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 \\ 
 
 THE 
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 OF A 
 
 Convention of Delegates^ 
 
 FROM THE STATES OF 
 
 ^lASSACHUSETTS, CONNECTICUT, 
 
 AND RHODE-ISLAND ; 
 tHE COUNTIES OF CHESHIRE AND 
 
 GRAFTON, 
 
 jy THE STATE OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE t 
 
 AND THE 
 
 COUNTY OF WINDHAM, 
 
 IN THE STATE OF VERMONT ,— 
 
 CONVENED AT 
 
 HARTFOItD, 
 
 IN THE 
 
 ^0 
 
 ' ^% STATE OF CONNECTICUT, 
 
 S DECEMBER 15th, 1814. 
 
 
 HARTFORD: j 
 JPRINTED FOR ANDRUS AND STARR* 
 1815. 
 
1 
 
 sn 
 
 
BEPORT, &c. 
 
 THE Delegates from the Legislatures of the States of 
 Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island, and 
 from the Counlies of Grafton and Cheshire in the 
 State of New-Hampshire and the County of Wind- 
 ham in the State of Vermont, assembled in Conven- 
 tion, beg leave to report the following result of their 
 conference. 
 
 JL HE Convention ds -deeply uTijoressctl with a sense of 
 the arduous nature of the commission which they were appoint- 
 «d to execute, of devising the means of defence against dan- 
 gers, and of relief from oppressions proceeding from the act 
 of their own Government, without vioUiting constitutional prin 
 eiples, or disappointin^g the hopes of a suffering and injured 
 people. To prescribe patience and firmness to those who are 
 already exhausted by distress, is sometimes to drive them to 
 despair, and the progress towards reform by the regular road, 
 is irksome to those whose imaginations discern, and whose 
 feelings prompt, to a shorter course. — But when abuses, re- 
 duced to system and accumulated through a course of years 
 have pervaded every department of Government, and spread 
 corruption through every region of the State ; when these are 
 clothed with the forms of law, and enforced by an Executive 
 whose will is their source, no summary means of relief can be 
 applied without recourse to direct and open resistance. This 
 experiment, even when justiiiable, cannot fail to be painful to 
 the good citizen ; and the success of the elTort will be no se- 
 curity against the danger of the example. Precedents of re- 
 sistance to the worst administration, are eagerly seized by 
 
those who are naturally hostile to the best. Necessity alone 
 can sanction a resort to this measure ; and it should never he 
 extended in duration or degree beyond the exigency, until the 
 people, not merely in the fervour of sudden excitement, but 
 after full delibepation, are determined to change the Constitu- 
 tion. 
 
 It is a truth, not to be concealed, that a sentiment prevails tQ 
 no inconsiderable extent, that Administration have g-ivcn such 
 constructions to that instrument, and practised so many abu- 
 ses under colour of its authority, that the time for a change is 
 at hand. Those who so believe, regard the evils which sur- 
 round them as intrinsic and incurable defects in the Constitu- 
 tion. They yield to a persuasion, that no change, at any time, 
 or on any occasion, can aggravate the misery of their country. 
 This opinion may ultimately prove to be correct. But as the 
 evidence on which it rests is not yet conclusive, and as mea-. 
 sures adopted upon the assumption of its certainty might be 
 irrevocable, some general considerations are submitted, in 
 the hope of reconciling all to a ccurse of moderation and firm- 
 ness, which may save them from the regret incident to sudden 
 decisions, probably avert the evil, or at least insure consola- 
 tion and success in the last resort. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States, under the auspices 
 of a wise and virtuous Administration, proved itself compe- 
 tent to all the objects of national prosperity, comprehended in 
 the views of its framers. No parallel can be found in history, 
 of a transition so rapid as that of the United States from the 
 lowest depression to the highest felicity— from the condition of 
 weak and disjointed republics, to that of a great, united, and 
 prosperous nation. 
 
 Although this high state of public happiness has under- 
 gone a miserable and afflicting reverse, through the prevalence 
 of a weak and profligate policy, yet the evils and affiiclicns 
 which have thus been induced upon the country, are not 
 peculiar to any form of Government. The lust and caprice 
 of power, tjie corruption of patronage, the oppression of 
 the weaker interests of the community by the strongerj 
 
heavy taxes, Avasteful expenditures, rind unjust sr.d ruinous 
 wars, are the natural oHsprin^ of bad Administrations, in all 
 ages and coqntries. It was indeed to be hoped, that the rulers 
 of these States would not make such disastrous haste to in- 
 volve their infancy in the embarrassments of old and rotten 
 institutions. Yet all this have they done ; and their conduct 
 calls loudly for their dismission and disgrace. But to attempt 
 upon every abuse of power to change the Constitution, would 
 be to perpetuate the evils of revolution. 
 
 Again, the experiment of the powers of the Constitution, 
 to regain its vigour, and of the people to recover fr<mi their 
 delusions, has been hitherto niade under the greatest possible 
 disadvantages arising from the state of the world. TIic fierce 
 passions which have convulsed the nations of Europe, have 
 passed the Ocean, and finding their way to the bosoms of our 
 citizens, have afforded to A^dmiuistration the means of perverting 
 public opinion, in respect to our foreign relations, so as to ac- 
 quire its aid in the indqigence of their animosities, and the inr 
 crease of their adherents. Further, a reforniaticn of public 
 opinion, resulting from dear bought experience, in the South- 
 ern Atlantic States, at least, is not to be despaired of. Th'.y 
 will have felt, that the Eastern States cannot be made exclu- 
 sively the victims of a capricious and impassioned policy.—-. 
 They will have seen that the great, and essential interests of 
 the people, are common to the South and to the East. They 
 will realize the fatal errors of a system, which seeks revenge 
 for commercial injuries in the sacrifice of commerce, and ag- 
 gravates by needless wars, to an immeasurable extent, the in- 
 juries it professes to redress. They may discard the infiuencc 
 of visionary theorists, and recognize the bench Ls of a practical 
 policy. Indications of this desirable rovolulion of cpir.ion, 
 among our brethren in those States, are already manifested. — 
 While a hope remains of its ultimate completion, its progress 
 should not be retarded or stopped, by exciting fears which 
 must check these favourable tendencies, and frustrate the ef- 
 forts of the wisest and best men in those States, to accelerate 
 ^his propitious change. 
 
