- ance. White. ab 150, 000 159, 225 c 21, 500 25, 918 a 46, 283 190, 368 e 268, 720 102, 189 / 112, 803 115, 079 d 444, 940 a 185, 598 97, 708 274, 300 365, 961 157, 075 149, 612 2, 857, 169 ft 2, 165, 249 Colored. ab 90, 000 64, 147 c 3, 800 12, 120 a 29, 881 120, 032 e 41, 116 53, 605 / 22, 712 118, 096 d 20, 191 ag 83, 406 111, 681 68, 331 88, 718 67, 694 6,924 991, 453 813,710 Per cent of enroll- ment. White. Colored. 62. 75 63.77 69.91 78.63 66.55 63.33 61.28 74.87 64. 18 59.66 66.12 58.94 72.74 69.70 63. 78 61.08 64.52 64. 51 63.64 71.36 61.60 61.88 76.91 69.75 59.59 65.28 74.19 47.06 56.03 64.60 66.68 72.34 68.86 62.44 57.14 65.84 62.80 62.74 Number of teachers. White. Colored. a 4, 451 5,986 ccl 693 925 a 2, 129 6,890 e 9, 021 3,634 f 4, 198 6,524 16, 174 a 6, 898 3,492 1,Til 13, 380 6,871 7,071 104, 114 78,903 ag a 1,852 1,488 cdl38 446 «670 3,452 e 1, 428 1,184 /838 3,398 749 2,833 2,455 1,965 3,270 2,173 291 28, 620 24, 072 a In 1901-2. b Estimated bv State superintendent. c In 1899-1900." d Estimated. e Approximatelv. /In 1900-1901. (/Including Croatans (Indians). h United States census. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. 2255 Table o.— Teachers and stadenis in jniUic high schools for the colored race in 1902-3. o o o CO Teachers. Pupil.s enrolled. 6 "3 "3 a 3 g Total. Elementary. Secondary. State. 0) "3 a "3 1 6 "3 aj "3 i &i "3 1 "3 0) "3 "5 3 5 2 3 4 2 6 6 1 1 7 19 1 2 3 1 6 11 29 7 4 6 9 SO 4 5 2 10 18 3 9 7 32 1 4 5 1 7 17 39 7 5 11 18 19 14 4 4 5 5 2 9 9 20 3 2 2 ""2 8 25 14 17 27 49 18 9 6 15 23 5 18 16 52 4 6 7 1 9 25 64 21 5 58 72 218 45 67 21 119 137 41 107 140 310 16 29 20 8 87 198 489 153 61 127 186 595 104 116 77 227 413 52 197 422 695 49 52 43 9 152 415 930 478 87 185 258 813 149 183 98 346 550 93 304 562 1,005 65 81 63 17 239 613 1,419 631 148 58 66 218 15 65 21 63 136 41 107 140 310 16 29 20 8 42 173 272 114 29 127 174 595 51 91 77 149 391 52 197 422 695 49 52 43 9 93 384 697 381 51 185 240 Diistrict of Columbia. . . Florida \ \ 813 30 42 72 66 156 1 98 56 1 78 22 134 23 212 527 93 ' 1 304 1 1 562 1 1 1,005 1 1 65 Ohio 1 1 81 i 1 ... 63 1 1 17 South Carolina 45 25 215 39 32 59 31 333 97 36 104 56 548 136 68 135 557 869 495 West Virginia 80 Total . . . 123 221 176 397 2, 396 5,426 7,822 443 698 1,141 1,943 4, GSO 6, 623 T.\BLE 4.— Classification of colored students in public hiqh schools hij cov) 1903-3. ^es of stud)/ Students in classi- cal course. Students in scien- tific course. Students in Eng- lish course. Students in busi- ness coiirse. State. 3 0) 1 "5 1 ■3 "3 a s c 05 "3 "3 a 1 _2' "3 "3 a 3 1 58 29 114 51 172 80 30 « 70 3- 109 8 379 11 488 1 46 32 78 3 5 8 9 3 16 26 2 35 8 60 58 23 44 11 76 84 25 54 98 1.52 5 21 27 17 43 71 22 64 98 i 1 13 11 62 24 65 35 15 23 38 56 76 132 14 90 .59 16 36 303 134 49 50 393 183 65 3 169 9 435 12 604 12 5 36 17 4M Missouri 19 55 74 22 Ohio 17 9 1^1 2 75 9 39 30 4 187 20 56 39 2 35 6 262 29 7 21 28 1 1 1 Pennsyi vania South Carolina Tennessee 6 36 25 52 105 10 9 50 55 104 356 19 15 86 80 1.56 461 29 r " 11 .59 99 34 53 131 234 83 64 190 3&3 117 6 2 4 2 10 4 Virginia Total 393 993 1,386 438 1,102 1,540 5.56 1.454 2,010 116 163 279 2256 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1903. Table 5.- -Number of normal students, manual-training students, and graduates in colored public high schools in 1902-3. State. Students, normal course. Pupils receiving in- dustrial training. Graduates in high school course. Male. Female. Total. Male. Female. Total. Male. Female. Total. 30 30 105 49 300 191 79 130 296 10 3 31 6 1 2 12 22 3 16 11 27 1 5 1 20 14 112 9 1 7 16 54 6 20 40 112 9 9 10 3 19 49 65 77 4 30 17 143 1 1 4 5 1 15 15 15 80 58 95 73 2 Illinois 9 28 Kentucky 76 Louisiana 9 103 177 280 36 51 38 9 38 10 389 544 38 933 38 139 North Carolina 1 10 Ohio 14 11 Pennsylvania 3 15 2 20 2 4 32 35 4 4 35 8 13 21 8 11 24 15 1 27 60 89 3 5 5 92 West Virginia 5 23 Total 109 132 700 1,250 1,950 210 656 866 Table Q.— -Financial summary of Ihe colored ^yublic high schools, 1902-3. State. i "3 o ■gbi m a ^, ft a a o > o o In D a 3 5S II bX)S P S2ft > i u o o o g u ft g 3 o ■" ft a 3 §a a < i o o o 3 t. ft

o Hi Teathers. Students. 6 6 "3 a 3 g Elementary. Secondary. Collegiate. Total. State. "3 "3 a 3 o H "3 6 "3 a i "3 "3 1 ■3 6 "3 "3 a s e Alabama Arkansas Delaware 14 5 1 2 5 19 4 6 5 8 2 1 19 1 1 2 11 7 9 12 2 134 21 5 76 19 82 19 58 22 35 16 5 86 17 7 14 66 78 60 80 14 154 28 1 23 30 176 13 62 29 67 14 7 120 6 2 6 93 87 83 122 11 288 49 6 99 49 258 32 120 51 102 30 12 206 23 9 20 159 165 143 202 25 1,923 432 1,873 471 3,796 903 870 159 17 169 88 838 181 277 171 237 188 37 800 48 16 24 634 354 472 399 72 1,288 184 17 132 85 1,365 110 481 176 375 194 53 1,201 69 27 82 706 552 571 481 86 2,158 343 34 301 173 2,203 291 758 347 612 382 90 2, 001 117 43 106 1,340 906 1,043 880 158 90 61 11 410 274 42 91 2 15 7 572 107 74 26 9 138 79 29 37 1 6 1 119 163 164 87 20 548 353 71 128 3 21 8 691 270 2,883 652 28 659 351 2,588 293 1, 305 220 1,023 262 55 2,103 155 83 306 1,812 1,456 1,066 1,440 112 3,235 681 26 338 472 4,026 228 1,768 353 1,201 268 70 2, .563 232 128 188 2,108 1,486 1,425 1, 7G7 150 6,118 1,333 54 Dist. Columbia. Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri New Jersey North Carolina. Ohio 80 263 1,476 70 937 47 771 67 18 731 68 387 2,582 89 1,250 176 820 73 17 1,243 148 650 4,058 159 2,187 223 1,591 140 35 1,974 997 823 6,614 521 3,073 573 2,224 530 125 4,666 387 Oklahoma 67 74 1,101 575 467 967 40 101 106 1,367 748 780 1,270 64 168 180 2,468 1,323 1,247 2,237 104 211 Pennsylvania.. South "Carolina. Tennessee Texas 208 77 527 127 74 35 186 74 16 208 112 713 201 90 494 3,920 2,942 2,491 3, 207 262 Virginia West Virginia.. Total 136 914 1,134'2,048 1 10, 106 13, 485,23, 591 6, 051 8,235 14,280 2,695 993 3, 688|18, 852 1 22, 713 41, 565 Tablk 8.- — Classification of colored students, by courses of study, in secondary and higher schools, 1902-3. State. Students in classi- cal courses. Students in scien- tific courses. Students in Eng- lish course. Students in busi- ness course. Male. Fe- male. Total. Male. Fe- male. Total. Male. Fe- male. Total. Male. Fe- male. Total. Alabama 15 27 3 163 16 76 1 32 19 19 33 8 89 3 34 46 3 196 24 165 4 39 31 12 9 7 23 8 8 4 54 20 17. 