*3> /^i'>>- j^^'M^'\ 60*.^;^>o /.c:i^.\ c°^- .-i^^ ^^^^ %...^^ .^^% 4. "-..c,^' ♦^•V, Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/nathanhale1776bi01john NATHAN HALE 1776 \ j^^prv'^ ^^w^ f-U^'/^ y^>C^4^ l^^e.*^ ^1^^^^^ . ^>' ^ _, Xy V^ ^.^ -^ -e^t-^f-^' ^^^ - ^/pc^ ^^ 5' <,/^riw^^U'Jary Hale.one jia/ivd Hary born July 6- 1787 ^^^^'^ died De-. 10-1791 llie oiher, Eo'ly^l born 1^]] ,2/,' 579-c and died OU '2'\ lien- , ,,_. jocUc-s: ir::eD !x-)\caffi A ANCESTRY 7 likewise to contain its full proportion of individual histories, in which one may detect a thread of family characteristics or gauge the blood and fiber of the stock represented. As in a hundred other cases, also, here and there, in the direct and collateral branches, at different points and in different genera- tions, we meet with some fine development. Some strain of superiority or rare worth will be found as- serting itself in the person of a distinguished judge, an eminent divine, a public benefactor, or again in the person of a youthful patriot. Ancestry in those days meant much. The good people not only be- lieved in the transmission of qualities and observed resemblances, but they highly valued the living influence of one generation upon another — an influ- ence which modern conditions are gradually lessen- ing. Neighbors then, more often than not, were relatives. Hale could remember his great-grand- father, and of his grandmother's graces and guar- dianship over him he himself speaks with appreciation and feeling. There is material here for the study of heredity and the influence or predominance of individualism in our national growth. The ships that sailed into Massachusetts Bay in the memorable years between 1630 and 1640 brought over what local historians like to call much "precious freight." They brought more than one stout heart and devoted group, which Old England could ill afford to spare, but in whom New Eng- 8 NATHAN HALE land found her making. Among these first comers — commonwealth builders as they were to prove — were the ancestors of Nathan Hale. The names of his father, Richard Hale, and his mother, Elizabeth Strong, take us back to their great-grandparents, the Hales and the Strongs, who followed Governor Winthrop from England to Boston to help break ground for the new settlements on the Charles River and the Connecticut. In later years their names appear again at this point in the wilderness or that town on the coast, showing that they took their part abreast with the others in the active work of colonization. On the father's side the immigrant was Robert Hale, who came of the old and knighted family of Hales in Kent. That he cared little for crests or coats of arms and much more for a new start in life and a freer atmosphere may perhaps be inferred from his leaving England at one of the earliest op- portunities. Making Charlestown, Massachusetts, his permanent home, he assisted in founding the church there in 1632, and became deacon, select- man, ensign, and surveyor. Evidently an energetic and thrifty individual — in occupation a blacksmith — he kept increasing his acres until he owned fields and lots on Charlestown Neck, along the Mystic River, and adjoining the roads in the vicinity which were to become the scene of some lively warfare in 1775. One of his neighbors, following him two ANCESTRY 9 or three years later, was that George Bunker whose famous hill stands in the new world for all and more than Marathon's mound has so long stood in the old. It was to remain for a descendant of his in the fifth generation — the young captain of 1776 — to assist in ridding the ancestral farm of an enemy's presence. Robert Hale's prosperity and intelligence no doubt led him to share in the desire which the leading colonists felt to educate preachers for their multiplying churches on their own soil, and we presently find him sending his eldest son, John, to Harvard College. This was the Rev. John Hale, graduated in 1657, who was the first and long-settled pastor at Beverly, just beyond Salem, Massachusetts. He is described as a representative man, of recognized abilities, generous disposition, public-spirited, and, of course, a Calvinist of the prevailing robust type. The occasional hardships and misfortunes of his people he made his own. In 1676, when King Philip's war caused distress, he directed the select- men of the parish to dispose of ^6, about one twelfth of his year's salary, for the general defense. In 1690, he went as chaplain on Phips' disastrous expedition against Quebec, not only to fight the annoying Frenchman, but also to watch over a company of his own young parishioners. Inevi- tably, with Salem so near, he was identified with the witchcraft trials, but latterly, through a personal lo NATHAN HALE experience, was convinced of the grave error of the proceedings, and in 1697 issued a "Modest Inquiry*' into the nature of the delusion. "Such," he writes, "was the darkness of that day, the tortures and lamentations of the afflicted, and the power of former precedents, that we walked in the clouds and could not see our way;" but, as he continues in another connection, "observing the events of that sad catastrophe. Anno 1692, I was brought to a more strict scanning of the principles I had im- bibed, and by scanning, to question, and by ques- tioning at length to reject many of them." His revulsion against the painful business, even though partial, could only have deepened his human sym- pathies and drawn him nearer to his flock. Upon his death or earlier, his family, as in so many other instances, dispersed to find new fields. One son remained at Beverly, another became a pastor and settled at Ashford, Connecticut, and a third son, Samuel, moved along the coast, first to Newbury- port and then to Portsmouth. The line we are following comes down through this Samuel Hale. There is little recorded of him, but it is to be noticed that, like his father and grand- father, he was represented by a son at Harvard, also named Samuel, who remained at Portsmouth, and of whom we shall hear again as a good citizen, de- fender of his country, and notable schoolmaster. Another son, named Richard, of more interest to ANCESTRY 1 1 us, fell into the general drift, as it would appear, looked about for richer soil, perhaps a less rigorous climate, and with other wide-awake farmers settled in a new locality. About 1744, a young, unmarried man, he found his way into Connecticut and made choice of his future home in the town of Coventry, some twenty miles east of Hartford. This Richard, fourth from the immigrant, was the father of our Nathan Hale. Coventry, Connecticut, Nathan's birthplace, was a town laid out in 1708, by authority of the General Assembly of the colony, from a tract acquired by private proprietors from the tribe of Mohegan In- dians. It had been deeded by the sachem "Joshua'* to residents of Hartford, who offered its farm lands and plots to new settlers. The older towns had been settled by groups of families as a measure of safety, while the later ones depended more on indi- vidual comers. But they all grew apace, some towns throwing out others beyond them and within easy reach — the meeting-house always the center — until in the brief period of one hundred and fifty years, or by the time of the Revolution, the population of New England had increased to over seven hundred thousand, compactly placed, self-governed, homoge- neous, and fit to enter upon national life. For these reasons this section could do more and suffered less than other colonies in the struggle for independence whenever the enemy threatened it with vengeance. 12 NATHAN HALE And how these people, we may note in passing, seem to have clung even in the third generation to the traditions of home life in the mother-country ! It was no mere coincidence that the Connecticut Assembly named the town in question after old Coventry in England. The town names in the cen- tral and eastern counties in this colony, as in Massa- chusetts, and in scarcely less degree in other col- onies, tell of the genuine interest they long retained in the birthplaces of their grandparents, whatever they may have thought of revenue acts, commercial monopoly, and ministerial appointments ; and in nearly every household could have been found, as heirlooms distributed by gift or the wills of the first settlers, more than one tangible piece of evidence that Old England was not altogether forgotten by the New. So not only will one see on the map the names of Ashford and Bolton and Canterbury and Chatham and Chester; of Colchester, Coventry, Derby, Durham, Essex, Glastonbury, and Guilford; of Hartford, Kent, Lyme, Milford, New Haven, and New London; of Norwalk, Norwich, Pomfret, Preston, Stamford, Stratford, Windsor, and Wood- stock; but in their homesteads he would have seen at that date the chairs and chests, the books and pieces of plate, the spoons, dishes, buckles, and quilts, and the family Bible, with its precious record of births, marriages, and deaths, which their possessors prized for their ancestral associations across the sea. ANCESTRY 13 Upon Hale's mother's side the story of descent is in some respects a repetition of his father's. That young Nathan himself would have dwelt with a most affectionate interest on what he knew of it may be gathered from some of the last expressions we have from his pen. To his brother Enoch he wrote from camp : " This will probably find you in Coventry ; if so, remember me to all my friends, particularly belonging to the family. Forget not frequently to visit and strongly to represent my duty to our good grandmother Strong. Has she not re- peatedly favored us with her tender, most important advice? The natural tie is sufficient, but increased by so much goodness, our gratitude cannot be too sensible." Hale's mother was not then living, but in her mother, as just described, we doubtless see the temperament which ruled her own household. That she was gentle, true, and watchful may be readily assumed, and perhaps we perceive some of her stronger traits of character reflected and empha- sized in those of her son. " Our good grandmother Strong" draws us equally to the youth whose love and remembrance were deep and manly, and to the lineage which produced such womanhood. But the story is not exceptional. The Strongs, like the Hales, were a typical family through whom, in connection with the many others with corresponding or varying records, we are enabled to observe the working of domestic and social influences in colonial life. 14 NATHAN HALE The head of the line here was Elder John Strong, who in the spring of 1630 sailed from Ply- mouth, England, in the ship Mary and 'John and helped in the founding of Dorchester, south of Bos- ton. His numerous descendants — quite a remark- able list — are scattered to-day throughout the country. Passing on to Taunton and then to Wind- sor, Connecticut, he returned to Massachusetts in 1659, and with a few others, for the third time, started a new settlement, which became Northamp- ton. His grandsons, Joseph and Elnathan, settled in Connecticut, the former at Coventry, about 171 5, twenty or thirty years before Richard Hale. This Joseph, known as Justice Joseph Strong, grew up with the place and became a leading townsman, filling the offices of treasurer and justice of the peace for many years and representing Coventry in the General Assembly for sixty-five sessions. Vig- orous, both mentally and physically, he could pre- side at a town meeting in his ninetieth year. He was succeeded in some of his offices and a portion of his lands by his son, also Joseph, generally called Captain Joseph Strong. In 1724 this Joseph mar- ried his second cousin, Elizabeth Strong, daughter of Preserved Strong, the "grandmother" referred to above ; and it was their eldest daughter, again Eliza- beth, fifth from the immigrant, who became the wife of Richard and the mother of Nathan Hale. Hale's immediate ancestors were thus among the HOME LIFE 15 first inhabitants and co-builders of his native place, and exercised no little influence on the gathering community. It had received its name in 171 1, and by 1775 it ranked as a considerable tov^n in the colony. Success seems to have attended the enter- prise and hard labors of these families. From the town records w^e learn that as early as 1724 Justice Strong was able to turn over to his son. Captain Strong, a farm of ninety acres, in consideration of "parental love and aflfection," and that Richard Hale, in 1745, could purchase from Talcott and Lathrop, apparently two of the original proprietors of the Coventry tract, an extensive farm of two hun- dred and forty acres. These lands lay in the south- ern part of the survey, or in what is now the separate town of South Coventry. The Strong homestead, in which Hale's mother was probably born, was pulled down a number of years ago, while the Hale homestead, which still stands in good condition, is understood not to be the original dwelling in which Nathan was born, but one dating from about the beginning of the Revolution and with which he was familiar. Of Hale's boyhood and home life we could ex- pect to know but little so far as records are con- cerned. Those years, and indeed the round of domestic experiences, were much alike in the colony circles. From glimpses, traditions, and fragmen- tary diaries a picture could be drawn which, in its 1 6 NATHAN HALE perspective, would do for all. Early marriages were the rule. Hale's father, born February 28, 171 7, was twenty-nine; his mother, born February 7, 1727, was nineteen. They were married in Coven- try, May 2, 1746, and lived and died in the place. Their son Nathan — to whose memory these pages are dedicated — was born June 6, 1755, the fifth boy and sixth child in the family of twelve. He had eight brothers and three sisters, two dying in infancy. David and Jonathan were twins. His elder sister, being, like her mother and grandmother, the eldest daughter, bore the same name, Elizabeth. The other children were Samuel, John, Joseph, Enoch, Richard, Billy, Joanna, and Susanna, sev- eral of whom married and have descendants living. Nathan may have been named after one of the Nathans either on the Strong or Hale side of the house, with the Scriptural association also in mind. On an ample farm in high and rolling country near the beautiful Lake Waugaumbaug of the Mohegans, and with good neighbors about, the lines of the family seem to have been pleasantly cast. The responsibilities were great, but bravely met by the parents. Of the head of the house it is said that "never a man worked so hard for both worlds as Deacon Hale." The town and ecclesiastical so- ciety confided in him. He held offices from each. For a few terms in succession the Coventry depu- ties to the Connecticut Assembly were Hale and Hale Monument and Homestead, South Coventry, Connecticut l!3(<^4 AUl a From Hale's monument to the homestead the distance is about three miles. Near the former, facing the town green and overlooking the lake, stood the old Congregational meeting-house which Hale's family attended. It was burned down several years ago. The parsonage was a few rods south of it. As Hale's father and grandfather Strong were deacons of the church, and the pastor. Dr. Huntington, Nathan's in- structor in his preparation for college, the boy was surrounded by all the religious influences which New England Congregationalism sought to extend. His career, brief as it was, shows how far his character was molded by them. HOME LIFE 17 Strong. Of the mother we have already formed an impression — certainly a domestic and devoted woman, the fitting link between the "good grand- mother" and more than one superior child and de- scendant. The six things such a family, young and old, would have to think of and live for the year round were home, farm, church, school, chores, play. Stuart, Hale's first biographer, describes it as "a quiet, strict, godly household, where the Bible ruled and family prayers never failed, nor was grace ever omitted at meals, nor work done after sundown on a Saturday night." One item would stagger the modern parent — not only clothes for twelve, but the cloth must be spun at home ! It was so at the Hales'. Work on the farm should have gone along handily, as there were boys enough to call upon. All, of course, had some schooling. Whether Nathan and the others attended the original Coven- try school-house, which, by town-meeting vote, was to be twenty feet long and eighteen feet wide, or a later school-house, now transformed into a dwelling, is uncertain. By the same vote the schoolmaster's wages were fixed at eleven pounds for the winter quarter, and the pupils' enjoyment of the term de- pended upon his disposition and the depth of the snow. The pastimes were the pastimes of to-day in the farming towns. "Nathan" — quoting Stuart again — "early exhibited a fondness for those rural sports to which such a birthplace and scenery na- 1 8 NATHAN HALE turally invited him. He loved the gun and fishing- rod, and exhibited great ingenuity in fashioning juvenile implements of every sort. He was fond of running, leaping, wrestling, firing at a mark, throw- ing, lifting, playing ball. In consequence, his in- fancy, at first feeble, soon hardened by simple diet and exercise into a firm boyhood. And with the growth of his body his mind, naturally bright and active, developed rapidly. He mastered his books with ease, was fond of reading out of school, and was constantly applying his information." If, ac- cording to present standards, the boys' acquirements of that day were simple, perhaps their absorptive powers were more active and tenacious. In those interesting years young Nathan and his fellows could not but have added to the "three R's " and their accompaniments the more valuable impres- sions and knowledge — more valuable in view of the great struggle they were soon to enter — to be de- rived from ordinary listening and observation when their fathers and elder brothers returned from the campaigns against the French to tell of Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and Quebec, or when, a little later, the Stamp Act brought them all to their feet in protest and revolt. When Hale was twelve years old he lost his mother. She died April 21, 1767, at the age of forty. We infer that his future career had already been decided upon, or at least that he was to receive HOME LIFE 19 a college education, and no doubt the boy was happy in the prospect. If, according to early recollec- tions of the family, his mother was more anxious and urgent than others in the matter, it is not difficult to see what influences beyond her own wishes and perhaps intuitive appreciation of Nathan's character and talents may have had weight. The representa- tion of college-bred men among the Strongs in Con- necticut was increasing. Hale's own uncle, his mother's younger brother, Rev. Joseph Strong, a graduate of Yale College in the class of 1749, was at that date the settled pastor over the village church of Salmon Brook in Granby, Connecticut, northwest of Coventry, while Rev. Nathan Strong, class of 1742, his mother's second cousin, was settled over the north parish of his own town, but a few miles away. The latter's son, also Nathan, who was to become a distinguished divine in the State, was just then, in 1767, a student in the college, where we shall meet with him a little later as one of Hale's instructors. Another son, Joseph, was preparing to enter the same institution. Relationships of all degrees were made much of in those days, the more so where the relatives were parish ministers; and when the Rev. "Uncle" Strong or the Rev. "Cousin" Strong was housed over the Sabbath at Deacon Strong's or Deacon Hale's, it was an event of some social consequence. On these and like oc- casions the rising generation would come under 20 NATHAN HALE casual inspection and comment, and if some youth in the circle seemed to show both spiritual and in- tellectual promise, he might be marked as one to succeed the learned elders, and his parents be ad- vised to enter him for the profession. The ranks of that influential colonial body, the New England clergy, were filled much in this way, and in the decisions the mothers' views and hopes for their sons were not to be ignored. However it may have been in this case, we have the fact that among the boys of the family Nathan and his next elder brother, Enoch, were to go to college. Whether they were then, at that early age, expecting to enter the ministry, we cannot say. There was time enough for a final decision later, even after graduation. The present task was prep- aration. Except in a few of the larger towns where preparatory schools existed, the boys of that time were generally fitted for college by the minis- ter of their parish. Benjamin Tallmadge, one of Hale's classmates, states in his "Autobiography" that he and other boys were so prepared by his father, pastor at Brookhaven, Long Island. Hale's pastor was the Rev. Dr. Joseph Huntington, brother of the Hon. Samuel Huntington, subsequently one of the presidents of the Continental Congress and Governor of Connecticut. He was one of the more prominent of the colony ministers, inclined to liberality in his theological views and pronounced HOME LIFE 21 in his sympathies with America in the Revolution- ary struggle. Reviewing events in an election ser- mon after the war, he said: "We once loved Britain most dearly, but Britain the tyrant we could not love. Our souls abhorred her measures. We rose from the dust, where we had been long prostrate. Our breasts glowed with noble ardor. We invoked the God of our fathers and we took the field." The old parsonage still stands in altered shape on Coventry hill, and there without doubt young Na- than and his brother Enoch regularly recited to Mr. Huntington from such Latin authors as Eutro- pius, Nepos, Virgil, Cicero, and Horace — John Trumbull, the painter, who fitted at Norwich about the same period, stating that these were the books he had to study — while at times the parson must have wandered from the lessons to denounce the policy of the mother-country toward the colo- nies and inspire the boys with his own vision of the greatness of the new nation destined to grow up here and which it would be theirs to live in. In September, 1769, the two brothers entered the freshman class at Yale College, Nathan then being in his fifteenth year. II HALE IN COLLEGE — FOUR YEARS AT YALE (1769-1773) ■ ■ ^M ~^s HJ H N his new sphere, in the student world now opening to him, it becomes possible to form some sort of personal acquaintance with Hale. Here through the record as well as incidentally through his fellows and in- structors who long cherished their recollections of him the main outlines of his course can be followed. If we have little from his own pen, if we must forego an insight into his inner self as he might have reflected it in letters or in entries of a private journal — material which sel- dom existed and is rarely found — we can still see and appreciate him in his surroundings. The inti- mate and whole-souled friendships of college days are proverbial, and Hale seems to have had his full share of them. It is from this source largely 22 IN COLLEGE 23 that we are assured of his manUness, scholarship, attractive personality and the general high tone of his nature. Where he is recalled as " a much loved classmate," there is a sweetness and a value in the memory peculiarly its own; or if there are refer- ences, though brief, to his cultivated mind and gen- erous impulses, or to his unassuming air and quiet dignity, or to his popularity as seen in the honors voted him, and again to the promise of his success in life, we have a recognized basis from which to estimate his worth. He should be understood by the student of to-day. Every college generation produces young men who impress themselves upon their associates somewhat as Hale did in his time. In 1769, Yale College at New Haven was but a town academy compared with the spreading univer- sity now celebrating two hundred years of growth. But relatively its usefulness and influence were hardly less marked. Its president was Rev. Dr. Naph- tali Daggett. Among its different instructors were several exceptionally able men, such as John Trumbull, John Davenport, Joseph Howe, Nathan Strong and Timothy Dwight. In one year or an- other Hale was probably taught by all. The last three — recent graduates who had returned to be tutors at the college — gave promise of eminence which Strong and Dwight fulfilled, Dwight becom-' ing a distinguished president of Yale and Strong a shining light of the Hartford pulpit. Howe, also a 24 NATHAN HALE preacher, died early, just as his talents were attract- ing attention. Hale notes his death in his army diary. Strong was Hale's relative and fellow- townsman referred to in the previous chapter, with both of whom Dwight was also distantly connected as being a descendant of Elder Strong of Northamp- ton. Our young student thus found himself, cer- tainly in his junior and senior years, among personal friends, and in these friends he was equally fortunate in finding the best of teachers and advisers. How highly and fondly Dwight came to regard him will appear in another connection. During Hale's course there were about one hun- dred students in the four classes. His own, the class of 1773, was the largest, with its thirty-six graduates. At that date three buildings stood on the college grounds. One of them remains — the dormitory. South Middle, originally called "Con- necticut Hall," in which Hale must have roomed during one or more of his years. Supervision of the little community was of the parental order. There was a monastic as well as Puritan touch in the moral and religious obligations enjoined — the living of blameless lives, the reading of the Scrip- tures as the fountain of light and truth, and the at- tendance on public and private devotions. Offenses or delinquencies were punishable largely by fines — a survival of the practice in the medieval guilds and corporations — the fines ranging from a penny for IN COLLEGE 25 absence from morning or evening prayers to eight shillings or suspension or expulsion for repeated and glaring misdemeanors. Those were the days, too, when the most formal outward respect must be shown to the college authorities. All the students were to stand uncovered whenever the President passed along the walks, and all were to bow when he went in or out of the chapel. There were regu- lar study hours then, when the campus was to be quiet, when singing, loud talking and "all scream- ings and hollowings" around the buildings were finable. The students boarded in "Commons," managed by steward and butler, and their luxuries included pipes and tobacco, cider and strong beer. The freshmen were a much abused class, their insignificance even being officially recognized. Among other indignities, they were obliged, within limits, to be waiters and messengers to upper-class men. We have a description of campus customs and college costume in the reminiscences of Oliver Wolcott, Hamilton's successor as Secretary of the Treasury, in the very summer of 1773 when Hale was about to graduate. "I went up to college in the evening," he writes, "to observe the scene of my future exploits with emotions of awe and reverence. Men in black robes, white wigs and high cocked hats, young men dressed in camblet gowns, passed us in small groups. The men in robes and wigs I was told were professors; the young men in gowns were 26 NATHAN HALE students. There were young men in black silk gowns, some with bands and others without. These were either tutors in the college or resident graduates to whom the title of 'Sir' was accorded. When we entered the col- lege yard a new scene was presented. There was a class who wore no gowns and who walked but never ran or jumped in the yard. They appeared much in awe or looked surlily after they passed by the young men habited in gowns and staves. Some of the young gownsmen treated those who wore neither hats or gowns in the yard with harshness and what I thought indignity. I give an instance: 'Nevill, go to my room, middle story of old college, No. — , and take from it a pitcher, fill it from the pump, place it in my room and stay there till my return.' The domineering young men I was told were scholars or students of the sophomore class, and those without hats and gowns and who walked in the yard were freshmen, who out of the hours of study were waiters or servants to the authority, the president, professors, tutors and under- graduates." {JVolcott Memorial^ p. 225.) But behind this exterior could be found that free- dom, companionship and communistic enthusiasm which have always made the American student's life one of the happiest of his experiences. Those generally robust sons of colonial parents were not likely to spend four years in tame existence. The numerous offenses mentioned in the penal laws of the college show how far their spirits had to be curbed. They had their recreations, sports and oc- casional wild pranks; and if we read aright, they resented impositions, one instance occurring in Q (A X "DO c O o e c o U 'w >i j:: o Oh s CvJ w i-i > ^oo c3 o X -»-> ;3 CL ^ o v^ o 1^ DQ =4-1 o O) c "^Ci) .2 CvS o X ^ "o U ■J ■,■-'. %; :J' IN COLLEGE 27 Hale's day, when John Brown, of the class of 1771, afterwards a gallant officer who fell in the Revolu- tion, was one of the leaders in a revolt against the quality, it would seem, of college " commons," and left with others until grievances were redressed. To Hale and his brother college life must have been a constant enjoyment, and in view of their training it could have been no task for them to conform to the regulations. By the fortunate pres- ervation of three letters from their father — plain, homely missives, with the usual distorted spelling, but very uncommon as records and valuable to us just now for their tenderness, injunctions and hard fact — we get a few glimpses of the boys in their new relations. Whether as freshmen or sopho- mores, they were addressed as "Dear Children," and reminded of their duties. They had written home on December 7, 1769, two months after entrance, that they were comfortably settled, and on the 26th their parent replies : " I hope you will carefully mind your studies that your time be not lost and that you will mind all the orders of Colledge with care." Above all, they were not to forget their de- votions or chapel prayers. A year later he wrote in the same vein, and added: "Shun all vice, es- pecially card-playing." The common view of this diversion was still in harmony with the spirit of the college rules of 1745, under which play at cards, dice or on a wager was subject to fine, to be fol- 28 NATHAN HALE lowed on the third offense by expulsion. As to a student's expenses, then as now, they were always pending, and the bills of the country boys were probably settled irregularly. Exchange and