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 REPORT ' • 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF A CONVENTION 
 
 COMPOSED OF 
 
 DrltgntB3 frnm i\)t I'jiirtrtE (Driginal ^tiiitli §h\% 
 
 HELD IN 
 
 INDEPENDENCE HALL 
 
 ON MONDAY THE FIFTH, AND TUESDAY THE SIXTH OF JULY, 1852, 
 
 FOR THE 
 PURPOSE OF CONSIDERING THE PROPRIETY 
 
 OF EKECTING ONE OR MORE 
 
 MONUMENTS IN INDEPENDENCE SQUARE, 
 
 — PHILADELPHIA — 
 
 IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, JULY 4, 1776, 
 
 AND IN HONOR OF THE SIGNERS THEREOF, 
 IN ACCORDANCE WITH A PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS 
 
 SUBMITTED BY 
 
 A. G. WATERMAN, ESQ., 
 
 OF THE SELECT COUNCIL, AND ADOPTED BY BOTH BRANCHES OF COUNCILS 
 SEPTEMBER 25, 1S51. 
 
 "^ PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 CRISSY & MARKLEY, PRINTERS, GOLDSMITHS' HALL, LIBRARY ST. 
 
 1852. 
 
 ^(^,^5)^' 
 
Thilhde.lphi^. hJ^fl^y of -f^e 'i'hirfe.e.rj origins 
 
 REPORT ^t-"^"r'*^^ 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF A COPENTION 
 
 COMPOSED OP 
 
 Drlrgntfs frnm \^i ^jjirtrjn (Driginal flaltr^ llntrH; 
 
 HELD IN 
 
 INDEPENDENCE HALL 
 
 ON MONDAY THE FIFTH, AND TUESDAY THE SIXTH OF JULY, 1852, 
 
 FOR THE 
 PURPOSE OF CONSIDERING THE PROPRIETY 
 
 OF ERECTING ONE OR MORE 
 
 MONUMENTS IN INDEPENDENCE SQUARE, 
 
 — PHILADELPHIA — 
 
 IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 
 
 DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, JULY 4, 1776, 
 
 AND IN HONOR OF THE SIGNERS THEREOF, 
 
 IN ACCORDANCE WITH A PREAMBLE AND RESOLUTIONS 
 
 SUBMITTED BY 
 
 A. G. WATERMAN, ESQ., 
 
 OF THE SELECT COUNCIL, AND ADOPTED BY BOTH BRANCHES OF COUNCILS 
 SEPTEMBER 25, 1S51. 
 
 <=^ PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 CrJSST & MAEKLEY, PRINTERS, GOLDSMITHS' HALL, LIBR 
 
 1852. 
 

RESOLUTION 
 
 ADOPTED BT THE 
 
 SELECT AND COMMON COUNCILS OF THE CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, 
 
 MAY 20, 1852. 
 
 Kesolved, Tliat a Joint Special Committee, consisting of tliree members 
 from each Council, be appointed to make arrangements for the accommodation 
 of the Convention, invited under a Resolution of Select and Common Councils, 
 passed the 25th of September, 1851, in relation to the erection of Monuments 
 in Independence Square, and for the Entertainment of the Members of said 
 Convention, as the guests of the City, diu-ing their Session. 
 
 Whereupon, the following gentlemen were appointed said Committee : 
 
 Coiniiioii Couucilt 
 
 CHARLES A. POULSON, Chairman, 
 D. B. HINMAN, 
 JOHN H. DIEHL. 
 
 Select Council. 
 
 THOMAS J. PERKINS, 
 ROBERT HUTCHINSON, 
 FRANCIS H. DUFFEE. 
 
 ERRATUM. 
 
 The name of Jacob E. Hagert should be substituted for 
 that of Robert Hutchinson, who was not a member of the 
 Committee. 
 
PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 The National Convention of tlie original "Thirteen States" 
 assembled in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, at 11 o'clock on 
 the morning of Monday, July 5th, 1852. 
 
 Besides the members of the Convention, the Hall outside the 
 railing was thronged to excess by citizens, who evidently felt a 
 deep interest in the proceedings. 
 
 Col. Wm. C. Alexander, of New Jersey, moved that His 
 Excellency William Biglek, of Pennsylvania, be elected 
 President pro. tern. 
 
 Which was agreed to. 
 
 Governor Bigler having taken the chair, spoke as follows : 
 
 Gentlemen : — It is one of the happiest events of my life, to 
 act in a movement so congenial to my feelings, and it is an 
 honor of which any man might be proud. For this, gentlemen, 
 I thank you sincerely, and shall proceed to discharge, as best I 
 can, the duties which you have assigned me. 
 
6 
 
 On motion of the Hon. Jolin C. Spencer, the Hon. L, S. 
 Foster, of Connecticut, was appointed temporary Secretary. 
 
 The names of States represented, and of the Delegates repre- 
 senting them, were called over by the Secretary, and resulted in 
 the following list : 
 
 STATES AND DELEGATES. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Hon. Charles Francis Adams, Hon. Nathaniel P. Banks. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 
 Hon. La Fayette S. Foster, Hon. U. J. Ingersoll, 
 
 RHODE ISLAND. 
 
 Hon. Wingate Hayes, Benjamin F. Thurston. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 Ex-Governor Samuel Dinsmorr, Hon. William Butterfield. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 
 Hon. John C. Spencer, Hon. Murray Hoffman. 
 
 NEAV JERSEY. 
 
 Gen. Edwin R. V. Wright, Col. William C. Alexander. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 His Excellency William Bigler, Col. A. G. Waterman. 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 Hon. J. A. Bayard,* 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 
 Hon. Marshall J. Wellborn, Hon. Asbury Hull. 
 
 * The Hon. John M. Clayton, also a delegate from Delaware, was unable to 
 attend the Convention, 
 
Mr. Hoffman, of New York, moved that the President 
 appoint a " committee of five." for the purpose of reporting a 
 permanent organization of the Convention. 
 
 Which motion was agreed to, and the following gentlemen 
 were appointed said Committee : 
 
 Messrs. Murray Hoffman, New York. 
 
 M. J. Wellborn, Georgia. 
 
 William Butterfield, - - - - New Hampshire. 
 
 W. C. Alexander, . - - _ New Jersey. 
 
 N. P. Banks, Massachusetts. 
 
 Mr. Spencer, of New York, rose and said : 
 
 Mr. President. — It will, I think, he impossible to do any 
 business here to-day. The noise — the patriotic noise outside,* 
 will continue all day, and it will be well for us to appoint our 
 Committee on general business, after organization, and adjourn 
 until to-morrow mornino;. 
 
 Mr. Wright, of New Jersey, thought that before Mr. 
 Spencer's view was acted upon, it would be desirable for the 
 Committee on Organization to make their report. 
 
 The Committee on Officers made a report through their 
 Chairman, which being seconded by Mr. Spencer, was unani- 
 mously adopted. 
 
 * The Fourth of July having occurred on the previous day, (Sunday,) Inde- 
 pendence day was celebrated by the people, in the square and around the Hall, 
 on the 5th of July. 
 
PRESIDENT. 
 
 His Excellency WILLIAM BIGLER, Governor of the State 
 of Pennsylvania. 
 
 VICE PRESIDENTS. 
 
 Hon. Chas. F. Adams, of Mass., Hon. A. Hull, of Ga. 
 
 Secretary. 
 Hon. La Fayette S. Foster, of Connecticut. 
 
 Assistant Secretary. 
 Joseph Reese Fry. 
 
 Mr. Wright proposed that the proceedings of the Conven- 
 tion should be opened with prayer. 
 
 Which was agreed to. 
 
 As the sounds of rejoicing, fire-works, &c., continued in the 
 vicinity of the Hall, and even increased to such an extent that 
 it was difficult to hear what was said, Mr. Spencer again rose, 
 and moved an adjournment to the following morning ; but on a 
 subsequent motion, the Convention adjourned to 5 P. M. 
 
EVENING SESSION. 
 
 The Convention re-assembled at 5 P. M., in pursuance of 
 adjournment. 
 
 The Rev. Dr. Mokton, Rector of St. James' Church, Phihi- 
 delphia, having been requested by the President, opened the 
 meeting with prayer : 
 
 Lord God Almighty, Omniscient, Omnipresent, we have 
 heard with our ears, and our fathers have declared unto us, the 
 noble works that thou didst in their days, and in the old time 
 before them. How thou didst raise up for thy people's rescue, 
 men of noble minds and brave hearts, and nerve them to do 
 their work with unfaltering zeal and unfailing constancy. To 
 thee we owe it that they quailed not in the hour of danger, that 
 they wandered not in the season of perplexity, but did their 
 work manfully and well. To thee we owe this mercy ; for from 
 thee Cometh every good and perfect gift — by thee the feeble are 
 made strong, the foolish wise, and the timid wax valiant in fight 
 under the inspiration of thy presence. Thus, Lord, hast thou 
 helped us. We bless thee with full hearts for all thy favors — 
 and shall we not, Lord, remember those whose hearts thou didst 
 move to do thy will? Shall we forget the hands that untied our 
 heavy burdens ? Shall we no more remember the lips that 
 poured forth burning wortfe of encouragement, and words 
 weighty with the counsels of profoundest wisdom ? Shall not 
 our own right hand rather forget its cunning, and our tongue 
 
10 
 
 cleave to the roof of our mouth, ere we cease to rememher the 
 great and good, who bj thy providence were set to rule over us, 
 and succor us in the hour of necessity ? Help us, Lord, to 
 keep fresh the memory of those worthy of our regard. Direct 
 all counsels which have this good object in view. As thou hast 
 given us great and wise men to work — give us grace and wisdom 
 to keep their work impressively before us, that Ave, and our child- 
 ren after us, may be stirred up to emulate the virtues of the 
 patriot, while we cultivate assiduously the graces of the Chris- 
 tian. Grant this, Lord, we humbly beseech thee, for Jesus 
 Christ's sake, our only Mediator and Redeemer. 
 
 The President of the Convention then commenced the regu- 
 lar proceedings of the session, by delivering the subjoined 
 address : 
 
 Gentlemen : — I again tender to you my most profound 
 acknowledgments for this renewed evidence of your confidence. 
 To preside over the deliberations of a body like this, on an 
 occasion so interesting, and for a purpose so exalted, is an honor 
 which should be genial to the feelings of any American citizen. 
 I shall ever cherish a lively recollection of the incidents of this 
 day. When we shall have separated and returned to our 
 homes — when the work which we are about to commence shall 
 have been completed, if my life be spared, my thoughts shall 
 recur to this occa.sion and to the individual members of this 
 Convention, and my heart swell with emotions of gratitude and 
 delight at the remembrance. 
 
 The occasion and place of our ^meeting is of no ordinary 
 character. The idea of a Monument to the Declaration of 
 Lidependence, brings forcibly to the mind the past achieve- 
 
11 
 
 merits of our country, and excites a thrill of delightful hope for 
 the future. The presence of these ancient 'walls, within which 
 were promulgated everlasting truths which spoke our nation into 
 existence, and sustained it through many past struggles, is calcu- 
 lated to inspire us with a deep sense of the high and delicate 
 duty to which we have been called. 
 
 How sublime the scene which was witnessed in this Hall in 
 1776. How proud the motive, how bold the action which charac- 
 terized the movements of that body — how brilliant the result of 
 their labors — how boundless and never-ending the blessed conse- 
 quences ! This may well be regarded as the event of events in 
 our history, and the structure to commemorate it should be the 
 monument of monuments : as the event was at the foundation of 
 all, so let the Monument to commemorate it, overlook and over- 
 shadow all. 
 
 But shall a Monument be built? I say, yes; such a memorial 
 of the event is sanctioned by the customs of all other countries, 
 and to some extent practised in our own — we have now a number 
 of monuments to perpetuate important events and great names, 
 each of which is, perhaps, the immediate or remote conse- 
 quence of the declaration and maintenance of our National 
 Independence. 
 
 But the sanction of custom is full and complete. From the 
 earliest ages of mankind, and in all conditions of the human 
 race, commemorative monuments have been used to perpetuate 
 great names and interesting events. The children of Israel had 
 their Bethels and their Ebenezcrs. Egypt and Assyria their 
 pyramids and temples. Greece and Rome are full of monu- 
 ments to their gods and heroes. Even among barbarous tribes, 
 a nation's rude memorial is found. The cross and crescent are 
 symbols of vast ideas — the one Christianity, the other Moham- 
 
12 
 
 medism— flags and banners arc visible signs of the ruling senti- 
 ments of the people to •whom they belong. The sentiment 
 seems to be universal, because it is natural that great truths 
 should have an embodied expression — a visible sign. 
 
 Monuments are designed not onl j as records of gratitude and 
 the embodiment of sentiment, but for the perpetuation of ideas 
 which are believed to be useful and worth preserving. But 
 "who, what nation or people of antiquity or modern times, Chris- 
 tian or Pagan, civilized or savage, has such a story to tell and 
 such a history to preserve, as we ? 
 
 The act and deed which made us a Nation was the Declaration 
 of Independence ; the bond which made us an United Republic — 
 not the Constitution. And secondly, has the world witnessed 
 transactions more sublime, or events pregnant with more momen- 
 tous consequences, since the delivery of the law to Moses, 
 by the hand of the Almighty, amid the clouds and thunders 
 of Mount Sinai ? In short, the American Revolution was the 
 grandest event in human history. It was the outbreaking of 
 the noblest purposes which the human heart can conceive, to 
 the greatest results which earth has ever witnessed. 
 