Finally, if the Union be destined to dissolution, by reason 
 ©f the multiplied abuses of bud administrations, it should, if 
 possible, be the work of peaceable times, and deliberate con- 
 sent Some new form of confederacy should be substituted 
 
 among those States, which shall intend to maintain a federal 
 relation to each other. — Events may prove that the causes of 
 our calamities are deep and permanent. They may be found 
 to proceed, not merely from the blindness of prejudice, pride of 
 opinion, violence of party spirit, or the confusion of the times; 
 but they may be traced to implacable combinations of indivi- 
 duals, or of States, to monopolize power and office, and to 
 trample without remorse upon the rights and interests of 
 commercial sections of the Union. Whenever it shall ap- 
 pear that these causes are radical and permanent, a separa- 
 tion by equitable ai'rangcment, will be preferable to an alliance 
 by constraint, ainong nominal friends, but real enemies, in- 
 flamed by mutual hatred and jealousy, and inviting by intes- 
 tine divisions, contempt, and aggression from abroad. But a 
 severance of the Union by one or more States, against the will 
 of the rest, and especially in a time of war, can be justified 
 only by absolute necessity. These are among the principal 
 objections against precipitate measures tending to disunite 
 the States, and when examined in connection with the fare- 
 well address of the Father of his country, they must, it is 
 believed, be deemed conclusive. 
 
 Under these impr»ssions, the Convention have proceed- 
 ed to confer and deliberate upon the alarming state of public 
 affairs, especially, as affecting the interests of the people who 
 have appointed them for this purpose, and they are naturally 
 led to a consideration, m the first place, of the dangers and 
 grievances which menace an immediate or speedy pressure, 
 with a view of suggesting means of present relief; in the 
 next place, of such as are of a more remote and general de- 
 scription, in the hope of attaining future security. 
 
 Among the subjects of complaint and apprehension, which 
 might be comprised under the former of these propo- 
 sitpns, the attention of the Convention has keen occupied 
 
•with the claims and pretensions advanced, and the auihoriij.- 
 exercised over the militia, by the executive and legislative 
 departments of the National Government. Also, upon the. 
 destitution of the means of defence in \vhich the Eastern 
 States arc left ; v.'hilc at the same time they arc doomed to 
 heavy requisitions of men and money for national objects. 
 The authority of the National Government over the militia 
 is derived from those clauses in the Constitution which give 
 power to Congress " to provide for calling forth the militia to 
 •xecute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections and re- 
 pel invasions" — Also " to provide for organizing, arming and 
 disciplining the militia, and for governing such parts of them 
 as may be employed in the service of the United States, re- 
 serving to the States respectively the appointment of the offi- 
 cers, and the authority of training the militia according to the 
 discipline prescribed by Congress." Again, " The President 
 shall be Commander in Chief of the army and navy of the Unit- 
 ed States, and of the militia of the several States, ivheri called in- 
 to the actual service of the United States." In these specified ca- 
 ses only, has the National Government any power over the mili- 
 tia ; and it follows conclusively that for all general and ordinary 
 purposes, this power belongs to the States respectively, and to 
 them alone. It is not only with regret, but with astonishment, 
 the Convention perceive that under colour of an authority 
 conferred with such plain and precise limitations, a power is 
 arrogated by the executive government, and in some instances 
 sanctioned by the two Houses of Congress, of controul over the 
 militia, which if conceded, will render nugatory the rightful 
 authority of the individual States over that class of men, and 
 by placing at the disposal of the National Government the 
 lives and services of the great body of the people, enable it at 
 pleasure to destroy their liberties, and erect a military despo- 
 tism on the ruins. 
 
 An elaborate examination of the principles assumed for the 
 basis of these extravagiint pretensl'v.s, of the consequences to 
 which they lead, and of the insurmountable objections to their 
 adinisslon, would transcend the limits of this Report. A few 
 
genehil observations, with an exhi!:.Lon of the character oi" 
 these pretensions, and a recommendation of a strenuous op-^ 
 position to them, must not however he omitted. 
 
 It will not be contended that by the terms used in the con- 
 stitutional compact, the power of the National Government 
 to call out the militia is other than a power expressly limited 
 to three cases. One of these must exist as a condition prece- 
 dent to the exercise of that power— Unless the laws shall be 
 oppbsed, or an insurrection shall exist, or an invasion shall be 
 made, Congress, and of consequence the President as their 
 organ, has no more power over the militia than over the ar- 
 mies of a foreign nation. 
 
 But if the declaration of the President should be admitted 
 to be an unerring test of the existence of these cases, this im- 
 portant power would depend, not upon the trtith of the fact, 
 but upon executive infallibility. And the limitation of the 
 power would consequently be nothing more than merely no- 
 minal, as it mighf always be eluded. It follows therefore that 
 the decision of the President in this particular cannot be con- 
 tlusive. It is as nuich the duty of the State authorities to 
 watch over the rights reserved, as of the United States to ex- 
 ercise the powers Vvhich are delegated. 
 
 The arrangement of the United States into military districts, 
 with a snuill portion of the regular force, under an officer of 
 high rank of the standing army, with power to call for the mi- 
 litia, as circumstances in his judgment may require ; and to 
 assume the command of them, is not warranted by the Consti- 
 tution or any law of the United States, It is not denied that 
 Congress may delegate to the President of the United States 
 the power to call forth the militia in the cases which are with- 
 in their jurisdiction — But he has no authority to substitute 
 military prefects throughout the Union, to use their own dis- 
 cretion in buch instances. To station an officer of the army in 
 a military district without troops corresponding to his rank, 
 for the purpose of taking command of the militia that maybe 
 called into service, is a manifest evasion of that provision of 
 the Constitution which expressly reserves to the States the 
 
91 
 
 tkppoiBlment of the officers of the militia ; and the object of 
 detaching such officer cannot be well conceived to be any oth- 
 er than that of superseding the Governour or other officers of 
 the militia in their right to command. 
 
