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A POLITICAL CONSPIRACY 
 
 OK 
 
 JEFF BAVIS, THE TRAITOR, 
 
 \ \ 
 
 \ AND THE 
 
 COPPERHEAD DEMOCRACY. 
 
 IN THE NOMINATION OF 
 
 George B- M'Clellan for the Nation's Presedential Chair 
 
 UNMASKfcJD ; 
 R 
 
 THE STATESMEN. SOLDIERS AND 
 
 DESP^OTIS M. 
 
 WHERE ALL ARE SLAVES, 
 
 AND 
 
 WHERE ALL WOULD RULE, AND NONE OBEY. 
 
 In Several Sections, of interest to the American Nation, 
 
 By Rev. ISAAC AlXERTON, 
 
 Sometime State Chaplain of a Regiment during the American and British War ot 
 
 1812. 
 
 Their feet shall slide in due time,'^ 
 
 A. A. BTNON & CO. BOOK AND JOB PEINTEKS, 63 VESEY STREET, NEW-YORK. 
 
&5S 
 
 «L5^3^ 
 
 Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1864. by 
 
 REV ISAAC ALLERTON, 
 
 in the Clcrk'e Office of the District Court of the United States, for the Southeru 
 
 District of New York. 
 
THE STATESMEN. SOLDIERS AND CITIZENS' 
 
 SECTION I. 
 THE AGED CHAPLIN'S ADDRESS TO THE READER 
 
 Loyal Americans ; 
 
 We eome before you not as a politician, nor as a religious polemic- 
 We come before you to beg a hearing on a subject, not only of the deep- 
 est interest to us as a partnership in one Federal union of btatcs, but 
 involving, as we verily believe, the existence of our liberties, and 
 the perpetuity of our republic. ^ „ . , ;i + i o„i 
 
 In the treasonable political party theory of "independent loca 
 State rights," as these are characterized by the leaders of rebeUion at 
 the South, and by a disorganizing party claimmg_ to be the orthodox 
 democracy of the North, we have detected an mvadmg, audacious 
 conspiracy, under the mask of " sacred State rights" against the lib- 
 erties of our country : we have dragged it forward into the light ; we 
 have stripped the visor off its face ; and have brought it up to your 
 tribunal for public judgment in case. 
 
 So far as our capacity of reasoning can extend, we pronounce it a 
 treasonable party political invention : a policy mostly of loreigii ori- 
 e-in • foreign in its support, and in its allegiance, and is having abane- 
 ful influence to sunder all that union nationality contemplated m the 
 Constitution left to posterity by our fathers, to annul civii^ lav, to va- 
 cate the Presidential chair, to annihilate Congress, to dissolve our Cab- 
 inet to palsy our military arm ! and to gratify its lust of treasonable 
 ambitivm, it has thrown this glorious republic into a war ot human 
 slaughter. It has waged this war for the extermination of this repub- 
 lican government and the sacred liberties of man. It has compelled 
 its slaves at the South to grasp the hammer of treason and rivet 
 stronger their chains, while its Northern army, foreign and domestic 
 are Iield in veneration for their loyalty to the great bloody counterleit 
 "Stat.-> rio-hts^' theory. Indeed this treasonable dogma aims at uni- 
 versal power over the property, the bodies and souls of all men withm 
 the reach of its disloyal, arbitrary, avaricious arm, and its historj pi 
 fire and blood, and reckless oppression, to annihilate by war, by this 
 
war of barbarism, the last vestige of civil liberty, and to degrade the 
 North Ainerican character in view of the nations, can be nmie other 
 than anarcljy, emboldened and led onward by such despotic champi- 
 ons as Jefferson Duvis, James Buchanan, Vallandigham, Horatio, and 
 also one Mr. Fernando A. Woodemnan, notorious for liis loyally U, tiie 
 chief bloody Despot of a confederacy of traitors. 
 
 ^^'e thi-refore say, that so far as these sons of Belial sliall reach the 
 power which they lust after in this land, they will enact upon freemen 
 and Iree institutions more bloody scenes than tlieNew York July anti- 
 enrollment riots, or the indiscriminate massacre of oui surrendered 
 ])risoners of war. 
 
 It is in view of these impending disorders, which are over at- 
 tendant on anarchy and despotic rule, that makes us feel desir- 
 ous to impress on the mind ot the loyal reader that, of all human 
 institutions. States are of the slowest growth, and re(|uire the deepest 
 root. To be permanent they must be founded in the habits and cus- 
 toms of the people. Like a statue they cannot be brought into exist- 
 ence by edict or decree nor by anarchy Far away from these arbi- 
 trary elements, their laws must be founded in the institutions of social 
 life, and penetrate the business and pure conscientious bosoms of 
 men. 
 
 As a nation we are entering on a new state of free existence, in the 
 very land once the home of our fathers, in the same land now crim- 
 soned by means of anarchy, and from whence thousands of Union mar- 
 tyrs' soldier spirits arc fled npward during this unholy secession war I 
 We say to onr countrymen, yes, in the same land, where the mortal of 
 the conscientiously brave are fallen But then, we should regard the 
 blood of the Union soldier martyr a precious seed; because his dust, 
 even m death's dormitory, has made Federal union soil sacred for all 
 future time. Indeed, the events of the hour are verily now, sugges- 
 tive that, since the inauguration of the American Nation's Executive 
 Chief, in one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, the W(.rk of a cen- 
 tury has already been achieved. "We have w"'atchcd with no ordinary 
 interest, the pregnant events of this national struggle, from th« fall of 
 Sumpter by armed rebellion, to the disgraceful scenes of anarchy in 
 the New York July anti-enrollment riots, and day by day and lnuirby 
 hour, we have beheld a degraded counterfeit " State rights " copper- 
 head army at the North, and their vidsfers, a uniform, bloodv, confed- 
 eracy at the South, receding, until more than half the t(>rritory cov- 
 ered by the rebel flag at the beginning of the war, has fallen into pos 
 sessKjn of the Government, and is covered by the star.'< and stripe.^, the" 
 emblem of liberty now and forever We have beheld armed anarchy 
 spreading her revolutionary "State right" c(mnterfeit bloody ft.lds in 
 * J^''"'tl»'iT' Christian city, and hands stained in human gore tearing 
 the l^in'on banner in a thousand pieces. "\Ve have beJield our quiet 
 citizens fleeing and being pursued before a political party that were 
 determined to rule and never to obey, burning, robbing, and shedding 
 liuman blood. And again we have seen a great city become a quiet 
 home by means of the power of the grape and canister, discharged by 
 Potomac veferan soldiers, that were hurried in multitudes from the 
 war batlh; ll<ld to put down a political party, and a jiarty, too, that 
 were in an alliance of sympathy with the great Southern treason. 
 