barter were much out of vogue in the larger towns, and the farmer could not pay his sons' board with the wheat in his barn. In their freshman year Richard Hale tells his children that he will send them some money soon, perhaps by "Mr. Sherman" — Roger Sherman, no doubt — when he returns from his cir- cuit, and he inquires whether it would do to let their account run until he could go to town himself in May and clear it up. In the following year he hopes to forward what cash they need "when S""- Strong comes to Coventry" — this clearly being their graduate cousin, "Sir" Nathan Strong, who appears to have been continuing his studies at the college before he became tutor. At vacation times their own horses would be driven down for them, or they could hire some in New Haven. The ma- jority of Connecticut boys wore suits cut from home- spun, and the Hales had theirs from Coventry. Toward the end of their sophomore year one of them was called home to be fitted to a suit, if he could obtain leave and if they hoped to have new clothes for the coming Commencement. " I so- pose," writes Mr. Hale — to be spared the protest with which the suggestion would be received by the modern sophomore — "I sopose that one mea- IN COLLEGE 29 sure will do for both of you." During their third year an epidemic of measles broke out in the col- lege, both boys being taken down. Tallmadge states that in his case he could do little studying during parts of his junior and senior years. Hale made the most of the curriculum, and at the end stood among the best scholars and most pop- ular men of his class. During the first two years there was some grinding study through "the three learned tongues" — Greek, Latin and Hebrew — with logic, rhetoric and geometry interspersed; while in the last two, natural philosophy, astronomy, mathematics, metaphysics and ethics completed the sum of their accomplishments. On Fridays the stu- dents, about six at a time, were to declaim before their fellows in Latin, Greek and Hebrew, and "in no other language without special leave from the President." Saturday forenoons were devoted to the study of divinity. Fines followed the neglect of all exercises. In the class-rooms Enoch Hale was known as Hole primus , and Nathan, Hale secundus, a practice long continued in New England Latin grammar schools as well. That some students found the routine irksome is not surprising, and when Roger Alden afterwards wrote to Hale from his school-room that he dreaded its hours as much as ever he did " the morning prayer bell or Saturday noon recitations," his complaint was only a distant precursor of changes that were to end in the elimi- 30 NATHAN HALE nation of both. The prayer bell still rings, but not at half-past four a.m. in the summer time and half- past five in the winter — the startling hours when Alden and Hale heard it. As a literary diversion the students established debating societies. Two, well known to all Yale graduates, survived — "Linonia," founded in 1753, and "The Brothers in Unity," in 1768. After more than a century's existence, both have been dissolved. Former alumni, distinguished at the bar, in Con- gress or in the pulpit, owed something of their rhetorical ' training to these societies. The Hales belonged to Linonia and took an active interest in it, Nathan especially. In his junior year, 1771, he became its secretary or "scribe" and his book of well-kept minutes is still preserved in the uni- versity library. That the members improved and enjoyed themselves the entries fully bear out. Their exercises on different evenings were debates, narra- tions, addresses, dialogues and a system of mutual questions and answers. To better their conversation and literary style, they could criticize each other's grammar and choice of words. On one occasion they debated the question whether it was right to enslave the African. Nathan's name frequently ap- pears among the speakers, as on December 23, 1771, when another member had succeeded him as scribe, " The meeting was opened with a very entertaining narration by Hale 2d;" or again, the meeting of IN COLLEGE 31 August 5, 1772, "closed with a speech deUvered by Hale 2d." The dramatic art seems to have been in high favor with these embryo ministers, warriors and statesmen, and we find them at intervals for- getting Edwards on the Will, or Van Mastricht on Regeneration, or President Clap on the Foundation of Moral Virtue, to entertain themselves and their friends with the play of the "Conscious Lovers," or the "West Indian," or the "Toy Shop," or the "Beaux' Stratagem." In the two latter Hale took a part with eclat, while in the caste of the first were included no less a trio than "Sirs" D wight, Daven- port and Williams. The "West Indian" was an- nounced as a new comedy to be played on the occa- sion of Linonia's twentieth anniversary, April 3, 1773, at the house of Mr. Thomas Atwater. The enter- tainment was a pronounced success. "Both the scenery and action," says the secretary, "were on all hands allowed to be superior to anything of the kind heretofore exhibited on the like occasion. The whole received peculiar beauty from the officers ap- pearing dressed in regimentals and the actresses in full and elegant suits of lady's apparel. The last scene was no sooner closed than the company testi- fied their satisfaction by the clapping of hands. . . . An epilogue made expressly on the occasion and de- livered by Hale 2d was received with approbation." There was also a musical dialogue sung by two members "in the characters of Damon and Clora." 32 NATHAN HALE That Hale was held in deserved esteem by his fellows is further evidenced by the fact that he was the first chancellor, or president, of Linonia from his class. In later years, and doubtless it was so then, this was regarded as among the highest of college honors in the gift of the students. Portions of one of his addresses before the society are given in the Appendix.^ As to his literary tastes, it would be enough to know that they were recognized and appreciated by Timothy Dwight, who, with other young instructors, was just at that time moving to raise the standard of culture at the college, espe- cially in the direction of composition, oratory and criticism. Dwight's letter to Hale of February 20, 1776, is doubly interesting as indicating one of the methods by which an author of that day announced his efforts to the public and as hinting at his friend's intellectual bent and qualities of heart. The former was preparing to publish his epic poem, the " Con- quest of Canaan," and he sought the good offices of Hale in introducing it to his acquaintances. "To a person of Mr. Hale's character," he wrote him, "motives of friendship apart, one's fondness for the liberal arts would be a sufficient excuse for calling his attention to the work ; " and he adds, " I esteem myself happy in reflecting that the person who may confer this obligation is a gentleman, of whose po- lAlso a word in regard to Hale's connection with Linonia' s library and a note from Tallmadge. IN COLLEGE 33 liteness and benevolence I have already experienced so frequent and so undoubted assurances." Commencement day for the class of 1773 fell on September 3. It v^^as the annual grand occasion both for college and the town, w^hen dignitaries of the colony and the lights of its churches, together with numerous citizens, assembled in the meeting- house on the New Haven green to listen to the graduation exercises. An all-day function, it was continued as such to quite recent years, though losing its varied character. A report of it appears in The Connecticut journal and New Haven Post Boy, now one of the rarest of colonial newspapers. In the forenoon the salutatory address was delivered by John Palsgrave Wyllys, of Hartford, who, like Hale, early entered into the Revolutionary War and after fourteen years of service fell in action with the In- dians on the western frontier. A " syllogistic dis- putation" followed, and then came a forensic debate by Messrs. Beckwith, Fairchild, Flint and Mead on the question, "Whether a large metropolis would be of public advantage to the Colony." Messrs. Alden, Keyes and Marvin — all three to become Revolution- ary officers — rendered a dialogue in English on the three learned professions, and Sir Williams delivered an English oration on Prejudice. In the afternoon Sir Davenport resumed the exercises with an Eng- lish oration on the state of the private schools in Connecticut. Another syllogistic dispute — this one 34 NATHAN HALE in Latin — followed, and the Commencement closed with what was evidently the treat of the day — a second forensic debate by Messrs. Hale, Robinson, Sampson and Tallmadge on the then pertinent ques- tion, " Whether the Education of Daughters be not, without any just reason, more neglected than that of Sons." Quite possibly, as some writers state. Hale took the side of the daughters, with whom we know him to have been a general favorite. As our young graduate now goes out into the world after a successful course in college, carrying with him all the honors and good wishes he could desire, he is much less the stranger to us that he would have been without this experience. We shall come to know him better during the next three years. Friends and classmates will think too highly of him not to keep up a correspondence, and it is their letters that throw the side-lights we need on his personality. Not long after his death some one of his contemporaries in New Haven, an acquain- tance and probably college companion, remembered him with a eulogy in which, with due allowance for the poetic feeling and license in the case, we doubt- less have a more or less faithful picture or impres- sion of Hale. He is handed down to us by his Alma Mater, we may say, as a most attractive and superior fellow, a son of whose acquirements within her walls she was proud, and for whom an enviable future might be predicted. IN COLLEGE 35 " Erect and tall, his well-proportioned frame, Vigorous and active, as electric flame ; His manly limbs had symmetry and grace, And innate goodness marked his beauteous face ; His fancy lively, and his genius great. His solid judgment shone in grave debate ; For erudition far beyond his years; At Yale distinguished above all his peers ; Speak, ye who knew him while a pupil there. His numerous virtues to the world declare ; His blameless carriage and his modest air, Above the vain parade and idle show Which mark the coxcomb and the empty beau ; Removed from envy, malice, pride, and strife, He walked through goodness as he walked through life; A kinder brother nature never knew, A child more duteous or a friend more true."^ Recollections bear out this description. Those who knew him, and others who gathered details and tra- ditions as early as 1835, tell us that he was a notice- ably fine-looking youth, nearly six feet in height, broad-chested, ruddy in complexion, with expres- sive features, a musical voice, and a presence that was at once natural and commanding. Stories are told of his athletic skill. A happy manner, gener- ous disposition and social aptitude graced the stronger side of his character. He was evidently mature for his years — maturer than his companions — and 1 The poem was first published in the American Historical Magazine in 1836. 36 NATHAN HALE though not yet twenty, was about to enter active Hfe with much of a man's equipment. Among his New Haven friends Hale counted Dr. ^neas Munson, long a well-known physician of the place. In 1836 his son, also Dr. i^neas Munson, still remembered by old residents, wrote to the maga- zine referred to above : " Nathan Hale I was ac- quainted with from his frequent visits at my father's house, while an academical student. His own re- marks and the remarks of my father left at that period an indelible impression on my mind." On one of these occasions, as Hale left the house, the elder Munson observed : " That man is a diamond of the first water, calculated to excel in any station he assumes. He is a gentleman and a scholar, and last, though not least of his qualifications, a Chris- tian." And by way of appeal to the editor the younger doctor adds, before any memorials to their friend were erected : " Cannot you rouse the dor- mant energies of an ungrateful republic, in the case of Captain Hale, to mark the spot where so much virtue and patriotism moulder with his native dust?" Statue of Hale, Wadsworth Athenaeum, Hartford Ill HALE AS SCHOOLMASTER— AT EAST HADDAM AND NEW LONDON PON graduation, or in the early fall of 1773, Nathan visited his uncle, Samuel Hale, at Ports- mouth, New Hampshire. This was his father's brother — al- ready mentioned — a graduate of Harvard College, who was the well-known head of the leading school in that colony, and was addressed as "Major" on account of his rank and services at Cape Breton and the siege of Louisburg. What Hale had to say of this trip and his own affairs ap- pears in the interesting letter he afterwards wrote to Portsmouth, and from which we shall have occasion to quote. Returning to Connecticut, he followed his uncle's lines and became schoolmaster. This was the usual step before entering upon a call- ing. Professional departments and labyrinthian post- 37 38 NATHAN HALE graduate courses, in which the "Sirs" could con- tinue their studies to an advanced point, were yet to be evolved as the crown of the higher education. About the most dignified position to which the teacher of that day could aspire was a tutorship at the college, and there places were not permanent. Few could look beyond the pedagogue's desk either for temporary or lifelong occupation. What Hale's future plans were beyond his schoolmaster's round is not indicated. He must have thought of the ministry and may have intended to enter it. Two works on the subject which he once owned have recently come to light. One bears the title : "Theodorus — a dialogue concerning the Art of Preaching. By Mr. David Fordyce, London, 1755.'' On its fly-leaf is written, Nathan Hale s Book, I J 68 — as far as known, the earliest of his autographs. This was the year before he entered college, and possibly the book was a gift to him from his pastor, or his parents, or one of the Reverend Strongs among his connections, who wished to incline him to the pulpit in his impressionable years. The other, which he had in college, is entitled : " A Treatise on Regeneration. By Peter Van Mastricht, D.D., Professor of Divinity in the Universities of Franc- fort, Duisburgh, and Utrecht. Extracted from his System of Divinity called Theologia theoretica- practica," etc. Its preface states that Cotton Mather, in his directions for a candidate for the SCHOOLMASTER 39 ministry, thought there was "no human composure equal to it." Here again on the fly-leaf is the simi- lar autograph, Nathan Hale s Booky IJJI ; but if he was in the habit of poring over its contents, there is nothing to suggest it in the perfectly smooth pages and unthumbed edges of the volume.^ It may have been a reference book which the students were ex- pected to consult in connection with their Saturday noon divinity lectures, and which its possessor had put away for future use, perhaps in company with other early seventeenth-century authorities on the same subject. It is clear that a year later — September, 1774 — Hale had not yet decided upon his future course, for at that date he was seeking his uncle's advice regarding his acceptance of a permanent po- sition as teacher. For the time being there were schools enough for the newly fledged graduates. In that same year — 1773 — Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecti- cut, in reply to inquiries from one of the Secretaries of State, London, reported that the colony taxes amounted annually to about six thousand pounds, "somewhat more than one third part" of which — a good proportion — was raised by the several towns for the support of their schools. Nathan Hale found a situation at East Haddam, on the Connecticut 1 This edition was published at New Haven — " Printed and sold by- Thomas and Samuel Green, in the Old-Council-Chamber." Hale's copy was secured by Mr. W. F, Havemeyer, of New York, from the famous George Brinley collection. 40 NATHAN HALE River, sixteen miles from its mouth ; his brother Enoch, one near Windsor, east of the river; Tall- madge, one at Wethersfield, w^here he succeeded David Humphreys, a graduate, and subsequently aide to Washington ; Marvin, one at Norwich ; Alden, at New Haven ; Robinson, at New Windsor. The schools they taught were of three descriptions. First, the common schools supported by the towns, generally through the machinery of the ecclesias- tical societies. These were the district or parish schools, which children of all ages could attend. Second, the grammar or higher schools, which a few of the larger towns were required to maintain. Third, the private schools or academies, then slowly increasing in number. One of these was opened by Daniel Humphrey at New Haven, in 1776, for the purpose of teaching writing, arithmetic and gram- mar. Emphasis was to be laid on the English clas- sics, and the pupils trained "to write their mother tongue with eloquence." The school Hale taught was probably one of the first description — a parish or district school of East Haddam, with the school-house near the ferry or "landing," as it is called to-day. Possibly it was a private school. The house has recently passed into the hands of a patriotic society and been moved to another site on the river bank. East Haddam was also known by the contracted Indian name of Moodus, which now distinguishes the flourishing village above SCHOOLMASTER 41 it. Hale calls it " East Haddam (alias Modos)." His term here was a comparatively short one of four or five months, dating from about October, 1773, to the middle of March, 1 774. Of this, his first ex- perience, we know almost nothing. The school could have differed little from the one in which he was taught himself at Coventry, nor did the work vary greatly from what we find him doing in his next school at New London, save that he probably taught less Latin, if any at all. His pupils were of the same grades as elsewhere, from primary children to young persons of his own age, and all learning the usual English branches. Within the school- room it was not an uncommon arrangement to have the scholars seated on long benches fronting flat desks fastened in the walls. School-books were rarities then, Dilworth's or some other author's spelling-lessons and the Psalter being about the only ones in general use in the country districts. Black- boards and globes were almost unknown. Noah Webster tells us that before the Revolution all writing exercises and operations in arithmetic were worked out on paper. The teacher wrote the "copies" and read off the sums. Frequently the entire school studied aloud; and thus, with other primitive methods and simple exercises, the early required education was instilled. More than one of Hale's boys is doubtless pictured to the life in Trum- bull's "Progress of Dulness" : 42 NATHAN HALE " There 's not a lad in town so bright, He '11 cypher bravely, write and read, And say his catechism and creed, And scorns to hesitate or falter In Primer, Spelling-book or Psalter." We may be confident, however, that in his hu- morous description of the average district pedagogue Trumbull could not have had in mind so bright a youth as Hale, v^hom he had known and may have taught at Yale : " He tries, with ease and unconcern. To teach what ne'er himself could learn. Gives law and punishment alone. Judge, jury, bailiff, all in one, Holds all good learning must depend Upon the rod's extremest end." Although East Haddam was a town with agricul- tural and shipping interests. Hale seems to have found it an isolated place, and this may account in part for his brief stay there. Missing old friends, he was, nevertheless, certain to make new ones ; and he could say no more of his agreeable situation at New London afterwards than that it was "somewhat preferable" to that at East Haddam. Mail facilities were irregular, and his acquaintances appear to have heard from him but seldom. His classmate Robin- son runs him pleasantly on his disappearance thus : SCHOOLMASTER 43 "I am at a loss to determine whether you are yet in this land of the living, or removed to some far distant and to us unknown region; but this much I am certain of, that if you departed this life at Modos, you stood but a narrow chance for gaining a better." Stuart gives the recollection of one old lady who went to Hale's school in this river town. "Everybody loved him," she said; "he was so sprightly, intelligent and kind, and withal so hand- some." Hale had not been teaching many weeks at East Haddam before he sought or was invited to a more promising post. "I love my employment," he was to write a year later; and if a strong liking for it had already developed, with an intuitive sense that he was born to the work, a field with larger pros- pects would be his ambition. Early in December we find him corresponding with Mr. Timothy Green, of New London, one of the proprietors of the new "Union School" just then established at that place, respecting his engagement as master for the spring term of the following year. Hearing of this opportunity. Hale evidently interested his old pastor. Rev. Mr. Huntington, in the matter, and se- cui:ed from him the necessary letters of introduction and recommendation, on the receipt of which Mr. Green wrote to him, December 21: "I have shewed Mr. Huntington's Letter and sample of your writ- ing enclosed in it to several of the Proprietors of 44 NATHAN HALE the School in this Town, who have desired me to inform you that there is a probability of their agree- ing with you to keep the School ; and for that rea- son desire that you would not engage yourself else- where till you hear further from them." Another letter from Mr. Green appears in the Appendix. The "sample" of handwriting referred to was the sine qua non and passport to position required of every young schoolmaster of the period, and in the nature of the case was quite superior to their or- dinary chirography. The few letters we have from Hale compare very favorably in appearance with those of his correspondents, and that he could set a "copy" which his pupils would be proud to equal may be seen in his call for a school meeting February 22, 1775, and especially in the signature of his letter to his classmate Mead — amusingly affected, no doubt — which still stands at the bottom of the page with the precise regularity and shading of an engraved hand. This accomplishment, so far as it went, helped to tell in Hale's favor, though he was not to have the school immediately. The proprietors, needing a teacher at once, employed Phineas Tracy, of Norwich, for three months, at the same time holding out encouragement to our East Haddam candidate. On February 4 Mr. Green again re- quested him to wait, this time for "one week more," before accepting any other place; and on the loth formally notified him of his engagement for one Hale's Letter with the Schoolmaster Autograph (page 44) Collection of Major Godfrey A. S. Wieners ^>^ ^i^rrai .^^^^ ^^^-.-.^t^^c^^^J^^^^^^^^^^J^,^^ 1 tj5 w C3 5-. o -ri • T— 1 o en a £ •2, B o '5° O o ^cn G "o _o +-» 'a o Ci) X "o U en CO O O u « C^ ^ ^' o Si ^ Q c3 1 . J- t^ -^ J-^ \ ' ' a -| o -J «> -^ O. % to g •^j "c. •^ <^ _o •S "O 'o ;;j c O 3 \:i 1 1 i u Cj 1 •J -«r ^ ic: 1 -^ < ^^ Xh r^ w *" sJ •J = < •5 ^'5 ^- •= S ^ -a >^ •x: ^ -Q c, 9 S ^' o ^1 E - ^ tp " II a I- g a, o ° ^ r. t, "2 ^ Ta -n ,,- O P tj Q >-' .5 ;r: _^ *:• ^^ flj 4_» '-* --j < I i-a "•- p tfl 15 Js 3 O " *-> (D t. ■" w o 5 -S .5 c h " a t; = -n — p 3 ,« tE - a .5 ^ CQ^ bl ^■"Iv o- ~ ^ J •s ;^ U i: "i ■^SB4afc'!!.Sft;";j':U CAMP NEAR BOSTON 7S in the change of base. The British evacuated Bos- ton and sailed away to HaHfax — an event which was hailed with the greatest satisfaction through- out the country as a significant American triumph. Washington immediately began the transfer of the main part of his force to the threatened quarter. VI WITH THE ARMY AT NEW YORK — DEFEAT ON LONG ISLAND HE Boston army marched to New York by brigades follow- ing each other at brief inter- vals. The first to start was a specially organized command under General Heath and in- cluded Hale's regiment, Webb's "Nineteenth." Webb's march- ing orders, signed by Horatio Gates, then Washing- ton's adjutant-general, have been preserved. Leav- ing Roxbury March i8th with five days' cooked rations, the troops were to proceed by way of Mann's to Providence and thence by way of Green's and Burnham's — well-known inns — to Norwich, a distance of ninety-three miles, which Heath re- ports, the condition of the roads considered, they covered "with great expedition." On the 26th the troops were at New London and Hale found 76 CAMP NEW YORK jj himself for the third time among the friends of his school-teaching days and in the community from which he had volunteered for the field. But there was little time for greeting or reminiscence, as the local Gazette states that on the following day they all "embarked in high spirits on board 15 tran- sports and sailed for New York." Leisurely float- ing up the Sound, they reached the East River in the forenoon of the 30th and, as Heath again tells us, disembarked at Turtle Bay, a convenient land- ing-place at the foot of present Forty-Fifth Street, a little south of Blackwell's Island. As Hale stepped lightly ashore with his company and casually took in the surroundings, he saw near by an old powder-house and beyond it perhaps the remains of a former garrison camp, while just above stood attractively James Beekman's handsome man- sion and cultivated grounds. Little did he dream that the shifting events of the next five months and a half would force this scene upon his view again with a sudden and pitiless reality ! From that man- sion he was to receive his death sentence, and not far from where he was then standing, with enemies instead of friends about him, he was to meet his tragic fate. From Turtle Bay the troops marched into New York City and quartered in barracks and vacant houses. In the course of two weeks the other brigades arrived. Washington, not trusting to trans- 78 NATHAN HALE ports, rode down the shore road from New London and reached the city April i 3th. From this time until the battle of Long Island in August the busi- ness in hand for the American forces was to fortify their new position. The military problem pre- sented more complications than at Boston. There the object had been to drive the enemy out of a city ; here the effort must be made to prevent them from occupying one. As New York was open to a combined attack at more than one point by the British fleet and land forces, the difficulties of the defense were greatly increased. To protect the city from direct bombardment it became necessary to throw one wing of the American army over to the Long Island or Brooklyn side of the East River and by its partial isolation weaken the entire line. This was the defect in Washington's new position, but it was felt and wisely held both in Congress and the army that the moral effect of the voluntary aban- donment of so important a center would work more seriously than defeat in attempting to hold it. The enemy were to be met at the coast where they landed and every inch of soil disputed with them. This was the key-note of the campaign of 1776. In following Hale's experiences in this new field, we miss the two sources of information and per- sonal incident available for 1775. As far as known, not more than four entries of his diary for 1776 CAMP NEW YORK 79 have been preserved, and most of his correspon- dence has disappeared. Of his own letters for this year, three exist. In various other records, how- ever, his regiment is referred to. On April 2d, three days after its arrival. General Heath reviewed his brigade " on the green near the Liberty pole." The men, we are told, " made a martial appear- ance, being well armed, and went through their exercise much to the satisfaction of a great con- course of the inhabitants of the city." The green was the present City Hall Park, then much larger in area and generally called "the fields," while the liberty-pole, which in earlier years Sons of Liberty set up as often as British soldiers cut it down, stood close to the spot where Hale's statue now stands. In the review he must have marched over the site. As summer approached and troops kept coming in, they were encamped in tents outside of the city and on the Long Island front. Heath's brigade, which passed successively under Generals Stirling's and Sul- livan's command and later under General McDou- gall's, was stationed early in May at about the center of the defenses thrown up across the island along the line of Grand Street. It extended across the Bowery at that point, with Webb's regiment ap- parently on the west side of the road. Of the three redouts it was to man, one was on a high hill known as Bayard's Mount, but which the British during their occupation called Bunker Hill. It was 8o NATHAN HALE in its vicinity that Hale would have been found during the greater part of this campaign. On July 9th — quoting once more from Heath's valuable memoirs — " At evening roll-call the declaration of the Congress, declaring the United Colonies free, SOVEREIGN, AND INDEPENDENT STATES, waS pub- lished at the head of the respective brigades in camp, and received with loud huzzas." The in- evitable issue was joined at last, a new nation was proclaimed, and no one, we venture to say, gave a more responsive cheer than our young captain, who felt for the first time that whatever sacrifice he might be called upon to make, it could now be made in the name of all that the colonies ought to fight for. For a short time, in April or May, Hale's regi- ment was stationed on Long Island where there were works to build and Tories to watch. Many of the latter were arrested and removed under guard to other parts. Hale entertained a true Whig's opin- ion of them. "It would grieve every good man," he writes to his brother Enoch, May 30th, "to con- sider what unnatural monsters we have as it were in our bowels. Numbers in this Colony, and likewise in the western part of Connecticut, would be glad to imbrue their hands in their country's blood.'