 Long since should we have had some imperishable memorial 
 of our gratitude — some everlasting witness of the great things 
 done amongst us, and for us. Let us, then, build a Monument 
 in Independence Square, to perpetuate the memory of the 
 Declaration of Independence — the Revolution — the Constitu- 
 tion — the Heroes and History of our country. Let its founda- 
 tions be so dense and firm that nothing shall shake them but the 
 final throes of expiring nature — let it rise so high toward heaven, 
 that nothing but our own eagle shall dare to soar to its summit — 
 and thither to its shades let the American people, in after ages, 
 go up, not to worship, but to catch the inspiration of those men 
 
13 
 
 and times, wlilcli now is able, as it then was, to take from all 
 the nations of the earth and make them one people. 
 
 Pennsylvania, as the fortunate locality of this great event, 
 desires no higher honor than to dedicate the sacred spot to the 
 use of such memorial as her sister States may desire — she 
 stands no more than equal with them in all other respects. She 
 joined the other members of the Confederacy in this effort to 
 distinguish the Nation's birth day, in that liberal and patriotic 
 spirit which actuated her in the part she has had in the struggles 
 which followed the original scenes in this Hall. When com- 
 pleted, the Monument will belong to no locality; but, in the 
 spirit of the great instrument which it is intended to perpetuate, 
 it shall be dedicated to the possession, use and glory of the 
 whole Republic. Forever to remain the property and pride of 
 the Nation — a pledge of fidelity to the principles of the De- 
 claration of Independence, to the Constitution and the Union. 
 
 Mr. Spencer asked for the reading of the resolutions adopted 
 by the Select and Common Councils of the City of Philadelphia, 
 under which the Convention had assembled. 
 
 The folloAviug preamble and resolutions were then read by the 
 Assistant Secretary : — 
 
 " The spot on which the Congress of the American Colonies 
 declared their Independence, should be dear to the whole nation 
 to which that act gave birth. It is hallowed not only by the 
 heroism of the men, who, in the name of a small and scattered 
 people, renounced the rule of a powerful king, but by the first 
 formal promulgation of the principles of popular liberty, which 
 are the inheritance of our great Republic, and the guide and 
 hope of the friends of man throughout the world. 
 
14 
 
 Viewed with tliis reference, the Hall of the old State House 
 of the colony of Pennsylvania may take precedence in interest 
 of every other edifice, ancient or modern. In it assembled the 
 Apostles of Political Freedom. In it, calling God to witness 
 the truth of their cause, they pledged their' lives to that Reve- 
 lation of Rights, from the progress of which, in the brief period 
 of human life, we are assured that in due time it will embrace 
 the convictions, and secure the happiness of the whole family 
 of mankind. 
 
 It is assumed, therefore, that the thirteen States of 1776 feel 
 a common and special pride in the alliance of their names with 
 the Declaration of Independence, — with the wisdom which con- 
 ceived it, the valor which resolved it, the glory which still con- 
 firms it ; and that they will unite in further consecrating the 
 place of its adoption, by memorials worthy of the act and of its 
 authors. Entertaining these views, be it and it is hereby 
 
 Resolved, By the Select and Common Councils of the City 
 of Philadelphia — 
 
 First, That it is expedient to have erected in the grove 
 belonging to the Hall in which the National Independence was 
 declared, one or more Monuments, commemorative respectively 
 of the States and of the men, parties to that glorious event. 
 
 Secondly, That in order to accomplish this patrotic design, 
 the Presidents of Select and Common Councils are hereby 
 directed to furnish a copy of these proceedings to, and memo- 
 rialize the Legislatures of the States of Massachusetts, New 
 Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jer- 
 sey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Caro- 
 lina, South Carolina and Georgia, suggesting to these Legisla- 
 
15 
 
 tures to appoint each two delegates to a Convention to assemble 
 in Independence Hall on the 4tli day of July, 1852, as guests 
 of the City of Philadelphia, there to deliberate upon a plan of 
 carrying into eflFect this proposition in a manner becoming the 
 means of their constituents, and the memories of the illustrious 
 dead. 
 
 Tliirdly, That in the event of this proposition having a favor- 
 able response from the States addressed, the Select and Com- 
 mon Councils of the City of Philadelphia, in the name of the 
 citizens, are pledged to hold the grounds of Independence 
 Hall free from all encroachments upon the Monuments to be 
 erected, and to guard the same equally with the Hall itself, as 
 a sacred and national trust forever." 
 
 Mr. Spencer moved the subjoined resolution : — 
 Resolved, That a Committee of one from each State, be 
 appointed by the President, to consider the proposition con- 
 tained in the resolutions of the Select and Common Councils of 
 the city of Philadelphia, which have caused the assembhng of 
 this Convention, to recommend a general plan and design for 
 the Monument proposed, the manner of obtaining the means for 
 its erection, and their application — the proper measures to 
 secure its consecration to the great national purpose for which 
 it is to be erected, and the different executive committees which 
 shall be appointed to carry into effect the purposes of this Con- 
 vention ; and that the same committee be requested to prepare 
 an address to the Legislatures and people of the States whose 
 co-operation is desired, explanatory of the views of the Conven- 
 tion, and soliciting the passage of the necessary acts to attain 
 an object so dear to the American people, and so instructive to 
 all posterity. 
 
16 
 
 Which, being seconded, was unanimously adopted, and the 
 folloAving gentlemen appointed the Committee by the President : 
 
 Mr. Spencer, New York. 
 
 My. Banks, Massachusetts. 
 
 Mr. Ingersoll, Connecticut. 
 
 Mr. Thurston, Rhode Island. 
 
 Mr. Dinsmorr, New Hampshire. 
 
 Mr. Wright, New Jersey. 
 
 Mr. Waterman, Pennsylvania. 
 
 Mr. Bayard, Delaware. 
 
 Mr. Wellborn, Georgia. 
 
 The President requested the Secretary to read the following 
 communication from the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 
 
 Philadelphia, July 2, 1852. 
 
 To the Convention of Delegates from the States of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
 Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Neiv Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware^ 
 Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia: — 
 
 Gentlemen : — We communicate herewith a copy of a Reso- 
 lution adopted by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, at its 
 last meeting, in favor of the proposition to erect one or more 
 Monuments to the signers, in Independence Square. We beg 
 leave to express the high gratification we feel that you are to 
 convene for the purpose of pondering on this patriotic sug- 
 gestion. 
 
 It is the opinion of the Society we have the honor to repre- 
 sent, that the space to be thus allotted, within the sacred 
 enclosure, should be held by the authorities of Philadelphia, 
 forever, as a national trust. We believe that such a dedication 
 of the irround would be hailed in all the States with a grateful, 
 
17 
 
 warm and aflFectionate applause. Some enduring memorial, 
 ■vylietlier in the form of a single monument, worthy in propor- 
 tions and architecture of the noble sentiment it would embody, 
 or of separate cenotaphs, reared by each community to its own 
 illustrious dead, — would strengthen that fraternal bond which 
 converted thirteen helpless or dependent colonies into one great 
 family of sovereign States. It would revive those proud events 
 which consecrate the National birth, and would awaken those 
 historic memories of a common danger and a common triumph, 
 which are favorable to the diffusion of a deep and abiding 
 national sympathy. It would kindle anew on the altar of the 
 popular heart, that holy fire of union for freedom, which was first 
 lighted at the Revolution. 
 
 But of the many good effects of this design, it is unnecessary 
 to speak. "We are sure that you, gentlemen, and your consti- 
 tuencies, are fully sensible of it all. We tender to you in all 
 sincerity, the assurance of our hearty good will for the under- 
 taking, and of our readiness to promote it by every means in 
 our power. 
 
 With high respect, we are, gentlemen, 
 
 Your obedient servants, 
 
 J. R. TYSON, 
 GEO. NORTHROP, 
 ED. ARMSTRONG, 
 TOWNSEND WARD, 
 
 Committee, etc. 
 Which was laid on the table. 
 
 The Convention received the following, which was read — 
 
 To the Convention of Delegates from the original Thirteen United States, now sitting 
 in Independence Hall : — 
 
 Gentlemen: — On behalf of the Joint Special Committee of 
 Select and Common Councils of this City, I have the honor of 
 
18 
 
 inviting you to visit Girard College for Orphans, at such time 
 as may be most convenient to you. 
 
 Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
 
 CIIAS. A. POULSON, 
 Chairman Joint Special Committee. 
 
 Committee Room, July 5, 1852. 
 
 Whereupon, 
 
 Mr. AVaterman moved that the invitation be accepted, and 
 that it take place to-morrow, at 4 o'clock, P. M. 
 
 Mr. Spencer. — I am willing to concur in the first part of the 
 motion, that it be accepted, but the state of our business is so 
 uncertain, that it is impossible to fix any hour. I am -willing to 
 concede to the former part of the proposition, but think it "vvill 
 save time to omit the remainder of the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Waterman withdrew the latter part of the resolution, 
 and 
 
 The invitation was accepted. 
 
 Mr. Spencer. — Mr. President, if there be no further business 
 before the Convention, in order to give the Committee just 
 appointed, time to perform their duties, I will moA'^e that the 
 Convention adjourn to meet at this place to-morrow, at 11 
 o'clock, A. M. ; and I propose that late hour, in order to give 
 this Committee sufficient time to dispose of their business, 
 and the more time we give them, the more time we save our- 
 selves. 
 
 The Convention adjourned to meet at 11 A. M., on the fol- 
 lowing day. 
 
19 
 
 SECBIi BAYo 
 
 TUESDAY, JULY 6.— morning session. 
 
 The Convention assembled at 11 A. M., in pursuance of ad- 
 journment. 
 
 Prayers were offered up by tlie Rev. Mr. Ruffxer, Pastor of 
 the Penn Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia. 
 
 Mr. Spencer, Chairman of the Committee of one from each 
 State, rose and introduced the Report and Resolutions from that 
 body — observing, that in order to ensure success in the under- 
 taking, the Committee thought it was indispensable that the 
 Thirteen States, which had been appealed to, and the people of 
 those States, should be entirely and perfectly satisfied that it 
 was not'a local or State object — but a National object to which 
 they were asked to contribute. Mr. Spencer then read the 
 
 REPORT AND RESOLUTIONS. 
 
 The Committee of one from each State, which was directed to 
 consider the resolutions of the Select and Common Councils of 
 the city of Philadelphia, under Avhich this Convention have as- 
 sembled, and to report a general plan and design of the pro- 
 posed monument, the manner of obtaining means for its erec- 
 tion, and the proper measures to secure its perpetual consecration 
 to the destined purpose, respectfully report : — 
 
 They have approached the consideration of the subject with 
 profound convictions of its importance, and with a sense of the 
 difficulties arising from the novelty of the proposition, to erect 
 
20 
 
 by means of contributions from the original States in their 
 sovereign capacity as political communities, near the hall where 
 the Declaration of Independence was formed and promulgated, 
 a Monument commemorative of that stupendous event, and of 
 the immortal agents and actors by and through whom, under the 
 guidance of an approving God, it was produced. 
 
 Our views of the character and consequences of that event, 
 and of the duties of this generation in respect to it, will be pre- 
 sented in another paper. This report will be confined to the 
 subjects before particularly enumerated, and to a practical con- 
 sideration of the means of attaining the proposed object. 
 
 It is understood that the general plan of a monument, con- 
 templates a structure with thirteen sides or faces, united by an 
 entablature, upon which the Declaration of Independence shall 
 be cut into the solid stone, surmounted by a tower or shaft ; the 
 thirteen faces to contain such inscriptions and emblazonings as 
 each State shall direct, commemorative of some citizen or citi- 
 zens of her own, who took part in the responsibility of that De- 
 claration. Of course, the architectural design and details must 
 be left to the skill and taste of our artists, subject to the appro- 
 bation of the representatives of the contributing States. 
 
 The monument, the ground on which it may be erected, the 
 adjacent grounds, and the Ilall of the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence, will be consecrated, as the Convention has already been 
 assured, by the Select and Common Councils of Philadelphia, to 
 the sacred National purposes to which they will be dedicated. 
 To accomplish this, however, more effectually, and to give to the 
 sovereign States the most ample convictions that these grounds 
 and the Monument can never be diverted from their purposes, 
 your Committee recommend the appointment of a select com- 
 mittee of three of the best jurists in this Convention, to consult 
 
21 
 
 with the Select and Common Councils of Philadelphia, and 
 arrange with them for the passage of the proper ordinances and 
 the execution of the proper instruments, vesting in the repre- 
 sentatives of the States hereinafter mentioned, powers in trust 
 adequate to enable them to maintain and keep in repair the 
 Monument, and to preserve it and adjacent grounds for its in- 
 tended purpose, but without affecting the title to the property ; 
 and that the Committee apply to the Legislature of Pennsyl- 
 vania for the passage of acts confirming the proceedings of the 
 municipal authorities of Philadelphia, and pledging the faith of 
 the State to the exercise of all its powers to enforce their strict 
 performance. 
 
 Your Committee entertain no doubt that such acts, ordinances 
 and instruments, may be prepared as will afford every security 
 that human authority can furnish, for the perpetual consecra- 
 tion of the Monument and its appurtenances to the purpose de- 
 signed. Your Committee are gratified to find that, in these 
 suggestions, they have only met and accomplished the ardent 
 desire of the municipal authorities of Philadelphia, and as the 
 Convention have been publicly assured by its President, the 
 Governor of the State of Pennsylvania, of the people and con- 
 stituted authorities of that State. By the course of events the 
 State and City became vested with the care and guardianship 
 of that venerable Hall, so sacred to patriotism. They have so 
 far faithfully discharged their trust for the nation ; and they 
 now feel that their whole duty is not discharged until they have 
 made that Hall and its grounds still more national by a Monu- 
 ment that shall indicate to American citizens and to pilgrims of 
 liberty from the old world, who shall seek or visit our shores 
 for ages to come, the identical spot where the mighty deeds of 
 our Fathers were done in the olden time. It was their peculiar 
 
22 
 
 province, as custodians of this sacred deposit, to call the atten- 
 tion of the American people to the duty which devolved upon 
 this generation to consummate the work by the acts of their 
 sovereign States. They are entitled to indulge a just and 
 honest pride in the fact of their good fortune in having such 
 historical reminiscences in their city. But beyond this, they 
 have no duty and no interest other than what are common to 
 all their countrymen. They would have been recreant to 
 patriotism, if they had longer delayed this summons to our 
 common duty. Having given it, their duties have terminated, 
 and they cheerfully leave the whole subject to the States. 
 