We suggest to the reader that we have passed the years of three 
 score and uineteen. During this Latter period we have beheld this 
 Northern arm of the rebellion retreating and shifting from side to 
 side • sometimes professing to be heart and soul Union men, then 
 seeming to be delirious, rattling in the throat and wishing they had 
 never been born : then revived and being comforted at any defeat of 
 our naval and military arm. And again we have seen a statesman, a 
 most eloquent stickler for the State right counterfeit currency become 
 alarmed in view of a fatal epidemic, in the entire army of Northern an- 
 archy, we have beheld that reckless man acting as a physician, feeling 
 the pulse, and speaking kind words of "friendship" to his entire army 
 of desperadoes, assuring every man a remedy by means of his Assist- 
 ant General, when these innocent offending creatures should inimedi- 
 ately become convalescent. , r. , x- .1 r 
 
 It is therefore in view, of the drying up ot the Euphrates ot the ioe 
 to freedom at the South, and withering the sympathizing arm of anai^ 
 chy at the North, of States once degraded being regenerated, and 
 apportioning freedom to every man, we say^ how solemnly important 
 must be the re-election of the sound statesman now at our Republican 
 National helm. But, this requires capacity, devotion, and purpose. 
 It must be done by the people, and not under the dictation of men in 
 sympathy with the great Southern treason. It must be done by in- 
 voking the blessing of Cxod Almighty, upon the approaching National 
 Vay, when freemen shall prove to traitors that they love their country 
 ,s a seat of laws, a mild, wise and happy government, in the very 
 land where repose the mortal of our forefathers. Here our tender in- 
 fancy was reared with care. Here, our innocent children sported. 
 Here our careless youth grew up amid companions and friends. Here 
 our dearest connections were formed, and here our fathers of the ever 
 memorable, glorious Revolution toiled, and groaned, and bled,^ and 
 died, leaving as their legacies for us their children, this entire Union 
 of States, as one sovereign nationality, never to be sundered by 
 
 It is, however, none other but the God of armies who demands pen- 
 itence 'for national wickedness. But the repentance of a nation does 
 not consist in a bare attention to present disorders. It requires us to 
 go back to the times of our revolutionary ancestors, and to examine 
 whether we be now suffering by means of their imperfections. We 
 may flatter ourselves that we are not responsible for any of the errors 
 of our forefathers, but provided we are becoming rich by cherishing 
 their defects, or holding as sacred what they have framed wiiich sanc- 
 tions oT^-oTPssion, we must be a'^coimtable fo^ any oud every vice they 
 have entailed; although the Governor of New York, the doctor of 
 Jefferson Davis, may demand the bowing of every knee to their divid- 
 ing theory of " constitutional rights." 
 
 It is on this account the justice of God threatens to involve us with 
 national punishment. Yes, verily, all the blood shed in this treason- 
 able rebellion shall be required at the hands of its conspirators, and 
 of those in sympathy with anarchy, to aid the great Southern trea- 
 sonable insurrection. 
 
 This should be a dreadful thought, for the Governor of a loyal 
 State. A dreadful thought, to freemen who are to legislate as the 
 
reprcsontatives of a groat republic. A di-cadful thong-ht for our Un- 
 ion statesuK'n, generals, soldiers, and citizens. A dreadful tliouglit 
 for tlie cru'd and the e.varicious who have coninieuced this bloody 
 robelboii. Dreadful thoMirht, thao they must iiiiierit all the punish- 
 ment lir t!io defects ui the fat'nera. rueadud ihought, wiien God 
 shall nii.K in one cup of woo, the sins of the children w ith those of 
 their preilecessors, and cliain to tliis and future g'eneratif)ns the enor- 
 mities of the present and the past 1 Dreadful thought, that this He- 
 public is now shaking from center to circumference, and the petitions 
 of many a Most'S are refused by those; tenderdieartccl disei])les of the 
 meek aiid lowly, who are ])lcased wilii coerced ial)or from tlie defence- 
 less poor, and practice city mob riots to aid the gnMt .Southern rebel- 
 lion. Dreadful thought, that we must rear armies and navies to d(>- 
 fend life, property, the honor of the nation, and moreover that the 
 price of freedom must once more be the blood of our countrymen. 
 Dreadfid thought, that the Southern Confederacy have drawn a bloody, 
 avaricious sword, which refuses to return to its scabbard, and seems 
 desirous that ours, the land of liberty, should be one vast sepulchre. 
 
 \Ve have, in times tliat are passed, listened with a sort of cool in- 
 difference to tlio calamities of Europe, not so much as drcaniing such 
 horrors might be our own. In order to remove them, now they tire 
 come, let us humble ourselves while looking up to the Supreme Ma- 
 jesty who has said "oi what i aslant I shall fpciJc cnnccrni.i'O a nation, 
 to ]>iill dcuv'i and destroy >t, if that nation turn from their evil I ici 1 1 repent 
 of ihe evil J thouf/ht to do unto them." Wc announce to the reader that 
 this is the method which God now proposes as a condition of Ins favor, 
 of the peace of the nation, the perpetuity of our republic, and of the 
 retention of the entire old Federal Union homestead unimpaired. This 
 is the method of Divine Avisdom, proposed to all conflicting parties in 
 this war of bretliren, and which is a method of peace. ^Vclnust \yivt 
 away from the nation '• the evil " which has been the cause of this 
 rebellion, whatever that evil may be. And provided it be cruelty, 
 enthusiasm, or coveteousncss, it must be annihilated : then, and not 
 till then, shall we, as a nation, have the protection of the AlmiglUy. 
 