* With more satisfaction he touches on other points, June 3d: "It gives pleasure to every friend of his country to observe the health which prevails in our CAMP NEW YORK 8i army. . . . The army is every day improving in discipline, and it is hoped will soon be able to meet the enemy at any kind of play. My com- pany, v^^hich at first was small, is now increased to eighty, and there is a sergeant recruiting, who, I hope, has got the other ten which completes the Company. We are hardly able to judge as to the numbers the British army for the summer is to con- sist of — undoubtedly sufficient to cause too much bloodshed." These are brief sentences, but they continue to reflect Hale's unwavering tone. He is observing, stout-hearted, confident, ready to meet the enemy "at any kind of play." Enoch Hale's replies to his "brother Captain," as he called him, are not at hand. That he wrote to him several times at this period appears from his own brief diary. Having entered the ministry, Enoch was now beginning to preach, filling pulpits temporarily at different places. As a member of a patriotic family he was interested in all that was going on and added his encouragement to the cause. "Go to training, pray with the soldiers," is one of his entries. " Preach to the soldiers be- fore they march" is another. On June 19th he notes that his brother John "has received a letter from Nathan, dated 17th at New York; has sent one for me by the way of Norwich — not received yet." From July 23d to the 26th he was in New Haven attending Commencement. He called on 82 NATHAN HALE the President, saw Mr. Dwight, dined with class- mate Hillhouse, lodged with classmate Robinson, took tea at "Rev. Edwards" and "Rev. Whittle- sey's" and obtained the degree of Master of Arts for himself and the captain. "Write to brother to tell him I have got him his degree." Many questions, of course, these good college friends had to ask about Nathan and how he fared in the army, and probably they heard nothing more of him until the distressing news came in two months later. To the disappointment of the spirited young of- ficers in the American army, no more opportunities for distinguishing themselves in minor affairs offered here at New York than at the siege of Boston. Active campaigning did not open until the end of the summer. Preliminary skirmishes, dashes at picket posts, bold reconnoitering and surprises were out of the question before the battle of Long Island. Hale, it will appear, seems to have missed the chances of this kind which warfare usually presents. How much credit, accordingly, is to be given to accounts which make him the leader in a clever exploit early in the season, it is difficult to say. It is stated that he performed the feat of cutting out a sloop loaded with supplies from under the guns of the British man-of-war Asia^ then lying in the East River, and distributing the clothes and provisions to needy sol- diers of the army. That he was capable of such a capture will be taken for granted, but most probably CAMP NEW YORK 83 the incident has come down in an exaggerated form or has been confused with some other affair.^ Many of Hale's company being sailors, they were detailed from time to time to man whale-boats pa- trolling the harbor and surrounding shores and a few with one or two officers are reported as being in the privateering service. Beyond this the regi- ment was on almost constant duty with the other troops on the lines around the city or on Governor's Island. Presently, on June 28th, the enemy arrived. In a few weeks they numbered twenty-five thousand, with a powerful fleet to cooperate. Their camps were scattered over Staten Island. Washington's force was somewhat larger, but, with its many mili- tiamen, far less effective. The expectation and sus- pense in the American camp were aggravated by Lord Howe's leisurely delay in preparing to ad- vance. It was not until August 2 2d that he moved. The last note we have from Hale was dated two days before. To his brother he wrote : " I have only time for a hasty letter. Our situation has been such this fortnight or more as scarce to admit of writing. . . . For about six or eight days the enemy have been expected hourly whenever the wind and tide in the least favored. We keep a particular look out for them this morning. The place and manner iSome facts in the case are given in the notes at the end of the Appendix. 84 NATHAN HALE of attack time must determine. The event we leave to Heaven." The first collision with the enemy — the battle of Long Island — occurred on August 27th. Lord Howe, at Staten Island, had been studying the American position for several weeks and rightly concluded that its vulnerable point lay in the de- tached left wing on the Brooklyn side. A success- ful attack there would result in the capture of some thousands of Washington's men, or, if unsuccessful, the British could march on to the vicinity of Hell Gate, and by threatening the American flank and rear at Harlem or beyond, compel the surrender of New York. Accordingly, with the bulk of his army, twenty-two thousand or more effectives, Howe crossed the Narrows to Gravesend beach and pre- pared to push three columns against the Brooklyn outposts and fortified lines. The latter ran through the heart of the present city. One column moved toward the site of Greenwood Cemetery, another to Flatbush and the lower edge of Prospect Park, while the third and strongest, under Howe in person, was held in position further east. As soon as Washing- ton was assured that this was no feint, but a deter- mined advance, he hurried troops across to the ex- posed flank and engaged the enemy in skirmishes on the roads. On the night of the 26th Howe marched his third column far out to his right, en- circled the American pickets, captured the patrol of CAMP NEW YORK 85 five officers looking out for him, and early on the following morning reached a point between the American works and the three thousand American troops at the outposts on the grounds of the ceme- tery and the park. Finding themselves outflanked and almost surrounded, these troops made a dash to the rear to regain their works, and in the running fight that followed and in the stand made here and there by separate parties in the woods and fields we have the battle of Long Island. Washington lost about eleven hundred men that morning, two thirds of them prisoners, and on the night of the 29th, the position proving untenable, he made his famous retreat back to New York. The skill with which this was effected and the chagrin of the enemy at the loss of their opportunity compensated partially, in moral effect, for the disaster of the 27th. Hale's regiment did not participate in this battle. McDougall's brigade, to which it then belonged, was one of the commands which had been sent over one or two days before, but it was retained within the works to repel an expected assault by the enemy after their success in the open. Hale and his com- rades, however, must have been able to witness much of the fighting, and on the night of the re- treat, with the sailors in the companies to distribute among the boats, they probably had their hands full. We should look for some description of these excit- ing events in the captain's diary, but here that al- 86 NATHAN HALE ready broken record stops short. The closing entry, dated August 23 d, mentions the skirmishing on Long Island, and, so far as known, this is the last item we have under his own hand. Hale was now twenty-one years old, and com- manding a company seventy or eighty strong. It has been observed by writers that the Revolution was fought out largely by young men, which is substantially true of all long wars. Our school- master captain was hardly a veteran as yet, but four- teen months with the army had made him some- thing of a seasoned soldier who understood his duties and impressed his superiors. His own company he doubtless held well in hand by firm and kind meth- ods and the force of his own example. Such a spirit would wish for men who could be depended upon in action, and we know that already there was some fighting material developing in his little com- mand. His brave boy-sergeant, Fosdick, mentioned in Hale's last letter, could dare to run a fire-raft against a British man-of-war, and presently he will be fighting in Knowlton's Rangers. His ensign, George Hurlbut, subsequently promoted a cavalry captain, was to be mortally wounded in saving a store-ship in the Hudson, not far above the scene of Fosdick's exploit. Washington's orders men- tion him and his comrades on the occasion as "enti- tled to the most distinguished notice and applause from their general." His faithful sergeant, Stephen CAMP NEW YORK 87 Hempstead, to be referred to again, barely survived the terrible wounds he received at the defense of Fort Ledyard and in the massacre of its garrison. What these fine fellows thought of their captain is a matter of record. All three were happy in serv- ing under him. Hale's new first lieutenant, Charles Webb, Jr., the colonel's son, was to fall some months later in a hand-to-hand whale-boat en- counter in the Sound. So, too, as the emergency called for additional troops, there came down to camp several more of Hale's friends — a number having been with him at the Boston siege — filled with the same bright hopes for their country, and some of whom were to win laurels. His uncle Joseph and cousin Nathan Strong, mentioned in previous chapters, appeared as chaplains for brief terms, and one or more of his brothers and some relatives from Ashford and Can- terbury served with the militia. General Gurdon Saltonstall and his son Gilbert, Hale's faithful corre- spondent, arrived with a New London county bri- gade only in time to hear of their friend's cruel fate. Gilbert latterly entered the privateer service, and was several times wounded in an action with a British cruiser which in desperation and casualties recalled the sea-fights of Paul Jones. Among col- lege mates, Tallmadge, like Hale, now broke away from his school desk and took the field as adjutant. He was to become a quite famous major of dra- 88 NATHAN HALE goons, and be taken into Washington's confidence in the management of important secret services during the war. Schoolmasters Alden and Marvin, and Mr. Dv^^ight as chaplain, followed in 1777. Wyllys, salutatorian at Hale's commencement, was also here. When New York fell in September, it was his fate to be captured and held a prisoner in the city at the time his classmate was executed. Still other friends and acquaintances now in camp were Isaac Sherman, William Hull and Ezra Selden, who, as battalion and company commanders, were to rush with Wayne into the enemy's stronghold at Stony Point — the most brilliant affair of the war. Had Hale lived, the promise of like service and pro- motion was before him. Not that he would have sought military honors as such, for a professional soldier he never could have become; but with his talents, aptitude, personal presence and devotion to the cause, he could hardly have retired at the end with less distinction than his companions. He was to be cut down, however, at the threshold, and an unexpected and peculiarly precious remembrance held in reserve for him. The strong purpose and action which have given to the world its martyrs and patriots work out their end in their own way and their own time. For Hale the occasion was to come in the next twenty days. Statue of Hale, City Hall Park, New York Sons of the Revolution lS«a^i|l«^iiK&if'T(i^;i't^- vv':/ii<^ >■;•■ " ,.:. : :,-'i!iAj,.':ifo, VII HALE IN THE BRITISH LINES AND EXECUTION CAPTURE no period of the war was Washington oppressed with keener anxieties or a heavier responsibihty than during the twenty days immediately fol- lowing the battle of Long Isl- and. As New York was now practically at the mercy of the enemy — their guns on Brooklyn Heights com- manding the city — all the preparations of the sum- mer had come to naught, and the hopes of the country disappointed. For the moment his army was dispirited. To restore confidence, repair losses and provide against further defeat required herculean exertion. The faithful chief still hoped to maintain the same brave front, and cling to every foot of the soil he had been called to defend, when a new problem was presented in the changed military sit- 89 90 NATHAN HALE uation. It was seen to be full of danger. Within a week, or by September 6th, the British had ex- tended their camps on the Long Island side from Brooklyn to Hell Gate, a distance of seven miles or more, while their fleet threatened the city from be- low. Where Washington before had been facing south, with Howe on Staten Island, he now found himself in effect facing east, with the narrow East River alone between him and his antagonist. Safety seemed to lie in the instant abandonment of New York and all the island below the line of Harlem. Loath to retreat until driven by superior force, the American generals held a council of war on the 7th, and determined to defend their position, both city and island. This decision, which has been criti- cized as unmilitary and almost inexplicable, was to be reversed four days later ; but one effect of it, which the council must have anticipated, was to delay the enemy in their next advance. The bold- ness of this attitude seemed to puzzle even Lord Howe. Washington, more than any one, recog- nized the risks involved. Against them he also balanced the chances in his favor, as they varied from day to day and from hour to hour. The im- minent danger was twofold. As long as it could be observed that the British were not concentrating a flotilla of boats for crossing, the American army could be held intact. One tide at night, however, might bring them up from the bay or from ships CAPTURE AND FATE 91 in the Sound, in which case another Long Island surprise might be in store. It was furthermore apparent that the red-coats were massing at New- town and the Hell Gate end of the opposite shores, where they threatened the American flank and rear. The flank would be threatened at Harlem by way of the present Ward's and Randall's islands. Should a large body of troops land there, at about the foot of One Hundred and Twenty-fifth Street, and push across towards the Hudson, it would be interposed between Washington's main army in New York and a smaller force at King's Bridge under General Heath. The question would then be whether Washington could drive the enemy back with loss or suffer more heavily himself in cutting his way through to Heath. The rear was exposed to a more northerly movement across to the Westchester shore and a rapid march upon King's Bridge, by which the Americans would be hemmed in on Manhattan Island. In either attempt on the part of the enemy it was of the first importance to an- ticipate them. With this critical situation continuing during the first two weeks of September, the tension of Wash- ington's suspense correspondingly increased. If he had been anxious to fathom Howe's plans before the latter began the campaign from Staten Island, he was infinitely more so now. It was not enough to keep a ceaseless watch across the East River. 92 NATHAN HALE Works and camps were here and there in open view, but what was going on behind them? Brit- ish headquarters, it was ascertained, were at New- town, ships were beginning to run by the American batteries in the city, others were reported in the Sound and reinforcements were arriving. When and where was the next blow to fall ? What Washington now longed for and sought was information — full, accurate and speedy infor-. mation that would throw light on Howe's designs. Like every other comrnander in history, all through the contest he came to depend much on intelli- gence gained through the "secret service."^ Au- thorities on war make the spy an essential of war, especially justifying his utilization by an army de- fending a great cause and its own soil. This had already been done in the present campaign. As early as July 14th General Hugh Mercer reported his regret to Washington that he could find no one qualified to enter the camp of the British then re- cently arrived. On August 21st, however. General William Livingston relieved him with the despatch : " Very providentially I sent a spy last night on Staten Island to obtain intelligence. He has this moment returned in safety." So now, on September ist, the lOn this point consult article, "The Secret Service of the Revolu- tion," in Magazine of American History, February, 1882. It there ap- pears how far Major Tallmadge, Hale's classmate, assisted Washington in the matter. The latter' s accounts sWow that he expended considerable sums of money for such intelligence. CAPTURE AND FATE 93 chief urged Generals Heath and George Clinton to establish "a channel of information" through which frequent reports from the Long Island side could reach him. "Perhaps," he writes, "some might be got who are really Tories for a reasonable reward to undertake it. Those who are friends would be preferable, if they could manage it as well." More anxiously and hurriedly he wrote on the 5th: "As everything in a manner depends on obtaining in- telligence of the enemy's motions, I do most ear- nestly entreat you and General Clinton to exert yourselves to accomplish this most desirable end. Leave no stone unturned, nor do not stick at ex- pense to bring this to pass, as I was never more uneasy than on account of my want of knowledge on this score." Other measures against surprise were also pro- vided, such as the organization and more general use of light scouting parties whose intended service is indicated in the letter last quoted. "Keep constant lookouts," Washington instructed Heath," with good glasses, on some commanding heights that look well on to the other shore, and especially into the bays, where boats can be concealed, that they may ob- serve, more particularly in the evening, if there be any uncommon movements. Much will depend upon early intelligence, and meeting the enemy before they can intrench. I should much approve of small harassing parties, stealing, as it were. 94 NATHAN HALE over in the night, as they might keep the enemy alarmed, and more than probably bring ofF a pris- oner, from whom some valuable intelligence may be obtained."^ One of these parties figures vitally in our narra- tive — the little corps which those familiar with the details of this campaign will recognize as " Knowl- ton's Rangers." With its organization we come to the turning-point in Hale's career. We reach those few remaining days when he will break away from regimental routine to seek more active duty with this body — when he will find himself in closer touch with the movements and interests of the army at large — when he will know more of the plans and wishes of his beloved commander — when he will feel the thrill of special responsibility — and when, finally, he will not shrink from taking his life in his hands and, single-handed, attempt a service which he feels the demands of the hour require of him. Companies of rangers had been effective in the French and Indian War. Captains Robert Rogers and Israel Putnam had made a name with them. They had served as the eyes of the old frontier army, and it was just such watchful and tireless men that Washington now needed in his own during the re- mainder of this campaign. The lack of them was 1 This interesting letter appears in the Massachusetts Historical Society Collections for 1878 — the "Heath Papers," p. 283. CAPTURE AND FATE 95 felt on Long Island when Howe stole his night march around the American left. As Putnam had become a rebel major-general and Rogers a loyal- ist colonel on the other side, the command of the proposed corps fell to Lieutenant-Colonel Thomas Knowlton, of Ashford, Connecticut, who had gal- lantly defended the rail fence at Bunker Hill, and in the former war had been a ranger himself. For this body about one hundred and fifty men and twenty officers were regarded as sufficient for pres- ent purposes. They appear to have been divided into four companies, and only the best material was admitted to their ranks. The selections were made largely from the regiments of Knowlton's own State, and it is probable that the captains at least were men of his own choice. Two were taken from his own regiment, and of the other two one was Nathan Hale. Whether the latter, hearing of the proposed detachment, volunteered his services, or whether he was invited on account of his recognized fitness, does not appear. We know that he was accepted and served. On the September rolls of Webb's regi- ment the record is entered that one captain and two lieutenants were on duty with Knowlton, while among the many evidences of service filed away in the Pension Bureau at Washington — the diaries, letters, commissions and sometimes touch- ing statements of old Revolutionary soldiers, whom Congress had long neglected — may be 96 NATHAN HALE found the brief receipts of moneys due to "the Company of Rangers commanded late by Captain Hale."i Organized about September ist, Knowlton's command was quickly on duty at exposed points. One company, certainly, patrolled the Westchester shore, and the others probably the Harlem and Hell Gate flank. They were not engaged on the 15th when Howe finally made his descent on New York, for he crossed some miles below, at Kip's Bay, at the foot of East Thirty-fourth Street. Washington meanwhile had withdrawn the greater part of his force from the city to the northern end of the island, and suffered nothing more serious than a temporary panic and the loss of three or four hundred militiamen. On the following day, however, September i6th, the entire body of Rangers succeeded, by clever scouting, in drawing the van of the British some distance out of their new encampment on the line of One Hundred and Seventh Street, and then, with other troops, distin- guished themselves in driving it back again with loss. This was the battle of Harlem Heights, fought partly on the present site of Columbia Uni- versity; and although it proved a costly victory in the death of the brave and manly leader of the i"The Battle of Harlem Heights, September 16, 1776," p. 194. Published for the Columbia University Press, New York, 1897. For roster of the Rangers, see p. 189. CAPTURE AND FATE 97 Rangers, it wonderfully cheered the depressed army and stirred the young blood of its soldiers to further effort. With what courage and spirit and relish would not Hale have dashed into this encounter after the long months of regulation duty in camp ! Here were fire and action that were real and brought results — the kind of service he had been clearly eager for, and which now under Knowlton it seemed that he could render. But Hale was not here. Probably of all the Rangers he alone was absent from the Harlem field — nevertheless to be found somewhere on some kind of duty, we may be assured. At the very hour that his comrades were developing the position of the enemy and fighting hard and grandly to retrieve the loss and panic of the previous day, he was far over on the shores of Long Island on the point of undertaking the hazardous errand with which his name is associated. As Knowlton, in the capacity of partizan leader, received his instructions directly from the Com- mander-in-Chief, he came necessarily to enter con- fidentially into his anxieties and wishes. There is no record to follow here, no unearthed reports of interviews and orders, but if Washington had urged Mercer and Livingston and Heath and Clinton to use every means to obtain information of the en- emy, employing spies if they could, he obviously urged the same on Knowlton, in whose military 98 NATHAN HALE tact he had great confidence. If it belonged to any one it would belong to an officer whose business it was to keep in close touch with the opposite picket lines, to see what could be done by stealthy means. The office of a spy was doubtless as re- pugnant to the fearless Ranger as to any soldier in the army, but in the present emergency, between the ist and loth of September, he could not ignore the call upon him and he broached the matter to one or more of his captains and subordinates. Pos- sibly he was directed to do so by Washington him- self. The veil that usually hangs over the transac- tions of the secret service is tightly drawn in this case, and we are largely left to conjecture as to Knowlton's presentation of the subject. Of one thing only have we positive information, and that is, that among his officers Captain Nathan Hale, after conversations with his colonel, became deeply impressed with the situation and the unexpected duty which seemed to devolve on some one in his corps. The question broke full upon him, at first perhaps like a shadow, and again like a summons — Shall he become a spy ? There could have been no climax or dramatic incidents, as usually represented, connected with Hale's acceptance of this service. Out of keeping with his character, inconsistent with military usage, and not well authenticated, they may be discarded as weakening the otherwise sustained and winning CAPTURE AND FATE 99 naturalness of the story. ^ It is just at this point that the young patriot reveals himself and shines in his own light. He does not act from impulse. Fortunately, we have an expression of his views in the case, and know what considerations moved him. In so grave a matter he would seek advice, and to no one could he open his mind more freely than to his college associate and fellow captain, William Hull. From the latter we have the substance of the interview. "There was no young man," writes this officer, "who gave fairer promise of an en- lightened and devoted service to his country than this my friend and companion in arms. His nat- urally fine intellect had been carefully cultivated, and his heart was filled with generous emotions; but, like the soaring eagle, the patriotic ardour of his soul * winged the dart which caused his destruc- tion.' After his interview with Colonel Knowlton, 1 Stuart has generally been followed in his description of a meeting be- tween Knowlton and his officers, where, after an appeal in the name of Washington for a volunteer to enter the enemy's lines, with no response from any one, there presently "came a voice with the painfully thrilling yet cheering words — '/ will undertake it!'' That was the voice of Captain Nathan Hale. He had come late into the assembly of officers. Scarcely yet recovered from a severe illness, his face still pale, without his accus- tomed strength of body, yet firm and ardent as ever of soul, he volunteered at once, reckless of its danger, and though doubtless appalled, not van- quished by its disgrace, to discharge the repudiated trust." Stuart proba- bly accepted some tradition to this effect. Hull, however, tells us that Hale had the matter under consideration and sought his advice. Sergeant Hempstead, the captain's attendant, states that he declined the proposi- tion at first on account of recent illness, but accepted on further reflection. L.oFC. loo NATHAN HALE he repaired to my quarters and informed me of what had passed. He remarked that he thought he owed to his country the accompUshment of an ob- ject so important and so much desired by the com- mander of her armies, and he knew of no other mode of obtaining the information than by assuming a disguise and passing into the enemy's camp. He asked my candid opinion."^ Hull then replied, as he tells us, by laying before Hale the hateful service of a spy, and his own unfitness for the role, as being too frank and open for deceit and evasion, and warned him of the consequences. He predicted, indeed, that should he undertake the enterprise, his short, bright career would close with an ignominious death. In Hale's reply, spoken, says Hull, with warmth and decision, we have a fitting prelude to his dying words: "I am fully sensible of the consequences of discovery and capture in such a situation. But for a year I have been attached to the army, and have not rendered any material service while receiving a compensation for which I make no return. Yet I am not influenced by the expectation of promo- tion or pecuniary reward ; I wish to be useful, and 1 The information Washington needed is indicated on pp. 90-93. He wanted frequent intelligence on two points — when will the British be ready to cross the East River or make any movement, and where will they attack? Hull's memoirs, from which the above quotations are taken, were not published until 1847 ; but in her history of New England, Hannah Adams published a special account of Hale, written by Hull. This was in 1799, when the facts were comparatively fresh in his memory. The memoir gives further particulars. CAPTURE AND FATE loi every kind of service, necessary to the public good, becomes honorable by being necessary. If the exi- gencies of my country demand a peculiar service its claims to perform that service are imperious." Once more Hull urged him, for love of country and of kindred, to abandon the project. Hale paused a moment, then affectionately taking his companion by the hand, added as he went out : " I will reflect, and do nothing but what duty demands." When Hull next heard of him it was the shocking word that his prediction had proved true. That Hale should take so lofty and unusual a view of the obligations of the service upon him, when others did not, needs no other explanation than one finds in his own words and in his training and moral fiber. It was his view of duty. There was some- thing of what has been called the Puritan inward- ness in the process by which he reached his decision. In the previous century he would have made a soldier after Cromwell's own heart — an Ironside who could pray mightily and fight as he prayed. If a service was to be performed which the crisis demanded, in the performance of it all consequences were to be excluded from consideration. In this case the situ- ation seemed to the earnest youth to require the highest and most unselfish effort. Washington's latest order, following the retreat from Long Island, called especially upon the officers of all grades "to exert themselves and gloriously determine to conquer I02 NATHAN HALE or die," and Hale's answer came in the resolution he now formed. This question — the momentous question of his life — thus settled, the patriot captain left camp on his perilous mission, with the calm and sustaining courage, we must believe, which such a decision would inspire. The time of his departure can be fixed with some degree of accuracy through his brother Enoch, who notes in his diary that it was "about the second week " of September, or approxi- mately the loth or 12th of the month. Guided by the recollections of his sergeant, Hempstead, who, at Hale's request, accompanied him a certain dis- tance as an attendant, we can also trace his steps well towards his destination. The safest route lay across the Sound and along the roads of Long Island, around to the rear of the British army on the East River. This was one of the lines of secret com- munication effectively utilized by Washington in later years, and he may have indicated it for the present initial venture.