K L LI N C . Mftt; ; a k a b E T. NELSON AND SONS. LONDON I THE NORTHERN COASTS OF AMERICA, THE HUDSON'S BAY TERRITORIES A NARRATIVE OF DISCOVERY AND ADVENTURE. f0tt&on: T. NELSON AND SONS, PATERNOSTER ROW; AND EDINBURG MDCCCLIII. J ^3 /y/^f \* ,<$> ^ PREFACE. The progress of Discovery lias ever been regarded with the deepest interest by mankind. Whether viewed with reference to its bearing upon the commercial interests of nations, its valuable additions to the acquisitions of science, or regarded as bringing to light many of the hidden wonders with which the Great and Good Creator has so plentifully stored our world, it is fraught with interest and instruction. Among the various Expeditions of Discovery by land and sea, none have claimed our attention or enlisted our sympathies more powerfully than those into the Arctic Regions. Nowhere has the navigator to con- tend with difficulties so formidable; nowhere is nature presented more vividly under so terrific and beautiful an aspect — now howling in the fury of elemental strife, and anon reposing in all the fairy-like brilliancy peculiar to the icy oceans of the north; and nowhere has been more strikingly exemplified at once the power and the impotency of man. In the volume of this series entitled Polar Seas and Regions, full and interesting details are given of the IV PREFACE. various expeditions by sea to these frozen regions. But before we could be said to have obtained a complete view of the efforts made to explore the extreme north by the nations of Europe, there remained to be completed another branch of adventure, equally arduous, and more varied in character. "We allude to the expeditions undertaken, partly by land and partly by lake and river navigation, to trace the Northern Coasts of America. This desideratum the present volume will supply, and in combination with the work alluded to, will be found to give a complete account of the whole series of Northern Discoveries by land and water, from the earliest period down to the pre- sent time. The beautiful and romantic scenery through which the successive adventurers passed, the wild uncultivated natives with whom they came into contact, the manifold dangers they encountered among the lakes and foaming cataracts, and the stirring rencontres they frequently had with the ferocious animals that inhabit the North American wil- derness, form a large portion of the following pages. NELSON AND SONS LONDON AND EDINBURC PROGRESS OF DISCOVERY NORTHERN COASTS OF AMERICA. CHAPTER I. Discovery of North America — Early Voyages of the Portuguese, French, and Spaniards. First Discovery of North America by John Cabot — Yoyages of Sebas- tian Cabot — Of the Cortereals — Discovery of Labrador — French Dis- coveries — Voyages of Verazzano — Of Jacques Cartier — Discovery of Canada — Spanish Voyages of Discovery — Cortes — Ulloa — Alarchon — Viscaino. When we peruse the lives of such men as De Gama and Columbus, and consider the complicated difficulties over- come by these early navigators, their imperfect means, and the dark and defective state of their knowledge, it is diffi- cult to repress astonishment at the success which attended their exertions, and the magnitude and splendour of their discoveries. In reflecting, indeed, upon so great a theme as the revelation of a new world, it becomes us to raise our minds from the region of second causes to the awful con- templation of that Almighty Being, who confounds the cal- culations of man by bringing stupendous results out of the feeblest human preparations; and it is one of the finest features in the character of Columbus, that he invariably 2 COLUMBUS. [1493. acted under the conviction of being selected by God for the task which he at length accomplished ; but the admiration with which we regard this great man — and that belongs, though in an inferior degree, to many of his contempora- ries in the field of discovery — is enhanced rather than dimi- nished by this union of simple and primitive faith with ardent genius and undaunted resolution. A former volume* has been devoted to the description of the daring efforts which have been made to explore the Polar Seas ; and we now proceed to direct our attention to another, and a no less interesting and important chapter in the history of human enterprise — the discovery of North America, and the progress of maritime adventure on the more northern coasts of this vast continent. Without de- tracting in any degree from the fame of Columbus, it may be mentioned as a remarkable circumstance, that although the admiral landed in Hispaniola as early as the 4th of February 1493, he did not ascertain the existence of the continent of South America till the 30th of May 1498 ; whilst there is certain evidence that, almost a year before, an English vessel had reached the shores of North Ame- rica. As much obscurity hangs over the circumstances of this early voyage, and as I have arrived at a conclusion completely at variance with that adopted by a late acute writer,-)- it will be necessary to dwell with some minuteness on the history of this great event. * Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas and Regions, by Sir John Leslie, &c. London, 1853. -j- The author of the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 50, 51, an anony- mous work (London, 1831), which contains much ingenious criticism and valuable research. It is, however, unhappily confused in its arrange- ment, and written throughout in a tone of asperity which, in the discus- sion of a subject of remote biography, is unpleasant and uncalled for. The author has been unjustly severe in his animadversions on the labours of Hakluyt, of whom a brief Vindication will be found at the end of th'i3 volumo. 1494.} JOHN CABOT AND HENRY VII. 3 The attention paid to navigation by the commercial states of Italy, and especially by the republics of Genoa and Venice, is familiar to all acquainted with the history of Europe during the fifteenth century. Italian merchants and agents of opulent commercial houses were found settled in every European state ; and the impetus communicated to the human mind by the discoveries of the Portuguese and the Spaniards rendered the sciences of cosmography and navigation the most popular subjects of instruction which were taught in the schools. A devotion to them became fashionable among the noble and ardent youths, who asso- ciated with them all that was romantic and delightful; they were considered as the certain guides to daring and successful maritime adventure, and the handmaids to wealth and fame. It was about this momentous period, in the year 1494, that we find a Venetian, named John Cabot, or Gabota, residing in the opulent city of Bristol. At what precise time he settled in England is not now discoverable; we only know that he left Italy for the purpose of devot- ing himself to the mercantile profession. He was one of those enthusiastic spirits upon whom the career of Colum- bus made a deep impression ; and about a year after the return of the great Genoese from his first voyage, the merchant of Bristol appears to have embraced the idea that new lands might be discovered in the north-west, and a passage in all probability attained by this course to India.* Animated by such a project, Cabot addressed him- self to Henry VII., and found immediate encouragement from that monarch, who, though of a cold and cautious dis- position, was seldom slow to listen to any proposal which promised an increase of wealth to his exchequer. On the 5th of March 1495, the king granted his royal commission * Tiraboschi, Storia della Letter. Ital., vol. vi. b. i. cap. vi. § 24. [1495. to John Cabot, citizen of Venice, and his sons, Louis, Sebastian, and Sanchez, committing to him and them, and to their heirs and deputies, full authority to sail to all countries and seas of the East, West, and North, under the banner of England, with five ships of whatever burden and strength in mariners they might choose to employ. The equipment of this squadron was cautiously stipulated to be made "at their own proper costs and charges;" and its object stated to be the discovery of the isles, regions, and provinces of the Heathen and Infidels, which hitherto had been unknown to all the nations of Christendom, in what- ever part of the globe they might be placed. By the same deed the Cabots were empowered to set up the banners and ensigns of England in the newly discovered countries ; to subdue and possess them as lieutenants of the king ; and to enjoy the privilege of exclusive trade ; — the wary mon- arch, however, annexing to these privileges the condition, that he was to receive the fifth part of the capital gain upon every voyage, and binding their ships to return to the port of Bristol. * Two important facts are ascertained by this authentic document. It proves that John Cabot, a citizen of Venice, was the principal author of, and adventurer in, the project ; and that no voyage with a similar object had been under- taken prior to the 5th of March 1495. The expedition, however, did not sail till the spring of 1497, more than a twelvemonth subsequent to the date of the original commission. What occasioned this delay it is now difficult to determine ; but, as the fleet was to be equipped at the sole expense of the adventurers, it is not improbable that Cabot had required the interval to raise the necessary capital. It is much to be regretted that in no * I have nearly followed the words of this important document, which is still preserved. Kymer, Fcedera Angliae, vol. xii. p. 596. 1497.] DISCOVERY OF NORTH AMERICA. 5 contemporary chronicle is there any detailed account of the voyage. We know, however, that it was conducted by John Cabot in person, who took with him his son Sebas- tian, then a very young man. Its result was undoubtedly the discovery of North America ; and although the parti- culars of this great event are lost, its exact date has been recorded by an unexceptionable witness, not only to a day, but even to an hour. On an ancient map, drawn by Sebas- tian Cabot, the son, whose name appears in the commission by the king, engraved by Clement Adams, a contemporary, and published, as there is reason to believe, under the eye of Sebastian, was written in Latin, the following brief but clear and satisfactory account of the discovery : — " In the year of our Lord 1497, John Cabot, a Venetian, and his son Sebastian, discovered that country, which no one before his time had ventured to approach, on the 24th of June, about five o'clock in the morning. He called the land Terra Primum Visa, because, as I conjecture, this was the place that first met his eyes in looking from the sea. On the contrary, the island which lies opposite the land he called the Island of St. John — as I suppose, because it was discovered on the festival of St. John the Baptist. The inhabitants wear beasts' skins and the intestines of animals for clothing, esteeming them as highly as we do our most precious garments. In war their weapons are the bow and arrow, spears, darts, slings, and wooden clubs. The country is sterile and uncultivated, producing no fruit ; from which circumstance it happens that it is crowded with white bears, and stags of an unusual height and size. It yields plenty of fish, and these very large ; such as seals and salmon : there are soles also above an ell in length ; but especially great abundance of that kind of fish called in the vulgar tongue Baccalaos. In the same island, also, breed hawks, so black in their colour that they wonderfully 6 DISCOVERY OP NORTH AMERICA [1549. resemble ravens ; besides which, there are partridges and eagles of dark plumage." * Such is the notice of the discovery of North America ; and as some doubt has lately been thrown upon the subject, it may be remarked that the evidence of the fact contained in this inscription is perfectly unexceptionable. It comes from Clement Adams, the intimate friend of Richard Chan- celor ; and Chancelor lived, as is well known, in habits of daily intercourse with Sebastian Cabot, who accompanied his father on the first voyage of discovery. Unfortunately, both the original map and the engraving are lost; but happily Purchas has preserved the information, that the engraved map by Adams bore the date of 1549 ; -j- at which time Sebastian Cabot was in such great reputation at the court of Edward VI., that for his services he had received a princely pension. This young monarch, as we learn from Burnet, showed a peculiar fondness for maritime affairs. He possessed a collection of charts, which were hung up in his cabinet, and amongst them was the engraving of Cabot's map. The inscription, therefore, must have been seen there and elsewhere by Sebastian ; and, when we consider that the date of the engraving corresponds with the time when he was in high favour with the king, it does not seem impro- bable that this navigator, to gratify his youthful and royal patron, employed Adams to engrave from his own chart the map of North America, and that the facts stated in the inscription were furnished by himself. The singular minuteness of its terms seems to prove this ; for who but he, or some one personally present, after the lapse of fifty- two years, could have communicated the information that the discovery was made about five o'clock in the morning of the 24th June ? If, however, this is questioned as being * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 6. f Purchas' Pilgrims, vol. iii. p. 807. 1407-] BY JOHN CABOT, 7 conjectural, the fact that Sebastian must have seen the inscription is sufficient to render the evidence perfectly con- clusive upon the important point of John Cabot being the discoverer of North America. That he had along with him in his ship his son Sebastian, cannot, we think, in the opinion of any impartial person, detract from or infringe upon the merit of the father. But, to complete the proof, a late writer has availed himself of an imperfect extract from a record of the rolls, furnished by the industrious Hakluyt, to discover an original document which sets the matter alto- gether at rest. This is the second commission for discovery, granted by Henry VII. on the 3d of February, and in the thirteenth year of his reign, to the same individual who conducted the first expedition. The letters are directed to John Kabotto, Venetian, and permit him to sail with six ships " to the land and isles of late found by the said John in our name and by our commandment."* It presents a singular picture of the inabilit}^ of an ingenious and other- wise acute mind to estimate the weight of historical evi- dence, when we find the biographer of Sebastian Cabot insisting, in the face of such a proof as this, that the glory of the first discovery of North America is solely due to Sebastian, and that it may actually be doubted whether his father accompanied the expedition at all. -J* Immediately after the discovery, the elder Cabot appears to have returned to England; and on the 10th of August we find, in the privy purse expenses of Henry VII., the sum of ten pounds awarded to him who found the New Isle, which was probably the name then given to New- foundland. Although much engrossed at this moment with the troubles which arose in his kingdom in consequence of the Cornish rebellion, the war with Scotland, and the * Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 76. f Ibid- p. 50. 8 JOHN CABOT KNIGHTED. [1497. attempt upon the crown by Perkin Warbeck, the king de- termined to pursue the enterprise, and to encourage a scheme for colonization under the conduct of the original discoverer. To this enterprising navigator he, on the 3d of February 1497,* granted those second letters-patent just alluded to, which conferred an ampler author; t j and more favourable terms than the first commission. Ee empowered John Kabotto, Venetian, to take at his pleasure six English ships, with their necessary apparel, and to lead them to the land and isles lately found by him according to the royal command. Cabot was also permitted to receive on board all such masters, mariners, pages, and other subjects as chose to accompany him; and it seems probable, from some entries in the privy purse expenses, that Launcelot Thir- kill of London, Thomas Bradley, and John Carter, embarked in the adventure. -j- When about to set sail on his second voyage, John Cabot, who had previously received from Henry the honour of knighthood, appears, from some cause not now discover- able, to have been prevented from taking the command;]: and though the name of Sebastian was not included in the second royal commission, he was promoted to the situation left vacant by his father. He must still, indeed, have been a young man ; but he had accompanied the first voyage, and at an early age developed that genius for naval enterprise which afterwards so remarkably distinguished him. We know from his account of himself that, at the time his parents carried him from Venice to London, he had attained some * Old style— 1498, new style. f See Mr. Nicholas' excellent collection entitled Excerpta Historica, pp. 116, 117. % The cause might be his death, but this is conjecture; of the fact there is no direct proof: of the knighthood it is not possible to doubt. See, in the Vindication of Hakluyt, the remarks on the errors of the bio- grapher of Cabot in his chapter on this subject. 1498.] ACCOUNT OF SEBASTIAN CABOT S VOYAGE. 9 knowledge of the sphere; and when about this period the great discovery of Columbus began to be talked of in Eng- land as a thing almost more divine than human, the effect of it upon his youthful imagination was to excite " a mighty longing," to use his own words, " and burning desire in his heart that he too should perform some illustrious action."* With such dispositions, we may easily imagine how rapid must have been his progress in naval science, with the benefit of his father's example and instructions. It is not matter of surprise, therefore, that though probably not more than twenty-three years old, the conduct of the enterprise was intrusted to him. He accordingly sailed from England with two ships in the summer of 1498, and directing his course by Iceland, soon reached Newfoundland, which he called Terra de Baccalaos, from the great quantity of fish of that name. Of this remarkable voyage a short account is preserved by Peter Martyr, the historian of the New World, a writer of high authority, and so intimate a friend of the navi- gator, that, at the time he wrote the passage which we now give, Sebastian was in the habit of paying him frequent visits at his house : " These northern seas," says this writer, "have been navigated and explored by Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian by birth, whom his parents, when they were setting out to settle in Britain, according to the common custom of the Venetians, who for the sake of commercial adventure become citizens of every country, carried along with them when he was little more than an infant.f He fitted out two ships in England at his own charges, and first, * Eamusio, Viaggi, vol. i. p. 414. •j" Cabot was born in England, and carried by his father into Italy when four years old. He was afterwards brought back to England when a youth, " assai giovane." — Eamusio, vol. i. p. 414. Memoir of Cabot, p. 69. 10 ACCOUNT OP SEBASTIAN CABOT'S VOYAGE. [1498. with three hundred men, directed his course so far towards the North Pole, that even in the month of July he found great heaps of ice swimming in the sea, and almost con- tinual daylight. Yet he saw the land free from ice, which had been melted by the heat of the sun. Thus observing such masses of ice before him, he was compelled to turn his sails and follow the west; and, coasting still by the shore, was brought so far into the south, by reason of the land bending much to the southward, that it was there almost equal in latitude with the sea called Fretum Herculeum. He sailed to the west till he had the Island of Cuba on his left hand, almost in the same longitude. As he passed along those coasts, called by him Baccalaos, he affirmed that he found the same current of the waters towards the west which the Spaniards met with in the southern naviga- tions, with the single difference that they flowed more gently. From this circumstance it appears to me," says Martyr, " not only a probable, but an almost necessary conclusion, that there must exist, between both the conti- nents hitherto unknown, great gaps or open places, through which the waters continually pass from the east to the west. * * * Sebastian Cabot himself named these lands Baccalaos, because in the seas thereabout he found such an immense multitude of large fish like tunnies, called baccalaos by the natives, that they actually impeded the sailing of his ships. He found also the inhabitants of these regions covered with beasts' skins, yet not without the use of reason. He also relates that there are plenty of bears in these parts, which feed upon fish. It is the prac- tice of these animals to throw themselves into the midst of the shoals of fish, and, each seizing his prey, to bury their claws in the scales, drag them to land, and there devour them. On this account he says that these bears meddle little with men. * * * Cabot is mv intimate 1498-] ACCOUNT OF SEBASTIAN CABOT'S VOYAGE. 11 friend, and one whom it is my delight to have frequently under my roof; for, being called out of England by the command of the King of Castile after the death of Henry VII., he was made one of our council and assistants relating to the affairs of the new Indies ; and he looks daily for ships to be fitted out for him, that he may discover this hidden secret of nature. I expect," concludes Peter Mar- tyr, " that he will be able to set out on his voyage during the course of the next year, 1516, and in the month of March." * When it is known that Sebastian Cabot's second voyage-]- from England to North America did not take place till 1517, it becomes certain that the above passage, written in 1515, must relate to the expedition of 1498; and re- membering that the author was personally intimate with this navigator, and wrote only seventeen years after the voyage had taken place, we are inclined to set a high value on such an authority. It is deeply to be regretted that the original maps drawn by so eminent a discoverer, and the discourses with which he illustrated them, are now lo3t ; \ but in this deficiency of original materials, the work of Ramusio — a collector of voyages who was a contempo- rary of Cabot — supplies some valuable information. In the first volume of his Voyages, this amusing writer has introduced a discourse upon the different routes by which the spices of the East were conveyed in ancient times to Europe ; and towards the conclusion of the essay he brings * Peter Martyr, De Orbe Novo, 3d decad. cap. 6. Edition by Hak- luyt, p. 232. — Eden's Translation in Willes' Hist, of Travayle, p. 125. — The hidden secret, or natural phenomenon, of which Cabot was ex- pected to penetrate the cause, is stated by Martyr at p. 231. It was to resolve the question, " "Why the seas in these parts run with so swift a current from the east to the west?" f Although the son accompanied the father, I consider the voyage of 1497 as solely conducted by John Cabot. J Memoir of Cabot, p. 41. 12 RAMUSIO'S ACCOUNT OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. [1496. in a subject which then deeply occupied the attention of learned men — the project, namely, for discovering a passage to the kingdom of Cathay and the coasts of India, by the north-west. In the discussion of this point, Ramusio minutely describes a conversation which took place at the villa of the celebrated Italian physician and poet, Fracas- toro, between Ramusio himself, Fracastoro, an architect named St. Michael, and a certain philosopher and mathe- matician, who gave them an account of an interview which he once had with Sebastian Cabot in the city of Seville. The whole passage is interesting, whether we look to the information regarding Cabot, or to the pleasing picture it brings before us of the great Fracastoro in his philosophic and classical retreat at Caphi. No apology, therefore, need be made for presenting it to the reader. " Having thus given you," says the Italian writer, " all that I could ex- tract from ancient and modern authors upon this subject, it would be inexcusable in me if I did not relate a high and admirable discourse, which, some few months ago, it was my good fortune to hear, in company with the excel- lent architect, Michael de St. Michael, in the sweet and romantic country-seat of Hieronymo Fracastoro, named Caphi, situated near Verona, whilst we sat on the top of a hill, commanding a view of the whole of the Lago di Garda. * * * Being then, as I said, at Caphi, where we had gone to visit our excellent friend Hieronymo, we found him on our arrival sitting in company with a certain gentleman, whose name, from motives of delicacy and re- spect, I conceal. He was, however, a profound philosopher and mathematician, and at that moment engaged in ex- hibiting to Fracastoro an instrument lately constructed to show a new motion of the heavens. Having reasoned upon this point for a long time, they, by way of recreation, caused a large globe, upon which the world was minutely 1496-] RAMUSIO'S ACCOUNT OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 13 laid down, to be brought; and having this before him, the gentleman I have mentioned began to speak to the follow- ing purpose." Ramusio, after this introduction, gives us, as proceeding from the stranger, a great mass of geogra- phical information, after which he introduces him discussing with Fracastoro the probability of a north-west passage to India. "At this point of his conversation," says he, " after the stranger had made a pause for a few moments, he turned to us and said, — ' Do you not know, regarding this project of going to India by the north-west, what was formerly achieved by your fellow-citizen the Venetian, a most extraordinary man, and so deeply conversant in every- thing connected with navigation and the science of cosmo- graphy, that in these days he hath not his equal in Spain, insomuch that for his ability he is preferred above all other pilots that sail to the West Indies, who may not pass thither without his license, on which account he is denomi- nated Piloto Mayor, or Grand Pilot ?' When to this ques- tion we replied that we knew him not, the stranger pro- ceeded to tell us, that being some years ago in the city of Seville, he was desirous to gain an acquaintance with the navigations of the Spaniards, when he learnt that there was in the city a valiant man, a Venetian born, named Sebastian Cabot, who had the charge of those things, being an expert man in the science of navigation, and one who could make charts for the sea with his own hand. ' Upon this report of him,' continued he, ' I sought his acquaint- ance, and found him a pleasant and courteous person, who loaded me with kindness, and showed me many things ; among the rest a large map of the world, with the naviga- tions of the Portuguese and the Spaniards minutely laid down upon it; and in exhibiting this to me, he informed me that his father, many years ago, having left Venice and gone to settle as a merchant in England, had taken him to 14 RAMUSIo's ACCOUNT OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. [1496. London when he was still a youth; yet not so backward, but he had then acquired the knowledge of the Latin tongue, and some acquaintance with the sphere. It so happened, he said, that his father died at that time when the news arrived that Don Christopher Columbus had discovered the coast of the Indies, of which there was much talk at the court of Henry VII., who then reigned in England.' " The effect of this discovery upon Cabot's youthful ambition, which we have already alluded to, is next described by Ramusio from the report of the stranger, and he then pro- ceeds in these remarkable words : — " ' Being aware,' said Cabot to me, ' that if I sailed with the wind bearing me in a north-westerly course, I should come to India by a shorter route, I suddenly imparted my ideas to the king, who was much pleased with them, and fitted out for me three caravels with all necessary stores and equipments. This,' he added, * was in the beginning of the summer of the year 1496, and I began to sail towards the north-west with the idea that the first land I should make would be Cathay, from which I intended afterwards to direct my course to the Indies ; but after the lapse of several days, having discovered it, I found that the coast ran towards the north, to my great disappointment. From thence sailing along it, to ascertain if I could find any gulf to run into, I could discover none ; and thus having proceeded as far as 56° under the Pole, and seeing that here the coast trended towards the east, I despaired of discovering any passage, and after this turned back to examine the same coast in its direction towards the equinoctial — always with the same object of finding a passage to the Indies — and thus at last I reached the country at present named Florida, where, since my provisions began to fail me, I took the resolution of returning to England. On arriving in that country, I found great tumults, occasioned by the rising 1498.] SEBASTIAN CABOT. 15 of the common people and the war in Scotland ; nor was there any more talk of a voyage to these parts. For this reason I departed into Spain to their most Catholic Majes- ties, Ferdinand and Isabella, who, having learnt what I had accomplished, received me into their service, provided for me handsomely, and despatched me on a voyage of discovery to the coast of Brazil, where I found an exceed- ing deep and mighty river, called at present La Plata, into which I sailed and explored its course into the continent more than six score leagues. * * * This,' continued the stranger gentleman, addressing himself to us, ' is the substance of all that I learnt from the Signor Sebastian Cabot.' "• Such is the passage from Ramusio ; and from it we have another proof, that of this second voyage, which probably took place after the death of the original discoverer, Sebas- tian Cabot had the sole command ; that its object was to find a north-west passage to India, and that the highest latitude which he reached was 56°. I am quite aware some of the statements in this extract are erroneous, and that Gomara, an author of good authority, carries Sebas- tian as far as 58° north ;-j- but, considering the particular circumstances under which the information is conveyed, there is no reason to doubt that the general sketch of the voyage is correct; and it establishes the important fact, that as early as 1498, the coast of North America, from the latitude of 56° or 58° north to the coast of Florida, had been discovered by the English. The domestic affairs of Henry, however, and the involved political negotiations with France and the continent, undoubtedly prevented the king from holding out to Sebastian that encouragement with which so great a discovery ought to have been re- * Viaggi del Ramusio, torn. i. pp. 413, 414. f Memoir of Cabot, p. 87. 1G CORTEREAL. [1500. warded; and after an interval of fourteen years, of which we have no certain account, this great navigator left Eng- land and entered into the service of Spain. The Portuguese, a nation to whose genius and persever- ance the sister sciences of geography and navigation owe some of their highest triumphs, were at this period in the zenith of their fame, animated with an enthusiastic spirit of enterprise, and ready to consider every discovery not conducted by themselves as an encroachment upon their monopoly of maritime glory. Inspired with this jealousy, Gaspar de Cortereal, of whose expedition notice has already been taken in this Library,* determined to pursue the track of discovery opened by Cabot in the north-west, and in 1500, sailed with two ships from Lisbon, animated by the desire of exploring this supposed new route to India.-)- Cortereal touched at the Azores, where he completed his crews, and took in provisions. He then steered a course never, as far as he knew, traced by any former navigator, and came upon a country to which he gave the name of Terra Verde, but which is carefully to be distinguished from that called Greenland. This was in truth the coast of Labrador, denominated in an old map published at Rome in 1508, Terra Corterealis. It lay between the west and north-west; and, after having explored it for upwards of * Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas, 3d edition, p. 184, and Lives and Voyages of Drake, Cavendish, and Dampier, p. 24. f Cortereal had been educated in the household of the King of Por- tugal before he came to the throne, and when he still bore the title of Duke de Beja. — Damiano Goes, Chronica del Rey Dom. Manuel, c. QQ, cap. 66, p. 187. His character, as given by this ancient and contem- porary chronicler, is brief and forcible: " Gaspar de Cortereal, son of John Vaz Cortereal, was a man of an enterprising and determined char- acter, ardently thirsting after glory; for which reason he proposed to set out on a voyage of discovery, seeking countries in northern latitudes, we (the Portuguese) having at this time discovered many in southern parts." 1500.] CORTEREAL 17 six hundred miles without reaching any termination, Cortereal concluded that it must form part of the mainland, which was connected with another region discovered in the preceding year in the north — evidently alluding to the voyage of Sebastian Cabot in 1498.* The most curious and authen- tic aecount of this remarkable expedition of the Portuguese navigator is to be found in a letter, written by Pietro Pas- quiligi, the Venetian ambassador at the court of Portugal, to his brothers in Italy, only eleven days after the return of Cortereal from his first voyage. " On the 8th of Octo- ber," says he, "there arrived in this port one of the two caravels, which were last year despatched by the King of Portugal for the discovery of lands lying in the north, under the command of Gaspar Cortereal. He relates that he has discovered a country situated between the west and north- west, distant from this about two thousand miles, and which before the present time was utterly unknown. They ran along the coast between six hundred and seven hundred miles without, arriving at its termination, on which account they concluded it to be the same continent that is connected with another land discovered last year in the north, which, however, the caravels could not reach, the sea being frozen, and a vast quantity of snow having fallen. They were confirmed in the same opinion by finding so many mighty rivers, which certainly were too numerous and too large to have pro- ceeded from an island. They report that this land is thickly peopled, and that the houses are built of very long beams of timber, and covered with the furs of the skins of fishes. They have brought hither along with them seven of the inhabitants, including men, women, and children ; and in the other caravel, which is looked for every hour, they are bringing fifty more. These people, in colour, * Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 241. 18 CORTEREAL. [1500. figure, stature, and expression, greatly resemble gipsies; they are clothed with the skins of different beasts, but chiefly of the otter, wearing the hair outside in summer, and next to the skin in winter. These skins, too, are not sewed together, nor shaped to the body in any fashion, but wrapt around their arms and shoulders exactly as taken from the animals ; whilst the slight and partial covering which they wear is formed with strong cords made of the sinews or entrails of fishes. On this account their appear- ance is completely savage; yet they are very sensible to shame, gentle in their manners, and better made in their arms, legs, and shoulders, than can be expressed. Their faces are punctured in the same manner as the Indians; — wme have six marks, some eight, some fewer; they use a language of their own, but it is understood by no one. Moreover, I believe that every possible language has been addressed to them. They have no iron in their country, but manufacture knives out of certain kinds of stones, with which they point their arrows. They have also brought from this island a piece of a broken sword inlaid with gold, which we can pronounce undoubtedly to have been made in Italy; and one of the children had in his ears two pieces (todini) of silver, which as certainly appear to have been made in Venice — a circumstance inducing me to believe that their country belongs to the continent, since it is evident that if it had been an island where any vessel had touched before this time, we should have heard of it. They have great plenty of salmon, herring, stockfish, and similar kinds of fish. They have also abundance of timber, and principally of the pine, fitted for the masts and yards of ships; on which account his Serene Majesty anticipates the greatest advantage from this country, both in furnishing timber for his shipping, of which he at present stands in great need, and also from the men who inhabit it, who 1501.] CORTEREAL. 19 appear admirably fitted to endure labour, and will probably turn out the best slaves which have been discovered up to this time. This arrival appeared to me an event of which it was right to inform you; and if, on the arrival of the other caravel, I receive any additional information, it shall be transmitted to you in like manner."* Nothing could be more cruel and impolitic than the con- duct of Cortereal, in seizing and carrying into captivity these unfortunate natives ; and it is difficult to repress our indignation at the heartless and calculating spirit with which the Portuguese monarch entered into the adventure, con- templating the rich supplies of slaves that were to be im- ported from this new country. -J- It is an ingenious con- jecture of the biographer of Cabot, to whose research we owe our acquaintance with this letter, that the name Terra de Laborador was given to the coast by the Portuguese slave merchants in consequence of the admirable qualities of the natives as labourers, and in anticipation of the profits to be derived from a monopoly of this unchristian traffic. But distress and disaster pursued the speculation. On the 15th May 1501, Cortereal departed on a second voyage with a determination to pursue his discovery, and, as we may plausibly conjecture, to return with a new cargo of slaves and timber; but he was never again heard of. A similar dark and unhappy fate befell his brother, Michael de Cortereal, who sailed with two ships in search of his lost relative, but of whom no accounts ever again reached Portugal. The most probable conjecture seems to be, that * Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 239, 240. f I observe that in the History of Discovery and Adventure in the Polar Seas, Mr. Murray has questioned the accuracy of the opinion stated by the biographer of Cabot, " that the objects of Cortereal's second voyage were timber and slaves." The letter, however, of Pas- quiligi seems to me decisive, that, if not the sole, they were at least very principal objects in the second voyage. 20 UNFOUNDED CLAIM OF THE PORTUGUESE. [1503. they both fell victims to the just indignation of the natives, whose wives, children, and fathers had been stolen away during their first visit to the coast. " The king," says Goes, " felt deeply the loss of these two brothers, so much the more as they had been educated by him; and on this account, moved by royal and gracious tenderness, in the following year, 1503, he sent at his own expense two armed ships in search of them; but it could never be discovered where or in what manner either the one or the other was lost, on which account this province of Terra Verde, where it was supposed the two brothers perished, was called the Land of the Cortereals."* The description of the inhabitants, as given by this contemporary chronicler, contains a few additional particulars to those mentioned by Pasquiligi. 11 The people of the country," says he, " are very barbarous and uncivilized, almost equally so with the natives of Santa Cruz, except that they are white, and so tanned by the cold, that the white colour is lost as they grow older, and they become blackish. They are of the middle size, very lightly made, and great archers. Instead of javelins, they employ sticks burnt in the end, which they use as missiles to as good purpose as if they were pointed with fine steel. They clothe themselves in the skins of beasts, of which there are great plenty in the country. They live in caverns of rocks, and in houses shaped like nests (choupanas). They have no laws, believe much in auguries, live in matrimony, and are very jealous of their wives, in which things they much resemble the Laplanders, who also inhabit a northern latitude under 70° to 85°, subject to the kings of Norway and Sweden. "\ Upon these voyages of the Cortereals the Portuguese at- tempted to establish a claim to the discovery of Newfound- land and the adjacent coasts of North America, though * Damiano Goes, Chronica del Key Dom. Manuel, part i. c. 66. f Ibid, c. 66, p. 87. 1498.] SEBASTIAN CABOT'S RETURN TO ENGLAND. 21 there is ample historical evidence that both had been visited by the two Cabots three years prior to the departure ot Cortereal from Lisbon. Maps appear to have been forged to support this unfair assumption ; and in a volume published by Madrignanon at Milan in 1508, which represents itself to be a translation of the Italian work entitled " Paesi Nuovamente Ritrovati," the original letter of Pasquiligi, describing the arrival of Gasper Cortereal, is disgracefully garbled and corrupted, for the purpose, as it would seem, of keeping the prior discoveries of the Cabots in the back- ground, and advancing a fabricated claim for the Portu- guese.