 We therefore suggest to Preidnit JAacoln., to Governor Symour, to 
 Stdiesm n, to soldie7's, to cdize'S. and also to Southern /'ai/'"'.s pi"ovided 
 slavery be this " evil," put it immediately awiiy. Northern people, 
 consider. Search for the national evil, and provided you fnid t!iat, the 
 Great Jehovah sanctions the rebellion of the South, and the l)loody 
 war which Jeff Davis has commenced against the United States Gov- 
 ernment, because you have no black men in bondage, then let (iov- 
 erufjr Seymour recommend in a extra message, tlic importance ol vv- 
 viviiig an immediate maritime slave trade, and also suggest that no 
 one nnin in the State of New York, or in any State, can be reco.gnized 
 as a sound member of the compromising democracy, who shall here- 
 after grieve the Southern brotherhood by refusing to purchase every 
 man an African, aud thus restore tlie National Union by putting away 
 the evil. 
 
7 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 An Elucidation of Society—the Jlotives Ihat induce mcu to Croate Gcvera'iaen''. — a 
 
 Deliuiliuu oi ;bo three foims of Natioxiul JSoveruignty, nml the inconvoniences 
 of each. 
 
 Loyal Americans : 
 
 It is our purpose, in this department, to define the orig'in of society, 
 and to portray the motives which induce men to create govermnent. 
 
 Each of mankind has wants to be supplied, as dependent creatures 
 one upon the other. He needs the meaus of knowledge, of laws to 
 IDrotect him, of property for his support, of medicines to relieve pain, 
 of aliments to nourish his frail tabernacle, and of clothiug to shelter 
 him against the severity of the changing seasons. It is, hence, simi- 
 lar wants produce the same design. Therefore, different men unite, 
 that the industry of all may suppl}' what may be needful to each. 
 That they may enjoy the blessing they desire, some lixed articles of 
 government must be obeyed. They feci their natural equality. They 
 promise mutually to succour and relieve each other ; to be ever sin- 
 cere, and to utter none other but truth ; to regard the happiness of all 
 above the interest of one, aud that in cases of private and public in- 
 terest, that of the iiuNic shall predominate. 
 
 This is a societ}^ furmed on tiie principles of rectitude, which teaches 
 men their natural equality ; that they arc an origin from the same 
 dust, have the same Creator, and are doomed to the same last end. 
 This is a loyal national rectitude, which teaches all men to be just. 
 That we should render tribute to whom tribute is due ; custom to 
 whom custom, and honor to whom honor is due. That " whatever we 
 would have others do to us, we should do even so to them." This 
 is a rectitude requiring us to be animated with charity to each other ; 
 to regard good men as heirs of the same terrestrial and immortal 
 glory. It requires us not to be compelled, but rather cheerfully to 
 3'ield our private interest for the public good ; to legislate, and hold 
 our war counsels, in the fear of God ; to contend earnestly for the 
 freedom of cvevy being who is an accountable agent at the great 
 tribunal of inflexible justice. 
 
 But then it is inconvenient for the members of a society in a large 
 territory to meet for legislative purposes, nor can ihej, in this man- 
 ner, conveniently give their suffrages. Public bodies regard it as 
 wise and convenient to elect some of their number, to act as legisla- 
 tors, and to clothe these with authority in all matters appertaining to 
 Government. 
 
 The forms of national government ainmig men severally adopted, 
 are, Moitarchy, A R-pubiic i^that is a Uepreseutative Administration,) 
 and Democraci/, which Js a popular Ilcvoiutionary Sovereignty. 
 
 There could bo no objection whatev.-r to either of tiiese forms of na- 
 tional rule, provided moral perfection wore universal. But as history 
 and also experience affii-m the contrary, wo proceed to portray the 
 inconveniences attendant on each of these several fornis of national 
 Government rule ; and 
 
 First. — It is fatal to a nation's felicity, when a monarch thinks him- 
 self clothed with power for his own elevation, and not for the glory of 
 
liis king-dom. When ho adopts arbitrary measures to dispose of the 
 lives and jjioperty of his subjects. When he satiates his thirst for 
 vrn-;vance and ^flury by a waste of liis people in foreign battle fields. 
 When lii- butchers his subjects by heedin<r the advice of a rash coun- 
 sellor, and has no humane eniotinns for the distresses of the widow 
 and the orphan. Yea, when lie wislies all the nei-^-hborin,<;- nations 
 were one h.-ad, that he niig-ht sunder all Governments except his own, 
 with one fatal blow. 
 
 A second form of (Government, denominated a Republic, becomes 
 hurtful when any one of the senntors, representatives, or magistrates, 
 f 'rgettinir that he is an individual member, strives to be at the head 
 of every department of State. When he intrudes into office, by what- 
 ever is too mean to be mentioned before a virtuous peo])le. When he 
 uses his jiower, not from a principle of public regard, but rather 
 for the advancement of his inditical party, or fainily. \\'heu he 
 is so meanly avarici(Mis for gold that he will sell his vot(\ When he 
 is a syiniiathizer with a cruel intestine rebellious faction, forming strat- 
 agems tor the overthrow of the Republic ; and also when he ever 
 makes himself judge in his own cause. 
 
 Moreover, a popular Government, denominated a Democran/, be- 
 comes impaired and hurtful, when intrigue and cabal give eflect to 
 evil counsels ; and when a powerful faction o]:)press the virtuous few. 
 When laws are made and repealed, fnuu principles of levity, other- 
 wise for tlie opprossicm of tlie human kind. When popular liberty de- 
 generates into anarchy and licentiousness. like that of tlie French na- 
 tion, Snith America, Mexico, and the bloody anti-Enrollment Riots, to 
 favor the great Southern Treason, in the city of New York— ever 
 memorable as the anti-war peace party anti-enrollment riots. When a 
 popular revolutionary sovereign people deny freedom and right to 
 ev(My sane being of human origin — we say, when these crimes exist, 
 and are also deemed secured by constitutional law, the enormities of 
 the many become an evil, equally appalling as the tyrainiy of one. 
 
 " The Democratic queftion is, however, in r;ot. no question fur the American 
 State.sraan.and tlie term D tnociat a« fipp'.i.-d here to a political pariv, lias, it the 
 the party i> not arevoliltioiiary party, no incaninL'. t'he Democratic '(piesiion is 
 properly rai^fil. and is impnrta'it only whore there is no j,'Overnment. no civil .society 
 and the question is that of f 'undine' ci^'il -society, and orfranizin<f irovernment: or 
 where there is a qne.nion as to the rio;ht of revoliiiion. tu- ot'overthruNv iug t.y violence 
 an existing; fjovernment, nnd inlrodncinjr a new one. In neither sense is it a le-nii- 
 inate r|iiPsl;on in the United States, for we have a government, and the people irave 
 a consiitiitii) ,al way of uniending our institntions. and Iherelwre can introduce such 
 aineliorat'ons r.s tliey judiro desirable without any re.'orl to revolutioi'." 
 