^ With a general order in his pocket from the Commander-in-Chief to the cap- tains of armed craft to convey him to any point he might designate. Hale proceeded through West- 1 Whether Hale received instructions as to his route and the information required directly from Washington or from the latter through Colonel Knowlton, is not clear. It was necessary for the Commander-in-Chief to give his consent to the enterprise. Hempstead implies that the captain twfice visited headquarters on the business, — headquarters then being at the Mortier house on the v^^est side, above the line of present Canal Street, CAPTURE AND FATE 103 Chester County into Connecticut, where no oppor- tunity of crossing offered until he reached Norwalk.^ Had he attempted the start from a point further west — from Throg's Neck, City Island, or New Rochelle — the risks would have been great, for British men-of-war were hovering in the vicinity, with their tenders scouring the shores for skiffs and boats. As this was one of the objects of Hale's errand, to ascertain what movement these ships might be trying to blind or directly facilitate, it behooved him, above all things, to avoid them at this stage of his route. At Norwalk, Hale found an armed sloop, in com- mand, as Hempstead states, of a Captain Pond, with whom he arranged to be set across the Sound at Huntington, Long Island, twelve or fifteen miles distant. There are grounds for inferring that this was Charles Pond, of Milford, Connecticut, one of Hale's fellow-captains in the Nineteenth Regiment, necessarily well known to him, and whose own hardy and daring spirit would lead him to further his comrade's enterprise. How Captain Pond came to be in the naval ser- vice and at Norwalk at this particular moment re- vives some incidents in the exciting warfare of the Revolutionary privateers of which as yet we know but little. In this instance the documents of the time help us to the extent that among the vessels 1 A brief note on the crossing-place is given in the Appendix. I04 NATHAN HALE which the Provincial Convention of New York had fitted out to guard the coast were two armed sloops named the Montgomery and the Schuyler, commanded respectively by Captains William Rogers and James Smith. In May, 1776, Smith resigned his com- mission and the Schuyler passed as a Continental sloop under the command of Captain Pond, who, as one of the skilful sailors in his regiment, was probably detached for temporary service at sea. During the summer these two small vessels cruised from Sandy Hook to.Montauk Point and sent their prizes into Rhode Island and Connecticut or stranded them in the inlets of the South Shore. On June 1 9th, Pond reported to Washington the capture, off Fire Island, of an English merchantman with a valuable cargo, which Washington in turn was gratified to report to Congress. With the defeat on Long Island, the successful run of these vessels was cut short. The enemy's ships — among them the Cerberus, Merlin and Syren — became more active and drove the American craft into safer waters. The Montgomery and the Schuyler, which at times cruised in company, slipped by these watch-dogs, and about September 3d sailed into New London harbor. A few days later one of them certainly, and doubtless both, reported at Norwalk. Hale would thus find them there on his arrival. The usual ferry to Long Island, run by the Raymonds of Norwalk, had been interrupted by the presence in that vicinity of the t/) to w CvJ c 'C ^ o g J5 CQ o ■«-> (^ "OC j:: - c ■♦-» JS .n o wit Hunt -T3 :3 c o cd D^ -^ jn a ^ ^ 15 O X Z CAPTURE AND FATE 105 British twelve-gun brig Halifax, commanded by Captain Quarme, and in her unpublished log we find an entry which seems to be confirmatory of the foregoing and may furnish the approximate date of Hale's crossing. Cruising off Huntington on the 17th, Quarme learned that "two rebel privateers" had been seen in the neighborhood.^ Suspecting that they might be lurking in the inlets of the bay, he armed his boats and tenders and sent them in search of the craft, but without result. These priva- teers could have been none other than the Mont- gomery and the Schuyler, still keeping in company, and to be reported on the 17th they must have crossed on the night of the 15th or i6th. It was from the Schuyler, then, — Captain Pond's vessel, — we have every reason to believe, that Hale landed on the Hunt- ington shore on one of these dates — the days of the loss of New York and the battle of Harlem Heights. The final preparations, in themselves enough to test both nerve and soul, had been made at Nor- walk, and Hale was ready. It is from Hempstead alone that we have the few details. "Captain Hale," he tells us, "had changed his uniform for a plain suit of citizen's brown clothes, with a round, broad brimmed hat; assuming the character of a Dutch schoolmaster, leaving all his other clothes, iProm *'A Log of the Proceedings of H,^ Majesty's Armd Brigg Halifax. . . . Will"? Quarme, Commander, by Ab° Pulliblank Qf Mas- ter & Pilot." — London Record Office. io6 NATHAN HALE commission, public and private papers with me, and also his silver shoe buckles, saying they w^ould not comport v^ith his character of schoolmaster, and retaining nothing but his college diploma, as an in- troduction to his assumed calling. Thus equipped, we parted for the last time in life. He went on his mission and I returned back again to Norwalk with orders to stop there till he should return, or I hear from him, as he expected to cross the Sound if he succeeded in his object." A Dutch schoolmaster with a New England di- ploma! The pleasantry may have come from the strong and expectant youth, but in any case, Dutch or Yankee, if he was to play his part in broad day- light the schoolmaster's was his natural role. Here on the shores of Huntington Bay, where he landed, until the fatal night of his capture Hale is completely lost to our view. He had crossed ' the danger line into the enemy's territory and we cannot follow him further except as the briefest allusions appear from British sources. At the point where we would wish to keep pace with him the curtain falls with an abrupt concealment of what must have been a deeply interesting and possibly thrilling experience. One thing may be noticed. Soon after landing he necessarily learned that New York had been captured on the 15th and the Americans defeated and crowded back to the heights above Harlem. On that date, as stated. CAPTURE AND FATE 107 Lord Howe had made his delayed attack, and by nightfall was in possession of the city and two thirds of the island. The wearing anxiety as to his movements was over, and Hale was too late for the immediate information Washington needed. The situation had materially changed in a day and the question could well force itself upon him whether he should not return to camp, where ser- vice with his Rangers might prove more impor- tant. The circumstances would seem to have en- tirely justified this step. But he went on. With his sense of duty as controlling as ever, and his soldierly pride more immediately touched now that he stood on hostile soil, he doubtless felt that if another defeat had befallen his comrades, a greater anxiety prevailed as to the enemy's next move- ments, and that he must continue in his effort for their relief. His persistence at this point, where he could have returned with honor, again foreshadows the heroism with which he will accept his fate. Beyond noting certain facts and inferences which bear upon the point, there would be little to gain in speculating on Hale's course and methods during the six or seven days in which he was now to play the spy. At Huntington he was still some forty miles distant from his objective point, — the main British army on New York Island, — and with the caution required in making his way, it would take him one third or more of the time to reach it. io8 NATHAN HALE There were also the camps on the Long Island side opposite Hell Gate, with the suspicious ships, boats and tenders scattered towards Throg's Neck, and of these he must learn as much as possible. In passing along the roads in the rear of the army from Huntington through Hempstead and Jamaica, or around by Flushing and Newtown, and on to New York City by way of Brooklyn, now Fulton, Ferry — whatever route he followed — he should have found the moment favorable in one respect. With the battle of Long Island and the loss of New York regarded as crushing defeats for the Americans, the Tories in King's and Queen's coun- ties were in high glee in anticipation of the speedy end of the rebellion. The old authority was re- established. The lukewarm were taking the oath of allegiance. Generals Erskine and Delancey were already suppressing the Whigs. Loyalists were en- listing. There was more going to and fro on the highways. A rebel spy would hardly be looked for there. If Hale was brought up with a round turn to account for himself, he could readily explain that he was one of the Connecticut refugees who were just then beginning to cross the Sound singly or in small parties. Without friends, he could claim the king's protection and seek employment in New York. On the other hand, at times, some untoward circumstance, some strict regulation, some ungrounded fear putting him on his guard, he may CAPTURE AND FATE 109 have concealed himself during the day and moved anxiously along in the shadows of the night. It may also be pointed out that he v^ould be wary as to how he showed himself in the city. Much of the old population, the poorer element especially, unable to leave with the Americans or happy at the change of masters, remained. Hale had been encamped there five months. There were negroes, laborers, loiterers, sharp-eyed boys, market-people, innkeepers and others who would recognize and might face him at any turn. His striking features and manly form could hardly be disguised. Pecu- liar dangers as well as opportunities presented them- selves.' Who can tell how that critical interval was passed? The movements of spies seldom come to light, — the case of Andre, so remarkably consecu- tive in detail, being a rare exception or more prop- erly a case of a different character. Of this we seem to be certain — the assurance coming from the British themselves — that down to the moment of arrest Hale had conducted his des- perate and unfamiliar business with courage, skill and address. At the time of his capture his obser- vations as a spy had been completed. The impor- tant fact comes to us from Howe's own headquar- ters, that upon examination of the prisoner it was found that he had passed through their encamp- ments both on Long Island and at New York, and had made memoranda of the situation. This was no NATHAN HALE an adroit and successful piece of work. The main body of the enemy, as already indicated, then lay across Manhattan Island, along the general line of One Hundred and Seventh Street, where they had begun to intrench and fortify after the action of the 1 6th. If the memoranda found on Hale's person included drawings or outlines of works, the works must have been these they were now busily con- structing. There were no others. It was a line of five or six redouts, running east and west, three of which stood on the high ground at the upper end of present Central Park.^ Whether Hale caught glimpses of their outline stealthily, or was able to examine them as one of many onlookers per- mitted to visit the camps, can only be conjectured. But if he were actually there, what sensations must have moved him at the moment ! From the Cen- tral Park site he was but one mile away from, and in full view of, the American outposts at Point of Rocks, near Eighth Avenue and One Hundred and Twenty-seventh Street. To the east of that point were the quarters of his own company of Rangers. Near by, on the heights to the west, lay the field of the Harlem battle, and to it his eyes must have longingly turned as for the first time he may have learned, from the casual conversations of British sol- 1 The position of this line and of the British army generally at this date maybe seen in the chart opposite p. 50 in the "Battle of Harlem Heights." It is indicated on a small scale in the present work on the map showing Hale's route into the British camps. CAPTURE AND FATE iii diers, that there the rebels had fought Hke heroes, and that none fell more bravely than their leader Knowlton. The associations would crowd upon him, and doubly so, for to reach his own army across the plain seemed but a step. The week passed and the end came. On the evening of September 22d the regular daily orders from the British commander-in-chief to his army contained an unusual announcement — nothing quite like it to be repeated during the war — which doubt- less afforded the gossip around the camp-fires that night, some of the red-coats listening with merely passing curiosity, and others indulging in contemp- tuous hilarity and satisfaction that the rebels were getting their deserts in whatever game they played. On the same evening the information was conveyed to the American lines, to fall heavily on the ears of Hale's friends and companions in arms. With offi- cial brevity the paragraph in the order ran: "Head 0!f New York Island, Sep": 22^ 1776 Parole, London Count : Great Britain A spy from the Enemy (by his own full confession) apprehended last night, was this day Executed at 11 o Clock in front of the Artilery Park " Precisely when, where and under what circum- stances Hale was captured and executed has been a matter of tradition and uncertainty. Until Howe's 112 NATHAN HALE orders came to light a few years since/ concisely establishing several of the disputed points, the ac- counts as given by Stuart and Lossing were generally followed. From the new and final authority we know that Hale was "apprehended" on the night of September 21st, that he was executed at eleven o'clock in the forenoon of the 22d, and that the place of his execution was the camp of the British artillery, wherever its location may have been at that date. As to the place of his capture, on which the order throws no light except indirectly, Stuart was the first biog- rapher to attempt to fix it definitely, resting his theory on recollections and circumstances gathered in his day. It was then believed that after success- fully completing his observations. Captain Hale re- turned to Huntington, as he had told Hempstead that he expected to do, where he spent some hours in waiting or looking for a boat to convey him back to Norwalk. As he approached the shore at one point, he suddenly found himself the victim of treachery or his own misapprehension, and he was seized. The boat that he saw proved to be a barge from the Halifax^ or, according to another account, from the Cerberus, and its crew, with leveled mus- kets, called on him to surrender as he turned to 1 The late Mr. William Kelby, librarian of the New York Historical Society, was the first to discover this important order. As an indefati- gable student of local history, he was much interested in Hale's career and fate in New York. CAPTURE AND FATE 113 escape. His arrest followed and he was sent by- water to be delivered up at Howe's headquarters in New York. No inherent improbability attaches to the main statement in this account, that Hale returned to Huntington. Taking two or three days to reach New York, two days in the enemy's camp, and two or three days on the way back, and the trip was pos- sible. One line in the British order, however, seems to undermine the supposition. As the prisoner was captured on "the night" of the 21st, and was in the hands of the provost-marshal some hours before his execution, it would have been impossible to bring him from Huntington in any interval that might be left. In addition, the alleged circumstances of his capture are unlikely, vague and inconsistent. For one thing, neither the Halifax nor the Cer- berus was off Huntington at this date. The latter, as its log informs us, was stationed at Block Island. The log of the former, in which every in- cident appears to be noticed, makes no mention of anything so creditable to her crew as the capture of a spy. All that Captain Quarme is represented to have said about and in praise of Hale must be dismissed as purely mythical. On the other hand, the contemporary references and the probabilities in the case all point to New York or its immediate vicinity as the place of Hale's capture. Late in the evening of the 2 2d, Captain 114 NATHAN HALE John Montressor, of the British Engineers, now serving as aide-de-camp to Lord Howe, appeared under flag of truce at the American outposts on Harlem Plains. He was bearer of a letter to Wash- ington respecting the exchange of prisoners. Among those who went down to meet him were Adjutant- General Reed, General Putnam, Captain Alexander Hamilton and Captain William Hull. To them Montressor verbally gave the information that one Captain Hale, an American officer, had been exe- cuted that morning as a spy. It was startling news, and to Hull it came like a shock. What further facts the latter obtained will presently appear; but the impression was conveyed that Hale was captured "within the British lines." A week later the ter- rible word reached Hale's family. Crushed by the reports and anxious to know all, Enoch Hale rode down to camp and gathered what particulars were to be had. In his diary he enters the important fact, new in this connection, that he received in- formation through "aide-de-camp Webb with a flag." This must have been Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel B. Webb, then one of Washington's staff, and the implication is strong that he was the bearer of his chief's reply to Howe a few days later, and was instructed at the same time to make further inquiries into Hale's case. Too brief is Enoch's memorandum to satisfy our deep interest right here, but still to the point. Webb brought word, he CAPTURE AND FATE 115 writes, that Nathan, "being suspected by his move- ments that he wanted to get out of New York, was taken up and examined by the general, and, some minutes being found with him, orders were imme- diately given that he should be hanged. When at the gallows, he spoke and told that he was a Captain in the Continental army, by name Nathan Hale." Enoch took the distressing details home, and subse- quently his brother John made this entry in the town records of Coventry: "Capt. Nathan Hale, the son of Deac" Richard Hale was taken in the City of New York by the Britons and Executed as a spie some time in the Month of September A.D. 1776." Sergeant Hempstead, Asher Wright, Hale's waiter, and the first letter published giving any par- ticulars in the case, February 13, 1777, all state that the capture took place in New York. How Hale attempted to make his escape, what his movements were by which it was suspected, as Enoch states, that "he wanted to get out of New York," has yet to come to light. Hempstead's un- derstanding was that he endeavored to pass the Brit- ish pickets on the Harlem front, somewhere along the line of One Hundred and Tenth or Twelfth streets, from which he could quickly reach the out- posts of his own camp. This is entirely probable. The great fire in New York which broke out that morning was laid to secret rebel incendiaries, and he would keep away from the strictly guarded fer- ii6 NATHAN HALE ries. Finding that concealment was hourly becom- ing more difficult, or that a plausible account of himself would be immediately and closely investi- gated, he may have resolved to make a dash for freedom across the lines. Or, to notice a later sup- position, he may have succeeded in crossing the East River and was arrested on that side. But whether challenged at the picket posts or halted by the patrols of the provost-marshal, Hale's fate was sealed. "Apprehended last night" is all that we certainly know, but the reference clearly limits the locality to the vicinity of the British army. Upon the capture of New York, the British gen- erals established their headquarters in the finest country-seats to be found in the neighborhood of the camps. Lord Howe selected the beautiful resi- dence of James Beekman, overlooking the East River at Turtle Bay. Its site was at the corner of Fifty- first Street and First Avenue. Earl Percy was five streets above, on what was then known as the Hurst and afterwards the Thomas Buchanan estate. Sir Henry Clinton would have been found in a house still further up, near Hell Gate Ferry, and Corn- wallis quartered apparently in the handsome Apthorpe place on the west side. It was to the Beekman mansion, or one of its outlying buildings, as be- lieved, that Captain Hale was taken on the night of the 2 1 St. Reported as a suspicious character, or caught in an attempt to escape to the rebels, it was CAPTURE AND FATE 117 a case of sufficient importance to lay before Lord Howe himself. A brief examination followed. Pointed questions were put, and then the prisoner searched for concealed papers. Such were found, consisting, according to Hull, of sketches of fortifi- cations and military notes, and they convicted him. Taken up — examined by the general — minutes found upon his person — is the condensed but certain record. There was but one conclusion — the prisoner was a spy; and for a spy no mercy is conceivable, — the only mercy lying in the summary punishment meted out. The proofs before him, Howe immediately issued an order for Hale's execution. Suddenly and relentlessly as this examination and sentence came, they were relieved by one bright passage whose deeper meaning the British general could not have appreciated. Four words in his or- der announcing Hale's fate have a precious value for this story. In telling his troops that this was a spy on "his own full confession," it was doubtless to present it not only as a clear but also as an ag- gravated case, illustrating the American method of warfare, in which spies confessed to their employ- ment, and thus directly implicating Washington and Congress. But to those who have come to know Hale, "his own full confession" carries in it the ring of his character and knightly manhood. His honor and his patriotism asserted themselves in this most trying moment. More than one high-minded ii8 NATHAN HALE British officer must have felt that it was no mean, mercenary fellow who had been hanged that morn- ing, but a brave opponent, after all, who could frankly acknowledge his purpose and stoutly face the con- sequences. Montressor, for one, must have thought so. Next to having Hale's dying words, we would wish to know how he answered Howe that night, when confronted with the evidence of his errand. No explanation, no evasion, no base cringing with an offer to enlist in his army, no cowardly cry for pardon could come from him. That he gave his name at once, also his rank in the Continental army, and stated his object in entering the British lines, we casually know through Hull from Montressor; but what more might he not have confessed — his love for his Washington, his hopes for the new na- tion and his conviction of final success? In this full admission it is still the Hale whom we have been following that we see — the true, self-poised, un- daunted youth, whose ingrained nobility no circum- stance or peril could affect. As tradition goes, the prisoner was guarded that night in the greenhouse of the Beekman gardens. Hardly probable, as generally supposed, that for the few hours remaining he would be taken to the city jail, the present Hall of Records, four miles away. Such a prisoner would be remanded to the keeping of the provost-marshal of the army, whose quarters were near the commanding general's. This pro- CAPTURE AND FATE 119 vost-marshal was William Cunningham, a man with whom all the cruelties of the prison-houses in New York during the Revolution are associated. We need not dwell upon his record. As yet he had had less to do with American captives than with British offenders. Perhaps it was the terror of his name that made Howe's Newtown orders of Sep- tember 6th all the more effective: "The Provost Martial has a commission to execute upon the spot any soldier he finds guilty of marauding." Execu- tions may have already become an old story with him. With the next morning — Sunday, September 22, 1776 — we have the closing incidents, the brief preparations, and the final scene. Hale's last hours in the greenhouse could have been spent only as a man brought up under the Christian influences of the time would spend them. Sleep- less they would be, with the great struggle within him — every tender association rushing upon his memory and welling up in his heart ; then the fer- vent prayers, the visions of the opening heaven, the resulting deep and calm resignation, and, above all, the glorious uplifting thought that he was to fall, with so many others before and after him, in a cause worth any sacrifice. The inhuman Cunning- ham, we are told, refused him the attendance of a clergyman or the use of a Bible. As the time ap- proached and there was some delay. Captain Mon- I20 NATHAN HALE tressor requested the provost-marshal to permit the prisoner to sit in his tent — on or close to the Beek- man grounds it would be^ — until the preparations were completed. Hale entered and "bore himself with gentle dignity." He asked for writing-ma- terials, which Montressor furnished him, and he wrote two letters, one to his mother^ and one to a brother officer. They never reached their destina- tion. "The Provost Martial," says Hull, "in the diabolical spirit of cruelty, destroyed the letters of the prisoner, and assigned as a reason *that the rebels should not know that they had a man in their army who could die with so much firmness.' " When, four years later, Major Andre was exe- cuted in the American lines, a certain military dig- nity was observed in the parade of troops, the formation of a square, the erection of a gibbet, and in the gathering of many spectators. But Andre was adjutant-general of the British army and his case involved the corruption and treason of an Arnold. The occasion was made impressive. For Hale, a rebel and self-confessed spy, there was no such ceremony. Towards eleven o'clock he was marched off by files of the provost-guard to 1 Necessarily, for he was Howe's aide. " On the morning of the exe- cution my station was near the fatal spot," are Montressor' s words as reported by Hull. 2 It so appears in Hull's memoirs. As Hale's own mother was not living, possibly this should be ''brother." Enoch or his father would be his first thought in his family. CAPTURE AND FATE 121 some convenient tree, no doubt, in front of a neigh- boring camp. They would not take him far. The long accepted tradition that Hale was executed in Colonel Henry Rutgers' orchard, overlooking the river at the foot of the present East Broadway, then on the outskirts of the city, must give way with other traditions before the official order of Septem- ber 22d.^ That order informs us unmistakably that the execution took place "in front of the Ar- tilery Park"; and from the entries of the same orderly-book and other authoritative records it is possible to fix its site with satisfactory accuracy. As might properly be assumed from what has al- ready appeared, this park could have been at no great distance from the Beekman mansion. The references all indicate that it was immediately south of it, on the adjoining grounds — the grounds of the old Turtle Bay farm, then belonging to the heirs of Admiral Sir Peter Warren. The bay itself was a deep notch in the rocky shore extending from the present Forty-fifth to Forty-eighth Street, on the south side of which stood a dock and two govern- ment powder-magazines of colonial days. Near these buildings would have been found encamped, in the summer of 1766, a part of the city's garri- 1 The site seemed to be established years ago, on the testimony of two old men who claimed to have witnessed Hale's execution there. Stuart was at a loss in the case, but assumed that' the place must have been near the city jail, or somewhere on Chambers Street. 122 NATHAN HALE son consisting of two hundred men of the Royal Artillery, with eight field-guns and four heavy siege- pieces. Occasionally they drilled on a large plain a mile above them, which was probably the site of the proposed Hamilton Square of later days, ex- tending easterly from the Seventh Regiment Ar- mory. At one corner of it, about Sixty-sixth Street and Third Avenue, there stood the "Dove Tavern," a well-known inn on the main highway. When, now ten years later, the British were on these shores again, their artillery was parked on the same site at Turtle Bay. The corps being very much larger than in 1766, a portion of it, as it would seem, moved a little later to the field near the tavern. From the Beekman house one could look down across a lot and running brook to the original camp. It may be pertinently noted that on the very day of Hale's capture an order respecting the issue of provisions to the army directed the artillery to receive theirs "at Turtle Bay." As to the "front" of the park, or the spot to which the prisoner had now been brought, we may locate it approximately near the corner of Forty-fifth Street and First Avenue.^ Here Hale stood pinioned and guarded — here, where less than six months before he had landed 1 Further reference to the place of Hale's capture and execution, also to Captains Hull, Montressor and Pond, appears in the notes in the Appendix. Order on Hale^s Execution From Original in New York Historical Society- Site of Hale's Execution "^"W~""""l»K"llli««IBfl»« mmi^ ' cy7//7^^/^^^ y^y %J)uy -P^^p/f^/^j': "V/t^ ^^>-^r:^^l^ AZJO.