 The power of dividing the militia of the States into classes 
 and obliging such classes to furnish by contract or draft, able 
 bodied men, to serve for one or more years for the defence of 
 the frontier, is not delegated to Congress. If a claim to draft 
 the militia for one year for such general object be admissible, 
 no limitation can be assigned to it, but the discretion of those 
 who make the law. Thus with a power in Congress to autho- 
 rize such a draft or conscription, and in the Executive to de- 
 cide conclusively upon the existence and continuance of the 
 emergency, the whole militia may be converted into a standing 
 -army disposable at the will of the President of the United 
 States. 
 
 The power of compelling the militia and other citizens 
 •f the United States by a forcible draft or conscription to 
 serve in the regular armies as proposed in a late official letter 
 of the Secretary of War, is not delegated to Congress by the 
 Constitution, and the exercise of it would be not less danger- 
 ous to their liberties, than hostile to the sovereignty of the 
 States. The effort to deduce this power from the right of 
 raising armies, is a flagrant attempt to pervert the sense of the 
 clause in the Constitution which confers that right, and is in- 
 compaiible with other provisions in that instrument. The ar- 
 mies of the United States have always been i-aised by contract, 
 never by conscription, and nothing more can be wanting to a 
 Government possessing the poAver thus claimed to enable it to 
 usurp the entire controul of the militia, in derogation of the 
 authority of the State, and to convert it by impressment into 
 a standing army. 
 
 It may be here remarked, as a circumstance illustrative of 
 the determination of the Executive to establiiah an absolute 
 controul over all descriptions of citizens, that the right of im- 
 pressing seamen into the naval service is expressly asserted 
 fey the Secretary of the Navy in a late report. Thus a practice, 
 
16 
 
 tvhich in a foreign government has been regarded with great 
 abhorrence by the people, finds advocates among those who 
 have been the loudest to condemn it. 
 
 The law authorizing the enlistment of minors and apprenti' 
 ces into the armies of the United States, without the consent 
 of parents and guardians, is also repugnant to the spirit of the 
 Constitution. By a construction of the power to raise 
 armies, as applied by our present rulers, not only persons ca- 
 pable of contracting are liable to be impressed into the army, 
 but those who are under legal disabilities to make contracts, 
 are to be invested with this capacity, in order to enable them 
 to annul at pleasure contracts made in their behalf by legal 
 guardians. Such an interference with the municipal laws and 
 rights of the several States, could never have been contempla- 
 ted by the framers of the Constitution. It impairs the saluta- 
 ry controul and influence of the parent over his child— the 
 master over his servant — .the guardian over his ward — and 
 thus destroys the most important relations in society, so that . 
 by the conscription of the father, and the seduction of the 
 son, the power of the Executive over all the effective male 
 population of the United States is made complete. 
 
 Such are some of the odious features of the novel system 
 proposed by the rulers of a free country, under the limited 
 powers derived from the Constitution. What portion of them 
 will be embraced in acts finally to be passed, it is yet impossi- 
 ble to determine. It is, however, sufficiently alarming to per- 
 ceive, that these projects emanate from the highest authority, 
 nor should it be forgotten, that by the plan of the Secretary of 
 War, the classification of the militia embraced the principle 
 of direct taxation upon the white population only ; and that, in 
 the House of Representatrves, a motion to apportion the mili- 
 tia among the v/hite population exclusively, which would have 
 been in its operation a direct tax, was strenuously urged and 
 supported. 
 
 In this whole series of devices and measures for raising men, 
 this Convention discern a total disregard for the Constitution, 
 and a disposition to violate its provisions, demanding from the' 
 
u 
 
 individual States a firm and decided opposition. An iron dtf$- 
 potism can impose no harder servitude upon the citizen, than 
 to force him from his liome and his occupation, to wage offen- 
 sive wars, undertaken to gratify the pride or passions of his 
 master. The example of France has recently shewn that a 
 cabal of individuals assuming to act in the name of the people, 
 may transform the great body of citizens into soldiers, and de- 
 liver them over into the hands of a single tyrant. No war, 
 not held in just abhorrence by a people, can require the aid of 
 such stratagems to recruit an army. Had the troops already 
 raised, and in great numbers sacrificed upon the frontier of 
 Canada, been employed for the defence of the country, and had 
 the millions which have been squandered with shameless pro- 
 fusion, been appropriated to their payment, to the protection 
 of the coast, and to the naval service, there would have been 
 no occasion for unconstitutional expedients. Even at this late 
 hour, let Government leave to New-England the remnant of 
 her resources, and she is ready and able to defend her territo- 
 ry, and to resign the glories and advantages of the border wai, 
 to those who are determined to persist in its prosecution. 
 
 That acts of Congress in violation of the Constitution are 
 absolutely void, is an undeniable position. It does not, how- 
 ever, consist with the respect and forbcai'ancc due from a cour 
 federate State towards the General Government, to fly to open 
 resistance upon every infraction of the Constitution. The 
 mode and the energy of the opposition, should always conform 
 to the nature of the violation, the intention of its authors, the 
 extent of the injury inflicted, the determination manifested to 
 persist in it, and the danger of delay. But in cases of delibe- 
 rate, dangerous, and palpable infractions of the Constitution, 
 affecting the sovereignty of a State, and liberties of the people ; 
 It is not only the right but the duty of such a State to inter- 
 pose its authority for their protection, in the manner best cal- 
 culated to secure that end. When emergencies occur which 
 are either beyond the reach of the judicial tribunals, or too 
 pressing to admit of the delay incident to their forms. States, 
 whiqh have no common umpire, must be their own judges, and 
 
execute their own decisions. It will thus be proper for the 
 several States to await the ultimate disposal of the obnoxious 
 measures, recommended by the Secretary of War, or pending 
 before Congress, and so to use their power according to the 
 character these measures shall finally assume, as effectually to 
 protect their own sovereignty, and the rights and liberties of 
 their citizens. 
 