11 1,324 401 4 62 87 260 823 401 5 59 83 421 ^,147 802 9 121 170 681 15 22 17 7 39 Arkansas 09 Delaware District of Columbia .. Florida 6 15 21 Georgia 22 55 77 Kentuck V 3 2 2 13 5 Louisiana 64 87 151 205 25 499 225 5 484 430 30 983 15 Mary land Mississippi 43 1 57 100 1 1 1 Missouri 8 4 12 New Jersey North Carolina Ohio 160 8 1 147 118 90 136 96 49 10 1 76 84 89 96 209 18 2 147 194 174 225 192 88 75 23 163 23 533 687 1,220 39 29 30 12 69 41 Oklahoma Pennsylvania 2 127 9 41 20 10 8 97 6 23 24 6 10 South Carolina Tennessee 3 64 19 2 59 14 3 2 123 33 639 148 226 455 50 656 227 317 783 46 1,295 375 543 1,238 96 224 15 Texas 64 Virginia 44 West Virginia 15 Total 1,133 640 1,773 320 358 678 4,918 5,222 10,140 333 203 596 ED 1903— VOL 2- -66 2258 EDUCATION EEPOET, 1903. Table 9. — Number of colored normal students and graduates in secondary and higher schools, 190^-3. Students hi nor- mal course. Graduates of high school course. Graduates of nor- mal course. Graduates of col- legiate course. State. a3 a 6 a "3 H 6 "3 a5 '3 a "3 _a3 "3 a5 '3 a "3 H 302 54 1 23 11 32 3 18 531 89 3 139 13 87 3 44 833 143 4 162 24 119 6 62 48 2 18 2 66 4 27 5 10 1 4 12 6 1 2 9 31 38 7 2 50 2 51 7 14 9 9 2 4 37 65 141 2 60 3 55 19 20 10 11 11 4 68 9 10 1 8 2 5 1 1 11 15 2 District of Columbia . . 18 8 26 9 21 33 54 ii 11- 22 25 5 19 16 49 40 30 6 5 65 5 49 22 54 91 147 182 28 13 7 215 159 246 84 30 130 159 4 311 61 22 46 238 273 415 155 52 221 306 4 493 79 35 53 453 432 661 239 82 10 2 31 1 10 2 New Jersey North Carolina Ohio 32 1 2 30 17 71 25 8 21 8 43 23 10 51 25 114 48 South Carolina Tennessee 74 14 81 34 11 80 39 48 83 18 154 53 129 117 29 1 26 12 9 3 7 2 4 4 33 14 13 Total 1,646 2,765 4,411 348 245 593 322 500 951 130 37 167 Table 10. — Colored professional students and graduates in secondary and higher schools, 1902-3. Professional students and graduates. fessional courses. Theol- ogy. Law. Medicine. Dentistry. Phar- macy. Nurse training. State. 6 '3 "3 a "3 -a m 1 -a en m "3 a 1 -a a 1 CD '3 3 g -J2 0) ■a 13 CO "S -a 3 3 1 9 17 24 33 17 9 17 24 7 District of Columbia. . Florida 392 23 415 71 12 83 20 150 27 48 7 33 17 30 13 110 23 133 109 22 1 23 9 ? 67 5 72 19 43 10 7 3 10 7 3 1.... 189 15 5 1 194 16 46 16 4 13 2 113 21 i7 3 j 5 1 Ohio 61 48 349 116 60 2 30 15 61 50 379 131 60 61 48 27 116 60 2 'ii' 10 13 339 Texas 15 Total 1,440 131 1,571 606 59 110 22 645 48 58 7 50 20 102 23 SCHOOLS FOE THE COLOEED EACE. 2259 Table 11. — Industrial training of colored students in secondary and higher schools, 1902-3. Pupils receiv- ing industrial training. Students trained in industrial branches. State. "5 o t4 t^ f-, 6 ti a "?. 03 3 ho a 'Eh 3 '3 Cm ai hi .9 '3) Fh S3 hi) a a a> ,d VI bo a a Oh hi el ■^ 0) CO hi a m ■a g Alabama 1,796 104 20 113 110 725 38 196 138 687 14 23 549 1,778 344 16 85 263 2,357 66 378 251 850 200 71 1,016 3,574 448 36 198 373 3,082 104 574 389 488 ■■■■4 '""46 57 3 39 85 308 40 20 54 96 230 3 150 7 244 ....1... 36 14 73 24 82 15 4 29 59 26 2 54 4 86 10 27 5 5 1,350 343 16 61 263 2,091 47 220 227 783 20 44 722 556 109 935 Delaware 6... 1 District of Columbia ;::: :::: '""78 364 12 98 124 208 194 19 251 29 Florida 1 11 2 1 Georgia 8... 19 49 34 19 569 Kentucky 47 1 . 5 7 46 1 70 Maryland ....! 7 ....1 24 Mississippi 1,537! 240 a --. 12 41 261 214 94 1,565 New Jersey 6 31 23 132 2 North Carolina 72 1 4 23 12 8 22 65 524 Ohio 83 18 1,026 251 400 918 95 128 171 1,331 665 861 1,464 110 211 189 2,357 916 1,261 2, 382 206 ""sie 29 116 1,055 12 25 18 213 94 188 196 42 13 25 i28 78 1,183 565 773 1,303 109 ""ni 221 168 160 568 66 20 12 118 12 66 59 69 21 68 South Carolina 57 1 5 24 ::;: 13 12 24 23 43 16 9 20 15 ""5 45 302 Tennessee 198 Texas Virginia 1 18 1 "18 109 10 West Virginia Total 7,304 12, 405 19, 709 2,527 2,083 360 19199 56 283 268 176 578'l0, 326 3,367 3,144 2260 EDUCATION REPOET, 1903. Table 12. — Financial summary of the 136 secondary and higher colored schools, 190S-S. ■o o o o o o o o fi 43 A 3s fl A -S-o ^,h U,h &!hn 2 .2 m bi) ^•s a P ■ C 60 ^ a m^ State. O IH o o el o -^'22 o ■S.& u ft - ft M a o a 3 a oa a o 03 ;d 3 !z; > > "A m ^ ;> ^ < Alabama 13 23, 195 819, 857 1 $1, 000 500 13 S986, 994 6 $17, 377 4 1 2 4 2,513 500 42, 604 1,900 1,735 500 100, 800 1,900 1 4 1 1 4 165, 200 27, 000 1, 000, 000 79, 000 1,225,260 115, 000 1 3,789 1 1 42,100 4,000 16 2 38, 091 1,697 11, 142 28, 300 2,300 1 31,000 14 3 1 1 500 8,000 6 7,610 4,800 1 500 6 457, 150 3 6,300 1 5,991 3 115,850 2 3,000 Mississippi 8 20, 300 11, 300 1 1,200 8 586, 000 1 8,000 1 300 300 1 55, 000 1 16, 175 1 400 400 1 2,000 738, 950 1 6,000 North Carolina . . . 15 33, 909 26, 670 1 10, 000 15 7 18,505 Ohio 1 1 5,000 700 5,000 500 1 1 202, 000 33, 994 1 1 30, 000 21,000 9 20, 500 14, 196 24, 998 9,000 12,100 23,870 1 271,000 South Carolina . . 10 7 2 1 6,325 17,000 10 7 629, 750 904, 000 3 4 21,840 Tennessee 6,050 8 10 18, 309 28, 395 21,500 22, 487 4 2 21,500 80, 461 8 10 492, 250 1,555,675 1 1 20,500 Virginia . 20, 000 2 7,500 7,000 2 165, 200 2 28, 500 Total 117 302,449 307,929 17 446,477 113 9,536,273 36 275,336 State. Alabama Arkansas Delaware District of Columbia . Florida Georgia Kentucky Louisiana Maryland Mississippi Missouri New Jersey North Carolina Ohio Oklahoma Pennsylvania South Carolina Tennessee Texas Virginia West Virginia Total. $12,899 4,500 16, 206 1,519 16, 409 1,100 16, 752 2,641 12, 700 1,600 333 20, 018 4,000 1,156 11,626 30, 030 14, 430 10, 384 436 178, 739 34 9,904 14, 640 1,600 650 563 900 9,263 1,400 21,386 9,883 3,000 3,078 55,344 1,132 156,216 O "5 +j cd oil a^o 220, 975 13,422 5,000 7,479 14, 500 79, 303 5,567 17, 625 2, 700 56, 568 2,675 71,215 6,000 2,719 12, 090 45, 801 29, 694 43, 495 171,497 5,719 814,044 I 107 $274, 824 21,711 5,000 75,689 20, 019 110, 852 16. 167 35, 027 8,904 78. 