* It is unfortunate that this disingenuous process of poisoning the sources of historic truth has succeeded, and that many authors, not aware of its apocryphal character, which has been acutely exposed by the biographer of Cabot, have given currency to the fable of Madrignanon. About fourteen years after his return from the voyage of 1498, we have seen that Sebastian Cabot was induced to enter the service of Spain; but, though highly esteemed for his eminent abilities, appointed one of the Council of the Indies by Ferdinand, and nominated to the command of an expedition to the north in search of a north-west passage, he appears to have been baffled and thwarted in his plans by the jealousy of the Spaniards, and was at last compelled to abandon them on the death of Ferdinand. He then returned to England; and, indefatigable in the prosecution of that great object which formed the prominent pursuit of his life, induced Henry VIII. to fit out a small squadron for the discovery of the north-west passage to India. Unfortunately, however, for the success of the voyage, Sir Thomas Pert, at this time Vice-Admiral of England, was intrusted with the supreme command, whose want of courage * Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, pp. 251, 252. 22 POLAR DISCOVERIES. [1498. and resolution was the cause of its ultimate failure. The object of Cabot was to proceed by Iceland towards the American coast, which he had already explored as far as 56°, according to Ramusio, or, if we follow Gomara, 58° north. This would lead him, to use the expression of Thorne,* by the back of Newfoundland; and from this point, pursuing his voyage farther to the northward, he expected to find a passage to the kingdom of Cathay. The ships accordingly set sail, and en the 11th of June they had reached the 67-J of northern latitude. They here found the sea open, and Cabot entertained a confident hope of sailing through a bay, or "fret," which they had then entered, to the shores of the Eastern Cathay, when a mutiny of the mariners, and the faintheartedness of Sir Thomas Pert, compelled him, much against his inclination, to desist from the farther prosecution of the voyage, and return home.-|- From the high latitude reached by this enter- * Letter of Eobert Thorne. — Hakluyt, edition of 1589, p. 250. — " And if they will take their course, after they be past the Pole, towards the Occident, they shall goe in the back side of the Newfoundland, which of late was discovered by your Grace's subjects, until they come to the back side and south seas of the Indies Occidental : And so, continuing their voyage, they may return thorow the Straight of Magellan to this country, and so they compass also the world by that way ; and if they goe this third way, and after they be past the Pole, goe right toward the Pole Antarticke, and then decline towards the lands and islands situated between the tropicks and under the equinoctial, without doubt they shall find there the richest lands and islands of the world, of gold, precious stones, balmis spices, and other thinges that we here esteem most, which come out of strange countries, and may return the same way." See also Gomara, as quoted in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, p. 21. j- It is evidently to this third voyage that the passage in Eamusio, vol. iii. p. 4, of the " Discorso sopra il terzo volume," applies. Memoir of Cabot, p. 117. It is valuable, as this author, though he appears by mistake to have put the name of Henry VII. for that of Henry VIII., quotes in it a letter which many years before he had received from Sebastian Cabot himself. He (Eamusio), in speaking of the discoveries subsequently made by Verrazzano, and of the country of New France, remarks, that of this land it is not certain as yet whether it is joined to 1498.] SEBASTIAN CABOT ENTERS HUDSON^ BAY. 23 prising seaman, as well as from the expressions employed by Sir Humphrey Gilbert in speaking of the voyage, it appears certain that Cabot had entered the great bay after- wards explored by Hudson, and since known by his name.* It is an extraordinary fact, therefore, but it rests upon evidence which it would be difficult to controvert, that ninety years before the first voyage of Hudson, he had been anticipated in his principal discovery by an early navigator, to whose merits the world have done little justice. Whilst the Portuguese, the Spaniards, and the English, had early entered upon the career of discovery, the French, a people undoubtedly of the highest genius and enterprise, evinced an unaccountable inactivity upon this great subject, and appeared to view with indifference the brilliant suc- the continent of Florida and New Spain, or whether it is separated into islands, and may thus admit of a passage to the kingdom of Cathay. " Come," he proceeds, " come mi fu scritto gia molti anni sono, dal Sig- nor Sebastian Gabotto nostro Vinitiano huomo di grande esperienza et rara nell' arte del navigare, e nella scienza di cosmografia : il quale avea navicato disopra di questa terra della Nuova Francia a spese del Ee Henrico VII. d'Inghilterra e me diciva, come essendo egli andato lunga- mente alia volta de ponente e quarta di Maestro dietro queste Isole poste lungo la delta terra fini a gradi sessanta sette e mezzo sotto il nostro polo a xi. di Gruigno e trovandosi il mare aperto e senza impedimento alcuno, pensava fermamente per quella via di poter passare alia volta del Cataio Orientale, e l'avrebbe fatto, se la malignita del padrone e de marineri sollevati non l'havessero fatto tornare a dietro." This discourse is dated 20th June 1553. * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 16. It must be recollected that Sir Humphrey Gilbert had the advantage of having examined the charts of Sebastian Cabot, which, he tells us, were then to be seen in the Queen's privy gal- lery at Whitehall. It has also been acutely remarked by a late writer (Memoir of Cabot, p. 29), that Ortelius, who died nine years before Hudson undertook his first voyage, in the map of America, published in his great geographical work, the " Theatrum Orbis Terrarum," has laid down the form of Hudson's Bay with singular precision. Now, we know by the list of authorities cited by Ortelius, that he was in possession of a map of the world by Sebastian Cabot. The source, therefore, from which he derived his information is evident. 24 VERAZZANO's VOYAGE. [1524. cesses of other nations. At length Francis I., a monarch who was deeply smit with the love of glory, caught the enthusiasm for maritime discovery, and eager to cope upon equal terms with his great rival Charles V., fitted out a squadron of four ships, the command of which he entrusted to Giovanni Yerazzano, a Florentine navigator of great skill and celebrity. The destination of the armament, however, appears to have embraced the purposes of plunder as well as of discovery ; and in a cruise, three of his vessels were so much damaged in a storm, that they were com- pelled, for the purpose of refitting, to run into a port in Brittany, from which, impatient of the delay, the admiral, in a single vessel named the Dauphin, set sail with a determina- tion to prosecute discoveries. He first steered his course for Madeira, and thence sailed in a westerly direction for twenty- five days, making in that time five hundred leagues. A storm now attacked him, in which his little vessel had nearly perished; but he at last weathered the gale, and proceed- ing onwards for four hundred leagues^ arrived upon a coast that, according to his own account, had never before been visited.* It is probable that this shore belonged either to North or South Carolina ;-j- and the appearance of many large fires on the beach convinced him that the country was inhabited. Yerazzano, however, in vain sought for a port; and after exploring the coast both to the south and north without success, he was compelled to anchor in the open sea, after which he sent his boat on shore to open an intercourse with the natives. This he effected not without some difficulty; for as soon as the French landed, the savages fled in great trepidation; yet they soon after stole back, exhibiting signs of much wonder and curiosity. At * Eamusio, Viaggi, vol. iii. p. 420. — " Dovi scopsimmo una terra nuova, non piu da gl'antichi ne da moderni vista." f " Sta qucsta terra m gradi 34°." — Eamusio, vol. iii. p. 420. 1524.] VERAZZANO. 25 last, being convinced that they had nothing to fear, they completely recovered their confidence, and not only brought provisions to the French, but assisted in drawing their boat on shore, and carefully and minutely scrutinized every- thing belonging to the vessels and the crew. They ad- mired the white skin of the strangers, handled their dress, and exhibited the utmost astonishment and delight. They themselves were a handsome race of people, their eyes dark and large, their expression bold, open, and cheerful ; their chests were broad, and they combined middle stature and symmetry of limbs with great nimbleness and swiftness of foot. Their colour was tawny, not unlike the Saracens, and they wore their hair, which was black and thick, tied behind their head in a little tail, and sometimes ornamented with a garland of birds' feathers. Their bodies were not disfigured or tattooed in any way, and they walked about perfectly naked, except that they wore short aprons of furs fastened round their middle by a girdle of woven grass. In the immediate vicinity of the coast the country was sandy, rising into gentle undulations ; as they proceeded it became more elevated, and was covered by noble woods, consisting, not of the usual forest trees, but of the palm, laurel, cypress, and others then unknown in Europe, which grew to a great height, and diffused a delicious perfume that was discerned far out at sea. " The land also," says Verazzano in his letter to Francis I., " is full of many animals, as stags, deer, and hares, which were seen sport- ing in the forests, and frequenting the banks of pleasant lakes and rivers ; nor were there wanting great plenty and variety of birds of game, fitted to afford delightful recreation for the sportsman. The sky was clear, the air wholesome and temperate, the prevalent wind blow- ing from the west, and the sea calm and placid. In short, a country more full of amenity could not well be 26 VERAZZANO. 524. imagined."* An excellent author and navigator thinks it probable that the spot where Verazzano first landed was on the coast of Georgia, near the present town of Savannah.-j- From this he proceeded along the shore, which turned to the eastward, and appeared thickly inhabited, but so low and open, that landing in such a surf was impossible. In this perplexity a young sailor undertook to swim to land and accost the natives ; but when he saw the crowds which thronged the beach, he repented of his purpose, and al- though within a few yards of the landing-place, his courage failed, and he attempted to turn back. At this moment the water only reached his waist ; but, overcome with ter- ror and exhaustion, he had scarcely strength to cast his presents and trinkets upon the beach, when a high wave cast him stupified and senseless upon the shore. The savages ran immediately to his assistance, and carried him to a little distance from the sea, where it was some time before he recovered his recollection; and great was his terror when he found himself entirely in their power. Stretching his hands towards the ship, he uttered a pierc- ing shriek, to which his friends of the New World replied by raising a loud yell, intended, as he afterwards found, to encourage him. But, if this was sufficiently alarming, their farther proceedings proved still more formidable. They carried him to the foot of a hill, turned his face towards the sun, kindled a large fire, and stripped him naked. No doubt was now left in the mind of the unhappy man that they were about to offer him as a sacrifice to the sun ; and his companions on board, who watched the progress of the adventure, unable, from the violence of the sea, to lend him assistance, were of the same opinion. They thought, to use Verazzano's own words, that the natives were going * Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 420. f Forster's Discoveries in the North, p. 433. 1524.] VERAZZANO. 27 to roast and eat him.* But their fears were soon turned into gratitude and astonishment ; for they only dried his clothes, warmed him, and showed him every mark of kind- ness, caressing and patting his white skin; and on observ- ing that he still trembled and looked suspicious, they assisted him to dress, conducted him to the beach, tenderly em- braced him, and, pointing to the vessel, removed to a little distance, to show that he was at liberty to return to his friends. This he did by swimming to the ship's boat, which had been put out to receive him, followed by the kind ges- tures of the savages, who gazed after him till they saw him safe among his friends. The spot where Verazzano found this amiable people is conjectured by Forster to have been somewhere between New Jersey and Staaten Island. From this the Florentine sailed onward, observing the coast trending to the northward, and after a run of fifty leagues, came to anchor off a delightful country covered with the finest forests. The trees, although equally luxuriant, did not emit the same perfume as those before seen ; but the region was rich, covered with grass, and thickly peopled, although the natives appeared more timid than the last, and avoided all intercourse. The sailors, however, discovered and seized a family who had concealed themselves in the underwood, consisting of an old woman, a young girl of a tall and handsome figure, and six children. The two younger of the little ones were squatted on the shoulders of the old woman, and another child hung behind her back, whilst the girl was similarly loaded. On being approached, both the females shrieked loudly ; but having succeeded in pacifying them, the sailors understood, by their signs, that all the men had escaped to the woods on the appearance of the ships. Much persuasion was now used to induce them * Kamusio, vol. in p. 421. 28 VERAZZANO. [1524. to go on board; but although the elderly lady showed symptoms of acquiescence, and eagerly ate the food which was offered her, no entreaties could soften the obstinacy and rage of the younger. She uttered piercing cries, cast the meat indignantly on the ground, and rendered the task of dragging her through the thick woods so tedious and dis- tressing, that they were obliged to desist and leave her, only carrying with them a little boy, who could make no resistance.* The people of this country possessed fairer complexions than those whom they had just left, and were clad with large leaves sewed together with threads of wild hemp. Their common food was pulse, but they subsisted also by fishing, and were very expert in catching birds with gins. Their bows were made of hard wood, their arrows of canes headed with fish-bone, and their boats constructed of one large tree hollowed by fire, for they appeared to have no instruments of iron or other metal. Wild vines crept up the trunks of the trees, hanging in rich festoons from the branches, and the banks and meadows were covered with roses, lilies, violets, and many sorts of herbs different from those of Europe, yielding a fresh and delightful fra- grance. Verazzano now proceeded one hundred leagues farther, to a sheltered and beautiful bay surrounded by gently rising hills, and discovered a large river, which from its depth seemed navigable to a considerable distance. Fearful, how- ever, of any accident, they ascended it in boats ; and the voyage conducted them through a country so full of sweetness and attraction, that they left it with much regret, -j- Prosecut- ing their discoveries fifty leagues eastward, they reached another island of a triangular shape, covered with rich wood, and rising into gentle hills, which reminded them of * Kamuiso, vol. iii. p. 421. f Ibid. 1524.] VERAZZANO. 29 Rhodes, both in its form and general aspect. A contrary wind, however, rendered it impossible to land, and pursuing their course about fifteen leagues farther along the coast, they found a port where there was an excellent anchorage. Here they were soon visited by the natives, who came in a squadron of twenty boats, and at first cautiously kept at the distance of fifty paces. Observing, however, the friendly gestures of the strangers, they ventured nearer, and when the French threw them bells, mirrors, and other trinkets, they raised a loud and simultaneous shout expressive of joy and security, no longer hesitating to row their boats to the ship's side and come aboard. They are described by Verazzano, in his account of the voyage sent to Francis I., as the finest and handsomest race, and the most civilized in their manners, of any he had yet met in America. Their colour was fairer than that of the more southern people, and in the symmetry of their forms, and the simplicity and gracefulness of their attitudes, they almost vied with the antique. They soon became exceedingly friendly and inti- mate, and conducted the French into the interior of the country, which they found variegated with wood, and more delightful than can be easily described. Adapted for every sort of cultivation, whether of corn, vines, or olives, it was interspersed with plains of twenty-five or thirty leagues in length, open and unencumbered with trees, and of such fertility, that whatever fruit might be sown, was certain to produce a rich and abundant return. They afterwards entered the woods, which were of great size, and so thick that a large army might have been concealed in them. The trees consisted of oaks and cypresses, besides other species unknown to Europe. They found also apples, parsley, plums, and filberts, and many other kinds of fruit different from those of Italy. They saw likewise many animals, such as harts, roes, wolves, and stags, which the natives 30 VERAZZANO. [1524. caught with snares, and destroyed with bows and arrows, their principal weapons of offence. The arrows were made with great neatness, and at the point, instead of iron they inserted flints, jaspers, hard marble, and other kinds of cut stones. These they also made use of in felling trees, and in excavating their boats, which, with great skill, were made of a single trunk, yet large enough to hold ten or twelve men commodiously. Their oars were short and broad at the extremity, which they plied in the sea without any accident happening, trusting solely to their strength of arm and skilful management, and seeming able to go at almost any rate they pleased. Their houses were constructed in a circular shape, ten or twelve paces in circuit, built of boards, and separated from each other without any attention paid to architectural arrangement, covered with tiles made of clay, of excellent workmanship, and effectually protected from the wind and rain.* On one subject alone they showed suspicion, being extremely jealous of the least intercourse between the French and their women. These they would on no persuasion allow to enter the ship, and on one occa- sion, while the king came on board, and spent some hours in curiously examining every part of the vessel, his royal consort was left with her female attendants in a boat at some distance, and strictly watched and guarded. -J- The French now bade adieu to this kind people, and pursued their discoveries for one hundred and fifty leagues, exploring a coast which extended first towards the east and afterwards to the north. The country still presented an agree- able and inviting aspect, although the climate became colder, and the regions along which they passed more hilly. A pro- * Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 422. f This country, according to Verazzano, was situated in 411° of lati- tude (Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 422), which, if correct, would point it out as the present flourishing state of Massachusetts. 1524.] VERAZZANO. 31 gress of other fifty leagues brought them to a more mountain- ous district than any yet seen, covered with dark and dense forests, and possessed by a people whose habits and temper seemed to partake of the severer nature of their country. On attempting to open an intercourse, Verazzano found them as fierce and sullen as those with whom he had lately dealt were agreeable and generous. Twenty-five of the crew who landed were received with a shower of arrows ; and although the exhibition of articles of barter overcame their scruples, and tempted them to agree to an interchange of commodities, the manner in which this was effected evinced a striking mixture of avidity and suspicion. They came down to the beach, choosing the spot where the surf was breaking most violently, and insisted that the French boat should remain on the other side; a rope was then passed from it to the shore, and the different articles were swung along it. Strings of beads, toys, or mirrors, they utterly despised; but eagerly received knives, fishing-hooks, swords, saws, or anything in the shape of cutting-metal, to be used in war or in the chase, though such was their savage temper, that during the process of exchange they expressed their aversion to the strangers by uncouth gestures of con- tempt and derision. It seems probable that the country, now for the first time visited by Europeans, was the present province of Maine — as we are told by Verazzano, that a farther run of fifty leagues along the coast brought him to a cluster of thirty islands separated by narrow channels — a description which points out, in precise terms, the Bay of Penobscot.* * Murray's North America, vol. i. p. 79. The veracity of the Flo- rentine navigator, in his description of the ferocious habits of the natives, is strikingly corroborated by the determined and rancorous hostility evinced afterwards by the Indians of this district in opposing every attempt at settlement. 32 VEKAZZANO. [1524. From this point he pursued his indefatigable course for one hundred and fifty leagues farther, till he reached the land already discovered, as he says, by the Britons, in the latitude of 50°, which is evidently Newfoundland. Here his provi- sions began to fail, and thinking it prudent to sail for France, he reached home in safety in the month of July 1524. Verazzano had thus completed the survey of a line of coast extending for seven hundred leagues, and embracing the whole of the United States, along with a large portion of British America. It was undoubtedly an enterprise of great magnitude and splendour, and deserves to be carefully re- corded, not only as comprehending one of the widest ranges of early discovery, but as making us for the first time ac- quainted with that noble country whose history is so important, and whose destinies, even after a progress un- rivalled in rapidity, appear at this moment only in their infancy. The Florentine gave to the whole region which he had discovered the name of New France ; he then laid before the king a plan for completing his survey of the coast, penetrating into the interior, and establishing a colony ; and he appears to have met with encouragement from Francis I., who embraced his proposals for coloniza- tion. From this moment, however, his history is involved in obscurity. Hakluyt affirms that he performed three voyages to North America, and gave a map of the coast to Henry VIII. The biographer of Cabot asserts, that he was the " Piedmontese pilot" who was slain on the coast of America in 1527,* not aware that Verazzano was a Florentine, and alive in 1537 ; and Ramusio could not ascertain the particulars of his last expedition, or even dis- cover in what year it took place. All that is certainly known is, that it proved fatal to this great navigator. * Memoir of Cabot, p. 278. 1534.] CARTIER. 33 Having landed incautiously upon the American coast, he and his party were surrounded and cut to pieces by the savages; after which they barbarously devoured them in the sight of their companions.* The death of Verazzano appears to have thrown a damp over the farther prosecution of discovery by the court of France; but at length, after an interval of ten years, Jacques Cartier, an enterprising and able mariner of St. Malo, was chosen by the Sieur de Melleraye, Vice- Admiral of France, to conduct a voyage to Newfoundland, which, since its discovery by Cabot, had been seldom visited, and was imperfectly known. Cartier departed from St. Malo on the 20th of April 1534, with two ships r each of 60 tons burden, and having on board a well-appointed crew of sixty-one men.-[- The voyage appears to have been limited * Such is the account of Eamusio in his Discourse upon New France, vol. iii. p. 417. But Cardenas, in a work entitled " Ensajo Cronologico para la Historia de la Florida" (p. 8), has committed an error similar to that of the writer of Cabot's Life. He believes that Verazzano was the same as Juan the Florentine, a pirate in the service of France, who was taken by the Spaniards in 1524, and hanged. The evidence which over- turns the theories of both these authors is to be found in a letter of Annibal Caro, quoted by Tiraboschi, Storia della Letteratura Ital., vol. vii. part i. pp. 261, 262, from which it appears that Verazzano was alive in 1537. Lettere Familiari del. Comm. Annibal Caro, vol. i. p. 11. In his great work, Tiraboschi has collected all that is known regarding the life of this eminent discoverer ; but this all i"> extremely little. He was born about the year 1485 ; his father was Pier Andrea Verazzano, a noble Florentine, his mother Fiametta Capelli. Of his youth, and for what reasons he entered into the service of Francis I., nothing is known. The only published work of Verazzano is the narrative in Eamusio, ad- dressed to Francis I., written with much simplicity and elegance. But in the Strozzi Library at Florence is preserved a manuscript, in which he is said to give, with great minuteness, a description of all the countries which he had visited during his voyage, and from which, says Tiraboschi, we derive the intelligence that he had formed the design of attempting a passage through these seas to the East Indies. It is much to be desired that some Italian scholar would favour the world with the publication of this MS. of Verazzano. f Eamusio, vol. iii. p. 435. C 34 CARTIER. [1534. to a survey of the northern coast of Newfoundland, of which he gives a minute description, dwelling particularly on the zoological features of the country. He found the land, in most parts, extremely wild and barren, " insomuch that he did not see a cart-load of good earth ; and the inhabit- ants were of stout make, but wild and unruly." The} T wore their hair tied on the top like a bunch of hay, fixed with a wooden bodkin, and ornamented with birds' feathers. Like their companions whom Cabot had described, they were clothed in beasts' skins, and ornamented their bodies by painting them with roan-colours. They paddled about in boats made of the bark of birch trees, in which they carried on a constant trade of fishing, and caught great numbers of seals. After having almost circumnavigated Newfoundland, Cartier stood in towards the continent, and anchored in a bay, which, from the extreme heat, was de- nominated Baye du Chaleur. The description of the in- habitants of this spot is striking and interesting. " Taking our way," says he, " along the coast, we came in sight of the savages, who stood on the borders of a lake in the low grounds, where they had lighted their fires, which raised a great smoke. We went towards them, and found that an arm of the sea ran into the lake, into which we pushed with our boats. Upon this the savages approached in one of their little barks, bringing along with them pieces of roasted seals, which they placed upon wooden boards, and afterwards retired, making signs that this was intended as a present for us. We immediately put two men ashore, with hatchets, knives, garlands for the head, and such like wares. On seeing these articles they appeared much de- lighted, and crowded to the bank where we were, paddling their barks, and bringing skins and other articles, which they meant to exchange for our merchandise. Their num- ber, including men, women, and children, was upwards of 1534.] CARTIER. 35 three hundred. Some of the women, who would not venture nearer, stood up to the knees in water, singing and dancing. Others, who had passed over, came to us with great fami- liarity, rubbing our arms with their hands, which they afterwards lifted up to heaven, singing all the while, and making signs of joy; such at last was their friendliness and security, that they bartered away everything they had, and stood beside us quite naked; for they scrupled not to give us all that was on them, and indeed their whole wardrobe was not much to speak of. It was evident that this people might be, without difficulty, converted to our faith. They migrate from place to place, and subsist themselves by fish- ing. Their country is warmer than Spain, and as beauti- ful as can be imagined — level, and covered even in the smallest spots with trees, and this although the soil is sandy. It is full also of wild corn, which hath an ear similar to rye. We saw many beautiful meadows full of rich grass, and lakes where there were plenty of salmon. The savages called a hatchet, cochi; and a knife, bacon."* All the navigators who had hitherto visited Newfoundland, on reaching its northernmost point, appear to have sailed across the Straits of Belleisle to Cape Charles, upon the coast of Labrador; but the course of Cartier led him through the straits into the great Gulf of St. Lawrence, now for the first time visited by any European. His predecessor, Verazzano, after reaching the shore of the Bay of Fundy, had probably sailed along the coast of Nova Scotia until he reached Cape Breton. Cartier, on the contrary, saw before him a wide and extensive field of discovery to the west, which he pursued for some time, directing his course along the coast of the Bay of St. Lawrence ; but as the season was far advanced, and the weather became precari- * Rarnusio, vol. iii. p. 438. 36 cartier's second voyage. [1535. cms, he determined to reserve a more complete examination of this unknown country for a second voyage, and returned safely to France, coming to anchor in the port of St. Malo upon the 5th of September 1534.* Having been received with favour and distinction, Car- tier, after a short interval, embarked upon a second voyage. His squadron consisted of three ships — the Great Hermina, of which Cartier himself was master, being a vessel of about 120 tons; the Little Hermina, of 60 tons; and the Hermi- rillon, of 40 tons burden. The crews solemnly prepared themselves for their voyage by confession and the reception of the sacrament ; after which they entered in a body into the choir of the cathedral, and stood before the bishop, who was clothed in his canonicals, and devoutly gave them his benediction. Having fulfilled these rites, the fleet weighed anchor on the 15th of May 1535, and the admiral steered direct for Newfoundland. His ships, however, were soon after separated in a storm, and did not again join company till the 26th of June ; after which they proceeded to explore the large gulf which he had already entered. " It was," to use the words of the navigator himself, " a very fair gulf, full of islands, passages, and entrances to what wind soever you pleased to bend, having a great island like a cape of land stretching somewhat farther forth than the others." This island is evidently that named by the English Anticosti, being merety a corruption of Natiscotec, the appellation at this day given it by the natives. To the channel between it and the opposite coast of Labrador, Cartier gave the name of St. Lawrence, which has since been extended to the whole gulf. On reaching the eastern point of the island of Anticosti, the French, who had along with them two of the natives * Kamusio, vol. iii. p. 440. 1535.] cartier's second voyage. 37 of the country, whom they had induced in their former voyage to accompany them to France, requested their advice as to their farther progress. The savages stated, that the gulf in which they now lay gradually contracted its dimen- sions till it terminated in the mouth of a mighty river named Hochelaga, flowing from a vast distance in the interior of a great continent ; that two days' sail above Anticosti would bring them to the kingdom of Saguenay, beyond which, along the bank of the same river, was a populous territory, situated at its highest known point, where the stream was only navigable by small boats. Having received this information, Cartier sailed onwards, exploring both sides of the river, and opening a communi- cation with the inhabitants by means of the natives whom he carried along with him. The good effects of this arrange- ment were soon seen ; for at first they fled in great alarm upon the approach of any of the ships' crews ; but on hear- ing the interpreters cry out that they were Taignaogny and Domagaia — names which seemed to inspire immediate ideas of friendliness and confidence — they suddenly turned back ; after which they began to dance and rejoice, running away with great speed, and soon returning with eels, fishes, grain, and musk-melons, which they cast into the boats with ges- tures expressive of much kindness and courtesy."* This soon led to a more intimate and interesting intercourse; and on the following day the lord of the country, who was named Donnaconna, made a formal visit to the admiral's ship, accompanied by twelve boats, in which were a great multitude of his subjects. On approaching the vessel, he ordered ten of these boats to ship their paddles and remain stationary, while he himself, with the other two boats, and attended by a suite of sixteen of his subjects, advanced over * Ranrasio, vol. iii., p. 441. 38 cartier's second voyage. [1535. against the smallest of the French ships, and standing up, commenced a long oration, throwing his body into a variety of strange and uncouth postures, which were afterwards discovered to he signs indicating gladness and security. Donnaconna now came aboard the admiral's ship, and an enthusiastic interview took place between him and the two savages who had been in France.* They recounted with much gesticulation the extraordinary things which they had seen in that country, dwelling on the kind entertain- ment they had experienced; and after many expressive looks of wonder and gratitude, the king entreated the admi- ral to stretch out his arm, which he kissed with devotion, laying it fondly upon his neck, and showing, by gestures which could not be mistaken, that he wished to make much of him. C artier, anxious to evince an equal confidence, entered Donnaconna' s boat, carrying with him a collation of bread and wine, with which the monarch was much pleased ; and the French, returning to their ships, ascended the river ten leagues, till they arrived at a village where this friendly potentate usually resided, and which was named Stadacona. " It was," according to the original account of Cartier, " as goodly a plot of ground as possibly might be seen, very fruitful, and covered with noble trees similar to those of France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut trees, maple trees, citrons, vines, and white thorns which brought forth fruit like damsons, and beneath these woods grew as good hemp as any in France, without its being either planted or cultivated by man's labour."* From this time the intercourse between the French and Donnaconna continued with every expression of friendliness ; but on hearing that the admiral had determined to go to Hochelaga, a sudden jealousy appeared to seize him lest he * Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 443. Seconda Relatione di Jacques Cartier. f Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 216. 1535.] CARTIER S SECOND VOYAGE. 39 and his people should be deprived of the advantages of an uninterrupted communication with the white strangers, and every possible device was put in execution to deter them from their purpose. One of these stratagems was so ludi- crous, that we may be permitted to give Cartier's account of it in an abridgment of the quaint translation of Hakluyt : " The next day, being the 18th of September, these men still endeavoured to seek all means possible to hinder us from going to Hochelaga, and for this purpose devised a pretty guile : They went and dressed three men like devils, being wrapped in dogs' skins, white and black, with their faces besmeared as black as a coal, and horns upon their heads more than a yard long." These figures they caused to be secretly put into one of the boats, which they con- cealed within a winding of the wooded bay, waiting patiently for the tide. When the proper moment had arrived, a multitude of the boats, crowded with natives and conducted by Taignaogny, suddenly emerged from the creek ; on a signal given, the boat in which were the counterfeit devils came rushing out of its concealment, and the middlemost devil standing up, made a long oration, addressed to the French ships, of which of course every syllable was unin- telligible. " Then," to resume the words of Hakluyt, " did King Donnaconna with all his people pursue them, and lay hold on the boat and devils, who, so soon as the men were come to them, fell prostrate as if the}?- had been dead ; upon which they were taken up and carried into the wood, being but a stonecast off, at which time every one of the savages withdrew himself into the wood, and when there began to make a long discourse, so loud that it was easy for the French to hear them even in their ships. When this ora- tion or debate, which lasted for half an hour, was ended, Cartier and his crew espied Taignaogny and Domagaia coming towards them, holding their hands joined together, 40 cartier's second VOYAGE. [1535. carrying their hats under their upper garment, showing a great admiration, and looking up to heaven. Upon this the captain hearing them, and seeing their gestures and ceremonies, asked them what they ailed, and what was happened or chanced anew, to which they answered that there were very ill tidings befallen, saying in their broken French, ' Nenni est il bon,' that is to say, it was not good. Our captain asked them again what it was, and then they answered that their god Cudraigny had spoken in Hoche- laga, and that he had sent those three devils to show unto them that there was so much ice and snow in that country, that whosoever went there should die ; which words when the French heard, they laughed and mocked them, saying that their god Cudraigny was but a fool and a noddie, for he knew not what he said or did. They bade them also carry their compliments to his messengers, and inform them that the god whom they served would defend them from all cold if they would only believe in him."* Having thus failed in the object intended to be gained by this extraordinary masquerade, the savages offered no farther opposition, and the French proceeded in their pinnace and two boats up the River St. Lawrence towards Hochelaga. They found the country on both sides extremely rich and beautifully varied, covered with fine wood, and abounding in vines, though the grapes, from want of cultivation, were neither so large nor so sweet as those of France. The prevalent trees were the same as in Europe — oaks, elms, walnut, cedar, fir, ash, box, and willow ; and the natives on each side of the river, who appeared to exercise principally the trade of fishermen, entered into an intercourse with the strangers as readily and kindly as if they had been their own countrymen. One of the lords of the country did not Haklnyt, vol. iii. p. 218 ; and Kamusio, vol. iii. p. 444. 1535.] cartier's second voyage. 41 scruple, after a short acquaintance, to make a present to Cartier of two of his children, one of whom, a little girl ol seven or eight years old, he carried away with him, whilst he returned the other, a boy, who was considered too young to travel. They saw great variety of birds, almost all of which were the same as those of Europe. Cranes, swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, thrushes, blackbirds, turtles, finches, red-breasts, nightingales, and sparrows of divers kinds, were observed, besides many other birds. By this time the river had become narrow, and in some places dangerous in its navigation, owing to the rapids ; and the French, who had still three days' sailing before them, left their pinnace and took to their boats, in which, after a prosperous passage, they reached the city of Hochelaga. It consisted of about fifty houses, built in the midst of large and fair corn-fields near a great mountain, which the French called Mont Royale, corrupted by time into Montreal, which name the place still retains ; whilst the original American designation of Hochelaga has been long since forgotten. The city, according to Cartier's description, was round, compassed about with timber, and with three courses of ramparts, one within another, framed like a sharp spire, but laid across above. The enclosure which surrounded the town was in height about two roods, having but one gate, which was shut with piles, stakes, and bars. Over it, and also in various parts of the wall, were places to run along, and ladders to get up, with magazines or heaps of stones for its defence. The houses were entirely of wood, with roofs of bark very artificially joined together. Each house had a court in the midst of it, and consisted of many rooms, whilst the family lighted their fire in the centre of the court, and during the day all lived in common ; at night the husbands, wives, and children, retired to their several chambers. At the top of the house were garners where 42 cartier's second voyage. [1535. they kept their corn, which was something like the millet of Brazil, and called by them carracony. They had also stores of pease and beans, with musk-melons and great cucumbers. Many large butts were observed in their houses, in which they preserved their dried fish j but this, as well as all their other victuals, they dressed and ate without salt. They slept upon beds of bark spread on the ground, with coverings of skins similar to those of which their clothes were made.