 The next subject which has occupied the attention of the 
 Convention, is the means of defence against the common ene- 
 my. This naturally leads to the inquiries, whether any ex- 
 pectation can be reasonably entertained, that adequate provi- 
 sion for the defence of the Eastern States will be made by the 
 National Government ? Whether the several States can, from 
 their own resources, provide for self-defence and fulfil the re- 
 quisitions which are to be expected for the national Treasury ? 
 and) generally what course, of conduct ought to be adopted by 
 those States, in relation to the great object of defence ? 
 
 Without pausing at present to comment upon the causes of 
 the war, it may be assumed as a truth, officially announced, that 
 to achieve the conquest of Canadian territory, and to hold 
 it as a pledge for peace, is the deliberate purpose of Adminis- 
 tration. This enterprize, commenced at a period when Gov- 
 ernment possessed the advantage of selecting the time and oc- 
 casion for making a sudden descent upon an unprepared ene- 
 my, now languishes in the third year of the war. It has been 
 prosecuted with various fortune, and occasional brilliancy of 
 exploit, but without any solid acquisition. The British armies 
 have been recruited by veteran regiments. Their navy com- 
 mands Ontario. The American ranks are thinned by the casu- 
 alties of war. Recruits are discouraged by the unpopular 
 character of the contest, and by the uncertainty of receiving 
 their pay. 
 
 In the prosecution of this favourite warfare. Administra- 
 tion have left the exposed and vulnerable parts of the country 
 destitute of all efficient means of defence. The main body of the 
 regular army has been marched to the frontier. — The navy has 
 been stripped of a great part of its sailors for the service of the 
 
1^ 
 
 Lakes. Meanwhile the enemy scours the sea-coast, blockades 
 our ports, ascends our bays and rivers, makes actual descents 
 in various and distant places, holds some by force, and threatens 
 all that are assailable, with fire and sword. The sea-board of four 
 of the New-England States, followinij; its curvatures, presents 
 an extent of more than seven hundred miles, generally occupied 
 by a compact population, and accessible by a naval force, ex- 
 posing a mass of people and property to the devastation of the 
 enemy, which bears a great proportion to the residue of the 
 maritime frontier of the United States. This extensive shore 
 has been exposed to frequent attacks, repeated contributions, 
 and constant alarms. The regular forces detached by the na- 
 tional Government for its defence, are mere pretexts for 
 placing officers of high rank in command. They are besides 
 confined to a few places, and are too insignificant in number to 
 be included in any computation. 
 
 These States have thus been left to adopt measures for their 
 own defence. The militia have been constaniy kept on the alert, 
 and harassed by garrison duties, and other hardships, while the 
 expenses, of which the National Government decline the reim- 
 bursement, threaten to absorb all the resources of the States. 
 The President of the United States has refused to consider the 
 expense of the militia detached by State authority, for the indis- 
 pensable defence of the State, as chargeable to the Union, on the 
 ground of a refusal by the Executive of the State, to place them 
 underthe command of officers of the regular army. Detachments 
 of militia placed at the disposal of the General Government, have 
 been dismissed either without pay, or with depreciated paper. 
 The prospect of the ensuing campaign is not enlivened by the 
 promise of any alleviation of these grievances. From authen- 
 tic documents, extorted by necessity from those whose incli- 
 nation might lead them to conceal the embarrassments of the 
 Government, it is apparent that the treasury is bankrupt, and 
 Its credit prostrate. So deplorable is the state of the finances, 
 that those who feel for the honour and safety of the coun- 
 try, would be willing to conceal the melancholy spectacle, if 
 those whose infatuation has produced this state of fiscal con- 
 
14 
 
 cerns, had not found themselves compelled to unveil it to pub-^ 
 lie view. 
 
 If the war be continued, there appears no room for re^ 
 liance upon the national government for the supply of those 
 means of defence, which must become indispensable to secure 
 these States from desolation and ruin. Nor is it possible that 
 the States can discharge this sacred duty from their own re- 
 sources, and continue to sustain the burden of the national 
 taxes. The Administration, after a long perseverance in plans 
 to baffle every effort of commercial enterprizc, had fatally 
 succeeded in their attempts at the epoch of the war. Com- 
 jnercc, the vital spring of New-England's prosperity, was an- 
 nihilated. Embargoes, restrictions, and the rapacity of I'e ve- 
 nue officers, had completed its destruction. The various ob- 
 jects for the employment of productive labour, in the branch- 
 es of business dependent on commerce, have disappeared. 
 The fisheries have shared its fate. Manufactures, which 
 Government has professed an intention to favour and to che- 
 rish, as an indemnity for the failure of these branches of busi- 
 ness, are doomed to struggle in their infancy with taxes and ob-r 
 structions, which cannot fail most seriously to affect their growth^ 
 The specie is withdrawn from circulation. The landed in- 
 terest, the last to feel these burdens, must prepare to become 
 their principal support, as all other sources of revenue must 
 be exhausted. Under these circumstances, taxes, of a de- 
 scription and amount unprecedented in this country, are in a 
 train of imposition, the burden of which must fall with the 
 heaviest pressure upon the States east of the Potowmac. 
 The amount of these taxes for the ensuing year, cannot be es- 
 timated at less than five millions of dollars upon the New-Eng- 
 land States, and the expenses of the last year for defence, in 
 Massachusetts alone, approaches to one million of dollars. 
 
 From these facts, it is almost superfluous to state the irre- 
 sistible inference that these States have no capacity of defray- 
 ing the expense requisite for their own protection, and, at the 
 same time, of discharging the demands of the national trda- 
 Bury. 
 