168 20,450 6,333 119, 001 41,400 23, 719 34, 632 89,150 68, 774 81,503 257, 225 35, 787 1, 424, 335 2262 EDUCATION" EEPOET, 1903. Table 13. — Public high schools for negroes — Teachers, Kame of school. Teach- ers. Pupils enrolled. Total. Ele- men- tary grades. Second- ary grades. Students. Clas- sical course. Scien- tific course. lO 11 la 13 14 ALABAMA. Birmingham . . . Mobile Tuscumhia AEKANSAS. Fort Smith Helena Hot Springs Little Rock Pine Bluff DISTEICT OF CO- LUMBIA. Washington . do Fernandina . Gainesville .. Jacksonville. GEORGIA. Athens Madison Rome Sandersville. ILLINOIS. Cairo East St. Louis High School Broad Street Academy. High School Howard High School Peabody High School . .. School Street School* ... Capital Hill High School. Missouri Street High School. Armstrong Manual Training School. M Street High School . . . High School Union Academy Stanton High School . West Broad High School. High School do Sandersville College INDIANA. Evansville Jeffersonville.. Madison Mount Vernon New Albany... Vincennes KENTUCKY. Covington Lexington Louisville Owensboro Paducah Paris LOUISIANA. New Orleans... MARYLAND. Baltimore Sumner High School Lincoln High School Clark High School High School Broadway High School High School Scribner High School . . High School William Grant High School. Russell High School * . Central High School. .. Western High School* Lincoln High School .. Western High School.. SouthernUni versify and Agricultural and Me- chanical College High School. Colored High and Train- ing School. 379 16 26 12 31 107 197 i * Statistics of 1901-2. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. 2263 students^, courses of stud ij, etc., 1902-3 . students. Pupils receiv- ing manual train- ing. oi u .a a a 2'o -a ■ P 03 Sg 3 a> <5<^ a 2 S _, 0) a < a ■3 a) > c S §^ a a 2 li 3 a 03 0) 1.1 . ST a)g as .9 "3 H Eng- lish course. Busi- ness course. Nor- mal course. Gradu- ates. ■2 6 "3 a "3 "3 a 6 "3 6 "3 a 6 "3 "3 a oi "3 a 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 30 28 49 65 30 49 30 49 10 17 3 175 «1,800 20 6 3 25 12 14 ^ 30 100 1 1 57 53 40,000 3,500 1 1 1 ....,....|.... 1 .. .i---^ 3 11 20 1 3 2 1 S 50 2,370 10,000 178,800 106,909 46 32 30 105 191 826 $230 S") 1 3 6 30 1 4 5 3 50 20,000 2,500 3,000 5,000 1,500 3, 160 20, 500 5 200 30 60 609 20 1.... 1 1 1 1 1 3 15 1 8 58 2 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 R is 80 »700 2,000 200 S2,000 15 58 4 5 13 fi 61 21 6 1 106 225 100 278 250 20 75 20,000 4 11 1 ■> 6, 500 2, .500 8,000 10 10 1 4 1 it; 26 2 2 1 1 4 4' 9 12 27 ! ] 1 1 1 1 1 3 11 300 75 300 3, 993 j 1 5 1 2 9S 1 " 1 1 3 6 70, 260 14 afi 10 20 103 177 1 2264 EDUCATION REPORT, 1903. Tablk ]3. — Public high schools for negroes — Teachers, Location. Name of school. Teach- ers. Pupils enrolled. Total. Ele- men- tary grades. Second- ary grades. Students. Clas- sical course. 11 12 Scien- tific course. 13 MISSISSIPPI. Columbus Greenville Jackson Meridian Port Gibson Sardis Vicksburg MISSOUKI. Boonville..' Brunswick Carrollton Chillicothe Fulton Glasgow Hannibal Harrison ville... Kansas City Louisiana Macon Marshall Mexico .. Moberly Richmond St. Joseph St. Louis Sedalia Springfield NORTH CABOLINA Durham OHIO. Gallipolis Xenia OKLAHOMA. Guthrie Kingfisher Oklahoma City. PENNSYLVANIA. Carlisle SOUTH CAROLINA. Central Columbia Darlington . . Easley Spartanburg. Yorkville TENNESSEE. Brownsville .. Clarksville ... Columbia Dickson Jackson Union High School High School Smith Robertson School. High School High School No. 1 High School Cherry Street College Sumner High School . . . B. K. Bruce High School Lincoln High School . . . Garrison High School. . . High School Evans High School * . . . Douglass High School . . Prince Wepple School *. Lincoln High School . . . Lincoln High School... Dumas High School Lincoln High School . . . Garfield High School... Lincoln High School . . . Lincoln High School... High School Sumner High School . . . Lincoln High School... Lincoln High School . . . Whitted High School. Lincoln High School East Main Street High School.* Lincoln High School* .. High School Douglas High School Lincoln High School ■ Olive Grove School... Howard High School. Mayo School Graded School High School Graded School Dunbar High School High School do Wayman Academy . . High School. 1 .. 1 2 1 .. 1 .. * Statistics of 1901-2. SCHOOLS FOE THE COLORED EACE. students, courses of study, etc., 1003-3 — Continued. 2265 ■ students. Pupils receiv- u i a 3 > Value of grounds, build- ings, furniture, and sci- entific apparatus. u +i a« a s 0) 0) 3 ^3 3 a -J! a 2 T) 3 3 a 1 t^ OJ ^^ 30 3 a eg H 0. 28 2 47 Ifi 4 2 6 5 5 7 $10, 000 11,390 SI , 390 34 32 35 125 1 S6 ....L... 4 600 9,600 3,000 1,000 6,000 5 000 3,750 $200 1 3,950 37 38 12 36 200 3<» 60 6 ■'40 1 17 1 1 2 3 4 2 3 4 ^1 2 1 4 1 50 400 40 •?4 41 4 85' 2 .500 42 6 12 91 88 80 500 138 207 500 360 1,500 7,000 3,500 2, 200 1,500 2,500 43 44 6 14 45 3 46 1 6 9 4 200 10 225 11 47 48 2 49 10 5 6 10 12 8 12 15 600 67 50 300 175 60 150 250 50 60 630 200 600 75 50 150 25 50 1 4,800 51 5? 3 10 10 10,000 53 1 54 55 2 8 5 17 3 4 3 4 1 2 3 9 46 5 9 9 2 7 2 1 3 18,000 150,000 800 15, 000 8,000 7,000 6, 000 56 38 78 210 57 3 6 58 j 59 16 49 1 9 38 ! 60 61 6'> 63 1,500 64 1 65 6 14 9 18 66 6 4 10 12 10 67 5 1 '"2 7 4 4 4 1.50 1,000 68 4 7 6 5 11 6 9 12 6 24 2,000 300 .i . 69 3 2 3 70 1 71 5 5 1,000 3, 500 13, 005 5, 500 2, .500 15,000 1 7? 50 160 200 60 775 73 1 74 5 15 I 75 1 76 1 i i 77 2266 EDUCATIOIsr EEP03.it, 1903. Table 13. — Public high schools for negroes — Teachers, Kame of school. Teach- ers. Pupils enrolled. Total. Ele- men- tary grades. Second- ary. Students. Clas- sical course. Scien- tific course. 10 11 13 13 14 TENNESSEE— con. Knoxville McMinnville Memphis Murfreesboro Nashville Rockwood TEXAS. Austin. Bastrop Beaumont.. Bryan Calvert Clarksville . Corsicana . . Crockett Cuero Dallas El Paso Fort Worth. Galveston .. Gonzales ... Hempstead. Houston Lagrange... Livingston . Mexia Navasota . . . Palestine . . . Paris San Antonio. Sherman Terrell Tyler Victoria Waco Waxahachie VIRGINIA. Danville Lynchburg . Manchester Petersburg . Richmond.. Staunton ... Winchester. WEST VIRGINIA. Clarksburg Huntington ... Parkersburg... Point Pleasant Austin High School . . High School* Kartrecht High School . . Bradley Academy Pearl High School High School * Robertson Hill High School. * Emile High School * . . . . Central High School * . . . High School , ....do ..;.do ....do do do do.* Douglass High School... East Ninth Street School . Central High School High School , do do do North End High School High School do Lincoln High School * . Providence Street High School. Douglass High School . . Fred Douglass High School. High School do do do do High School do do.