 The manner of obtaining the necessary pecuniary means for 
 the erection of the Monument, is next to be considered. It has 
 already been indicated that these means are expected to be ob- 
 tained by contributions of the political communities whose repre- 
 sentatives, with halters around their necks, subscribed an instru- 
 ment that consigned them to dungeons and to death, or to liberty 
 and independence. It would be obviously unjust to ask equal 
 contributions from all the States, without regard to their pecu- 
 niary ability. No better mode of approximating to that ability, 
 none so just and fair in itself, none more familiar in all our 
 national assemblages can be presented, than that which regu- 
 lates the representation of each State in the House of Repre- 
 sentatives of the Congress of the United States. The facility 
 of its application, also commends it to favorable consideration. 
 Your Committee, therefore, do not hesitate to recommend that 
 the estimated expense of the Monument, supposed to be about 
 one hundred thousand dollars, be defrayed by contributions 
 from the States whose co-operation is to be solicited, in the 
 same ratio and proportion as tlieir members of the House of 
 Representatives of the United States. 
 
23 
 
 Intimately connected with this subject, is that of proper pro- 
 visions for the safe keeping of the funds contributed, and the 
 certain application of them to the avowed purpose. To accom- 
 plish these objects, your Committee recommend that the funds 
 thus contributed be placed under the exclusive management of 
 representatives of the States contributing them. Any State, 
 when passing an act appropriating to the object the amount of 
 its contribution, should at the same time appoint, or authorize 
 its Executive or some other officer to appoint, a Trustee of the 
 Independence Declaration Fund, and make the proper provisions 
 for filling any vacancies. The duties of these Trustees would be, 
 under the instruments executed and the ordinances passed by 
 the Select and Common Councils of the city of Philadelphia, 
 to maintain and keep in repair the Monument and adjacent 
 grounds, and to preserve them and the Hall of Independence 
 for the purposes to which they shall have been dedicated ; to 
 direct and superintend the construction of the Monument ; to 
 disburse the moneys contributed, and generally to watch over 
 the deposits entrusted to them. 
 
 These duties would ordinarily be executed in details by sub- 
 committees of their own body, so that meetings of the whole, 
 after the completion of the Monument, oftener than once in each 
 year, would be unnecessary. They would employ the proper 
 architects and control the whole expenditure, and these annual 
 meetings would be in themselves perpetual memorials of the 
 original confederacy of the Thirteen States. 
 
 Their labors would be facilitated by the appointment of two 
 temporary committees of members of this Convention. One, to 
 consist of three members, to take charge of all contributions 
 that may be made for the erection of the monument, and safely 
 invest them, until at least nine trustees shall have been appointed 
 
24 
 
 by as many States, and then to pay over such moneys in their 
 hands, to the order of the Trustees, or a majority of them. 
 
 Another Committee, to consist of five members, whose duty it 
 shall be to solicit from the artists of the country, plans, designs 
 and estimates of the expense, and to obtain all other needful 
 information respecting the erection of the monument, and to 
 submit the whole, with their views on the subject, to the Trus- 
 tees, whenever at least nine shall have been appointed. 
 
 It will be perceived that reference has been made throughout 
 to the action of the Thirteen States, who were the parties to the 
 Declaration of Independence. The States then were exclusive 
 and independent sovereignties, voting and acting in Congress 
 by States. The same political communities have continued to 
 this day, and although divisions of territory have been made, 
 and new States have sprung up, yet the political identity of the 
 Thirteen States remains. The unity and harmony of the con- 
 federacy of 177G, which the contemplated Monument is designed 
 to illustrate, could not be preserved if any other than the original 
 political communities were represented by it. It is not, therefore, 
 in any spirit of arrogance that the daughters of those States are 
 not invited to participate in this enterprise, but simply to pre- 
 serve the unity of the design. The new States, filled with the 
 descendants of the Confederacy, who are animated by the same 
 sentiments of gratitude and veneration for the civic and military 
 heroes of the revolution, will no doubt find a fitting opportunity 
 for the expression of those sentiments, in the disposition of the 
 municipal authorities of Philadelphia, to devote other portions of 
 the sacred grounds connected Avith Independence Hall, to such 
 additional Monuments as the new States may think proper to 
 erect, in order to commemorate the leading events of that 
 wonderful struggle of seven years of peril and of sufi'ering, 
 
25 
 
 wliicli confirmed and vindicated the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence. The plan of proceeding now proposed for the Monument 
 designed by us, would be applicable in all its parts and details 
 to such an enterprise. We fervently hope that the undoubted 
 patriotism of the citizens of the new States will prompt them to 
 speedy and vigorous efforts, to place, beside the Independence 
 Monument, another, devoted to the revolution — that thus, the 
 sublime spectacle may be presented, of thirty-one sovereign 
 States uniting in acts of filial devotion to the memory and 
 achievements of their patriot fathers. 
 
 These exhibitions of American feeling should not be permitted 
 to interfere with the measures now in progress for the erection 
 of the noble monument to the peerless Washington. He stands 
 alone by himself, in the estimation of his countrymen and of 
 the world, and it is fitting that a monumental pile should ascend 
 to the heavens above us, for him, and for him alone. The 
 patriotic fervor which we would kindle in the hearts of our 
 countrymen, we fervently trust, will accelerate a speedy com- 
 pletion of that glorious spire which is now rising to his memory 
 in the National capital which he founded, and which is honored 
 with his name. 
 
 Your Committee have now submitted, in a detail which they 
 fear has been tedious, but which seems necessary to a full con- 
 sideration of the subject, their views and suggestions. After 
 very mature consideration, and full and thorough examination 
 and discussion, the Committee unanimously recommend them to 
 the adoption of the Convention. 
 
 They have instructed their Chairman to move certain resolu- 
 tions which are necessary to their being executed. 
 
 J. C. SPENCER, Chairman. 
 
26 
 
 Resolved, That a. committee of three members be appointed 
 by the President, to 'consult with the Select and Common Coun- 
 cils of the city of Philadelphia, or with committees of their 
 bodies, and arrange with them for the passage of the proper 
 ordinances and the execution of the proper instruments, vesting 
 in the trustees who may be appointed by States contributing to 
 the Independence Monument Fund, powers in trust adequate to 
 enable them to maintain and keep in repair the said Monument, 
 and to preserve it and the adjacent grounds for the intended 
 purpose ; and that the said committee apply to the Legislature 
 of the State of Pennsylvania for the passage of an act, confirm- 
 ing the said proceedings of the said Select and Common Coun- 
 cil, and pledging the faith of the State, and the exertion of all 
 its powers, to enforce the strict performance of all the engage- 
 ments of the said Councils. 
 
 Resolved, That a committee of three persons be appointed by 
 the President, to take charge, temporarily, of all contributions 
 that may be made for the erection of the Independence Monu- 
 ment, until at least nine trustees shall have been appointed by 
 as many States, as suggested in the report of a committee of 
 this Convention, and then to pay over such moneys to the order 
 of the said trustees, or a majority of them. 
 
 Resolved, That a committee of five members be appointed by 
 the President, to solicit from the artists of the country, plans, 
 designs, and estimates of the expense, of the Independence 
 Monument, and to obtain all other needful information respect- 
 ing the erection of the Monument ; and to submit the whole, 
 with their views on the subject, to the trustees appointed by 
 States contributing to the fund, whenever at least nine shall be 
 appointed by as many States. 
 
27 
 
 Resolved, That the officers of the Convention be requested to 
 transmit to the Legislatures of the original Thirteen States, and 
 to the Governors of those States, printed copies of the proceed- 
 ings of this Convention ; and that the delegates from each State 
 be requested to take charge of the application to their respec- 
 tive States for aid and co-operation in the erection of the pro- 
 posed Monument, and to promote the same by their personal 
 exertions. 
 
 Mpw Spencer supported the report and resolutions in a speech 
 to the following effect : 
 
 Mr. President: — 
 
 The Committee, in order to ensure success in the under- 
 taking, as I have already briefly stated, consider it indispensa- 
 ble that the thirteen States to be appealed to, and the people of 
 those States, should be perfectly and entirely satisfied that it is 
 not a local or State interest to which they are asked to contri- 
 bute. The idea had already been broached to some of the mem- 
 bers of this Convention, that this was a plan to beautify the city 
 of Philadelphia, and such undoubtedly would be the idea among 
 sordid minds. Still, the sordid mind must be dealt with. 
 Hence, we started with the idea, that this Monument, and the 
 adjacent grounds, were to be regarded as national property; and 
 we understand that the Select and Common Councils of the city 
 of Philadelphia consider that they have now discharged their 
 duties, and leave it to the States to execute the project. The 
 plan proposed is : that trustees shall be appointed by the States 
 contributing — each one. 
 
 And thus representing its sovereign character in this nev\' 
 Union, each is to be equal ; and these trustees, all stand- 
 
28 
 
 ing upon an equal footing, are representatives of the sovereign- 
 ty of their States. The trustees to constitute a board of patriotic 
 and intelligent men, who will not accept the trust without a full 
 determination to fulfil their whole duty. These gentlemen will 
 act mainly by sub-committees. It is proposed that the City 
 Council should execute powers in trust over this property, 
 retaining the fee, which is now understood to be in the hands of 
 the municipal authorities. It does not transfer the right of 
 property in the soil, but it contemplates a control over that pro- 
 perty technically known as a "power in trust;" while the city 
 remains the owner, with a third person to have such a control 
 over it, as may be necessary to keep it in good condition. 
 
 Thus you see, we maintain inviolate the rights of the city, 
 while the whole will be converted into a national monument, 
 under the charge of a national organization. 
 
 We are then certain that the funds will not be misapplied, 
 and that the memorial will never be diverted from its purpose so 
 long as we are a nation. 
 
 I think, sir, it will interest the States, and I think that they 
 will feel that they have a duty to perform, and "where the trea- 
 sure is, there the heart will be also." They will meet here also. 
 
 Here we are in a room, the associations of which fill me with 
 awe ; and it makes me feel my own" insignificance, when I con- 
 template that I now fill one of the seats occupied by those 
 martyrs seventy-six years ago. Here we have all a treasure which 
 excites our deepest sympathy, and around which our hearts cluster 
 with the fondest afi'ection, and will cluster so long as one senti- 
 ment of gratitude, or one throb of patriotism animates our 
 souls. 
 
 Sir, the States and their citizens feel this, and I have no doubt 
 they only want an opportunity to evince their devotion, by erect- 
 
29 
 
 ing a new slirine to add to the treasure tliey already have, and 
 to guard it, and transmit it to tlie remotest posterity. I think 
 they will feel an interest from a knowledge that their own agents 
 have the care of it, and it seems to me, therefore, with great 
 deference, that the ideas brought out in this report, and which 
 are suggestions of the various members of the Convention, if 
 anything can, will accomplish the object in view. I submit 
 them therefore to you, and move their adoption. 
 
 Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts, in rising to second the motion 
 for the adoption of the report and resolutions, begged leave, in 
 the first place, to express his thanks to the distinguished Chair- 
 man, and to the Committee, for the very clear and satisfactory 
 manner in which the objects of our meeting had been set forth. 
 We had assembled for the purpose of consulting as to the means 
 of imparting a national character to a Monument commemora- 
 tive of national events associated with these scenes. As a dele- 
 gate from Massachusetts, whilst he cordially concurred in all 
 that was proposed to be done, his mind had involuntarily turned 
 back to former days, and contrasted the motives of his appear- 
 ance now with those which actuated the persons sent to repre- 
 sent his State in the first Congress. His work was only an 
 agreeable task — theirs was full of anxiety, doubt, and diflSculty. 
 The Colony of Massachusetts had at that moment, with a zeal 
 perhaps a little outrunning the wisdom of this world, plunged 
 into a conflict with the whole power of the Mother Country. 
 Her principal port was shut up, a strong military force occupied 
 her capital, and she was threatened with the summary infliction 
 of all the penalties it was in the power of a proud and vindic- 
 tive government in Great Britain to apply. Her claims upon 
 the other colonies for aid, were none of them of a decisive 
 
30 
 
 character. Tliough confident of their sympathy, she had no 
 positive means of knowing how far that sympathy would carry 
 them to make common cause for a common object. It was in 
 this divided state of feeling that her four delegates slowly made 
 their way to this State and city. Pennsylvania and Philadel- 
 phia had not yet made any irrevocable issue with Great Britain. 
 They had not yet placed themselves in that situation of despair 
 when " to go back were as tedious as go o'er." Public senti- 
 ment had not definitely settled into any shape of action. Hence 
 it was that when the delegates from Massachusetts reached the 
 vicinity of this place, they were met by a procession of friends, 
 ostensibly to do them honor, but really to give them some kind 
 and useful cautions not to go faster than public opinion, nor in 
 attempting to secure too much, at once to run the risk of losing 
 all. 
 
