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 I UNITED STATIiiS Ul* AM Eli 10 A. | 
 
TO ROBERT E. SCHENCK. 
 
 '/ 
 
 In the congressional debate of the 9th inst. upon the resolu- 
 tion of Gen'l Garfield for increased clerical compensation, you 
 spoke of me with whom you have no personal acquaintance — 
 of one who never did you an injury — of whose personal and 
 political history you are profoundly ignorant — in the most 
 ungentlemanly and unwarrantable manner. You not only took 
 advantage of your representative position to outrage all sense 
 of decency and manhood, but in injustice to the Secretary of the 
 Treasury, wilfully falsified facts (at least so far as I am con- 
 cerned) as to the manner of his disbursement of the public 
 moneys. Feeling secure in the privileges of a position which 
 you disgrace, you dared to utter that from which you would 
 cowardly shrink in the public street. With the malice prepense 
 of the murderer, by your foul, lying, and malicious tongue, 
 you have caused to be spread upon the records of Congress, and 
 thus to be read for all time to come in the political history of 
 the country, infamous charges against men^ who in all that 
 constitutes gentlemen, are your superiors. I flatter myself, 
 however, that the wound is not mortal, and that the intel- 
 ligent reader of his country's history will readily appreciate 
 from whence the blow came. It is my turn now, and I pro- 
 pose to draw your fangs for you. You have ''waked up the 
 wrong passenger," and your position shall not protect you from 
 a just exposure. 
 
 It6 
 
 7 
 
On the lOtli inst., I waited upon you at the Capitol, and by 
 card requested an explanation of your attack upon me, but you 
 could not be seen — were afraid to look full in the face a man 
 whom you had wantonly and deeply wronged. You knew 
 that you deserved a good kicking, but certainly ought to have 
 known that your hideous carcass was protected from harm 
 within the walls of the capitol. The only alternative left me is, 
 either to thus address you, or to shoot you down in the public 
 street as a monster, 
 
 "That to be hated needs but to be seen," — 
 
 as dangerous to the public welfare as would be a mad dog in 
 the pujjlic highway, or a rattlesnake beneath the pillow of a 
 sleeping infant. Yielding to the earnest entreaties of friends 
 whom I respect, I shall adopt the former, shall leave you to the 
 hangman's rope, to which your infamous atrocities in Maryland 
 and the every lineament of your wicked countenance, eminently 
 commend you. Nothing else saved you from a dog's death. 
 
 For your information I would state that, after years of active 
 political and professional life — as Editor of the Galena Jeffer- 
 sonian, Dubuque Express and Herald, Chicago Times, Chicago 
 Herald aijd Washington Union, as a lawyer of successful prac- 
 tice at the Ills. Bar, a candidate for congress, &c. by pecuniary 
 reverses and the strange vicissitudes of life, I am here a gov- 
 ernrnent employee for the miserable salary of $1400 a year. I 
 am also a member of the Bar of the U. S. S. Court. That I 
 dp gross injustice to myself in consenting to occupy such a posi- 
 tion, or any clerical position, all who know me will readily 
 inform you ; but, in the Providence of God, I hope to soon do 
 better. 
 
 Upon the death of my parents in 1858, I returned to Mary- 
 land my native state where though a Democrat and against all 
 my personal, social, and political interests I was an active 
 
Union man in the trying cause of the rebellion ; and with others 
 could have saved her forever to the Union party, but for the 
 damnable atrocities committed by you, a military upstart, as 
 commander of that department. By your cruelty many a fire- 
 side was brought to misery. 
 
 The cause of the Government was crucified by your despotic 
 acts. The people of the State, undecided what to do, shrunk from 
 it as represented by a wretch who, insensible to all the nobler 
 feelings of humanity, unscrupulously trampled upon every prin- 
 ciple of justice and right. Society instinctively shuddered at 
 your high-handed outrages ; recoiled from your misrule;. shrunk 
 away aghast from such a tyrannous administration. The peo- 
 ple became estranged from the Government — could not be re- 
 conciled to its support — and hence, by your barbarities the 
 present political status of Maryland. 
 