* Peabody High School ... Highand Normal School . High School do Water Street High School. Douglass High School... Sumner High School High School 34 45 8 14 li 6_ 91 15 lOi 13 4 11 25 51 6 6 13 15 .i 10 .1 10 23 14 * Statistics ol 1901-2. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. 2267 students, courses of study, etc., 1902-3 — Continued. Students. Pupils receiv- 2 a 3 O So ■SorS C £ cS »^§ -a . -2 -a ^1 So CO 3 ^ C m 3 P a 2 > 1) d 0) g a a -S -a 3 m 3 >"« 2? 3 2 < i •S3 gs a> 00 3 a < >* A u . oeo as 3 H Eng- lish course. Busi- ness course. Nor- mal course. Gradu- ates. ing manual train- ing. 6 6 "3 a u 6h "3 i 1^ "3 a 0) "3 a5 "3 a "3 "3 a 15 16 17 18 19 20 ai 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 6 9 1 11 1 7 8 22 8750 820 8670 78 79 2 2 6 250 1 80 1 3 2,400 15,000 2,500 1 81 54 82 2 , 7 ........ 2 2 •) $1,100 1,100 83 5 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 3 2 50 84 9 8,000 1,300 850 1,350 85 1 86 1 100 300 5, 000 2,000 2,000 12,000 3,000 87 1 ■ 88 26 S7 1,470 1,470 89 " 2 250 25 90 1 15 17 30 4 4 1 91 2,000 35 2,035 92 1 13 35,666 12, 900 93 ....!.... 300 200 400 75 100 210 100 325 1 94 2 1 5 1 1 3 5 1 95 1,500 2,500 96 1 . .500 75 1,575 97 ::;::::: 98 4 29, .566 2,000 .500 1 99 ! 100 8 7 800 101 15 1,500 «on 34 934 102 1 •> 30^ 3. 000 103 1 5 2 4,316 ...... 104 1 512 lef 300 120 8,000 30,000 l,.50O .................. 105 1 1 106 1 r. 1 ' 107 3,000 2, 500 1,000 5,600 3,000 1,070 72 1,142 108 109 200 250 125 110 2 7 111 1, 200 ...1 112 16 38 3 1> 113 8 5 5 41G 114 3 115 17 62 1 2 2 38 236 12 8 3 4l 8 3 33 1 116 3 32 300 236 1 117 3 8 1 15,000 118 2 119 3.52 500 1.50 20, 000 1,000 6,000 3.000 1,500 1,500 120 1 121 8 16 1 ^ 122 1 123 1 1 1 2268 EDUCATION KEPOKT, 1903. Table 14. — Secondary and higher schools for negroes- Location. Name of school. Religious denomina- tion. Teachers. White. Col- ored. Pupils en- rolled. Total. ALABAMA. Athens Calhoun Huntsville Irma Marion Mobile Montgomery Normal Selma Snow Hill Talladega Troy Tuscaloosa do Tuskegee Waugh ARKANSAS. Arkadelphia Little Rock do do Pine Bluff Southland DELAWARE. Dover DISTRICT OF CO- LUMBIA. Washington . do do FLORIDA. Jacksonville. do Live Oak Martin Ocala Orange Park Tallahassee.. GEORGIA. Athens do. Atlanta.. .....do... do... do... do... Augusta . Trinity Normal School « Calhoun Colored School Central Alabama Academy Kowaliga Academic and Indus- trial Institute.* Lincoln Normal School Emerson Normal Institute * State Normal School for Colored Students.* Agricultural and Mechanical College. Alabama Baptist Colored Uni- versity.* Snow Hill Normal and Indus- trial Institute. Talladega College Troy Industrial Academy « Oak City Academy * Stillman Institute Tuskegee Normal and Indus- trial Institute. Mount Meigs Colored Institute. Arkadelphia Baptist Academy, Arkansas Baptist College * Philander Smith College Shorter University Branch Normal College , Southland College a , Nonsect M. E . . . Nonsect Cong . . . Cong Nonsect Nonsect Bapt Nonsect Cong ... 17 Bapt Presb , Nonsect Nonsect Bapt Bapt M. E Af.Meth. Nonsect . 40 50 1015 State College for Colored Stu- dents. Howard University National Kindergarten Train- ing School." Washington Normal School No. 2. Nonsect Cookman Institute Florida Baptist Academy Florida Institute a Fessenden Academy « Emerson Memorial Home Normal and Manual Training School. Florida State Normal and In- dustrial College. Jeruel Academy Knox Institute and Industrial School. Atlanta Baptist College Atlanta University Morris Brown College Spelman Seminary Storrs School Haines Normal and Industrial Institute. Nonsect .. M. E. M. E.... Cong ... Nonsect Bapt. Cong Nonsect A. M. E Bapt Cong Presb * Statistics of 1901-2. a No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. Teachers, students, courses of sludij, etc., 1902-3. 2269 Pupils enrolled. Students. Graduates. Elemen- tary grades. Secon- dary grades. Colle- giate grades. Classi- cal course. Scien- tific courses. English course. Normal course. Busi- ness course. High school course. Normal course. Colle- giate course. 11 12 "3 13 "3 a 14 15 a; "3 a 16 <6 "3 17 a 18 6 1» "3 a 20 "3 21 "3 a 22 ■3 23 "3 a 24 6 "3 25 "3 a 26 aj "3 27 aJ "3 a 28 "3 2» 6 "3 a 30 a; ■3 31 6 a 32 147 1.5 79 64 103 191 90 226 15 123 156 133 174 103 1 35 50 7 233 127 125 32 50 50 2 69 23 473 139 286 50 64 ? ... 3 2 3 9 5 3 1 8 9 4 4 16 3 7 7 23 5 181 91 3 375 94 3 1 ft 6 5 4 4 18 4 5 90 103 15 17 2 1 7 8 90 158 110 235 58 17 60 10 58 19 60 50 1 19 9 50 1 3 9 8 9 " 3 6 7 7 1 in 40 10 879 57 22 136 181 52 41 50 405 143 23 116 206 85 41 40 50 1,015 45 15 132 194 50 482 55 20 122 206 11 30 136 45 18 21 52 15 53 77 55 12 36 66 25 45 10 5 10 15 4 1? 8 4 7 1 45 17 13 14 Ifi 43 13 5 18 3 5 1 9 6 12 1 3 5 10 1 21 1 6 2 2 2 1 7 2 3 Ifi 23 9 12 48 16 10 4 1 7 17 IS 60 53 19 5 80 68 17 156 17 70 11 410 9 138 3 163 33 9 7 8 4 4 62 5 69 1 10 3 77 4 2 20 1 8 1 1 ?(1 6 15 IS 8 21 13 18 16 62 6 11 13 62 6 30 ?? 87 82 83 120 16 8 87 83 ?a ?4 i 45 49 62 122 95 60 48 76 57 168 ' 1 ?,'i 11 43 52 7 30 07 68 (1 13 55 134 20 168 238 146 1 11 13 ] 2 ?6 4 1 4 6 4 2 27 •7^ 7 fl 20 15 5 122 168 ?c 50 30 138 14 24 5 6 1 6 1 3 4 3f 151 .'^n 31 1 30 22 6 10 25 S'' 117 178 459 10 93 16 3r 157 396 3-1 1 4 1 2 4 3f 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2270 EDUCATION REPOET, 1903. Table 14. — Secondary and higher schools for negroes — Name of school. Religious denomina- tion. Teachers. White. Col- ored. Pupils en- rolled. Total. GEORGIA— cont'd. Augusta do College Fort Valley Lagrange Mcintosh Macon do Savannah South Atlanta . . . do Thomasville KENTUCKY. Cane Springs Frankfort Lebanon Louisville do LOUISIANA. Alexandria do Baldwin New Iberia New Orleans do do MARYLAND. Baltimore do do Laurel Mel vale Princess Anne... MISSISSIPPI. Clinton Edwards Holly Springs . . . Jackson Meridian do Natchez Tougaloo VVestpoint Westside MISSOURI. Jefferson City ... Sedalia Paine College Walker Baptist Institute a Georgia State Industrial Col- lege.* Fort Valley High and Indus- trial School.