 It is easy, then, to imagine the feelings of these four men upon 
 whom the responsibility then rested of making the appeal of 
 their afflicted Colony. Happily for them, their trial proved but 
 short. On the day of the meeting of the first Congress, a wild 
 and confused rumor had been dispersed through the city, (those 
 were not the days, Mr. President, of telegraphs, when errors 
 may be corrected almost as soon as they are made,) of some 
 terrible calamity that had happened to Boston. It was said that 
 General Gage had turned his batteries upon the devoted people 
 of that town, and had spread havoc and devastation even to 
 their hearth-stones. As the assembly met, and was opened with 
 prayer, (and in this I was very glad to perceive that yesterday 
 we followed the good old example,) it seemed almost providential 
 that the Psalm of the morning should contain that singularly 
 appropriate verse to the situation of the Massachusetts dele- 
 gates, " Take hold of shield and buckler, and stand up for mine 
 
31 
 
 help.'' Yet it must have been with great anxiety that they 
 looked around into the faces of their fellow-delegates, to study 
 the emotions they might express. There was no cause, however, 
 for doubt. The sufferings of Boston had won the day, without 
 a word more to plead their cause. A witness describes the 
 scene of the passage of the memorable resolutions of the 17th 
 of September, as in the highest degree affecting. The body was 
 unanimous, and all were in tears. Even the old, grave, pacific 
 Quakers, gave way to their emotions, and, in spite of their aver- 
 sion to dissention and to war, pledged themselves to give all the 
 aid that was in their power. Neither was the feeling confined 
 to the Convention or to the city. It spread around in the 
 neighboring counties. It had become known that the shutting 
 up by government of the port of Boston had deprived multitudes 
 of men and women of their ordinary means of getting bread, 
 and immediately subscriptions of money were set on foot to 
 relieve the destitute ; and the proceeds were remitted through 
 the hands of the delegates. Why, Mr. President, I happen to 
 have in my possession receipts signed by the Treasurer of the 
 town of Boston, for moneys contributed, not merely by Philadel- 
 phia, but by the people of Berks and of other counties of Penn- 
 sylvania. And shall I not now, then, Mr. President, come 
 forward with the agreeable duty of acknowledging these obliga- 
 tions laid upon us in our distress, and of promising from our 
 present abundance, some assistance to make the remembrance of 
 our ties enduring as brass or marble can make them ? And this 
 feeling of Pennsylvania was shared even by the colonies most 
 remote from the scene of action. 
 
 Georgia, the youngest and the weakest of the number, who 
 had few grievances to complain of, and many inducements to 
 continue on good terms with the Mother Country; Georgia soon 
 
32 
 
 sent word that the Parish of St. John's, then comprising one- 
 third of the people of the State, was right, and that the rest of 
 the Colony would soon come in ; and she did as she said. 
 
 But these are not all, nor nearly all of the associations that 
 throng my mind when I look around me. My difficulty in their 
 number is rather to select that which shall be first. Was it not 
 here, on this spot, that that noble, yet modest man, Washington, 
 was in the habit of attending daily, in his uniform, (indicating, 
 even before his appointment, the spirit of his mission,) and 
 giving useful practical advice to the Congress in military matters ? 
 Was it not here that that selection was made of him as Com- 
 mander-in-Chief, which guaranteed the fidelity to its purpose of 
 the army of the Revolution ? Was it not here that Patrick 
 Henry thundered the memorable sentiment, that in this cause hie 
 knew no distinction of Colonies, no Virginia, no Delaware, no 
 Massachusetts, no Rhode Island ; small or great, the question 
 was the 7'ights of all ? And here took place that memorable 
 struggle, long and hard-fought, but not the worse for that, termi- 
 nating in the great act which has made a new epoch in the 
 history of the world. There were those in Pennsylvania and 
 in the neighboring States, who hesitated as to the time for de- 
 claring an irrevocable separation : of such men were Dickinson 
 and Morris — true in heart, but of uncertain purpose. But when 
 once the scale had been turned by the bolder action of Franklin 
 and Clymer, and Mifflin and Rush, they no longer hesitated, but 
 like true patriots, threw in their great fortunes into the common 
 lot, and with them staked their lives and liberty for the country's 
 cause. So with the neighboring States, the centre of whose 
 movements was to be found in this Hall. It was from here that 
 Samuel Chase went back to Maryland for the purpose of appeal- 
 ing directly to the people, and procuring instructions to over- 
 
come the hesitation of her legislature ; and here it was that the 
 note from him was received, announcing tlie victory was tuon. 
 And so it was with Jonathan Dickinson Sergeant, who repaired 
 to New Jersey and labored with success to procure a new 
 delegation, which arrived just in time to hear one day's argu- 
 ment, and forthwith pledged its lasting adherence to the cause ! 
 
 Neither should we confine ourselves to the events prior to 
 1776. The tide of war rolled on until it approached this capi- 
 tal, and the only hope for safety was in the army of General 
 Washington. It was through the streets of this city that that 
 army made its way to the enemy ; and what think you, must 
 have been the sensations of those who had here directed all the 
 movements of this war whilst they were witnessing the march 
 of the men upon whose bravery their safety, perhaps their lives, 
 might depend ! Then came the warning from the Aid-de-camp 
 of the General, that he could no longer protect the Congress in 
 Philadelphia, and then their sudden flight. But even in this 
 their hour of peril, they chose not to desert Pennsylvania, for 
 she still furnished them with a refuge and a place of safety in 
 the heart of the rural population around the town of York ! 
 
 Reviewing, as I do, such reminiscences of the revolution in this 
 neighborhood, I claim, then, to take a deep interest in the ques- 
 tion how they may be perpetuated. It has been said by some, 
 that all this is only a local matter, appertaining to the city of 
 Philadelphia ! As a Massachusetts man, I protest I cannot give 
 up my share in them as National memorials, deeply affecting to 
 those whom I in part represent. I submit that they make an 
 essential element in that system under which the country has 
 been developed to its present condition of prosperity. It is 
 upon giving an enduring form to the local index of the associa- 
 
34 
 
 tions connected with tlie heroic action of the revolution, that we 
 can most relj for the transmission, unimpaired in the minds of 
 the people, of those fundamental principles then proclaimed to 
 the world, which furnish the only security for the preservation 
 of all that is valuable in the Union and the Constitution. Let 
 the Monument then, be raised by the joint action of the States. 
 May it long endure, the symbol of the affections of the past, 
 and of the hopes of the future, firm as the rock of ages, while 
 time shall last ! 
 
 Mr. Hull, of Georgia, said : — I most cordially comply 
 with the Report, and feel I do but justice to the State of 
 Georgia in responding thereto, having been informed that our 
 State was the first to respond to the call from Philadelphia, and 
 I am happy to say that it was done with great unanimity and 
 great good feeling. I regret that so few of our Southern States 
 are here represented, but I will not permit myself to suppose 
 that the absent States are wanting in interest in the patriotic 
 enterprize here about to be undertaken, but for other, and to 
 them, satisfactory reasons. When I think that seventy-six years 
 ago, a band of patriots assembled in the place where we now are, 
 and here dedicated themselves, their lives, their liberties, their 
 honor, their all, in the same cause, it fills me with reverence and 
 awe. It was something in those days to be patriotic. A gen- 
 tleman from New York has most beautifully alluded to it. It 
 was success and liberty, or it was failure and the halter. 
 
 How often have I thouo;ht of the feelings which must have 
 pervaded the members of that assembly, when they staked their 
 all of earthly good upon the success of the operations upon 
 which they had entered. But theirs were hearts of boldness 
 
35 
 
 and strength, and who can doubt it, when he sees the bold hand 
 of John Hancock signed to that memorable declaration ? 
 
 The gentleman from Massachusetts has alluded to the State 
 of Georgia — the least of all the colonies at that time, but not 
 now the least of the members of the confederacy of the old 
 thirteen. Lyman Hall, a native of Connecticut, having gone to 
 the colony of Georgia, and feeling the spirit of liberty in him- 
 self, aroused the same feelings in his neighbors, and he was 
 delegated, and appointed by the parish of St. John, to be its 
 representative in this place. Some difficulty arose with regard 
 to the manner of casting the vote, it being doubted whether the 
 parish of St. John could be called the whole colony of Georgia. 
 Mr. Hall said he only wished to join in the deliberations and 
 discussions, and would not ask to cast a vote when the votes 
 were taken by colonies. But before the time of the signing of 
 the Declaration came, other parts of the State were awakened 
 to the subject, and authorized delegates were sent here to represent 
 the State of Georgia on that memorable occasion — Guinet, wha 
 was an Englishman by birth, Lyman Hall, from the State of 
 Connecticut, and George Walton, who was a Virginian, and the 
 master spirit of the time, and who was the architect of his own 
 fortunes and his own celebrity. 
 
 Having been brought up to the occupation of a carpenter, it 
 is said that, so great was his desire for learning, that during his 
 apprenticeship, not being able to furnish himself with candle 
 light, he would gather light wood in the day, that he might read 
 by night. He moved to Georgia, and there took a prominent 
 part in the political transactions of the day. He fought at the 
 battle of Savannah, and was afterwards a judge ; and it was his 
 custom, in charging the grand juries, always to give them some 
 
36 
 
 inkling of what he supposed to be the greatness of the State of 
 Georgia in the future, and of these United States in generah 
 
 A platform, seventy-six years ago, was spread out, which has 
 proved to be wide enough and broad enough for a structure that 
 supercedes the anticipations of its most sanguine admirers, and 
 which they never dreamed of, I presume. From a few broken, 
 divided, and weak colonies, it has come to this great and glorious 
 Confederacy. It has been said a thousand times, until the remark 
 has become quite familiar, that we are a great people, and yet I 
 doubt very much whether any of us do really realize the great- 
 ness of the country in which we live. Its onward progress we 
 may hardly put any bounds to. If we should only be true to 
 ourselves, to the Constitution, and the Union, no man's sagacity 
 or foresight can tell to what excellency of greatness this model 
 republic of earth shall finally come. I am most happy to say 
 that the State I represent is true to the Constitution and the 
 Union, and will, and must ever prove so. It shall be my 
 prayer, my ardent aspiration, that this glorious Republic of ours 
 may continue to dispense the greatest amount of happiness to 
 human beings, till that announcement — time was — time is — 
 but " time shall be no more." 
 
 Mr. Hoffman, of New York, spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President and Gentlemen: — 
 
 I beg to detain the Convention a few moments more, while I 
 advert to one or two topics connected with this occasion. You, 
 sir, on the part of the State of Pennsylvania, have declared her 
 wish and her pleasure that she stands on this great occasion in 
 union with her sister States, with no higher claim, and no other 
 voice. The city of Philadelphia has pledged itself that it seeks 
 
37 
 
 no more. I am persuaded that I do but echo the strong con- 
 viction of every Delegate present, when I utter my faith in the 
 sincerity of these declarations, and the hope that no invidious 
 thought or feeling will mar the harmony of all in realizing the 
 grand conception we have discussed. Sir, there can be no place 
 where a memorial to Independence should be raised, but on the 
 spot which was its birth-place ! 
 
 Sir, when we look upon this strong delegation from ten of the 
 confederated States, we may well feel the inspiration of hope, 
 and hail an augury of success. Yet our rejoicings must be 
 mingled with regret, as we look upon the places of three great 
 States unfilled, whose services and traditions should have made 
 them among the foremost here. We will not say with the poet, 
 as he gazed upon a star-covered sky, without a moon, 
 
 " Non mille quod absens," 
 
 But we may deplore that those Southern lights which shone so 
 brightly when the stars of Independence were first set in the 
 heavens, are now veiled from our sight. The children of the old 
 North State should be here with the story of her sorrows and 
 her struggles in the cause. The descendants of the Sumpters, 
 and the Marions, should be here to tell us that the spirit which 
 swept the fiery footed Tarleton from their plains, still lives. 
 The sons of Maryland should not be wanting to attest that the 
 same resolution now dwells in them, which, amid the disasters 
 and shame of Camden, covered the Maryland line with a glory 
 exceeding that of the victor. And where is Virginia? Me- 
 thinks I see the brow of that noblest of our land, whose statue 
 stands before us — that same majestic brow, shaded with regret, 
 and the mantle raised to conceal his sorrow. 
 
 Sir — All the Grecians who fought at Platea, sent deputies to 
 
38 
 
 the feast of Liberty annually held on the battle field, to com- 
 memorate their deliverance, and to anoint the tomb-stones of 
 the dead. Let us invoke the spirit of Union which seventy-six 
 years ago on this spot, so reverenced by Liberty, hushed every 
 other feeling, to make us united now. 
 
 Mr. Wellborn, of Georgia, next occupied the floor, and said : 
 
 Mr. President: — 
 
 The course the discussion has taken, has induced me to depart 
 from the silence I had proposed to myself. The gentleman from 
 New York, who has just concluded his remarks, (Mr. Hoffman) 
 has expressed in kind terms, his regret that so many of the 
 States of the South are unrepresented here. Allow me in re- 
 ply, to hazard the opinion that the fact is not owing to oppo- 
 sition either to the object of the Convention, or to the union of 
 the States — an apprehension possible to arise, I regret to say, 
 in the known condition of public feeling. It should be remem- 
 bered that the project before us has been but lately proposed, 
 very little discussed, and indeed, throughout the country has 
 received only a degree of attention, far below the weight and 
 solemnity of it. It may be allowable to add, moreover, that as 
 a young people we are not much accustomed to enterprises of 
 the kind. I shall not affect to conceal, however, that a certain 
 distrust pervades the minds of many of the citizens of the section 
 referred to by the gentleman of New York, of the power to con- 
 tinue the connection of the States now embraced within the 
 Union, without subjecting a portion of them to intolerable 
 wrongs, if not final overthrow. Yet, were the assurance attain- 
 able that our public affairs would be administered by the Federa 1 
 authorities for the future as favorably to all parties as they have 
 been in the past, even, there is little reason to doubt that a large 
 
39 
 
 majority of every State in the confederacy would be found favor- 
 able to its indefinite continuance, while its overthrow, if foreseen, 
 would constitute, in my humble judgment, no argument whatso- 
 ever against the work we are invited to enter upon. It is mani- 
 fest that no necessity exists in the nature of the case for such an 
 event, and that it can be brought about only by bad faith to the 
 Constitution on the part of unscrupulous members of it. This 
 much, Mr. President, seemed to me proper to be said in answer 
 to what, though not expressed, is perhaps implied in the circum- 
 •stances by which we are surrounded, and the remarks made 
 upon them. If I be not mistaken, when the address to the 
 legislatures and people of the several States interested, and 
 prepared in the strong and burning language of the respected 
 Chairman of the Committee, shall be read by them, an unani- 
 mous concurrence of opinion and sentiment as to the propriety, 
 fitness and utility of the work, will be found to exist. 
 