* The reception of the French by the inhabitants of Hoche- laga was in a high degree friendly ; and indeed such was the extent of their credulity and admiration, that they con- sidered the strangers as possessed of miraculous power, and their commander a divine person. This was shown by their bringing their king, Agonhanna, an infirm paralytic about fifty years of age, to be touched, and, as they trusted, cured by the admiral, earnestly importuning him by expressive gestures, to rub his arms and legs ; after which the savage monarch took the wreath or crown which he wore upon his head, and gave it to Cartier. Soon after this they brought with them all the diseased and aged folks whom they could collect, and besought him to heal them ; on which occasion his conduct appears to have been that of a man of sincere piety. He neither arrogated to himself miraculous powers, nor did he altogether refuse their earnest request ; but read, from the Gospel of St. John, the passion of our Saviour, and praying that the Lord would be pleased to open the hearts of these forlorn pagans, and teach them to know the truth, he laid his hands upon them, and making the sign of the cross, left the issue of their being healed or not in the hand of their Creator.-}- *" Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 445 ; and Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 220, 221. f Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 448. 1535.J cartier's second voyage. 43 On inquiring into their religious tenets, he found that they were buried in the deepest ignorance and superstition, unacquainted with the existence of the only true God, and substituting in his place a capricious and horrid being of their own imaginations, named Cudraigny. They affirmed that he often spoke to them, and told them what kind of weather they were to have; but, if angry, would punish them by throwing dust in their eyes. They had a strange and confused idea regarding the immortality of the soul, believing that after death they went to the stars, and de- scended like these bright sparks by degrees to the horizon, where they wandered about in delicious green fields, which were full of the most precious trees, and profusely sown with fruits and flowers. Cartier explained as well as he could the folly of such a creed, persuaded them that Cud- raigny was no god, but a devil, and at his departure pro- mised to return again, and bring some good and holy men, who would instruct them in the knowledge of the true and only God, and baptize them in the name of his Son, with which they declared themselves well pleased.* " There groweth here," says Cartier, " a certain kind of herb, of which during the summer they collect a great quantity for winter consumption, esteeming it much, and only permit- ting men to use it in the following manner : It is first dried in the sun; after which they wear it about their necks, wrapped in a little skin made in the shape of a bag, along with a hollow piece of stone or of wood formed like a pipe; after this they bruise it into a powder, which is put into one of the ends of the said cornet or pipe, and laying a coal of fire upon it at the other end, they suck so long that they fill their bodies full of smoke till it comes out of their mouth and nostrils, even as * Kamusio, vol. iii. p. 4-19. 44 cartier's second VOYAGE. [1535. out of the tunnel of a chimney. They say that this keeps them warm and in health, and never go without some of it about them." It is not impossible that the reader, perplexed by this laboriously minute descrip- tion, may have failed to recognise in it the first acquaint- ance made by the French with the familiar and far-famed plant of tobacco.* Not long after this the ships' crews were seized with a loathsome and dreadful disease, caught, as they supposed, from the natives, which carried off twenty-five men, reduc- ing the survivors to a state of pitiable weakness and suf- fering. The malady was then new to Europeans ; but the symptoms detailed by C artier — swollen legs, extreme de- bility, putrified gums, and discoloration of the skin and blood — leave no doubt that this " strange, unknown," and cruel pestilence, was the scurvy, since so fatally familiar to the European mariner. Providentially, however, they dis- covered from the savages a cure in the decoction of the leaves and bark of a species of tree called in their lan- guage hannida, and since well known as the North Ame- rican white pine. " This medicine," says Cartier, u worked so well, that if all the physicians of Montpelier and Lou- vain had been there with all the drugs of Alexandria, they would not have done so much in one year as that tree did in six days."-f- The French began now to make preparations for their departure ; but a dishonourable plot was first carried into execution, by which they succeeded in seizing Donnaconna, whose usefulness and liberality to them during their resi- dence in Canada merited a more generous return. The monarch, however, with the exception of a slight personal restraint to prevent escape, was treated with kindness, and * liainusio, vol. iii. p. 449. f Ibid. p. 451. 1536.] ROBERVAL. 45 soon became reconciled to his journey to Europe, although his subjects, inconsolable for his loss, came nightly howling like wolves about the ships, till assured he was in safety. Along with Donnaconna were secured Taignaogny and Domagaia, who had already been in France; and after a prosperous voyage, the French ships arrived at St. Malo on the 6th July 1536.* It might have been expected that, after a discovery of such magnitude and importance, imme- diate measures would have been adopted to appropriate and colonize this fertile, populous, and extensive country. This seemed the more likely, as the arrival of C artier and the introduction of the Indian king at court created an extraordinary sensation; yet notwithstanding the manifest advantages, both commercial and political, likely to result from a settlement in Canada, the weak and shallow preju- dice which at this time prevailed in most of the nations of Europe, that no countries were valuable except such as produced gold and silver, threw a damp over the project, and for nearly four years the French monarch would listen to no proposals for the establishment of a colony. Private adventure at length came forward to accomplish that which had been neglected by royal munificence, and the Sieur de Roberval, a nobleman of Picardy, requested permission of Francis I. to pursue the discovery, and attempt to form a settlement in the country. This the king readily granted; and as Roberval was opulent, the preparations were made on a great scale. He was created by Francis, on the 15th January 1540, Lord of Norim- bega, Lieutenant- General and Viceroy in Canada, Hoche- laga, Saguenay, Newfoundland, Belleisle, Carpon, Labra- dor, the Great Bay, and Baccalaos — empty and ridiculous Ramusio, vol. in. p. 453. 46 ROBERVAL. [1540. titles, which, if merited by any one, ought to have been conferred upon Cartier. This eminent navigator, however, was only permitted to accept a subordinate command ; and as Roberval, who wished to appear with splendour in his new dominions, was detained in fitting out two vessels which were his own property, Cartier was ordered to sail before him with the five ships already prepared. He accordingly did so; but Dormaconna, the Canadian king, had died in France, and the savages, justly incensed at the breach of faith by which they lost their sovereign, received the French with an altered countenance, devising conspiracies against them, that soon led to acts of open hostility. The French now built for their defence, near the present site of Quebec, a fort, which they named Charlesbourg, being the first European settlement formed in that part of America. After a long interval, Roberval arrived at Newfoundland ; but a jealousy had broken out between him and Cartier, who took the first opportunity during the night to part from his principal, and return with his squadron to France. This of course gave a death-blow to the whole undertaking, for Roberval was nothing with- out Cartier; and, after some unsuccessful attempts to dis- cover a passage to the East Indies, he abandoned the enterprise, and returned to his native country. The pas- sion for adventure, however, again seized him in 1549, and he and his brother, one of the bravest men of his time, set sail on a voyage of discovery; but they shared the fate of Verazzano and the Cortereals, being never again heard of. These disasters effectually checked the enthu- siasm of France, whilst in England, the country to whose enterprise we have seen Europe indebted for her first acquaintance with the American continent, the spirit of maritime discovery appeared for some years almost totally extinct. HERMAN CORTES. The bold and comprehensive mind of Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, not content with the acquisition of that noble empire, formed the most extensive projects of discovery. — Page 47 i 1537.] CORTES. 47 The plan of this historical disquisition now leads us to the examination of some remarkable enterprises of the Spaniards for the extension of their immense dominions in the New World, along the more northern coasts of Ame- rica. The bold and comprehensive mind of Cortes, the conqueror of Mexico, not content with the acquisition of that noble empire, formed the most extensive projects of discovery. Alarmed at the attempts of the English to dis- cover a northern passage to China and Cathay, he resolved to make a careful survey of the whole coast, extending from the River Panuco in Mexico to Florida, and thence northwards to the Baccalaos, for the purpose of ascertaining whether there might not exist in that quarter a communi- cation with the South Sea. At the same time a squadron in the Pacific was to sail along the western coast of Ame- rica, and by these simultaneous researches he trusted to find a strait affording a far shorter and easier route to India and the Moluccas, and connecting together the vast dominions of the Spanish crown.* Charles V., to whom these proposals were presented, although willing to en- courage every scheme for the extension of his power, ungenerously threw upon their author the whole expense of the undertaking; in consequence of which, the idea of the voyage for the discovery of a north-west passage was abandoned, and the magnificent designs for the conquest of many great and opulent kingdoms sunk at last into the equipment of two brigantines on the coast of the South Sea, the command of which was intrusted to Diego de Hurtado. This expedition ended calamitously in a mutiny of one of the crews, who brought back their ship to Xalisco : the fate of Hurtado was still more unfortunate, for, although he continued his voyage, neither he nor any of * Eamusio, vol. Hi. p. 295. Memoir of Cabot, p. 263. 48 DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA. [1539. his crew were ever more heard of. A second expedition, intrusted by Cortes to two Spanish captains, Grijalva and Mendoza, was scarcely more fortunate : The vessels were separated on the first night of their voyage, and never again joined company. Grijalva penetrated to an island which he denominated Santa Tome, supposed to have been situated near the northern point of California, after which he returned to Tehuantepec; whilst Mendoza, by his haughty and tyrannical temper, having rendered himself odious to his crew, was murdered by the pilot, Ximenes, who assumed the command. Afraid of returning to Mexico, the traitor sailed northward, and discovered the coast of California, where he was soon after attacked and slain, along with twenty of his crew, by the savage natives.* The survivors, however, brought the vessel back to Chiametta, with the tempting report that the coast abounded in perils. Cortes now set out himself with a squadron of three ships; and, although his vessels were dreadfully shattered in a storm, pursued his voyage with his accus- tomed energy, till compelled to return by a summons from Mexico, where the breaking out of serious disturbances required his immediate presence. He intrusted, however, the prosecution of the voyage to Francisco de Ulloa, and this enterprising navigator, though at first obliged by want of provisions to return to Mexico, re-victualled his ships, and again set sail. The pious solemnity with which these ancient mariners were accustomed to regard their proceed- ings, is strikingly shown by the first sentence of his journal: — "We embarked," says he, "in the haven of Acapulco, on the 8th of July, in the year of our Lord 1539, calling upon Almighty God to guide us with his holy hand to those places where he might be served, and his holy faith ad- * ITakluyt, vol. iii. p. 364; and Bamusio, Viaggi, vol. iii. p. 355 1539.] ulloa. 49 vanced ; and we sailed from the said port by the coast of Sacatula and Motin, which is sweet and pleasant, owing to the abundance of trees that grow there, and the rivers which pass through these countries, for which we often thanked God, their Creator." * A voyage of twenty days brought the squadron to the harbour of Colima, from which they set out on the 23d of August; and after encountering a tempest, in which their ships were severely shattered, they stood across the Gulf of California, and came to the mouth of the River St. Peter and St. Paul. On both sides of it were rich and extensive plains, covered with beautiful trees in full leaf; and farther within the land exceeding high mountains, clothed with wood, and affording a charming prospect; after which, in a course of fifteen leagues, they discovered two other rivers as great, or greater than the Guadalquiver, the currents of which were so strong that they might be discerned three leagues off at sea. Ulloa spent a year in examining the coasts and havens on each side of the Gulf of California. In some places the Spaniards found the inhabitants of great stature,-)- armed with bows and arrows, speaking a language totally distinct from anything they had hitherto heard in America, and admirably dexterous in diving and swimming. On one occasion the crews, who had landed, were attacked with fierceness by two squadrons of Indians. These natives were as swift as wild-goats, exceedingly strong and active, and leaped from rock to rock, assaulting the Spaniards with their arrows and javelins, which broke and pierced their armour, and inflicted grievous wounds. It is well known that this nation had introduced the savage practice of em- ploying bloodhounds in their wars against the Mexicans, and Ulloa now used some of these ferocious animals. The * Eamusio, vol. iii. p. 339. Murray's North America, vol. ii. p. 68. f Eamusio, vol. iii. p. 342. D 50 ULLOA. [1540. Indians, however, discharged a shower of arrows against them, " by which," says Ulloa, " Berecillo, our mastiff, who should have assisted us, was grievously wounded by three arrows, so that we could by no entreaty get him to leave us ; the dog was struck in the first assault of the Indians, after he had behaved himself very gallantly, and greatly aided us, having set upon them and put eight or ten of them out of array. But the other mastiffs did us more harm than good, for when they attacked the Indians, they shot at them with their bows, and we received hurt and trouble in defend- ing them."* From this unfriendly coast the Spanish discoverer pro- ceeded to the Baya del Abad, about a hundred leagues dis- tant from the point of California, where he found a more pacific people, who, though they exhibited great symptoms of suspicion, were prevailed upon to traffic, exchanging pearls and parrots' feathers for the beads and trinkets of the strangers. So little, however, were they to be trusted, that they afterwards assaulted the ships' crews, compelling them to retreat to their vessels and pursue their voyage. They now discovered, in 28° north latitude, a great island, which they denominated the Isle of Cedars, taking possession of it in the name of the Spanish monarch. It was inhabited by a fierce race of Indians, powerful and well-made, and armed with bows and arrows, besides javelins, and long staves thicker than a man's wrist. With these they struck at the sailors, braving them with signs and rude gestures, till at last it was found necessary to let loose the tAvo mastiffs, Berecillo and Achillo ; upon which they suddenly took to flight, flying over the rough ground with the speed of wild horses. -f- Beyond this island the Spaniards attempted to continue their discoveries along the coast of California ; but * Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 409. Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 345. f Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 351. Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 419. 1540.] ULLOA. 1 a tempest having driven them back and damaged their vessels, they determined to return to New Spain. In their homeward voyage they were in danger from a new and extraordinary enemy ; for, when sailing in the main ocean at a rapid rate, above five hundred whales, in separate shoals, came athwart them within one hour's space. Their monstrous size created great astonishment, some of them approaching so near the ship, as to swim under the keel from one side to the other, " whereupon," says Francis Preciado, who wrote the relation of the voyage, " we were in great fear lest they should do us some hurt ; but they could not, because the ship had a prosperous and good wind, and made much way, so that it received no harm although they touched and struck her."* In this voyage, which for the first time made the world acquainted with the Gulf of California, or Sea of Cortes, Ulloa had not been able to spend sufficient time either in a survey of the coast, or in establishing an intercourse with the natives. But not long after his return, Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, despatched Friar Marco de Nica, upon an expedition of discovery from Culeacan, at that time the most northerly Spanish settlement, to a province called Topira, situated in the mountains. The account brought back of the riches and extent of the country, proved so tempting to the ambition of the Spaniards, that soon after Vasquez de Coronado, an officer of great courage and expe- rience, was appointed by Mendoza to the command of a large force, for the reduction of the new territory, whilst, to co-operate with this land expedition, a naval armament was fitted out, of which Ferdinand de Alarchon was appointed admiral, with orders to explore the Gulf of California. As far as conquest was intended, these mighty preparations * Hakluyt, vol. Hi. p. 424. 52 ALARCHON. [1542. conducted to no permanent results ; but the voyage of Alar- chon led to some important discoveries. After a survey of the lower part of the coast of the gulf, he penetrated with much difficulty and hazard to the bottom of the bay, where he found a mighty river, flowing with so furious a current, that they could hardly sail against it.* This was evidently the noble river now known by the name of the Colorado, which has its rise in the great mountain- range near the sources of the Rio Bravo del Norte, and after a course of nine hundred miles falls into the head of the Gulf of California. Alarchon determined to explore it ; and taking with him two boats, with twenty men and some small pieces of artillery, he ascended to an Indian village, the inhabitants of which, by violent and furious gestures, dissuaded the Spaniards from landing. The party of natives, at first small, soon increased to a body of two hundred and fifty, drawn up in warlike fashion, with bows and arrows, and displayed banners. The Spanish admiral appeased them by signs, throwing his sword and target into the bottom of the boat, and placing his feet upon them. "They began," says he, in his letter to the viceroy Mendoza, " to make a great murmuring among themselves, when suddenly one came out from among them with a staff, upon which he had fixed some small shells, and entered into the water to give them to me. I took them, and made signs to him that he should approach. On his doing so I embraced him, giving him in exchange some trinkets, and he returning to his fellows, they began to look upon them and to parley together ; and within a while many of them cheerfully ap- proached, to whom I made signs that they should lay down their banners and leave their weapons; which they did immediately." Alarchon gives a minute description of the * Eamusio, Viaggi, vol. iii. p. 363. 1542.] ALARCIION. 53 dress, weapons, and appearance of these Indians. They were decked after sundry fashions : the faces of some were covered with tattooed marks, extending lengthwise from the forehead to the chin ; others had only half the face thus ornamented ; but all were besmeared with coal, and every one as it liked him best. Others carried vizards before them, which had the shape of faces.* They wore on their heads a piece of deerskin two spans broad, like a helmet, ornamented by various sorts of feathers stuck upon small sticks. Their weapons were bows and arrows, and two or three kinds of maces of wood hardened in the fire. Their features were handsome and regular, but disfigured by holes bored through the nostrils, and in many parts of the ears, on which were hung pendants, shells, and bones. About their loins was a girdle of divers colours, with a large bunch of feathers in the middle, which hung down like a tail. They cut their hair short before, but allowed it behind to grow down to their waist. Their bodies were tattooed with coals, and the women wore round their waist a great wreath of painted feathers, glued together, and hanging down both before and behind. f Having procured by signs a pacific reception from this new people, Alarchon found to his mortification that they did not understand his interpreter ; but after a little inter- course, observing that they worshipped the sun, he un- scrupulously intimated to them by significant gestures, that he came from that luminary; "upon which they marvelled," says he, " and began to survey me from top to toe, and showed me more favour than they did before." Soon after this a man was found among them who could speak the language of the interpreter ; and an intercourse of a very , %- * Such is the translation of Hakluyt ; but the passage in the original is obscure. f Ramusio, vol. iii. p. 364. 54 ALAKCHON. [1542. extraordinary nature took place, in which the honesty and simplicity of the Indians are strikingly contrasted with the false and unprincipled policy of the Spaniards. The passage is uncommonly graphic and interesting : " The Indian first desired to know what nation we were, and whence we came ? "Whether we came out of the water, or inhabited the earth, or had fallen from the heaven?" To this the admiral re- plied, that they were Christians, and came from far to see them, being sent by the sun, to which he pointed. " After this introduction, the Indian," continues Alarchon in his account of the voyage, " began again to ask me how the sun had sent me, seeing he went aloft in the sky and never stood still, and for these many years neither they nor their oldest men had ever seen such as we were, and the sun till that hour had never sent any other. I answered him, it was true the sun pursued his course aloft in the sky, and never stood still, but nevertheless they might perceive that at his setting and rising he came near the earth, where his dwelling was, and that they always saw him come out of one place ; and he had created me in that land whence he came, in the same way that he had made many others whom he sent into other parts ; and now he had desired me to visit this same river, and the people who dwelt near it, that I might speak with them, and become their friend, and give them such things as they needed, and charge them not to make war against each other. On this he required me to tell them the cause why the sun had not sent me sooner to pacify the wars which had continued a long time among them, and wherein many had been slain. I told him the reason was, that I was then but a child. He next inquired why Ave brought only one interpreter with us who compre- hended our language, and wherefore we understood not all other men, seeing we were children of the sun? To which our interpreter answered, that the sun had also begotten 1542.] ALARCHON. 55 him, and given him a language to understand him, his master the admiral, and others; the sun knew well that they dwelt there, but because that great light had many other businesses, and because his master was but young, he sent him no sooner. The Indian interpreter," continues Alar- chon, " then turning to me, said suddenly, ' Comest thou, therefore, to be our lord, and that we should serve thee ?' To which I answered, I came not to be their lord, but rather their brother, and to give them such things as I had. He then inquired whether I was the sun's kinsman, or his child ? To which I replied I was his son, but those who were with me, though all born in one country, were not his children ; upon which he raised his voice loudly and said, ' Seeing thou doest us so much good, and dost not wish us to make war, and art the child of the sun, we will all re- ceive thee for our lord, and always serve thee ; therefore we pray thee not to depart hence and leave us.' After which he suddenly turned to the people, and began to tell them that I was the child of the sun, and therefore they should all choose me for their lord."* The Indians appeared to be well pleased with this proposal, and assisted the Spaniards in their ascent of the river to the distance of eighty-five leagues ; but finding it impossible to open a communication with the army under Coronado, Alarchon put about his ships, and returned to Mexico.-j- After the expeditions of Coronado and Alarchon in 1542, the spirit of enterprise amongst the Spaniards experienced some check, owing probably to the feeling of mortification and disappointment which accompanied the return of these officers. Yet Mendoza, unwilling wholly to renounce the high hopes he had entertained, despatched a small squadron under Rodriguez Cabrillo, which traced the yet undiscovered * Hakluyt, vol. iii. t). 429. Kamusio, vol. iii. p. 356. f Hakluyt, vol. iii. pp. 438, 439. 56 DE FUCA. [1602. coast of North America some degrees beyond Cape Mendo- cino; and in 1596 and 1602, Sebastian Viscaino extended these discoveries along the coast of New Albion to a river which appears to have been the present Columbia. It has even been asserted by some authors, that, four years prior to the voyage of Viscaino, Juan de Fuca, a veteran Spanish pilot, conducted a ship beyond the mouth of the Columbia, and doubling Cape Flattery, entered the Straits of Georgia, through which he passed till he came to Queen Charlotte's Sound. De Fuca imagined, not unnaturally, considering the imperfect and limited state of geographical knowledge, that he had now sailed through the famous and fabulous Strait of Anian; and that, instead of being in the Pacific, as he then actually was, he had conducted his vessel into the spacious expanse of the Atlantic. With this informa- tion he returned to Acapulco; but the Spanish viceroy received him coldly, and withheld all encouragement or reward — a circumstance to which we may perhaps ascribe the cessation from this period of all farther attempts at discovery by this nation upon the north-west coast of Ame- rica. The whole voyage of De Fuca, however, rests on apocryphal authority. CHAPTEK II. Russian and English Voyages. Behring — Tchirikow — Cook — and Clerke — Meares — Vancouver — Kotzebue. As the zeal oi the Spanish Government in extending their discoveries upon the north-west coast of America abated, another great nation, hitherto scarcely known to Europe, 1717.] PETER THE GREAT. 57 undertook at a later period the task which they had aban- doned. Russia, within little more than half a century, had grown up from a collection of savage, undisciplined, and unconnected tribes, into a mighty people. Her conquests had spread with amazing rapidity till they embraced the whole of the north of Asia, and under the energetic admin- istration of Peter the Great, this empire assumed at once that commanding influence in the scale of European nations which it has continued to preserve till the present times. Amongst the many great projects of this remarkable man, the solution of the question, whether Asia, on the north- east, was united with America, occupied a prominent place; and it appears that during his residence in Holland in 1717, he had been solicited by some of the most eminent patrons of discovery amongst the Dutch to institute an expedition to investigate the subject. The resolution he then formed, to set this great point at rest by a voyage of discovery, was never abandoned; but his occupation in war, and the multiplicity of those state affairs which engrossed his atten- tion, caused him to delay its execution from year to year, till he was seized with his last illness. Upon his death- bed he wrote, with his own hand, instructions to Admiral Apraxin, and an order to have them carried into immediate execution. They directed, first, that one or two boats with decks should be built at Kamtschatka, or at any other con- venient place; secondly, that with these a survey should be made of the most northerly coasts of his Asiatic empire, to determine whether they were or were not contiguous to America; and, thirdly, that the persons to whom the expe- dition was entrusted should endeavour to ascertain whether on these coasts there was any port belonging to Europeans, and keep a strict look-out for any European ship, taking care also to employ some skilful men in making inquiries regarding the name and situation of the coasts which they 58 BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW. [17z5. discovered — of all which they were to keep an exact jour- nal, and transmit it to St. Petersburg. Upon the death of Peter the Great, which happened shortly after these instructions were drawn up, the Empress Catherine entered fully into his views, and gave orders to fit out an expedition for their accomplishment. The com- mand was intrusted to Captain Vitus Behring. Under his orders were two lieutenants, Martin Spangberg and Alexi Tchirikow; and, besides other subaltern officers, they en- gaged several excellent ship-carpenters. On the 5th of February 1725 they set out from St. Petersburg, and on the 16th March arrived at Tobolsk, the capital of Siberia. After a survey of the rivers Irtisch, Ob, Ket, Jenesei, Tun- gusca, and Ilim, they wintered at Him, and, in the spring of 1726, proceeded down the river Lena to Jakutzk. The naval stores and part of the provisions were now intrusted to Lieutenant Spangberg, who embarked on the Juduma, intending to sail from it into the Maia, and then by the Aldan into the Lena. He was followed by Captain Behring, who proceeded by land with another part of the stores, whilst Lieutenant Tchirikow stayed at Jakutzk, with the design of transporting the remainder overland. The cause of this complicated division of labour was the impassable nature of the country between Jakutzk and Ochotzk, which is impracticable for waggons in summer, or for sledges during winter. Such, indeed, were the difficulties of transporting these large bales of provisions, that it was the 30th July 1727 before the whole business was completed. In the meantime a vessel had been built at Ochotzk, in which the naval stores were conveyed to Bolscheretzkoi in Kamts- chatka. From this they proceeded to Nischnei Kamts- chatkoi Ostrog, where a boat was built similar to the packet-boats used in the Baltic. After the necessary articles were shipped, Captain Behring, determining no 1727.] behring's first voyage. 59 longer to delay the most important part of his enterprise, set sail from the mouth of the River Kamtschatka on the 14th of July, steering north-east, and for the first time laying down a survey of this remote and desolate coast. When they reached the latitude of 64° 30', eight men of the wild tribe of the Tschuktschi pushed off from the coast in a leathern canoe, called a baidar, formed of seal- skins, and fearlessly approached the Russian ship. A communi- cation was immediately opened by means of a Koriak in- terpreter; and, on being invited, they came on board with- out hesitation. By these natives Behring was informed that the coast turned towards the west. On reaching the promontory called Serdze Kamen, the accuracy of this information was established, for the land was seen extend- ing a great way in a western direction — a circumstance from which Behring somewhat too hastily concluded, that he had reached the extremest northern point of Asia. He was of opinion that thence the coast must run to the west, and therefore no junction with America could take place. Satisfied that he had now fulfilled his orders, he returned to the River Kamtschatka, and again took up his winter- quarters at Nischnei Kamtschatkoi Ostrog.* In this voyage it was conjectured by Behring and his officers, from the reports of the Kamtschadales, that in all probability another country must be situated towards the east, at no great distance from Serdze Kamen; yet no im- mediate steps were taken either to complete the survey of the most northerly coasts of Ochozkoi, or to explore the undiscovered region immediately opposite the promontory. In the course of a campaign, however, against the fierce and independent nation of the Tschuktschi, Captain Paw- lutzki penetrated by the Rivers Nboina, Bela, and Tcherna, * Harris's Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. pp. 1020, 1021; Coxe's Russian Discoveries, pp. 23, 24, 94. 60 PAWLUTZKl's EXPEDITION. [1741. to the borders of the Frozen Sea; and, after defeating the enemy in three battles, passed in triumph to a promontory supposed to be the Tgchukotzkoi Noss. From this point he sent part of his little army in canoes, whilst he himself conducted the remaining division by land round the pro- montory, taking care to march along the sea-coast, and to communicate every evening with his canoes. In this man- ner Pawlutzki reached the promontory which is conjectured to have been the farthest limit of Behring' s voyage, and thence by an inland route returned, on 21st October 1730, to Anadirsk, having advanced an important step in ascer- taining the separation between America and the remote north-westerly coast of Asia. Although the separation of the two continents had been thus far fixed, a wide field of discovery yet remained unex- plored; and in 1741, Behring, Spangberg, and Tchirikow, once more volunteered their services for this purpose. These offers were immediately accepted; the captain was promoted to the rank of a commander, the two lieutenants were made captains, and instructions drawn up for the con- duct of the expedition, in which it was directed that the destination of the voyages should be eastward to the con- tinent of America, and southward to Japan, whilst, at the same time, an endeavour was to be made for the discovery of that northern passage through the Frozen Sea which had been so repeatedly but unsuccessfully attempted by other European nations. The voyage to Japan, under the command of Captain Spangberg and Lieutenant Walton, was eminently successful; and one of its material results was the correction of a geographical error of considerable magnitude, by which that island had hitherto been placed under the same meridian as Kamtschatka instead of 11° more to the westward. The expedition of Behring, no less important and satisfactory, was destined to be fatal to its 1741.] beiiring's second voyage. 61 excellent commander. After a winter spent in the harbour of Awatscha, or Petropalauska, on the west side of the great peninsula of Kamtschatka, Behring got his stores on board the two packet-boats built at Ochotzk, expressly for the intended American discoveries. The first of these, the St. Peter, was that in which the commander embarked; the second, the St. Paul, was intrusted to Captain Tchirikow. Along with Behring went Lewis de Lisle de la Croyere, Professor of Astronomy, whilst Mr. George William Stel- ler, an experienced chemist and botanist, accompanied Tchirikow. All things being ready, a council of officers was held, in which the question regarding the course they should steer was considered, and it happened, unfortunately for the ex- pedition, that an important error had crept into the map presented by the Academy of Sciences at St. Petersburg to the Senate, in laying down a coast south-east from Awatscha, extending fifteen degrees from west to east, whilst no land was marked due east. At this spot were written on the map the words " Land seen by Don Jean de Gama;" and, trusting to the accuracy of this information, it was determined to steer first south-east by east, in the hope of discovering this continent; after which they might follow its coasts as a guide towards the north and east. On the 4th of June 1741 they accordingly weighed anchor, and steered south-east by south, till, on the 12th, they found themselves in latitude 46°, without the slightest appearance of the coast of De Gama. Convinced at last of their error, they held on a northerly course as far as 50° north latitude, and were just about to steer due east, with the hope of reaching the continent of America, when the two ships were separated in a violent storm accompanied by a thick fog. Behring exerted every effort to rejoin his consort; but all proved in vain. He cruised for three days between 62 BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW: [1741. 50° and 51° north latitude, after which he steered back to the south-east as far as 45° ; but Tchirikow, after the storm, had taken an easterly course from 48° north latitude, so that they never met again. Both, however, pursued their discoveries simultaneously, and on the 15th of July, being in 56° north latitude, Tchiri- kow reached the coast of America. The shore proved to be steep and rocky, and in consequence of the high surf, he did not venture to approach it; but anchoring in deep water, despatched his mate, Demetiew, with the long-boat and ten men, on shore. The boat was provisioned for some days, the men armed and furnished with minute instruc- tions as to their mode of proceeding, and the signals by which they were to communicate with the ship. But nei- ther mate, men, nor barge, were ever again heard of. This was the more mysterious, as all at first appeared to go well with them. The barge was seen from the ship to row into a bay behind a small cape, and the appointed signals were made, intimating that she had landed in safety. Day after day the signals agreed on continued from the shore. The people on board began at last to think that the barge had probably received damage in landing, and could not re- turn till she was repaired; and it was resolved to send the small boat on shore, with the boatswain Sawelow and six men. Amongst these were some carpenters and a careener, well armed and provided with the necessary materials; and the boatswain had orders to return with Demetiew in the long-boat the moment the necessary repairs were com- pleted. But neither mate nor boatswain ever came back; and the most dark surmises of their fate were excited by the cessation of the signals, and the continual ascent of a large volume of smoke from the landing-place. Next day, however, a revival of hope was felt at the sight of tw* boats which were observed rowing from the land towards 1741.] THEIR SECOND VOYAGE. 63 the ship. It was believed to be Demetiew and Sawelow; and Tchirikow ordered all hands on deck, to prepare for setting sail on a moment's warning. A few minutes changed these cheerful anticipations into sorrow; for, as the boats approached, it was discovered that they were filled by American savages, who, seeing many persons on deck, instantly shipped their paddles and remained at a cautious distance. They then stood up, and crying with a loud voice " Agai, agai!" returned with great speed to the shore. A strong west wind now rose, and threatened to dash the vessel on the rocky coast, so that they were obliged to weigh anchor and put to sea without the slightest hope of hearing any farther intelligence of their men ; for they had no more small boats, and all communication with the shore was cut off. Tchirikow, however, cruised some days in the neighbourhood, and when the weather became milder, returned towards the spot where his people landed ; but all appeared silent, lonely, and uninhabited ; and in a council of the officers, it was determined to set out on their return, though with the most poignant regret at being obliged to leave this remote and desolate coast without hearing the slightest account of their companions. They arrived at Kamtschatka on the 27th of July.* No news of the fate of Demetiew and Sawelow ever reached Russia ; but it is evident that they had been successively attacked and mur- dered by the savages. "The natives of this part of the north-west coast of America," says Captain Burney, "live principally by hunting and catching game, in which occu- pations they are in the continual practice of every species of decoy. They imitate the whistlings of birds, — they have carved wooden masks resembling the heads of animals, which they put on over their own, and enter the woods in * Muller, Decouvertes faites par les Busses, vol. i. p. 244. 64 BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW : [1741. masquerade. They had observed the signals made to the ship by the Russian boat which first came to land ; and the continuance of signals afterwards seen and heard by the Russians onboard were doubtless American imitations."* Exactly three days after Tchirikow descried land, it appears that Commodore Behring also got sight of the continent in 58° 28", or, according to another account 60° north latitude. The prospect was magnificent and awful, exhibiting high mountains covered from the summits with snow. One of these, far inland, was particularly remarked: It was plainly discernible sixteen German miles out at sea; and Steller says in his journal, that in all Siberia he had not met with a more lofty mountain.