* Lagrange Baptist Academy Dorchester Academy Ballard Normal School Central City College Beach Institute Clark University Gammon Theological Seminary Allen Normal and Industrial School. Eckstein Norton University*. . , Kentucky Normal and Indus- trial Institute for Colored Persons. St. Augustine's Colored School, Louisville Christian Bible School, a State University * , Alexandria Academy Central Louisiana Academy. . . Gilbert Academy and Indus- trial College. Mount Carmel Academy a Leland University New Orleans University Straight University Baltimore Normal School , Morgan College St. Francis Academy , Maryland Industrial and Agri- cultural Institute. Industrial Home for Colored Girls. Princess Anne Academy" , Mount Hermon Female Semi- nary. Southern Christian Institute . . Rust University Jackson College Lincoln School Meridian Academy a Natchez College a Tougaloo University Mary Holmes Seminary Alcorn Agricultural and Me- chanical College. Lincoln Institute , George R. Smith College , Statistics of 1901-2. M. E. S . . . Nonsect Nonsect Bapt. Cong Cong Bapt. Cong M. E. M. E. Cong Nonsect Nonsect R. C . Bapt. M. E. Bapt. Meth Bapt. M. E. Cong Nonsect M. E.... R. C... Nonsect Nonsect Nonsect Christian . M. E Bapt Cong Cong Presb. North Nonsect Nonsect M. E.... a No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. Teachers, students, courses of studi/, etc., 1002-3— Continued. 2271 Pupils enrolled. Students. Graduates. Elemen- Uiry grades. Secon- dary grades. Colle- giate grades. ""'ct 'tffic' ^"^^'^^^ cai iiiio course. course, counscs. Normal course. Busi- ness course. High school course. Normal course. Colle- giate course. 11 3'2 "3 a 13 55 6 13 Gl "3 B 0) 14 87 15 10 "3 a 3 8 2 2 1 ? 2 5 1 1 63 5 6 20 5 5 40 1 60 23 90 73 2 1 2 3 ? 64 65 ' 66 192 390 57 in 235 154 89 ' 57 16 34 49 134 54 35 06 6 137 57 4 2 12 7 26 390 30 202 89 26 30 7 7 8 4 15 1 67 2 68 7 69 1 6 1 1 ° 134 13 137 fi 70 8 4 8 6 3' 2 ? 71 2272 EDUCATION REPORT, 1903. Table 14. — Secondary and higher schools for negroes- Location. Name of school. Religious denomina- tion. Teachers. White. Col- ored. Pupils en- rolled. Total. NEW JERSEY. Borden town KORTH CAROLINA. Beaufort Charlotte Concord Elizabeth City Fayette ville Franklin ton do Goldsboro Greensboro do High Point Kings Mountain. . Liberty Lumberton Peedee Plymouth Raleigh .....do Salisbury do Wilmington Windsor Winston Winton OHIO. Wilberforce OKLAHOMA. Langston PENNSYLVANIA. Lincoln Univer- sity. Philadelphia SOUTH CAROLINA. Aiken Beaufort Camden Charleston do Chester Columbia do Frogmore Greenwood Lancaster , Manual Training and Indus- trial School.* Washburn Seminary Biddle University .". Scotia Seminary Elizabeth City State Normal School. State Colored Normal School . . . Albion Academy, State Normal School. Franklinton Christian College* State Colored Normal School a . Bennett College * Agricultural and Mechanical College for the Colored Race. High Point Normal and Indus- trial School. a Lincoln Academy Liberty Normal College Whitin Normal Institute a Barrett Collegiate and Indus- trial Institute. Plymouth State Normal School* St. Augustine's School Shaw University Livingstone College * State Normal School Gregory Normal Institute Bertie Academy a The Slater Industrial and State Normal School. a Waters Normal Institute Nonsect Nonsect . . Presb Presb Nonsect .. Nonsect Nonsect Christian . . . M.E Nonsect . . Cong ... Nonsect Nonsect Nonsect P. E Bapt A.M. E. Z.. Nonsect Nonsect Bapt. Wilberforce Universitv* A. M. E Colored Agricultural and Nor- mal University. * Lincoln University* Institute for Colored Youth*.. Presb . . . Friends. Schofield Normal and Indus- trial Institute. Harbison Institute" Browning Home School a Avery Normal Institute Wallingford .\cademy* Brainerd Institute Allen University Benedict College Penn Normal, Industrial, and Agricultural School. Brewer Normal School Lancaster Normal and Indus- trial Institute. ♦Statistics of 1901-2. Nonsect ... Cong ... Presb . . . Presb . . . A. M. E. Bapt Nonsect Cong A. M. E. Z.. «No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. Teachers, students, courses of study, etc., 1902-3 — Continued. 227a Pupils enrolled. students. Graduates. Elemen- tary grades. Secon- dary grades. Colle- giate grades. Classi- cal course. Scien- tific courses. English course. Normal course. Busi- ness course. High school course. Normal course. Colle- giate course. 6 S 12 17 61 255 6 13 37 5 77 68 46 65 13 s 14 53 16 36 15 B 16 6 17 _a5 "3 a 18 "3 19 6 "3 a 20 6 "3 6 "3 22 "3 23 6 "3 i S4 4 6 "3 25 6 ■3 a 0) d 27 3 41 6 "3 a 28 6 "3 29 a; "3 a 30 4 ■3 31 "3 a

225 3 120 9 42 16 70 * statistics of 1901-2. a No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. Teachers, students, courses of study, etc., 1902-3 — Continued. 2275 rupils enrolled. students. Graduates. Elemen- tary grades. Secon- dary grades. Colle- giate grades. Classi- cal course. Scien- tific courses. English course. Normal course. Pusi- ness course. High school course. Normal course. Colle- giate course. 6 "3 1^ 11 225 205 6 "3 a 13 239 163 "3 13 63 110 a 14 69 76 "3 15 12 45 "3 a 16 "3 17 a; a 18 10 25 QJ '5 19 6 "3 a ID 30 6^ "3 21 "3 a 33 "3 33 47 42 "3 a 34 61 23 "3 35 '3 a 36 "3 37 21 6 "3 a 28 16 6 "3 39 10 45 aJ "3 a 30 14 25 "3 31 ■ 6 '3 a (p 32 2 2 28 25 45 105 315 239 87 54 106 37 116 170 118 82 52 38 150 275 143 99 43 14 58 80 25 54 47 76 14 34 18 97 40 147 59 63 31 59 100 85 118 44 115 20 42 100 29 72 20 143 85 60 15 9 14 8 ' 51 68 48 80 25 51 100 85 4 3 4 3 6 9 5 12 7 107 108 109 !... 97 159 9 6 110 67 29 416 26 3 148 12 5 4 4 14 12 7 111 29 47 2 74 1 6 3 25 12 8 112 98 30 12 104 168 35 20 120 54 126 17 158 224 62 19 20 85 124 8 12 114 1 14 ' " 6 1 6 115 100 116 16 23 13 7 32 67 22 24 2 20 129 18 3 117 9 34 6 31 47 1 16 2 40 15 63 26 6 40 24 18 2 45 27 6 147 63 56 26 143 74 8 6 8 57 3 1 39 2 26 47 2 1 10 28 1 1 2 5 3 1 1 118 18 12 5 6 119 18 16 13 14 120 121 122 123 41 39 374 59 25 446 11 8 176 19 39 88 2 8 4 G 21 2 14 52 21 78 32 17 33 31 31 3 12 5 6 18 3 14 3 23 12 "21 2 4 124 125 126 19 35 206 57 100 20 20 8 59 359 104 80 110 30 34 11 32 3 5 14 3 4 1 1 3 127 35 206 100 59 359 215 128 22 13 42 96 20 22 50 72 144 47 40 40 46 22 5 72 6 8 20 33 129 7 31 9 7 130 72 8 131 132 60 3 17 21 20 50 40 46 133 5 20 22 8 40 40 12 1 3 8 1 6 12 134 10 5 135 136 2276 EDUCATION REPOET, 1903. Table 15. — Secondary and higher schools for negroes — Professional Name of school. Students in profes- sional courses. Pupils receiv- ing indus- trial training. Students trained in industrial branches. 