 There was a period, Mr. President, in our history, I beg to 
 say, when the doctrines and events of revolutionary times met 
 with something more than a cold and unspeaking assent on the 
 part of the people, and were defended, allow me to add, at 
 somewhat heavier cost than trivial contributions of superfluous 
 wealth. We read of times, too, in American history, when 
 there was emphatically "no North and no South," — Washing- 
 ton holding up in his giant arms the strong heights of the Hud- 
 son against invading armies North and East — the well inten- 
 tioned, though unfortunate Lincoln, of Massachusetts, heading a 
 perilous attempt to recover the lost Capital of Georgia from the 
 desecration of a foreign enemy — and the able, disinterested and 
 faithful Greene, of Rhode Island, displaying some of the noblest 
 examples of American valor and tactics on the Plains of the 
 Carolinas. The language of a reply on one occasion to a sug- 
 
40 
 
 gestion made him to save himself and army by retiring and 
 abandoning South Carolina to the occupation of her enemies, 
 must ever excite the gratitude of her ardent and sensitive popu- 
 lation, — " I will recover South Carolina, or die in the attempt." 
 
 Allusion, Mr. President, has been made to the participation 
 of the colony of Georgia in the proceedings of the Revolution. 
 The youngest of her sisters, containing a population one might 
 almost hold in the hollow of one's hand, skirted on three sides 
 by hostile tribes of Indians, threatened by Spain, and courted 
 by the Crown, she gave notice, prior to the event of the Inde- 
 pendence, of her concurrence in the justice of it, and in the 
 policy of a concerted movement of the Colonies to effect it. 
 She communicated, at the same early period, supplies of gun 
 powder, arrested by her citizens from a British ship in the 
 Savannah river, at the peril of a Royal halter, to the famed 
 Boston Patriots. Feeling practically little of the pressure of 
 Royal authority upon her interests, she was a severe sufferer in 
 a common cause. Now, in prosperity and peace, she stands by 
 the principles of the past — rejoices in revolutionary memories, 
 revolutionary events and revolutionary sympathies. She stands 
 in good faith to the present — true to the Constitution, true to the 
 Union, true to her confederates, and true to herself. She has 
 brought you one proof of this in the promptitude and gratifica- 
 tion with which she met the invitation of the city of Philadel- 
 phia to unite with her original allies in the noble and praise- 
 worthy work before us. 
 
 In surveying closely, Mr. President, the principles and events 
 of the Revolution, they are seen to teach a deeper and weightier 
 philanthropy than the simple right of the people to resist 
 oppression and misrule. Indeed, this right, happily for man, is 
 laid in instinct. The great moral of the new and American 
 
41 
 
 school of politics is found in the alleged right of self, or popular 
 government^ affirmed in the Declaration of Independence, and 
 illustrated by the historical triumphs and final success of the war 
 of the Revolution. The stress, in principle, of the contest 
 between Great Britain and the Colonies, turned, then, mainly, 
 not on the right to resist the abuses of a government geographi- 
 cally foreign to them, but on their right, inherent and unde- 
 rived — numbers, wealth, enlightenment, and power conspiring — 
 to choose and enforce whatever government might be found in 
 correspondence with their own will. The existence of the right 
 found its solution, it is conceded, in the sword. If limited to the 
 power to make it good, it is at all events co-extensive with the 
 power itself. The contest over oppressions and abuses, then, 
 affirmed on the one side and denied on the other, was carried on 
 over the surface of the subject. The grand movement that bore 
 the colonies to independence was supported on the strength of a 
 more secret but more powerful current, and carried forward upon 
 the impulse of a higher, nobler, and more inspiring principle. 
 It is this essence of revolutionary history, now become a living 
 principle, we may symbolize and consecrate by the material 
 structure proposed. 
 
 Touching the cost, I will say nothing. It could be raised, 
 probably, by contributions from the friends of free principles in 
 the most despotic state of Europe. I conclude, Mr. President, 
 with the sentiment that — due to the past, were we without a 
 future, the work should be done. 
 
 Mr. Ingersoll, of Connecticut, said : — 
 
 3fr. President and Gentlemen : — 
 
 On the part of my own State, I fully concur in the patriotic 
 manner in which these resolutions have been received. In con- 
 
42 
 
 nection with the history of my own country, I leave it to speak 
 for itself. She is a State small in territory, but ^e first sec- 
 onded the movements of Massachusetts as if she had been a part 
 of the old Bay State. And, Sir, I have no doubt — although 
 the subject has been but little discussed in my part of the 
 country — I have no doubt the movement originated here will 
 meet with a hearty and generous response there. Sir, it 
 has been intimated, that perhaps some little local jealousies 
 may exist in some parts of this Union, or some apprehen- 
 sion that a particular State or people is to be benefited more 
 than the others in this Union, in the work which we have in 
 view; but, Sir, I am not deserving my country if I believe 
 it. Sir, for my own State, I can say, that aside from 
 the associations around us, she has certainly every proper feel- 
 ing for this State, and for every other State in this Union. Sir, 
 there are associations between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, 
 that I am sure will be awakened as this sentiment is presented 
 to our people. In the early part of our history, a part of your 
 State was claimed by Connecticut as belonging to us, and if I 
 mistake not, there were delegates and representatives from the 
 region of your State, in the vicinity of Wilkesbarre, sent to the 
 Legislature of Connecticut ; and I believe one of our ancient 
 laws was, that a portion of your State should belong to the State 
 of Connecticut. 
 
 Sir, Pennsylvania had many, and has many of her most illus- 
 trious citizens from the State of Connecticut. I need but men- 
 tion the name of Boulden, and in modern times, the names of 
 Mallery and Jones, names familiar to Pennsylvania, who came 
 from my own State. 
 
 Sir, we not only venerate this spot, but we venerate the 
 "Key-Stone" of the original thirteen, a State that has been true 
 
43 
 
 to her position in reference to the old and new States, and has 
 always upheld the great principle upon which our Union is 
 founded. 
 
 And, Sir, I believe the new States of this Union will respond 
 to the invitation which has been held out to them, and that we 
 shall find them, also, lending a helping hand to the great work 
 we have in view. 
 
 And, Sir, let us never forget those great principles upon 
 which this confederacy is founded. 
 
 Mr. Alexander, of New Jersey, rose and said : — 
 
 Mr. President: — 
 
 It is with great deference that I Intrude upon this Convention. 
 I had intended to be a silent spectator and auditor. But, lest 
 my silence should be construed into a want of interest in the 
 cause, I deem it proper to make a few remarks. I represent, in 
 part, one of the smallest States in the confederacy. We are 
 small in territory, but rich in the reminiscences of the past, and 
 with the knowledge that soldiers of other countries are sleeping 
 in unknown sepulchres, we cannot be unmoved at the solemn 
 proceedings of the present occasion. It is my fortune to reside 
 on the battle-ground of Princeton. On either side lie the fields 
 of Monmouth and Princeton ; and I cannot lose sight of the fact, 
 that in perhaps the darkest and most gloomy hour of our re- 
 volutionary struggle, it was at the latter place that the immor- 
 tal Washington, by one of those happy strokes of genius which 
 distinguish only great generals, frustrated all the plans of his 
 foes, and rolled the waves of misfortune back upon themselves. 
 And I rejoice that I have been permitted to come here from the 
 spot where Washington triumphed and Mercer fell, to co-operate 
 in a humble measure, in carrying out the great object in which 
 
44 
 
 we are engaged. I give my most hearty assent to the Report 
 and Resolutions here presented, and I shall not detain the Con- 
 vention, except with assuring them, that I shall with pleasure 
 and honest pride, present the Legislature of our State the pro- 
 ceedings of this hody, and earnestly urge upon it to do all 
 that devolves upon New Jersey to carry out the contemplated 
 plans. 
 
 Mr. BiGLER, of Pennsylvania, followed, saying : — 
 
 Mr. Fresidcnt and Gentlemen : — * 
 
 Too deeply sensible of my own inability, I cannot venture 
 upon a discussion of the subject in the eloquent manner in which 
 it has been referred to this morning. I have scarcely a remark 
 to make in behalf of my own native State. Her history is known, 
 and the part which she took in the struggles of the revolution 
 are recorded in the history of the country; and her constant 
 fidelity to the principles of the Constitution, I think, will be con- 
 ceded on all hands. My friend from New Jersey may well be 
 proud, that within the limits of his own State — at Princeton and 
 at Trenton — were battles fought that turned the tide of war, 
 and decided for our independence and our liberty. I trust I 
 may allude to Brandywine, I trust I may allude to the scenes of 
 the A^alley Forge, as interesting incidents connected with that 
 war. As a Pennsylvanian, I look at the past and contemplate 
 the future through the pages of history ; and I know with pride, 
 that Washington, in the midst of the desperate struggle, rested 
 securely within the limits of this great Commonwealth. 
 
 I did not rise to address or detain you, but, if possible, to 
 remove what I conceive to be a probable misapprehension of the 
 causes and motives which have found some States not represented 
 here. 
 
45 
 
 Let us not be uncharitable in our conclusions. Mj heart for- 
 bids me to think for a moment, that from old Virginia, where, 
 at one time, burned the Lynden light, there should be a want of 
 cordiality in the object now attempted to be prosecuted among 
 us. The reasons for her non-representation here are circum- 
 stantial, I know. The invitation passed one body of the Legis- 
 lature, and it was overlooked in the other, probably without any 
 motive at all. It has been justly said, "it is a new idea," and, 
 therefore, it is not strange that some of the States have not given 
 it the attention they otherwise would have done. I desire also 
 to say, from personal interviews, I know that there are citizens 
 of Maryland who feel a deep interest in this subject, and they 
 are men, too, who would have been able to have brought about 
 her representation here, but for circumstantial causes. I have 
 no doubt, as in the revolutionary struggle, so in the effort to 
 commemorate the event for which we are convened, that all the 
 States will contribute their aid and assistance ; and if it were 
 possible that the union of the States was to be dissolved to-mor- 
 row, the spirit of justice which dictated the spirit of independ- 
 ence, should be commemorated by an imperishable structure. 
 
 Mr. Spencer, of New York : 
 
 I would add one word to what has been said with refer- 
 ence to the casual absence of representatives from other 
 States. What has. been said I know to be true with re- 
 gard to our own State, New York. The subject, I believe, 
 was not even alluded to in any of the papers in the State of New 
 York, and from some cause or othoi', escaped the notice it 
 deserved. And hence any omissions which have taken place, 
 rely upon it, have arisen from a want of information, and not 
 from any want of interest in the subject. 
 
46 
 
 And no"W I am bound to explain how my colleague and I 
 are here. 
 
 Our Governor submitted the invitation to the Legislature, and 
 in the hurry and confusion of business, it was passed over, 
 merely from forgetfulness. Still our Governor felt it a duty of 
 the State of New York that she should be represented here, at 
 all events. He appointed us to come here, although without 
 the authority of the Legislature. 
 
 What happened in the State of New York, occurred also in 
 the States not now represented here. They were not informed 
 of the intended Convention, seasonably. The absorbing interest 
 of the questions which agitated the whole country, and those 
 States particularly, required greater efforts to direct public atten- 
 tion to this subject, than appear to have been made. We have 
 no reason therefore, to doubt the cordiality with which those 
 States will respond to our appeal. 
 
 Mr. Wright, of New Jersey, rose and said: 
 
 Mr. President: — 
 
 I have been a patient, attentive, and gratified listener to the 
 instructive and eloquent remarks made by the gentlemen who 
 have preceded me. I had hoped that from those States more 
 intimately connected with the commencement of the revolution, 
 would have given expression to their sentiments, as I doubt not, 
 that here now, as there then, patriotism is to be found in the 
 breasts of their people, and that we shall, before the conclusion 
 of this Convention, learn from the lips of those who have not 
 spoken their idea of the importance of this great work, and the 
 feelings of their people, to secure its speedy and successful com- 
 pletion. My associate has very properly said that New Jersey was 
 in a great degree the battle ground of that portion of our revo- 
 
47 
 
 lution whicli gave tlie first glimmerings of sun-liglit to our future 
 independence. Who can look back upon those dark days and 
 compare them with our present happy and joyous hours, and not 
 feel overwhelmed with the supremacy, power, goodness and 
 wisdom of the Supreme Being, in guiding the men of the revo- 
 lution to success. 
 
 It was not the men, it was their reliance upon God which 
 prompted them to such actions, and to the manifestations of 
 such indomitable courage, that was the foundation of their future 
 triumph. 
 
 How was it with the men who were parties to the Declaration 
 of Independence ? When that instrument was signed in this 
 Hall, fear, and gloom, and despondency sat upon every counte- 
 nance. But still hope gleamed from the shaded brow, and 
 patriotism nerved every arm with the determination to consum- 
 mate the holy object of their labors, or to perish in the attempt. 
 
 From out this Hall went forth the first proclamation of liberty 
 to the people of America ; calling upon them to sustain the 
 principles embraced in that declaration, and to prepare for a 
 deadly struggle. 
 