-]- The commodore, being much in want of water, approached the coast with the hope of being able to land. He accordingly reached the shore on the 20th July, and anchored under a large island not far from the continent. A point of land projecting into the sea at this place they called St Elias. Cape, as it was discovered on that saint's day; whilst another headland was denominated St. Hermogenes ; and between these lay a bay, in which, if it became necessary to take shelter, they trusted they would find security. Two boats were now launched, in the first of which, Kytrof, the master of the fleet, was sent to examine the bay, whilst Steller proceeded with the other to fetch water. Kytrof found a convenient anchorage; and on an adjacent island were a few empty huts formed of smooth boards, ornamented in some places with rude carving. Within the huts they picked up a small box of poplar, a hollow earthen ball in which a stone rattled, conjectured to be a child's toy, and a whetstone, on which it appeared that copper knives had been sharpened.:): Steller, * Burney's History of North-eastern Voyages of Discovery, p. 180. f Ibid. p. 164. X Coxe's Russian Discoveries, pp. 42, 43. 1741.] THEIR SECOND VOYAGE. 65 on the other hand, near the spot where he landed, discovered a cellar in which was a store of red salmon, and a sweet herb dressed for food in the same manner as in Kamts- chatka. Near them were ropes, and various pieces of household furniture and of domestic utensils. At a short distance he came to a place where the savages had recently dined; beside which they found an arrow, and an instru- ment for procuring fire exactly similar to that used for the same purpose in Kamtschatka. The sailors who fetched the fresh water had found two fire-places with the ashes newly extinguished, and near them a parcel of hewn wood, with some smoked fishes like large carp. They observed also marks of human footsteps in the grass, but no natives were seen. In case, however, they should return, some small presents, such as it was conjectured might be suited to their taste or their wants, were left in the huts. These consisted of a piece of green glazed linen, two iron kettles, two knives, two iron Chinese tobacco-pipes, a pound of tobacco leaves, and twenty large glass beads. Steller, an enthusiastic naturalist, entreated that he might have the command of the small boat and a few men, to complete a more accurate survey of this new coast ; but Behring, who was from his advanced age rather timid and over- cautious, put a decided negative upon the proposal ; and his scientific companion, having climbed a steep rock to obtain a view of the adjacent country, found his progress interrupted by an immediate order to come aboard. " On descending the mountain," says he in his journal, "which was overspread with a forest without any traces of a road, finding it im- passable, I reascended, looked mournfully at the limits of my progress, turned my eyes towards the continent which it was not in my power to explore, and observed at the distance of a few versts some smoke ascending from a wooded eminence. * * * Again receiving a posi- £ 66 BEHRING AND TCHIEIKOW : [1741. tive order to join the ship, I returned with my collec- tion."* Having put to sea next day, the 21st of July, they found it impossible, according to their original intention, to explore the coast as far as 65° north latitude, as it seemed to extend indefinitely to the south-west. It was studded with many small islands, the navigation through which, especially during the night, was dangerous and tedious. On the 30th of July they discovered, in latitude 56°, an island, which they called Tumannoi Ostrog, or Foggy Island ; and soon after the scurvy broke out with the most virulent symptoms in the ship's crew : so that, in hopes of procuring water, they again ran to the north, and soon dis- covered the continent, with a large group of islands near the shore, between which they came to anchor. These they called the Schumagins, after the name of one of their men who died there. Whilst at this anchorage the weather became boisterous, and some brackish water procured from one of the largest islands increased the virulence of the dis- ease, which prevailed to an alarming degree. All attempts to put to sea proved for some days unsuccessful, owing to the strong contrary winds ; and at length one morning they were roused by a loud cry from one of the islands, upon which they saw a fire burning. Soon after, two Americans rowed towards the ship in their canoes, which in shape resembled those of Greenland and Davis' Strait. They stopped, however, at some distance, and it was discovered that they not only understood the language of the Calumet, or Pipe of Peace, employed by the North American Indians, but had these symbolical instruments along with them. They were sticks with hawks' wings attached to one end. It was at first impossible to induce the natives to come on * Coxe's Russian Discoveries, pp. 40, 41. 1741.] THEIR SECOND VOYAGE. 67 board ; and Behring, anxious to establish a communication, and to become acquainted with the country, despatched Lieutenant Waxel in the boat, with nine men well armed, amongst whom was a Tschuktschian or Koriak interpreter. It was found, however, that the savages were utterly igno- rant of his language ; and Waxel having sent some men on shore, who fastened the boat by a long rope passed round a rock on the beach, commenced a friendly inter- course by means of signs. The Americans were disposed to be on the most amicable terms with their new acquaint- ances, giving them whales' flesh, the only provision they appeared to possess ; and at last one of them so far over- came his fears as to join the Russian lieutenant in the boat, which still lay a little way from the shore. Anxious to conciliate his favour and treat him with distinction, Waxel somewhat thoughtlessly presented him with a cup of brandy j but the effect proved the reverse of what was expected. He made the most ludicrous wry faces, spit violently out of his mouth all that he had not swallowed, and cried aloud to his companions on the shore, complaining of the treatment he had experienced. " Our men," says Mr. Steller in his journal, " thought the Americans had sailors' stomachs, and endeavoured to remove his disgust by presenting him with a lighted pipe of tobacco, which he accepted; but he was equally disgusted with his attempt to smoke. The most civilized European would be affected in the same manner if presented with toad- stool, or rotten fish and willow bark, which are delicacies with the Kamtschadales." It was evi- dent he had never tasted ardent spirits or smoked tobacco till this moment ; and although every effort was made to soothe him and restore his confidence, by offering him needles, glass beads, an iron kettle, and other gifts, he would accept of nothing, and made the most eager and imploring signs to be set on shore. In this it was judged right to gratify 68 BEHRING A.ND TCHIRIKOW : [1741. him, and Waxel, at the same time, called out to the sailors who were on the beach to come back; the Americans made a violent attempt to detain them, but two blunderbusses were fired over their heads, and had the effect of making them fall flat on the ground, whilst the Russians escaped and rejoined their companions. This adventure gave them an opportunity of examining this new people, now for the first time visited by Europeans. " The islanders were of moderate stature, but tolerably well proportioned ; their arms and legs very fleshy. Their hair was straight, and of a glossy blackness ; their faces brown and flat, but neither broad nor large; their eyes were black, and their lips thick and turned upwards ; their necks were short, their shoulders broad, and their bodies thick, but not corpulent. Their upper garment was made of whales' intestines, their breeches of seals' skins, and their caps formed out of the hide of sea-lions, adorned with feathers of various birds, especially the hawk. Their nos- trils were stopped with grass, and their noses as flat as Calmucks' ; their faces painted, some with red, others with different colours ; and some of them, instead of caps, wore hats of bark, coloured green and red, open at the top, and shaped like candle- screens, apparently for protecting the eyes against the rays of the sun. These hats might lead us to suppose that the natives of this part of America are of Asiatic descent; for the Kamtschadales and Koriaks wear the like, of which several specimens may be seen in the Museum at St. Petersburg."* At this time, Behring being confined by severe sickness, the chief command fell on Waxel, who was preparing to sail, when seven Americans came in their boats to the ship's side, and two of them, catching hold of the entrance- * Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 63. 1741.] THEIR SECOND VOYAGE. 69 ladder, presented their bonnets, and a carved image of bone, bearing some resemblance to a human figure. They like- wise held up the calumet, and would have come aboard, but the sailors were taking up the anchor, and the breeze fresh- ening, they were under the necessity of making towards the shore as quickly as possible. There was time, however, to give a few presents, and as the ship passed by the point where they stood, she was saluted with loud and friendly shouts.* They had now to struggle against a tedious continuance of westerly winds, accompanied with thick fogs, which ren- dered the navigation in these unknown seas perilous in the extreme. On the 24th of September the mist cleared away, and disclosed a high and desolate coast, which a strong south wind made it dangerous to approach. The majority of the crew were by this time disabled by the scurvy, and the rest so weak, that to manage the vessel during the tempestuous weather was almost impossible. A violent gale soon after began to blow from the west, which gradu- ally increased, and drove the ship far to the south-east. The storm continued for seventeen days — a fact to which there are few parallels in the history of shipwrecks j and the pilot, Andrew Hesselberg, who had served for fifty years in several parts of the world, declared he had never witnessed so long and terrible a gale. Meanwhile they carried as little sail as possible, and were driven for a fort- night at the mercy of the wind, under a sky as black as midnight, so that all the time they saw neither sun nor stars. When the storm abated, they found themselves, by the ship's reckoning, in 48° 18" north latitude. Steller, in his journal, draws a striking picture of their extreme misery : — " The general distress and mortality," says he, * Burney's North-Eastern Voyages of Discovery, p. 170. 70 BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW : [1741. " increased so fast, that not only the sick died, but those who still struggled to be numbered on the healthy list, when relieved from their posts, fainted and fell down dead, of which the scantiness of water, the want of biscuits and brandy, cold, wet, nakedness, vermin, fear, and terror, were not the least causes."* In these circumstances, it be- came difficult to determine whether they should return to Kamtschatka or seek a harbour on the nearest American coast. At last, in a council of officers, they embraced the first of these alternatives, and again sailed north, after which they steered towards the west. On the 29th of October they approached two islands re- sembling the two first of the Kurilian group. The long- wished-for coast of Kamtschatka, however, did not appear, and the condition of the vessel and crew began to be deplorable. The men, notwithstanding their diseased state and want of proper food, were obliged to work in the cold ; and as the continual rains had now changed into hail and snow, and the nights shortened and grew darker, their sufferings were extreme. The commodore himself had been for some time totally disabled by disease from taking an active command, his wonted energy and strength of mind left him, and he became childishly suspicious and indolent. Amongst the seamen the sickness was so dread- ful, that the two sailors whose berth used to be at the rudder, were led to it by others, who themselves could walk with difficulty. When one could steer no longer, another equally feeble was supported to his place. Many sails they durst not hoist, because no one was strong enough to lower them in case of need, whilst some of the sheets were so thin and rotten, that a violent wind would have torn them to pieces. The rest of this interesting but * Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 65. 1741.] THEIR SECOND VOYAGE. 71 deeply affecting voyage may be given in the excellent abstract of Captain Burney : — " On November 4th, at eight in the morning, they once more saw land; but only the tops of the mountains at first appeared, and the shore was so distant, that although they stood towards it the whole day, night came on before they could get near enough to look for anchorage. At noon that day they made their latitude by observation to be 56° north. On the morning of the 5th, it was discovered that almost all the shrouds on the starboard side of the ship were broken, which happened from contraction and tenseness caused by the frost; for, without other mention made of the weather, it is com- plained that the cold was insupportable. In this distress, the commodore ordered the lieutenant to call all the officers together, to consult on their best mode of pro- ceeding; and the increased numbers of the sick, with the want of fresh water, determined them at all hazards to seek relief at this land. The wind was northerly, and they had soundings at the depth of thirty- seven fathoms, with a sandy bottom. They now steered in towards the land, west- south-west and south-west, and two hours after, at five in the evening, they anchored in twelve fathoms, the bottom sand, and veered out three-quarters of a cable. The sea now began to run high, and at six the cable gave way. Another anchor was let go, yet the ship struck twice, though they found by the lead five fathoms depth of water. The cable quickly parted; and it was fortunate a third anchor was not ready, for whilst they were preparing it, a high wave threw the ship over a bank of rocks, where all at once she was in still water. They now dropt their anchor in four fathoms and a half, about six hundred yards from the land, and lay quiet during the rest of the night; but in the morning they found themselves surrounded with rocks and breakers. They were certain that the coast of Kamts- 72 BEHRING AND TCHIRIKOW : ("1741. chatka was not far distant; but the condition of the ship and the crew, with the advanced season of the year, ren- dered it apparent that they must remain upon this land all winter. Those who were able to work went on shore to prepare lodgings for the sick. This they accomplished by digging pits or caverns between some sand-hills near a brook which ran from a mountain to the sea, using their sails as a temporary covering. There was no appearance of inhabitants ; nor were any trees seen, although drift- wood was found along the shore. No grass nor anti- scor- butic herbs were discoverable; the island, indeed, was so deeply covered with snow, that even if it produced any antiseptic plants, the patients had not strength to lay them open; and at this time the Russians were little acquainted with the proper remedies for this dreadful disease. On the 8th of November they began to transport the sick to the miserable habitations which had been prepared for them ; and it was remarkable that some who seemed the least re- duced expired the moment they were exposed to the fresh air, and others in making an attempt to stand upon deck."* On the 9th of November, Behring himself was carried ashore by four men on a hand-barrow, carefully secured from the air. The ship had been cast on the east side of the island, and the coast was examined both to the north and south ; but no traces of inhabitants were found. Along the shores were many sea- otters, and the interior swarmed with blue and white foxes. " We saw," says Steller in his * " It must," says Captain Burney, " be within the memory of many, the great care with which the apartments of the sick were guarded against the admission of fresh air, and in few instances more than in what was called the sick-berth on board a ship of war, where it was customary to keep a number of diseased persons labouring under different maladies enclosed and crowded together ; and fortunately, since the date of this expedition, the management of the sick with respect to air has undergone a very essential reform." 1741.] THEIR SECOND VOYAGE. 73 journal, "the most dismal and terrifying objects: the foxes mangled the dead before they could be buried, and were even not afraid to approach the living and helpless who lay scattered here and there, and smell at them like dogs. This man exclaimed that he was perishing of cold; the other complained of hunger and thirst; and their mouths were so much affected by scurvy, that their gums grew over their teeth like a sponge. The stone-foxes, which swarmed round our dwellings, became so bold and mischievous, that they carried away and destroyed different articles of provision and clothing. One took a shoe, another a boot, a third a glove, a fourth a coat; and they even stole the iron implements; whilst all attempts to drive them away were ineffectual."* Lieutenant Waxel, on whom, since the illness of the commodore, the command devolved, and Kytrow, the ship- master, continued healthy at sea; and the necessity for exer- tion, in seeing everything sent on shore, had a favourable effect in repelling the attacks of the disease. At last, how- ever, they too were laid up, and soon became so weak, that on the 21st of November they were carried ashore like the rest. During this dreadful residence on the island, the men lived chiefly on the flesh of the sea-otters, which was so hard and tough that it could scarcely be torn to pieces by the teeth. The intestines were mostly used for the sick ; and Steller, in his descriptions of the marine animals of these regions, reckons the flesh of the sea-otter as a specific against the scurvy. When not wanted for food, they were killed for their fine skins, nine hundred being collected on the island, and equally divided among the crew. A dead whale, which was thrown upon the coast, they called their magazine, as it proved a resource when nothing better could * Coxe's Russian Discoveries, pp. 73, 74. 74 DEATH OP BEHRING. [1741. be got. The flesh was cut into small pieces, which they boiled a long time, to separate the oil from it as much as possible, and the remaining hard and sinewy parts they swallowed without chewing. In this miserable manner they continued to support life ; but some of the crew sunk daily under the disease, and on the 8th of December the commodore expired. Behring was an officer of extraordinary merit; and, until reduced by the disease of which he became the victim, endowed with unshaken perseverance and energy. His voyage set at rest the disputed point regarding the separation of the two continents of Asia and America; and he has deservedly bequeathed his name to the strait which he was the first to explore, and the desolate island on which he died. It is melancholy to think, that after the exertions he had made in the cause of naval discovery, his life terminated so miser- ably ; for it may almost be said that he was buried alive. The sand rolled down continually from the side of the cavern in which he lay, and at last covered his feet ; nor would he suffer it to be removed, saying he felt warmth from it, when he was cold in all other parts. It thus gra- dually increased upon him, till his body was more than half concealed ; so that, when he at last expired, it was found necessary to unearth him previously to his being interred. u Behring," says Steller, who was by no means disposed to exaggerate the good qualities of his commander, " displayed in his illness the most affecting resignation to the will of the Supreme Being, and enjoyed his understanding and speech to the last. He was convinced that the crew had been driven on an unknown land ; yet he would not terrify others by declaring his opinion, but cherished their hopes and encouraged their exertions. He was buried according to the Protestant ritual, and a cross was erected over his grave to mark the spot, and to serve also as an evi- 1742.] STATE OP THE EXPEDITION. 75 dence that the Kussians had taken possession of the country."* Soon after the death of the commodore, the whole crew were sheltered from the severity of the winter in subter- ranean dwellings contiguous to each other, and recovered so much strength by the use of sweet and excellent water, and the flesh of the sea- animals killed in hunting, that their existence became comparatively comfortable. Of the manner in which they passed their time during the dreary winter months, from December to May, Steller has left us in his journal a minute and interesting account. In March the sea- otters disappeared, either from the instinct of changing their abode at particular seasons of the year, or banished by continual persecution ; but their place was supplied by other marine animals, which, in their turn, also left them. u To supply ourselves with fuel," says Steller, "was like- wise a considerable labour : As the island produced nothing but willow-bushes, and the driftwood was often deeply buried in the snow till the end of March, we were compelled to bring it from a distance of even fifteen or sixteen versts ; and our load upon these expeditions amounted to from sixty to eighty pounds, besides our hatchets and kettles, with the necessary implements for mending our shoes and clothes. In April, however, we were relieved from this labour by the thaw and breaking up of the vessel. An anecdote of an escape made by them in hunting, as it is given by the same lively writer, presents us with a striking picture of their manner of life upon the island. "On the 5th of April," says he, " during a gleam of favourable weather, Steneser and myself, with my Cossack and a servant of Behring, went on a hunting expedition. Having killed as many sea-otters as we were able to carry, we made a fire * Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 79. 76 THEY BUILD A NEW VESSEL. [1742. in a cliff, where we proposed to pass the night. At mid- night a violent hurricane arose, and the snow fell in such quantities that we should have been buried had we not run continually backwards and forwards. In the morning, after a long and fruitless search for shelter, we resigned ourselves to our fate ; but the Cossack fortunately discovered a large cavern, which seemed to have been formed by an earthquake, where we entered with our provision and wood. It afforded a secure retreat from the weather, contained a cavity in which we could hide our provisions from the depredations of the stone-foxes, and was provided with an aperture which served the purpose of a chimney. The cave and bay, which were named in compliment to me, were inhabited by numerous foxes, which retired on our approach through the chimney ; but the smoke from our fire caused such a spitting and sneezing amongst them, as gave no small diversion to the party. At night, however, they occasionally returned into the cavern, and amused them- selves with taking away our caps, and playing other similar gambols. On the 4th we returned to our abode with a rich booty, and were received with great delight by our com- panions, who thought us lost."* On the 6th of May, such of the crew as were able to work began to build from the relics of the wreck a vessel, which was intended to carry the survivors to Kamtschatka. Their number was now reduced to forty -five, thirty having died on the island, including the three carpenters ; but a Siberian Cossack named Starodubzow, who had for some time worked as a shipwright at Ochotzk, superintended the building of the new ship. At first they were put to great inconvenience from a deficiency of tar; but by an uigenious contrivance it was extracted from the new cord- * We have availed ourselves of Coxe's translation of this passage, as published in his Russian Discoveries, pp. 85. 86. 1742.] RETURN TO KAMTSCHATKA. 77 age which they had to spare. After being cut and picked, they put it into a large copper kettle, having a cover fitting close, with a hole in the middle. They then took another vessel with a similar cover, which they fixed firm in the ground, and upon this set the copper kettle turned upside down, the apertures in the lids being placed exactly against each other. Part of this machinery was then buried in the earth, and a fire kindled round what was above ground, by which means the tar of the new cordage melted, and ran into the inferior vessel. This contrivance having removed their greatest difficulty, by the 10th of August the new vessel was launched, and on the 16th Lieutenant Waxel set sail with the melancholy remnant of his crew; but, owing to contrary winds, they did not make the coast of Kamtschatka till the 25th, although from Behring's Island the distance was not more than thirty German miles. On the 27th they anchored in Awatchka Bay; and the Cos- sack, Starodubzow, to whose efforts in constructing the vessel the preservation of the crew was mainly owing, received the rank of sinbojarski, a degree of Siberian nobility. Such is an account of the celebrated and un- fortunate expedition of Commodore Behring, of which the results were highly important to geographical science, although dearly bought by the death of so many brave men. Although Lord Mulgrave had failed in his attempt to discover, by a northerly course, a communication between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans,* the British Government did not abandon all hope; and in 1776, Captain James Cook, who had already established his reputation as the greatest of modern navigators, was selected by the Ad- miralty to conduct another expedition, reversing only the * Polar Seas and Eegions, 3d edit. p. 327-335. 78 COOK AND CLERKE'S VOYAGE. [1776. plan, and endeavouring to sail from the Pacific into the Atlantic, instead of from the Atlantic into the Pacific. In prosecution of this plan, on the 12th of July 1776, Cook sailed from Plymouth Sound in the Resolution, leaving instructions for the Discovery, the command of which was intrusted to Captain Charles Clerke, to join him at the Cape. From that place the two ships proceeded, in a course marked by important discoveries, through the Southern Hemisphere, by Van Diemen's Land, New Zea- land, Otaheite, and the Sandwich Islands. They then steered north-eastward, and on the 7th of March, in lati- tude 44£° north, came in sight of the American continent at the coast of New Albion. Owing to unfavourable winds, which forced the ships to the south, it was the 29 th before Cook anchored in Nootka Sound, where he was soon visited by thirty boats of the natives, carrying each from three to seven or eight persons, both men and women. At first none of the Americans would venture within either ship ; and from the circumstance of their boats remaining at a short distance all night, as if on watch, it was evident they regarded the arrival of the strangers with much suspicion. A friendly intercourse, however, was soon established; and although theft, particularly of any iron utensil, was un- scrupulously committed, they were pretty fair and honest in their mode of barter. " They were," says Cook, " docile, courteous, and good-natured; but quick in resenting what they looked upon as an injury, and, like most other pas- sionate people, as soon forgetting it. Their stature was rather below the common size of Europeans ; and although at first, owing to the paint and grease which covered their skins, it was believed that they were of a copper com- plexion, it was afterwards discovered that they were in reality a white people. They were well armed with pikes, some headed with bone, and many with iron; besides 1776.] INTEKCOUKSE WITH THE NATIVES. 79 which they carried bows, slings, knives, and a short club, like the patow of the New Zealanders ; their arrows were barbed at the point, and the inner end feathered." A dis- pute occurred after the arrival of the English, between the inhabitants of the northern and southern coasts of the sound; but a pacific treaty was concluded, and the event celebrated by a species of music, in which they bore alter- nate parts. "Their songs," says Captain Burney, who was himself present, " were given in turn, the party sing- ing having their pikes erected. When the first finished, they laid down their pikes, and the other party reared theirs. What they sung was composed of few notes, and as wild as could have been expected; yet it was solemn and in unison, and what I thought most extraordinary, they were all well in tune with each other. The words were at times given out by one man, as a parish-clerk gives out the first line of a psalm."* It appeared evident to Captain Cook, that previous to this the inhabitants had never entertained any direct com- munication with Europeans. "They were not startled," says he, " by the report of a musket, till one day, upon endeavouring to prove to us that arrows and spears would not penetrate their war-dresses, a gentleman of our com- pany shot a musket -ball through one of them folded six times. At this they were so much staggered, that their ignorance of fire-arms was plainly seen. This was after- wards confirmed when we used them to shoot birds, the manner of which confounded them." On the ships leaving Nootka Sound, the natives accompanied their farewell with a singular exhibition :—" When the anchor was heaving up," says Burney, " they assembled in their boats, which covered the cove, and began a song, in which they flour- * Burney's North-Eastern Voyages of Discovery, p. 213. 80 COOK AT NOOTKA SOUND. [1776. ished the swords, saws, hatchets, and other things, which they had obtained from us. In the midst of this valedic- tory chorus, one man, mounted on a stage of loose boards, which was supported by the people in the nearest canoes or boats, danced with a wooden mask on, which he occa- sionally changed, making himself resemble sometimes a man, sometimes a bird, and sometimes an animal. Of these masks they have great variety, and they parted with them willingly, except those of the human face ; if they sold any of these, it seemed to be with some repugnance, as if they were parting with the image of a friend or a relation, and were ashamed to be seen so doing."* From Nootka Sound Captain Cook made a survey of the coast by Mount Saint Elias, till he arrived at a cape which turned short to the north, to which he gave the name of Cape Hinchinbroke. Thence he proceeded to Prince Wil- liam's Sound ; after which he pursued the coast to the west, which was found to take a southerly direction, as described by Behring and Tchirikow. These navigators, however, as we have seen, had not made a very particular examination; and although the tenor of Cook's instructions did not permit him to devote much time to the exploring rivers or inlets, till he reached the latitude of 65°, still that eminent officer deemed himself at liberty to complete an accurate survey of this hitherto undiscovered coast, from the arm of the sea afterwards denominated Cook's Inlet, round the great Peninsula of Alaska, terminating in Cape Oonamak. He thence proceeded along the shores of Bristol Bay, till he doubled Cape Newenham, from which he steered in a north-easterly direction, and anchored in Norton Sound. Leaving this, the ships entered Behring' s Strait, and followed the coast to the north-west, till they * Burney's North-Eastern Voyages of Discovery, pp. 217, 218. 1776.] cook crosses behring's STRAITS TO ASIA. 81 doubled a promontory situated in 65° 45" north latitude, which they named Prince of Wales' Cape, regarding it as the western extremity of all America hitherto known. Soon after, in the evening, they discerned the coast of Asia, and standing across the strait came to anchor in a bay of the Tschuktschi country, near a village, from which the natives crowded to the shore. Observing this, Cook landed with three boats well armed, and was received by the Tschuktschi with cautious courtesy. About forty men, armed each with a spontoon, besides bow and arrows, stood drawn up on a rising ground close by the village ; and as the English drew near, three of them came down towards the shore, politely taking off their caps and making low bows. On seeing some of the English leap from their boats, they retired, and expressed by signs their desire that no more should land; but when Cook advanced alone, with some small presents in his hand, their confidence was re- stored, and they exchanged for them two fox-skins and two seahorse-teeth. All this time they never laid down their weapons, but held them in constant readiness, except for a short time, when four or five persons disarmed themselves to give the English a song and a dance; even then, how- ever, they placed them in such a manner that they could reach them in an instant, and evidently for greater security they desired their audience to sit down during the dance. This Asiatic people, although dwelling within fifty miles of the American coast, were evidently a different race from the inhabitants of the shores of Behring's Strait. All the Americans whom the English had seen since their arrival on the coast were low of stature, with round chubby faces and high cheek-bones. The Tschuktschi, on the contrary, had long visages, and were stout and well made. Several things which they had with them, and more particularly their clothing, showed a degree of ingenuity surpassing F 82 RETURNS TO AMERICA. [1778. what one could expect among so northern a people. Their dress consisted of a cap, frock, breeches, boots, and gloves, all made of leather or skins extremely well dressed, some with the fur on, some without it, and the quivers which contained their arrows were made of red leather neatly embroidered, and extremely beautiful.* From this bay the ships again stood over to the north- east, and continuing their examination of the American coast, Cook soon found himself surrounded by the dreary features which mark the scenery of the Polar latitudes ; a dark and gloomy sky, thick showers of snow and hail, and immense fields and mountains of ice, covered in some places by the huge forms of the walrus or seahorse, which lay in herds of many hundreds, huddling like swine one over the other. The flesh of these animals, when new killed, was preferred by the crew to their common fare of salt meat, but within four- and- twenty hours it became rancid and fishy. From a point of land, which was denominated Cape Mulgrave, they now explored the coast to the latitude of 70° 29", where their progress was arrested by an un- broken wall of ice apparently stretching from continent to continent.-^- At this time the nearest land was about a league distant, and the farthest eastern point seen* a low headland much encumbered with ice, to which Cook gave the name of Icy Cape, and which, till the recent disco- veries of Captain Beechy, constituted the extreme limit of European discovery in that quarter of the globe. It was now the end of August; and as nothing farther could be attempted at that season on the American coast, the ships returned to the Sandwich Islands, with the intention of resuming in the succeeding summer the attempt for the discovery of a communication between the Pacific and the * Cook'd Voyages, vol. vi. pp. 409, 410, 411. f Ibid. pp. 415, 417. 1779.] MEARES' FIRST VOYAGE. 83 Atlantic — an object which their great commander did not live to execute, having been killed in an unfortunate scuffle with the natives of Owhyhee, on the 11th of February 1779. The farther conduct of the expedition now fell to Gierke and King, and an attempt was made to penetrate beyond Icy Cape; but the continued fields of ice rendered it utterly abortive. The ships therefore, having repassed Behring's Strait, came to anchor in the Bay of St. Peter and St. Paul, in Kamtschatka. Here Captain Clerke, who had long been in a declining state, died ; upon which, to the great satisfaction of the crews and officers of both ships, who were sick of the dreary navigation in these inhospitable latitudes, they returned home. Subsequent to the voyages of Cook and Clerke, the north-west coast of America was visited at different periods by Meares, Vancouver, and Kotzebue; and though the limit of discovery was not extended beyond Icy Cape, the shores were more minutely examined, and a beneficial commercial intercourse established with the natives. Of Captain Meares' voyages, the great object was to establish a trade between China and the north-west coast of America. For this purpose an association of the leading mercantile men *in Bengal fitted out two vessels — the Nootka, com- manded by Meares himself, and the Sea-otter, by Lieu- tenant Walter Tipping. The Sea-otter in the first instance took a cargo of opium to Malacca, thence she proceeded to America, and is known to have made Prince William's Sound ; but after leaving that harbour, no accounts of her were ever received, and it appears certain that she and her crew perished at sea. The fate of Meares in the Nootka was scarcely more tolerable : After a tedious and perilous navigation in the China seas, they made their way through the straits between Oonamak and Oonalaska against a cur- rent running seven knots an hour, from which they sa'lcd 84 MEAEES' FIRST VOYAGE. [1788. across to America by the Schumagin Islands, and anchored under Cape Douglas.* Thence they proceeded to Prince William's Sound to winter ; and their residence here during October, November, and December, though dreary and tedious, was not without its comforts. The natives were friendly, and brought them provisions ; they caught plenty of excellent salmon, and the large flocks of ducks and geese afforded constant sport to the officers, and a seasonable supply for the table. But the horrors of an Arctic winter began soon to gather round them. The ice closed in upon the ship ; the snow fell so thick that all exercise became impossible ; the ducks and geese collected into flocks, and passed away to the southward ; the fish totally deserted the creeks ; and the natives, a migratory race, imitating the instinct of these lower species, travelled off in a body with their temporary wigwams to a more genial district. To add to these distresses, the scurvy made its appearance ; whilst the sun described weekly a smaller circle, and shed a sickly and melancholy light. Even at noon, through an atmosphere obscured by perpetual snows, " tremendous mountains forbade almost a sight of the sky, and cast their nocturnal shadows over the ship in the midst of day." The decks were incapable of resisting the intense freezing of the night, and the lower part of them was covered an inch thick with a hoar frost that had all the appearance of snow, notwithstanding fires were kept constantly burning twenty hours out of the twenty-four. Between the months of January and May, twenty-three men died of the scurvy, and the rest of the crew were so disabled as to be incapable of any labour ; but the sun's return and the commencement of more genial weather produced an instantaneous effect on the health and spirits of the crew. The natives returned, * Meares' Voyages, vol. i. p. 19. Introductory Voyage. 1788.] NATIVES OF PRINCE WILLIAM^ SOUND. 85 and assured the poor sufferers that the cold must soon be gone, making them understand by signs that the summer would commence about the middle of May ; and the sun, which now began to make a larger circle over the hills, not only chased away the huge and gloomy shadows that like a funeral pall had covered the ship, but brought back the fish to the rivers, and the migratory birds to the shore ; so that they soon enjoyed an ample supply of fresh food. On the 17th of May, a general breaking up of the ice took place throughout the cove, and the feeling that they were once more in clear water, with the prospect of soon leaving a scene of so much distress and horror, cheered the minds of the crew with inexpressible comfort.* These happy anticipations were soon realized by their sailing from Prince of Wales' Sound on the 21st June, and reaching the hospitable cluster of the Sandwich Isles, where such was the effect of the genial climate, that in ten days' resi- dence every complaint had disappeared. On the 2d of September they left the Sandwich Islands, and arrived on the 20th October at Macao in China. It may easily be imagined, that during so disastrous a sojourn on the American shore, little or no progress could be made in the survey of the coast, which was rugged ; and at no great distance were mountains, covered with thick woods for about two-thirds of their ascent, beyond which they terminated in immense masses of naked rock. The black pine grew in great plenty, and a few black currant bushes were noticed, but no other kind of fruit or vegetable. The number of savages seen by Meares did not exceed five or six hundred, and these had no fixed place of abode, but wandered up and down as fancy or necessity impelled them. They were strong and athletic, rather * Meares' Voyages, vol. i. Introductory Voyage, p. 47# 86 NATIVES OF PRINCE WILLIAM S SOUND. [1788. exceeding the common stature of Europeans, with promi- nent cheek bones, round flat faces, eyes small and black, and hair, which they cut short round the head, of the same jetty colour. A slit in the under lip, parallel to the mouth, and a perforation in the septum of the nose, in which was inserted a large quill or a piece of bark, gave them a hideous look ; whilst a singular practice of powdering their hair with the down of birds, allowing the frostwork and icicles to hang from the beard, and painting the neck and face with red ochre, increased the savage singularity of their appearance. Their clothing consisted of a single frock of the sea-otter skin reaching to their knees. When em- ployed in their canoes, they used a dress made of the entrails of the whale, which covered the head, and was so disposed that it could be tied round the hole in which they sat, so as to prevent the water from getting into the canoe, whilst it kept the lower part of the body warm and dry. Their hardihood and capacity of enduring pain astonished the English, and was remarkably evinced upon an occasion mentioned by Meares : — " In the course of the winter," says he, " among other rubbish, several broken glass bottles had been thrown out of the ship, and one of the natives, who was searching among them, cut his foot in a very severe manner. On seeing it bleed, we pointed out what had caused the wound, and applied a dressing to it, which he was made to understand was the remedy we ourselves applied on similar occasions; but he and his companions instantly turned the whole into ridicule, and at the same time taking some of the glass, they scarified their legs ind arms in a most cruel and extraordinary manner, informing us that nothing of that kind could ever hurt them."