 ^ L/'fHoc (tic Purii/—i.i"\i acts out its rea iii.u,;i.i- — i. .. ,;iii-,v o' levoiuflt::! and 
 destruction, and 1 ask boldly, if every attempt of the inodera Democratic parly to 
 carry out any real idea o( democracy, has not tieen an act of revolution ? More than 
 thirty years ago, the State of Ge.iifiia resi-led the decisioh oflhe Supreme Court in 
 the Cherok-e rase, and tin- Democrat c Administration submitted to a fundamental 
 
 volution, tti tlie diclaliim of (ifor'/i;'. .\ short lime after, South Ci<rol;na sent forth 
 lier deccre-oluullificatio'i, and ihe Democritic .Vdministiatioii submitted ioa compro- 
 miee, which, in fat, placed the (iovernm.;nl at the feet uf South Can.liua, ami laid 
 the f.iuiulalion of the present war. A few years aft -r Texas was annexed, without 
 the sllKhtvHi coii.-titutional authority, or ihe'idea of Democratic sovercifjiity ; and 
 now we have, in this bloodv aid rerohitionary war. the ri^lit win,' -A' tht D muer.ilic 
 party Ojfhtintr. witti great armi.'s, t 'C (lovcrniiient of ihoir country ; and the lolt win?, 
 under i'our Seymours, Wood-, and Valla^jdich im-, sayin- aa nnuh as thf>y can to 
 
help thorn. Wood, who is the true representative of Democracy, and ought to be ita 
 candidate for the Presidency, has his speeches in Coni;;res8 quoted in the lebel Con- 
 gress as orthodox doctrine. Now, these are the legitimate consequences of a princi- 
 ple which is in its very nature, revolutionary. Nor has Governor Seymour failed to 
 announce, in the case of Vallandigham'g arrest by the Government, that '' the time 
 for rfvolution has already arrived." 
 
 A State is the people united into one body or community for the purpose of Gov- 
 ernment. Sovereignty is an attribute of Government. These forms become living 
 bodies, by virtue of the sovereignty imparted to them by the people. The United 
 States Government is the supreme State to which all the people owe primary al- 
 legiance. When a State of the Union becomes subversive of the ends for whi^ii it was 
 created, or sei'ks, by virtue of the sovereignty with which it has been invested, to 
 bnng the people in conflict with the supreme sovereignty to which they owe primary 
 allegiance, or when such state government becomes abrogated or destroyed by any 
 means, the sovereignty with wh'ch it was invested returns to the people, to be ex- 
 ercised by them de nova, and such State ceases to exist as a State of the Union. 
 This contest is war, and all the rules of war state, among the rights of the conqueror 
 is the right to dictate to the conquered the form of Government they shall adopt. 
 The States, in their Corporate capacity, may be treated as fo'^eign enemies, but the 
 people, in respect to their allegiance to the national Government, must be considered 
 and treated as domestic enemies. 
 
 It. could be sl;own, that by no mrn have the " rights of the States," even on their 
 own shallow theory, been more seriously assailed than by those who have made ihe 
 loude:^t profession of being their special defenders. If we are ?^ partnership merely, 
 there could not be a more direct wrong to the non-consenting members, than the 
 forcing upon tnem a new partner, wholly foreign to the original articles. Such wag 
 the gross infringement of State rights in the annexation of Texas, and the still great- 
 er outrage proposed in the purchase of Cuba. Again, if each State is a sovereign, 
 what higher rigbt could it possess than that of making citizens? But how contemptu- 
 ously was this treated in the partisan Dred Scott decision? State made citizenship 
 was citizenship nowhere, whilst, to favor a sectional interest, that much lower thing, 
 State-made property, though of a kind opposed to the ideas of the whole civilized 
 world, was declared to be property everywhere. And so, too of State representation, 
 in the United Mates Senate, of all others, that feature in our Constitution which seems 
 purely Federal — how has it been assailed ol late, because it seemed to favor New 
 England ? We have seen this in the same newspaper column that was teeming with 
 its intemperate advocacj' of State rights. Such shocking inconsistency shows that 
 the doctrine, as commonly held, never had any ground ot principle, that it was never 
 anything else than the handy weapon of a miserable party expediency. 
 
 But let us vi'w the question in its higher and broader aspects. Tht re are " Rights 
 of the States," doubtless, as there are also rights of cities and towns. Among them is 
 one that stands out pre-eminently — higher than all others, deeper than all others. 
 It is the right of these States in one another. It is the right of each State in the 
 whole, and in eveiy other State. Ttiis is, indeed, a precious *• State right," far more 
 valuable, far more glorious than any claim of petty indepindeiice. 
 
 Now, the sectional worlds are the " chivalry of the souih^" the 'bold sons of the 
 ^Test," as sometimes arrayed against the canting' puritanism of th; East," Let that 
 other day come, and soon may we expect the rights of the " Jersey Oystermen,' or the 
 '■Chesapeake clam-gatherers," or -'the free mineisof Mauch Chunk," or the in- 
 domitable tar-burners of ^orth Carolina," or last, ibiugh not least, ' the unterrified 
 L'emocracy of the Five Points," In proportion as all above grows loose, asincv- 
 ital-.y lau.ji, be tLi.' cabi, wh^u the ijendiiijj kej of the arch is gone) &u surel^' would 
 all below give way, and spread apart, sinking ever lower and lower, to the level of 
 small r and meaner interests. The great national band is all that saves us from such 
 a state of things ; but this band has much to resist, and should, therefore, be of 
 c»rrespoading strength. The worst of all traitors, the greatest enemies of the 
 true '• Stat; rights," have been those politicians who. for the past fifty years, have 
 done all th'^y could to weaken it, and now unbiushiugly claim that they are the 
 only men that can restore the national health. 
 
 V^'"e now make an appeal to every sane vnter at the approaching 
 Presidential Election, and ask, if this proposition of the C(rpperhead 
 DoniocrRcy, by means of George H. McClellan, be not the very sublime 
 of impadeuce ? 
 