 From yonder tower, that glorious old bell — sent hither by 
 despotism, in mockery, to " proclaim liberty throughout all the 
 land," gave out in thunder-tones the declaration of an oppressed 
 people to submit no longer to the tyranny under which they had 
 been groaning, and to achieve their emancipation from thraldom, 
 in the peril of their lives and fortunes. We all know the result. 
 I may well, as a Jerseyman, point with pride to that period of 
 our revolutionary struggle in which the operations of the army 
 were confined within the limits of our little State. History fur- 
 nishes no parallel to the sufferings and trials of that devoted 
 band. Sickness and desertion daily thinned their ranks. So 
 
48 
 
 destitute were they of tlie requisite articles which usually form a 
 covering to the body, and so miserably shod, that in the progress 
 of their march the red current gushed from their lacerated feet, 
 until they fairly encircled New Jersey with a helt of blood. 
 
 Broken down by forced marches, distress, despondency and 
 despair filled every heart but one — that of our chosen Washington. 
 He alone was not dispirited, for with him there was yet hope of 
 deliverance. He was not disappointed, and the bravery of 
 New Jersey's sons, I am happy to believe, contributed in no 
 small degree, at Trenton and Princeton, to the successes which 
 there attended our arms. 
 
 Be assured, Mr. President, that that patriotic blood still 
 courses through the veins of her patriotic sons. Intelligent, 
 brave, noble-minded and generous, should the occasion ever 
 require the sacrifice, they will be as were their sires of old, 
 ever prompt to answer their country's call, and I doubt 
 not, will maintain the well earned reputation of the Jersey 
 Blues. 
 
 But I have digressed. This Hall now holds a second Conven- 
 tion. Those who before occupied these places, carved out the 
 work that was to control the Nation's destiny. They went suc- 
 cessfully through that dread ordeal, and crowned with years and 
 honors, have passed to their reward. 
 
 We who now assemble here, have our duty also to perform. 
 We come to place near the shrine of their first devotion, a fitting 
 memento of their greatness and our gratitude. We desire to 
 place in Independence Square a 3Ionument, that shall in after 
 years stimulate our posterity to the preservation of the princi- 
 ples which actuated our forefathers, and to follow in the same 
 paths of truth and virtue and patriotism. Their unparalleled 
 devotion could only be fittingly represented by a spire sent 
 
49 
 
 proudly aloft into heaven's blue expanse, elevated as the patriot- 
 ism of our glorious ancestors, and as deeply imbedded in the 
 soil of freedom, as secure and permanent as is the foundation of 
 our eternal hills. Let us then consummate this glorious object, 
 and upon its broad entablature enroll a fitting testimonial of the 
 affection of a devoted and a grateful people. 
 
 Some remarks have been dropped in reference to the probable 
 permanency of the American Union. As though it were possi- 
 ble, under the Constitution of the United States, there could be 
 a North or a South, an East or a West ; or that one portion of 
 our common country could be separated from the other, in insti- 
 tution or in feeling, while we are bound together by so strong a 
 ligament. Sir, I have no fears for the perpetuity of the Union. 
 
 When dangers or doubts or difficulties surround us; when 
 sectional differences distract, or intemperate zeal threatens to 
 impair the freedom of our country, or affect the permanency of 
 her free institutions, we have only to invoke the conciliation, the 
 fidelity, the integrity of the men of the past ; we have only to 
 point to the obligations of the Constitution, and the troubled 
 waves are stilled. 
 
 Why is this Hall shrouded in the sable habiliments of mourn- 
 ing ? It is because one of the ablest statesmen of our country 
 has just passed to his final account. One who may fairly be 
 said to have died in the harness, and one who devoted himself, 
 to the last hours of his life, to maintain, and secure, and per- 
 petuate the American Union. But he labored not alone in 
 those hours of trial, for such indeed they were ; the good and 
 just and patriotic men of the Nation, rallied from all quarters of 
 our country, and laying aside sectional and local jealousies, 
 strove manfully together for the preservation of our national 
 integrity, and the inviolability of our National compact. 
 4 
 
50 
 
 With an ardor worthy the cause in -which tliey were engaged, 
 they determined to silence agitation, regardless of the locality 
 in which it existed, or of the persons by whom it was created 
 and kept up. 
 
 From thirteen, we have grown to thirty-one States. The fell 
 spirit of disunion no longer curses the land. 
 
 The stars, which in the commencement of the Republic burned 
 dimly, have increased in brightness, until their glorious rays 
 not only illuminate this, our happy land, but shed, their dazzling 
 effulgence over every portion of the civilized world. 
 
 European despotisms are crumbling before the moral effect of 
 our example, and the down-trodden masses of the old world, in 
 the midst of their despair, look upward and discern the day-star 
 of hope in the distance, assuring them a speedy deliverance 
 from thraldom. 
 
 We are now great and powerful and renowned, as a Nation. 
 This Union, extended from ocean to ocean, will go on success- 
 fully, prospering to prosper, and no man can dare to limit the 
 extent of our power or our greatness. In the language of the 
 poet, 
 
 " No pent up Utica contracts our powers, 
 For the whole boundless continent is ours." 
 
 The fire kindled at Lexington, which drove the British from 
 Boston, that was continued at Saratoga, Yorktown, and Fort 
 Moultrie ; at Brandywine and Valley Forge, and in my own 
 loved State, New Jersey, will still burn in the hearts of the 
 people of the old and new States ; and as the progress of edu- 
 cation and civilization advances, and extended commerce and 
 successful prosecution of the arts and sciences shall contribute 
 to our national greatness, as the iron clasp of enterprise shall 
 
51 
 
 serve to increase our social intercourse, so I praj to God that 
 our affection for each other shall tend to strengthen our devotion 
 and veneration for the sacred charter of our rights and liberties, 
 and that the bright star of our Nation's destiny may be forever 
 unclouded and undimmed. 
 
 Mr. Banks, of Massachusetts, said : — 
 
 Mr. President: — 
 
 I desire not to add one word to that which has been so elo- 
 quently and learnedly spoken by my distinguished colleague, for 
 the revolutionary history and patriotism of Massachusetts, but 
 with your permission, to express an idea explanatory for our own 
 State, and in part, perhaps, apologetical for those of her sister 
 States, not represented to-day in this Convention. 
 
 More than ever before, although never backward in this, 
 Massachusetts has recently evinced a desire to commemorate 
 the scenes and events of the revolution, within and beyond her 
 own storied and bloody fields. Her legislature, following* up 
 the private munificence of her citizens, has, within a year or 
 two, by an almost unanimous vote, and I believe for the first 
 time, liberally contributed to the commemoration of the initia- 
 tory incidents of the battles of the 19th of April, 1776. The 
 monumental shafts upon the plains of Lexington and Concord, 
 and, in part at least, that majestic column upon Bunker's Hill, 
 speak at once for the memorable incidents of a history hallowed 
 by its glorious results, and for the private munificence of her 
 citizens. The cenotaph lately erected upon Actor Green, com- 
 memorative of Captain Davis, the first American officer who fell 
 in the revolution, is a monument of the liberality and patriotism 
 of her legislature, — a beginning in the good work of connect- 
 ing the name of the commonwealth with that of her citizens, in 
 
52 
 
 the ancient and modern history of lier battle-fields, and surely, 
 I may say, a guaranty that the appeal of this Convention in be- 
 half of the old Thirteen States, will not by her be disregarded. 
 
 But, sir, so little was the project embodied in the resolutions 
 of the Select and Common Councils of Philadelphia understood, 
 presented nearly at the close of a long session of her legisla- 
 ture, that had not the papers fallen into the hands of one of the 
 most interested and learned of the young men of the State, in the 
 early history of the country, who seized as it were by intuition 
 upon the features already developed by this Convention, I fear 
 our State, like Virginia or Maryland, might have failed of re- 
 presentation, unless indeed the Governor, following the example 
 of New York, had taken upon himself the duty of selecting dele- 
 gates. 
 
 If such were the facts with Massachusetts, surely we may ac- 
 count for the absence of the elder Carolina, Virginia or Mary- 
 land, without imputation of coldness or indifference. The land 
 of Sumpter and Marion, of Washington and Jefferson, of Carroll 
 and Henry, can never look coldly upon an honest effort to 
 commemorate the virtues of their own great men. Whatever 
 we may say of the future, the past is a field of glory that is 
 harvested. We can look back with pride, if we may not look 
 forward without fear. But, sir, for me the future has no ter- 
 rors. We, indeed, talk "North" and "South" and "East" 
 and "West," because just at this moment we have little else to 
 do. When the alarum shall be sounded, that calls the States to 
 the defence of the sublime truths of the Declaration — this day 
 celebrated throughout the world — there is not a man in the 
 union that will be able to distinguish points of the compass. 
 
 AVithout trespassing too far upon the patience of this Conven- 
 tion, I desire permission to say, that although I entered upon 
 
63 
 
 the discharge of my duties with somewhat of hesitation and 
 doubt, I now plainly see, if Councils of Philadelphia shall assent 
 to the excellent and sagacious plan submitted by the Conven- 
 tion, success is beyond a fear. Already the Monument is com- 
 pleted. Already we may read upon its pedestal the inscription 
 of the sister States. Already we may see chiseled upon the 
 entablature the words of the "Declaration." Already we may 
 see in the marble quarries of the inland States, the magnificent 
 proportions of the shaft, that shall pierce the clouds. We may 
 hear the shouts of those assembled to celebrate its initiation and 
 completion, and anticipate the eloquence that shall first and 
 after describe the spreading power of the Republic. 
 
 Inspiration, it has been said, is no more than wise anticipa- 
 tion of the every-day realities of the future. I recognize, in 
 the time when the proposition is made, something of that wis- 
 dom, — a power that shall of itself almost command the co-opera- 
 tion of the old States. 
 
 We are now, almost for the first time, standing at that point 
 of our history, where we may witness beyond our own borders, 
 a universal recognition of the ennobling theories of the De- 
 claration, and of the possibility of perpetuating free institutions 
 upon that basis. We have no longer doubts of its expansive 
 power. Contiguity of other and unfriendly governments, carries 
 no longer its former terrors. It has been demonstrated that 
 the power of absorption is in us and not against us. 
 
 While our fathers prayed that between the old and the new 
 world might roll eternal oceans of fire, we invoke the genius of 
 invention to annihilate distance, to bind us together by ever- 
 lasting bonds of brotherhood, that one continent may throb in 
 unison with the pulsations of another. Whatever betide else- 
 where, we know no fear; no distrust, no doubt mingles with that 
 
54 
 
 exultation with which we watch the American ship and flag, as 
 it dances and floats over the azure deep, which awakes to 
 thoughts of freedom the uttermost parts of the earth, and whose 
 every sliver and fibre of hull, sheet or flag, from the runnel to 
 the mast head, is resonant with its praises, and an exponent of 
 the success and divine truth of that "Declaration," whose com- 
 memoration is to-day our hope and trust. 
 
 But another consideration commends to us and to the States 
 we represent, the auspicious time. The cenotaph commemorates 
 not the living and the present, but the dead and the past. Till 
 now we have yearly mourned over the stars of the continental 
 and revolutionary history, as one by one they have receded from 
 the firmament of the living. Sweet as are the recollections occa- 
 sioned by review of the glorious events they created ; sweet as 
 the thought may have been, that our duty was to mourn for the 
 living and not for the dead, when Independence Hall, now and 
 again, drooped under her weeds of mourning, as another and 
 another light was extinguished ; it cannot be long before such 
 recollections and such thoughts we shall know only as the de- 
 lightful memories of a sacred past. Before the cap stone shall 
 have been placed upon the column we contemplate, should 
 immediate success crown our efibrts, this temple will have been 
 lighted by a reflection rather than by the living flame of its 
 olden luminaries. 
 
 Of all engaged in the great stiuigglc of head and heart and 
 arm, how few can we recall as still among us. The signers of 
 the Declaration have all departed. Of the giant spirits who 
 conceived and framed that instrument which embodies the spirit 
 of the original covenant, and animates with practical power 
 the ideal and spiritual beauty of its theory, scarcely one is 
 left us. 
 
55 
 
 The old heroes of the conflict, of the night-blvouc, — the 
 morning's onset, — the noon's retreat, — the men who, in the 
 moment of victory repressed exultation, in thoughts for the 
 suiFering and the fallen, — who were braver after disaster than 
 after conquest, and whose spirits rose when hope was fainting 
 or fallen : — these old men we court no more in hundreds or in 
 tens. Here and there still a green shoot of the old oak is 
 spared, as it were, to bear another and the last proof that life 
 was not wasted in vain. The pioneer, the patriot, the soldier, 
 the statesman all are gone. Over the graves of the departed 
 the cypress waves, and the hollow wind whistles its chill re- 
 quiem. But with the lapse of time their fame brightens, and 
 each and every returning year adds to our mementoes of their 
 virtues and their glory. 
 
 Sir, I believe the fitting moment for an adequate commemora- 
 tion, authoritative from the old Thirteen States, — and no less 
 authority can claim that right, has not till now arrived. 
 
 Can I doubt response to such call at such time ? Can I 
 doubt that Massachusetts, — the home of Hancock and Adams, 
 whose shrines are Bunker Hill, Lexington and Concord, will 
 hesitate or refuse the demand. Pardon me, sir, for my own 
 State I have no doubt. 
 
 Mr. Hayes, of Rhode Island, spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President : — 
 
 It would be more agreeable to me to remain an attentive 
 listener to the deliberations of this Convention, than to obtrude 
 upon it any remarks of my own. I should have preferred to 
 contemplate in silence, here, in this place and in this presence, 
 the wisdom and patriotism of the men and the grandeur of the 
 
56 
 
 events -which have consecrated this Hall in the hearts of every 
 true American. But, sir, a response is called for, from the 
 State of Rhode Island, to the proposition of the authorities of 
 this city, for the consideration of which we have assembled, and 
 I should ill represent that gallant State, should I fail to inform 
 you of the deep interest she has in this patriotic object. Con- 
 sidering the part which Rhode Island performed in our Revolu- 
 tionary struggle, and especially in the times immediately pre- 
 ceding the Declaration of Independence, you might well suppose 
 her sons degenerated and unworthy of their sires, if they were 
 not keenly alive to every thing which should illustrate their 
 appreciation of the services of the men who asserted and 
 obtained our national freedom. 
 