6 6 1 & c5 "3 Is a 6 1 a 8 & 6 9 ho a 10 C 1 11 C 'i 12 •So .sa 13 a '5) 14 ft .£3 15 bi 3 OS a w 16 in 17 1 3 3 4 5 7 ALABAMA. Trinity Normal School « . ^ 122 184 306 286 Central Alabama Academy 8 Kowaliga Academic and Industrial Institute.* 20 100 10 87 222 35 180 70 329 246 55 280 80 416 468 35 4 5 Emerson Normal Institute *. State Normal School for Col- ored Students.* Agricultural and Mechan- ical College. Alabama Baptist Colored University.* Snow Hill Normal and In- du.strial Institute. Talladega College 24 24 6 30 25 7 15 30 10 29 25 8 Q 35 75 32 162 •57 237 4 40 9 75 2 2 3 11 5 10 Troy Industrial Academv 1 n Oak City Academv * ! - . !•> 9 > 4 9 4 50 1016 60 492 48 50 1,.507 108 .50 108 40 94 33 14 Tuskegee Normal and In- dustrial Institute. Mount Meigs Colored Insti- tute. ARKANSAS. Arkadelphia Baptist Acad- emy. Arkansas Baptist College* 105 19 14 29 72 . 27 15 ^>^ 9 13 3 79 1 245 64 34 10 258 67 113 10 13 3 17 Philander Smith College ... Shorter University 10 S 10 8 IS i<> 40 24 15 Southland College « ' . . ?0 DELAWARE. state College for Colored Students. DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Howard University National Kindergarten Training School." Washington Normal School No. 2. FLORIDA. Cookman Institute 20 113 16 85 36 198 4 20 54 6 1 4 2 .54 ^>^ 392 23 415 00 ''1 ''I Florida Baptist Academy 29 68 97 21 22 Fessenden Academv f ■^5 Emerson Memorial Home. . . Normal and Manual Train- ing School. Florida State Normal and Industrial College. 56 25 60 61 74 60 117 99 '^(i 25 56 18 07 11 4 * statistics of 1901-2. n No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. 2277 and industrial training — Equipment and income, 190^-3. students trained in industrial branches. Chief sources of sup- port. u o « . Geo CJOI S-S 53 2i (P 0& I Volumes in library. Value of grounds, build- Ings, furniture, and scientific apparatus. Amount of State, United States, or municipal aid. a 01 a) > CK C a < a u •0 •0 B aj a >•" > 3 C 3 ft 0. a a 2 t CO C 8 i g m O |i 0) go a < .2 CO ai(M as a "3 H 18 19 ao 21 22 23 2i 25 26 27 28 29 1 114 60 Donation, endow- ment, and tuition. Freed man's Aid and So. Ed. Sec. Northern philanthro- phy, tuition. Amer. Miss. Assn «1,000 2,360 300 300 200 500 300 3,735 500 2,500 5,000 $30, 000 $977 1762121,220 »22, 959 1 9 20 28C 80 329 98 20 25 15,000 600 IS, 000 40,000 76, 036 30, 150 35,000 182, 000 S260 100' 3, 845 4, 205 3 4 do '"8,'566 4,000 1 407' 2,484 4,900 11,150 3,891 15,400 15, 150 2,200 16, 452 29, 478 5 ■■«. 87 174 State, Slater fund, Peabodv fund. State and United States. 2,000 6 7 9 2nn 8 8 162 14 72 23 Charitable .sources 35 945 114 15. .^58 9 Endowment, benevo- lent gifts. 1,500 6, 088 21,890 10 Tuition 600 90 nnn n 270 270 3,000 160, 399 3 , 420 660 11 Presbyterian church . 3,666 3,000 136, 228 900 500 12 211 48 300 28 626 State, endowment, donations. Contributions Colored Bapt. Church 3,000' 533,608 1,500 6,000 100' 10 nnn 4,500 82 3,100 400 150 16, 571 38 13 14 15 2.30 1,700 463 16 245 64 34 109 Freedman's Aid and So.Ed.Soc.M.E.Ch. A.M. E. Church '. 500 41, 500 21,700 92, 000 "3^789 3,200 821 329 :.:;::'; 2, 500 3,604 6, 818 5,700 4, 425 10, 936 17 18 State and United States. 19 16 61 State and United States. U. S. and endowment. 500 41,754 27,000 1 non nnn 5, 000 7,479 5,000 75, 689 ''0 29 642, 100 16, 206 9,904 21 City 850 600 22 Freedmen's Ai8 GEORGIA. Jeruel Academj'^ 54 16 67 206 150 60 90 168 239 475 131 250 60 144 16 235 445 475 131 400 oq Knox Institute and Indus- trial School. Atlanta Baptist College Atlanta Universitj'' 36 16 24 10 14 80 S6 26 9 14 36 35 14 Rl 18 6 Vfl Morris Brown College. Spelman Seminary 8 3S 24 R4 Storrs School 35 Haines Normal and Indus- trial Institute. Paine College Rfi Walker Baptist Institute^.. 37 Georgia State Industrial College.* Fort Valley High and In- dustrial School.* Lagrange Baptist Academy. ss 22 42 64 16 09 2 12 15 3*1 40 Dorchester Academy 93 21 36 41 1S8 206 80 105 261 231 206 101 140 302 93 41 Ballard Normal School 4'> Central City Academy 34 43 Beach Institute 44 Clark University 41 .29 19 19 19 19 8 45 Gammon Theological Sem- inary. Allen Normal and Indus- trial Institute. KENTUCKY. Eckstein Norton University* Kentucky Normal and In- dustrial Institute for Col- ored Persons. St. Augustine's Colored School. Louisville Christian Bible School, a State University* 48 48 46 20 10 112 47 132 57 47 1 1 <> 3 10 48 :::.:: 4q 28 19 47 50 51 LOUISIANA. 5'> Central Louisiana Academy 53 Gilbert Academy and In- dustrial College. 54 71 125 17 4 5 4 54 37 39 76 22 5] 55 New Orleans University 55 12 6 60 12 1. 5fi 105 i 26g 373 . 95 23 ... 1 * statistics of 1901-2. a No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. 227y and industrial training — Equipment and income, 1902-3 — Continued. students trained in industrial branches. Chief sources of sup- port. o m . 11 0S>H "3 a li °& a a 3 o . > Value of grounds, build- ings, furniture, and scientific apparatus. 11 !° lid < a o o a (V o ^"5 O a < a ■a -0 a 0) d •3 ^ > SI a < 1 a < a> ,C ■*-» ti . c bib C m be a 3 § 0) 6 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 51 74 9 20 Jernel Bapt. Assn. and A.B.H.Soc. Amer. Miss. Assn., tu- ition. Amer. Bapt. Home Miss. Soc. Benevolent contribu- tions, tuition. A. M. E. Church bene- factions. W.A.B.H. Miss.Soc, Slater fund. Amer. Miss. Assn., tu- ition. Freedmen Board of N. Branch Presb. Church. M.E. Church South... 131,000 350 100 2,500 11,500 1,500 3,937 290 1,200 400 810, 000 5,000 80,000 251,000 100, 000 293, 427 5,000 15,000 45, 833 S768 51, 728 12, 496 28 832 2, 500 1,275 1,565 8840 1,800 7,252 100 12,000 21,208 2, 300 8,924 4,400 13, 275 21,208 3,865 ?0 168 239 429 131 54 48 91 140 31 32 33 34 400 35 10, 260 10, 260 36 1 1 .. 1 37 42 20 .... Tuition, State and do- nations. City 614 19, 000 S500 800 5,000 6,300 38 39 138 700 1,500 11,000 40,000 6 829 3,200 6 6,195 2,500 7, 024 5,700 40 '>or> 1"'"' Amer. Miss. Assn., tu- ition. 