15 
 
 The last inquiry, what course of conduct ought to be adopt- 
 ed by the aggrieved States, is in a high degree momentous. 
 When a great and brave people shall feel themselves desert- 
 ed by their Government, and i-educed to the necessity cither 
 of submission to a foreign enemy, or of appropriating to their 
 own use, those means of defence which are indispensable to 
 self-preservation, they cannot consent to wait passive specta- 
 tors of approaching ruin, which it is in their power to avert 
 and to resign the lastrtmnant of their industrious earnings, to 
 be dissipated in support of measures destructive of the best 
 interests of the nation. 
 
 This Convention will not trust themselves to express 
 their conviction of the catastrophe to which such a state 
 of things inevitably tends. Conscious of their high re- 
 sponsibility to God and their country, solicitous for the conti- 
 nuance of the Union, as well as the sovereignty of the States, 
 unwilling to furnish obstacles to peace — resolute never to 
 submit to a foreign enemy, and confiding in the Divine care 
 and protection, they will, until the last hope shall be extin- 
 guished, endeavour to avert such consequences. 
 
 With this view they suggest an arrangement, which may at 
 once be consistent with the honour and interest of the Nation- 
 al Government, and the security of these States. This it will 
 not be difficnlt to conclude, if that government should be so 
 disposed. By the terms of it these States might be allowed to 
 assume their own defence, by the militia or other troops. A 
 reasonable portion, also, of the taxes raised in each State 
 might be paid into its treasury, and credited to the United 
 States, but to be appropriated to the defence of such State, to 
 be accounted for with the United States. No doubt is enter- 
 tained that by such an arrangement, this portion of the country 
 could be defended with greater effect, and in a mode more 
 consistent with economy, and the public convenience, than 
 any which has been practised. 
 
 Should an application for these purposes, made to Congress 
 by the State Legislatures, be attended with success, and should 
 peace upon just terms appear to be unattainable, the pcoplf^ 
 
■vvould Stand tog-ether fox- the coniinon defence, until &. change of 
 Adminislration,or of disposition in the enemy, should facilitate 
 the occurrence of that auspicious event. It would be iuexpe- 
 dient for this Convention to diminish the hope of a successful 
 issue to such an application, by recommending, upon supposi- 
 tion of a contrary event, ulterior proceedings. Nor is it in-* 
 deed within their province. In a state of things so solemn and 
 trying as may then arise, the Legislatures of the States, or Con- 
 ventions of the whole people, or delegates appointed by them 
 for the express purpose in another. Convention, must act as 
 such urgent circumstances may then require. 
 
 But the duty incumbent on this Convention will not have 
 been performed, without exhibiting some general view of 
 such measures as they deem essential to secure the nation 
 against a relapse into difficulties and dangers, should they, by 
 the blessing of Providence, escape from their present condi- 
 tion, without absolute ruin. To this end a concise retrospect 
 of the state of this nation under the advantages of a Avise Ad- 
 ministration, contrasted Avith the miserable abyss into which 
 it is plunged by the profligacy and folly of political theorists, 
 Avill lead to some practical conclusions. On this subject, it 
 will be recollected, that the immediate influence of the Fede- 
 ral Constitution upon its first adoption, and for twelve suc- 
 ceeding years, upon the prosperity and happiness of the na- 
 tion, seemed to countenance a belief in the transcendency of 
 its perfection over all other human institutions. In the cata- 
 logue of blessings which have fallen to the lot of the most fa- 
 youred nations, none could be enumerated from which our 
 country was excluded — A free Constitution, admudstered by 
 great and incorruptible statesmen, realized the fondest hopes 
 of liberty and independence — The progress of agriculture was 
 stimulated by the certainty of value in the harvest — and com- 
 merce, after traversing every sea, returned with the riches of 
 every clime. — A revenue, secured by a sense of honour, col- 
 lected without oppression, and paid without murmurs, melt- 
 ed away the national debt ; and the chief concern of the 
 public creditor arose from its too rapid diminution. — The wars 
 
It 
 
 iMid Commotions of* the European nations* and the interrup- 
 tions of their commercial intercourse afforded to those who hixd 
 not promoted, but wlio would have rejoiced to alleviate their 
 calamities, a fair and c^olden opportunity, by combining them- 
 selves to lay a broad foundation for national wealth. — AI- 
 thoui^h occasional vexations to commerce, arose from the fu- 
 rious collisions of the powers at war, yet the great and good 
 men of that time conformed to the force of circumstances 
 which they could not controul, and preserved their country in 
 security from the tempests which overwhelmed the oldwoild, 
 and threw' the wreck of their fortunes on these shores. — Re- 
 spect abroad, prosperity at home, wise laws made by honoured 
 legislators, and piompt obedience yielded by a contented peo- 
 ple, had silenced the enemies of republican institutions. — The 
 arts flourished — the sciences were cultivated — the comforts 
 and conveniences of life were universally difi^used — and no- 
 thing remained for succeeding administrations, but to reap 
 the advantages, and cherish the resources, flowing from the 
 policy of their predecessors. 
 
 But no sooner was a new administration established in the 
 hands of the party opposed to the Washington policy, than 
 a fixed determination was perceived and avowed of changing 
 a system wliich had already produced these substantial fruits. 
 The consequences of this change, for a few years after its 
 commencement, were not suflicient to counteract the prodi- 
 gious impulse towards prosperity, which had been given to the 
 nation. But a steady perseverance in the new plans of admin- 
 istration, at length developed their weakness and deformity, 
 but not until a majority of the people had been deceived by- 
 flattery, and inflamed by passion, into blindness to their defects. 
 Under the withering influence of this new system, the declen- 
 sion of the nation has been uniforni and rapid. The richest 
 advantages for securing the great objects of the Constitution 
 have been wantonly rejected. While Europe reposes from 
 the convulsions that had shaken down her ancient institutions, 
 she beholds with amazement this remote country, once so 
 
-/ 
 
 18 
 
 itappy and so envied, involved in a ruinous war, and excluded 
 from intercourse with the vest of the -world. 
 