* * Meares' Voyages, vol. i. Introductory Voyage, p. G6. 1789.] MEARES' SECOND VOYAGE. 87 The disastrous result of this first expedition did not deter either Meares or his liberal employers from hazarding a second voyage to the same coast, which was attended with more important results. The Felice, of 230 tons burden, and the Iphigenia, of 200, were fitted out on this adventure ; the command being given to Captains Meares and Douglas. Both vessels were copper-bottomed and strongly built, and their crews consisted of Europeans and Chinese, among whom were some excellent smiths, shipwrights, and other artisans. The taking the Chinamen aboard was an experi- ment. Before this time they had never formed part of the crew of an English merchant-ship ; and it is but justice to say that they proved hardy, good-humoured, and industrious. Two other very interesting passengers were on board of Captain Meares' ship — Teanna, a prince of Atooi, one of the Sandwich Isles, who had volunteered to leave his native country when Meares visited it during his former expedition, and Comekala, a native of King George's Sound, who had at the same time entreated to be carried to China. Of these two specimens of savage life, Teanna was by far the finest, both in moral and in physical qualities. He was about thirty-two years old, near six feet five inches in stature, and in strength almost Herculean. His carriage was dig- nified, and, in consequence of the respect paid to his superior rank in his own country, possessed an air of distinction, to which his familiarity with European manners had not communicated any stiffness or embarrassment. Comekala, on the other hand, though cunning and sagacious, was a stranger to the generous qualities which distinguished the prince of the Sandwich Isles. He was kind and honest when it suited his own interest ; but stole without scruple whatever he wished to have, and could not procure by fairer means. Brass and copper were metals which he might almost be said to worship. Copper halfpence, but- 88 king george's sound. [1789. tons, saucepans — all possessed in his eyes the highest charms. It was evident that he coveted the brass buttons of the captain's uniform ; and his mode of fixing his eyes on the object of his desire, and the pangs of ungratified avarice, as exhibited in the contortions of his countenance, proved matter of much amusement to the crew. The cause of his insatiable thirst for copper became afterwards ap- parent. In the meantime, Captain Meares found it necessary to separate from his consort, whose slow sailing threatened to impede his progress ; and, after a long and hazardous pas- sage, the ship anchored in Friendly Cove, in King George's Sound, abreast of the village of Nootka, on the morning of the 13th of May. Comekala, who for several days had been in a state of high excitation, now enjoyed the genuine delight of once more beholding his native shore ; and when his intention of landing was made known, the whole inha- bitants poured forth to give him welcome. The dress in which he chose to appear for the first time after so long an absence was very extraordinary. On a former occasion, when visited by Hannapa, a brother chief, he contented himself with an ordinary European suit ; but he now, says Meares, arrayed himself in all his glory. His scarlet coat was decorated with such quantities of brass buttons and copper appendages of one kind or other, that they could not fail to procure him profound respect from his country- men, and render him an object of unbounded admiration to the Nootka damsels. At least half a sheet of copper formed his breastplate ; from his ears copper ornaments were sus- pended ; and he contrived to hang from his hair, which was dressed with a long pig-tail, so many handles of copper saucepans, that their weight kept his head in a stiff upright position, which very much heightened the oddity of his appearance. For several of the ornaments with which he 1789.] RECEPTION OF COMEKALA. 89 was now so proudly decorated, Comekala had lived in a state of continual hostility with the cook, from whom he purloined them ; but their last and principal struggle was for an enormous spit, which the American prince had seized as a spear to swell the circumstances of that splendour with which he was preparing to dazzle the eyes of his countrymen. In such a state of accoutrement, and feeling greater delight than ever was experienced on the proudest European throne, the long boat rowed Comekala ashore, when a general and deafening shout from the crowd assured him of the universal joy felt on his return. The whole inhabitants moved to the beach, welcomed the traveller on shore, and afterwards conducted him to the king's house, which none but persons of rank were permitted to enter, and where a magnificent feast of whale blubber and oil was prepared. On the whole, Comekala' s reception, and the impression made by his extraordinary costume, evinced his intimate knowledge of the character of his countrymen ; for though to the English the effect was irresistibly comic, the natives regarded him with a mixture of silent awe and wonder, which after a while broke forth into expressions of universal astonishment and delight. Not long after this exhibition, two Nootka princes, — Maquilla and Callicum, paid a visit to the English. Their little squadron, consisting of twelve canoes with eighteen men each, moved with stately parade round the ship. The men wore dresses of beautiful sea-otter skins, covering them from head to heel ; their hair was powdered with the white down of birds, and their faces bedaubed with red and black ochre, in the form of a shark's jaw and a kind of spiral line, which rendered their appearance extremely savage. Eight rowers sat on each side, and a single man at the bow; whilst the chiefs, distinguished by a high cap, pointed at the crown, and ornamented with a small tuft of feathers, 90 NOOTKA MUSIC. [1789. occupied a place in the middle. All this was very striking ; but the most remarkable accompaniment was the air which they chanted, the effect of which is described by Meares as uncommonly pleasing. "We listened," says he, "to their song with an equal degree of surprise and pleasure. It was indeed impossible for any ear susceptible of delight from musical sounds, or any mind not insensible to the power of melody, to remain unmoved by this solemn un- expected concert. The chorus was in unison, and strictly correct as to time and tune ; nor did a dissonant note escape them. Sometimes they would make a sudden transition, from the high to the low tones, with such melancholy turns in their variations, that we could not reconcile to ourselves the manner in which they acquired or contrived this more than untaught melody of nature. There was also something for the eye as well as the ear, and the action that accom- panied their voices added very much to the impression which the chanting made upon us all. Every one beat time with undeviating regularity against the gunwale of the boat with their paddles ; and at the end of every verse they pointed with extended arms to the north and south, gradually sinking their voices in such a solemn manner as to produce an effect not often attained by the orchestras of European nations." This account of the impressive music of the people of Nootka Sound is, the reader may remember, corroborated by Captain Burney.* The ceremony, however, did not end with the song ; but after rowing twice round the ship, rising up each time as they passed the stern, and vociferating " Wacush! Wacush!" (friends), they brought their canoes alongside, and the two chiefs came on board. Both were handsome men of the middle size, possessing a mild but manly expression of countenance. They accepted * Supra, p. 70. 1789.] HUNTING THE SEA-OTTER. 91 a present of copper, iron, and other articles, with signs of great delight; and throwing off their sea-otter garments, laid them gracefully at the feet of the English, and stood on the deck quite naked. Each of them was presented with a blanket, which they threw over their shoulders with marks of high satisfaction, and descending into their canoes, were paddled to the shore. A brisk trade in furs now commenced, which, though interrupted occasionally by the petty thefts of the savages, was highly favourable to the commercial interests of the expedition. Skins of the sea-otter, beaver, martin, sable, and river-otter, of the ermine, black-fox, gray, white, and red wolf, wolverine, marmot, racoon, bear, and mountain- sheep, and in addition to all these, of the furred, speckled, and common seal, sea-cow, and sea-lion, were all procured, though some in greater abundance than others. Of these, by far the most beautiful and valuable was the skin of the sea- otter. The taking of this animal is attended with considerable hazard ; but constant practice has taught the natives both skill and courage. " When it is determined to hunt the sea-otter," says Meares, " two very small canoes are prepared, in each of which are seated two expert hun- ters. The instruments they employ are bows and arrows, with a small harpoon, which differs somewhat from the in- strument of the same kind used in hunting the whale, the shaft being much the same, but the harpoon itself of greater length, and so notched and barbed that when it has once entered the flesh it is almost impossible to extricate it. It is attached to the shaft by several fathoms of sufficient strength to drag the otter to the boat. The arrows em- ployed are small, and pointed with bone formed into a single barb. Thus equipped, the hunters proceed among the rocks in search of their prey. Sometimes they sur- prise the animal when sleeping on his back on the surface 92 HUNTING THE WHALE. [1789. of the water ; and if they can approach without awakening him, which requires infinite caution and skill, he is easily harpooned and dragged to the boat, when a fierce battle often ensues between the otter and the hunters, who are frequently severely wounded by his teeth and claws. The more usual manner of taking him, however, is by pursuit, and the chase is sometimes continued for hours. As the animal cannot remain long under water, the skill is here chiefly exerted to direct the canoes in the same line which the otter takes when under water, at which time he swims with a celerity that greatly exceeds that of his pursuers. The moment he dives, therefore, the canoes separate, in order to have the better chance of wounding him with their arrows at the moment he rises, although it often happens that this wary and cunning animal escapes, and baffles the utmost skill of his persecutors. Should it happen that the otters are overtaken with their young ones, the instinct of parental affection comes out in its most deep and interest- ing shape; all sense of danger and of self-preservation is instantly lost, and both male and female defend their cubs with the most furious courage, tearing out with their teeth the arrows and harpoons fixed in them, and often attacking the canoes themselves. On such occasions, however, their utmost efforts are unavailing, and they and their offspring never fail of yielding to the power of the hunters."* The hunting the whale, however, is a still nobler sport ; and nothing can exceed the skill and intrepidity with which the Americans of Nootka engage in it. When it is de- termined to proceed against this mighty creature, the chief prepares himself with great ceremony. He is clothed in the sea-otter's skin, his body besmeared with oil and painted with red ochre ; the canoes selected for the service are of a * Meares, vol. ii. p. 56. 1789.] NOOTKA MECHANICAL ARTS. 93 size between those used in war and the ordinary kind, and contain eighteen or twenty men, the bravest and most active that can be found. When the whale is discovered, the chief himself throws the first harpoon ; but all the people in the various attendant canoes are armed with the same instru- ment, to be employed as occasion may require. As soon as the huge fish feels the smart of the first weapon, he dives, and carries the shaft with all its bladders along with him, on which the boats follow in his wake, and as he rises con- tinue to fix their weapons till he finds it impossible to sink, from the number of floating buoys attached to his body. The whale then drowns, and is towed on shore with great triumph and rejoicing.* He is immediately cut up, part being dedicated to the feast which concludes the day, and the remainder divided among those who shared the dangers and glory of the chase. The ingenuity of the Nootka savages in many mechanical arts was very remarkable. Their manufacture of harpoons, lines, fish-hooks, bows and arrows, their skill in tanning and preparing furs, their ingenious manner of forging the metals procured from the English into various ornaments for their wives or favourites, and above all, their art in constructing canoes, astonished the European and Chinese artisans. Of the iron received in exchange for furs they made tools ; and it was seldom they could be prevailed on to use European utensils in preference to their own, with the exception of the saw, the utility of which in abridging labour was immediately perceived and made available. They formed of the same metal a species of tool for hollow- ing out large trees, which purpose it served far better than any instrument the carpenters of the Felice could give them. In this operation a flat stone was employed in place * Meares, vol. ii. pp. 52, 55. 91 NOOTKA ARCHITECTURE. [17S9. of an anvil, whilst a round one served for a hammer; and with these rude implements they shaped the red-hot iron into a tool resembling a cooper's adze, which they fastened to a wooden handle with cords made of sinews; it was then sharpened, and proved admirably adapted for the purposes for which it was intended.* After the English had been for some time in King George's Sound, the Americans began to make use of sails formed of mats, in imitation of Captain Meares' ship. Hannapa got the sailors to rig one of his war-canoes in the English style, of which he was extremely proud, never omitting the csremony of hoisting his pendant whenever he approached, to the great amusement of the crew. Not long after this, the English were waited upon by Wicananish, a prince of greater wealth and power than any they had yet seen, who invited them to visit his kingdom, which lay at some distance to the southward, that a commercial inter- course might be established for the advantage of both par- ties. The invitation was accepted, and Wicananish himself met the Felice at some distance from the shore with a small fleet of canoes; and, coming on board, piloted them into the harbour. They found the capital to be at least three times the size of Nootka. The country round was covered with impenetrable woods of great extent, in which were trees of enormous size. After the king and his chiefs had been entertained on board, the English were in return in- vited to a feast by Wicananish ; and it is not easy to con- ceive a more interesting picture of savage life than is given by Meares on this occasion: — " On entering the house," says he, " we were absolutely astonished at the vast area it enclosed. It contained a large square, boarded up close on all sides to the height of twenty feet, with planks of an un- * Meares, vol. ii. pp. 58, 59. 1789.] PALACE OF WICANANISH. 95 common breadth and length. Three enormous trees, rudely carved and painted, formed the rafters, which were sup- ported at the ends and in the middle by gigantic images, carved out of huge blocks of timber. The same kind of broad planks covered the whole to keep out the rain ; but they were so placed as to be removable at pleasure, either to receive the air and light, or to let out the smoke. In the middle of this spacious room were several fires, and beside them large wooden vessels filled with fish- soup. Large slices of whales' flesh lay in a state of preparation, to be put into similar machines filled with water, into which the women, with a kind of tongs, conveyed hot stones from very fierce fires, in order to make it boil. Heaps of fish were strewed about ; and in this central part of the square, which might properly be called the kitchen, stood large seal- skins filled with oil, from whence the guests were served with that delicious beverage. The trees that sup- ported the roof were of a size which would render the mast of a first rate man-of-war diminutive on a comparison with them; indeed, our curiosity as well as our astonishment was at its utmost stretch, when we considered the strength which must have been required to raise these enormous beams to their present elevation, and how such strength could be commanded by a people wholly unacquainted, as we supposed, with the mechanic powers. The door by which we entered this extraordinary fabric was the mouth of one of these huge images, which, large as it may, from this circumstance, be supposed to have been, was not dis- proportioned to the other features of its colossal visage. We ascended by a few steps on the outside; and, after passing the portal, descended down the chin into the house, where we found new matter for wonder in the number of men, women, and children who composed the family of the chief, which consisted of at least eight hundred persons. 96 FEAST GIVEN TO THE ENGLISH. [1789. These were divided into groups according to their respec- tive offices, which had distinct places assigned them. The whole of the interior of the building was surrounded by a bench, about two feet from the ground, on which the various inhabitants sat, ate, and slept. The chief appeared at the upper end of the room surrounded by natives of rank, on a small raised platform, round which were placed several large chests, over which hung bladders of oil, large slices of whales' flesh, and proportionable gobbets of blubber. Festoons of human skulls, arranged with some attention to uniformity, were disposed in almost every part where they could be placed; and, however ghastly such orna- ments appeared to European eyes, they were evidently considered by the courtiers and people of Wicananish as a very splendid and appropriate decoration of the royal apart- ment." "When the English appeared, the guests had made a considerable advance in their banquet. Before each per- son was placed a large slice of boiled whale, which, with small wooden dishes filled with oil and fish -soup, and a muscle-shell instead of a spoon, composed the economy of the table. The servants busily replenished the dishes as they were emptied, and the women picked and opened some bark, which served the purpose of towels. The guests despatched their messes with astonishing rapidity and voracity, and even the children, some of them not above three years old, devoured the blubber and oil with a rapacity worthy of their fathers. Wicananish in the mean- time did the honours with an air of hospitable yet dignified courtesy, which might have graced a more cultivated society. At the conclusion of the feast, it was intimated to the English that the proper time had arrived to produce their presents. Upon this a great variety of articles were dis- played; among which were several blankets and two copper 17S9.] BRISK TRADE IN FURS. 97 tea-kettles. On these last, considered to be almost ines- timable, the eyes of the whole assembly were instantly riveted; and a guard was immediately mounted, who kept a jealous watch over them till curiosity was gratified; after which they were deposited in large chests, rudely carved and fancifully adorned with human teeth. About fifty men now advanced into the middle of the apartment, each hold- ing up a sea- otter skin nearly six feet in length; and while they remained in that position the prince delivered a speech, during which he gave his hand in token of friendship to the captain, and informing him that these skins were the return he proposed to make for the present he had just received, concluded by ordering them to be immediately conveyed on board. The English now opened a brisk trade, procuring the finest furs, whilst they were supplied with excellent provi- sions. Salmon, cod, halibut, rock-fish, and herrings, were brought to them fresh from the water; and the women and children sold them berries, wild onions, salads, and other esculent plants, Wicananish, however, was anxious to establish a rigid monopoly, and evinced the utmost jealousy lest any neighbouring princes should be admitted to trade with the English. None were allowed to go on board without his license; and one unfortunate stranger was detected without a passport, hurried into the woods, and, as was strongly suspected, instantly put to death. At last two chiefs, who had already entered into some transactions with Captain Meares, remonstrated against such illiberal- ity; and Wicananish, rather than go to war, concluded a treaty, which had the effect of restoring a good understand- ing by mutual sacrifices. Hanna and Detooche agreed to resign to Wicananish all the otter- skins in their possession, on condition of receiving the two copper tea-kettles already mentioned. These last articles, however ludicrous it may 98 NATURE OF THE COUNTRY. [1789. appear in the eyes of European diplomatists, formed the grand basis of the treaty, and the terms of exchange were not arranged without much difficulty. During these pro- ceedings the English had little opportunity to examine the country; but everything which they saw was inviting. An archipelago extended from King George's Sound to the harbour of Wicananish, most of the islands being covered with wood, with few clear spots. The soil was rich, producing berries and fruits in abundance, and the timber of uncommon size and beauty, consisting chiefly of red oak, large cedar, black and white spruce-fir. In their expeditions into the interior they met with frequent groves, where almost every second tree was fit for masts of any dimensions.* From Wicananish Captain Meares sailed southward along a coast not visited by Cook, of which the chart by Maurelle was so inaccurate, that it seemed almost certain he had never surveyed it in person. During this voyage they were visited by a small fleet of canoes, filled with people far more savage than those hitherto met with. The face of the chief was bedaubed with black ochre, and pow- dered with a glittering sand, which communicated a singular fierceness of expression; whilst his manners were rude, and gave no encouragement to any more intimate intercourse. Meares continued his survey of the coast as far north as latitude 49° 37'; after which he retraced his progress, and on reaching the Strait of Juan de Fuca, took possession of it, with all the usual ceremonies, in the name of the King of G reat Britain. The existence of this channel, which had been doubted since its discovery in 1592, was now positively ascertained, and the long-boat was despatched ap the strait under the command of Mr. Duffin, first officer * Meares' Voyages, vol. i. p. 239. 1789.] STRAIT OF JUAN DE FUCA. 99 of the Felice. Her crew consisted of thirteen sailors, well armed, and provisioned for a month. In a week, however, they returned — with their full complement indeed, but every one of them wounded. They had been attacked by the natives with a ferocity and determination which set at nought the usual terror of fire-arms. The assailants used their bows and arrows, clubs, spears, stone-bludgeons, and slings, with great skill and courage. The boat itself showed this, being pierced in numerous places with the barbed arrows, many of which were still sticking in the awning, which, by intercepting the heavy showers of these missiles, and breaking the fall of the large stones discharged from the slings, was the principal means of preserving the lives of the crew. On returning down the strait, they were met by a canoe paddled by two subjects of Wicananish; and after purchas- ing some fish, were about to bid them farewell, when the savages made them aware that they still had another com- modity to dispose of, and to their inexpressible horror exhibited two human heads still dripping with blood. " They held up these detestable objects by the hair," says Meares, " with an air of triumph and exultation; and when the crew of the boat discovered signs of disgust and detes- tation at so appalling a spectacle, the savages, in a tone and with looks of extreme satisfaction, informed them that they were the heads of two people belonging to Tatootche, the enemy of their own king Wicananish, whom they had recently slain."* This last occurrence threw a gloom over the spirits of the ship's company, and caused them to make more minute inquiries into the habits of the savages, which brought to light some very extraordinary circumstance* ». Mild and * Meares' Voyages, vol. i. p. 289« 100 CANNIBALISM. [1789. amiable as were the general manners of the inhabitants of Nootka Sound, it was discovered, by their own confession, that they not only tortured captives with every refinement of cruelty, but feasted on human flesh. Callicum, a chief described by Meares as a model of kindness and even of delicacy in his intercourse with the English, acknowledged that he slept nightly on a pillow filled with human skulls, which he often exhibited as trophies of his valour. Maquilla betrayed his cannibal propensities in a manner still more decided : — " It so happened that the chief, in ascending the side of the ship, by some untoward accident received a hurt in the leg. Orders were immediately given to the surgeon to attend, and when he was about to apply a plaster to the wound, Maquilla absolutely refused to submit, but sucked himself the blood which freely flowed from it ; and when we expressed our astonishment and disgust at such conduct, he replied by licking his lips, patting his belly, and exclaiming, ' Cloosh, cloosh!' or 'Good, good!' Nor did he now hesitate to confess that he ate human flesh, and to express the delight he took in banqueting upon his fellow- creatures ; not only avowing the practice, but informing the crew, as they stood shuddering at the story, that not long before this the ceremony of killing and eating a slave had taken place at Friendly Cove." * This acknowledgment was confirmed by Callicum and Hannapa, who, protesting they had never tasted the smallest bit of human flesh themselves, described Maquilla as peculiarly fond of it, and in the practice of killing a slave once a month to gratify his unnatural appetite. Perhaps there might be some exaggeration in this ; but the ghastly ornaments of Wicananish's dining-room, the extraordinary pillow of Callicum, the exposure of men's heads and limbs for sale, * Meares' Voyages, vol. ii. p. 49. 1789.] SUPERSTITIONS OF THE NATIVES. 101 and the admission of the chief himself, sufficiently prove the existence of this atrocious custom, whatever might be the extent to which it was carried. For a long time the English thought the inhabitants had no religious belief whatever. To the huge misshapen images seen in their houses they address no homage ; they had neither priests nor temples, nor did they offer any sacrifices; but an accidental circumstance led to the dis- covery that, though devoid of all superstitious observances, and wholly ignorant of the true God, they were not without a certain species of mythology, including the belief of an existence after death. "This discovery," says Meares, " arose from our inquiries on a very different subject. On expressing our wish to be informed by what means they became acquainted with copper, and why it was such a peculiar object of their admiration, a son of Hannapa, one of the Nootkan chiefs, a youth of uncommon sagacity, informed us of all he knew on the subject ; and we found, to our surprise, that his story involved a little sketch of their religion." When words were wanting, he supplied the deficiency by those expressive actions which nature or necessity seems to communicate to people whose language is imperfect ; and the young Nootkan conveyed his ideas by signs so skilfully as to render them perfectly intelli- gible. He related his story in the following manner : — " He first placed a certain number of sticks on the ground, at small distances from each other, to which he gave separate names. Thus, he called the first his father, and the next his grandfather : he then took what remained, and threw them all into confusion together, as much as to say that they were the general heap of his ancestors, whom he could not individually reckon. He then, pointing to this bundle, said, when they lived, an old man entered the Sound in a copper canoe, with copper paddles, and every- ]02 SPECULATIONS ON A NORTH-WEST PASSAGE. [1789. thing else in his possession of the same metal; that he paddled along the shore, on which all the people were assembled to contemplate so strange a sight, and that, having thrown one of his copper paddles on shore, he himself landed. The extraordinary stranger then told the natives that he came from the sky, to which the boy pointed with his hand ; that their country would one day be destroyed, when they would all be killed, and rise again to live in the place from whence he came. Our young interpreter explained this circumstance of his narra- tive by lying down as if he were dead, and then, rising up suddenly, he imitated the action as if he were soaring through the air. He continued to inform us that the people killed the old man and took his canoe, from which event they derived their fondness for copper, and he added that the images in their houses were intended to represent the form, and perpetuate the mission, of this supernatural person who came from the sky." * As the objects of this voyage were principally of a com- mercial nature, Captain Meares had better opportunities to observe the character of the natives than to explore the coast or the interior of the country. The range of his navigation, extending only from Nootka Sound to the lati- tude of 49° 37' north, disclosed no regular continuity of land, but in every direction large islands, divided by deep sounds and channels. The time which this intelligent seaman could spare was not enough to complete the survey; but judging from what he did see, he was led to the belief that the entire space from St. George's Sound to Hudson's Bay and Davis' Strait, instead of a continent, was occupied by an immense archipelago, through which might reach a passage from the Pacific into the Atlantic Ocean. " The * Meares' Voyages, vol. ii. pp. 70, 71. 1790.] VOYAGE OF VANCOUVER. 103 channels of this archipelago," says he, in his memoir on the probable existence of a north-west passage, " were found to be wide and capacious, with near two hundred fathoms depth of water, and huge promontories stretching out into the sea, where whales and sea-otters were seen in an incredible abundance. In some of these channels there are islands of ice, which we may venture to say could never have been formed on the western side of America, which possesses a mild and moderate climate; so that their existence cannot be reconciled to any other idea, than that they received their formation ia the Eastern Seas, and have been drifted by tides and currents through the passage for whose existence we are contending." * To determine this great question, and complete an accu- rate survey of the north-west coast of America, Captain Vancouver, an excellent officer, who had received his pro- fessional education under Cook, was despatched in 1790 ; and commencing his voyage at Cape Mendocino, in lati- tude 41°, he sailed northward two hundred and nineteen leagues to the Strait of Juan de Fuca, never losing sight of the surf which dashed against the shore, taking once or twice every day the meridional altitude, and minutely noting the position of the most conspicuous points. The whole coast presented an impenetrable barrier against approach from the sea, and no opening was found to afford his vessels the smallest shelter. He then explored the Strait of Juan de Fuca ; and having satisfied himself that no passage across America was to be discovered there, devoted his time to the survey of the labyrinth of islands, sounds, and inlets, between 50° and 60° of latitude. After a series of patient and scientific observations every way worthy of the school in which he had been bred, he ascer- * Meares' Voyages, vol. ii. p. 242. 104 KOTZEBUE. [1816. tained the grand fact that the coast was throughout con- tinuous, and thus dispelled all hope of a north-west passage in this quarter. It was his fate to encounter not a little unreasonable scepticism when the result was made public ; and, like many other travellers and navigators, he found too much reason to complain of those lazy closet-philosophers who refuse to admit any testimony which happens to con- tradict their own preconceived theories. Time, however, ha,s done him justice, and fully confirmed the accuracy of his report. After the disastrous result of the expedition of Behring, more than eighty years elapsed before Russia thought proper to pursue the career of discovery on the extreme coasts of North-western America. At length Count Romanzoff, a scientific and patriotic nobleman, determined to despatch Lieutenant Kotzebue on a voyage to the straits which bear the name of that great mariner. His equipment consisted of a single vessel, the Rurick, 100 tons burden, with twenty-two sailors, a surgeon, and a botanist. Having doubled Cape Horn, he arrived on the 19th June 1816 at Awatscha. Continuing his course, he passed the boundary explored by Behring, and on the 1st of August descried on his right, in latitude 68°, a broad opening, which he trusted would prove the long- sought-for passage. Having entered, he landed on the beach, ascended a neighbouring hill, and saw nothing but water as far as the eye could reach. Full of ardent expec- tation, he employed a fortnight in examining this sound, making a complete circuit of its shores. No outlet, how- ever, was discovered, except one, which it appeared almost certain communicated with Norton Sound, and Kotzebue resumed his voyage, which, however, was attended with no new or important results. To this arm of the sea, the discovery of which forms the principal feature in 1516.] COLONIZATION OF CANADA. 105 his enterprise, he has very properly communicated his name. With Kotzebue terminates our account of the progress of discovery upon the north-western shores of America; for an outline of the survey made by Captain Beechey belongs to a future portion of this disquisition. It is a pleasing reflection, that almost exclusively to the British navy belongs the hard-earned praise of having explored nearly the whole of this coast, with an accuracy which leaves nothing to be desired by the most scientific navi- gator. CHAPTEK III. Hearne and Sir Alexander Mackenzie. Colonization of Canada — French Fur-Trade — Eise of Hudson's Bay Company — Hearne's Three Journeys — North-West Fur Company — First Journey of Sir Alexander Mackenzie in 1789 — His Second Expedition in 1792. Having completed a brief sketch of the progress of dis- covery along the wide extent of the eastern and western shores of North America, from the first expedition of Cabot to the latest attempts of Kotzebue, two important subjects present themselves — the rise of the fur-trade, and the great discoveries which were achieved by British subjects connected with this branch of commercial enterprise. The expedition of C artier conferred on the French that title to the countries round the St. Lawrence which results from priority of discovery; and other circumstances combined to direct their efforts chiefly to the colonization of the more northern tracts of America. Amongst these causes may be reckoned the disastrous failure of their attempt to establish a settlement in Florida, the great power of the Spaniards 106 SI EUR DE LA ROCHE. [1598. in that quarter, and the pre-occupation of the middle regions of the continent by the English. In 1598, the Sieur de la Roche, a Breton gentleman of ancient family, obtained from Henry IV. a patent, equally unlimited with that granted by Elizabeth to Gilbert and Raleigh. He was nominated Lieutenant- General of Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, Labrador, and of the countries lying on the River of the great Bay of Norimbega (meaning the St. Lawrence), and the supreme command, both civil and mili- tary, was concentrated in his single person. His prepara- tions were singularly disproportionate to these high-sound- ing titles, and the whole expedition was unfortunate. La Roche, with a small squadron, and crews consisting prin- cipally of convicted felons, landed on Sable Island, near the coast of Nova Scotia. From this barren spot, ill adapted for a settlement, he reached the opposite shore, which he surveyed ; and having intrusted the temporary command of the colony to an inferior officer, he returned to France to procure additional supplies. On arriving in Brittany, a dispute arose between him and the Duke de Mercoeur, a nobleman enjoying the confidence of the French monarch, by whose influence the royal favour was wholly withdrawn from La Roche. That adventurer, deprived of all means of prosecuting his enterprise in the New World, soon after died of a broken heart. Meantime the colony on Sable Island were exposed to famine and disease, and totally neglected by the king, amid the occupation and excitement of his vast political schemes. Their existence was at length accidentally recalled to the mind of Henry, who, in deep remorse for his forgetfulness, despatched a vessel, which on its arrival found only twelve survivors. They had formed a hovel of the planks of a shipwrecked Spanish vessel, supported them- selves by fishing, and replaced their worn-out European 1G00.] CHAUVIN AND PONTGRAVE. 107 garments with the skins of the sea- wolf. On their return to France, the monarch was greatly moved by the account of their sufferings, corroborated as it was by their emaciated and haggard aspect, matted hair, beards which almost swept the ground, and singular dress. He hastened to compen- sate for his neglect, by granting to such as were felons a free pardon, and presenting to each a sum of fifty crowns.* These disasters were followed soon after by an attempt of Chauvin and Pontgrave, two fur-merchants, to establish a colony at Tadoussack, on the mouth of the Saguenay, which proved abortive, and gave place to an expedition on a more enlarged scale, planned and conducted by De Monts, a gentleman of Saintonge, whose squadron consisted of forty vessels. His first settlement was on the Island of St. Croix, from which he removed to Port Royal, now known by the name of Annapolis, where he appears to have aban- doned his more pacific designs for the superior excitation and profits of piracy. The complaints of the merchants engaged in the Newfoundland fishery terminated in the recall and disgrace of De Monts; but Champlain, on whom the command devolved, showed himself every way worthy of the trust. From Tadoussack he removed the principal settlement to Quebec, where he built and fortified a town, reduced the surrounding territory into cultivation, and became the founder of the government of Canada, or New France. Leaving his infant settlement, he next deter- mined to penetrate into the interior ; and his emotions of wonder and astonishment may be easily conceived, when, ascending the St. Lawrence, the majestic forests of Canada first met his eye, encircling in their bosom the greatest lakes known to exist in the world. Surveying first the southern bank of the river, and of the Lakes Ontai'io and * Histoire General dcs Voyages, vol. xiv. pp. 589, 591. 108 CHAMPLAIN. [1763. Erie, lie found that he had reached the very cradle of savage life, surrounded by nations whose manners, occupations, and superstitions, were as new as they were bold and terrific. To pursue the discoveries of the French into the interior of North America does not properly fall within the limits of this work ; and it is sufficient at present to observe, that after a long and sanguinary struggle between the arms of France and England, in the war which broke out in 1756, Canada was at last subdued by the English, and the possession of the province confirmed to Great Britain by the treaty of 1763. During the war between the United States and the mother country, Upper Canada once more became the theatre of an obstinate contest, which concluded, however, unfavourably for the American troops ; and the country has since remained an integral part of the British dominions, Under the French, the fur-trade, notwithstand- ing the restrictions with which commerce was oppressed, was carried to a great height, and embraced an immense extent of country. It was conducted by a set of hardy adventurers, who joined the savages in their hunting-par- ties, and thus collected large cargoes of furs, with which they supplied the merchants. Their distant inland expe- ditions sometimes occupied twelve or even eighteen months ; and during this period their uninterrupted familiarity with the natives almost transformed them into as wild and bar- barous a condition as that of the tribes with whom they associated. " It requires less time," says Sir Alexander Mackenzie, " for a civilized people to deviate into the man- ners and customs of savage life, than for savages to rise into a state of civilization. Such was the event with those who thus accompanied the natives on their hunting and trading excursions ; for they became so attached to the Indian mode of life, that they lost all relish for their former 1750.] FRENCH FUR TRADE. 