41 80 140 261 50 4'' Amer. Miss. Assn., tu- ition. Church and contribu- tions. Endowment 500 850 12, 000 150 500 1,197 250, 000 100, 000 1,340 3,300 9 7fin 4,100 11,300 12, 000 43 91 8, 000 1" 000 44 45 132 47 10 12 Amer. Miss. Assn Contributions 46 20,000 50,000 " '8,' 666 900 200 "i,'566 687 4,880 1,587 14,580 47 '" State and United States. Colored Ed. Soc 48 47 49 45, 000 150 5, 000 -fi, 000 50 Tuition, Freedmen's Aid. Bapt. Assn., tuition, contributions. Freedmen's Aid and So. Ed. Soc. of the M. E. Church. 17 100 2,525 252 700 60 475 3,000 302 1,175 3,000 51 5'' 15 10 70 53 25 Endowment, contri- butions. Freedmen's Aid, M. E. Church. Amer. Miss. Assn. Slater fund and Daniel Hand fund. 500 3,000 3,000 2,500 150, 000 126, 000 100, 000 13, 900 6,100 20, 000 54 55 205 63 1,900 650 8,000 10, 550 56 2280 EDUCATION REPORT., 1903. Table 15. — Secondary and higher schools for negroes — Professional Name of school. Students in profes- sional courses. Pupils receiv- ing indus- trial training. Students trained in industrial branches. "3 a o a5 "3 "3 1 OS oS C P C bi G '3 Ph 1^- C o c o S3 ." o o OS bi c !S ai a o jC en ti c a 'Eh Ph 17 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 13 13 14 15 16 f>7 MAKYLAND. Baltimore Normal School... 58 Morgan College 113 25 97 45 5 104 210 45 30 104 60 7 7 7 5 5ct St. Francis Academy 60 Maryland Industrial and Agricultural Institute. Industrial Home for Col- ored Girls. Princess Anne Academy « .. 25 fii 6'' MISSISSIPPI. Mount Hermon Female Seminary. Southern Christian Institute Rust University Jackson College 48 40 40 50 44 60 69 130 50 92 100 69 170 fi^ 19 12 39 3 12 5 64 7 3 3 7 65 (\n Lincoln School 1 Meridian Academy « 1 Natchez Collegea ( 67 Tougaloo Universitv 120 439 14 23 25 77 182 220 95 194 6 71 76 22 152 302 220 534 194 20 94 101 77 22 152 57 10 154 53 17 24 68 6^ Alcorn Agricultural and Mechanical College. MISSOURI. Lincoln Institute ... 140 43 41 70 71 George R. Smith College 20 r> NEW JERSEY. Manual Training and In- dastrial School.* NORTH CAROLINA. Washburn Seminary 6 2 23 25 14 7? 74 Biddle University 17 17 15 22 12 7=> Scotia Seininary 76 Elizabeth City State Normal School. State Colored Normal School Albion Academy, State Normal School. Franklinton Christian Col- lege.* State Colored Normal School." Bennett College* 77 78 7<1 6 6 12 28 40 80 167 . 70 70 167 81 Agricultural and Mechan- ical College for the Col- ored Race. High Point Normal and In- 7 32 30 1 2 6 12 5 dustrial School, a * Statistics of 1901-2. a No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. and induslrial trahibig — Equipment and income, 190J-S — Continued. 2281 students trained in industrial branches. Chief sources of sup- port. CM ■u "S C ■ li . a" °& 3.0 > 1 S o > Value of grounds, build- in gs, furniture, and scientific apparatus. 11 5 '^ |i 'J} o O m" < a o > QJ 1 o a < a g . ■a •a c Oi s f._ 'S 9 il S a. a < a 2 li |i ^ u a < u OJ iS Eh bi C m ti a 3 o o o m -a o 18 1920 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 State 2,000 4,000 »20,000 85, 850 »2,000 «2,000 4,404 57 73| 69 45 10 M. E. Church and |5,991 tuition. i 12, 491 1213 SI, 700 58 59 5 5 State 1 300 10, 000 1,000 150 356I 1 nnn' •> kiw 60 104; 40 Citv and State L .. i », 50 34 110 69 130 50 6 30 400 1,000 10, 000 1, 200 300 25, 000 60, 000 125, 000 40,000 3,000 500 200 2,500 3,200 fi'' C. W. Board of Mis- sions, tuition. Freedmen's Aid and So. Ed. Soc. M. E. Church. Amer. Bapt. Home Mission Soc. Amer. Miss. Assn., tuition. 1,200 63 10, 000 10,400 20, 400 64 65 40 700 1 1,000; 1,700 06 155 220 15 194 i62J.... Amer. Miss. Assn 4,000 700 2,700 300 125; 000 50,000 168,000 55, 000 2,000 6, 000 207, 000 65,000 1 500 16, 7001 l.H 200 67 W. M. Soc. Presb. Church. State and United States. State and United States. So. Ed. Soc. M. E. Church. State 68 20 221 8,000 16, 175 6,000 700 25, 968 34, 668 16,175 J 971^ 69 70 1,600 333 2 675 71 44 76 19 2 400 200 13,000 2,200 609 1 72 Amer. Miss. Assn Presb. Church, board and tuition. Presb. Board for Freedmen, tuition. 73 10 ! 4,666 Oj 600 ! 250 3, 750 8, 000 1 1 17,261 17,861 1 1 74 75 76 19 22 1 1 77 i ....:::::::: 78 25 25.... Endowment and tui- tion. . 79 1 1 70 17 72 Freedmen's Aid and So. Ed. Soc. State and United States. 3,000 929 30,000 8S, 000 80 v r,m 31, 189 43,689 «1 2282 EDUCATION REPORT, 1903. Table 15. — Secondary and higher schools for negroes — Professional Name of scliool. Students in profes- sional courses. Pupils receiv- ing indus- trial training. Students trained in industrial branches. '3 0) "3 o "3 6 '3 a 3 ^ S3 S ■ H & a bb a s a g '3 P-, 4i .3 a bo a o ft o o bo g 3 a ID o bi C 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 lO 11 13 13 14 15 16 17 i>.9. NORTH CAROLINA— cont'd. Lincoln Academy 16 16 88 Liberty Normal College Whitin Normal Institute a . . 84 Barrett Collegiate and In- dustrial Institute. Plymouth State Normal School.* St. Augustine's School Shaw University 18 21 85 94 3C 171 91 142 48 192 176 236 16 6 15 30 85 8fi 166 5 5 166 6 29 26 12 25 87 2 17 3 88 Livingstone College * 89 State Normal School 90 Gregory Normal Institute. . . Bertie Academy a 50 180 230 The Slater Industrial and State Normal School, a Waters Normal Institute OHIO. Wilberforce University * OKLAHOMA. Colored Agricultural and Normal University. * PENNSYLVANIA. Lincoln University * Institute forColored Youth*. 91 15 1 16 38 38 9'? 9?, 83 128 211 25 13 25 94 61 61 95 18 139 171 188 189 327 8 18 8 r> 12 6 9fi SOUTH CAROLINA. Schofleld Normal and In- dustrial Institute. Harbison Institute a "o 1 15 Browning Home School" . . . 97 98 Avery Normal Institute Wallingford Academy* 5 111 116 99 Brain erd Institute 76 118 194 60 10 2 4 00 Allen University 01 Benedict College 48 2 50 79 74 25 268 860 105 102 162 20 261 264 184 176 162 45 529 624 12 74 12 150 74 12 46 63 4 30 10 n-^ Penn Normal, Industrial, and Agricultural School. Brewer Normal School Lancaster Normal and In- dustrial Institute. Claflin Universitv 103 04 05 40 78 20 30 13 13 30 16 Ofi Colored Normal, Industrial, Agricultural, andMechan- ical College. * TENNESSEE. Lane College a. L07 Warner Institute * 6 ^6 ?!?. 6 ........| *Statistics of 1901-2. a No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. 2283 and industrial training — Equipment and income, 1902-3 — Continued. students trained in industrial branches. Chief sources of sup- port. O goo .2c!i 03 th ^% a o a 2 taoS .