10 
 
 All true, loyal, Democratic men, however, who are aliv*; t . thfir 
 nation's w(-lfare, must be held in cverlastinj? remembrance-. Their 
 giuvfs rlihU i.<a be iri.'.iktil vvitli :bc diegracef' ] epithet or ihecniel 
 aTur;c;..v..-i t.aitor. Their afl.i.-Yon'CPt;^ ruii.^t bj a?) nrnnmci-( on the 
 page of history ; and tlieir children, verilr. be respected as a posterity 
 of the true and the hr.vo. No ton^r„f. of blander can bliirlt theii is- 
 6UP, as bein^r descendants from Ireaciicrons 8i es ; «nd their loyalty as a 
 mem. . rial, siiall l)e honored in all fmiirn ti.i,e. Such must r- main the 
 cluiraeter, and such tlie glory, not of the Wood. Buchanan, and the Se^- 
 mour, but r.ther of the lo\al and over respected Democrat. 
 
 But the time must come it must eunie— when hnmanitv shall receive 
 her lauiels at the hands of virtue, though slavery perish 'to propare its 
 wav. There must b,^ political as rcMlly as military deaths ; and (ieerge 
 B McClellun, aa well as llora:io Seymour, mu.s't know it aud feel Tt. 
 Ihere must b-. resiirrectious ! Our (tovernment must he sustained ! 
 Our armies victoriuns, and onr union rvstorrd ! 
 
 We tl-.erefore say, loyal men of America, the bone and sinrw of this 
 once glorious Kepublie, under God Abnighty, it is in ^our power 
 before the clo.se of November 18(i4, tooau^e thiJ enemy's arm to be clean 
 dried up, and his right (-ye to l)e utterly darkened. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 A Sketch of .Ifeneral Georire B. McClcllaa-s Private Ili.story, since Li.s rdi-f from 
 Commaudiug the Potomac Army. 
 
 Loyal Americans : 
 
 PJfcas« read somewiiat of a war General's priy,.te hist-rv • that after 
 General IcClellan was removed from farther'command of the anny I e 
 ^::7tv:rr'I ^'W ^'^ ^^ ^--^--l ^eace Dem.,cracv. w ho fn 
 thei n a e -T 't'! ''"' '"r ' "'''^ ^^ "-^'^^'^'^^^ '>^' ^''^'t party, that 
 ever men r'H'l "r ; ^'T' '^"" "'^'^ "^^'^-^ ^''^^'•^' '^' th. /hneof the 
 
 •e mion .obT"'T'/'';^r'"^ '"''^ noaumuion- bv the Chiea g.. Con 
 eniion, to be Fresnient of the nation. I.y a party, aud a party too that 
 
 Zur:lr -^Vr^' P^'^^-'-Uni<;n miliary atm. Jm-ing this 
 war to suppros.H the rebellion; and, finally. George B MeChdlan's ac- 
 -pt.nj. a nomination for the Pres.idntial Chai, , by this ve yolu 
 
 S^^n^to n ""^'^'-'V;"^ '" '- Lotb-r o, Ajeeptance.Vlo,ir;l:i 
 Mcjd.ll.n Hatform, suggesting a Union war policy, sometlrn.^ he i„ 
 
11 
 
 been ci mplaceiit to liis Boltli rs ; but then, he did the s.ine to the r<'.l)els 
 and he is also now doing tilings marvelously kind for the Copperheads ; 
 and, moreover, Cor a confed'-racv of Southern Irtiitors. Nor con wo be- 
 li<^V'' it fiOr^siliJo titat an. will ^iTird hin" l.iieir snttra;.);e nt tho l a h>t box 
 (t'xoept ills leiuaiiiuig admiit'i^) ij'ut who have loBi,' labored under 
 the uiisfoi tune of being in :>ympatliy witii the great Southern tieasoii. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 Souiid reasons why Abraham Lincoln should ')'> Re-lected President of the United 
 State.', iu November 18 J4, and Georj^^- B. McClel.aa rejected. 
 
 LovAL Americans : 
 
 We sugg-st n tiling new .vlii ti Wf; aniuiuuce t'lat, in the approaching 
 N )v<'nibfr, 1864, an El- ction of some one of our citizfc.ns is to take place 
 thrDUghout the entire not-seceded American nation. The next man to 
 fill the Piesedential chair will be George B. McClellan, or Abraham Lin- 
 coln. The private opinions of the candidates are of nninor moment. 
 The principles of the respective pHrtiv\<? are of the greatest importance to 
 this bleeding community. Should General McClellan be the successful 
 aspirer for power, bis peace party will manage him as they did on the 
 Potomac — as the do now — and as the rebels did ex-President, Buchanan. 
 We now affirm that Jeff Davis and Abraham Lincoln both speak the 
 same sentiment, that slavery is not the point at issue in this bloody con- 
 test. Davis declares that he -s protracting this war against our Gov 
 ernment and Constitution for a recognition of his Confederacy as an in- 
 dependent nation, otherwise that lie will fight until every male citizen of 
 the South is annihila:,. d. Abraham Lincoln, on the other side, as the 
 elected chief of this Republic, is in command of a powerful army, and 
 navy that are fighting to r.;'.ain a Union and tenitovy bequeathed to all 
 future posterity by the fathers of 1776; otherwise purchased by the 
 treasure of the republic, to be, and to rem lin, tlie property of a majority 
 of the people — which, in our republic comprise this American nation. 
 Davis, as a bloody traitor, is c iispiring and warring to destroy our Con- 
 stitution. Lincoln, as a patriot and tather to [ osterity, is adopting all 
 loyal means warranted by our Constitution, to save that Constitution un- 
 impaired. ; to Hdove out of the way what has been the cause of the 
 rebellion, and we say, tliat he admits of no compromise whatever with 
 treason. Davis fights desperately, that he may be an example (or a con- 
 tinual secession of the States, until our nation's Constitution has no 
 subjects to obey it. On the other hand, Lincoln holds up the Constitu- 
 tion, as the precious price of noble, loyal, patriotic blood, shed freely by 
 their fathers, to procure an American legacy in one national stock, never 
 to be sundered ; as iht- b,i>i.s ef order, of obedience, of liberty, and the 
 nation's elevati(;ii. 
 