 In consideration of tried ability, and of personal and political 
 sacrifices in the Union cause, I was appointed June 1st, 1864, to 
 my present humble position by Chief Justice Chase,, then Secre- 
 tary of the Treasury, at the instance of a distinguished Eepub- 
 lican statesman. At the instance of Ex-President Lincoln and 
 others who knew me, I was detailed from my desk here, and 
 canvassed, at my own expense, a portion of Maryland in the last 
 Presidential campaign for Lincoln and Johnson. 
 
 You will thus perceive that, neither the President or Secre- 
 tary McCulloch are responsible for my appointment, — that I am 
 not, as falsely asserted by you, "one of the pets of the Secre- 
 tary." — Have received no " bonus or premium from him for 
 subserviency" — am no time-serving eunuch" — was not the re- 
 cipient from him of any portion of the Congressional appropria- 
 tions — and though now near thirty-three months in the public 
 service competently and faithfully discharging my clerical 
 duties in the most onerous branch of the civil department, am 
 proscribed or neglected by the very authority with whom you 
 
say I am a ^' pet !" With the ingratitude of my friends towards 
 me, however, you have nothing to do. 
 
 The charge that, I have been governed by a "low, mean, 
 vile subserviency to the powers that be," is refuted by the his- 
 tory of my whole life, which has ever struggled in a minority. 
 
 "I have not loved the world, nor the world me; 
 I have not flatter'd its rank breath, nor bow'd 
 To its idolatries a patient knee, — 
 Nor coin'd my cheek to smiles — nor cried aloud 
 In worship of an echo." 
 
 Had I politically prostituted myself, rather than been gov- 
 erned by the convictions of my own mind, the dictates of my 
 own judgment, perhaps I would now occupy a position which 
 you dishonor ; Sir, I am incapable of bending 
 
 "The pregnant hinges of the knee 
 That thrift might follow fawning," 
 
 otherwise I might join the "bread and butter brigade" com- 
 manded by Congress. I have sustained the President not for 
 the reason or in the spirit charged by you, but because I be- 
 lieved his readjustment policy patriotic^ humane, just and con- 
 stitutional. 
 
 Your ignorance of the manner of the disbursement of the 
 clerical appropriation would do injustice to a Hottentot. It 
 could not possibly have been given the friends of the President 
 or the "pets" of the Secretary. The Secretary entrusted the 
 disbursement to the Chiefs of Bureaus. It was impossible for 
 him to do it personally. Do you suppose that he can possibly 
 know the individual merits or demerits of every employee in 
 the Treasury Department, except by and through the repre- 
 sentations of his chief subordinates ? A majority of these, as 
 between Congress and the Executive, support the former. 
 Four-fifths of the Treasury employees are bitterly hostile to 
 
the President, and have been complimented for it by the Wash- 
 ington Chronicle. Coinciding with the views of Congress and 
 the opinions of their chiefs, these employees were almost with- 
 out exception the recipients of the appropriations. The Secre- 
 tary, therefore, had personally little or nothing to do with the 
 distribution further than intrusting it to his chief subordinates, 
 and it was disbursed by them according to their judgment or 
 political predilictions. He is in no wise responsible for the 
 manner of its disbursement, except, indeed, upon the legal 
 principle, ^^facit per se facit per alium." Congress surely has 
 no just ground of complaint against the Secretary. If there 
 is any exception to be taken to its distribution, it should come 
 from the President's friends — from none other. So much for 
 your ignorance of the distribution of these appropriations. 
 
 Dissatisfied with my position, and wishing to re-engage in 
 my profession, I was recommended by many of the most distin- 
 guished statesmen and military men of the country who knew 
 me {BepuUicans and Democrats,) as U. S. Attorney for New 
 Mexico — received the appointment — was sworn in — but, becom- 
 ing satisfied that just such political cutthroats as yourself would 
 proscribe me for supporting the Presislent, I resigned the 
 office. 
 