^ ^^i^f '■ CAPTURE AND FATE 123 with his regiment fresh from the Boston success and eager for a greater one at New York. For him the scene had changed. The same blue bay and river, the same rugged banks, more beautiful in their verdure, and the same stately mansion were in the view ; but all were to fade before the over- whelming fact that he was now at the very center of the British army and held in its merciless grip. In the distance were the enemy's battle-ships and transports, the dock was piled with supplies and material of war, the field in front was brilliant with the equipage of the most powerful arm of the king's service. In this respect at least the youth was not to die obscurely. It was a striking turn of inci- dents, but for his memory a most happy one, that brought this condemned American spy to his grave under the very shadow of Lord Howe's headquar- ters. But for this should we ever have been able to be with him in his last moments, to be assured once more of the constancy of his devotion and hear the noble words of his dying breath? It is sig- nificant that the closing details come to us through a British staff officer and a witness of the execution. Most fortunate, too, that they were repeated by him on the same day, under flag of truce, to one of Hale's sincerest friends — the friend whose advice he sought before undertaking his mission — the friend whose memory would retain and cherish such an interview through life. With the execution oc- 124 NATHAN HALE curring elsewhere, in another presence, in or near the city, perhaps before a gaping or brutal crowd, this record we would not be without might never have been preserved — nothing beyond the hard- ened message that the missing captain had suffered as a spy. The locality and surroundings are all- important. Not only do they enable us to fill out the story in the sunlight of its close, but they seem to assure us, also, that no unnecessary indignities at- tended the prisoner's death. Whatever the unfeel- ing Cunningham may have said or done — we are happily spared that knowledge — no insulting throng could have gathered to the spot. A few officers and artillerymen, some camp-followers, the stolid provost-guard, looked on, and the end came with its quick, unceremonious, cruel work. But above its assumed ignominy the end came gloriously. ^Z As for the fated youth, he died as we have been expecting him to die, as all true souls have died in the loyal performance of duty — calmly, bravely, with one fervent wish for the cause he could no longer serve. There was no scenic effect. Little could Hale have imagined that what he might say to his executioner and his enemies around him would ever reach the ears of his comrades. From the foot of the Beekman slopes it could be and was destined to be heard. Not many words would he be allowed or would he care to speak, nor were they to be words of defiance or execration, or of sounding prediction CAPTURE AND PATE 12^ that Britain's efforts would fail. No occasion will he give the spectators to drown his words with gibes and sneering laughter. His heart was elsewhere, steadfast and absorbed as ever in the great movement in which he and his loved companions were engaged. His enemies will hear something unexpected — something a few may reflect upon — something My Lord Howe's aide will think worth reporting across the lines. In the rebel and the spy before them did they see the enduring faith and unconquerable spirit of America ? Hardly could the face and form of thii young scholar, teacher, soldier and now the most devoted of patriots, have impressed them as the embodiment of a senseless revolt. For us Hale stands there as an inspiration — the genius of the new land to which he would devote all and more than he can give. As the moments passed and few re- mained, the grim preparations — the ladder, the hangman, the grave at his feet — had no terrors for him. This death, with the traditional infamy men attached to it, he had already accepted, and he faced it heroically. The promptings in his breast were strong and irrepressible. He had something to say, whoever might hear. Among the faces turned upon him was there one with a touch of sympathy in the glance? It mattered little. First, as it would ap- pear, he freely told them who he was and why he was there, and then, with the breath that was left him, came the inborn, spontaneous sentiment we 126 NATHAN HALE now carve in bronze and marble — the burning thought and emotion that filled his soul and broke out in words that move the souls of all who read them : "I ONLY REGRET THAT I HAVE BUT ONE LIFE TO LOSE FOR MY COUNTRY." Many years elapsed — half a century or more — before this martyr-like sacrifice met with any gen- eral recognition. It could not have been other- wise. Ofiicial mention of the case at the time was out of the question. Hale was engaged on secret and delicate business, and the result, whether fa- vorable or unfavorable, it was not for the army to know. While nothing could be said or done — the execution, under military law, being entirely justifiable — it would appear that Washington was sensibly disturbed by the occurrence. Did he feel a certain responsibility in the case ? Whatever may have passed between himself, Knowlton and Hale, he alone could give final permission and the orders enabling the latter to pass beyond the American lines. As the situation, however, justified almost any sacrifice, Washington would entertain no com- CAPTURE AND FATE 127 punctions on that score. For the moment indig- nation prevailed at headquarters, and officers of the staff would have enjoyed the capture of some one on a similar errand in their own camp to hang in return. One of their number. Colonel Tench Tilghman, happened to be then engaged in a confi- dential correspondence with William Duer, chair- man of the New York committee of safety, in re- gard to the disposition of certain Tories who had been arrested for organizing on New York terri- tory. The State authorities being unwilling to go to extremes in the matter, one will find in Tilgh- man's manuscripts this reply which he sent to Duer, October 3, 1776: "I am sorry that your conven- tion do not think themselves legally authorized to make examples of those Villians they have appre- hended; if that is the case, the well-affected will be hardly able to keep a watch upon the ill. The General is determined, if he can bring some of them in his hands under the denomination of Spies, to execute them. General Howe hanged a Captain of ours belonging to Knowlton's Rangers who went into New York to make discoveries. I don't see why we should not make retaliation." ^ A few of these Tories having been taken to camp, Duer implored Tilghman: "In the name of Justice hang two or three of the Villians you have apprehended." All 1 Italics the author's, who had an opportunity of examining these manuscripts some years ago. 128 NATHAN HALE were in the mood to visit vengeance somewhere, but proofs of guilt were wanting. Four years later the slumbering memory of Hale was suddenly revived by the capture of Andre. Proofs enough then. While Hale's fate could not have affected the disposition of Andre's case, it is certain that officers of the army placed the two on the same footing. Nearly all of Hale's comrades were still in the field, and he could not be forgotten. If the American captain was a spy, so was this British pris- oner, whatever his rank or plea. It was Tallmadge who first reminded Andre of his much-loved class- mate, as he called him, and his arrest in the British lines in 1776. "Do you remember the sequel of the story?" he asked. "Yes," said Andre; "he was hanged as a spy. But you surely do not con- sider his case and mine alike?" "Yes; precisely similar," said Tallmadge, when pressed for a reply; "and similar will be your fate." From that date — 1780 — the names of Hale and Andre have been frequently associated by writers on the Revolution, and their characters and mission compared and con- trasted. It is not as a spy, however, but as a soldier, that Hale stands on the records of the Continental army. One of the illustrations in these pages is the facsimile of a rare paper, the only known return of casualties in the Nineteenth Regiment, with the entry : Nathan Hale, " Captain, killed, September 22, 1776." CAPTURE AND FATE 129 Among our earlier scholars and poets, Dwight re- membered his lamented student-friend with deep feeling and appreciation. Could Hale have heard his instructor read from the pages of his " Conquest of Canaan" while he was composing it at college? The stately epic opens with scenes in the camp of the redoubtable Joshua. Before the chieftain lies a heathen city, and towards it he sends the faithful captain, Zimri, to spy out its defenses. "In night's last gloom (so Joshua's will ordained) To find what hopes the cautious foe remained, Or what new strength, allied, increased their force, To Ai's high walls the hero bent his course." With him on the enterprise went forth his trusted companion, Aram. " Aram, his friend. With willing footsteps shared the dangerous way; In virtue joined, one soul to both was given." As they approached the city a lurking enemy pierced young Aram to the heart, while Zimri cut the assailant down in a quick but unavailing effort to protect his comrade. "Fond virtue" failed to save. When Dwight heard of Hale's fate, "emo- tions of regard," as he states, prompted him to as- sociate his memory with the martyr of his own creation; and at this point he inserted the passage so often quoted: 130 NATHAN HALE "Thus, while fond virtue wished in vain to save, Hale, bright and generous, found a hapless grave. With genius' living flame his bosom glowed. And Science lured him to her sweet abode; In Worth's fair path his feet adventured far. The pride of Peace, the rising hope of War; In duty firm, in danger calm as even — To friends unchanging, and sincere to Heaven. How short his course, the prize how early won, While weeping Friendship mourns her favorite gone." With this tribute from one of the worthiest men of the time we close these pages. Such testimony to Hale's character, aspirations and promise, and the testimony of friends and foes alike to the brand of his patriotism and the grandeur of his sacrifice, pre- sent a life to be remembered. The shortness of its years is immaterial — on the contrary, its charm and its suggestion. There can be power in youth as well as in manhood. Historical names and careers commanding our respect and admiration exist in profusion — to the honor of human nature be it said. But with Hale there is something rarer — he is en- deared to us. We are embalming his memory in the customary forms, but it also appeals most touch- ingly as a personal heirloom. Statue of Hale, Capitol Building, Hartford ■J"^,.r APPENDIX HALE'S CORRESPONDENCE, ARMY DIARY, TRIBUTES, MEMORIALS, NOTES HALE'S LETTERS No. I HALE TO HIS CLASSMATE THOMAS MEAD AT NEW HAVEN Sr This is the first opportunity I have had of acknowledg- ing your favour of last winter. I was, at the receipt of your letter, in East Haddam (alias Modos), a place, which I at first, for a long time, concluded inaccessible, either by friends, acquaintance or letters. Nor was I convinced of the contrary untill I re[cei]ved yours, & at the same time, two others from Alden and Wyllys. Which made me, if possible, value your letter the more. — It was equally or more difficult, to convey anything from Modos. True, I saw the bearer of yours (Mr. Med- cafF) some few days before he set out for New Haven, and desired the favour of se[n]ding some letters by him. Accordingly I had written letters to you, Alden and Wyllys with one or two others; but upon enquiry, I found that Mr. MedcafFwas gone too soon for me. Since which I have scarce had an opportunity of sending towards N. Haven. — I want much to receive a letter from you and a full 133 134 NATHAN HALE history of the transactions of the winter. I have heard many flying reports, but know not what to conclude as to tile truth of them. Upon the whole I take it for certain, that the '^intumviri have been massacred, but in what manner I have not been sufficiently informed. From what I can collect, I think probable you have had some high doings this winter, but expect a more full account of these matters in your next.^ I am at present in a School in New London. I think my situation somewhat preferable to what it was last winter. My school is by no means difficult to take care of It consists of about 30 scholars, ten of whom are Latiners and all but six of the rest are writers. I have a very convenient schoolhouse, and the people are kind and sociable. — I promise myself some more satisfaction in writing and receiving letters from you than I have as yet had. I know of no stated communication, but without any doubt opportunities will be much more frequent than while I was at Modos. — For the greater part of the last year, we were good neighbours, and I always thought, very good friends. Surely so good on my part, that it would be matter of real grief to me, should our friendship cease. — The only means for maintaining it is in constant writing: in the practice of which I am ready most heartily to concur with you ; and do hope ever to remain, as at present. Your Friend and Constant well-wisher New London, May 1^ Nathan Hale. ^'774- Mr. Mead. [From the original MSS. in possession of Major Godtrey A. S. Wieners, College PointjLong Island. Published in full. Stuart gives extracts from it.] 1 This probably refers to incidents at college, perhaps connected with his society, Linonia, APPENDIX 135 No. 2 HALE TO HIS BROTHER ENOCH AT LYME [New London, Se]pt. 8'^, 1774. Dear Brother, I have a word to write and a minute to write it in. I received yours of yesterday this morning. Agreable to your desire I will endeavour [to] get the cloth and carry it over Saturday. I have no news. No liberty-pole is erected or erecting here ; but the people seem much more spirited than they were before the alarm. Parson Peters of Hebron, I hear, has had a second visit paid him by the sons of liberty in Win[d]ham. His treatment and the concessions he made I have not as yet heard. I have not heard from home since I came from there. Your loving Brother, Nathan Hale. Mr. E. Hale, Lyme. [From the original MSS. in possession of Rev. Edward Everett Hale, Roxbury, Massachusetts. Now first published.] No. 3 HALE TO HIS UNCLE, SAMUEL HALE, AT PORTSMOUTH, NEW HAMPSHIRE New London, Conn., Sept. 24*, 1774. Respected Uncle : My visit to Portsmouth last fall served only to increase the nearness of your family and make [me] the more desir- ous of seeing them again. But this is a happiness which at present I have but little prospect of enjoying. The 136 NATHAN HALE most I now hope for is that I may now and then have the satisfaction to hear from my Uncle and Cousins by letter. I can tell you but little of my father or his family, being situated about 30 miles from them. I have not visited them for near three months, but have heard from them somewhat indirectly within a few days. I under- stand they are well. My eldest sister (Elizabeth) was married last winter (as you have doubtless heard) to Sam^ Rose, son to Doct"^ Rose, and has, as I suppose, a prospect of a very comfortable living. As to any further particu- lars of my Father or his Family, I can mention nothing. My own employment is at present the same that you spent your days in. I have a school of 32 boys, about half Latin, the rest English. The salary allowed me is 70^ per annum. In addition to this, I have kept during the summer, a morning school, between the hours of five and seven, of about 20 young ladies; for which I have received 6s. a scholar by the quarter. The people with whom I live are free and generous, many of them gentle- men of sense and merit. They are desirous that I would continue and settle in the school ; and propose a consider- able increase of wages. I am much at a loss whether to accept their proposals. Your advice in the matter coming from an Uncle, and from a man who has spent his life in the business, would, I think, be the best I could possibly receive. A few lines on this subject, and also to acquaint me with the welfare of your family, if your leisure will permit, will be much to the satisfaction of Your most dutiful Nephew, Nathan Hale. P. S. — Please to present my duty to my Aunt, and my fondest regards to all my cousins. If no other oppor- APPENDIX 137 tunity of writing presents, please to improve that of the Post. [Addressed: "To Maj' Samuel Hale at Portsmouth " — ] [From the original MSS. in possession of Mr. Grenville Kane, Tux- edo, New York. Its previous owner was the late Mr. George H. Moore, librarian of the New York Historical Society and later of the Lenox Library. Now published complete. Stuart gives the body of the letter.] No. 4 HALE TO DR. ^NEAS MUNSON AT NEW HAVEN New London, November 30, 1774. Sir, I am happily situated here. I love my employment; find many friends among strangers; have time for scien- tific study, and seem to fill the place assigned me with satisfaction. I have a school of more than thirty boys to instruct, about half of them in Latin; and my salary is satisfactory. During the summer I had a morning class of young ladies — about a score — from five to seven o'clock; so you see my time is pretty fully occupied, profitably I hope to my pupils and to their teacher. Please accept for yourself and Mrs. Munson the grate- ful thanks of one who will always remember the kindness he ever experienced whenever he visited your abode. Your friend, t^t tlt Nathan Hale. [From Lossing's ',. ^7 -<« ji5 — «^ '■-e >^ /^ *-<5sC, -^^ ^, '■ tt^■c■^ i>^a H'"t'^ ' -C^.^C-'C-Z/'-O' ^ APPENDIX 141 now so few that I fear how you will go through the winter but I hope for the best. I remain with esteem Y! Sincere Friend & Hble Svt. N Hale [Original in possession of the estate of the late John Mills Hale, Esq., Philipsburg, Pa. Now first published,] No. 8 HALE TO HIS BROTHER ENOCH AT COVENTRY New York, May 30*\ 1776. Dear Brother. Your favor of the 9th. of May, and another written at Norwich, I have received — the former yesterday. You complain of my neglecting you ; I acknowledge it is not wholly without reason — at the same time I am conscious to have written you more than once or twice within this half year. Perhaps my letters have miscarried. I am not on the end of Long Island, but in New York, encamped about one mile back of city. We have been on the Island, and spent about three weeks there, but since returned. As to Brigades : we spent part of the Winter at Winter Hill in Genl. Sullivan's — thence w^e were removed to Roxbury, and annexed to Genl Spen- cer's — from thence we came to New York in Genl Heath's ; on our arrival we were put in Genl. Lord Ster- ling's ; here we continued a few days, and were returned to Genl. Sullivan's; on his being sent to the Northward, we were reverted to Lord Sterling's, in whose Brigade we now remain. In the first detachment to the Northward 142 NATHAN HALE under Genl. Thomson, Webb's regiment was put down; but the question being asked whether we had many sea- men, and the reply being yes, we were erased and another put down in our place. We have an account of the arrival of Troops at Hali- fax, thence to proceed on their infamous errand to some part of America. Maj. Brooks informed me last evening, that in conver- sation with some of the frequenters at Head Quarters he was told that Genl. Washington had received a packet from one of the sherrifs of the city of London, in which was contained the Debates at large of both houses of Par- liament — and what is more, the whole proceedings of the Cabinet. The plan of the summer's campaign in America is said to be communicated in full. Nothing has yet transpired ; but the prudence of our Genl. we trust will make advantage of the Intelligence. Genl Gates (formerly Adjt. Genl. now Majr. Genl) is gone to Phila- delphia, probably to communicate the above. Some late accounts from the northward are very un- favorable, and would be more so could they be depended on. It is reported, that a fleet has arrived in the River ; upon the first notice of which our army thought it pru- dent to break up the siege and retire — that in retreating they were attack'd and routed. Numbers kill'd, the sick, most of the cannon and stores taken. The account is not authentic : We hope it is not true. It would grieve every good man to consider what un- natural monsters we have as it were in our bowels. Num- bers in this Colony, and likewise in the western part of Connecticut, would be glad to imbrue their hands in their Country's Blood. Facts render this too evident to admit of dispute. In this city such as refuse to sign the Associ- APPENDIX 143 ation have been required to deliver up their arms. Sev- eral who refused to comply have been sent to prison. It is really a critical Period. America beholds what she never did before. Allow the whole force of our enemy to be but 30,000, and these floating on the Ocean, ready to attack the most unguarded place. Are they not a formidable Foe ? Surely they are. ^^^ [Nathan Hale.] [Original in possession of Rev. Edward Everett Hale. Given in Stuart.] No. 9 HALE TO HIS BROTHER ENOCH AT COVENTRY New York June 3^, 1776. Dear Brother, Your Favour of the 9'^ of May and another written at Norwich I have received — the first mentioned on the 19*^ of May ult. You complain of my neglecting you — It is not, I acknowledge, wholly without reason — at the same time I am conscious to have written to you more than once or twice within this half year. Perhaps my letters have mis- carried. I am not on Long Island, as you suppose ; but in New York, encamped about 1 mile back of the City. We have been on the Island, and spent about three weeks there, but since returned. As to Brigades : at the beginning of the Campaign we were at Winter Hill in Gen^ Sullyvan's; from there we were removed to Roxbury & annexed to Gen^ Spencers; we marched from that place here in Gen^ Heaths ; on our arrival we were put in Gtr} Lord Sterling's; here we con- tinued a few days and we returned to Gen^ Sullyvan's; on 144 NATHAN HALE his being ordered to the northward we reverted to Lord SterUng, in whose Brigade we still remain. In the first detachment to Canada under Gen^ Thomson, Webb's Regiment was put down, but the question being asked whether we had many Seamen & the answer being yes, we were erased and another put down in our place. — Our Continuance or removal from here depends wholly upon the operations of the War. It gives pleasure to every friend of his country to observe the health which prevails in our army. Dr. Eli (Surgeon of our Reg*) told me a few days since, there was not a man in our Reg' but might upon occasion go out with his Firelock. Much the same is said of other Regiments. The Army is every day improving in discipline, and it is hoped will soon be able to meet the enemy at any kind of play. — My company which at first was small, is now increased to eighty, and there is a Sergeant recruiting, who, I hope, has got the other lo which compleats the Company. We are hardly able to judge as to the numbers the British army for the Summer is to consist of — undoubt- edly sufficient to cause us too much bloodshed. Genl. Washington is at the Congress, being sent for thither to advise on matters of consequence. I had written you a compleat letter in answer to your last, but missed the opportunity of sending it. This will probably find you in Coventry — if so remem- ber me to all my friends — particularly belonging to the Family. Forget not frequently to visit and strongly to represent my duty to our good Grandmother Strong. Has she not repeatedly favored us with her tender, most impor- tant advice ? The natural Tie is sufficient, but increased by so much goodness, our gratitude cannot be too sen- APPENDIX 145 sible. I always with respect remember Mr. Huntington, and shall write to him if time admits. Pay Mr. Wright a visit for me. Tell him Asher is well — he has for some time lived with me as a waiter. I am in hopes of obtain- ing him a Furlough soon, that he may have opportunity to go home, see his friends, and get his Summer clothes. Asher this moment told me that our Brother Joseph Adams was here yesterday to see me, when I happened to be out of the way. He is in Col, Parson's Reg* I intend to see him to-day, and if possible by exchanging get him into my company. Yours affectionately, N. Hale. P. S. Sister Rose talked of making me some Linen cloth similar to Brown Holland for Summer ware. If she has made it, desire her to keep it for me. My love to her, the Doctor, and little Joseph. [Original in possession of Rev. Edward Everett Hale. Now published complete. Stuart gives the body of the letter.] No. 10 HALE TO HIS BROTHER ENOCH AT COVENTRY New York, Aug. 20th. 1776. Dear Brother. I have only time for a hasty letter. Our situation has been such this fortnight or more as scarce to admit of writing. We have daily expected an action — by which means, if any one was going and we had letters written, orders were so strict for our tarrying in camp that we could rarely get leave to go and deliver them. For about 6 or 8 days the enemy have been expected hourly, when- ever the wind and tide in the least favored. We keep a 146 NATHAN HALE particular look out for them this morning. The place and manner of attack time must determine. The event we leave to Heaven. Thanks to God I we have had time for completing our works and receiving our reinforcements. The Militia of Connecticut ordered this way are mostly arrived. Col. Ward's Regiment has got in. Troops from the southward are daily coming. We hope under God to give a good account of the enemy whenever they choose to make the last appeal. Last Friday night, two of our fire vessels (a Sloop and Schooner) made an attempt upon the shiping up the river. The night was too dark, the wind too slack for the attempt. The Shooner which was intended for one of the Ships had got by before she discovered them; but as Providence would have it, she run athwart a bomb- catch, which she quickly burned. The Sloop by the light of the former discovered the Phoenix — but rather too late — however she made shift to grapple her, but the wind not proving sufficient to bring her close along side, or drive the flames immediately on board, the Phoenix after much difficulty got her clear by cutting her own rigging. Sergt. Fosdick, who commanded the above sloop, and four of his hands, were of my company, the remaining two were of this Reg! The Genl. has been pleased to reward their bravery with forty Dollars each, except the last man that quitted the fire-sloop who had fifty. Those on board the Schooner received the same. I must write to some of my other brothers lest you should not be at home. Remain Your friend & Mr. Enoch Hale. Brother Na. Hale — [Original in possession of Rev. Edward Everett Hale. Stuart gives this letter. Reprinted here with slight corrections,] c rt _o "E w s ^ w < !3 ^3 ^-T ^ Vx 3 CO O -t-> s CO &. C3 c3. ^ u Cfi ^ "13 X -T3 (0 S> «-< W trt Ci) u. a. o JC ^ en C/) '+-> (-. u C^ PQ o ^ . o >» o 10 Q) 1^ cu )-, o o ^ H c (3, e. C3 CJ ^^^^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^1 ^^ LETTERS OF HALE'S CORRESPONDENTS RICHARD HALE TO HIS SONS ENOCH AND NATHAN IN COLLEGE — THREE LETTERS Dear Children, I Rec'l your Letter of the 7*? instant and am glad to hear that you are well suited with Living in College and would let you know that wee are all well threw the Divine goodness, as I hope these lines will find you. I hope you will carefully mind your studies that your time be not Lost and that you will mind all the orders of Col- lege with care and be sure above all forget not to Learne Christ while you are busy in other studies, I intend to send you some money the first opportunity perhaps by Mr. Sherman when he Returns home from of the surcit [circuit court] he is now on. If you can hire Horses at New Haven to come home without too much trouble and cost I don't know but it is best and should be glad to know how you can hire their and send me word. If I Don't here from you I shall depend upon sending Horses to you by the 6* of May, — if I should have know opper- tunity to send you any money till May and should then H7 148 NATHAN HALE come to New Haven and clear all of would it not do? If not you will let me know it. Your friends are all well at Coventry — your mother sends her Regards to you — from your kind and Loving Father Rich° Hale. Coventry Dec! 26*.^ A.D 1769 I have nothing spettial to write but would by all means desire you to mind your Studies and carefully attend to the orders of Coledge. Attend not only Prayrs in the chapel but Secret Prayr carefully. Shun all vice especially card Playing. Read your Bibles a chapter night and morning. I cannot now send you much money but hope when S"" Strong comes to Coventry to be able to send by him what you want. . . . from your Loving Fath — RicH° Hale Coventry, Decf 17*^ 1770 Loving Children — by a line would let you know that I with my family threw the Divine Goodness are well as I hope these Lines will find you. I have heard that you are better of the measles. The Cloath for your Coat is not Done. But will be Done next week I hope at firthest. I know of no opporttunity we shall have to send it to Newhaven and have Laid in with Mr. Strong for his Horse which his son will Ride down to New Haven for one of you to Ride home if you can get Leave and have your close made at home. I sopose that one mesure will do for both of you. I am told that it is not good to study hard after the measles — hope you will youse Prudance in that afare. If you do not one of you come home I don't see but that you must do with out any New Close till APPENDIX 149 after Commensment. I send you Eight Pound in cash by- Mr. Strong — hope it will do for the present — Your Loving Father RicH° Hale Coventry August 13!^ 1771- [From originals in possession of Rev. Edward Everett Hale.] ENOCH HALE TO NATHAN AT NEW LONDON Lyme May 10*, A. D. 1774 Dear Brother: A {^^ words by the hand of friend Noyes. You see I am at Lyme : but I could not come by New London. I left home last Thursday. Mother and Sally in a poor way, I fear not so well as when you was there. I came by the way of Lebanon, left Billey with Mr. Huntington to learn the Blacksmiths trade. I b[r]ought no books for you, I had no conveniency but left word to have them sent to you, if opportunity presented, Pope's Iliad & the 5* Vol. of the late war, which I found among the books and placed in my chest. I stand in need of a pair of breaches, I know of no better place to purchase cloath than at New London. If you will oblige me so much as to go with Noyes & get as good & fashionable as you can but not too costly : for it is for every day, therefore cheeper the better, & likewise trimmings. Squire Noyes would be glad to see the His- tory of the late war, so if you will send some of the Volumes if you don't want them, you will oblige him & me. [From original in possession of Rev, Edward Everett Hale.] ISO NATHAN HALE T/ie original MSS. of the following letters to Elihu Marvin's, fune ii, IJjd, inclusive, are in posses- sion of the Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford. WILLIAM ROBINSON TO HALE AT EAST HADDAM Windsor (not east) Jany 20, 1773 [1774] Sir: — In my present unlucky situation I have just received yours of day after Thanksgiving ; from which I am at a loss to determine whether you are yet in this land of the living, or removed to some far distant and to us unknown region ; but this much I am certain of, that if you departed this life at Modos, you stood but a narrow chance for gain- ing a better. At the top of the page I denominate my present situa- tion unlucky ; in one sense it is so, but upon many accounts I can't but say that I am well pleased with it. By con- fining myself to a school I am deprived of the pleasure of many agreeable rides among my friends about the country in which I had determined to spend the winter ; with this further aggravation, that till now, you have not known where to direct for me, & perhaps have entertained the suspicion that I was careless about returning an answer to yours. On the other hand my school is not large, my neighbors are kind & clever (& summatim) My distance from an house on your side of the river, which contains an object worthy the esteem of everyone, & as I conclude has yours in an especial manner, is not great; why should I complain *? for no other reason but that I cannot enjoy the company of yourself, with some other special friends. I have lately seen your brother at the other side of the APPENDIX 151 river, who informs me that he is very pleased with his school. . . . Thus far, sir, I conclude by wishing you, in your busi- ness, the greatest success. Your sincere friend & huml. sert. TIMOTHY GREEN TO HALE AT EAST HADDAM 1 N. London, Feb. 10, 1774 Since my last to you, the Proprietors of the new School House in this Town have had a meeting, and agree that you should take the school for one quarter, at the rate of $220. Dols. pr. ann. to be paid at the end of the qtr. of which I am desirous to acquaint you. Am not able to inform you when Mr. Tracy's quarter will expire, but this I will do when I'm acquainted by a Line from you whether we may depend on your taking the school, which you will please to write me pr. first oppo. — It is the desire of the Proprietors that you would come down two or three days before Mr. Tracy's quarter ex- pires that they may be certain of the school's being imme- diately supplied with a master — in which case it is agreed that your wages shall commence from the time of your arriving here. — I am, sir, &c. TiMO. Green. Mr. Tracy's time will be up about the middle of March. 