 The position of Rhode Island, as one of the British Colonies, 
 was a peculiar one. The character of its settlers had been 
 formed amid toils and hardships, privations and persecutions. 
 They had fled their Mother Country to secure to themselves in 
 this land, the great rights of civil freedom and religious tolera- 
 tion. They fled the territory on which they first located, to 
 find among the savage Narragansetts, a fuller and more unre- 
 stricted exercise of their rights. Once upon the soil of the 
 hospitable Indian, they asked and received from their sister 
 colonies but little sympathy, and no assistance. They relied 
 upon their own resources, and upon the justice of their cause, 
 and above all, upon a merciful Providence, for protection. 
 
 While, however, this colony was thus situated with respect to 
 its neighbors, its relation to the English Government was of a 
 very diff"ercnt character. At an early period in its history, it 
 had received the especial favor of the crown. Its people had 
 sought and obtained from Charles II., a charter embodying all 
 the essential principles for which they had contended and 
 
57 
 
 suffered. Under it, the government of tlio colony was solely 
 responsible to the people of the colony whom they governed, 
 and each man was left to worship God according to the dictates 
 of his own conscience. The crown had no vice-roy — no quali- 
 fying or confirming power over the acts of the Colonial Assem- 
 bly, and so entirely in unison with the feelings, and in accord- 
 ance with the principles of its people, was this regal grant, that 
 for fifty years after the adoption of the federal constitution, the 
 State pursued its course under this political chart. At the com- 
 mencement of the colonial difficulties with the Mother Country, 
 it became part of her ministerial policy to exhibit towards 
 Rhode Island most unequivocal indications of royal favoritism. 
 To such an extent was this policy pursued, that she soon became 
 to be considered as the pet colony of the British Government. 
 The king undoubtedly supposed that by exempting her from 
 many of the oppressions which were made upon the other 
 colonies, and particularly upon that of Massachusetts Bay, he 
 would inflame the jealousy existing between them, and thereby 
 prevent any united efforts for resistance. How far this policy 
 succeeded, the sequel will disclose. 
 
 In a geographical point of view also, the colony of Rhode 
 Island was peculiarly situated. Within her territory, limited as 
 it was, she had nevertheless a hundred and thirty miles of tide- 
 washed coast, beside two navigable rivers. Her population was 
 chiefly engaged in, and obtained their subsistence by commercial 
 pursuits. Out of less than sixty thousand inhabitants, it was 
 composed of over one-seventh who resided in the ancient 
 commercial town of Newport. 
 
 It was not, therefore, Mr. President, an unreasonable assump- 
 tion on the part of the British ministry, that Rhode Island, under 
 these influences — the recollection of her grievances from her 
 
58 
 
 sister colonics, the favored condition of her own, and the ex- 
 posure of her sea-board and maritime interests in the event of 
 a war, would be the last colony to resist or rebel ; and that if 
 that ministry found any sympathy on this side of the water, it 
 would be within her limits. 
 
 But, sir, the men of Rhode Island were made of purer metal. 
 Neither the blandishments of the crown, the memory of the 
 past, nor the fears for the future, could seduce them from that 
 true course of conduct which an honest and consistent regard 
 for principle unerringly points out. While they were tenacious 
 of their own rights, they cheerfully accorded equal privileges 
 to others, and, in view of their former relations to their neigh- 
 boring colonists, with a magnanimity which, I claim, has rarely, 
 if ever, been surpassed, early and earnestly, united in heart and 
 hand, in sympathy and in action, with their oppressed brethren. 
 
 In 1772, the shores of Narragansett Bay were lighted up by 
 the flames of the Gasper, and its waters crimsoned with blood- 
 shed, as is believed, in the first concerted act of resistance. 
 
 I will allude, sir, to a few of the prominent events in the 
 history of Rhode Island, which transpired at the period in ques- 
 tion, and although probably familiar to you all, may not 
 improperly be referred to on this occasion, as illustrative of the 
 spirit, the sympathy, and the patriotism which animated her 
 sons. 
 
 The battle of Lexington was fought on the 19th of April, 1775, 
 and on the 21st day of that month, upwards of one thousand 
 Rhode Island troops were hastening to the assistance of their 
 compatriots in arms. On the 22nd, a special session of the 
 General Assembly was convened, and an army of observation 
 of fifteen hundred men raised " to repel insult and violence, to 
 co-operate with the forces of the neighboring colonies (out of 
 
59 
 
 the colony, if necessary,) for tlie preservation and the safety of 
 the colonies." The troops were raised as " soldiers in his 
 Majesty's service, in the pay of the colony of Rhode Island, for 
 the preservation of the liberties of America." 
 
 I will not dwell upon the scenes which followed ; they are a 
 part of our common history, and are as familiar to us as house- 
 hold words. 
 
 Mr. President, the delegates from the colony of Rhode Island 
 came to this Hall in 1776, with no ambiguous or limited instruc- 
 tions. They were well assured that no declaration of right, of 
 independence, to which they might subscribe their names, would 
 transcend the sentiments of their constituents. The legislature 
 of their colony had given an expression of opinion, which left 
 them in no uncertainty as to their powers or duties. On the 4th 
 of May, 1776, just two months before the memorable event for 
 the commemoration of which we have convened, the General 
 Assembly passed an act to which was attached a preamble of so 
 remarkable a character, that, notwithstanding the lateness of 
 the hour, I will, with your permission, read : — 
 
 " Whereas, in all States existing by compact, protection and 
 allegiance are reciprocal, the latter being only due in conse- 
 quence of the former; and, whereas George the III., King of 
 Great Britain, forgetting his dignity, regardless of the compact 
 most solemnly entered into, ratified and confirmed by the in- 
 habitants of this colony, by his illustrious ancestors, and till of 
 late fully recognized by him, and entirely departing from the 
 duties and character of a good king, and instead of protecting 
 is endeavoring to destroy the good people of this colony and of 
 all the united colonies, by sending fleets and armies to America 
 to confiscate our property, and spread fire, sword and desolation 
 throughout our country, in order to compel us to submit to the 
 
60 
 
 most debasing and detestable tyranny, wliereby we are obliged 
 by necessity, and it becomes our highest duty, to use every 
 means which God and nature have furnished us in support of 
 our individual rights and privileges, to oppose the power which 
 is exerted only for our destruction, therefore, Be it enacted," 
 &c. 
 
 And they went on to enact, that the act of allegiance to the 
 king on their statute book, should be repealed ; that the courts 
 should no longer be known by the name of the king's courts ; 
 that the year of his reign should be omitted from all acts and 
 legal instruments, and that all officers should be engaged to be 
 true and faithful to the Colony of Rhode Island and Provi- 
 dence Plantations. The schedule of that session closed with 
 the words, — " God save the United Colonies," instead of the 
 words — " God save the King." Sir, it does seem to me that 
 this was declaration and action. It was, at least, a pretty de- 
 cided expression of opinion for the guidance of their patriotic 
 delegates. 
 
 Nor was Hhode Island slow to confirm and ratify their acts. 
 The news of the Declaration of Independence reached her 
 General Assembly while in session, and that body instantly 
 resolved that they approved of that Declaration, and most 
 solemnly engaged that they would support the General Con- 
 gress in the same, with their lives and their fortunes. 
 
 It is, sir, a fact of great interest to us, that the Declaration 
 of Independence, signed in this Hall, was read to the people of 
 Philadelphia from yonder balcony, by a Rhode Island man, the 
 first commodore in the American navy, and a brother of one of 
 the signers of that great instrument. 
 
 I have said, sir, that our State has a deep interest in the 
 object of this Convention. It could not be otherwise. Her 
 
61 
 
 political birth and life are identified witli those of the "Old 
 Thirteen." Their glory is her glory. We come here clothed 
 •with no powers to. pledge her action, but I have been induced 
 to trespass upon your time and patience, and to refer to some 
 of the prominent events in her history, in order that we might 
 with the more confidence, point you to that history as a guaranty 
 for her future course. We promise you that she will do her 
 duty and her whole duty, and though by the resolutions before 
 us she will not be required to respond in a pecuniary point of 
 view so largely as her sister States, she will not, I am confident, 
 fall behind them in her interest in the success of the object to 
 which her small contribution will be applied. 
 
 I trust, sir, that the Monument, commemorating the great 
 event to which we are indebted for our prosperity and great- 
 ness, will be speedily erected, and that an inscription will be 
 placed upon it, expressive of the sentiment which I know each 
 one of us entertains, that the union, not only of Old Thirteen, 
 but of all the added States "shall be forever preserved." 
 
 Mr. DiNSMORR, of New Hampshire, said : — 
 
 I regret very much, on the part of the State I represent, that 
 some of her eloquent sons are not here, and I rise merely to say 
 that no State will respond more cheerfully than New Hampshire 
 to this call upon her patriotism and generosity. 
 
 The question was taken on the Report and Resolutions, and 
 they were unanimously adopted. 
 
 Mr. Spencer, Chairman of the Committee, then reminded 
 the Convention that the Committee had been charged with the 
 duty of preparing an Address to the Legislatures and People 
 of the Old Thirteen States. That address he now held in his 
 hand. Mr. Spencer read the following : 
 
62 
 
 Address to the Legislatures and People of the Original 
 Thirteen States. 
 
 To the People and Legislatures of the States of Ifassachusetts, 
 New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Neiv YorJc, 
 Neiv Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaivare, 3Iaryland, Virginia, 
 North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. 
 
 The undersigned, delegates from the States they represent, in 
 pursuance of the invitation of the municipal authorities of the 
 city of Philadelphia, have assembled in that venerable Hall, 
 where more than three-quarters of a century since, the Declara- 
 tion of the Independence of the thirteen Colonies was framed, 
 and from which it was promulgated — to consider the propriety 
 and expediency of erecting on the grounds surrounding it, some 
 durable and appropriate memorial of that wonderful event and 
 of the men who were the agents in producing it. The results of 
 our deliberations, and the mode in which it is proposed to accom- 
 plish the object, will appear in the proceedings of the Conven- 
 tion, to which we respectfully refer for those details which are 
 necessary to a full comprehension of the subject. 
 
 Our purpose in now addressing you, is to solicit your hearty 
 co-operation in the execution of this design. 
 
 That event ushered a new member into the family of nations, 
 and electrified all Europe. It opened a new revelation of liber- 
 ty, and changed the relations of people and government, by 
 teaching the one how to resist and conquer oppression, and the 
 other the absolute necessity to its own continuance, of recognizing 
 and respecting the rights of humanity. From that time forth, a 
 new, vital, and quickening spirit has pervaded the world. Thrones 
 have been shaken, empires have been overturned, society has been 
 
63 
 
 convulsed, blood and carnage have desolated the earth — hut still 
 the intelligence and soul of the people of all Christendom have 
 been revivified, elevated and expanded to a comprehension of 
 their rights, which will never be obliterated nor forgotten, but 
 will advance, enlarge and increase, until that moral and social 
 preparation for the appreciation and enjoyment of liberty shall 
 be effected, which in the Divine economy is so indispensable to 
 the permanence of free institutions. While such have been the 
 results abroad of that mighty movement which the fullness of 
 time developed after a century of preparation, how can human 
 language describe the vast consequences which have flowed from 
 it in this favored land? To what point shall we look without 
 finding overwhelming evidences of its all-powerful influences? 
 Thirty-one free, happy and independent sovereign States, creat- 
 ed out of thirteen struggling and depressed Colonies, governed 
 by laws to which they never assented, by tyrannical Ministers 
 who regarded them as valuable only on account of the oppor- 
 tunity they afforded of extending power and patronage, their 
 trade and commerce shackled by oppressive restrictions, and 
 their prosperity checked by petty jealousy; — a population of 
 nearly twenty-five millions of inhabitants, rejoicing in moral, 
 social, religious and commercial prosperity, springing from only 
 three millions scarcely able to maintain existence ; — a territory 
 watered by the Atlantic and the Pacific, and every sea whitened 
 by our canvass — respected, honored and feared by the nations 
 of the earth — overflowing with wealth, and exuberant in all the 
 elements of prosperity and happiness — where, where on the 
 face of this globe is there a country with which we would ex- 
 change conditions ? To whom and to what are we indebted for 
 these priceless blessings ? To an over-ruling Providence, and to 
 the men who framed, who declared, and who achieved our iude- 
 
64 
 
 pendence. Our hearts aclie with the desire to do somethmg to 
 testify our gratitude, our veneration, and to prove that we are 
 not unworthy of such a heritage. 
 
 Have we no lesson to teach our children and their children's 
 children ? Shall they not be perpetually reminded of the good- 
 ness of" God, and the self-sacrificing bravery and devotion of 
 their ancestors ? Shall they not have one national shrine of 
 patriotism to which all, without distinction of creed or opinion, 
 can repair and unitedly, with one heart and one soul, pour out 
 their thanksgiving and their love ? We are so constituted by 
 our Creator that visible signs and representations are necessary 
 to awaken our sensibilities, to stimulate our afi"ections and to 
 nerve our resolutions. As the third generation of that posterity 
 for whom the men of the Revolution chiefly labored and sufi'er- 
 ed and died, it is peculiarly fitting that we should erect such 
 representations of their great and controlling acts as shall speak 
 to our own hearts, to our children's hearts, and shall testify to 
 God and the world that we appreciate and reverence, and would 
 cultivate and disseminate the mighty truths and principles which 
 brought our nation into existence, which constitute its very life, 
 and of which it seems designed by Providence to be the special 
 defender and protector. 
 