109 habits and native homes. Hence they derived the title of Coureurs de Bois, became a kind of pedlars, and were extremely useful to the merchants engaged in the fur trade, who gave them the necessary credit to proceed on their commercial undertakings. Three or four of these people would join their stock, put their property into a birch-bark canoe, which they worked themselves, and would then either accompany the natives in their excursions, or penetrate at once into the country. At length these voyages extended to twelve or fifteen months, when they returned with rich cargoes of furs, and followed by great numbers of the natives. During the short time requisite to settle their accounts with the merchants, and procure fresh credit, they generally contrived to squander away all their gains, when they returned to renew their favourite mode of life, their views being answered, and their labour sufficiently rewarded, by indulging themselves in extravagance and dissipation during the short space of one month in twelve or fifteen. This indifference about amassing property, and the pleasure of living free from all restraint, soon brought on a licentiousness of manners, which could not long escape the vigilant observation of the missionaries, who had much reason to complain of their being a disgrace to the Chris- tian religion, by not only swerving from its duties them- selves, but bringing it into disrepute with those of the natives who had become converts to it, and consequently obstructing the great object to which these pious men had devoted their lives. They therefore exerted their influence to procure the suppression of these people ; and accordingly no one was allowed to go up the country to traffic with the Indians without a license from the French Government." * This change of system was not at first attended with the * Sir Alexander Mackenzie's History of the Fur Trade, prefixed to his Voyages, pp. 1-3. 110 COUREURS DE BOIS AND GROSSELIEZ. [1668. expected benefits ; for the licenses were sold in most in- stances to retired officers or their widows, who again dis- posed of them to the fur merchants, and they of necessity recalled to their service the Coureurs de Bois as their agents : thus matters assumed, though by a somewhat more circui- tous process, the same aspect as before. At last military posts were established at the confluence of the great lakes, which repressed the excesses of the wood-runners, and afforded protection to the trade; whilst under this new system, a body of respectable men, usually retired officers, introduced order and regularity in the traffic with the natives, co-operated with the efforts of the missionaries, and extended their intercourse with the various tribes to the distance of two thousand five hundred miles, from the most civilized portion of the colony to the banks of the Saskatchewine River in 53° north latitude, and longitude 102° west* Of these trading commanders two individuals attempted to penetrate to the Pacific Ocean, but appear to have been unsuccessful. The discoveries of the English in Hudson's Bay, and the latest attempts of Fox and James to reach the Pacific through some of its unexplored channels, have been suffi- ciently enlarged upon in a former volume ; -{- but though unsuccessful in their great design, the accounts brought home regarding the rich furs of these extreme northern shores excited the attention of Grosseliez, an enterprising individual, who undertook a voyage to survey the country, and laid before the French Government a proposal for a commercial settlement upon the coast. The minister, however, rejected it as visionary ; and Grosseliez, having obtained an introduction to Mr. Montagu, the English resident at Paris, was introduced to Prince Rupert, who, * Mackenzie's Travels, Gen. Hist, of the Fur Trade, p. 6. f Polar Seas and Regions, chap. vi. 1668.] Hudson's bay company. Ill struck by the probable advantages of the project, eagerly patronized it. By his interest with the English king, he obtained the grant of a ship commanded by Captain Zachariah Gillam, who sailed with Grosseliez in 1668, and, penetrating to the top of James' Bay, erected Fort Charles on the bank of the Rupert River. In the succeeding year, Prince Rupert, with seventeen other persons, were incorpo- rated into a company, and obtained an exclusive right to establish settlements and carry on trade in Hudson's Bay. Their charter recites, that those adventurers having at their own great cost undertaken an expedition to Hudson's Bay, in order to discover a new passage into the South Sea, and to find a trade for furs, minerals, and other commodities, and having made such discoveries as encouraged them to proceed in their design, his Majesty granted to them and their heirs, under the name of " the Governor and Company of Adventurers trading into Hudson's Bay," the power of holding and alienating lands, and the sole right of trade in Hudson's Strait, and with the territories upon the coasts of the same. They were authorized to fit out ships of war, to erect forts, make reprisals, and send home all English sub- jects entering the bay without their license, and to declare war and make peace with any prince or people not Christian.* Instituted with such ample powers, and at first placed under the management of enlightened men, this company soon arrived at considerable prosperity. They have, indeed, been severely censured, as exhibiting little zeal to promote discovery, and for uniformly opposing every attempt on the part of their servants to solve the long-agitated question of a north-west passage. There appears to have been much personal pique in these accusations ; and the expedition of Knight, in 1721, fitted out on the most liberal scale at the * Macpherson's Annals of Commerce, vol. ii. pp. 555, 556. 112 HEARNE. [1768. company's expense, and the tenor of their original instruc- tions to their governor, certainly prove that they were not enemies to the cause of discovery ; whilst the failure of the voyages of Middleton in 1742, and of Captains Moore and Smith in 1746, must at length have convinced the bitterest opponents of the company, that if they had not discovered the long-expected passage in some of the straits leading into Hudson's Bay, it was for the very sufficient reason that such did not exist. But the most remarkable refutation of these allegations is to be found in the important and interest- ing journey of Hearne, from Prince of Wales' Fort to the Northern Ocean, brought to a successful termination in 1772, which, in its origin and progress, merits our particular attention. The native Indians, who range over rather than inhabit the large tract of country north of Churchill River, having repeatedly brought specimens of copper ore to the company's factory, it was plausibly conjectured that these had been found not far from the British settlements ; and as the savages affirmed that the mines were not very distant from a large river, it was imagined, most erroneously as was proved by the result, that this stream must empty itself into Hudson's Bay. In 1768, the Indians, who came to trade at Prince of Wales' Fort, brought farther accounts of this river, exhibiting at the same time samples of copper, which they affirmed to be the produce of a mine in its vicinity. The governor now resolved to despatch an intelligent person across the continent to obtain more precise informa- tion. Samuel Hearne was chosen for this service, a man of great hardihood and sagacity, bred in the employment of the company, and who, without pretensions to high scien- tific attainments, possessed sufficient knowledge to enable him to construct a chart of the country through which he travelled. His instructions directed him to proceed to the 1769.] hearne's first journey. 113 borders of the country of the Athabasca Indians, where it was expected he would meet with a river represented by the Indians to abound with copper ore, and to be so far to the north that in the middle of summer the sun did not set. It was called by the natives Neetha-san-san Dazey, or the Far-off Metal River ; and Mr. Hearne was directed to explore its course to the mouth, where he was to determine the latitude and longitude, to ascertain whether it was navigable, and to judge of the practicability of a settlement. He was enjoined also to examine the mines alleged to exist in that district, the nature of the soil and its productions, and to make every inquiry and observation towards dis- covering the north-west passage.* On the 6th of November 1769 he set out from Prince of Wales' Fort, Hudson's Bay, upon this perilous journey. He was accompanied by two Englishmen only — Ilbester, a sailor, and Merriman, a landsman ; by two of the Home- guard Southern Indians — a name given to those natives residing as servants on the company's plantation, and em- ployed in hunting ; and by eight Northern Indians, under the command of Captain Chawchinahaw and Lieutenant Nabyah. He was provided with ammunition for two years, some necessary iron implements, a few knives, tobacco, and other useful articles. As to his personal outfit, his stock consisted simply of the shirt and clothes he wore, one spare coat, a pair of drawers, as much cloth as would make two or three pairs of Indian stockings, and a blanket for his bed. "The nature of travelling long j ourney s, ' ' he observes, " in these countries will not admit of carrying even the most common article of clothing ; so that the traveller is obliged to depend on the district he traverses for his dress as well as his sustenance." The baseness and treachery of the * Hearne's Journey, Introduction, p. 40. ] 14 ITS FAILURE. [1769. Indians, however, soon put a period to the first journey, and the desertion of Chawchinahaw, with his whole escort, rendered it absolutely necessary for the little party to make the best of their way back to the fort, where they arrived on the 8th of December, after penetrating only two hundred miles into the interior. It was now determined to resume the expedition with greater precautions against failure. The Indian women who accompanied their husbands in the first journey were left behind, as were the two Englishmen, who had been of little service ; and instead of the treacherous Chawchinahaw, Hearne selected an Indian named Connequeesee, who affirmed he was acquainted with the country, having once been near the river, the discovery of which formed one great object of the journey. Attended by this man, along with three Northern Indians and two of the Home-guard natives, the traveller once more set out on the 23d February, whilst the snow was so deep on the top of the ramparts of the fort, that few of the cannon could be seen. After undergoing the severest extremities from hunger and fatigue, Mr. Hearne reached in August the River Doobaunt, in latitude 63° 10' north. The progress thus far, however, had been painful beyond measure, owing to the difficulty of pushing forward through a wild unexplored country, intersected with rivers, lakes, and woods, at the outset thickly covered with snow ; and on the approach of the warmer months so flooded and marshy, as to render travelling on foot inex- pressibly fatiguing. To add to this, the voracity, improvi- dence, and indolence of the Indians, subjected the party to repeated distress. If from fishing or hunting a larger supply than usual was procured, instead of using it with moderation, and laying up a store for future necessities, all was devoured by the savages, who, like the boa after he has gorged his prey, coiled themselves up, and remained 1770.] HIS SEVERE SUFFERINGS. 115 in a state of sleepy torpor till the call of hunger again roused them to activity. At first the party subsisted without difficulty on the fish which abounded in the lakes and rivers ; but in the begin- ning of April they entirely disappeared ; and as the " goose season," or period when the geese, swans, ducks, and other migratory birds, resort to these latitudes, was yet distant, they began to suffer grievously from want of provisions. Occasionally they were relieved by killing a few deer or musk-oxen; but the ground and the brushwood were so saturated with moisture from the melting of the snow, that to kindle a fire was impossible. With their clothes drenched in rain, and their spirits depressed, they were compelled to eat their meat raw — a necessity grievous at all times, but in the case of the flesh of the musk-ox, which is rank, tough, and strongly impregnated with the sickening sub- stance from which it derives its name, peculiarly repulsive and unwholesome.* The simple and modest manner in which these severe sufferings are described by Hearne is peculiarly striking. " To record," says he, " in detail each day's fare since the commencement of this journey, would be little more than a dull repetition of the same occurences. A sufficient idea of it may be given in a few words, by observing that it may justly be said to have been either all feasting or all famine ; sometimes we had too much, seldom just enough, frequently too little, and often none at all. It will be only necessary to say, that we fasted many times two whole days and nights, twice upwards of three days, and once, while at Shenanhee, near seven days, during which we tasted not a mouthful of anything, except a few cranberries, water, scraps of old leather, and burnt bones." On these pressing Hearne's Journey, p. 31. 116 HIS SEVERE SUFFERINGS. [1771. occasions, Hearne often saw the Indians examine their wardrobe, which consisted chiefly of skin clothing, consider- ing attentively what part could best be spared, when some- times a piece of half-rotten deer-skin, and at others a pair of old shoes, would be sacrificed to alleviate extreme hunger. " None of our natural wants," he observes, " if we except thirst, are so distressing or hard to endure as hunger, and in wandering situations like that which I now experienced, the hardship is greatly aggravated by the uncertainty with regard to its duration, and the means most proper to be used to remove it, as well as by the labour and fatigue we must necessarily undergo for that purpose, and the disap- pointments which too frequently frustrated our best concerted plans and most strenuous exertions. It not only enfeebles the body, but depresses the spirits, in spite of every effort to prevent it. Besides which, for want of action, the sto- mach so far loses its digestive powers, that, after long fast- ing, it resumes its office with pain and reluctance. During this journey I have too frequently experienced the dreadful effects of this calamity, and more than once been reduced to so low a state by hunger and fatigue, that when Provi- dence threw anything in my way, my stomach has been scarcely able to retain more than two or three ounces without producing the most oppressive pain."* On 30th June they arrived at a small river called Cafha- whachaga, which empties itself into White Snow Lake, in 64° north latitude. Here, as the guide declared they could not that summer reach the Coppermine River, Hearne determined to pass the winter, with the intention of pushing on to his destination in 1771. They accordingly forsook their northward route, and taking a westerly course, were joined in a few days by many troops of wandering Indians ; * Hearne's Journey, p. 33. 1771.] RETURN FROM CATHAWHACHAGA. 117 so that by the 30th July they mustered about seventy tents, containing nearly six hundred souls, and on moving in the morning the whole ground seemed alive with men, women, children, and dogs. The deer were so plenty that, though lately five or six individuals had almost perished from hunger, this numerous body supported themselves with great ease, and often killed their game for the skins, leaving the carcass to be devoured by the foxes.* In this manner, engaged alternately in hunting and fishing, making obser- vations on the country, and studying the extraordinary manners of his associates, the English traveller was pre- paring for his winter sojourn, when an accident rendered his quadrant useless, and compelled him, on 13th August, to set out on his return to the fort. The hardships he endured on his route homeward were various and accumulated : He was plundered by the Nor- thern Indians, who, adding insult to injury, entered his tent, smoked a pipe which they filled with the white man's tobacco, asked to see his luggage, and without waiting for an answer, turned the bag inside out, and spread every article on the ground. The work of appropriation was equally rapid, and the empty bag was flung to the owner ; but a fit of compunction seizing them, they restored a knife, an awl, and a needle. On begging hard for his razors, they consented to give up one, and added enough of soap to shave him during the remainder of his journey, making him understand that the surrender of these articles called for his warmest gratitude. As the cold weather approached, the party thus plundered suffered grievously from want of that warm deer- skin clothing used by the Indians at this season. A dress of this kind is rather costly, requiring the prime parts of from * Hearne's Journey, p. 40. 118 HEARNE MEETS MATONABBEE. [1771. eight to eleven skins. These Hearne at last managed to collect • but as the Indian women alone could prepare them, he was compelled to carry this load along with him from day to day, earnestly begging the natives at each suc- cessive resting-place to permit their wives to dress his skins. He met, however, with a surly and uniform refusal ; and at last, after bearing the burden for several weeks, was forced to throw it off, and sustain the cold as he best could, without either skin- clothing or snow-shoes. When con- tinuing their course in this forlorn condition to the south- east, they met with Captain Matonabbee, a powerful and intelligent chief, who was then on his way to Prince of Wales' Fort with furs and other articles of trade. It was this person who brought the accounts of the Coppermine River, which induced the company to fit out the expedi- tion, and he was naturally interested in its success. He evinced the utmost activity in relieving their wants, fur- nished them with a warm suit of otter and other skins ; and, not being able to provide them with snow-shoes, directed them to a small range of woods, where they found materials for both shoes and sledges. Matonabbee then treated the party to a feast, and took occasion, in his con- versation with Hearne, to explain the causes of his failure, and to offer his assistance in a third expedition. He attri- buted all their misfortunes to the misconduct of the guide, and to their having no women with them. " In an expedi- tion of this kind," said he, " when all the men are so heavily laden that they neither can hunt nor travel to any consid- erable distance, in case they meet with success in hunting, who is to carry the produce of their labour? Women were made for labour; one of them can carry or haul as much as two men can do. They also pitch our tents, make and mend our clothing, keep us warm at night; and, in fact, there is no such thing as travelling any considerable dis- 1771 -J hearne's third journey. 119 tance, or for any length of time, in this country without them; and yet though they do everything, they are main- tained at a trifling expense; for, as they always act the dook, the very licking of their fingers in scarce times is sufficient for their subsistence."* Assisted by this friendly chief, the English traveller again set forward, and after experiencing an intense degree of cold, by which the favourite dog in his sledge was frozen to death, he reached the fort on 25th November, having been absent eight months and twenty-two days. Matonabbee arrived a few days after. Though twice compelled to return, Hearne, whose spirit was not to be overcome by fatigue or disappointment, offered his services to proceed on a third journey, which was ultimately crowned with success. For this he engaged Matonabbee as guide, and declined taking any Home- guard Indians. Their place, however, was occupied accord- ing to the principles already laid down, by seven of Maton- abbee' s wives, who, by the assistance they afforded, did no disparagement to the singular picture of female activity which he had drawn. They set out on the 7th of Decem- ber, and notwithstanding frequent privations, want of food, and intense cold, their sufferings were not so aggravated as in the former attempts. The country through which they passed towards the west was wild and barren, occa- sionally covered with thick shrubby woods of stunted pine and dwarf juniper, studded with frequent lakes and swamps whose sides were fringed with willows. Through this ground they travelled in high spirits, but rather on short commons, owing to the scarcity of deer and the impro- vidence of the Indians, who consumed everything in the store during the first days of their march, trusting to find * Hearne's Journey, p. 55. 120 CATCHIKO DEER IN A POUND. [1772. a stock of provisions which they had hid in a certain spot on their way to the fort. On reaching the place, however, they discovered that the provisions had been carried off; and the equanimity with which the Indians bore the dis- appointment, and travelled forward under the conjoined miseries of hunger and fatigue, was very striking. At last they succeeded in killing a few deer, and halted to take some refreshment. For a whole day they never ceased eating, and an additional repast on two large buck-deer, which they killed a few days after, at last fairly overcame Captain Matonabbee, who, after devouring at one sitting as much as would have satisfied six moderate men, seemed somewhat unreasonably astonished to find himself indisposed. Having recovered from the effects of this surfeit, they proceeded from Island Lake towards the main branch of the Cathawhachaga, which they crossed, and directing their course by Partridge Lake and Snow Bird Lake, arrived on the 2d March at a large tent of Northern Indians, not far from the Doobaunt Whoie River. Although these people had remained in the same spot since the beginning of winter, they found a plentiful subsistence by catching deer in a pound. Their mode of accomplishing this is to select a well-frequented deer-path, and enclose with a strong fence of twisted trees and brushwood a space about a mile in circumference, and sometimes more. The entrance of the pound is not larger than a common gate, and its inside is crowded with innumerable small hedges, in the openings of which are fixed snares of strong well-twisted thongs. One end is generally fastened to a growing tree; and as all the wood and jungle within the enclosure is left standing, its interior forms a complete labyrinth. On each side of the door, a line of small trees, stuck up in the snow fifteen or twenty yards apart, form two sides of an acute angle, widening gradually from the entrance, from which they pi DEER-HUKTIKG. When all things are prepared, the Indians take their station on some eminence commanding a prospect of this path, and the moment any deer are seen going that way the whole encampment steal under cover of the woods till they get behind them. They then show themselves in the open ground, and drawing up in the form of a crescent advance.— Page 121. 1772.] THELEWEY-AZA-WETH. 121 sometimes extend two or three miles. Between these rows of brushwood runs the path frequented by the deer. When all things are prepared, the Indians take their station on some eminence commanding a prospect of this path, and the moment any deer are seen going that way, the whole encampment — men, women, and children — steal under cover of the woods till they get behind them. They then show themselves in the open ground, and, drawing up in the form of a crescent, advance with shouts. The deer finding themselves pursued, and at the same time imagining the rows of brushy poles to be people stationed to prevent their passing on either side, run straight forward till they get into the pound. The Indians instantly close in, block up the entrance, and whilst the women and children run round the outside to prevent them from breaking or leaping the fence, the men enter with their spears and bows, and speedily despatch such as are caught in the snares or are running loose.* M'Lean, a gentleman who spent twenty-five years in the Hudson's Bay territories, assures us that, on one occasion, he and a party of men entrapped and slaughtered in this way a herd of three hundred deer in two hours. On the 8th of April they reached an island in a small lake named Thelewey-aza-weth, and pitched their tent; and as the deer were numerous, and the party, which had been joined by various wandering Indians, now amounted to seventy persons, they determined to remain for some time, and make preparations for their enterprise in the ensuing summer. They were busily employed during their intervals from hunting, in providing staves of birch about one and a quarter inch square and seven or eight feet long, which served for tent-poles all the summer, and * Hearne's Journej, p. 78-80. 122 NORTHERN INDIAN WOMEN [1772. were converted into snow-shoes in winter. Birch-rind, with timbers and other wood for canoes, formed also ob- jects of attention; and as Clowey, the place fixed upon for building their canoes, was still many miles distant, all the wood was reduced to its proper size, to make it light for carriage. At this place Matonabbee solaced himself by purchasing from some Northern Indians another wife, who for size and sinews might have shamed a grenadier. " Take them in a body," says Hearne, " and the Indian women are as destitute of real beauty as those of any nation I ever saw, although there are some few of them when young who are tolerable ; but the care of a family, added to their constant hard labour, soon make the most beautiful amongst them look old and wrinkled, even before they are thirty, and several of the more ordinary ones at that age are perfect antidotes to the tender passion. Ask a Northern Indian what is beauty? he will answer, a broad flat face, small eyes, high cheek-bones, three or four broad black lines across each cheek, a low forehead, a large broad chin, a hook nose, and a tawny hide. These beauties are greatly heightened, or at least rendered more valuable, if the possessor is capable of dressing all kinds of skins, and able to carry eight or ten stone in summer, and to haul a far greater weight in winter. Such and similar accom- plishments are all that are sought after or expected in an Indian Northern woman. As to their temper, it is of little consequence ; for the men have a wonderful facility in making the most stubborn comply with as much alacrity as could be expected from those of the mildest and most obliging turn of mind."* Before starting from this station, Matonabbee took the precaution of sending in advance a small party with the * Hearne's Journey, pp. 89, 90. 1772.] TREATED WITH CRUELTY. 123 wood and birch-rind; they were directed to press forward to Clowey, a lake near the barren ground, and there build the boat, to be ready upon their arrival. When the journey was about to be resumed, one of the women was taken in labour. The moment the poor creature was delivered, " which," says Hearne, " was not till she had suffered a severe labour of fifty- two hours," the signal was made for setting forward ; the mother took her infant on her back, and walked with the rest ; and though another person had the humanity to haul her sledge for one day only, she was obliged to carry a considerable load in ad- dition to her little one, and was compelled frequently to wade knee- deep in water and wet snow. Amidst all this, her looks, pale and emaciated, and the moans which burst from her, sufficiently proved the intolerable pain she en- dured, but produced no effect upon the hard hearts of her husband and his companions. When an Indian woman is taken in labour, a small tent is erected for her, at such a distance from the encampment that her cries cannot be heard, and the other women are her attendants, no male except children in arms ever offering to approach; and even in the most critical cases no assistance is ever given — a conduct arising from the opinion that nature is sufficient to perform all that is necessary. When Hearne informed them of the assistance derived by European women from the skill and attention of regular practitioners, their answer was ironical and characteristic : "No doubt," said they, " the many hump-backs, bandy legs, and other deformities so common amongst you English, are owing to the great skill of the persons who assisted in bringing them into the world, and to the extraordinary care of their nurses after- wards."* * Hearne's Journey, p. 93. 124 AERIVAL AT CLOWEY. [1772. In eleven days they travelled a distance of eighty -five miles, and on 3d May arrived at Clowey, where they were j oined by some strange Indians, and commenced the im- portant business of building their canoes. The party sent ahead for this purpose arrived only two days before, and had made no progress in joining the timbers they had car- ried along with them. The whole tools used by an Indian in this operation, in making snow-shoes and all other kinds of wood-work, are a hatchet, a knife, a file, and an awl; but in the use of these they are very dexterous. In shape, their canoes bear some resemblance to a weaver's shuttle, having flat-bottoms, with straight upright sides, and sharp at each end. The stern is the widest part, being con- structed for the reception of the baggage ; and occasionally it admits a second person, who lies at full length in the bottom of the little vessel, which seldom exceeds twelve or thirteen feet in length, and about twenty inches or two feet in breadth at the widest part. The forepart is un- necessarily long and narrow, and covered with birch-bark, which adds to the weight without contributing to the burden of the canoe. The Indians, for the most part, employ a single paddle ; double ones like those of the Esquimaux are seldom used unless by hunters, who lie in ambush for the purpose of killing deer as they cross rivers and narrow lakes. Upon the whole, their vessels, though formed of the same materials as those of the Southern Indians, are much smaller and lighter; and, from the extreme simpli- city of build, are the best that could be contrived for the necessities of these poor savages, who are frequently obliged to carry them upon their back a hundred and sometimes one hundred and fifty miles, without having occasion to launch them. At Clowey the expedition was joined by nearly two hundred Indians from various quarters, most of whom 1772.] JOINED BY MANY INDIANS. 125 built canoes there ; and on the 23d May, Mr. Hearne and Matonabbee, whose character and consequence effectually protected the white man from plunder, proceeded north- ward. For some time they met with no distresses, except those occasioned by the intense cold, which had been pre- ceded by thunder-storms and torrents of rain. Misfortune, however, now attacked Matonabbee on the tender side of his eight wives, the handsomest of whom eloped in the night, accompanied by another woman. Both having been carried off by force, it was suspected they had fled to the eastward, with the plan of rejoining their former husbands. Scarce had the savage polygamist recovered from this blow, when he experienced a fresh mortification : An Indian of great strength, from whom Matonabbee a short time before had purchased a stout, and therefore valuable wife, insisted on taking her back, unless he instantly surrendered a cer- tain quantity of ammunition, a kettle, some pieces of iron, and other articles. The hardship of this case arose from an extraordinary custom, by which the men are permitted to wrestle for any woman to whom they are attached, the victorious party carrying off the prize. It is for this reason that the greatest emulation prevails in all athletic exercises among the young Indians ; and the children are perpetually seen trying their powers in wrestling, under the idea that this is the education which will chiefly benefit them when they grow up. A weak man seldom long retains a wife whose services another wants ; for when the help-mates of an able-bodied savage are too heavily laden with furs or provisions, he makes no scruple of seizing the spouse of his weaker neighbour, and transferring part of the burden to her back; whilst, if the injured party cannot challenge the aggressor to a wrestling-match, he must not otherwise com- plain. The distress, therefore, of Matonabbee upon this occasion may be easily accounted for, as he was wounded 126 matonabbee's pbide. [1772. in his pride and in his property, if not in his affections. But a personal contest was out of the question, and he was obliged to purchase his favourite over again, by yielding up all that was demanded by his antagonist. This affair had nearly proved a serious obstacle to the expedition; for so bitterly did the chief resent the affront, entertaining the highest ideas of his personal consequence, that he had re- solved, like a Coriolanus of the New World, to renounce all farther alliance with his countrymen, and join the Athabasca Indians, among whom he had formerly resided. But Hearne strenuously opposed this project, and at last suc- ceeded in dissuading him from it* Having agreed to proceed, Matonabbee, for the better prosecution of the enterprise, determined to make some new arrangements : He selected his two youngest wives, who were unencumbered with children, as alone worthy to ac- company him, whilst the remainder, with all their luggage and a considerable number of the men, were commanded to await the return of the party from the Coppermine River. This change of plan, however, was not carried through without difficulty. When the hour of separation came, and Matonabbee and Hearne set out in the evening of 31st May, a low murmur of lamentation proceeded from the tents of the women who were left behind, which, run- ning through all the notes of increasing grief, at last burst into a loud yell. This continued as long as the party were in sight ; nor was it without much angry expostulation that some of them were prevented from following their husbands. The Indians, however, regarded all this, which deeply affected their European associate, with indifference, walking forward without casting behind them a single look or word of sympathy, and joyfully congratulating themselves on * Hearne's Journey, pp. Ill, 112. 1772.] THE PARTY CROSS THE ARCTIC CIRCLE. 127 getting rid of the women, dogs, children, and other encum- brances, which added so greatly to the toil of the journey. One article they all carried, although to Hearne it appeared unnecessary, considering the expedition to be pacific : this was a target of thin boards two feet broad, and about three feet long. On inquiring for what purpose these shields were to be used, he discovered that the main consideration which reconciled the Indians to this expedition was the hope of attacking and murdering the Esquimaux who fre- quented the Coppermine River, between whom and the other Indian tribes there had long existed a deadly enmity. All the arguments employed by Hearne were insufficient to dissuade them from these hostile intentions. The party having crossed the Arctic circle, arrived at Cogead Lake, which they found frozen over ; so that they traversed its creeks and bays without the aid of their canoes. Thence they directed their course due north, till they met with a branch of the Congecathawhachaga River, where some Copper Indians received them with great kind- ness, and readily sent all their canoes to their assistance — a piece of courtesy particularly seasonable, as the ice had now broken up. To these Indians Hearne explained the object of his journey, and his guide being personally known to them, they treated the party, which consisted of one hundred and fifty persons, with distinguished honour. A feast was given, the English traveller smoked with them his calumet of peace, and their chiefs expressed the greatest anxiety that a European settlement should be established in the neighbourhood of the Coppermine River. They acknowledged they had never found the sea at the mouth of the river free from ice; but with singular simplicity seemed to consider this a very trifling objection, observing that the water was always so smooth between the ice and the shore that even small boats could sail there with great 128 VARIATIONS IN THE CLIMATE. [1772. ease; and inferring that what a canoe could do, a large ship must be sure to accomplish. As Hearne was the first white man they had seen, he was surrounded by numbers, who examined him with the utmost minuteness. The re- sult, however, was satisfactory ; for they at last pronounced him to be a perfect human being, except in the colour of his hair and eyes. The first, they insisted, was like the stained hair of a buffalo's tail, and the last, being light, were compared to those of a gull. The whiteness of his skin, also, was a circumstance on which they demurred a little, observing that it looked like meat which had been sodden in water till all the blood was extracted. He con- tinued, however, to be viewed with a mixture of curiosity and admiration, and at his toilet was generally attended by a body of the Indians, who, when he used his comb, asked for the hairs which came off. These they carefully wrapped up, saying, " When I see you again, you shall again see your hair."* On reaching Congecathawhachaga, in latitude 68° 46 north, Matonabbee deemed it expedient to leave all the women, taking the precaution to kill as many deer as were necessary for their support during his absence. The flesh was cut into thin slices and dried in the sun — a frequent mode of preserving it in these high northern latitudes, by which it is kept palatable and nourishing for a twelve- month. Having completed these arrangements, the party resumed their journey on the 1st of July, proceeding amidst dreadful storms of snow, and occasional torrents of rain, which drenched them to the skin, through a barren and desolate country, where it was impossible with the wet moss and green brushwood to kindle a fire. Compelled to take shelter in caves at night — for they had no tents — * Hearne's Journey, p. 122. 1789.] WILD-FOWL THE BALD-EAGLE. 145 was every appearance that the ice would detain the expe- dition for a considerable time ; and it was thought neces- sary to pitch their tents. The nets were now set ; the Indians went off in different directions to hunt ; the women gathered berries of various sorts, which abounded in the neighbouring woods; and their larder was soon supplied with plenty of geese, ducks, and beaver, excellent trout, carp, and white fish, and some dozens of swan and duck eggs, which were picked up in an adjacent island. Their stay, therefore, was far from unpleasant, combining the novelty of a residence in a strange country with the excita- tion and variety of a hunter's life ; and on the 15th, after a rest of six days, as the ice had given way a little, they resumed their journey. Numerous flocks of birds of all kinds flew around them and filled the air with their wild plaintive cries ; while, far away, perched on a dead tree, might be seen here and there a solitary owl or an eagle, watching for prey. A large and very impudent bird of this kind which inhabits the American wilderness is the bald-eagle. Fish is its favourite food, and the way in which it obtains it is curious and interesting. " Elevated," says Wilson, " on the high dead limb of some gigantic tree that commands a wide view of the neighbouring shore and ocean, he seems calmly to con- template the motions of the various feathered tribes that pursue their busy avocations below. The snow-white gulls, slowly winnowing the air; the busy tringce, coursing along the sands; trains of ducks, streaming over the surface; silent and watchful cranes, intent and wading; clamorous crows, and all the winged multitudes that subsist by the bounty of this vast liquid magazine of nature; — high over all these hovers one whose action instantly arrests all his attention. By his wide curvature of wing, and sudden suspension in the air, he knows him to be the fish- hawk, K 146 RED-KNIFE INDIANS. [1789. settling over some devoted victim of the deep. His eye kindles at the sight, and balancing himself, with half- opened wings, on the branch, he watches the result. Down, rapid as an arrow from heaven, descends the object of his attention; the roar of its wings reaching the ear as it disappears in the deep, making the surges foam around! At this moment the eager looks of the eagle are all ardour, and levelling his neck for flight, he sees the fish-hawk once more emerge, struggling with his prey, and mounting in the air with screams of exultation. These are the signal for our hero, who, launching into the air, instantly gives chase, and soon gains on the fish- hawk; each exerts his utmost to mount above the other, displaying in these ren- contres the most sublime aerial evolutions. The unencum- bered eagle rapidly advances, and is just on the point of reaching his opponent, when, with a sudden scream, pro- bably of despair and honest execration, the latter drops his fish; the eagle, poising himself for a moment, as if to take a more certain aim, descends like a whirlwind, snatches it in his grasp ere it reaches the water, and bears his ill- gotten booty silently away to the woods."* Since leaving Athabasca, the twilight had been so bright, owing to the short disappearance of the sun below the hori- zon, that even at midnight not a star was to be seen ; but as they glided along the lake they were greeted by the moon, which rose beautifully above the woods, with her lower horn in a state of eclipse. The obscuration continued for about six minutes in a cloudless sky.-j- Coasting along the shore, they came to a lodge of Red Knife Indians, so denominated from their using copper knives. One of these men engaged to conduct them to the mouth of the river, which was the object of their search; but such were the * American Ornithology, vol. i. p. 23. f Mackenzie's Travels, p. 11. 1789.] MACKENZIE RIVER. 