=;c"o >• ll t-) a -3 s. a CO o *^ 0) aaa'tj a 2 ■C a-- tu ..-<«4-( « 3 § a < a 2 . ■a -a a 0) 3 '53 m o > £■2 !h o 3 3 o 3 ^ o a a < a o 'Si ^c t-, §o o a o t-l o o c C o o 1 O 18 19 ao 21 23 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 16 Amer. Miss. Assn. of Cong. Churuh. Tuition 350 500 19,000 3,000 13170 1170 2,280 f>.'> 280 S2.000 S3 24 21 6,000 1,800 70,000 92, .500 125, 150 5,000 18,000 $1, 150 1,150 1,857 20, 134 6,037 12,300 1, 858 1,400 84 192 "•is State 21 2, 500 1,500 8,000 200 400 1,857 85 150 1-10 150 Tuition, contributions Amer. Bapt. H. M. Soc, Slater fund, tuition. 810,000 1,600 1,858 3,900 4, 683 3,350 $2, 733 280 6,000 13, .501 1,074 1,350 86 87 88 State 89 180'.... 1 50 Amer. Miss. Assn 6 1,400 90 ■■■■|"" 38 Amer. Bapt. Home Mis. Soc. , donations. 500 5,000 700 16, .500 12, 500 202, 000 33,994 271,000 240 30,000 21,000 85 4,000 1,400 1,940 2,265 1 6,000 41,400 2,719^ 23,719 ! ! 12,090: 34,632 1 fli 99 128 20 Territory and Morrill fund. 93 1,156 21, 386 91 781 171 68 44 4,000 95 188 57 Contributions 325 1,000 60,000 200 165 3, 815 i 5, 000 9, 180 96 1 .:.:.:::i:::;;;. :::::;:: 1 116 Amer. Miss. Assn., tuition. Tuition- and Miss. Board. Presbyterian Church . A. M.'E. Church .. 1,000 25,000 2,500 20, 000 35,000 200,000 12, 000 6,000 175,000 94, 250 2,650 102 6 62 3,000 5,650 224 97 9S 118 43 400 80 99 640 21,000 1,298 1,741 260 ' "6,'666 fi 1 9QS 100 97 102 162 30 170 200 20 48 18 85 21 164 73 Endowment, Am. Bapt. H. M. Soc, tuition. 3,466 400 200 400 6,500 750 8, 866 16, 607 2, 581 2, 847 1, 200 600 1, 390 20,000 24,000 5 754 ''i^' "5J 101 109 Tuition, benevolent contributions. Churcli and State 1,200 150 4,000 103 10't Freedmen's Aid and So. Ed. Soc. of M.E. Church, Slaterfund. State 6,000 105 106 26 26 .... . Amer. Miss. Assn 24 6,666 320 12 6 480 8i2 107 2284 EDUCATlOlsr EEPORT, 1903. Table 15. — Secondary and higher schools for negroes- — Professional Name of school. Students n profes- sional courses. Pupils receiv- ing indus- rial training. Students trained in industrial branches. 6 0) S o o 1 S 0) 3 o H a "S o bib a o 1 fci) c g ■3 p-( 3'3 1 (3 1 ft i Bo bib C 3 a 0) A bib .s ■ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 lO 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 108 TENNESSEE— continued. Knoxville College 4 4 23 170 46 120 275 159 143 445 205 23 45 25 22 22 22 12 im LeMoyne Normal Institute*. Morristown Normal and In- dustrial College. Fisk University no 12 16 m 2 5 338 30 2 5 368 112 lis Roger Williams University.. 6 85 91 2 1 3 114 TEXAS. Samuel Huston College 25 117 7 65 226 46 161 7 90 . 226 46 278 ^^f) 24 10 82 15 24 10 97 23 1 nfi Mary Allen Seminary Hearne Academy, Normal and Industrial Institute. 117 118 117 3 9 27 119 120 121 Prairie View State Normal and Industrial College. 147 49 62 10 129 135 92 15 276 184 154 25 26 28 62 14 24 10 1 2 20 4 5 24 17 15 12'' 1''3 VIRGINI.\. William McKinley Normal and Industrial School. 1''4 Gloucester Agricultural and Industrial School. * Temperance,Iudustrial,and Collegiate Institute. Hampton Normal and Ag- ricultural Institute. 52 18 550 78 25 534 130 43 1,084 130 11 1.1 1''5 13 11 126 899 38 18 18 7 20 7 6 St. Paul Normal and Indus- trial School." Virginia Collegiate and In- dustrial Institute. 1 127 128 10 35 35 108 80 59 375 at a 40 94 410 356 5 21 33 2 129 Norfolk Mission College* 38 ""6 130 131 Bishop Payne Divinity School. Virginia Normal and Indus- trial School. Hartshorn Memorial College Virginia Union College St. Paul's Universalist Mis- sion School. * WEST VIEGINIA. " 132 . ! 133 60' 1 60 100 (^ 100 100 55 150 100 134 c c 25 7C 100 30 80 135 U 20 22 136 West Virginia Colored In- stitute. 1 23 8 ♦ Statistics of 1901-2. "No report. SCHOOLS FOR THE COLORED RACE. 2285 and industrial training — Equipment and income 190-2-3 — Continued. Students trained in industrial branches. Chief source.s of sup- port. Value of benefactions or bequests in 1902-3. 03 .£ c a D O > Value of grounds, build- ings, furniture, and scientific apparatus. 11 la O ^' a o >$ Is 0; O «'3 3 O a a 52 5 a. a < a >i '? o ^ u a go o a < 1-1 S3 D h ti C £ 18 3 o o o 19 1 a; O 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 120 175 159 32 25 85 "i98 Prcsb. Church, State.. 2,500 2. 700 1,000 7, 274 7,000 4,500 1,100 2,000 500 S115, 000 »5_ 000 S300 4,. 500 1,884 5,000 834 17, 500 1,118 750 83,000 110, .500 4,000 10,584 130 4,000 »15, 800 8, 5.50 12, 408 8,000 1,644 21.. 500 108 Tuition, benevolence. Freedmen's Aid Soc. M. E. Church, tui- tion, donation. Amer. Miss. Assn. .tui- tion. Amer. Bapt. Mi.ss. Soc. of New York. 117, 000 45,000| ' 50 75, 000 1 350,000, 155, 000 680 158,000 109 110 111 85 112 113 65 226 23 133 30 46 16 1 F. A. Soc. of M. E. Church, tuition. Am. Miss. Assn., tui- tion. Church contributions. Am.B. H. M.Soc. and Tex. Mis. Ed. Con. Am. Bapt. Home Miss. Soc, tuition. Freedmen's Aid, S. E. Soc. M.?l Church. State and United States. 3,000 50, 000 40, 000 50, 000 7,000 150, 000 65,250 80, 000 50, 000 1 1,500' 2,018 6, .500; 7, 2.50 5, OOO: 5. 000 114 115 116 500 SOO 117 13,000 4,000 5, 000 4. ,500 20, .500 6 3,594 3,000 400 5, 568 1,778 1,300 6,820 10, 000 9,000 4,675 694 12, 192 13, 000 20, .500 10, 700 10, 243 694 118 11<» 7-1 153 92 43 25 94 "ii 10 909 5, 000 120 Tuition and church .. V)o Subscriptions lo-^ 65 17 515 65 25 246 40,000 25, 975 823, 500 4«n 0| 5, 875 1,187! 1 50,607128,829 6, 355 2,462 179, 436 194 Tuition, contributions United States, endow- ment, contributions. 3,500 1,697 76,961 12,698 1,275 125 126 1 1 30 59 287 230 35 43 86 68 '""6 M. E. Church sno 53 noo 6 480 n' 1.50 fian 127 300 56 700 2 OOo' 2, 700 4, 700 7,720 9,470 5, 000 5, 500 600' 21 son 128 Church and tuition . . . i 600 500 2,500 1,500 8,000 70,000 1,7.50 500 3,000 50 1,132 129 Endowment, contri- 130 butions. State 165, 000 .50, 000 .^on nnn 20, 000 2,500 26,000 1,200 1,124 2,000 75 320 116 131 Mis.sionary Societies.. Am. Bapt. H. M. Soc, 5,429 14, 000 500 719 5,000 6, 5.53 19,000 625 4,671 31,116 132 133 100 30 79 C9ntributions. 30o' 1 - 500 134 20 46 vention. State and Free Bap- tist Mission. State and United States. .5,500 2,000 50,000 115,200 135 136 \ \ -JUL i' "^