1 See p, 43 for further correspondence between Green and Hale. 152 NATHAN HALE GILBERT SALTONSTALL TO HALE AT CAMP New Lond!! Oct.° 9^^ 1775 D,ear Sir By yours of the 5*^ I see your're Stationd in the Mouth of Danger — I look upon y^ Situation more Perilous than any other in the Camp — Should have tho't the new Re- creuits would have been Posted at some of the Outworks, & those that have been inured to Service advanc'd to Defend the most exposed Places — But all Things are concerted, and ordered w*!" Wisdom no doubt — The Affair of D"; Church is truly amazing — from the acquaintance I have of his publick Character I should as soon have sus- pected M": Hancock or Adams as him. Last Saturday a ship of 200 tun run aground off Ston- ington loaded w^ Wheat, its the Ship that some time ago purposely fell into the Hands of Wallace at Rhode Island w*^ a load of Flower, she is owned by Christ° Champlin of New port, when the Fishing Boats hail'd them they gave no reply, and soon after run on the Shoals as above, the Com. of Stonington went to unloading her immediately, & sent off per Cap! Niles who lay in this Harbour to come round to Stonington to protect her against any small Tender that shoud happen that way, he up Anchor and went round forthwith; the Ship is now in this Harbour (came in this Morn.) her Cargo is principally taken out in lighters and sent to Norwich, where She will follow as soon as the Wind permits, for she can't beat up having lost her Masts in the Gale the lo'^ Sept": [Here follow extracts from a paper of Oct. 7, which "young Doc! Mumford" had just brought from New York. They refer to army matters on the Canada line.] APPENDIX 153 I have extracted all the material News — should have sent the Paper but its the only one in Town and every one is Gaping for News. You'll excuse the writing, as I am in a great hurry I scratch away as fast as I can. . . . Your Sincere Friend Esteemed Friend Your various letters duly Recived, — it was no un- willingnefs in me that prevented my anfw? them in course — The honest Reason though not a reputable one, I know will excuse Me to you, I'll therefore give it. I defer'd and defer'd to the last mom* and then something turn'd up tantamount to a sore Finger and in fact prevented me. . . . Doct''. Church is in close Custody in Norwich Goal, the Windows boarded up, and he deny'd the use of Pen, Ink, and Paper, to have no converse with any Person but in presence of the Goaler, and then to Converse in no Language but English. Good God what a fall — You saw in the Paper the Addrefs to the King from the Merch*.'. &c of Manchester — Notwithstanding their pretending their Resources are many, and so large that the Americans' Nonimportation & exportation will be like the light dust of the Ballance, yet to every one who will turn it in his Thoughts, it's utterly impofsible but that y? 154 NATHAN HALE prodigeous Consumption of British Wares & Merchandize from Georgia to Nova Scotia, encluding Canady, the Re- duction of w^ I consider as already compleated, must affect them sensibly, and they must recognize the conse- quence of America. — I wish New York was either ras'd to the Foundation, or strongly garison'd by the American Forces. . . . When the Army is new modled send me a List of the Ar- rangem'^ Are any of the Connecticut Companys to be disbanded ? the Majors &c — what are to become of them ? My Compliments to S. Webb, and Hull and other Friends — Hempsted will wait no longer — Good b'y'e write me a^ — the News you can muster y'' &c Nov' 27'!" 1775. Gilbert Saltonstall p. „. New London Dec!'. 4*^775. The behaviour of our Connectic^ Troops makes me Heart sick — that they who have stood foremost in the praises and good Wishes of their Countrymen, as having distinguished themselves for their Zeal & Fublick Spirit, should now shamefully desert the Cause ; and at a critical moment too, is really unaccountable — amazing. Those that do return will meet with real Contempt, with deserv'd Reproach — It gives great satisfaction that the Officers universally agree to tarry that is the Report, is it true or not ? May that God who has signally ap- pear'd for us since the commencement of our troubles, interpose, that no fatal, or bad Consequence may attend a dastardly Desertion of his Cause.^ 1 There are several references in these letters to the conduct of some of the Connecticut soldiers in November and December, 1775. It ap- APPENDIX 155 I want much to have a more minute Ace' of the situa- tion of the Camp than I have been able to obtain. I rely- wholly on you for information. — . . . Your G. Saltonstall New London Dec^ 18* 1775. D':.Sir. . . . I wholly agree with you in y? agreables of a Camp Life, and should have try'd it in some Capacity or other before now, could my Father carry on his Businefs without me. I propos'd going with Dudley, who is appointed to Comm° a Twenty Gun Ship in the Continental Navy, but my Father is not willing, and I can't persuade myself to leave him in the eve of Life against his consent. . . . Yesterday week the Town was in the greatest confusion imagineable ; Women wringing their Hands along Street, Children crying. Carts loaded 'till nothing more would stick on, posting out of Town, empty ones driving in, one Person running this way, another that, some dull, some vex'd, none pleas'd, some flinging up an Intrenchment, some at the Fort preparing y^ Guns for Action, Drums beating, Fifes playing ; in short as great a Hubbub as at the confusion of Tongues ; all this occasioned by the ap- pearance of a Ship and two Sloops off the Harbour, sup- pos'd to be part of Wallace's Fleet. — When they were found to be Friends, Vefsels from New Port with Pafsen- gers, y? consternation abated, and all fell to work at the pears that they complained of poor food, unkept promises, and a deten- tion in camp beyond their term of enlistment. They went home on their own account, and were ridiculed, hooted at and branded as deserters. Most of them, however, returned, and the Connecticut regi- ments were as large as any in the new army. 156 NATHAN HALE Intrenchment, which runs from N. Douglafses to S. Bills Shop. — they have been at Work eversince Yesterday Week when the Weather would permit, they work'd Yes- terday at Winthrop's Neck and are at it there today. — In some respects we are similar to a Camp, for Sunday is no Day of rest now. — You would hear the small Chaps (who mimick Men in everything they can.) cry out "Cut down the Tories Trees" — there is not one of Cap^ Wil- lows remaining in his lot back of his House — they are appropriated to a better use than he would ever have put them to — The Breastwork is much the better for them. I might inform you of many little bickerings that occur daily, but as those who raise them are of no importance, and the Evils (if any.) are only local, it is not worth while to repeat them : Besides, you know y! Genius of the Town is a restlefs, discontented Spirit. When I have observ'd the Malice and Envy which rages to a Flame in so many Breasts, the Slander, the illiberal & ungenerous Reflections which serve as Fuel to those Hellish Vices, I lament the Depravity of the Human Heart, and fall little short of a Misanthropist : But when I come acrofs a Person of Candour, Reason, Justice and Sincerity with their attendant Virtues (I'd almost said a Person of either of those Endowments.) I feel a generous glow within me despise the base light in w^ I view'd Human Nature, & become reconcil'd to my Species. . . . The Soldiers can give no other Reason for not Enlisting, than the old woman's. They wou'd not, cause the wou'd not. My Compliments to Cap' Hull — am very sorry to hear of his Illnefs, hope this will find him recruited. I am with Sincerity Your Friend Gilbert Saltonstall, Leaf from Hale's Linonia Minutes Yale University ^>f ^..J,y/^J^ -y/Z^y/^', ^Ayi^y^^' a'f/ yr yyy^ , /? ^ '4 ■^N^ APPENDIX 157 ROGER ALDEN TO HALE IN CAMP Dear Sir :^ ^- ^^^^^- ^^^^^^ ^^'^' '775- If you had only once thought how much pleasure it would have given me to receive a letter from you in your present character and situation, I am sure you could not have neglected writing to me by Captain Leavenworth. If the life and business of a soldier has worn off all that friendship and tenderness for me which you have so often expressed by words and actions I shall try to reconcile myself to the misfortune and promise myself no more hap- piness and satisfaction from him whom I once esteemed among the number of my best friends — The cares perplexities and fatigues of your office are matters sufficient to vindicate your conduct and the duty which you owe to your own honor and the interest of your country is sufficient to employ your whole time and to justify you in dispensing with the obligations of your old friends and acquaintances — I almost envy you your circumstances, I want to be in the army very much ; I feel myself fit to relish the noise of guns drums trumpets blunderbuss and thunder and was I qualified for a birth and of influence sufficient to procure one I would accept it with all my heart. I would accept of a lieutenancy but should prefer an adjutancy, but other more fortunate young persons are provided for and I poor I, must make myself contented where I am. Think of my condition and then imagine how highly I appreciate yours. Give my love and compliments to Keyes and Woodbridge, tell them I shall be very careful to answer all their letters as well as your own. After you have thought over all this tell yourself that no one loves you more than R. A. ^ . ^-^ 158 NATHAN HALE THOMAS U. FOSDICK TO HALE AT CAMP Dear Sir, ^"^ l^o^^o^, Dec' 7, 1775. Ever since the uneasiness, which I have heard, persist- ing amongst the Connecticut Troops, I've form'd a Reso- lution to go down to the assistance of my countrymen, to facilitate which I have resigned my office as Serjeant in Col. Saltonstall's com'y — I make no doubt. Sir, but you can assist me to some such office, as I should choose to be in that station, under you in particular; if not, I am determined to come down — a hearty Boy, undaunted by Danger. Ensign Hurlbut will write you concerning the Your very hum^.l^ Servl Tho5 Updike Fosdick JOHN HALLAM TO HALE c, -c. New London Decf 10* 177 c buNDAY Evening ' ' ^ Dear Sir I rec^ yours by the Post, which tho' short, believe me was very acceptable; your being on Picquet is a sufficient excufe that you wrote no more — I must make an excufe for the shortnefs of mine of a similar kind; we have at length concluded to intrench along our Street, from Cap* N. Douglafs's to Cap! W^ Pack wood, which we began Friday afternoon, on Saterday we work'd, & likewife all this Day occasion'd by an alarm; & tomorrow & next Day we expect our Country Friends in to help us; we've had upwards of 200 Volunteers to work. The Alarm / 1 men- tion'd / was thus. Early this morning we rec^ an Exprefs from Stonington, that a Ship & Tender was coming into their Harbours & several more was seen in the Offing, a APPENDIX 159 few Hours after she made her appearance rond Eastern Point; Judge you of the confusion, I never saw greater nor did I ever see Men worke with such spirit & prepare to fight with more resolution. I think it impofsible that the same numbers of Men in the same time could do more work tho' most of us unus'd to the spade & Pick ax as witnefs my hands all of a Blister; the particulars of our proceedings I ned not men- tion, but you may depend on't we did every thing we could; but (to our great joy) by means of a spy Glafs, as the ship drew nearer we discover'd her to be a Merchant- man. . . . I had like to forgot to tell you that about 100 Men have been at work this week past on the Ledge of rocks about half way from the waters edge to the top of Groton Hill down by Chefter which Place they mean to fortify well, the Col is likewife with his Men building a good Battery on Winthrops Neck, at the same time our in- trenchments go on Briskly; thus you see We have at Length wak'd from our Lethargy — we have so many de- mands for men that your Comp^ fills slow Your Enf" has in all about 16 Your Lieut but few what George tells me he has wrote you is perhaps the reason of your Lieu! Poor succefs — the CoP. Comp^ is not quite full. Shaw & Mumford by permit of the Congrefs have near a dozen vefsels fitting out for Powder, Dudley Saltonstall beating up for volunteers as he is appointed Cap* of a thirty Gun Frigate by the Congrefs, Cap! N. Saltonstall is his first Liu! there is a number of recruiting officers among us be- sides yours so that Your succefs is as good as you can expect — every Day brings acc*f of some Damage done our vefsels by the Gale [of] the 9*!" . . . am S° Y":^ J. H i6o NATHAN HALE ENSIGN GEORGE HURLBUT TO HALE AT CAMP Kinde Sir ^ew London Decern^ 1 1'^ 1775 After Returning You My Sincere Thanks I would In- form You I RecieVjd Your Oblidging Letter Which was Dated of the 7* Inftant wherein You Informf me the fol- diers was going Home A funday — I fliould be very Glad fir, if You would Inform me how The Minds of our foldiers is — when I Came away They ware very Back- ward About ftaying. When I was at Roxbury, they ware all in Confusion, they had About 30 Under Guard that was bound home, I was Almoft Discou" they ware all our Conneticut men — you May Depend upon it, fir, they will all Return Again, their friends will Receive them Very Cool. ... I will acquaint You A Little how they Go on hear — when I was at Breckfast Yeasterday the news Come that their Was 4 (hips Turning Round fishers Island and The Old women began to Preach and Cry, we fhall all Die, — By the Great Gun Bullets, I Have not took fo much Pleafure fince I Have Been hear, as I did Yeasterday, I Long^ for You to be hear — they all hands worke a funday — They have Begun to Intrench all A Long ftreet But Leaft I fliould weary Your Patience I will Con- clude with my Compliments to Capt Hull and the Maj' if he is their — ^rom Your fincere Friende „ 1 HURLBUT ^ ELIHU MARVIN TO HALE n^ Norwich 15!^ Dec^ 1775 Three months at Cambridge and not one line, well I can't help it, if a Cap*? Commission has all this effect, what will happen when it is turned into a Colonel's . . . 1 There are two other letters from Hurlbut to Hale in the Society's Collection — brief, with minor details. APPENDIX i6i Polly hears of one and another at New London who have letters from Mf Hale but none comes to me Polly says Mrs. Poole was at Norwich sometime since and desired me to enclose a letter for her which I engaged to do, but I was unfortunately taken sick the night before the man sat out, and through that indolence which you know is so natural to me I had neglected to write sooner so was dis- appointed of fulfilling my engagement . . . The fortifications are going on brilkly at New London and Groton — I hear at Stonington they are preparing to make the mof vigorous defence. James Hilhouse writes me they are preparing to give them a suitable reception at New Haven. The assembly is now sitting — nothing of their doings have as yet tran- spired but it is said the Governor call'd them together to see what shall be done with some Tories who are said to be troublesome in the Western part of the Colony — you know they are plenty there. We hear that a number of the settlers on the Sufque- hannah purchase are taken prisoners by the Pennymites — That assembly have taken up the matter and seem deter- mined to proceed to blood-sh[ed], A sad Omen to the happy union that has as yet subsifted between the Colo- nies, Could our internal enemies wish for a more favorable event on their side. I make no doubt of its being a plan of the Tory party in the Pennfylvania afsembly. What will be the event I know not but hope the allwise difpofer of affairs will not suffer it to proceed to a rupture between the Two Colonies — I am now Trefpasing on my school hours so must con- clude your's Elihu Marvin P. S. Miss Polly's compH*f to Mr. Hale— A letter would not be disagreeable. 1 62 NATHAN HALE ROBERT LATIMER TO NATHAN HALE AT CAMP Dr Sir, As I think myself under the greatest obligations to you for your care and kindness to me, I should think myself very ungratefuU, if I neglected any oppertunity of ex- pressing my gratitude to you for the same. And I rely on that goodness I have so often experienced to overlook the deficiencies in my Letter, which I am sensible will be many, as maturity of judgment is wanting; and tho' I have been so happy as to be favour'd with your instruc- tions, you can't Sir, expect a finish'd letter from one, who has as yet practis'd but very little this way, especially with persons of your nice discernment. Sir I have had the pleasure of hearing by the soldiers, which is come home, that you are in health, tho' likely to be deserted by all the men you carried down with you, which I am very sorry for, as I think no man of any spirit would desert a cause in which we are all so deeply in- terested. I am sure was my Mammy willing I think I should prefer being with you to all the pleasures which the company of my Relations can afford me. I am with respect y'' Sincere friend & very H'ble St — Dec^/ 2o\\ 1775 RobT Latimer. TIMOTHY DWIGHT TO HALE AT CAMP Dear Sir, The many civilities I have already received at your hands, embolden me to trouble you with the inclos'd. The design you will learn from a perusal of it. As such a publication [" The Conquest of Canaan "] must be founded on an extensive subscription, I find myself neces- sitated to ask the assistance of my friends. To a person of Mr. Hale's character (motive of friendship apart) fond- APPENDIX 163 ness for the liberal arts would be a sufficient apology for this application. As I was ever unwilling to be under even necessary obligations, it would have been highly agreeable, could I have transacted the whole business myself Since that is impossible I esteem myself happy in reflecting that the person who may confer this obli- gation is a Gentleman, of whose politeness and benevo- lence, I have already experienced so frequent, and so un- doubted assurances. If you will be so kind, my Dear Sir, as to present the inclos'd to those Gentlemen & Ladies, of the circle with which you are connected, whom you may think likely to honour the poem with their encouragement, and return it with their Names, by a convenient opportunity, it will add one to the many instances of esteem with which you have obliged your very sincere Friend, and most Humble Servant Mr. Nathan Hale c^ Feb. 20, 1776. Comp's to Capt. Hull, Mr. E. Hunt'g [Lieut. Ebenezer Huntington] & the rest of my acquaintance in Camp. I would beg the favor of you to forward a letter which will be delivered to you by Capt. Perit for Doct Brackett of Portsmouth, as you have connections there — You may probably do it without inconvenience. ELIHU MARVIN TO HALE AT CAMP Kinder, Norwich 11^ June 1776, Am much obliged for your particular history of the adventure aboard the prize; wish you would acquaint me 1 64 NATHAN HALE with every incident of good or ill fortune which befals you in your Course of life. The whole journal I hope some time or other to peruse. You are sensible that I am not in a way to meet with adventures new or interesting. Teaching, scolding and floging is the continual round. I am surprised when I reflect on my situation ; once I could enter my school and spend my hours with pleasure, but them scenes are now past. In short I have come to be one of your fretting, teazing pedagogues and think, hard of quiting. For these some months I have been like a person half distracted. I know not what to do with my- self I think of this, that and the other calling and know not which to prefer; then my bleeding country awakes my attention and seems to demand me in the field My hearty prayer to God for my country is that he would preserve peace and harmony among ourselves. I greatly fear some of America's greatest and most danger- ous enemies are such as think themselves her best friends. In what other light can we consider such men as profess themselves firm friends to her cause and yet are spiriting up their neighbours to fall on the Merchant and compel him to sell his own goods at their own price. Had we virtue to deny ourselves our foolish passions, and assist each other to the end, I think we need not fear the Boasted power of Britain with all her train of Confederate mer- cenaries E. Marvin N. B. Nevins is on the hill every night. Polly says she writes by him. The Ladies are all in good spirits. EZRA SELDEN TO HALE AT NEW LONDON „. RoxBURY Camp, June 25'^ 1775 I have just remembrance of my engagement to you as well as to Numbers of others which I cannot fulfill. We APPENDIX 165 came into Roxbury on Sunday about Five o Clock they have been firing upon Roxbury a great Part of Saturday. [The vi'riter gives various camp incidents, such as, speak- ing of the Bunker Hill fight:] The number of those Slain in the Battle between Putnam and the Gagites is uncertain — By Letters from Gentlemen in Boston Gage has his Army Sixteen hundred w^orse than before the En^ gagement. . . . The Soldiers live in houses as many as can & more also But are not so healthy as those in Tents of Which number vi^e are Ezra Selden [Original letter in possession of the Boston Public Library. Printed in full in the Library Monthly Bulletin, November, 1900.] LIEUTENANT JOHN BELCHER TO HALE n- Stonington, July 27*, 1775. These may inform you that since I saw^ you, Ensign Hi Hard and myself have enlisted Twenty two Men, and as my cash is pretty much exhausted, should be glad of a Supply as soon as possible, and should be glad you would inform me by a Line what progress you have made in the Enlisting Way, and when I must stop my hand, and should be glad if our Company is not near compleated, you would send me over some more Blanks, as I expect next Monday, to make my Number, 30, at least, and I understand we are to march next week, and the greatest part of the Men I have enlisted are destitute of Guns, suitable to carry, which we ought to make timely provi- sion for. These from your humb^^ serv' John Belcher — Addressed: "To Lieut. Nathaniel Hale | New London." [Original letter in possession of Mr. W. F. Havemeyer, New York.] HALE'S ARMY DIARY, 1775-76 [The original diary is in possession of the Connecticut Historical So- ciety, Hartford. Stuart includes it in his work, but it is reprinted here as corrected from the MSS. A leaf or two may be missing at the be- ginning, as the first entry shows that he had been on the march two or three days; Waterman's, where he stopped September 23, 1775, being near the Rhode Island line.] [Sept. 23^ 1775] Cannon, 40 or 50, heard from the last stage to the present, march'd 3^ O'O arr- Waterman's (a private house & entertainment good) after a stop or two 6}4 O'C 6/m [6 miles] — tarryed alnigh[t] 24* Mch^ 6 0'e& at 8 O [C] reach'd Olney's 4 m. 10 O'C- mch- from Olney's 2 miles & reach'd Providence but made no ftop. Having march'd thro the town with music, & mde a flit ftp at the hither part, in the road, came 4 miles further to / Slack's in Rehobo[th] where we dined. 4 O'C^- mch^ from Slacks 6 m and reach'^ D^g- getts in Attleborough & put up, depofitting our arms in the mtt^ House — Soon after our arrival join'd by the Maj' who set out from home the nt bef — 25* March'd soon after sunrife — & came very fast to Dupee in Wrentham 9 m to Breakfaf [t]. arrd 9 O'C^ ; 1 1 16^ Hale's Camp Basket, Diary, and Horn Connecticut Historical Society APPENDIX 167 set off & 1 >^ P M arv^ Hidden Walpole & there din'd and tarried till 4>^ O'C' then march'd to Dedhara — 7 m and put up. Tuesday 26^^ mch'd 5 m before Breakfast to — For Dinner went 4^ m to Parkers — which is within a mile & a half from Camp. At our arrival in Camp found that 200 men had been draughted out that morning for a fishing party. Pitched our tents for the present in Roxb^" a little before sunset — Wednefday 27* Went to some of our lower works — 12 or 15 of y- filhing party return & bring 11 Cattle & 2 horfes — Thurfday 28 Filhing party return'd Friday 29^^ mcM for Cambridge, arv'd 3 O'C^- & en- camped on the foot of Winter hill near General Sullyvans 3 com'^' [companies] Maj'' O [Captains] Shipmans, Bost- w[ick] Sat. 30* Considerable firing upon Roxbury side in the forenoon & some P. M. No dam^-* done as we hear. Join'd this day by Cp- Perril [Perrit] & Levnwth [Leav- enworth] about 4 O'C^' — Octo. 6* 1775 Near 100 Can^ fired at Roxbury from the Enemy. Shot off a man's arm & kill'd one cow — 7"" Some firing from Bofton/neck. nil/mat. gsab. ^ y^ rainy no meet^ M- Bird. pr. [preached] Watertown. P. M. went to meet^ on the hill M' Smith pT 9 Mon. Morn? Clear & PleaO but cold, exerf"? men 5 O'C- 1 h. — Tuesday 10'^ Went to Roxbury, dined with Doc'- Wolcott at Gen- eral Spencer's Lodg^^ P. M. rode down to Dorchefter, with 1 68 NATHAN HALE a view to go on upon the point ; but Coll Fellows told us he could give us no leave as we had been informed in town. Return"^ to Camp 6 O'C^- Wed. 11*^ Bro^ Joseph here in the morning — went to Cam?? 12 O'C^- sent a letter to Bro- Enoch by Sami Turner Inform'd by JoPf" that he was to be examin'd to day for p-.^ Saw Royal Flynt. pr^ to write him. Rec^ a letter from Gil. Salt^ & w^ inf^ y! Schooner by S- Johns taken, all yL men kll^ & y* 8ooo bufh'? wheat had bn taken & car- ried to Norwich f™ Chrif[topher] Champlin's Ihip run agr^ at Ston®:"^ Rec"^ letter 9'*^ from Gil. Salt^- Do 9* f"? John Hallam 8^*^ E Hale A heavy thun' fliow'' in y? even? Thurf. 12 Wrote 6 letters to N. L. faw C] [Colonel] Sage. inf^''. Montreal held by Montgomery St. Johns off? to Capitu- late but refusing to Deliver Guns Johnf-['s] terms were refused: but must soon furrender — P. M. went into Cambridge. Took the Camb^.^ Paper p'* 3 Coppers. Friday 13 Inf-^d by L' Col! [Hall] that Col! Webb last night gave orders that Field Officers Lieutenants shou'"^ ware yellow Ribbons — put in one accordingly, wlk"^ to Mif^ [Mystick] for Clothes. Inform'd D'. Rofeter, Wollace trim'd by Capt. Hall. 1 This "p" may mean preaching. In other words, Joseph had in- formed Nathan that this was the day set for Enoch to pass the usual can- didate's examination for license to preach. APPENDIX 169 Sat. 14* Mounted picket guard. Gov": Grifwold at plough"^ hill rumours of 25,000 troops from England. Sab. 15* M! Bird pr. P. M. after meeting walk'd to Miftick. Tuesday 17*^ A Serg' Major deserted to the Regulars. Wed. 18^!^ A Private deserted to the enemy last night. — a cannon fplit in our float^ battery when fir? upon B. [Boston] Common 1 of our men kill'd another said to be mortally wounded. 6 or 7 more wounded — Rec^. Letters G. Saltonftall 16'!^ J. Hallam 14'*^ E. Hallam 15*^ E. Adams 16'!^ In M' Sah!^ Letter rec'^ News of the publifhment of Thomas Poole & Betsey Adams, on '^ ij^l" Thurfday ig'^ Wrote 4 letters To Mefsl' G. Salt! & John Hallam & to Mifses Betsey Adams & Hallam — 3 people inhabi- tants of Boston si to have escaped on Rox^ side last night. Several guns were fired at them which were heard here at Winter hill. This morning one of our horses wand'! down near the enemy's lines, but they durst not venture out to take him on account of Rifle[men] placed at y^ old Chimy ready to fire upon them. A sick man at Temples found to have the small pox — Friday 20''' Wet & rainy. News from Roxbury y! 9 persons, 5 of them inhabitants, & 4 of them Sailors made their escape last night from Boston to Dorchester Point, Who bring 170 NATHAN HALE accounts y' 10,000 Hanoverians & 5,000 Scotch & Irish Troops are hourly expected in Boston. P[er] Cp' Perrit ref^ sunfet from Connecticut News y' Col. Jos.'' Trumbull Commy Gen! was at the p* of Death. Sat. 21^.* Conftant rain & for y^ moft part hard for y^ whole day. A letter communicated to the offl' of y? Reg! f^ G.Washgt" to Col. Webb with orders to see what Off!! & men will extend y^ term of th^: fervice f"? 6*^ Decern! to 1'.' Jan^ — Col. Webb ifsu'd ord? for removing a man who was yel- terday defcover'd to have y^ fmall pox from Temples h[ouse] to y? hofpital, but the Of" remonftrat! suspended his orders. — Sun set clear. — Sab. 22"^ Mounted piquet Guard, had charge of the advance Pequet. Nil mem. Miftick Comm^refufd to del! provf^ to Comp'- which had had nothing for y^ day. on which Cpt. Tuttle & 60 or 70 men went, & as it hap- terror inftead of force obtain'd the provifions. On Pequet heard Reg" at work with pick axes. One of our Centries heard their G. Rounds give the Counterfign which was Hamil- ton. Left P. guard and ret"? to Cp. at sunrise on the 23*^ Mon — 10 O'C! went to Cambridge w*!" Fid Com^° officers to Genl Putnam, to let him know the ftate of the Reg! & y' it was thro ill usage upon the Score of Provisions y! th^ wld not extend th! term of service to the 1'! of Jan^ 1776.— Din'd at Browns dr^ 1 bottle wine walk'd about ftreet, call'd at JoQi. Woodbridges on my way & ret"? home abt. 6. O'C! — rec"^ confirmation of day before yesterdays report y'Cpt. Coit mde an Admiral — Rec"^ Let. Ed Hallam 15'^ APPENDIX 171 24*!* Tuesday- Some rain. W to Miftick with Clothes, to be washed (viz 4 Shirts D° Necks 5 pair Stockings. 1 Napkin 1 Table Cloth 1 Pillow Case 2 Linen & 1 Silk Handkerchiefs) P. M. Got Brick & Clay for Chimney. Winter Hill came down to wreftle w^ view to find our best for a wreft- ling match to which this hill was (lumped by Profpect — to be decided on Thursday insu? — Evening prayers omitted for Wreftling 25 Wednesday — no letters 26 Thursday grand Wreftle on Profpect Hill no wager laid Friday 27'!" Mefsl^ John Hallam & David Mumford. arr^ Sat 28* Somewhat rainy. Sab. 29 Went to meeting in the barn — one exercife. After meeting walk'd with Cpt. Hull & M"^ Hallam to Miftic. Sat 28* At night Serg' of the enemy's guard deserted to us. Monday 30* Some dispute with the Subalterns, about Cpt Hull & me acting as Captains. The Col. [&] Lieut Col. full in it that we ought to act in that Capacity. Brigade Maj^ & Gen^ Lee of the same opinion. Presented a petetion to Gen^ Washington, for Cpt. Hull & myself requefting the pay of Cpts. — refus'd. Mr. Gurley here at Din! P. M. Went into Cambridg with M! Mumford. Tuesday 31 Wrote letter to Father & Brothers John & Enoch. P. M Went to Cambridge, dr. wine &c at Gen! Putmans. 