 To investigate and explain the means whereby this fatal re- 
 verse has been effected, would require a voluminous discus- 
 s.ion. Nothing more can be attempted in tiiis Report, than a 
 general allusion to the principal outlines of the policy which 
 has produced this vicissitude. Among these may be enume- 
 rated 
 
 First. — A deliberate and extensive system for effecting a 
 
 combination among certain States, by exciting local jealousies 
 and ambition, so as to secure to popular leaders in one section 
 of the Union, the controul of public affairs in perpetual suc- 
 cession. To which primary object most other characteristics 
 of the system may be reconciled. 
 
 Secondly.— .'L^he political intolerance displayed and avowed, 
 in excluding from office men of unexceptionable mex-it, for 
 want of adherence to the executive creed. 
 
 Thirdly. — The infraction of the judiciary authority and 
 rightB, by deprivmg judges of their offices in violation of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 Fourthly, — The abolition of existing Taxes, requisite to pre- 
 pare the Country for those changes to which nations are al- 
 ways exposed, with a view to the acquisition of popular favour. 
 
 Fifthly. — The inffuence of patronage in the distribution of 
 offices, which in these States has been almost invariably made 
 among men the least intitled to such distinction, and who have 
 sold themselves as retidy instruments for distracting public 
 opinion, and encouraging administration to hold in contempt 
 tlie wishes and remonstrances of a people thus apparently di- 
 vided. 
 
 Sixthly. — The admission of new States into the Union, form- 
 ed at pleasure in the western region, has destroyed the balance 
 of power which existed among the original States, and deeply 
 affected their interest. 
 
 Seventhly. — The easy admission of naturalized foreigners, 
 to places of trust, honour or profit, operating as an inducement 
 to the m.alcontent subjects of the old world to come to these 
 
19 
 
 Skates, in quest of executive patronage, and to repay it by an 
 abject devotion to executive measures. 
 
 Eighthly. — Hostility to Great-Brilain, and partiality to the 
 late government of France, adopted as coincident with popu- 
 lar prejudice, and subservient to the main object, party power. 
 Connected with these must be ranked erroneous and distorted 
 estimates of the powei- and ^-esources of these nations, of the 
 probable results of their controversies, and of our political re- 
 lations to them respectively. 
 
 Lastly and principally. — A visionary and superficial theory 
 in regard tp commerce, accompanied by a real hatred but a 
 feigned regard to its interests, and a ruinous perseverance in 
 efforts to render it an instrument of coercion and war. 
 
 But it is not conceivable that the obliquity of any admin- 
 istration could, in so short a period, have so nearly consum- 
 mated the work of national ruin, unless favoured by defects in 
 the Constitution. 
 
 To enumerate all the improvements of which that instru- 
 ment IS susceptible, and to propose such amendaients as might 
 render it in all respects perfect, would be a task, which this 
 Convention has not thought proper to assume. — They have 
 confined their attention to such as experience has demonstrat- 
 ed to be essential, and even among these, some are considered 
 entitled to a more serious attention than others. They are 
 suggested without any intentional disrespect to other States, 
 and are meant to be such as all shall find an interest in pro- 
 moting. Their object is to strengthen, and it possible to per- 
 petuate, the Union of the States, by removing the grounds of 
 existing jealousies, and providing for a fair and equal represen- 
 tation and a limitation of powers, which have been misused. 
 
 The first amendment proposed, relates to the apportionment 
 ofRepresentatives among the slave holding States. This cannot 
 be claimed as a right. Those States are entitled to the slave 
 representation, by a constitutional compact. It is therefore 
 merely a subject of agreement, which should be conducted up- 
 on principles of mutual interest and accomodation, and upon 
 which no sensibility on either side should be permitted to ex- 
 
20 
 
 ist. It has proved unjust and unequal in its operation. Had 
 this effect been foreseen, the privilege would probaoly not have 
 been demanded ; certainly not conceded. Its tendency in fu- 
 ture will be adverse to that harmony and rsutual confidence, 
 which are more conducive to the happiness and prosperity of 
 every confederated State, than a mere preponderance of pow- 
 er, the prolific source of jealousies and controversy, can be to 
 any one of them. The time may therefore arrive, when a sense 
 of magnanimity and justice aviII reconcile those States to ac- 
 quiesce in a revision of this article, especially as a fair equiva- 
 lent would result to them in the apportionment of taxes. 
 1^ The next amendment relates to the admission of rtw 
 States into the union. 
 ^,/ This aniendment is deemed to be highly important, and ia 
 
 fact indispensable. In proposing it, it is not intended to re- 
 cognize the right of Congress to admit new States without the 
 original limits of the United States, nor is any idea entertain- 
 ed of disturbing the tranquillity of any State already admitted 
 into the union. The object is merely to restrain the constitu- 
 tional power of Congress in admitting new States. At the 
 adoption of the Constitution, a certain balance of power among^ 
 the original parties was considered to exist, and there was at 
 that time, and yet is among those parties, a strong affinity be- 
 tween their great and general interests."— By the admission of 
 these States that balance has been materially affected, and unless 
 the practice be modified, must ultimately be destroyed. The 
 Southern States will first avail themselves of their nev/ con- 
 federates to govern the East, and finally the Western States 
 multiplied in number, and augmented in population, will con- 
 troul the interests of the Avhole. Thus for the sake of present 
 power, the Southern States will be common sufferers with the 
 East, in the loss of permanent advantages. None of the old 
 States can find an interest in creating prematurely an over- 
 •whelming Western influence, v/hich may hereafter discern (as 
 it has heretofore) benefits to be derived to them by wars and 
 commercial restrictions •/ 
 
21 
 
 The next amendments proposed by the Convention, relate 
 vo the powers of Congress, in relation to Embargo and the 
 interdiction of commerce. 
 