147 impediments encountered from drift-ice, contrary winds, and the ignorance of the guide, whom the English Chief threatened to murder for engaging in a service for which he was unfit, that it was the 29 th of the month before they embarked upon the river since known by the name of the traveller who now first ascended it. On leaving the lake, the Mackenzie River was found to run to the westward, becoming gradually narrower for twenty-four miles, till it diminished into a stream not more than half a mile wide, with a strong current, and a depth of three and a half fathoms. A stiff breeze from the eastward now drove them on at a great rate, and after a rapid run of ten miles, the channel gradually widened till it assumed the appearance of a small lake, which proved to be the utmost limit known to their guide. They now came in sight of the chain of the Horn Mountains, bearing north-west, and had some difficulty in recovering the channel of the river. Having resumed their course on 1st July, they met with no interruption for five days, when they observed several smokes on the northern bank. On landing they discovered an encampment of five families of Slave and Dog- ribbed Indians, who, on the first appearance of the party, fled into the woods in consternation. The entreaties of the English Chief, whose language they understood, at length dissipated their apprehensions; and the distribution of a few beads, rings, and knives, with a supply of grog, reconciled them entirely to the strangers. Their account of the difficulties in the farther navigation of the river was not a little appalling. They asserted that it would require several winters to reach the sea, and that old age would inevitably overtake the party before their return. Monsters of horrid shapes and malignant disposition were represented as having their abodes in the rocky caves on the banks, ready to devour the presumptuous traveller who approached; 148 SLAVE AND DOG-RIBBED INDIANS. [1789. and the more substantial impediment of two impassable falls was said to exist about thirty days' march from where they then were. Though such tales were treated with contempt by Mac- kenzie, the Indians, already tired of the voyage, drank them in with willing ears, and they could scarcely be per- suaded to pursue their journey. On consenting to proceed, one of the Dog-ribbed Indians was induced, by the present of a kettle, an axe, and some other articles, to accompany them as a guide; but when the time of embarkation arrived, his love of home came upon him with such violence, that he used every artifice to escape from his agreement, and at last was actually forced on board. Previous to his departure, a singular ceremony took place: with great solemnity he cut off a lock of his hair, and dividing it into three parts, fastened one to the upper part of his wife's head, blowing on it thrice with the utmost violence, and uttering certain words as a charm. The other two locks he fixed with the same ceremonies to the heads of his two children. These Indians were in general a meagre, ugly, and ill-favoured race, particularly ill- made in the legs. Some of them wore their hair very long, others allowed a tress to fall behind, cutting the rest short round their ears. A few old men had beards, whilst the young and middle- aged appeared to have pulled out every hair on their chin. Each cheek was adorned by two double lines tattooed from the ear to the nose, of which the gristle was perforated so as to admit a goose- quill or a small piece of wood. Their clothing consisted of dressed deer-skins. For winter wear these were prepared with the fur, and the shirts made of them decorated with a neat embroidery, composed of porcu- pine-quills and the hair of the moose-deer, coloured red, black, yellow, or white. Their shirts reached to the mid-thigh, whilst their upper garments covered the whole 1789.] EFFECT OF ELOQUENCE ON BRUIN. 149 body, having a fringe round the bottom. Their leggins, which were embroidered round the ankle and sewed to their shoes, reached to mid-thigh. The dress of the women was nearly the same as that of the men. They wore gor- gets of horn or wood, and had bracelets of the same mate- rials. On their head was placed a fillet or bandeau, formed of strips of leather, embroidered richly with porcupine- quills, and stuck round with bears' claws or talons of wild fowl. Their belts and garters were neatly constructed of the sinews of wild animals and porcupine- quills. From these belts descended a long fringe composed of strings of leather, and worked round with hair of various colours, and their mittens hung from their neck in a position convenient for the reception of their hands.* Their arms and weapons for the chase were bows and arrows, spears, daggers, and a large club formed of the rein- deer horn, called a pogamagan. The bows were about five or six feet long, with strings of sinews; and flint, iron, or copper, supplied barbs to the arrows. Their spears, nearly six feet long, were pointed with bone, whilst their stone- axes were fastened with cords of green skin to a wooden handle. Their canoes were light, and so small as to carry only one person. Some of the men wore collars made of the claws of the barren-ground bear, an ornament much coveted and gloried in by them, as being incontestible proof of their courage and prowess in slaying an animal of which Indians gene- rally are exceedingly afraid. It is narrated, that as Kes- karrah, an old Indian, was one day seated at the door of his tent near Fort Enterprise, a large bear suddenly made its appearance on the opposite bank of a small stream, and remained stationary for some time, curiously eyeing the old gentleman, and apparently deliberating whether to eat * Mackenzie's Travels, p. 35-37. 150 GREAT BEAR LAKE RIVER. [1789. him up at that moment or wait till supper- time. Keskar- rah, thinking himself in great jeopardy, and having no one to assist him but a wife as old as himself, immediately gave utterance to the following oration : — " Oh, bear ! I never did you any harm ; I have always had the highest respect for you and your relations, and never killed any of them except through necessity : go away, good bear, and let me alone, and I promise not to molest you." Bruin instantly took his departure ; and the orator, never doubting that he owed his safety to his eloquence, on his arrival at the fort frequently favoured the company with his speech at full length. In the stomach of one of these animals which Dr. Richardson dissected, he found the remains of a seal, a marmot, a large quantity of the long sweet roots of some Astragali and Hedysara, with some wild berries and a little grass. On 5th July the party re- embarked. Continuing their course west- south-west, they passed the Great Bear Lake River ; and steering through numerous islands, came in sight of a ridge of snowy mountains, frequented, according to their guide, by herds of bears and small white buffaloes. The banks of the river appeared to be pretty thickly peo- pled ; and though at first the natives uniformly attempted to escape, the offer of presents generally brought them back, and procured a seasonable supply of hares, partridges, fish, or rein-deer. The same stories of spirits or manitous which haunted the stream, and of fearful rapids that would dash the canoes to pieces, were repeated by these tribes ; and the guide, upon whom such representations had a power- ful effect, decamped in the night during a storm of thunder and lightning. His place, however, was soon supplied; and, after a short sail, they approached an encampment of Indians, whose brawny figures, healthy appearance, and great cleanliness, showed them to be a superior race to 1789.] QUARRELLER INDIANS. 151 those lately passed. From them Mackenzie learnt that he must sleep ten nights before arriving at the sea, and in three nights would meet the Esquimaux, with whom they had been formerly at war, but were now in a state of peace. One of these people, whose language was most intelligible to the interpreter, agreed to accompany the party, but be- came dreadfully alarmed when some of the men discharged their fowling-pieces. It was evident none of this race had ever heard the report of fire-arms. To reconcile him to his departure, his two brothers followed in their canoes, and diverted him with native songs, and other airs said to be imitations of those of the Esquimaux. The triumph of music was never more strikingly exhibited; from deep dejection the Indian at once passed into a state of the highest and most ludicrous excitement, keeping time to the songs by a variety of grotesque gesticulations, performed with such unceasing rapidity, and so little regard to the slenderness of the bark, which quivered under his weight, that they expected every moment to see it upset. In one of his paroxysms, shooting his canoe alongside of Mac- kenzie's, he leaped into it, and commenced an Esquimaux dance. At last he was restored to some degree of com- posure, which became complete on their passing a hill, where he informed them that three winters ago the Esquimaux had slain his grandfather.* Mackenzie soon after reached the tents of a tribe named Deguthee-Dinees, or Quarrellers, who justified their name by the menacing gestures with which they received the strangers' approach. A few presents, however, reconciled them to the intrusion ; and they communicated the gratify- ing intelligence that the distance overland to the sea, either by an easterly or westerly route, was inconsiderable. The * Mackenzie's Travels, p. 51. 152 ESQUIMAUX HOUSES. [1789. party now pushed on with renewed hopes ; and the river soon after separating into several streams, they chose the middle and largest, which ran north. This shortly brought in sight a range of snowy mountains, stretching far to the northward ; and, by an observation, Mackenzie found the latitude to be 67° 47', which convinced him that the waters on which their frail barks were then gliding must flow into the great Hyperborean Ocean.* At this moment, when within a few days of accomplishing the great object of their journey, the Indians sunk into a fit of despondency, and hesitated to proceed. The guide pleaded his ignorance of the country, as he had never before penetrated to the shores of the Benahulla Toe, or White Man's Lake. Mac- kenzie assured them he would return if they did not reach it in seven days, and prevailed on them to continue their course. It was now the 11th of July, and the sun at midnight was still considerably above the horizon, whilst every- thing denoted the proximity of the sea. On landing at a deserted encampment, still marked by the ashes of some Esquimaux fires, they observed several pieces of whale- bone, and a place where train-oil had been spilt. Soon after they came to three houses recently left by the natives. The ground-plot of these habitations was oval, about fifteen feet long, ten feet wide in the middle, and eight feet at either end; the whole was dug about twelve inches below the surface, one-half being covered with willow-branches, and probably forming the bed of the whole family. In the middle of the other half, a space four feet wide, which had been hollowed to the depth of twelve inches, was the only spot where a grown person could stand upright. One side of it was covered with willow-branches, and the other * Mackenzie's Travels, p. 54. 1789.] DISAPPEARANCE OF VEGETATION. 153 formed the hearth. The door, in one end of the house, was about two feet and a half high by two feet wide, and was reached through a covered way about five feet long; so that the only access to this curious dwelling was by creeping on all fours. On the top was an orifice about eighteen inches square, which served the triple purpose of a window, a chimney, and an occasional door. The under ground part of the floor was lined with split wood, whilst cross pieces of timber, laid on six or eight upright stakes, supported an oblong square roof ; the whole being formed of drift-wood, and covered with branches and dry grass, over which was spread earth a foot thick. On either side of these houses were a few square holes, about two feet deep, covered with split wood and earth, excepting one small place in the middle, which appeared to be contrived for the preservation of the winter stock of provisions. In and about the houses lay sledge-runners, and bones, pieces of whalebone, and poplar-bark cut in circles, used evidently to buoy the nets ; and before each habitation a great num- ber of stumps of trees were driven into the ground, upon which its late possessors had probably hung their nets and fish to dry in the sun. The signs of vegetation were by this time scarcely per- ceptible; the trees had dwindled into a few dwarf willows, not more than three feet high; and though the foot-marks on the sandy beach of some of the islands showed that the natives had recently been there, all attempts to obtain a sight of them proved unavailing. The discontent of the guide and of the Indian hunters was now renewed; but their assertion that on the morrow they were to reach a large lake in which the Esquimaux killed a huge fish, and whose shores were inhabited by white bears, convinced Mackenzie that this description referred to the Arctic Sea, with its mighty denizen, the whale. He accordingly pressed 154 MACKENZIE REACHES THE ARCTIC SEA. [1789. forward with fresh ardour, and the canoes were soon car- ried hy the current to the entrance of the lake, which, from all the accompanying circumstances, appears to have been an arm of the Arctic Ocean. It was quite open to the westward, and by an observation the latitude was found to be 69°. From the spot where this survey was taken, they now continued their course to the westernmost point of a high island, which they reached after a run of fifteen miles, and around it the utmost depth of water was only five feet. The lake appeared to be covered with ice for about two leagues' distance, no land was seen ahead, and it was found impossible to proceed farther. Happily, when they had thus reached the farthest point of their progress northward, and were about to return in great disappoint- ment, two circumstances occurred which rendered it certain that they had penetrated to the sea: The first was the appearance of many large floating substances in the water, believed at first to be masses of ice, which, on being ap- proached, turned out to be whales; and the second, the rise and fall of the tide, observed both at the eastern and western end of the island, which they named Whale Island.* Having, in company with the English Chief, ascended to its highest ground, Mackenzie saw the solid ice extending to the eastward; and to the west, as far as the eye could reach, they dimly discerned a chain of moun- tains apparently about twenty leagues' distance, stretching to the northward. Many islands were seen to the eastward ; but though they came to a grave, on which lay a bow, a paddle, and a spear, they met no living human beings in these arctic solitudes. The red-fox and the rein-deer, flocks of beautiful plovers, some venerable white owls, and seve- ral large white gulls, were the only natives. Previous to * Mackenzie, pp. 64, G/5. 1789.] Mackenzie's return. 155 setting out on their return, a post was erected close to the tents, upon which the traveller engraved the latitude of the place, his own name, the number of persons by whom he was accompanied, and the time they had spent on the island. It was now the 1 6th of July, and they re- embarked on their homeward voyage. On the 21st the sun, which for some time had never set, descended below the horizon, and the same day eleven of the natives joined them. They re- presented their tribe as numerous, and perpetually at war with the Esquimaux, who had broken a treaty into which they had inveigled the Indians, and butchered many of them. Occasionally a strong body ascended the river in large canoes, in search of flints to point their spears and arrows. At present they were on the banks of a lake to the eastward, hunting rein-deer, and would soon begin to catch big fish (whales) for their winter stock. They had been informed that the same Esquimaux, eight or ten winters ago, saw to the westward, on White Man's Lake, several large canoes full of white men, who gave iron in exchange for leather. On landing at a lodge of natives farther down the river, the English Chief obtained some other particulars from a Dog-ribbed Indian, who had been driven by some private quarrel from his own nation, and lived among the Hare Indians. According to his information, there was a much larger river to the south-west of the mountains, which fell into White Man's Lake. The people on its banks were a gigantic and wicked race, who could kill common men with their eyes, and sailed in huge canoes. There was, he added, no known communication by water with this great river; but those who had seen it went over the mountains, and it flowed towards the mid-day sun. This description proceeded, he acknowledged, not from personal observation, but was taken from the report of others who inhabited the opposite mountains. Mackenzie 156 NEW TRIBE OF INDIANS. [1789. having fallen in with one of these strangers, by a bribe of some beads prevailed upon him to delineate the circum- jacent country and the course of the unknown river upon the sand. The map proved a very rude production. He traced out a long point of land between the rivers without paying the least attention to the courses. This isthmus he represented as running into the great lake, at the extre- mity of which, as he had been told by Indians of other nations, fhere was built a Benahulla Couin, or White Man's Fort. " This," says Mackenzie, " I took to be Oonalaska Fort, and consequently the river to the west to be Cook's River, and that the body of water or sea into which the river discharges itself at Whale Island communi- cated with Norton Sound." Mackenzie now endeavoured to procure a guide across the mountains, but the natives steadily refused ; and any additional intelligence which they communicated regarding the country only consisted of legends concerning the super- natural power and ferocity of its inhabitants. They were represented as a sort of monsters with wings, who fed on huge birds which, though killed by them with ease, no other mortal would venture to assail. Having gravely stated this, they began, both young and old, to jump and dance with astonishing violence and perseverance, imitating the cries of the rein-deer, bear, and wolf, in the hope of intimidating Mackenzie ; but when he threatened with an angry aspect to force one of them along with him across the mountains, a sudden fit of sickness seized the whole party, and in a faint tone, which formed a ludicrous con- trast to their former vociferation, they declared they would expire the instant they were taken from their homes. In the end, the traveller was compelled to leave them without accomplishing his object.* * Mackenzie, p. 87. 1789.] THE HORNED OWL. 157 On 1st August, as the expedition approached the River of the Bear Lake, the stars, which hitherto, from the extreme clearness of the twilight, had continued invisible, began to twinkle in the sky, and the air from being oppres- sively sultry became so cold, that perpetual exercise could scarcely keep the men warm. At nights they lay shiver- ing and wakeful, looking up into the cold sky, or dreamily listening to the solemn cry of the horned- owl. This ill- omened bird of darkness seldom fails to serenade the arctic traveller during the silent hours of night. " Its loud noctur- nal cries," says Dr. Richardson, "issuing from the gloomiest recesses of the forest, are said to bear a resemblance to a hollow and sepulchral human voice, and have thus been the frequent source of alarm to the benighted traveller. A party of Scottish Highlanders, in the service of the Hudson's Bay Company, happened in a winter journey to encamp after nightfall in a dense clump of trees, the dark tops of which, and their lofty stems, gave a solemnity to the scene, strongly excitable of superstitious feelings. The solemn effect was heightened by the discovery of a tomb, which, with a natural taste not unfrequently exhibited by the Indians, was placed in the centre of this secluded spot. The travellers had finished their evening repast, and were trimming their fire for the night, when for the first time the slow and dismal tones of the horned- owl fell on their ear. They at once concluded that a voice so mysterious and unearthly must be the moaning spirit of the departed, whose hallowed fane they had disturbed by inadvertently making a fire of the timber of his tomb. They consequently passed a long night of sleepless fear, and gladly quitted the ill- omened spot with the earliest dawn." The women were now constantly employed in making shoes of moose- skin, as a pair did not last more than a day, whilst the hunters brought in supplies of geese, rein-deer, and beaver ; and on 158 MACKENZIE CONCLUDES HIS FIRST JOURNEY. [1792. one occasion a wolf was killed, roasted, and eaten with great satisfaction. On 22d August they reached the entrance of the Slave Lake, after which their progress homeward presented no feature of interest, and on 12th September they arrived in safety at Fort Chepewyan, after an absence of one hundred and two days. The importance of this journey must be apparent, on considering it in con- nection with the expedition of Hearne. Both travellers had succeeded in reaching the shores of an arctic sea ; and it became not only an established fact that there was an ocean of great extent in the north of America, but it was rendered extremely probable that this sea formed its continuous boundary. Mackenzie concluded his first journey in September 1789, and about three years afterwards undertook a second expe- dition, which proved still more difficult and hazardous, and equally important and satisfactory in its results. His object was to ascend the Peace River, which rises in the Rocky Mountains, and crossing these, to penetrate to that unknown river which in his former journey had been the subject of his unwearied inquiry. This he conjectured must com- municate with the sea ; and, pursuing its course, he hoped to reach the shores of the Pacific. Setting out accordingly on 10th October 1792, he pushed on to the remotest Euro- pean settlement, where he spent the winter in a traffic for furs with the Beaver and Rocky Indians. Having despatched six canoes to Fort Chepewyan with the cargo he had collected, he engaged hunters and interpreters, and launched the canoe in which he had determined to prose- cute his discoveries. Her dimensions were twenty-five feet long within, exclusive of the curves of stem and stern, twenty- six inches hold, and four feet nine inches beam. She was at the same time so light, that two men could carry her three or four miles without resting. In this 1792.] Mackenzie's second journey. 159 slender vessel they not only stowed away their provisions, presents, arms, ammunition, and baggage, to the weight of three thousand pounds, but found room for seven Europeans, two Indians, and the leader himself. On embarking, the winter interpreter left in charge of the fort eould not refrain from tears when he anticipated the dangers they were about to encounter, whilst they themselves fervently offered up their prayers to Almighty God for a safe return. The commencement of their voyage was propitious ; and under a serene sky, with a keen but healthy air, the bark glided through some beautiful scenery. On the west side of the river the ground rose in a gently- ascending lawn, broken at intervals by abrupt precipices, and extending in a rich woodland perspective as far as the eye could reach. This magnificent amphitheatre presented groves of poplar in every direction, whose openings were enlivened with herds of elks and buffaloes ; the former choosing the steeps and uplands, the latter preferring the plains. At this time the buffaloes were attended by their young ones, which frisked about, whilst the female elks were great with young. The whole country displayed an exuberant verdure; the trees which bore blossoms were rapidly bursting into flower, and the soft velvet rind of the branches reflected the oblique rays of a rising or a setting sun, imparting a cheerfulness and brilliancy to the scene, which gladdened the heart with the buoyant influences of the season.* "The transition," says Dr. Richardson, " is so sudden from the perfect repose, the deathlike silence of an Arctic winter, to the animated bustle of summer j the trees spread their foliage with such magical rapidity, and every succeeding morning opens with such agreeable accessions of feathered songsters to swell the chorus — their plumage as gay and unimpaired as when * Mackenzie's Travels, pp. 154, 155. 160 GRIZZLY BEARS. [1793. they enlivened the deep green forests of tropical climes — that the return of a northern spring excites in the mind a deep feeling of the beauties of the season, a sense of the bounty and providence of the Supreme Being, which is cheaply purchased by the tedium of nine months of winter. The most verdant lawns and cultivated glades of Europe, the most beautiful productions of art, fail in producing that exhilaration and joyous buoyancy of mind which we have experienced in treading the wilds of Arctic America, when their snowy covering has been just replaced by an infant but vigorous vegetation. It is impossible for the traveller to refrain, at such moments, from joining his aspirations to the song which every creature around is pouring forth to the Great Creator." After a few days the air became colder, the country more desolate, and the weather was occasionally broken by storms of thunder and lightning. The track of a large grizzly bear was discerned on the banks. The Indians treat this monster of the woods with con- siderably more respect than they do most other animals, owing to his great ferocity, and the readiness with which he resents an insult, or accepts a challenge. An amusing adventure occurred to Catlin one morning after he had passed the night on the banks of the Missouri. " In the morning," says he, " before sunrise, as usual, Bogard (who was a Yankee, and a wide-awake fellow, just retiring from a ten years' siege of hunting and trapping in the Rocky Mountains) thrust his head out from under the robe, rubbed his eyes open, and exclaimed as he grasped for his gun, 1 By darn, look at old Cale, will you I ' Ba'tiste, who was fonder of his dreams, snored away, muttering some- thing that I could not understand, when Bogard seized him with a grip that instantly shook off his iron slumbers. I rose at the same time, and all eyes were turned at once upon Caleb (as the grizzly bear is familiarly called by the 1772.] INDIAN COOKERY. 129 obliged to eat their meat raw, with the enjoyment of no higher luxury than a pipe, they yet pushed forward with unshaken perseverance, and, after a week of great suffer- ing, had the comfort to observe a complete change in the weather, which first became moderate, and soon after so sultry that it was sometimes impossible to move at all. Early on the morning of the 13th July, the expedition crossed a long chain of hills, from the top of which they discerned a branch that joins the Coppermine, about forty miles from its influx into the sea. Here the Indians killed a few fine buck-deer, procured some excellent firewood, and, as it was not certain that so favourable an opportunity would soon occur again, they sat down with appetites sharpened by long privation, spirits raised by the recollec- tion of hardships overcome, and the almost certain prospect of ere long accomplishing the great object of their expedi- tion, to the most cheerful and comfortable meal they had enjoyed for a long period. The reader will be amused with Hearne's description of this delicious repast, and of the mysteries of Indian cookery : — " As such favourable opportunities of indulging the appetite," says he, " happen but seldom, it is a general rule with the Indians, which we did not neglect, to exert every art in dressing their food which the most refined skill in Indian cooking has been able to invent, and which consists chiefly in boiling, broil- ing, and roasting ; but of all the dishes cooked by these people, a becatee, as it is called in their language, is cer- tainly the most delicious (at least for a change) which can be prepared from a deer only, without any other ingredient. It is a kind of Scotch ' haggis,' made with the blood, a good quantity of fat shred small, some of the tenderest of the flesh, together with the heart and lungs, cut, or more commonly torn, into small shivers — all which is put into the stomach and roasted, by being suspended over the fire I 130 THE COPPERMINE RIVER. [1772. by a string. Care must be taken that it does not get too much heat at first, as the bag would thereby be liable to be burnt, and the contents let out. When it is sufficiently done, it will emit a rich steam, in the same manner as a fowl or a joint of meat, which is as much as to say, * Come, eat me now !' and if it be taken in time, before the blood or the contents are too much done, it is certainly a most delicious morsel, even without pepper, salt, or any other seasoning.' 7 * Having regaled themselves in this sumptuous manner, and taken a few hours' rest, they once more set out, and, after a walk of nine or ten miles, at last arrived at the Coppermine. Scarcely had Hearne congratulated himself on reaching the great object of his mission, unpacked his surveying instruments, and prepared to follow its progress to the great Arctic Ocean, when one of those dark and terrible scenes occurred which are so strikingly character- istic of savage life. As soon as Matonabbee and his party gained the banks of the river, three spies were sent out to discover whether any Esquimaux were in the neighbour- hood. After a short absence, they returned with intelli- gence that they had seen five tents, about twelve miles distant, on the west side of the river. All was now warlike preparation : the guns, knives, and spears, were carefully examined; and as they learned that the nature of the ground would render it easy to advance unperceived, it was deter- mined to steal upon their victims in this manner, and put them to death. This plan was executed with the most savage exactness ; and nothing could present a more dread- ful view of human nature in its unenlightened state, than the perfect unanimity of purpose which pervaded the whole body of Indians upon this horrid occasion, although at other times they were in no respect amenable to discipline. * Hearne's Journey, p. 144. 1772.] ATTACK ON THE ESQUIMAUX. 131 Each man first painted his target, some with a represen- tation of the sun, others of the moon, and several with the pictures of beasts and birds of prey, or of imaginary beings, which they affirmed to be the inhabitants of the elements, upon whose assistance they relied for success in their enter- prise. They then moved with the utmost stealth in the direc- tion of the tents, taking care not to cross any of the hills which concealed their approach. It was a miserable circum- stance that these poor creatures had taken up their abode in such ground that their enemies, without being observed, formed an ambuscade not two hundred yards distant, and lay for some time watching the motions of the Esquimaux, as if marking their victims. Here the last preparations for the attack were made: The Indians tied up their long black hair in a knot behind, lest it should be blown in their eyes ; painted their faces black and red, which gave them a hideous aspect ; deliberately tucked up the sleeves of their jackets close under the armpits, and pulled off their stockings ; whilst some, still more eager to render them- selves light for running, threw off their jackets, and stood with their weapons in their hands quite naked, except their breech-clothes and shoes. By the time all were ready it was near one o'clock in the morning ; when, finding the Esquimaux quiet, they rushed from their concealment. In an instant, roused by the shouts of the savages, the unfor- tunate wretches, men, women, and children, ran naked out of the tents, and attempted to escape ; but the Indians had surrounded them on the land side, and as none dared to leap into the river, all were murdered in cold blood; whilst Hearne, whom a regard for his personal safety had com- pelled to accompany the party, stood a short way off rooted to the ground in horror and agony. " The shrieks and groans of the poor expiring wretches," says he, in his striking account of this dreadful episode in 132 DREADFUL MASSACRE. [1772. savage life, " were truly distressing ; and my horror was much increased at seeing a young girl, about eighteen years of age, killed so near me that when the first spear was struck into her side she fell down at my feet and twisted round my legs, so that it was with difficulty that I could disengage myself from her dying grasp. As two Indian men pur- sued this unfortunate victim, I solicited very hard for her life ; but the murderers made no reply till they had stuck both their spears through her body, and transfixed her to the ground. They then looked me sternly in the face, and began to ridicule me by asking if I wanted an Esquimaux wife, whilst they paid not the smallest regard to the shrieks and agony of the poor wretch, who was turning round their spears like an eel. Indeed, after receiving from them much abusive language on the occasion, I was at length obliged to desire that they would be more expeditious in despatch- ing their victim out of her misery, otherwise I should be obliged out of pity to assist in the friendly office of putting an end to the existence of a fellow- creature who was so cruelly wounded. On this request being made, one of the Indians hastily drew his spear from ihe place where it was at first lodged, and pierced it through her breast near the heart. The love of life, however, even in this most miser- able state, was so predominant, that though this might be justly called the most merciful act which could be done for the poor creature, it seemed to be unwelcome ; for, though much exhausted by pain and loss of blood, she made several efforts to ward off the friendly blow. My situation and the terror of my mind at beholding this butchery cannot easily be conceived, much less described. Though I summoned all the fortitude I was master of on the occasion, it was with difficulty that I could refrain from tears ; and I am confi- dent that my features must have feelingly expressed how sincerely I was affected at the barbarous scene I then wit- 1772.] COPPER MINES. 133 nessed. Even at this hour I cannot reflect on the transac- tions of that horrid day without shedding tears." * After making an accurate survey of the river till its junction with the sea, Hearne proceeded to one of the copper mines, which he found scarcely to deserve the name, it being nothing more than a chaotic mass of rocks and gravel, rent by an earthquake, or some other convulsion, into numerous fissures, through one of which flowed a small river. Although the Indians had talked in magnificent terms of this mine, after a search of four hours a solitary piece of ore was all that could be discovered ; and instead of pointing out the hills entirely composed of copper, and the quantities of rich ore with which they had affirmed it would be easy to freight a large vessel, they now told a ridiculous story of some insults offered to the goddess of the mine, who in revenge declared that she would sit upon it till she and it sunk together into the earth. In consequence of this threat, they next year found her sunk up to the waist, and the quantity of copper much decreased, whilst the fol- lowing summer she had entirely disappeared, and the whole mine along with her. In reaching the sea, Hearne had accomplished the great object of his journey, and his homeward route did not vary materially from his course to the Arctic Ocean. On 31st July they arrived at the place where the Indians had left their families, and on 9th August resumed their course to the south-west ; travelling, with frequent intervals of rest, till, on 24th November, they reached the northern shore of the great Athabasca Lake. In this latitude, at this season, the sun's course formed an extremely small segment of a circle above the horizon, scarcely rising half-way up the trees; but the brilliancy of the stars, and the vivid and * Hearne's Journey, pp. 154, 155. 134 BUFFALO HUNTING [1772. beautiful light emitted by the aurora borealis, even without the aid of the moon, amply compensated for the want of the sun, so that at midnight Hcarne could see to read very small print. In the deep stillness of the night, also, these northern meteors were distinctly heard to make a rushing and crackling noise, like the waving of a large flag in a fresh gale of wind.* According to the information of the natives, the Athabasca Lake is nearly one hundred and twenty leagues long from east to west, and twenty wide from north to south. It was beautifully studded with islands, covered with tall poplars, birch, and pines, which were plentifully stocked with deer, and abounded with pike, trout, and barbie, besides the species known by the Indians under the names of tittameg, methy, and shees. The country through which they had hitherto travelled had been extremely barren and hilly, covered with stunted firs and dwarf willows ; but it now subsided into a fine plain, occasionally varied with tall woods, and well stocked with buffalo and moose-deer. The party spent some days with much pleasure in hunting ; and as the flesh of the younger buffaloes was delicious, their exhausted stock of provisions was seasonably supplied. The bison or buffalo is, in appearance, one of the most terrific animals in America, and perhaps in the whole world. It roams the boundless prairies in immense herds, and its flesh forms the principal food of the Indian tribes who dwell there; while its hide, covered with long shaggy hair, supplies them with bedding and raiment. It is hunted on foot, but more frequently on horseback, and a more exciting species of chase can scarcely be imagined. Cat- lin, who spent several years among the Indians at the head- waters of the Missouri, gives many animated accounts * Hearne's Journey, p. 224. ss^i ■ .'La *£ ^ . tipper. BUFFALO-HUNTING. The Bison or Buffalo is, in appearance, one of the most terrific animals in Amercia, and perhaps in the whole world. . . . It is hunted on foot, but more frequently on horseback ; and a more exciting species ot chase can scarcely be imagined. — Page 134. 1772.] IN THE PRAIRIES. 135 of his rencontres with the buffalo. The following sketch of a hunting excursion made by him, with several gentle- men and Indians belonging to a trading company in these regions, will show how these huge monsters are destroyed, and what risks are encountered by those who destroy them : — " As we were mounted," says he, " and ready to start, M'Kenzie called up some four or five of his men, and told them to follow immediately on our trail, with as many one- horse carts, which they were to harness up, to bring home the meat : ' Ferry them across the river in the scow,' said he, ' and, following our trail through the bottom, you will find us on the plain yonder, between the Yellowstone and the Missouri Rivers, with meat enough to load you home.' * w * We all crossed the river, and galloped away a couple of miles or so, when we mounted the bluff; and, to be sure, as was said, there was in full view of us a fine herd of some four or five hundred buffaloes, perfectly at rest, and in their own estimation (probably) perfectly secure. Some were grazing, and others were lying down and sleeping. We advanced within a mile or so of them in full view, and then came to a halt. Mons. Chardon ' tossed the feather ' (a custom always observed, to try the course of the wind), and we commenced ' stripping,' as it is termed (i. e., every man strips himself and his horse of every extraneous and unnecessary appendage of dress, &c, that might be an incumbrance in running) : hats are laid off, and coats, and bullet-pouches ; sleeves are rolled up, a handkerchief tied tightly round the head, and another round the waist ; car- tridges are prepared, and placed in the waistcoat pocket, or half-a-dozen bullets ' thro wed into the mouth,' &c. ; all of which takes up some ten or fifteen minutes, and is not, in appearance or in effect, unlike a council of war. Our leader lays the whole plan of the chase ; and, preliminaries 336 BUFFALO HUNTING [1772. being fixed, guns charged, and ramrods in our hands, we mount and start for the onset. The horses are all trained for this business, and seem to enter into it with as much enthusiasm, and with as restless a spirit, as the riders themselves. While ' stripping' and mounting, they exhibit the most restless impatience ; and when ' approaching' (which is all of us abreast, at a slow walk, and in a straight line towards the herd, until they discover us and run), they all seem to have caught entirely the spirit of the chase, for the laziest nag among them prances with an elasticity in his step — champing his bit, his ears erect, his eyes strained out of his head, and fixed upon the game before him, whilst he trembles under the saddle of his rider. In this way we carefully and silently marched, until within some forty or fifty rods, when the herd discovering us, wheeled and laid their course in a mass. At this instant we all started (and all must start, for no one could check the fury of those steeds at that moment of excitement), and away we sailed, and over the prairie flew, in a cloud of dust which was raised by their trampling hoofs. M'Kenzie was foremost in the throng, and soon dashed off amidst the dust, and was out of sight — he was after the fattest and fastest. I had discovered a huge bull, whose shoulders towered above the whole band, and I picked my way through the crowd to make my way alongside of him. I went not for ' meat,' but for a trophy : I wanted his head and horns. I dashed along through the thundering mass, as they swept away over the plain, scarcely able to tell whether I was on a buffalo's back or on my horse — -hit, hooked, and jostled about, till at length I found myself alongside of my game, when I gave him a shot as I passed him. I saw guns flash in several directions about me, but I heard them not. Amidst the trampling throng, Mons. Chardon had wounded a stately bull, and at this moment was passing him again, 1772.] IN THE PRAIRIES. 