172 NATHAN HALE Wednefday Noveni. i'* Mounted Pequet guard, nil mem Rec'd 3 Letters fr'^ S. Belden G. Salt. & Betfey Hallam. The 1^.' inf™"^ he had no Scarlet Coating &c also reminded me of 20^. due to him by way of change of a 40^ Bill reed for Schooling (forgot) 1^. inf""."^ that (as pr Philadel- phia paper) Payton Randolph died of an Apoplexy 11^ ult. 3'^ inf*? Sheriff Chriftopher [of New London] is dead. Wed, \'' Came off from Pequet Guard 10 O'C^ 11 d° w* to Cm^.^ with Cpt. Hull, dined at Gen^. Putnams w^ M' Learned. Inff M^ Howe died at Hartford 2 months ago, not heard of before. Col. Parfons Reg^ under arms to supprefs y® mutinous proceedings of Gen Spencers Reg^one man hurt in y^neck by a bayonet, (done yefterday). ref? to Camp 6 O'C^ — Thursday 1^ Rain conftantly some times hard. Receiv'd a flying Report that the Congrefs had declared independency. Friday 3"^ Nil mem — Sat. 4*!^ M^ Learned with myself din'd at Col. Halls'. Deac'; Kingsbury's son visited me. P. M. Cpt. Hull & I w^ to Profpect Hill. Sunday f^ A. M. Mt Learned pr. John 13. 19. excellentifsime. A little after twelve a considerable number of cannon from the Enemy in memory of the day. Din'd w! Cpt. Hull at Genl Putnam's. Reed news of the taking of Fort Chamble with 80 odd Soldiers, about 100 women & children, up- wards of 100 barrels of Powder, more than 200 barrels of pork, 40 D° of flower 2 Mortars & some cannon. The APPENDIX 173 women, wives to Officers in S' Johns, who were brought to S' Johns & there their Husbands permitted to come out and after spending some time w^ them return. Alfo News of vefsel taken by one of our privateers fr. Phif to B-n w'^ io>^ pipes of wine, another from the West Indies with the produce of that Country. Reed a letter from bro. Enoch Nov. V! Coventry, per Danl Robertfon, who is to make me a visit to morrow. The paper in which the Officers sent in their names for new commifions return'd for more Subalterns. Enf'? Pond & put down th! names. Those who put down their nam[es] the first offer, Col! Webb & Hall, Cpts Hoyt, Tuttle, Ship- man, Bostwick, Perrit Levenworth Hull & Hale. Subs. Catland, [Catlin] Monday 6'!" Mounted Pequet guard in y^ place of Cpt Levenworth. A Rifleman deserted to y^ Regulars. Some wet. Day chiefly fpent in Jabber & Chequers. Cast an eye upon Young's Mem? belong! to Col. Varnum — a very good book. Comp! of y^ bad condition of y^ lower Pequet by Majf Cutter, &c. It is of the utmost importance y* an Officer should be anxious to know his duty, but of greater that he (hd care- fully perform what he does know : The present irregular State of the army is owing to a capital neglect in both of thefe. — Tuesday 7'^ Left Pequet 10 OG — Inf!^ Maj": Brooks app^ for this Reg* new Eflablishment wh occafd much uneafinefs among y^ Cpts. Rain pretty hard most of the day. Spent most of it in y^ Maj'' my own & other tents in conversation — (some chequers) Studied y^ best [?] method of forming 174 NATHAN HALE a Reg^ for a review, manner of arranging y^ Companies, also of mchg round y^ review^ Officer. A man ought never to lose a moments time. If he put off a thing ff one minute to the next his reluctance is but increas'd. — Wednesday 8* Clean'd my gun — pld some football, & some chequers. Some People came out of Boston via Rox^^ Reed N. of Cpt. Coits taking two prizes with Cattle poultry hay, rum, wine &c &c. also verbal accounts of the taking of S* Johns. Thurfday 9*!^ 1 O'C- P. M. An alarm. The Regulars landed at Leechmere's point to take off Cattle, our works were im- mediately all mann'd & a detachment sent to receive them, who were obliged, it being high water, to wade through water near wast high. While the Enemy were landing, we gave them a conftant Cannonade from Pros- pect Hill. Our party having got on to the point, marched in two Columns, one on each side of y^ hill with a view to surround y^ enemy but upon the first appearance of them, they m^ their boats as fast as Pofsible. While our men were marching on to y'^ poin*^ they were exposed to a hot fire from a Ihip in the bay & a floating Battery, also after they had pafsed the Hill. A few Shot were fired from Bunker's Hill. The damage on our side is the lofs one Rifleman taken & 3 men wounded one badly, & it is thought 10 or more cattle carried off. The Rifle man taken was drunk in a tent in which he & the one who reed the worft wound were placed to take care of y^ Cattle Horses Sac. & give notice in case y^ enemy (hould make an attem^* upon them. Y^ tent they were in was taken. APPENDIX 175 What the lofs was on the fide of the enemy we cannot yet determine. — At night met with the Cpts of y^ new estab- lishment at Gen! — Sullyvans to nominate Subalterns. Lieut- Bourbank of CoU Doolittles Reg* mde my il' L* Serg! Chapman 2"^ & Serg^ Hurlbut Enf" Friday 10* Went upon the hill to my new Lieu! Bourbank & found him to be no great things. On my return, found that my Br. &■ Joseph Strong had been here & enquired for me. immediately after dinner went to Cambr. to see them but was too late. Went to head quarters, saw Gen^ Sul- lyvan, & gave him a defcription of my new L' wh said h wd mk inquiry concer'ng him. On my return fd [found] the abv U. at my tent agr-^ to my invitation. After much round abt talk purfuaded him to go with me to y^ Gen^ to desire to [be] excused from the service. Y^ Gen^ not being at hom[e] deferr'd it 'till anot^ time. Saturday 1 1*'' Some disputes about the arrangement of Subs — but not peaceable fettled Sunday 12*'' This morning early a meeting of Cpts — upon y^ above matter, & not ended untill near noon. No meetting A. M. P. M. M-: Bird pr. Monday 13*!" Our people began to dig turf under Coble Hill. In- liftments delivered out. At night a man of our Reg! at- tempted to defert to the Reg" but was taken. Tuesday l4*^ Some uneasinefs about Subs. P. M. went to Cambr. nil-mem. Gen^ Orders of to day contain'd an account of 176 NATHAN HALE the reduction of St. Johns. Dig? Sods under Coble Hill Continued. [" Directions for the Guards " copied in here by Hale.] Wednesday 15^ Mounted Main Guard. Heard read the articles of Surrend of S^ Johns. Likewise an accou"* of the repulse of our piratical enimies at Hampton in Virginia, with the lofs of a number of men (in a handbill). Three deserters made their escape from Boston to Roxb?' last night. Two prifoners were taken this afternoon in the orchard below Plough'd Hill who with some others were getting apples. They bring accounts that it was reported in Boston that our army at S' Johns was intirely cut off. That last week when they attempted to take our Cattle at Sewels pint they kill'd 50 or 60 of our men wounded as many more & had not a man either kill'd or wounded whereas in truth we had only one that was much wounded & he is in a way to recover. Reed a letter from J. Hallam : Thurfday 16* Relieved from Pequet 8/^ O'C. confined James Brown of Cpt. Hubbel's Company for leaving the guard which he did yesterday towards night & did not return untill 4 O'C! this morning when he was taken up by the Cen- tinal at the door of Temple's House — as it appeared he was somewhat difguised with liquor ordered him confined & reported. Thursday 16*!" Wrote two letters 1 To J. Hall"^ & 1 to G. Salt!. It being Thanksgiving in Connecticu* The Cp*^ & officers in nomination for the new army had an entertainment at T? House, provided Cpt. Whitney's Suttler. They were somewhat merry & inlifted some Soldiers, I was not present — APPENDIX 177 About 10 or 11 O'C at night orders came for reinforc- ing the Pequet with 10 men from a Com?" Friday 17*^ Reed an order from Colonel Hall for taking up at the continental Store 4 pr Breeches 6 D° Stockf 5 D° Shoes, 1 Shirt 1 buff Cap i pr India" Stock^.^ sHy^' of Coat! — all which I got but the Yd Shirt Indian Stocks 1% Coat? & Shoes which are to come tomorrow morn? Cpt. Hull w*!" some of his Sol? went w* me to Camb^^ — Re- turn'd after dark. Stop'd at Gen! Lee's to see about FurP for men enlifted who ordered y^ gen^ orders for the day to be read by which Furloughs are to be given by Col'f only & not more than 50 at a time must have them out of a Reg* Gen\ orders further contain'd that the Congrefs had seen fit to raise the pay of the officers from what they were & y' a Cpt upon the new eftablishment is to receive 26^ Dollars per month a 1 & 2"^ Lieut. 18 Dollars & an Enf° \Q^}i Dollars. Saturday iS'!' Obtained an order from Colo. Webb upon the O.M.G. for things for the Soldiers. Went for them after noon re- turned a little after Sunset. Sabbath Day l9'^ MT Bird pr. one Service only beginning after 12 O'C} Text Either 8*^ 6 For how can I indure to see the evil that shall come unto my people ? or how can I indure to see the deftruction of my kindred? The difcourse very good, the same as preach'd to Gen^ Woofter, his Officers & Soldiers at New Haven & which was again preach'd at Cambridge a Sabbath or two ago. — Now preach^ as a farewell discourse. Robert Latimer the Maj""^ Son went to Roxbury to day on his way home. The Majr who 178 NATHAN HALE went there to day & U, Hurlbut & Robert Latimer F. [fifer] who went yesterday return'd this even? b! ac*f that the Alia Man of War Station'd at N. York was taken by a Schooner arm'd with Spear's &c. which at first appeared to be going out of the Harbour & was br! too by y^Afia & inftead of com^ under her ftern just as (he came up Shot along side, the men which were before conceal'd imme- diately fprung up with their lances &c and went at it with such vigour that they soon made themselves mafters of the (hip. The kill'd & wounded not known. This account not creditted. Sergt Prentis thought to be dying about 12 Meridian, some better if any alterat" this evening. Monday 20- Obtain'd Furlough's for 5 men (viz) Isaac Hammon Jabez Minard Chriftopher Beebe John Holmes & William Hatch, each for 20 Days. Mounted m— Guard, 4 Pris- oners, nil mem. on till 10 OO when an alarm fr Camb-& Profpect Hill occasioned our turning out. Slept little or none. Tuesday. 21^.' Reliev'd by Cpt Hoyt. Sergn* Prentis very low. Colo. and some Cpts went to Cambr to a Court M. to Cpt. Hubbel's Trial adjournd from Yesterday to day. even? spent in converfation. Wednesday 22*? Sergt. Prentis died about 1 2 O'C^ last night. Tryed to obtain a furlough to go to Cape Ann and keep Thanks- giving, but could not succeed. Being at Gen^ Sullyvans, heard Gen^ Green read a letter from a member of the Congrefs, exprefsing wonder at the backwardnefs of the OP & Soldiers to tarry the winter — likewise informing that the men inlifted fast in Penfylvania & y^ Jersies for APPENDIX 179 30/. per month. Some hints dropt as if there was to be a change of the [Leaf missing.] Saturday 25 Last night 2 Sheep kill['d] belong? to the En"?^ — this morning conliderable firing between the Gentries. A Rifleman got a Dog from the Regulars. Col. Varnum offer'd a Guinea for him, the [price] that Gen! Lee had offered. 10 O.'C A. M. went to Cobble Hill to view. Another brought to the Ferry way (two there now). P. M. went to Camb^ Ref! Sunset. This evening reed Acc*f that Col. Jedediah Huntington's wife had hanged herfelf at Dedham. She had been delirious for the greater part of the time since he entered the Service, & was come to Dedham to see him. He met her there, found her as rational as ever, but within an hour after he left her, the melancholy tidings followed of her hav- ing hanged herfelf. Heard further that 200 or 300 poor people had been set on Shore last night by the Regulars, the place not known, but sd to be not more than 6 or 8 mile from hence. Cannon were heard this forenoon seeming to be off in the bay and at fome dif- tance. — Obferv'd in coming from Cambr. a number of Gabines at Gen! Lee's, said to be for the purpose of forti- fying upon Leechmores point. 26*!" Sunday. William Hatch of Major Latimer's Co. died last night, having been confin'd about one week, he has the whole time been in [?] and great part of it out of his Senses. His diftemper was not really known. He was buried this afternoon, few people attended his funeral. Reported that the people were fet a shhore at Chelfea, & bring ace*' that the Troops in Boston had orders to make an attack upon plough'd hill, when we first began our works there, but i8o NATHAN HALE the Officers a number of them, went to Gen- Howe & offered to give up their Commifsions abfolutely refusing to come out & be butchered by the Americans. Mounted Main Guard this morning. Snowy. Ll Chapman rec'd Recruiting ord- & set out home purposing to go as far as Roxb2- today. 27 Monday. Nil mem. Evening went to GenL Lee's whom I found very much cast down, at the difcouraging profpect of sup- plying the army with troops. 28 Tuesday. Promif'd the men if they would tarry another month they (hould have my wages for that time. Genl SuUyvan Return'd. Sent order to Frafer Q. M. to fend us some wood. Went to Cambr. could not be ferv'd at the ftore, return'd, observ'd a greater number of Gabines at GenL_ Lee's. Inf "^ at Cambr y* Gtn\ Putnam's Reg!_ moftly con- cluded to tarry another month. (This is a lie) 29 Wednefday. The RegL drawn up before GenL. Sullyvan's, after he had made them a most excellent speech desired them to Signify their minds, whether they would tarry 'till the 1^.* of January, very few fell out, but some gave in their names afterward. Rec'd News of the taking of a vefsell loaded w^ ordinance and Stores 30. Thurfday. Obtain'd a furlough for Enfin Hurlbut for 20 Days. Sent no letters to day on account of the hurry of bulinefs 1^.' [December] Friday W- to Cambridge. A number of men, about 20 in the whole confin'd for attempting to go home. Our Reg' this APPENDIX i8i morning, by means of General Lee univerfally consented to tarry untill the Malitia came in, and by far the greater part agreed to flay 'till the first of Jan. 2^ Saturday, Orders read to the Reg* that no one Officer or Soldier fliould go beyond Drum call from his al[ar]m poft. Went to Miftick with Gen] Sullyvan's order on M'' Fra- fer, for things wanted by the Soldiers who are to tarry 'till the 1^' of January, but found he had none. 3"? Sunday. Wet weather, no pr. — Eve got an order from BG. SuUyvan upon Colo. Mifflin for the above mention'd Ar- ticles, not to be had at Erasers — 4. Monday. Went to Cambridge to draw the above articles, but the order was not excepted, reed News y' several prizes had been taken by our Privateers, among which was a vefsell from Scotland balas'd with Coal, the rest of her Cargo dry goods. Cpt. Bulkley & M^. Chamberlain from Colchester with cheese. Purchased 107 lb at 6^ pr lb for which I gave an order upon Maj^ Latimer. 5 Tuesday Reed News of the Death of John Bowers Gunner in Cpt Adam's Privateer formerly of MajL Latimer's Com- pany. 6* Wednefday — Upon main Guard. Nil mem. Reed some letters per Post. Col. Doolittle Officer of the Day inf? that C°^- Ar- nold had arr;L at point Levi near Quebec — 7. Thurfday. Went to Cambridge to draw things 1 82 NATHAN HALE 8 Friday. Did some writing. Went P. M., to draw money for our expenses on the road from N. L. to Roxbury, but was disappointed : 9 Nil. Mem. Saturday Struck our tents and the men chiefly marched off. Some few remaining came into my room. At Night Charle Brown Daniel Tolbot & W" Carver return'd from Priva- teering, afsifted MajL Latimer in making out his pay Roll, fomewhat unwell in the evening. 11. Monday Finish the pay roll & fettled some accounts — about 12 O'C Maj^ Latimer fet out home, i or more Companies came in today for our relief 12 Tuesday a little unwell yefterd and today some better this evening. 13 Wednefday On Main Guard. Rec'd & wrote some letters. Read the Hiftory of Philip. 14 Thurfday. Went to Cambridge vifitted Maj' Brooks, found him unwell with an ague. Cpt Hull Taken violently ill Yester- day remains very bad today, has a high fever. 15. Friday. Nil. mem. 16. Sat. Our people began the Covered way to Lechmore's point. 17. Sunday. Went to Miftic to meeting. Some firing on our peo- ple at Leechmore's point APPENDIX 183 18. Monday. Went to Cambridge to draw things. The Reg! paraded this morning to be formed into two companies that the rest of the Officers might go home. Heard in Cambridge that Cpt. Manly had taken another prize, with the Gov! of one of the Carolina's friendly to us. & the Hon. Matthews Efq! Mem! of the Continental Congrefs whom Govf Dun- more had taken & sent for Boston. 19 Tuesday. Went to Cobble Hill. A Shell & a Shot from Bunker's Hill, the Shell braking in the air one piece fell as [and] touched a man's hat but did no harm. Works upon Leech- mores point continued. 20 Wed. Went to Roxbury for money left for me by Majf Latimer with Gen! Spencer, who refused to let me have it without Security. Draw'd fome things from the Store. U. Catlin & Enf" Whittlefey set out home on foot. 21 Thursday. Wrote a number of letters. Went to Cambridge to carry them where I found Ml Hemps[t]ed had taken up my money at Gen! Spencers and Given his receipt. I took it of Hempftead giving my receipt — the fum was 36^^. 12'. o'^. Court Martial held at Gen! Putnam's at which Commifsary Gen! Trumbull was tryed for defrauding the Soldiers of their provilions. — 22 Friday. Some Shot from the Enemy. 23 Saturday. Tryed to draw 1 month's advance pay for my Company but found I could not have it till monday next — Upon 1 84 NATHAN HALE which borrowed 76 Dollars of Cpt Levenworth, giving him an order on Col° Webb for the fame as soon as my advance pay for January should be drawn. 3^ O'C- P. M. Set out from Cambridge on my way home — At Water- town took the wrong road and went two miles directly out of the way, which had to travel right back again. — And after travelling about 11 miles put up at Hammon's New- town about 7 O'C- Entertainment pretty good. 24 Sunday Left H? 6>^ O'C' went 8 miles to Straytons pafsing by Jackson's at 3 miles. Breakfafted at Strayton's. The snow which began before we fet out this morning increafes & becomes burthenfome. From Straytons 9 miles to Stones where we eat Bifcuit and drank cyder. 7 miles to Jones — din'd — arv'd 3^ O'C- — From there 2 m & forgot some things & went back — then return'd to Dl Reeds that night, paf*^ Amadons & Keiths 3 m — Good houses. Within ^ m of D!L Reeds mifs'd my road & went 2 m directly out of my way & right back travell'd in the whole to day 41 miles — The weather Stormy & the snow for the most part ancle deep 25 Monday From D° Reeds 8 O'C Came 1 or 2 m and got horses — 4m to Hills & breakfafted — ordinary — 8 m to Jacobs & din'd — difmifs'd our horses — 6 O'CL arvl Keyes 11m put up. Good entertainment. 26*!* Tuesday. 6. O'C- A. M. fr K. 6m to Kindals. Breakfafted —10 m to Southwards din'd. Settled acc^^ w'!^ U Sage d? [?] h"^ 16 dollars for paying Soldiers 1 month's advance pay. Arv*^ home a little after sunset — One heel string lame. APPENDIX 185 27* Wed. Heel lame. W to Br. Roses Aunt Rob° Mr. Hun'°'» & Cpt Robf" 28 Thurfday Unwell — tarried at home. 29 Friday. Went to see G. C. Lyman, Call'd a D'L Kingbury's & M'. Strongs. Jan^ 1775 [1776] 24 Wednesday — fet out from my Fathers for the Camp on horse back at 7^^ O'O at 11 O'O arv? a Firkin's by Aftiford Meeting House where left the horfes. 12^ OO mch*^ 3^ arvd Grosvenor's 8 m & 4)^ at Grosvenors Pomfret 2 m and put up — here met 9 Sold'^ f^ Windham 25 Thurfday 6}4 00. mch"? from G and came to Forbs 7^? but another Co. hav^ engaged breakfast there we were obliged to pafs on to Jacobs, (fr Grof" lo*^) — After Breakfast went 8 m to Hills & dr^ some bad Cyder in a worfe tavern. 7 — O'C^- arvd Deacon Reeds. 5 m Uxbridge & }4 Com^ put up — myfelf w!^ the remainder pafsed on to Woods 2m. 26 Friday. 7 O'C^- fr. Woods 4 m to Amadous Mendon break- fasted. 17 m. to Clarkes Medfield & put up — Co — put up 5 m back. 27 Saturday Breakfafted at Clarkes 10 O'C mch^ about ii>^ O'O arv"! at Ellis' 5^ where drank a glafs of brandy & pro- ceeded on 5^ to Whitings arvd. 2 O'Cl Arvf at Parkers in Jamaica Plains but being refused entertainment was obliged to betake ourfelves to the Punch boll, where leav- 1 86 NATHAN HALE ing the men 1 1 in N° went to Roxb^ Saw GenL Spencer — who tho't it best to leave the men there as the Regi- ment were expected there on Monday or tuesday. In- dians at Gen! Spencers. Ret^ to Winter hill. 28^ Sunday — Went to Roxby to find barracks for 1 1 men that came with me, but not finding good ones ret? to Temple House where the men were arv? before me — In the evening went to pay a laft visit to General SuUyvan with Col? Webb & the Cpts of the Reg! 29 Monday — Nil mem. 30 Tuesday Removed from Winter Hill to Roxb^ Feby 4*? 1776 Sunday — Feb. 14*^ 1776 Wednesday Last night a party of Regulars made an attempt upon Dorchester, landing with a very considerable body of men. taking 6 of our guard, difperfing the rest & burning — two or three houses — The Guard house was set on fire but extinguished. July 1776 23? Report in town of the arv! of 12 [to?] twenty S. of the Line in S! Law- River. Doctf Wolcott & Guy Rich^^ Jun:: here fr"? N. L. Rec'd E fr G Saltonftall Aug. 21 1* Wednefday Heavy Storm at Night Much& heavy Thunder — Capt. Van-Wyke a Lieut & Enf of Col? M'^Dougall's Reg! kill[ed] by a Shock — Likewise one man in town belonging Army Return Reporting Hale's Death Original in Library of Congress, Washington ,7^ I" ' ^^^./^fj^t^-^j.^ .;.i^* APPENDIX 187 to a Militia Reg! of Connecticut. The Storm continued for two or three hours, for the greatest part of which time was a perpetual Lightening and the fharpest I ever knew. 22 Thursday — The Enemy landed some troops down at the narrows on Long Ifland. 23. Friday — Enemy landed more Troops — news that they had marched up and taken Station near Flatbush — their adv^f Gds being on this side near the woods — that some of our Riflemen attacked & drove them back Aug. 23 Friday from their poft burnt 2 ftacks hay and it was thought killed some of them — this about 12 O'Cl at Night. News that Our troops attacked them at their ftation near Flat-b. routed and drove them back 1 J^ mile. TRIBUTES TO HALE HIS CAPTURE AND DEATH BY UNKNOWN POET OF I776 The breezes went steadily thro' the tall pines, A-saying "oh, hu-sh!" a-saying "oh, hu-sh!" As stilly stole by a bold legion of horse. For Hale in the bush; for Hale in the bush. "Keep still!" said the thrush as she nestled her young. In a nest by the road; in a nest by the road; "For the tyrants are near, and with them appear. What bodes us no good; what bodes us no good." The brave captain heard it, and thought of his home. In a cot by the brook; in a cot by the brook. With mother and sister and memories dear. He so gaily forsook; he so gaily forsook. Cooling shades of the night were coming apace. The tattoo had beat; the tattoo had beat. The noble one sprang from his dark hiding place. To make his retreat; to make his retreat. He warily trod on the dry rustling leaves. As he pass'd thro' the wood; as he pass'd thro' the wood; And silently gain'd his rude launch on the shore. As she play'd with the flood; as she play'd with the flood. 188 APPENDIX 189 The guard of the camp, on that dark, dreary night. Had a murderous will; had a murderous will. They took him and bore him afar from the shore. To a hut on the hill; to a hut on the hill. The brave fellow told them, no thing he restrain' d. The cruel gen'ral; the cruel gen'ral; His errand from camp, of the ends to be gained. And said that was all; and said that was all. They took him and bound him and bore him away, Down the hill's grassy side; down the hill's grassy side. 'Twas there the base hirelings, in royal array. His cause did deride; his cause did deride. Five minutes were given, short moments, no more. For him to repent; for him to repent; He pray'd for his mother, he ask'd not another; To Heaven he went; to Heaven he went. The faith of a martyr, the tragedy shew'd. As he trod the last stage; as he trod the last stage. And Britons will shudder at gallant Hale's blood. As his words do presage; as his words do presage. "Thou pale king of terrors, thou life's gloomy foe. Go frighten the slave; go frighten the slave; Tell tyrants, to you, their allegiance they owe. No fears for the brave; no fears for the brave." [From Mr. Frank Moore's " Songs and Ballads of the Revolution." It is credited to the year 1776, but when or where it first appeared is not stated.] HALE'S FATE AND FAME BY JUDGE FRANCIS M. FINCH To drum-beat and heart-beat A soldier marches by; There is color in his cheek. There is courage in his eye. Yet to drum-beat and heart-beat In a moment he must die. I90 NATHAN HALE By starlight and moonlight He seeks the Briton's camp. He hears the rustling flag. And the armed sentry's tramp. And the starlight and moonlight His silent wanderings lamp. With slow tread and still tread He scans the tented line. And he counts the battery guns By the gaunt and shadowy pine; And his slow tread and still tread Give no warning sign. The dark wave, the plumed wave! It meets his eager glance; And it sparkles 'neath the stars Like the glimmer of a lance: A dark wave, a plumed wave. On an emerald expanse. A sharp clang, a steel clang ! And terror in the sound; For the sentry, falcon-eyed. In the camp a spy hath found; With a sharp clang, a steel clang. The patriot is bound. With calm brow, steady brow. He listens to his doom; In his look there is no fear Nor a shadow-trace of gloom; But with calm brow and steady brow He robes him for the tomb. In the long night, the still night. He kneels upon the sod; And the brutal guards withhold E'en the solemn Word of God! In the long night, the still night. He walks where Christ hath trod. APPENDIX 191 'Neath the blue morn, the sunny morn. He dies upon the tree; And he mourns that he can lose But one life for Liberty; And in the blue morn, the sunny morn. His spirit-wings are free. From Fame-leaf and Angel-leaf, From monument and urn. The sad of Earth, the glad of Heaven, His tragic fate shall learn; And on Fame-leaf and Angel-leaf, The name of hale shall burn! [Poem delivered in 1853 by Judge Finch, of Ithaca, N. Y., at the centennial anniversary of the Linonian Society, Yale College, to which Hale belonged.] THE LAST MOMENTS OF NATHAN HALE BY JOHN WITT RANDALL, M.D. Dear Country! Nought in death I dread. Save that but once I fall. And slumber idly with the dead When thou hast need of all: Thy living sons shall all defend. While I with senseless earth must blend. Thy cause requires a million hands To battle with thy foes. Lives numerous as the ocean sands — I have but one to lose! Yet, though the sacrifice be small. Disdain not, since I give thee all. O that my blood from out the ground, 'Neath God's inspiring breath. Might at thy trumpets' piercing sound One instant leap from death. Each drop a man, each man a spy. Foredoomed in thy great Cause to die! 192 NATHAN HALE How blest, even so to serve thee still. Slain o'er, and o'er and o'er! From field to field, from hill to hill, I'd chase thy cannon's roar. And shed my blood like show^ers of rain. And fall, and rise, and fall again. But hark! I hear the muffled drum Roll like a smothered wave. And there the columns marching come That bear me to my grave. Farewell, dear native land! This heart Feels but one pang as now we part. I only grieve because my eyes Thy glory may not see — That I can serve thee but with sighs. Nor more lift sword for thee; And mourn because life's fleeting breath Permits me but a single death. [From "Consolations of Solitude." Boston: J. P. Jewett and Co., 1856. The writer was the great-grandson of Samuel Adams.] HALE'S GRAVE AT NEW YORK BY JOHN MACMULLEN, A.M. We know not where they buried him. Belike beneath the tree; But patriot memories cluster there. Where'er the spot may be. Yes! youthful martyr! all our isle To us more sacred's made. Since on her breast thy manly form In death's deep sleep was laid. [From poem delivered before the Alumni of Columbia College, October 27, 1S58.] APPENDIX 193 HALE AS A SPY " Perhaps there are some who think Hale was really dishonored because he was hung as a spy. To any such we would say, that the measure of infamy shifts incessantly from age to age. No unit of con- ventional dishonor is fixed or lasting. The very insignia of infamy in one age, become the honored regalia of another. The cross reserved for ignominious malefactors in old Judea, is now the chosen emblem of all that is exalted and soul-inspiring throughout Christendom. Not a few of the noblest escutcheons ought to bear as decorations the gallows, the guillotine, the garotte, or some of the innumerable instruments of tortured and dishonored death. The externals of attainting manifestation will ever have less and less value, except as they may aid to interpret the endurance of suffering souls. It may, perhaps, be a true rule that no imputed ignominy will survive as such which is not still ignominy when tested by the most exalted Christian standards. ''So far as human conventionalities could achieve an unsanctified pur- pose, Nathan Hale died an ignominious death, and was consigned to infamy. But his name is not a word of infamy, and all the power of British arms cannot make it so. His high, actuating motives rise in solemn majesty before us, and make the gallows — the rogue's march, the mean persecution of insults, and all the machinery of disgrace — signifi- cant only of surrounding baseness, and of his own internal strength. His death proved what his life had only indicated. It showed in him a true heroic greatness, which could, in calm dignity, endure to die wronged and unasserted. The common pathway to glory is trodden with com- parative ease ; but to go down to the grave high-spirited but insulted, technically infamous, unfriended in the last great agony, with an all- absorbing patriotism, baffled and anxious, and burning for assurance of his country's final triumph — thus to have done and borne in unfaltering dignity, was the ultimate criterion and evidence of a genuine nobility of nature. Had this sharp ordeal been spared, the man's strong, true spirit might have remained ever unrecognized." [From review of Stuart's work in Putnam's Magazine, vol. vii, p. 476. May, 1856.] TOAST OF REVOLUTIONARY PENSIONERS "IX. — Captain Nathan Hale ; — the blood of such martyrs is the sure seed of future patriots and heroes. — 2 guns." [Given at a dinner of old pensioners at Hartford, August 7, 1820.] HALE MEMORIALS Monument at South Coventry, Connecticut. The first monument to Hale's memory was erected at his birthplace, Coventry, in 1846. It is a shaft of Quincy granite forty-five feet in height. The cost was met by the townspeople, assisted by a grant of twelve hundred dollars from the State. Efforts made a few years earlier to interest Congress in the matter had failed. Stuart gives the minor details connected with the erection of the monument. Statue in the Hartford Capitol. In 1887 the State of Connecticut erected a bronze statue of Hale in the Capitol building at Hartford. Among those who actively furthered the project were the late Governor Hubbard, ex-Governors Waller and Lounsbury, Hon. Robert Coit, Hon. Henry Barnard, Hon. E. 8. Cleve- land and others. The ceremonies of dedication — June 14 — included a prayer by Rev. Dr. Joseph H. Twichell, an address of presentation by the late Charles Dudley Warner, and acceptance for the State by Governor Lounsbury. The statue was designed by Mr. Karl Gerhardt, sculptor, of Hartford. The Athen^um Statue, Hartford. A bronze statue of Hale stands on the grounds of the Wadsworth Athenaeum, Hartford, which Mr. James J. Goodwin presented to that institution in 1894. No public ceremonies were held. The sculptor was Mr. Enoch S. Woods, of Hartford. 