 Such Sir, is briefly the record hurriedly sketched, of a gen- 
 tleman whom you have wantonly traduced as a "poor devil — 
 fellow — unworthy," &c., simply because of the honest expression 
 of his political sentiments and support of the President ! Shame 
 upon you for such intolerance and wickedness ! Shame upon 
 you for thus cowardly assailing an unoffending citizen! Shame 
 upon you for thus disgracing your position and constituents 
 by falsifying the record and 
 
 "Traducing the State!" 
 
6 
 
 It is true that I am the author of the preamble and resolu- 
 tions which have twice unexpectedly created such a fluttering in 
 the Halls of Congress. It is also true that, in support of the 
 President's reconstruction policy, I addressed the people of this 
 District on the 22d February last, and subser[uently addressed 
 the N. Democratic Association. It is equally true that, in my 
 leisure hours at night I have been active in circulating docu- 
 ments among the people of the Country, in support of the 
 President's policy. All this I had a perfect right to do. While 
 clerically employed, I have studiously refrained from engaging 
 in political discussion and discountenanced it in others But, 
 if I'm the "poor devil" you denounce me, why all this excite- 
 ment and commotion? — why not let me peaceably, in common 
 with my fellow citizens, enjoy my political opinions without 
 personal defamation? — why this cowardly attempt to crush 
 me socially and politically ? 
 
 Soon after the publication of the resolutions referred to, for 
 reasons satisfactory to myself, I withdrew from the J. D. Club 
 in a card published in the Washington Republican. But, Sir, 
 in justice to that organization, you are informed that, it was 
 composed not of "pets — fellows — time-serving eunuchs," but 
 of civilians and soldiers, — of men who were true to the Gov- 
 ernment throughout the war — of war-worn veterans, of officers 
 and privates wounded, scarred, and disabled for life in their 
 country's service — men tried upon many an hard-fought battle 
 fieldj and who 
 
 "Plucked success even from the spear proof crests of rugged danger," 
 
 which you, their infamous calumniator, never did. "Poor" 
 'tis true they are. Not like yourself did they enrich themselves 
 out of the blood, the almost dying extremities of their country, 
 by plunder and robbery under the plea of "Military Necessity." 
 
Villian ! disgorge your ill-gotten gains ! Pay back the help- 
 less women and children whom you robbed in the State of 
 Maryland ! Down, down upon your stubborn knees before 
 God, and ask forgiveness of your manifold sins and wickedness! 
 The heroic, the brilliant Sherman has truthfully said that, 
 ''the patriotism of any man was seriously to be questioned, 
 who came out of the War richer than when he went in," — a 
 sentiment which you are incapable of appreciating, but which 
 points at you with ineffable scorn. 
 
 A General without a victory — except at Vienna ! a hero of 
 drum-like celebrity only heard from except when beaten ; a 
 moralist without virtue ; — think you that my cherished politi- 
 cal sentiments are to be crushed out, my support of the Pres- 
 ident intimidated by your dastardly vindictiveness ? Is a 
 Government employee who faithfully discharges his official 
 duties, to be proscribed for differing with you or those like you ? 
 Has he not as much right to sustain the Executive as four- 
 fifths of the employees have to support Congress ? Because he 
 will not join in the Radical clamor against the President, is he 
 to be crucified ? Are we slaves — insects to be trampled upon 
 without resistance ? Wretch ! how woefully hav^ you mis- 
 taken the spirit of the man, whom you have with malignity 
 incarnate, attempted to crush. 
 
 Twice have I been assailed and denounced in Congress for an 
 honest expression of sentiment, and for my support of the Presi- 
 dent. This "is the head and front of my offending," and if this 
 be treason to Congress, "why — make the most of it." 
 
 For your private or personal opinions I care nothing. No 
 sane man who knows you, would hang a dog upon your repre- 
 sentations. It may be necessary however, to combat the effect 
 of your prostituted position. Had I not resented this cowardly 
 assault upon my character and feelings, I would have been 
 false to the mother who bore me — recreant to every principle of 
 
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 manhood ; but hope that I may be spared the necessity of again 
 defending myself from the assaults and aspersions of such in 
 Congress as stoop to slander and villify personally others be- 
 cause of an honest difference of political opinion. 
 
 RICHARD H. JACKSON. 
 
 Washington, D. C, Jan. 11, 1867. 
 
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