 Whatever theories upon the subject of commerce, have hi- 
 therto divided the opmions of statesmen, experience has at 
 last shewn that it is a vital interest in the United States, and 
 that its success is essential to the encouragement of agricul- 
 ture and manufactures, and to the wealth, finances, defence, 
 and liberty of the nation. Its welfare can never interfere 
 with the other great interests of the State, but must promote 
 and uphold them. Still those who are imn ediately concern- 
 ed in the prosecution of commerce, will of necessity be al- 
 ways a minority of the nation. They are, however, best qua- 
 lified to manage and direct its course by the advantages of ex- 
 perience, and the sense of interest. But they are entirely un- 
 able to protect themselves against the sudden and injudicious 
 decisions of bare majorities, and the mistaken or oppressive 
 projects of those who are not actively concerned in its pur- 
 suits. Of consequence, this interest is always exposed to be 
 harassed, interrupted, and entirely destroyed, upon pretence 
 of securing other interests. Had the merchants of this na- 
 tion been permitted, by their own government, to pursue an 
 innocent and lawful commerce, how diffei-ent would have been 
 the state of the treasury and of public credit I How short- 
 sighted and miserable is the policy which has annihilated this 
 order of men, and doomed their ships to rot in the docks, 
 their capital to waste unemployed, and their affections to be 
 alienated from the Government which was formed to protect 
 them 1 What security for an ample and unfailing revenue 
 can ever be had, comparable to that which once was realized 
 in the good faith, punctuality, and sense of honour, which at- 
 tached the mercantile class to the interests of the Govern- 
 ment ! Without commerce, where can be found the aliment 
 for a navy ; and without a navy, what is to constitute the de- 
 fence, and ornament, and glory of this nation I No union c^n 
 be durably cemented, in which every great interest does not 
 find itself reasonably secured against the encroachment and 
 
2^ 
 
 combinations of other interests. When, therefore, the past sys- 
 tem of emlargoet. and commercial restrictions shall have been 
 reviewed — w.xn the fluctuation and inconsistency of public 
 measures, betraying a want of information as well as feeling 
 in the majority, shall have been considered, the reasonable- 
 ness of some restrictions upon the power of a bare majority, 
 to repeat these oppressions, will appear to be obvious. 
 
 The next amendment proposes to restrict the power of mak- 
 ing offensive war. In the consideration of this amendment, 
 it is not necessary to inquire iiito tbe justice of the present 
 war. But one sentiment now exists in relation to its expedi- 
 ency, and regret for its declaration is nearly universal. No in- 
 demnity can ever be attained for this terrible calamity, and its 
 only palliation must be found in obstacles to its future recur- 
 rence. Rarely can the state of this country call for or justify 
 offensive war. The genius of our institutions is tmfavourable 
 to its successful prosecution ; the felicity of our situation 
 exempts us from its npccssity.— In this case, as in the former, 
 those more immediately exposed to its fatal effects are a minor- 
 ity of the nation. The commercial towns, the shores of our 
 seas and rivers, contain the population, whose vital interests 
 are most vulnerable by a foreign enemy. Agriculture, in- 
 deed, must feel at last, but this appeal to its sensibility comes 
 too iate. Again, the immense population which has swarm- 
 ed into the West, remote from immediate danger, and which 
 is constantly augmenting, will not be averse from the occa- 
 sional disturbances of the Atlantic States. Thus interest may 
 not unfrequently combine with passion and intrigue, to plunge 
 the nation into needless wars, and compel it to become a mili- 
 tary, rather than a happy and flourishing people. These con- 
 siderations which it would be easy to augment, call loudly for 
 the limitation proposed in the amendment. 
 
 Another amendment, subordinate in importance, hut still in 
 a high df gree expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreign- 
 «rs, hereafter arriving in the United States, from tiie capacity 
 of holding offices of trust, honour or profit. 
 
23 
 
 That the stock of population already in these States, is am- 
 -jjly sufficient to render this nation in due time sufiiciently 
 great and powerful, is not a controvertible question — Nor will 
 it be seiiously pretended, that the national deficiency in wis- 
 dom, arts, science, a;ms or virtue, needs to be rtpKnishcd 
 from foreisjn countries. Still, it is agreed, that a liberal policy 
 should offer the rights of hospitality, and the choice of settle- 
 ment, to those who are disposed to visit the country. — But 
 "vvhy admit to a participation in the government aliens who 
 ■were no parties to the compact — who are ignorant of the na- 
 ture of our institutions, and have no stake in the welfare of 
 the country, but what is recent and transitory ? It is surely a 
 privilege sufficient, to admit them after due probation to be- 
 come citizens, for all but p<)litical purposes. — To extend it be- 
 yond these limits, is to encourage foreigners to come to these 
 states as candidates for preferment. The Convention forbear 
 to express their opinion upon the inauspicious effects which 
 have already resulted to the honour and peace of this nationv 
 from this misplaced and indiscriminate liberality. 
 
 The last amendment respects the limitation of the office of 
 President, to a single constitutional term, and his eligibility 
 from the same State two terms in succession. 
 
 Upon this topic, it is superfluous to dilate. The love of- 
 power is a principle in the human heart which too often im- 
 pels to the use of all practicable means to prolong its dura- 
 tion. The office of President has charms and attractions 
 which operate as powerful incentives to this passion. Thr 
 first and most natural exertion of a vast patronage is directed 
 towards the security of a new election. The interest of the 
 country, the welfare of the people, even honest fame and re- 
 spect for the opinion of posterity^ arc secondary considera- 
 tions. All the engines of intrigue; all the means of corrup- 
 tion, are likely to be employed for this object. A President 
 whose political career is limited to a single election, may find 
 no other interest than will be promoted by making it glorious 
 to himself, and beneficial to his country. But the hope of re- 
 election IS prolific of temptations, under which these magna- 
 
24i 
 
 nimous motives are deprived of their principal force. Tise 
 repeated election of the President of the United States front 
 any one State, affords inducements and means for intrigue,/ 
 which tend to create an undue local influence,and to establish the 
 dommation of particular States. The justice, therefore, of 
 securing to every State a fair and equal chance for the election 
 of this officer from its own citizens is apparent, and this object 
 will be essentially promoted by preventing an election from 
 the same State twice in succession. 
 