 Our latheis when they ir.iide the Constitution, tl ought they coiihl trust it to the 
 intijllisiGnce. the virtue, the patriotism of 'he Ami'rican peopio, to appoint their own 
 Prtsiuiin from time to tinif. Wei!, iu ^ 810, iu the due course of our politic il his- 
 tory, the American people exercised the riuht of performing that high duty com- 
 mitted to them by the Coustitution. They elected Abraham Lincoln to be President 
 
12 
 
 of tlie United State?. Thf^y did it fnirly. They did it after a full and complete 
 cauvHs.'j of all the issue involves. All H)e\>tatcs of the Uiiion, and all ihe people of 
 all the States, as fir as we can jiid^e. took part in that content, and voted lor the 
 ni-n niioin they resp-clivfly pref ried. Wliat \va< the result".' By a coiistit\itional 
 majority — ISO electors out o' 252— Abraham l.incoln was ch<jseii President. For the 
 drst time in the history of tlii- counlry---aiid I tru,«t it will be the last --a iiortimi of 
 th')>e who supported the defeated candidate, hreckinridire, raised the st ndard ot 
 levoW, And for four years they have Iteen trying to ti^iht it out on that line. If 
 thei rcandidate had l)een ehcti'd we would have heeu n qiircd to actpiiesce, hut for 
 four years they hav(« been tryinjr to prevent Lincoln from bein<; President of the 
 United States, and they have prevented him from brint? President of the wh<'le United 
 S'tat. s up to t'.ie present time. It is an attempt to overthrow the Constitution and 
 Go ernment. Therefore the issue Is wheih'T a majority of Ihe .\merican people can 
 or Fhall til ct thi-ir Pn-^-ident or wheiher they .-h'lll submit to a minoiiij-. The deci- 
 Mon of that question dipcnds upon the remit of the present cntite-t. The conven- 
 ti II at Baltimore decided to nominate a President afrain. and resolved tiia it they 
 had to h^ht for his election they w.inldhfrht for if. 'I hey resol eil that this rebellion 
 should be crushed by foice so lon<r s it should continue and that the .'■upremacy of 
 the Constitution should be maintaiiieil. They nominated precisely the man that the 
 minority has been endenvorinpr to ))revent being I'resiihiit after being duly elected. 
 Th(' other portion of the people who met at Chicago, after full deiiberatifn, took 
 their stand, I'ut how did they meet the issue? They sf<id ro'hing about the right 
 of the n,ajority to have their President, and of the minority to submit— nothing 
 airainst the rebellion. Tl at. certainly, was significant. It was no accident, the 
 omission of so rital a point. This silence betniyed their sympathies with the re- 
 tiellioii. .Many of them did not hesitate to manif(st their Ixdief that the >el)els were 
 in the light, but they did not dare to afflrm it in so many \xords, because they want- 
 ed vote.s for the candidate of their ])arty. They resolved that the wai o'ight to he 
 stoppi d. Why? Becau.se of the failure to put down the rebellion in four years. If 
 we had failed so far, so much the more reason (or renewed efforts. While that con- 
 vention was sittiuj;, Atlanta was being taken. Already we have conquered and 
 secured three-quarters ol the lebid territory. Our Cenerals tell us that their last 
 man is conscripted, and they are muking their last struggle. T he real (eeliiig of the 
 men at Chicago is conveyed in the declaration ot Gov. Seymour in a public speech, 
 that" succes.'^ful coercion would be as rev(.lntionary as successful secession."' In other 
 words, that to support the Government of the Uniti d Slates by force of arm.s would 
 l-e just as revolutionary as to ovei 'hrow it by lorce of arms, liuchanan also declar- 
 ed that there was no right ol coerciop, and acted upon it. Such was the attitude of 
 the party that with such an outrage upon all decency of lanjrnage, calls itself Utmo- 
 cratic : and ii has not changed ground. Nowhere h:'s it admitted tht- right of coer- 
 cion. They tike ground against ii because there are Stat s in the South engaged in 
 this rebellion, liut does not the onsiitution declare thut.it and the la w m uh' in 
 puisiiance ol its provisions shall be the sn| reme law of llit; land, anytliing in the 
 CousMtution and laws of any Stale to the contrary notwiiLstanding ? Ihe men at 
 Chicago speak of State rig'jts, \\tiieh in ail very well when properly deliu' d. But 
 do we not all know that the rel.ellic.n is justifi.'d l.y jdeading State rlghi>? Such is 
 the seiise impli. d at Chicago, if th, y meant anytliii'ig at all. They seek to place ihe 
 sovereignty ot the Spates over that of the UiMoii, but it is of course such a Union aS 
 shall recognize tin,' asserted right of secession, and iho rightluloes.- ot reb-llioi 
 Probably Jcfi. Davis himself, upon mature reflection, would c«ju> nt to a U- ion mul-r 
 th" Mo'^fpiiniery < V[ stifntjor, if Ii. Northern allies will H'.:ree to turn N w-,'.M;(larid 
 out. Some of the Southern brethr n have intimated ih it they might possib.y meet 
 the Northern mudsills, hold their imses and listen to si me such propo>iti<.n. I do 
 not think the Chicago platform is eajiable of ^o many intei preiatious iis have gener- 
 ally been attributed to it. It is ;is ojien a declaration as they dared to make of 
 sympathy with the rebellion. We .■.!! know th:it a cessation of hostilities means the 
 withdrawal of our aimies and the nisingof the blocKade. This would j-ivetlum 
 an opportunity to renew the war. Us effect would be to give the rebels all they 
 nerd. Our w.ldierri, be ing euliste.l for the war. would b» d.scharged. Theirs 
 would not; they are held with n:i i ion ham'. Alter an armistice we would be iu 
 just the condition of unprepMrediK »•< that Huchanau held us 
 
 Wlien we cmmPtircd this uar of defetitliug a Uninn of all llie Slitcs, 
 we had iu>L niuiij Voiiig Nijior ,n (iemruU. Jt is liue, George 13. Mc- 
 
13 
 
 CleliHn, somehow, saluted our Presideut with a kiss of masked loyalty, as 
 did Jud;;s Iscariot, in the by<rone days But then, there was surely no 
 mask whatever ill any conference with Jefferson Davis, nor with the Cop- 
 perhead Democracy ; but tiie epidemic perils which he inflicted on the 
 Potomac Army, which did contribute to encourage treason, and also 
 weaken our military strength. He is now doing the same thing, by- 
 wrapping himself with the attire of the Copperhead, anti-war Demncracy, 
 and consenting to be their candidate for the highest office of the nation, 
 that he may so palsy the arm of Lincoln as shall preveat a faitber flog- 
 ging of the rebels back to their loyalty. 
 