 How can liberty dwell in a country that represses the outward 
 marks of homage and reverence for its principles ? It is one of 
 the most solemn and imperative duties which we may not neglect 
 with impunity, to watch the sacramental flame of liberty, to feed 
 it constantly with the aliment necessary to its existence, to keep 
 it bright and glorious, and to deliver it to our successors with 
 the charge that as they claim the benefits of its hallowed influ- 
 ences, so will they preserve and maintain it. 
 
 To these ends the proposed monument will exercise a power- 
 
65 
 
 fill influence. Paltry, in comparison with our ability, as "will 
 be the cost, its value will consist in its consecration of a great 
 principle, the divine right of a people to redress their wrongs 
 and achieve their liberty, and to establish such government as 
 their circumstances may require, and they may be able to main- 
 tain. 
 
 Such are some of the considerations which we most respect- 
 fully present as inducements to the States designated to contri- 
 bute the means for the erection of the proposed monument. 
 The report of the Committee of this body, which will be laid 
 before you, points out the manner and the proportion in which 
 the contributions may be made, the abundant securities for their 
 faithful administration, and for the perpetual consecration of this 
 national offering to its destined purposes. 
 
 Our duty is performed, yours commences. 
 
 Most respectfully. 
 
 Your fellow citizens. 
 Philadelphia, July 6, 1852. 
 
 This address was unanimously adopted by the Convention, 
 and ordered to be engrossed, with a view to its being duly and 
 formally signed by all the delegates at an evening session. 
 
 Adjourned to 8 o'clock, P. M. 
 
66 
 
 EVENING SESSION. 
 
 The Convention assembled at 8 A. M., in pursuance of pre- 
 vious adjournment. 
 
 The minutes and proceedings of the previous sessions were 
 read by the Assistant Secretary, and approved. 
 
 The President then announced the following Committees : 
 
 Committee to consult Councils in relation to tJie Trusts. 
 
 John C. Spencer, New York. 
 
 J. A. Bayard, -- Delaware. 
 
 R. J. Ingersoll, Connecticut. 
 
 Committee to take charge of tlic Contributions of the States. 
 
 Wm. C. Alexander, New Jersey. 
 
 Asbury Hull, Georgia. 
 
 Wingate Hayes, Rhode Islanti. 
 
 Committee to obtain Designs, Plans and Estimates. 
 
 A. G. Waterman, Pennsylvania. 
 
 Murray Hoflfman, New York. 
 
 Samuel Dinsmorr, New Hampshire. 
 
 Chas. Francis Adams, Massachusetts. 
 
 Edwin R. V. Wright, New Jersey. 
 
 The President then observed that an engrossed copy of the 
 Address to the Legislatures and People of the original Thirteen 
 States had been prepared, and asked whether it should be again 
 read, and signed by all the members of the Convention. 
 
67 
 
 On motion, the address was again read, and subsequently 
 signed by tlie delegates from all the States. 
 
 Mr. Waterman, of Pennsylvania, took the floor, and re- 
 marked that he did not rise to discuss the question ; but as some 
 misapprehension appeared to exist as to the bearing of the reso- 
 lution asking the city to surrender her control over Independence 
 Square, he hoped the gentleman from New York, Mr. Spencer? 
 would explain more fully the exact operation of so much of the 
 Keport as referred to that point. 
 
 Mr. Spexcer, of New York : It affords me much pleasure 
 to be able to do so. 
 
 When land is permitted to descend, or when it is devised to 
 devisees, nothing is more common than to empower third per- 
 sons to sell the property, and it passes to the devisees or heirs, 
 subject to the power, technically called a "power in trust." To 
 avoid all difficulty, and to remove all possible misapprehension, I 
 have taken the liberty, with the assent of several gentlemen of 
 the Committee, to insert in the report, " but without affecting 
 the title to the property." The Select and Common Councils of 
 Philadelphia are the proprietors of it, and they only can main- 
 tain any action whatever for any injury to it, because they are 
 the owners of the soil. But any owner of property may agree 
 to give another person the right of way, to pass over it, and 
 permitting him to use it for a temporary purpose. That power 
 may be exercised by others than the owners, and it would not 
 interfere with the title of the owner. 
 
 Mr. Spencer urged that all that was required from the city, 
 was the consent to a trust — the trustees to have the power to 
 control and keep in repair the monument and adjacent grounds; 
 
68 
 
 but "witli no power to dispose of or alter tlie fee, or any way to 
 impair or have any participation in the title. Mr. S. continued: 
 "The trustees of the States will never interfere, except it be 
 in such an emergency as no one can apprehend, namely, in case 
 of gross neglect on the part of the Councils, by their permitting 
 the monument to be defaced and mutilated, and the ground to 
 be despoiled; and then the Trustees would have the right to 
 interfere. I do not believe it possible that any such neglect 
 can happen. I should suppose the members of the City Councils 
 would as soon suffer the desecration of their father's graves. 
 But the most effectual way of preventing an evil, is to provide 
 for it. We have to satisfy not ourselves, but others, who will 
 hesitate, if they do not absolutely refuse to contribute to an 
 object, unless they have in some way the power of insuring its 
 preservation. Such a power no more implies distrust, than the 
 passage of laws to secure the fidelity of public agents. This 
 monument is to be public — national ; and should be guarded by 
 all the usual precautions in similar cases. 
 
 Mr. Hoffman, of New York. — It does not seem to me to con- 
 flict at all with the rights of the State of Pennsylvania. It can- 
 not interfere with its rights, but appoints Trustees as conserva- 
 tors, to watch over it, and to see that it is properly attended to. 
 Do I make myself understood ? For my own part, I would 
 throw the whole government into the hands of Pennsylvania, 
 without the slightest interference, on the part of other States, in 
 the exercise of its absolute sovereignty, but we have some other 
 views to influence us, and other prejudices to satisfy. 
 
 Mr. Hoffman further added, that the fee of this property 
 would be forever in the city of Philadelphia, and that the object 
 of the report was only to appoint Trustees as conservators — not 
 
69 
 
 of the ground, not of the property— but only to see that the 
 Monument and grounds are kept in proper order, 
 
 Mr. Wellborn, of Georgia.— For my own part, I should be 
 very unwilling to ask the city of Philadelphia to divest itself of 
 the fee simple, for it is not a reasonable demand. The question 
 is, will you limit the usufruct as well as the title to Pennsylvania, 
 or will you give the usufruct to the people of the Union who are 
 to build this structure ? It would be unjust to Pennsylvania, to 
 diminish or exclude her from a common participation in that 
 franchise or easement we are asking, but she must remember 
 that she enters equally with them in that particular, and she 
 exercises control over, and directs the mode in which it is to be 
 preserved, and used in common, to the Trustees from all the 
 other States. I have no doubt both the gentlemen from New 
 York have only uttered the sentiments common to all the Con- 
 vention, that it is of no earthly practical avail, so far as the 
 sentiments of this Convention are concerned, that the guarantee 
 be made, and if all men had confidence enough in themselves to 
 entertain it for other people, and were wise, there would be no 
 necessity for a title to the easement and the right of egress and 
 ingress in and upon the grounds. 
 
 We have made a TertuUian stroke in this case, and wc feel 
 we ought to interest every man in the confederacy with sym- 
 pathy, desire, and admiration for the object. 
 
 Mr. Banks, of Massachusetts, said : — 
 
 All that is asked is, not that the city of Philadelphia shall 
 cede its own trust, and divest itself of a single particle of power, 
 but that it shall extend and impart that trust, so that if the city 
 
70 
 
 or State be faithless, -vyliicli God forbid, we may be yet faithful. 
 Certainly no member of the City Councils, or citizen of Phila- 
 delphia, can object to the extension of a moral trust like this. 
 The fact that I make an acquaintance to-day, does not detract 
 from my regard for my prior acquaintances. The fact that we 
 love Massachusetts, from which we come, does not detract from 
 our love for Philadelphia. Sir, I know very well the citizens of 
 the State of Pennsylvania would not concede the hallowed soil 
 of this sacred temple. Would we cede the title to Bunker 
 Hill ? We had an invitation once from abroad of that sort, 
 but we most respectfully declined. But if the citizens of Phila- 
 delphia asked us to extend to them a trust, in case we were 
 faithless, it would be a diiferent question, and we cannot 
 object to making a friend to-day because we made a friend 
 yesterday. As the question now arises, I cannot see the objec- 
 tion to it, but if it is presented in a different point of view, I 
 should be glad to hear it. 
 
 Mr. Waterman said that he had listened with much 
 interest to the remarks and explanations given by the two dis- 
 tinguished gentlemen from New York, Mr. Spencer and Mr. 
 Hoffman — the gentleman from Georgia, Mr. Wellborn, and the 
 gentleman from Massachusetts, Mr. Banks, which had been 
 elicited by his (Mr. W's.) question ; and he sincerely hoped that 
 a good result would spring from the explanations that had been 
 made. He could readily see how easy it was to place a miscon- 
 struction upon the resolution. 
 
 Mr. Spencer. — I beg leave to take this occasion to express 
 my obligations to the gentlemen of the Select and Common 
 
71 
 
 Councils of tlie city of Pliiladelpliia, for liaving invited us here, 
 and for liaving convened this assembly. I am sure it will always 
 be to me a source of great gratification, and I shall remember it, 
 as I have no doubt the other gentlemen of the Convention will, 
 as one of the happiest events of my life. 
 
 The fire which is now lighted will not soon cease, it touches a 
 chord in the American heart, which has always vibrated and 
 responded to the Declaration of Independence, and the principles 
 which it embodies. I wish to take this occasion for myself, and 
 I have no doubt for the other gentlemen of the Convention, to 
 acknowledge the great obligations we are under for the kindness 
 of the Committees of the Select and Common Councils, in their 
 attentions to the delegates. 
 
 Mr. Hoffman, of New York, moved the following : — 
 Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be tendered to 
 the Councils of the city of Philadelphia, for the opportunity 
 afforded to the original States, of uniting in a great act of 
 national piety, by raising a Monument to National Indepen- 
 dence. 
 
 Resolved, That while we fully appreciate their public spirit, 
 we have a no less lively sense of their warm and noble hospi- 
 tality. 
 
 The resolutions were carried unanimously. 
 
 Mr. BiGLER. — I trust I may respond, on the part of Penn- 
 sylvania, to the liberal sentiments expressed here. It is no 
 ordinary purpose, and no mere idea of a grand structure which 
 has entered into the minds of the men who have started it. 
 
72 
 
 Nothing of this kind. It is that we may erect a Monument, as 
 a memento and as the visible sign of a living principle, that 
 gave our Nation existence, and that will last forever. It will 
 speak to the young, by calling their attention to this grand 
 object, and remind them of the toil and privation necessary 
 to maintain those great principles of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence. And, may I not remark, that what the gentleman 
 from Massachusetts has said, is perfectly correct ? You don't dis- 
 turb a particle of the right of possession which the State of 
 Pennsylvania holds. It is only an extension of the trust. I 
 remarked, yesterday, and I did it with feelings of pride and 
 delight, that Pennsylvania asks no higher honor than to dedi- 
 cate it to that purpose, and I trust that not only the old Thir- 
 teen, but the whole Thirty-one may be drawn as near as possible 
 to this sacred shrine, which must ever remain an interesting 
 memento to the American people. We do not doubt for one 
 moment, but that you have full confidence in the Integrity of 
 Pennsylvania, and it has been kindly described as an intention 
 to place all the States, as nearly as possible, on the same common 
 basis, in the erection of this grand Monument, which is not to 
 perpetuate, but to personify that glorious principle which gave 
 our Republic existence. 
 
 This I have said, and I am more liable to speak from feel- 
 ing than judgment, but I say it from my heart, and I trust that 
 what I have said may be well received. 
 
 Mr. Wellborn moved the thanks of the Convention to the 
 Chairman, for the able and impartial manner in which he had 
 discharged the duties of the chair. 
 Carried unanimously. 
 
73 
 
 Mr. Hayes moved thanks to the Vice Presidents and Secre- 
 taries of the Convention. 
 Carried unanimously. 
 
 Mr. Banks moved the thanks of the Convention be extended 
 to Mr. Spencer, of New York, for his attention, and the ability 
 he had displayed as Chairman of the General Business Com- 
 mittee. 
 
 Carried unanimously. 
 
 Mr. Spencer. — Permit me at least, to return my thanks to the 
 gentleman who made the motion, and the other gentlemen, and 
 express my deep obligations for the light in which they have 
 so kindly viewed any services I have rendered. This, sir, is a 
 suiEcient reward, but I look for a greater and better, not from 
 the thanks of anybody, but from the approval of my own con- 
 science in being the instrument of good. 
 
 This has been the most pleasant and most agreeable assem- 
 blage I recollect to have attended in the course of my expe- 
 rience, and I have no doubt the same feelings are entertained 
 by all. I can never forget the unanimity and cordiality with which 
 all the delegates have advanced to this great object, and the 
 kindness and candor with which they have considered every 
 thing, as well as the total want of all pride of opinion ; and I 
 shall remember it to the latest hour of my life. 
 
 Mr. Hoffman, of New York, moved that the Chairman of 
 the Convention should have the power of calling the Conven- 
 tion together at any future time, in the event of any exigency 
 arising that, in his opinion, would justify such a course. 
 
74 
 
 Mr. Spencer, of New York, had a doubt as to whether the 
 delegates had been appointed to attend more than this single 
 meeting. He thought they had no power to make themselves 
 a permanent bodj. 
 
 Mr. Hoffman withdrew his motion. 
 
 Mr. Banks, of Massachusetts, thought the difficulty might be 
 reconciled by a resolution to adjourn to a future period, or till 
 re-assembled by the Chairman. 
 
 After some conversation, the subject was dropped. 
 
 The Convention then adjourned siiie die. 
 
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