194 APPENDIX 195 The MacMonnies Statue, New York City. The Society of the " Sons of the Revolution in the State of New- York " was the first organization to honor the name of Hale in the City of New York with a substantial memorial. It presented the bronze statue in the City Hall Park to the city on November 25, 1893 — the anniversary of Evacuation Day — with impressive ceremonies. A pro- cession of United States troops and marines with their bands, local mili- tary and historic organizations, delegations from other societies and the members of the **Sons of the Revolution" marched from Wall Street up Broadway to the Park, where a large and interested throng of specta- tors had gathered. The presiding officer at the ceremonies was Fred- erick S. Tallmadge, Esq., grandson of Colonel Tallmadge, Hale's friend, frequently mentioned in the text. Prayer was offered by the Rev. Dr. Morgan Dix, Chaplain-General of the Society. Mr. William Gaston Hamilton made the presentation address, transferring the statue from the Monument Committee to the hands of the society. The statue was un- veiled by young Miss Cornelia Montgomery and a salute of thirteen guns followed. President Tallmadge accepted the memorial in behalf of the "Sons of the Revolution" and in their name presented it, through Mayor Gilroy, to the City of New York. The mayor accepted the gift for the municipality as " one of its choicest possessions and most vener- ated treasures." Major-General O. O. Howard, U. S. A., made an address, and Rev. Edward Everett Hale, grandnephew of the patriot, followed as a representative of the family. The memorial is the work of the sculptor Mr. Frederick MacMonnies. The Monument Committee, through whose efforts the beautiful statue was secured, consisted of Presi- dent Tallmadge, ex officio, and Messrs. William G. Hamilton (chair- man), Francis Lathrop, George C. Genet, John C. Jay, M.D., Henry W. LeRoy, Robert L. Belknap, and James Mortimer Montgomery, secretary of the society. The statue stands on the parade-ground of 1776, where Hale was frequently present at reviews. See p. 79. Memorial at Huntington, Long Island. Residents of Huntington, in 1894, erected a memorial of Hale in the form of a granite column with a fountain at the base. It commemorates Hale's landing there and his capture, as then supposed, at the same place. The unveiling exercises were held July 4. Rev. H. Q. Judd offered the prayer ; the late Mr. Robert Lenox Belknap, chairman of the local 196 NATHAN HALE ''Nathan Hale Association," delivered the historical address; Supervisor George M. Tileston accepted the memorial for the town; and General Stewart L. Woodford closed w^ith an oration. A small view of the col- umn is inserted on the map showing Hale's route. Mr. George Taylor," of " Halesite," Huntington, has placed commemorative Hale tablets on a boulder on the shore of the bay. Memorial at Norwalk, Connecticut. At Norwalk, where Hale changed his uniform for a schoolmaster's dis- guise and then crossed to Huntington, the local chapter of the Connecticut "Daughters of the American Revolution" has erected a pleasing memo- rial within the current year, 1901. A small view of it is inserted on the map showing Hale's route. It is an ornamental fountain for general use and stands opposite the City Armory, where the unveiling exercises were held April 19. Within the building addresses were made by General Russell Frost, presiding officer; Rev. Edward Everett Hale; Rev. C. M. Selleck, of Norwalk; and Rev. Dr. S. P. Cadman, of Brooklyn. Oppo- site the fountain the presentation address was made by Mrs. Samuel Richards Weed, Regent of the Norwalk Chapter of the " Daughters of the American Revolution," and Mayor Glover accepted the gift for the town and city. Mrs. Weed's active efforts to secure the memorial were liberally seconded, among others, by the pupils of the Norwalk public schools. Hale's School-houses — East Haddam and New London. These school-houses have recently been restored and dedicated as Hale memorials. Their history has been similar. Removed from their origi- nal sites many years ago, they were changed and used as dwellings, and now stand on entirely new sites, the original ground in each case being unavailable. The house at East Haddam came into possession, in 1890, of the Society of the "Sons of the Revolution in the State of New York," by which it was transferred to the "Sons of the Revolution" of Connecticut. This was effected through the generosity of its owner, the late Judge Attwood, of East Haddam, and the offices of Mr. Richard H. Greene, of the former society. The dedication took place June 6. Prayer was offered by the Rev. Dr. Warren, of the New York Society; Morris P. Ferris, Esq., its secretary, presented the gift; and ex-Governor Morgan G, . Hale's Schoolhouses as Restored New London East Haddam APPENDIX 197 Bulkeley accepted it as president of the Connecticut Society. An his- torical address by Mr. Victor H. Paltsits, of New York, and addresses by Governor George E. Lounsbury, of Connecticut, and Mr. R. H. Greene, followed. The school-house stands conspicuously on the river bank, and its grounds, the gift of Governor Bulkeley, will form an attrac- tive park. On the same day a bronze bust of Hale, by the sculptor Mr. Woods, was unveiled on the site where the building originally stood near the ferry. The larger Union school-house at New London, from whose desk Hale went to the war, was recently purchased and restored by the Connecticut "Sons of the American Revolution," and by them transferred to the charge of the local chapter of the "Daughters of the American Revolution." The ceremonies took place on "Bunker Hill Day," June 17, 1901. The society marched through the city to the new site, escorted by detach- ments of regulars and marines, the Moodus Drum Corps, the Putnam Phalanx, public-school boys, and various bodies and delegations. Prayer was offered by the chaplain. Rev. Edwin S. Lines. Mr. Ernest E. Rogers, President of the "Nathan Hale" branch of the Connecticut So- ciety, delivered the address of welcome. The president of the society, Hon. Jonathan Trumbull, grandson of Governor Trumbull of the Revo- lution, replied to the address, and delivered the keys of the school-house to the "Daughters." Mrs. Sara T. Kinney, State Regent of the Con- necticut "Daughters of the American Revolution," accepted them in behalf of the Lucretia Shaw Chapter at New London. Hon. Walter S. Logan, of New York, President-General of the National Society of the "Sons of the American Revolution," followed with an address, and Pro- fessor H. P. Johnston read an historical paper. A bronze tablet in the school-house was unveiled by young Nathan Hale, a great-great-grandchild of Enoch Hale, Nathan's brother. The New London school-house now stands on the grounds of the "Ancientist Burial Place " in the city. Both buildings will be depositories of Colonial and Revolutionary relics. NOTES Place of Hale's Capture. The supposition that Hale was captured at Huntington was probably based on Hempstead's statement that the captain said he should return to that place. At that time, however, he assumed that the British were still on the Long Island side of the East River, and that such return would be safest and quickest. With the enemy on the New York side the problem changed, as it involved a longer route and the difficulty of crossing the river. The first account of Hale's capture appears in Thompson's "His- tory of Long Island," Vol. II, p. 475. He places it at Huntington and depends on traditions. Stuart followed him on the same lines but with more details, or rather traditions, all of which he does not accept. Both have Hale captured by the crew of an English ship in open day. Lord Howe says that he was apprehended at night. The Huntington story, also, introduces a Tory cousin of Hale's as his betrayer. This tradition Stuart himself demolished, and we may reject it. In Onderdonk's "Revolutionary Incidents," an old man, S. Wooden, is said to have had the account of the capture from some of the boat's crew, and another, R. Townsend, heard Captain Quarme, oi t\it Halifax, speak of the event. But the ship's log puts her " off Whitestone Point" on the 20th, and off " Citty Isld " on the 21st, her tenders, the Kitty and the Swift, being with her. The Huntington theory is thus discredited by the record. Later in the war the Halifax was stationed at Huntington, where sus- pected persons were occasionally taken up and sent to New York. Hale's capture may have been confounded with some after incident. APPENDIX 199 The weight of evidence is in favor of New York or vicinity as the place of capture. We need but a line or two of some officer's report, or from a letter from the enemy's camp, or from Howe's headquarters papers to establish the point. Such proof may come to light at any moment. The writer's searches have not met with success as yet. Place of Hale's Execution. As stated in the text, we put this at Turtle Bay — an entirely new site. After discovering Howe's order, Mr. Kelby (p. 112, n.) located the Artillery Park near the Dove Tavern at Sixty-sixth Street and Third Avenue. The present writer followed him in referring to the site in his ** Battle of Harlem Heights." Further search, however, shows that there were two artillery parks — the first one being at Turtle Bay. No refer- ence to a park at the tavern appears until October 6th. The other is mentioned in the orderly-books as "the artillery near headquarters" or the "Artillery at Turtle Bay." It is important to notice that Hale sat in Captain Montressor's quarters while the provost-marshal was making ready for the execution. Those quarters were near the Turtle Bay artil- lery. Hull says Montressor witnessed the execution, which would take him but a short distance from his tent. The old colonial camp in that vicinity was undoubtedly the site — not the later Dove Tavern park. See map and order of execution among the illustrations. Captains Montressor, Hull and Pond. The British ofiicer, Montressor, through whom Hale's last words reach us, had been in the engineer service in America for several years before the Revolution. He lived in New York and surveyed the city and harbor. His knowledge of the ground would make him a valuable man at British headquarters, and on August 14, 1776, Howe appointed him "aide camp to the commander in chief." On September 22d his quarters, of course, would be close to the Beekman mansion. Enoch Hale states in his diary that this officer brought the first news of Nathan's death to the American lines, but misspells the name as " Montezuxe." There are several other references to him — an interesting one appearing in a letter from a Lieutenant Richardson, September 24, 1776: "We learn by Montressor who told it to General Putnam on Sunday (Sept. 22), while he was here with a flag of Truce & Genl. Putnam since has 200 NATHAN HALE told me that during the fire they caught a number of our people who they had prisoners & threw them into the Flames . . . & yesterday they caught the Captain of a Company of Rangers & hung him immediately for a spy." — Pe7in. Mag. Hist. ,Yo\. XVI, p. 204. Captain William Hull, who learned of Hale's fate and had his last words from Montressor, became one of the most distinguished officers of his grade in the Continental army. He rose to the command of a regi- ment. As far as they go, both Howe's orders and Enoch Hale's diary confirm what he says in Hannah Adams' history (see p. 100, n.) and his own memoirs. He seems to have taken special pains to hand down the circumstancesX)@f the case as accurately as possible. The ac- cepted form of Hale's last words (p. 126) is the earliest form as Hull received them from Montressor. Captain Charles Pond (p. 104) continued on duty with the Schuyler in the Sound until December, IJTJ, when the sloop was captured off Huntington with part of Colonel S. B. Webb's expedition to Long Island. Later he commanded the Lady Spencer ; then, resigning from his regi- ment in 1779, he took charge of the New Defence, which in 1780 surrendered after a desperate action at sea. On the captain's gravestone at Milford he is described as ** Liberty's friend." Hale's Capture of a Sloop (ante, p. 82). Stuart describes this alleged exploit and introduces a picture of it. Heath, who noticed everything in his memoirs, makes no mention of the incident. It is said to have occurred in the East River, but the Asia moved out of the river the day Hale arrived in New York and then fell down to the Narrows. On May 31st General Putnam wrote to Wash- ington that *« our troops have taken a small sloop for going on board the Asia.^' This occurred at Far Rockaway — a minor affair where the sloop's crew was seized for trying to smuggle provisions to the British ships. Hale says nothing of the exploit in his letter to Enoch about that APPENDIX 20I date. It is true that Marvin wrote to Hale, June iith, that he was obliged "for your particular history of the adventure aboard the prize." This may not necessarily mean that he was personally concerned in it. Hale's Crossing from Norwalk. Enoch Hale states that his brother crossed the Sound from Stamford. Hempstead says Norwalk, and he has been followed as being Hale's atten- dant. Enoch obtained his information in camp near White Plains, at a time in October when Hempstead was with the Rangers above Harlem. He could not have seen him then, or he would have given the substance of conversations with him in his diary. The sloops were at Norwalk. Hale's Engagement (ante, p. 51). About two years after the death of his first wife, or on June 13, 1769, Hale's father, Mr. Richard Hale, married again, his second wife being Abigail Adams, widow of Captain Samuel Adams, of Canterbury, near Coventry. Presently two of the widow's daughters were introduced into the family, one of whom, Sarah, was married, December 19, 1771, to John Hale, elder brother to Nathan. The other was Alice, or Alicia, Adams, who had previously been adopted by her uncle in Canterbury. She occasionally visited her mother, now Mrs. Richard Hale, with the result that Deacon Hale insisted on her remaining with them permanently. This was about the year 1770-71, Alice being in her fifteenth year, and Nathan a sophomore at college. It was not long before two of the un- married brothers formed a strong attachment for her, with Nathan as the favored one. Alice and Nathan corresponded while he was in college, but the mother interrupted this on account of their youth. That Deacon Hale objected to Alice as another daughter-in-law from the Adams side of the house is stated on good authority to be a mistake; on the contrary, he wished it, probably recognizing the young girl's fine qualities. At the age of sixteen Alice was prevailed upon by her mother and sister to marry Mr. Elijah Ripley, of Coventry, a worthy man much her senior. He died December 26, 1774, while Hale was teaching at New London. It will be noticed that when Robinson and Tallmadge (p. 51) were sound- ing Hale on his particular attraction at the time, Alice was Mrs. Ripley. She could not have been the person. Some time later, while he was in the service, Nathan and the now widow Alice revived their old affection and became engaged. After Nathan's death, Alice resolved to remain 102 NATHAN HALE single, refusing several offers. She lived a widow seven years, when her estate became involved, and an unwelcome outlook was before her. Through the introduction of a friend at this time she became acquainted with Mr. William Lawrence, of Hartford, son of the treasurer of Connecticut, by whom her affairs were settled in an offer of marriage. She accepted him, and lived to have children and grandchildren about her. It is from the papers of one of the latter, the late Miss Alicia Sheldon, of Hartford, that the above facts are derived. For the extracts and other information the writer is indebted to Mr. John Habberton, of New York, himself related by marriage to Miss Sheldon's family. It is pleasant to know that there still lives in Hartford, as a connecting link between Hale's personal friendships and his restored memory of to- day, the venerable Mr. Henry A. Stillman, who well remembers "Alice Adams." Through associations with the family in his earlier years he frequently saw her. To the writer he says: "She was a smart, pretty, lovely old lady in 1830, when I began to call on her. Many and many a time I talked with her about Nathan Hale. She, with tears in her eyes, told of his noble character and fine talents and personal appearance. ... I never saw her that she was not bright and sparkling. . . . Happy as she was in her second marriage, she never forgot Nathan Hale." She once possessed an ivory miniature of Hale, but it long ago disappeared. Her last words are given in three forms: "Tell Nathan," "Write to Nathan," "Where is Nathan?" Stuart has an appreciative notice of her. The only reference to the Adams family to be found in Hale's few remaining papers is the mention, in his letter to Enoch, June 3, 1776, of Alice's brother Joseph. He calls him "our brother Joseph Adams," and proposes to get him into his company. If there were any correspon- dence between Alice and Nathan while he was at Camp Winter Hill in 1775, he kept all reference to it out of his diary. Hale and the Linonian Society (ante, p. 32). Stuart gives extracts from Hale's address to Linonia. It may be found in full at the Yale Library. He was then just entering senior year and the address was a farewell to the preceding class, whose valedictory was delivered by Elisha Billings. Being newly fledged graduates. Hale ad- APPENDIX 203 dresses them as "Kind Sirs," and expresses the society's sorrow at their departure. "It is with the greatest reluctance," he says, "we are all now obliged to bid a last adieu to you, our dearest friends. Fain would we ask you longer to tarry, but it is otherwise determined, and we must comply. Accept, then, our sincerest thanks, as some poor return for your disinterested zeal in Linonia's cause, and your unwearied pains to suppress her opposers. ... Be assured that we shall be spirited in Li- nonia's interests, and with steadiness and resolution strive to make her shine with unparalleled lustre." Old graduates of the college will under- stand the allusion in the expression of our belief that Hale would have made an excellent "Statement of Facts" orator. Records at the uni- versity do not bear out the supposition that Hale was one of the founders of Linonia's library. It existed before his time. Of the early volumes on its shelves, including such as Hale may have contributed, few if any remain. Benjamin Tallmadge belonged to the new rival society, " The Brothers in Unity," but his friendship for Hale was undisturbed. In the Connecticut Historical Society there is a letter from him, written in college, showing that he sought Hale's criticism on some production of his. Tall- madge' s autograph below is from a note he wrote Hale when they were both teaching school. ^ 4/ Xa^^ „^^ ^t;?;.-.^ -^^^^^^ ^/^ ^ ^/-^ ;^^ Enoch Hale and News of Nathan's Fate. Enoch's diary, quoted in the text, was first published by his grandson. Rev. Edward Everett Hale, as an appendix to his address on "Hale Memorial Day" at Groton, Connecticut, September 7, 1881. The following are the entries referring to first reports of his brother's death: "September 30. Afternoon. Ride to Rev. Strong's [his uncle], Sal- mon Brook [Ct.] . Hear a rumor that Capt. Hale, belonging to the east side of Connecticut River, near Colchester, who was educated at College, was sentenced to hang in the enemy's lines at New York, being taken as a spy, or reconnoitering their camp. Hope it is without foundation. 204 NATHAN HALE Something troubled at it. Sleep not very well. . . . October 115. Get a pass to ride to New York. . . . Accounts from my brother Captain are indeed melancholy! That about the second week of September, he went to Stamford, crossed to Long Island (Dr. Waldo writes), and had finished his plans, but before he could get off, was betrayed, taken, and hanged without ceremony. . . . Some entertain hope that all this is not true, but it is a gloomy, dejected hope. Time may determine. Con- clude to go to the camp next week." See pp. 1 14-115 for further ref- erence. Hale Bibliography. It appears that Mr. Cyrus P. Bradley, of Hanover, New Hampshire, proposed writing a biography of Hale as early as 1835, Mr. Jasper Gilbert, of Coventry, having assisted him in collecting material. In 1836, Mr. I. Holbrook, of Norwich, Connecticut, expressed the same intention. The first contribution in print was an address on Nathan Hale delivered by Hon. Andrew T. Judson before the South Coventry Hale Monument Association. It was published at Norwich in 1837. A memoir of Hale, supposed to be written by J. S. Babcock, of Coven- try, was published at New Haven in i 844. A drama, in five acts, on the death of Hale, written for the above association by David Trumbull, was issued at Hartford in 1845. Then came "Life of Captain Nathan Hale, the Martyr-Spy of the American Revolution. By I. W, Stuart. [Two editions.] Hartford, 1856." In 1 857 appeared " The Ameri- can Spy, or Freedom's Early Sacrifice," by J. R. Simms. B. F. Lossing's "Two Spies of the American Revolution — Hale and Andre " came later, published by D. Appleton & Co., New York. Rev. E. E. Hale's address on Hale memorial day, September 7, 188 1, at Groton, Connecticut, was published the same year, by request, by A. S. Williams & Co., Boston. "Nathan Hale, the Martyr-Hero," by Charlotte M. Halloway, was published by F. F. Neely in 1899. ^^ '^^e same year appeared "Nathan Hale, the Martyr-Spy," by Charles W. Brown, published by J. S. Ogilvie Publishing Co., New York. In addition, many newspaper and magazine articles have appeared on Hale ; also ad- dresses before patriotic societies. There are sketches of and references to Hale in Thompson's "History of Long Island," Onderdonk's " Revolutionary Incidents," Sparks' " Life and Treason of Arnold," Johnston's "Yale in the Revolution," etc. HALE'S SACRIFICE Full stern was his doom, but full firmly he died. No funeral or bier they made him. Not a kind eye wept, nor a warm heart sighed. O'er the spot all unknown where they laid him. He fell in the spring of his early prime. With his fair hopes all around him; He died for his birth-land — ** a glorious crime " — Ere the palm of his fame had crowned him. He fell in her darkness — he lived not to see The morn of her risen glory; But the name of the brave, in the hearts of the free. Shall be twined in her deathless story. BY J. S. BABCOCK, COVENTRY, 1844. hmMBMMmmMm Finis Variation of Hale's Last Words, 1 78 1 INDEX Adams, Abigail, 201 ; Sarah, 201 Adams, Alice, engaged to Hale, 52, 201 Alden, Roger, 29, 33, 40, 47, 70, 88 ; letter from, 157 Allen, Capt. Thomas, 138 Andre, Maj., 120; and Tallmadge, 128 Asia, ship, and Hale, 82, 199 Atwater, Thomas, New Haven, 3 1 Babcock, J. S., of Coventry, on Hale, 49 Beekman, James, mansion, 77 ; Howe's Headquarters, 116; Hale near, 116, 118, 122, 124 Belcher, John, letter to Hale, 165 Belden, Samuel, 138 Bibliography of Hale, 204 Bunker Hill, 9 ; Hale near, 65, 66 Chadwick, Capt. Chas., 138 Christophers, Betsey, 69, 73; Hale's letter to, 140 Church, Dr. Benjamin, treason and arrest, 152-153 Church, Silas, 138 Coit, Capt., 59 ; Dr. Thomas, 138 Connecticut, in Lexington alarm, 54; 59, 60 Coventry, Hale's birthplace, 11 ; 54, 55, 115; monument at, 194 Crocker, Capt. John, 138 Cunningham, William, provost- marshal, 119, cruelty to Hale, 120, 124 Davenport, John, 23, 31, 33 Deshon, Capt. Richard, 138 Dove Tavern, artillery camp, 127, 199 Dwight, Timothy, Hale's instruc- tor, 23—24 ; appreciation of him, 32 ; tribute from, in "Conquest of Canaan," 130; letter to Hale, 162 East Haddam, Hale's school at, 40, 41, 42, 51, 196 Fosdick, Sergeant, 86 ; Hale on, 146; letter to Hale, 158 "Gazette," New London, quota- tions from, 55-58 Gibson, Roger, 138 205 2o6 INDEX Green, Timothy, engages Hale as teacher, 43, 44; 138; letter from, 151 Hale, Billy, 16, 149 ; David, 16 ; Joanna, 16; John, 9, 16, 54, 81, 115; Jonathan, 16 ; Joseph, 16, 54; Richard, Hale's father, 10, 14-16, 28; letters from, 147; Robert, 8 ; Samuel, 10, 16, 37; Hale to, 135 ; Susanna, 16 Hale, Enoch, 16, 20; in college, 21, 29 ; schoolmaster, 40 ; 49 ; preacher, 8 1 ; Nathan' s fate, 114; letter from, 149; diary, 203 Hale, Nathan, headstone inscrip- tion, 4 ; ancestry, 8-1 5 ; birth, 1 6 ; home life, 1 5—2 1 ; pre- pares for college, 19-21 ; at Yale, 22—35 J instructors of, 23 ; father's advice, 27; studies, 29 ; societies and honors, 30—32 ; commencement day, 33 ; per- sonal description of, 35 ; Dr. Munson's tribute, 36 ; visits his uncle, 37 ; the ministry, 38 ; schoolmaster, 39; at East Had- dam, 40 ; at New London, 43— 47 ; as a teacher, 48—49 ; friends at New London, 50 ; en- gagement, 51, 201 ; the Revolu- tion, 54; New London speech, 58 ; not in Lexington alarm, 59 ; joins the army, 60 ; resigns school, 61 ; recruits men, 62; marches to Boston, 63 ; at Camp Winter Hill, 65—74; marches to New York, 76 ; camp on Grand Street, 79 ; Declaration of Inde- pendence, 80 ; Tories, 80 ; sloop adventure, 82, 200; Long Island battle, 84—85 ; friends in ser- vice, 86—88 ; army anxieties, 90-91 ; Washington and spies, 92 ; joins the Rangers, 94—96 ; absent from Harlem battle, 97 ; the spy question, 98 ; seeks Hull's advice, 99; Hale's high views, 100— loi; starts for Brit- ish lines, 102; at Norwalk, 103 ; crosses the Sound, 104—105 ; disguised as spy, 105 ; at Hunt- ington, L. I., 106 ; dangers in the lines, 108-110; examines enemy's works, 110; British order on his capture, 1 1 1 ; where taken, 112— 115; at Beekman place, 116; examined and sen- tenced, 117; admissions, 117— 1 1 8 ; in provost-marshal's hands, 1 1 9- 1 20; place of execution, 121-122, 197; executed, 122, 198; dying vs^ords, 124-126; Washington and retaliation, 127; Andre and Hale, 128; Dwight's tribute to, 129—130; Hale's letters, 133-146; letters to, 147—162; diary, 166 ; trib- utes to, 188; memorials of, 194; bibliography, 204 Halifax, brig, 104, 112, 198 Hallam, John, to Hale, 158 Harlem Heights, battle of, 96, no Harvard College graduates, 9, 10, 45 Heath, Gen., 76, 77, 79, 93 Hempstead, Sergeant, with Hale, 102, 105, 1 15 Hillhouse, James, Hale's classmate, 161 Howe, Joseph, Hale's instructor, 23 Howe, Lord, evacuates Boston, 75; at New York, 83; battle of Long Island, 84; new position, 90; at Beekman's, 116; sentences Hale, 117; order on, ill; 118,125 Hubbard, Capt. Russell, 138 Hull, Capt., Hale's friend, 61, d']', 88; counsels Hale, loo; hears of his fate, 114; noticed, 154, 156, 160, 163, 172, 199 Huntington, Rev. Joseph, Hale's pastor, 20, 43 INDEX 207 Huntington, L. I., Hale lands at 103-105; 107, iiz; supposed capture there, 198 Hurlbut, Ensign, 86; letter to Hale, 160 Independence, 57; Hale on, 58; declared, 80, 172 Knowlton, Col., organizes Rangers, 94-95; Hale joins, 95; conver- sations with Hale, 97-98; death of, 96 Latimer, Robert, to Hale, 162 Law, Richard, i 38 Lawrence, William, 52 Lexington alarm, 53; Hale and, 59 Linonian Society, Hale's member- ship, 30, 32; address to, 201 Long Island, battle of, 84 McDougall, Gen., Hale in brigade of, 85 Marvin, Elihu, 33, 40, 47, 70, 88; letters to Hale, 160, 163 Mead, Thomas, Hale to, 133 Mellaly, Capt. Michael, 138 Montressor, Capt., aide to Howe, 114; brings word of Hale's fate, 114, 118; notice of, 199 Moodus. See East Haddam Mumford, Capt. David, 138 Mumford, Capt. Robinson, 138 Mumford, Capt. Thomas, 138 Munson, Dr., Hale's friend, 36, 47, 62; Hale to, 137 New London, Hale teaches at, 41, 5o> 54-55. 58, 62, 69, 76; ex- citement at, 158-160 New York, Hale in camp at, 76-88; captured in, 114; executed at, 1 1 i-i 12 NorwalkjHale crosses from, to L.I., 103-104; 201 Packwood, Capt. William, 138; Capt. Joseph, 138 Peters, Rev. Samuel, and Sons of Liberty, 55 Pond, Capt. Charles, takes Hale to Huntington, 103-104; 200 Poole, Elizabeth, recollections of Hale, 103-104 Putnam, Gen., 68, 94, 114; meets Montressor, 199 Quarme, Capt., of the Halifax, 104-105, 1 13, 198 Richards, John, 138; Capt. Guy, Robinson, William, 34, 40, 42, 47- 49, 51 ; letter to Hale, 150 Rutgers' orchard, and Hale's exe- cution, 121 Saltonstall, Dudley, 69, 73 Saltonstall, Gilbert, Hale's corre- spondent, 50, 87; letters from, with New London items, 152 Saltonstall, Winthrop, 138 Schools, Hale describes the one at New London, 136-137 Schuyler, sloop. Hale crosses in, 103—104; fate of, 200 Selden, Ezra, 88; letter to Hale, 164 Shaw, Nathaniel, Jr., 138 Sherman, Roger, 28 Spencer, Gen., 68, 74, 143 Spies, employment of, 92 Stewart, Duncan, 138 Strong, Elder John, Hale's an- cestor, 14; Joseph, 14, 19, 87; Elizabeth, Hale's grand- mother, 13-14; his mother, 13, 17, 19; Nathan, 19, 23-24, 49, 87 Sullivan, Gen., Hale in brigade of, 63> H3 2o8 INDEX Tallmadge, Benjamin, 20, 34, 40, 51, 87; to Andre on Hale, 128; note from, 203 Tilghman, Col., Tories and retalia- tion for Hale, 127 Tisdale, Nathan, schoolmaster, 45, 49 Tracy, Phineas, of Norwich, 151 Trumbull, Gov., 39, 45, 63 Trumbull, John, 23, 41 Turtle Bay, New York, place of Hale's execution, 77, 1 21-123, 199 Union School, New London, Hale's, 43, 45, 49, 196 Washington, Gen., 57; at Boston, 63; Hale joins his army, 65; at New York, 74, 77; defect in position there, 77; defeat on Long Island, 84—85; anxieties. 89-93; employment of spies, 92 ; consults with Knowlton, 97; instructions to Hale, 10 1, n., 102, 104, 114; disturbed by Hale's fate, 126; retaliation, 127 Webb, Col. Charles, of Hale's regiment, 61, 71, 87 Webb, Col. Samuel B., aide to Washington, information about Hale, 1 14, 200 Webster, Noah, on school exercises, 41 Winter Hill, camp at, 65—75 Winthrop, John, 138 Wright, Asher, Hale's waiter, 1 15, 145 Wyllys, John P., 33, 88 Yale College, Hale enters, 21; de- scribed, 24-27; Hale's com- mencement at, 33 W 5 @ '^^^ iP^^ • fe« "^^.J" 4^ Af V V o* ^^^^ ^^0^ K^""^ j^^-nK » N O ««o OHO •/ 'o^*^^/ V'^^-^/ ^.^^^\/ ^o^^f*^ J" \ .^'^•^;i>- y*;^%\ .^'^•^i>- y>:^^^% ^ ^o 9..\ %^^W^\^^^ 'ku^^'^^\o'> %.^*^V,^^' "o^*^^/ V^^\^^ %*^^/ ^