137 with his piece levelled for another shot ; they were both at full speed — and I also — within the reach of the muzzle of my gun, when the bull instantly turned, receiving the horse upon his horns, and the ground received poor Char- don, who made a frog's leap of some twenty feet or more over the bull's back, and almost under my horse's heels. I wheeled my horse as soon as possible, and rode back to where Chardon lay, gasping to start his breath again; and, within a few paces of him, his huge victim, with his heels high in the air, and his horse lying across him. I dismounted instantly ; but Chardon was raising himself on his hands, with his eyes and mouth full of dirt, and feeling for his gun, which lay about thirty feet in advance of him!"* Dr. Richardson relates an anecdote which illustrates the danger sometimes encountered in hunting the buffalo on foot : " While I resided at Carlton House," says he, " Mr. Finnan M 'Donald, one of the Hudson's Bay Company's clerks, was descending the Saskatchewan in a boat, and one evening, having pitched his tent for the night, he went out in the dusk to look for game. It had become nearly dark, when he fired at a bison-bull, which was galloping over a small eminence ; and as he was hastening forward to see if his shot had taken effect, the wounded beast made a rush at him. He had presence of mind to seize the animal by the long hair on its forehead, as it struck him on the side with its horn ; and being a remarkably tall and powerful man, a struggle ensued, which continued until his wrist was severely sprained, and his arm rendered powerless. He then fell, and after receiving two or three blows, became senseless. Shortly after, he was found by his companions tying bathed in blood, being gored in * Catl in's North American Indians, vol. i. pp. 25, 26. 138 EXTRAORDINARY STORY [1772. several places; and the bison was couched beside him, apparently waiting to renew the attack had he shown any signs of life. Mr. M 'Donald recovered from the immediate effects of the injuries he had received, but died a few months afterwards."* In one of their excursions an incident occurred strikingly characteristic of savage life. Hearne and his party came suddenly on the track of a strange snow-shoe, and follow- ing it to a wild part of the country, remote from any human habitation, they discovered a hut, in which a young Indian woman was sitting alone. She had lived for the last eight moons in absolute solitude, and recounted with affecting simplicity the circumstances by which she had been driven from her own people. She belonged, she said, to the tribe of the Dog- ribbed Indians, and in an inroad of the Atha- basca nation, in the summer of 1770, had been taken pri- soner. The savages, according to their invariable practice, stole upon the tents in the night, and murdered before her face her father, mother, and husband, whilst she and three other young women were reserved from the slaughter, and made captive. Her child, four or five months old, she contrived to carry with her, concealed among some cloth- ing; but on arriving at the place where the party had left their wives, her precious bundle was examined by the Athabasca women, one of whom tore the infant from its mother, and killed it on the spot. In Europe, an act so inhuman would, in all probability, have been instantly fol- lowed by the insanity of the parent; but in North America, though maternal affection is equally intense, the nerves are more sternly strung. So horrid a cruelty, however, deter- mined her, though the man whose property she had become was kind and careful of her, to take the first opportunity of * Fauna Boreali Americana, vol. i., p. 281. 1772.] OF AN INDIAN WOMAN. 139 escaping, with the intention of returning to her own nation; but the great distance, and the numerous winding rivers and creeks she had to pass, caused her to lose the way, and winter coming on, she had built a hut in this secluded spot. When discovered, she was in good health, well fed, and, in the opinion of Hearne, one of the finest Indian women he had ever seen. Five or six inches of hoop made into a knife, and the iron shank of an arrow-head which served as an awl, were the only implements she possessed; and with these she made snow-shoes and other useful articles. For subsistence she snared partridges, rabbits, and squirrels, and had killed two or three beavers and some porcupines. After the few deer- sinews she had brought with her were expended in making snares and sewing her clothing, she supplied their place with the sinews of rab- bits' legs, which she twisted together with great dexterity. Thus occupied, she not only became reconciled to her deso- late situation, but had found time to amuse herself by manufacturing little pieces of personal ornament. Her clothing was formed of rabbit-skins sewed together; the materials, though rude, being tastefully disposed, so as to make her garb assume a pleasing though desert-bred appearance. The singular circumstances under which she was found, her beauty and useful accomplishments, occa- sioned a contest among the Indians, as to who should have her for a wife; and the matter being decided, she accom- panied them in their journey. On 1 st March they left the level country of the Athabascas, and approached the stony hills bounding the territories of the Northern Indians, tra- versing which they arrived in safety at Prince of Wales' Fort on the 29th of June 1772, having been absent eighteen months and twenty-three days. The journey of Hearne must be regarded as forming an important era in the geography of America. For some 140 NORTH-WEST FUR COMPANY. [1772. time it had been supposed that this vast continent extended in an almost unbroken mass towards the Pole; and we find it thus depicted in the maps of that period. The cir- cumstance of Hearne having reached the shore of the great Arctic Ocean at once demonstrated the fallacy of all such ideas. It threw a new and clear light upon the structure of this portion of the globe, and resting upon the results thus distinctly ascertained, the human mind, indefatigable in the pursuit of knowledge, started forward in a career of still more enlarged and interesting discovery.* Whilst the Hudson's Bay Company, by the mission of Mr. Hearne, vindicated their character from the charge of indifference to the cause of geographical discovery, another institution had arisen, under the title of the North-West Fur Company, which, though it did not rest on a royal charter, and had experienced in its earliest exertions many severe reverses, at last arrived, by the intelligence and perseverance of its partners and servants, at a degree of prosperity which surpassed the chartered companies of France and England. In the counting-house of Mr. Gre- gory, a partner of this company, was bred a native of Inverness, named Alexander Mackenzie. In conducting the practical details of the fur trade, he had been settled at an early period of life in the country to the north-west of Lake Superior, and became animated with the ambition of penetrating across the continent. For this undertaking he was eminently qualified; possessing an inquisitive and en- terprising mind with a strong frame of body, and combin- ing the fervid and excursive genius which has been said to characterize the Scots in general, with that more cautious and enduring temperament which belongs to the northern Highlander. * Murray's Discoveries and Travels in North America, vol. ii. p. 149. 1789.] SIR ALEXANDER MACKENZIE. 141 On 3d June 1789, Mackenzie set out from Fort Che- pewyan, at the head of the Athabasca Lake, a station nearly central between Hudson's Bay and the Pacific. He had resided here for eight years, and was familiar with the difficulties of the journey, as well as aware of the most likely methods of surmounting them. He took with him four canoes. In the first he embarked with a German and four Canadians, two of the latter being accompanied by their wives. A Northern Indian, called the English Chief, who had been a follower of Matonabbee, the guide of Mr. Hearne, occupied the second, with his two wives. The third was paddled by two stout young Indians, who acted in the double capacity of hunters and interpreters ; whilst the fourth was laden with provisions, clothing, ammunition, and various articles intended as presents for the Indians. This last canoe was committed to the charge of Mr. le Roux, one of the company's clerks. On 4th June the party reached the Slave River, which connects the Athabasca and Slave Lakes, in a course of about one hundred and seventy miles ; and on the 9 th of the same month they arrived at the Slave Lake, without experi- encing any other inconveniences than those arising from the attacks of the mosquitoes during the heat of the dsiy, and the extreme cold in the morning and evening. In the river were frequent rapids, which obliged them to land and transport their canoes and luggage over the carrying-places — a toil- some process, but attended with no danger, as the path had been cleared by the Indians trading with the company. The banks were covered with various kinds of trees ; but owing to its inferior level and its rich black soil, the western side was more thickly wooded than the other. On the eastern bank, composed of a yellow clay mixed with gravel, the trees were smaller, but in full leaf, though the ground was not thawed above fourteen inches in depth. At a little 142 BEAVER HOUSES. [1789. distance from the river were extensive plains frequented by herds of buffaloes ; the woods bordering its sides were tenanted by moose and rein-deer; and numerous colonies of beavers built their habitations on the small streams which fed the lake. The situation of beaver-houses is found to be various. When the animals are numerous, they inhabit lakes, ponds, and rivers, as well as those narrow creeks which connect the lakes together. Generally, however, they prefer flow- ing waters, probably on account of the advantages presented by the current in transporting the materials of their dwell- ings. They also prefer deepish water, no doubt because it affords a better protection from the frost. It is when they build in small creeks or rivers, the waters of which are liable to dry or be drained off, that they manifest that beautiful instinct with which Providence has gifted them — the formation of dams. These differ in shape, according to their particular localities. When the water has little motion, the dam is almost straight ; when the current is considerable, it is curved, with its convexity towards the stream. The materials made use of are drift-wood, green willows, birch, and poplars; also mud and stones inter- mixed in such a manner as must evidently contribute to the strength of the dam ; but there is no particular method observed except that the work is carried on with a regular sweep, and all the parts are made of equal strength. " In places," says Hearne, " which have been long frequented by beavers undisturbed, their dams, by frequent repairing, become a solid bank, capable of resisting a great force both of ice and water ; and as the willow, poplar, and birch, generally take root and shoot up, they by degrees form a kind of regular planted hedge, which I have seen in some places so tall, that birds have built their nests among the branches." 1789.] BEAVER HOUSES. 143 The beaver-houses are built of the same materials as the dams, and seldom contain more than four old, and six or eight young ones. There is little order or regularity in their structure. It frequently happens that some of the larger houses are found to have one or more partitions, but these are only parts of the main building left by the sagacity of the beavers to support the roof; and the apart- ments, as some are pleased to consider them, have usually no communication with each other, except by water. Those travellers who assert that the beavers have two doors to their dwellings, one on the land side, and the other next the water, manifest, according to Hearne, even a greater ignorance of the habits of these animals, than those who assign to them an elegant suite of apartments — for such a construction would render their houses of little use, either as a protection from their enemies, or as a covering from the winter's cold. It is not true that beavers drive stakes into the ground when building their houses ; they lay the pieces crosswise and horizontal ; neither is it true that the wood- work is first finished and then plastered ; for both houses and dams consist from the foundation of a mingled mass of mud and wood, mixed with stones when these can be procured. They carry the mud and stones between their fore- paws, and the wood in their mouths. They always work in the night, and with great expedition. They cover their houses late every autumn with fresh mud, which freezes when the frosts set in, and becomes almost as hard and solid as stone ; and thus neither wolves nor wolverenes can disturb their repose. When walking over their work, and especially when about to plunge into the water, they sometimes give a peculiar flap with their tails, which has no doubt occasioned the errone- ous belief that they use these organs exactly as a mason uses his trowel. Now, a tame beaver will flap by the fireside, 144 TAME BEAVERS. [1789. where there is nothing but dust and ashes ; and it therefore only uses the trowel in common with the water- wagtail ; in other words, the quadruped, as well as the bird, is char- acterized by a peculiar motion of its caudal extremity. The food of this animal consists chiefly of the root of the plant called Nuphar luteum, which bears a resemblance to a cabbage- stalk, and grows at the bottom of lakes and rivers. It also gnaws the bark of birch, poplar, and willow trees. In summer, however, a more varied herbage, with the addition of berries, is consumed. When the ice breaks up in the spring, the beavers always leave their houses and rove about until a little before the fall of the leaf, when they return again to their old habitations, and lay in their winter stock of wood. Hearne gives the following account of some tame beavers which belonged to him : — " In cold weather they were kept in my own sitting room, where they were the constant companions of the Indian women and children, and were so fond of their company, that when the Indians were absent for any considerable time, the beavers discovered great signs of uneasiness, and on their return showed equal marks of pleasure, by fondling on them, crawling into their laps, lying on their backs, sitting erect like a squirrel, and behaving like children who see their parents but seldom. In general, during the winter, they lived on the same food as the women did, and were remark- ably fond of rice and plum-pudding ; they would eat part- ridges and fresh vension very freely, but I never tried them with fish, though I have heard they will at times prey on them. In fact, there are few graminivorous animals that may not be brought to be carnivorous." The lake was covered with ice, which had not given way except in a small strip round the shore, where the depth, nowhere exceeding three feet, was scarcely sufficient to float the canoes. Though now the 9th of June, there 1793.] GRIZZLY BEARS. 161 trappers in the Rocky Mountains — or more often ' Calc,' for brevity's sake). She was sitting up in the dignity and fury of her sex, within a few rods, and gazing upon us, with her two little cubs at her side ! Here was a fix, and a subject for the painter ; but I had no time to sketch it. I turned my eyes to the canoe, which had been fastened to the shore a few paces from us, and saw that everything had been pawed out of it, and all eatables had been without ceremony devoured. My packages of dresses and Indian curiosities had been drawn out upon the banks, and de- liberately opened and inspected. Everything had been scraped and pawed out to the bottom of the canoe ; and even the raw-hide thong with which it was tied to a stake, had been chewed, and, no doubt, swallowed, as there was no trace of it remaining. Nor was this peep into the secrets of our luggage enough for her insatiable curiosity : we saw by the prints of her huge paws that were left in the ground, that she had been perambulating our humble mat- tresses, smelling at our toes and noses, without choosing to molest us — verifying a trite saying of the country, ' that man lying down is medicine (i. e., mystery) to the grizzly bear,' though it is a well-known fact that man and beast, upon their feet, are sure to be attacked when they cross the path of this monster, which is the terror of all the country, often growing to the enormous size of eight hundred or one thousand pounds. Whilst we sat in the dilemma which I have just described, each one was hastily preparing his weapons for defence, when I proposed the mode of attack ; by which means I was in hopes to destroy her, capture the young ones, and bring her skin home as a trophy. My plans, however, entirely failed, though we were well armed; for Bogard and Ba'tiste both remonstrated with a vehe- mence that was irresistible, saying that the standing rule in the mountains was ' never to fight Caleb except in self- L 162 THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS. [1793. defence.' I was almost induced, however, to attack her alone, with my rifle in hand and a pair of heavy pistols, and a tomahawk and scalping-knife in my belt, when Ba'tiste suddenly thrust his arm over my shoulder, and, pointing in another direction, exclaimed in an emphatic tone, ' voila ! voila ! un corps de reserve, Monsr. Cataline, voila sa mari ! ' to which Bogard added, ' These darned animals are too much for us, we had better be off! ' at which my courage cooled, and we packed up and re- embarked as fast as possible, giving each one of them the contents ot our rifles as we drifted off in the current."* From this time till the 21st of May, the passage was attended with difficulties that would have disheartened a less energetic leader. The river being broken by frequent cascades and dangerous rapids, it was necessary to carry the canoe and luggage till they could resume their voyage in safety. On their nearer approach to the Rocky Moun- tains, the stream, hemmed in between stupendous rocks, presented a continuance of frightful torrents and imprac- ticable cataracts. The dangers to which they had already been exposed had greatly disheartened the men, and they began to murmur audibly, so that no alternative was left but to return. Indeed, there was some reason for this irresolution : by water farther progress was impossible, and they could only advance over a mountain whose sides were broken by sharp jagged rocks, and thickly covered with wood. Mackenzie despatched a reconnoitring party, with orders to ascend the mountain, and proceed in a straight course from its summit, keeping the line of the river till they ascertained that it was navigable. During their absence his people repaired the canoe, whilst he took an altitude which ascertained the latitude to be 56° 8'. At * Catlin's North American Indians, vol. i. pp. 71, 72. 1793.] PERILS OF THE JOURNEY. 163 sunset the scouts returned by different routes. They had penetrated through thick woods, ascended hills, and dived into valleys till they got beyond the rapids, and agreed, that though the difficulties to be encountered by land were alarming, it was their only course. Unpromising as the task appeared, their spirits had risen, and their murmurs were forgotten ; so that a kettle of wild rice sweetened with sugar, with the usual evening regale of rum, renewed their courage; and after a night's rest, they proceeded at break of day on their laborious journey. In the first place, the men cut a road up the mountain where the trees were smallest, felling some in such a manner as to make them fall parallel to the road without separating them entirely from the stumps, in this way forming a kind of railing on either side. The baggage and the canoe were then brought from the water-side to the encampment — an undertaking exceedingly perilous, as a single false step must have been followed by immersion into the river, which flowed here with furious rapidity. Having accomplished this labour, the party breathed a little, and then ascended the mountain with the canoe, having the line or rope by which it was drawn up doubled, and fastened successively to the stumps left for this purpose, whilst a man at the end hauled it round a tree, holding it on, and shifting it as they advanced. In this manner the canoe was warped up the steep ; and by two in the afternoon everything had been carried to the summit. Men were then despatched to cut the road onwards ; and the incessant labour of another day could only penetrate about three miles, whilst mountains much more elevated raised their snowy summits around in every direction. These, however, were at a distance; and another day's exertion brought them through a wood of tall pines to the banks of the river above the rapids. Before again embarking, Mackenzie left 164 THE VOYAGE RESUMED. [1793. attached to a pole a knife, a steel, flint, beads, and other trifles, as a token of amity to the natives ; and one of his Indians added a small round stick of green wood, chewed at one end in the form of a brush, used to pick marrow out of bones — an instrument which he explained to be intended as an emblem to the people of a country abounding in animals.* They now resumed their voyage, enclosed on all sides by mountains whose summits were covered with snow, and one of which to the south rose to a majestic height. The air became chill ; the water, through which they frequently waded towing or pushing their bark, was intensely cold ; and on 31st May they reached a point minutely described to them before setting out by an old Indian warrior. Here the river separated into two streams, one running west- north-west, and the other south- south-east. The first of these they had been warned to avoid, as it soon lost itself in various smaller currents among the mountains ; and the steersman accordingly proceeded into the eastern branch, which, though not so broad as the other, was far more rapid. The course of their journey now led them through many populous beaver settlements. In some places these animals had cut down several acres of large poplars; and they saw multitudes busy from sunrise to sunset erecting houses, procuring food, superintending their dykes, and going diligently through all the labours of their little com- monwealth. Perceiving soon after a smoke in the forest which lined the banks, and hearing the sounds of human voices in great confusion, they became aware that they were near an Indian encampment, from which the inhabit- ants were retreating. Accordingly, on approaching the shore, two ferocious-looking men sprung from the woods, * Mackenzie, p. 181. 1793.] DESPONDENCY. 165 and took their station on a rising ground, brandishing their spears with loud vociferations. A few words of explana- tion from the interpreter, and some presents, pacified them, and Mackenzie made anxious inquiries regarding the nature of the country, and the great river which formed the object of his search. To his mortification, he found that they were unacquainted with any river to the west- ward; they had just arrived over a carrying- place of eleven days from another stream, which was nothing else than a large branch of the one the expedition was then navigating. Their iron, they said, was procured in ex- change for beaver and dress moose- skins from the people there, who travelled during a moon to the country of other tribes living in houses, and these in their turn extended their journeys to the ocean, or, to use their disparaging epithet, the Great Stinking Lake, where they traded with white people, who came in canoes as large as islands. Their knowledge of the country, however, appeared so vague, that all hope of procuring a guide was vain, and the heart of the traveller sunk within him as he felt that his favourite project was on the point of being utterly dis- concerted. Amidst this despondency, a faint hope remained that the natives, under the influence of suspicion, timidity, or from imperfectly understanding the interpreter, had not com- municated all they knew; and after a night sleepless from anxiety, the traveller rose with the sun to repeat his in- quiries. At first nothing satisfactory could be elicited; but suddenly Mackenzie, who stood beside the interpreters, understood, from the few words he knew of their language, that one person mentioned a great river, whilst he pointed significantly to that which lay before them. On a strict inquiry, the interpreter, who had been tired of the voyage, and of whose fidelity some suspicion was entertained, ac- 166 MANNERS OF THE INDIANS. [1793. knowledged that the Indian spoke of a large river whose course was towards the mid-day sun, a branch of which flowed near the source of the stream they were now navi- gating. This branch, he added, it would not be difficult to reach, there being only three small lakes and as many carrying-places on the way to it; but he also insisted that the great river did not discharge itself into the sea* This last assertion was imputed to his ignorance of the country, whilst a rude map, which he delineated with a piece of coal on a strip of bark, convinced them that his information, so far as it went, was to be relied on. A new ray of hope now arose; and having induced an Indian to go forward as a guide to the borders of the small lakes, Mackenzie resumed his journey on 10th June, promising, if successful in his object, to revisit these friendly Indians in two moons. These people were of low stature and meagre frame, owing probably to the difficulty of procuring subsistence ; round faces, high cheek-bones, black hair hanging in elf- locks over their shoulders, and a swarthy yellow complexion, combined to give them a forbidding aspect ; whilst their garments of beaver, rein- deer, and ground-hog skins, dressed with the hair outside, having the tail of this last animal hanging down the back, might, when seen at a distance, occasion some doubt whether they belonged to the human race. Their women were extremely ugly, lustier and taller than the men, but much inferior in cleanliness. Their warlike weapons were cedar bows, six feet long, with a short iron spike at one end, so that they might also be used as spears. The arrows were barbed with iron, flint, stone, or bone, from two to two feet and a half long, and feathered with great neatness. They had two kinds of * Mackenzie, pp. 203, 204. 1793.] CANOE WRECKED. 167 spears, both double-edged, of well -polished iron, and with shafts from eight to six feet long. Their knives were of iron worked by themselves, and their axes resembled a carpenter's adze. They used snares of green skin, nets, and fishing-lines of willow-bark, hooks of small bones, and kettles of watape so closely woven as not to leak. Besides these they had various dishes of wood and bark, horn and wooden spoons and buckets, and leathern and net-work bags. Their canoes, of spruce-bark, calculated to hold from two to five persons, were propelled by paddles six feet long, with the blade shaped like a heart.* Pursuing their journey under the direction of the new guide, they reached a small lake in latitude 54° 24', which Mackenzie considered as the highest or southernmost source of the Ungigah, or Peace River. They passed two other lakes, and again entered the river, the navigation of which, from its rapidity and the trees and rocks in its channel, now became dangerous. The canoe struck on a sharp rock, which shattered the stern, and drove her to the other side, where the bow met the same fate. To complete the disaster, she passed at this moment over a cascade, which broke several holes in her bottom, and reduced her to a complete wreck, lying flat upon the water. All hands now lumped out, and clinging desperately to the sides, were hurried several hundred yards through a foaming torrent beset with sharp rocks, upon which they were every instant in danger of being dashed to pieces. Being carried, how- ever, into shallow water, where the canoe rested on the stones, they were relieved from their perilous situation by their companions on shore. After this escape, a consultation was held regarding their future proceedings. Benumbed with cold, and intimidated * Mackenzie's Travels, pp. 205, 206. 168 MACKENZIE REACHES THE GREAT RIVER. [1793. by their recent dangers, the Indians proposed an immediate return ; but the remonstrances of their leader, enforced by the usual arguments of a hearty meal and an allowance of rum, banished their fears. It was next proposed to aban- don the wreck, to carry the baggage to the river, which the guide affirmed to be at no great distance, and there to construct a new vessel. But as it was suspected that this representation was not to be relied on, a party was de- spatched to reconnoitre, and brought back a very confused and unpromising account of the country. It was therefore determined to repair the canoe, and proceed as before. For this purpose bark was collected, which, with a few pieces of oil-cloth and plenty of gum, restored their shattered boat to something like a sea- worthy condition. Her frail state, however, rendered it necessary to carry part of the lading on men's shoulders along the banks ; and as a road had to be opened with hatchets, their progress was extremely slow. On 16th June, Mr. Mackay and two Indians were de- spatched with orders to penetrate if possible to the great river in the direction indicated by the guide. They suc- ceeded ; but returned with a discouraging account of the interminable woods and deep morasses which intervened. These gloomy prospects were increased by the desertion of their guide ; but nothing could repress Mackenzie's ardour. Cutting a passage through the woods, carrying the canoe round the rapids and cascades, they held on their slow and toilsome way, till at last, after passing a swamp, in many places wading to mid-thigh, they enjoyed the satisfaction of reaching the bank of the great river, which had been the object of so much anxious expectation and protracted hope.* Embarking anew, they were borne along by a strong * Mackenzie's Travels, p. 228. 1793.] HOSTILITY OF THE NATIVES. ] 69 current, which, slackening after a short time, allowed them to glide gently between banks of high white cliffs, sur- mounted with grotesque and singularly- shaped pinnacles. After some progress, the party were alarmed by a loud whoop from the thick woods ; at the same moment a canoe, guided by a single savage, shot out from the mouth of a small tributary stream, and a number of natives, armed with bows and arrows, appeared on an adjacent rising ground, uttering loud cries, and manifesting by their ges- tures that instant death would be inflicted on any one who landed. Every attempt to conciliate them proved unavail- ing; and a canoe was observed to steal swiftly down the river, with the evident design of communicating the alarm and procuring assistance. At this critical moment the courage and prudence of Mackenzie providentially saved his party. He landed alone, with two pistols stuck in his belt ; having first, however, given orders to one of his Indians to steal into the woods with a couple of guns, and to keep near him in case of attack. " I had not been long/' says he, " in my station on the bank, with my Indian in ambush behind me, when two of the natives came off in a canoe, but stopped when they got within a hundred yards of me. I made signs for them to land, and as an induce- ment displayed looking-glasses, beads, and other alluring trinkets. At length, but with every mark of extreme apprehension, they approached the shore, taking care to turn their canoe stern foremost, and still not venturing to land. I now made them a present of some beads, with which they were going to push off, when I renewed my entreaties, and after some time prevailed on them to come ashore and sit down by me. My Indian hunter now thought it right to join me, and created some alarm in my new acquaintance. It was, however, soon removed, and I had the satisfaction to find that he and these people 170 THEY ARE CONCILIATED BY MACKENZIE. [1793. perfectly understood each other. I instructed him to say everything to them which might tend to soothe their fears and win their confidence. I expressed my wish to con- duct them to our canoe ; but they declined this offer ; and when they observed some of my people coming towards us, they requested me to let them return, and I was so well satisfied with the progress which I had made in my inter- course with them, that I did not hesitate a moment in com- plying with their desire. During their short stay, they observed us, and everything about us, with a mixture of admiration and astonishment. We could plainly perceive that their friends received them with great joy on their return, and that the articles which they carried back with them were examined with a general and eager curiosity. They also appeared to hold a consultation which lasted about a quarter of an hour, and the result was an invita- tion to come over to them, which we cheerfully accepted. Nevertheless, on our landing they betrayed evident signs of confusion, which arose probably from the quickness of our movements, as the prospect of a friendly communica- tion had so cheered the spirits of the people that they paddled across the river with the utmost expedition. The two men who had been with us appeared very naturally to possess the greatest share of courage on the occasion, and were ready to receive us on our landing ; but our demean- our soon dispelled their apprehensions, and the most fami- liar communication took place between us. When I had secured their confidence by the distribution of trinkets among them, and had treated the children with sugar, I instructed my interpreters to collect every necessary infor- mation in their power to afford me."* The intelligence procured from this tribe was discourag- * Mackenzie's Travels, pp. 244, 245. 1793.] AMERICAN COSMOGRAPHY. 171 ing. They stated, indeed, that the river ran towards the raid-day sun, and that at its mouth white people were building houses; but that the navigation was dangerous, and in three places absolutely impassable, owing to the falls and rapids. The nations through whose territories the route lay, they represented as ferocious and malignant, especially their immediate neighbours, who dwelt in sub- terranean houses. Unappalled by this description, Mac- kenzie re-embarked, and he was accompanied by a small canoe, with two persons who consented to act as guides. Coming to a place where some savage-looking people were seen on a high ground, it was thought expedient to land, and an amicable interview took place, which led to im- portant consequences. On explaining the object of the journey, one of the natives, of superior rank and intelligence, drew a sketch of the country on a piece of bark, appealing during his labour to his companions, and accompanying the rude but perfectly intelligible map by details as to their future voyage. He described the river as running to the east of south, receiving in its course many tributary streams, and broken every six or eight leagues by dangerous falls and rapids, six of which were altogether impracticable. The carrying- places he represented as of great length across mountains. He depicted the lands of three tribes in succession, who spoke different languages; and con- cluded by saying that beyond them he knew nothing ot the country, except that it was still a great way to the sea, and that there was a lake of which the natives did not drink.* Whilst the route by water was thus said to be imprac- ticable, they asserted that the road across the country to the ocean was short in comparison, and lay along a valley * Mackenzie's Travels, p. 253. 172 OVERLAND JOURNEY. [1793. free from wood, and frequently travelled. Other consi- derations combined to recommend this latter course to Mackenzie : — Only thirty days' provisions were left, and the supply procured by hunting was very precarious. The ammunition was nearly spent; and if the prosecution of the voyage appeared perilous, a return would have been equally so. Under these circumstances, it was resolved to abandon the canoe, and to penetrate overland to the Western Ocean. To arrive at the spot where they were to strike off across the country, it was necessary to return a considerable way up the river — a service of great danger, owing to the shat- tered condition of the boat and the hostile dispositions of the natives, who were apt to change in an instant from the greatest friendliness to unmitigated rage and suspicion. The guides deserted them, and it became absolutely neces- sary to build a new canoe. She proved better than the old one, and they at last reached the point whence they were to start overland. " We carried on our back," says Mac- kenzie, " four bags and a half of pemmican, weighing from eighty-five to ninety-five pounds each, a case with the instruments, a parcel of goods for presents, weighing ninety pounds, and a parcel containing ammunition of the same weight; each of the Canadians had a burden of about ninety pounds, with a gun and ammunition, whilst the Indians had about forty -five pounds' weight of pem- mican, besides their gun — an obligation with which, owing to their having been treated with too much indulgence, they expressed themselves much dissatisfied. My own load and that of Mr. Mackay consisted of twenty-two pounds of pemmican, some rice, sugar, and other small articles, amounting to about seventy pounds, besides our arms and ammunition. The tube of my telescope was also slung across my shoulder; and owing to the low state of our 1793.] FRIENDLY INDIANS. 173 provisions, it was determined that we should content our- selves with two meals a-day."* Thus laden, they struck into the woods, and travelling along a tolerably beaten path, arrived before night at some Indian tents, where they were joined by an elderly man and three other natives. The old man held in his hand a spear of European manufacture, like a Serjeant's halberd, which he stated he had lately received from some people on the sea-coast, to whom it had been given by white men. He added, that those heavily laden did not take more than six days to reach the tribes with whom he and his friends bartered their furs and skins for iron, and that thence it was scarcely two days' march to the sea. He recommended also that, whilst they retired to sleep, two young Indians should be sent forward to warn the different tribes whose territories they were approaching — a precaution which had the best effects. Another pleasing distinction between their present hosts and the other savages whom they had passed soon presented itself. When the weary travellers lay down to rest, the Indians took their station at a little distance, and began a song in a sweet plaintive tone, un- accompanied by any instrument, but with a modulation exceedingly pleasing and solemn, not unlike that of church music. The circumstance may remind the reader of the descriptions of American music given by Mr. Meares and Captain Burney, whom it strikingly corroborates. Having procured two guides, they now proceeded through an open country sprinkled with cypresses, and joined a family of the natives. The father, on hearing their inten- tion of penetrating to the ocean, pointed to one of his wives who was a native of the sea-coast ; her appearance differed from the females they had hitherto seen. She was of low * Mackenzie's Travels, p. 285. 174 THE GUIDES DESERT. [1793 stature, inclined to corpulency, with an oblong face, gray eyes, and a flattish nose. Her garments consisted of a tunic covered with a robe of matted bark, fringed round the bottom with the beautiful fur of the sea-otter. She wore bracelets of brass, copper, and horn, whilst her hair was braided with large blue beads, and her ears and neck adorned with the same. With these people age seemed to be an object of great veneration : they tiamed an old woman by turns upon their backs, who was quite blind and infirm. The country appeared well peopled, and the natives, though at first alarmed, were soon conciliated by the guides. In some places they observed chains of small lakes, the val- leys were verdant and watered with pleasant rivulets, and the scenery varied by groves of cypress and poplar, in which they were surprised to see no animals. The inha- bitants indeed seemed to live exclusively on fish ; and the people of one small settlement containing thirteen families were denominated, in the language of the country, Sloa- cuss-Dinais or Red Fish Men. They were healthy looking, and more provident, cleanly, and comfortable, than the neighbouring tribes. One of Mackenzie's greatest and most frequent perplexi- ties arose out of the sudden fits of caprice and change of purpose which characterize most savages, but none more than the Americans. An example of this now occurred. The guides, upon whose fidelity the success of the expedi- tion mainly depended, were advancing apparently in the most contented and friendly manner, when, in a moment, without uttering a word, they sprang forward, and dis- appeared in the woods, leaving the party, who were utterly unacquainted with the route, in a state bordering on de- spair.* Pushing forward, however, at a hazard, they per- * Mackenzie's Travels, p. 302. 1793.] TERROR OF THE NATIVES. 175 eeived a house situated on a green spot by the edge of a wood, the smoke of which curled above the trees, intimat- ing that it was inhabited. Mackenzie advanced alone, as his party were too much alarmed to second his intrepidity ; and so intent were the inhabitants upon their household labours, that he approached unperceived. Nothing could exceed the terror and confusion occasioned by his sudden appearance. The women and children uttered piercing shrieks, and the only man about the place sprung out of a back-door with the rapidity of a wild-cat, and fled into the woods. Their dismay arose from the belief that they were surprised by enemies, and would be instantly put to death — an atrocity too common among the Indian tribes. The con- duct of the man who had fled was amusing. By degrees he crept sufficiently near to watch the party ; and on ob- serving the kindness with which the women and children were treated, came cautiously within speaking distance. His eyes were still staring in his head. No assurances of the interpreters or the women could persuade him to return ; no beads, knives, or presents of any kind, had the effect of restoring his confidence. 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