 But now we hare in Sherman and in Grant an exhibition of military 
 tenacity of purpose unexampled in the History of any slow, disobedient , 
 General, The great chaiacteristic of the Lieutenant Commander of the 
 army from which George B. McClellan was relieved, is, that when he 
 h 'S failed in one thing, he attempts ano her, and thus he continues until 
 success crowns his efforts. But notiinig like this can ornament the na- 
 tion's historic page, as a laurel of faithfulness and valor, to be awarded 
 to George B. McClellan, the Co[)perhead nominee to fill tiie Presidential 
 chair, and who did comparatively nothing, except to waste away his 
 army, but not ia the battle field. It seems to have been his single pur- 
 pose to please his ani-war party, a northern wing of a confederate army 
 of traitors ; and these continue to venerate his generaJship, because, un- 
 der the mask of loyalty, he swoie he would " drive every rebel to the 
 wall ; '' and hence he is now their nominee, as a reward for his patriotic 
 dereliction. 
 
 We sug-gest to loyal Americans, that we have put in nomination 
 Abraham Lincoln, who has, for three years, been President of so much of 
 the United States as his armies have been able to hold for him to preside 
 over; and we may, verily, affirm, they hold this, and this only for him 
 still, at the point of the bayonet. We are, however, gaining, step by 
 step, from time to time, and before his present term expires, we verily 
 believe, while we confide in the God of nations, that he will actually be 
 President of the whole United States. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln is again presented to the people of the United States 
 for their suffrages, because, he is the faithful man again.st whom the rebels 
 made their assault on the Constitution with a determination that he should 
 not be President of the United States, althougli a majority of the people 
 affirmed by their votes at the ballot here, that he should be President of 
 the whole United States. 
 
 At Baltimore, the convention accepted that issue fairly and sqnarelv, 
 even while the rebels were fighting to put Abraham Lincoln out of the 
 Presidential chair, and their sympathizing northern wing aiding as co- 
 workers in the cause of treason, to support a candidate for the nation's 
 chie*, who, though, at one time, a commander of the army of the Poto- 
 mac, did nothing that should displease the anti- war-democracy ever alive 
 with emotions of horror at the thought that a confederacy of traitors is 
 being coerced to obedience by military force. 
 
 We therefore say, could the bleaching bones of the nation's dead 
 soldiers speak from their dormitory, not from their graves, because, 
 these had none as a memorial in the putrid swamps of the Chicka- 
 hominy, they would suggest a mournful story at the polls, in November 
 
14 
 
 1804 ; nor could these fail to advise our newly enlisted M'arriors to 
 reijudiato Georg-e B. M'Clellan's cruel presumption in tiiejry and 
 practice, which compelled thciu not to fight the rebels, but rather to 
 sicken and die, far away from a beloved wife, a father, and children, 
 in a i|uagmire of pits and snares, whither they were driven, but wliere 
 their commander dared not venture to stay, nor afford them a burial. 
 
 Did our Constitution admit widows and nrplians to vc)te for a Pres- 
 ident at the coining election, tlicse would crowd in multitudes at the 
 polls, not to put Lincoln out of his chair, but rather to defeat the elec- 
 tion of a man these affirm guilty of the blood of their husbands and 
 fathers. Moreover, could tlie entire Rebel South procure the defeat 
 of Abraham Lincoln, now the nominee for a re-election, for four future 
 years, by giving their suffrages to George H. .McClellan, tliey would 
 rush to the aid of Vallandigliam, Horatio Seymour, and the equally 
 treacherous Woods, in g-rcater nuinbcrs. 
 
 " I noed not recill the dark threatening affairs in the Winter of 1860— '61. A 
 long-planned, deep-laid conspiracy, about to break upon the land, with ail the hor- 
 ross ot civil war. I'atriots saw the tornado coming, saw the traitors plotting and 
 planning the destruction of the Government, disarming and plundering ii, binding 
 it, preparing it to fall an easy victim into the Lands of traitors, and yi.t had no 
 mvans to resist, because all its machinery was in the hands of traitors. How im- 
 patiently and fearfully they waited for th; 4lh of March all will remember. The 
 I'residi-ut elect Mt the oppressive weight of r'?pon>ibllity resting upon him. There 
 is not a more simple, touching and beautiful sjieech iu the English language than 
 that whicti he uttered to hii nrighbors from the platform of the rail-car, ou bidding 
 a good-bye to his home, to enter upon the duties of the i^rtsidency. 
 
 •' For more than twenty-five years I have lived among you, and during all that 
 time I have received nothing l)ut kindness at your hands. Here the most cherished 
 ties of earth were assumed. Here my children were born, and here one uf ttiem 
 lies buried. 
 
 " To you my friends, I owe all that I have all that I am. All the strange 
 checkered past seems to crowd now upon mj- mind. To-day I leave yon. I go 
 to assume a task more difficult then that whirh devolved upon Gen. Washington. 
 Unless the Great God who assisted him shall be with me and aid me, 1 cannot pre- 
 vail ; but if the same Omniscient mind, and tlie same Almighty arm that directed 
 and protected him shall guide and support me, 1 shall not fail , 1 shall succeed. Let 
 us pray that the God of our fathers may not forsake us now. To him I commend 
 you all. Permit me to ask that, with equal sincerity and faith, you will invoke His 
 wisdom and guidance for me. 
 
 »• The feeling of the people was impressively exhibited by the mottos on the ban- 
 ners which they i xtcuded across the streets through which he passed on his way to 
 the Capitol. • \V : will pray for you,' was often the si,o-nificant motto. 
 
 '• No so im|iressive an inauguriUiou as that of Mr. Lincoln has occurred since t e 
 ina>'.gur*tion of Washington. :le had oeen threatened with assc<ination, and the 
 rebeU bid iuiended his murder us he passed through Caltimore. On his arrival th r 
 he loiiad the public ofTices filled with traitors. Strange as it may seem, the reeel 
 General.'* Lee and Joe aud Albert Johns on. and iiwcU and Hill, -tuart and Magruder, 
 Palnierston ai.d Winder, held, in March aud April, 1864, leoding positions in our 
 army. Traitors were everywhere. 
 
 " lli2 citizens or ^Washington wer*^, a large portion of them, iu sympathy with the 
 rebelH. Secession lad been preceded l^y secret con?pir.icy, concocted by those 
 holding Ihohighe;-! ofllcial trusts. It hcul" l)eoa veiled by perjured professions of 
 loyally. On Mr. Lincoln's arival there, these were the men be found in all the pub- 
 lic offices, and hn was encircled on every sid. by spies anJ traitors. None who 
 witnessed it w, 11 ever foig'-t the Hceuc of that inauguration. Stinding on tue east- 
 ern front <tf the Capitol, the Jndg«'8 of tho .^upien;e Court, the Senate and House 
 
 of Kepri f'.ulative.s, the high ofTiceis ot the army and navy arotuid him, a mingled 
 
 crowd of traitors and jiutriols, with many an eye lonvliig searchingly into his 
 * ueighbor'b to learn whether he ga/.jd upm' a truit^a- or a li-ieud , standing there 
 
15 
 
 araldst scowling enemies with murder and treason in their hearts, Lincoln was 
 cool and determin -d. He read his inauguml with a voice clear and distinct 
 enough to ba henrd by twice ten thousand people. When with reverent look he 
 swore by the eternal God that he would faithfully 'preserve, protect and defend^ 
 the Constitiition, his great rival. Douglas, stood, not by accident at his ^ide 
 Douglas knew perhaps, better than the President himself, the dangVrs and dim' 
 culties which surrounded him. He was observed to whisper in tbe ear of JMr. 
 Li, coin, and 1 believe gave the I'resideut the assurance that in the dark and diffi- 
 cut future he would stand by him and give him his utmost aid in upolding the 
 Constitution and crushing treason and rebellion. Nobly did Dougk^ redeenTthat 
 plodg.'. After the rebel attack on Sumter, be boldlv made the well known declara- 
 tion that there could now be but two paities, patriots and traitors H»d he lived 
 he would have sustained the President with all the vigor and energy peculiar to' 
 bis character.-' ° 
 
 Mt Countrymek : 
 
 Such is Abraham Lincoln, the Republican Nominee for the Pres- 
 idency of the nation ; and such the Democratic Douglas affirmed him 
 to be when his pale lips were quivering- in death. Yes, when the 
 cold^ sweat gathered on the forehead of this loyal Democrat, he said, 
 "Were I to live, I would stai.d by Ahruham Lincoln^ and give to him my 
 aid in upholding the Constdution, and crushim^ treason and rebellion:' 
 but now, could our nation's grief enter the sanctified bosom of that 
 ever-loyal man, in his everlasting rest, how must he repudiate the pre- 
 varication of the Copperhead sympathizer, and also his equally shuf- 
 fling " nominee for the nation's executive chair. 
 
 Americans, loyal Union patriots, please indulge a man of more than 
 seventy-nine winters, who was a chaplain durii'ig the war of 1812, to 
 close this section of The statesman, :iold'ers' and Citizetis' Library'hy 
 suggesting that patriotic truth is purifying. We say it has com- 
 menced its glorious march, portraying what was the old sound mettle 
 of the fathers of 76, and also who are their honored descendants, hold- 
 ing fast their patriotic form of a strong national Government. ' This 
 truth is now purifying many of the misled of the Copperhead fraterni- 
 ty, and these, illuminated, will march to the polls to the aid of our 
 Union Republican cause, cleansed from every particle of alloy. We 
 moreover repeat that patriotic truth is powerful in its ever steady 
 march m our nation's cause. This has already gone down into the 
 dark treasonable hiding-place of the sympathizing forger of party 
 poitical lies, and brought him and his nominee for the Presidential 
 chair, bound hand and foot, to a tribunal of this American nation from 
 which there can be no esca;?''. Thete co-workers with Jeff Davis and 
 his master the devil, are tu be pierced right through, with none other 
 but truth- Political sympathising, secession. Copperhead disloyalty, 
 IS vulnerable, and truth has followed it searching and finding it in all 
 Its labyrinths of hellish secrecy. It is now cutting up dis- 
 loyalty, root and branch ; so that Jefi" Davis, Buchanan, Val- 
 landigham, the notorious Fernando, Horatio, anr1 Georcro B. iicClel- 
 lau, have nothing to stand upon. More than this, these'must remain 
 forever remain hopeless, defenceless, and sunk, under a scene of their 
 owm guilt. My dear, loyal countrymen, listen ye to the majes- 
 ty of nothing but patriotic, searching, strong, national truth, because 
 this runs upon the judgment seat. Providence is its faithful messen- 
 ger, to guide our counsels in the Presidential campaign, in the cab- 
 
16 
 
 inet, and also in the battle fiekl. All, all error ! treason, rebellion 
 and Copperhead riotous anarchy, Avithout compromise, must fall be- 
 neath its power ! Yes, yes, the statesman whose lip is jxilluted by 
 treason, and who once denounced the acts of the present incumbent in 
 his resort to "military necessity " as unsound, unjust, and treasonable, 
 and also, at the same time saying, " remember that a UKjb may pro- 
 claim the bloody doctrine of public necessity, as well as a govern- 
 ment.'' That man, we say, is now being summoned to a coming- judg- 
 ment, by the people at the polls. 
 
 It is, therefore, in view of the ultimate triumph of truth in tlie pros- 
 pective, that shall guide our countrymen, not as political party men, 
 but rather as the nation's loyals, on the 4th of November of this 1864, 
 we say, in the language of good, aged Simeon, " Now, Lord, let thy 
 servant depart in peace, according to thy word, for mine eyes have 
 seen thy salvation." Because one past shall soon run to meet another, 
 with tidings to shoAv Jefferson Davis and George B. McClellan that 
 the secession army of the one, and the Copperhead army of the other, 
 are routed and spoiled. And then, then ! shall tliex'e be great re- 
 joicing in heaven, saying Haleluiah 1 for true and righteous are thy 
 judgments, Lord God Almighty. 
 
 We submit to the guidance of purifying, searching, irresistable 
 truth, and retire, leaning on the top of our staff, uttering and reiterat- 
 ing tlie sentiment of a wise King, that '' righteousness exalteth a 
 nation,'' 
 
 54 NT 3 
 

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