 Such is the general view which this Convention has thought 
 proper to submit, of the situation of these States, of their datj- 
 gers and their duties. Most of the subjects which it embraccB 
 have separately received an ample and luminous investigation, 
 by the great and able assertors of the rights of their Country, 
 in the National Legislature ; and nothing more could be at- 
 tempted on this occasion, than a digest of general principles, 
 and of recommendations, suited to the present state of public af- 
 fairs. The peculiar difficulty and delicacy of performing, even 
 this undertakmg, will be appteciatedby all who think serious- 
 ly upon the crisis. Negotiations for Peace, are at this hour 
 supposed to be pending, the issue of which must be deeply 
 interesting to all. No measures should be adopted, which 
 might unfavorably affect that issue ; none which should embar- 
 rass the Administration, if their professed desire for peace is 
 sincere ; and none, which on supposition of their insincerity, 
 should afford them pretexts for prolonging the war, or reliev- 
 ing themselves from the responsibility of a dishonorable peace. 
 It is also devoutly to be wished, that an occasion may be afforded 
 to all friends of the country, of all parties, and in all places, to 
 pause and consider the awi'ul state to v/hich pernicious coun- 
 sels, and blind passions, have brought this people. The num- 
 ber of those who perceive, and who are ready to retrace' errors, 
 must it Vi believed be yet sufficient to redeem the nation. It 
 is necessary to rally and unite them by the assurance that no 
 hostility to the Constitution is meditated, and to obtain their 
 aid, in placing it under guardians, who alone can save it from 
 destruction. Shouk! this fortunate change be effected;, the 
 
25 
 
 ho^e of happiness and honor may once more dispel the sur» 
 Totinding gloom. Our nation may yet be great, our union du- 
 rable. But should this prospect be Utterly hopeless, the time 
 will not have been lost, which shall have ripened a general 
 sentiment of the necessity of more mighty efforts to rescue 
 from ruin, at least some portion of our beloved Country. 
 
 THEREFORE RESOLVED— 
 
 That it be and hereby is recommended to the Legisla- 
 tures of the several States represented in this Convention, to 
 adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectually to 
 protect the citizens of said States from the operation and ef- 
 fects of all acts which have been or may be passed by the Con- 
 gress of the United States, which shall contain provisions, 
 subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, con- 
 scriptions, or impressments, not authorised by the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States. 
 
 Resolved^ That it be and hereby is recommended to the 
 said Legislatures, to authorize an immediate and earnest ap- 
 plication to be made to the Government of the United States, 
 requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the 
 said States may, separately or in concert, be empowered to as- 
 sume upon themselves the defence of their territory against 
 the enemy ; and a reasonable portion of the taxes, collected 
 within said States, may be paid into the respective treasuries 
 ■^ thereof, and appropriated to the payment of the balance due 
 I said States, and to the future defence of the same. The 
 * amount so paid into the said treasuries to be credited, and the 
 I disbursemcnls made as aforesaid to be charged to the United 
 I States. 
 
 Resolved, That it be, and it hereby is, recommended to the 
 Legislatures of the aforesaid States, to pass laws (where it has 
 not already been done) authorizing the Governours or Com- 
 manders in Chief of their militia to make dqtachnients from 
 the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most conven- 
 ient and conformable to iheir Constitutions, and to causa the 
 same to be well armed, equipped and disciplined, and held in 
 readiness for service; and upon the request of the Go- 
 vernour of either of the other States to eniploy the whole of 
 such (leiachment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the 
 State, or such part thereof as may be required and can be spar- 
 ed consistently with the safety of the State, in assisting the 
 State, making such request to repel any invasion thereof which 
 skall be made or attempted by the public ersemy. 
 
SB 
 
 Scsolved, Tliat the following amendment* of the Conatitsy 
 tion of the United States? be recommended to tjie States reprer- 
 senteci as afofesaid, to be proposed by therp for adoptxon by 
 the State Legislatures, and, in such cases as may be deemed 
 expedient, by a Convention chosen by the people of each 
 State. 
 
 And k is further recomTH.ended, that th^ sa'id States $ljaU 
 persevereln rfieir efforts to obtain such amendments, until the 
 same shall lie effected. 
 
 J'urst. ]Rcprjespntatiycs and direct ta?tes shajl be apportion- 
 ed among thq seyeral iStates which may be included within 
 this union, according to their respective numbers of free p^r- 
 iirins, including thos^Q bpimd to serve for a term of j^ears and 
 excluding Indians not taxedj and ^11 otljer persons. 
 " "Second. No new State ^hall be admitted into the union by 
 Congress in virtue of the power granted by the ponsthutipn, 
 \yilhoutthe concurrence of two thirds of both Houses. 
 
 Third. Congress shall not have power Jq 7ay any embargo 
 on the ships orvessels of the citizens of the United States, ia 
 tlie pprjts or harbours thereof, for more than sixty d^ys, 
 '^ ypurth.- Congress shall not have power, without the con- 
 currence of t>vp thirds &£■ both Houses, to interdict the com- 
 mercial intercourse between the Ui)ited States undany foreign 
 nation or the dependencies thereof. 
 
 '^- £'ftJu Congress shall not make or declare war^ or author- 
 ize act? of hostility .against any foreign nation without the con- 
 /.currcnce of tAvp thirds of both Hovvse^, except suchacts ofhos- 
 tii^ity 'l?c in defence of the territories of the United States 
 ^yfl^en actiially inyadcd. 
 
 Sixth. No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, shall 
 b^ '.eligible a? a niember of the Senate or House of Representa- 
 tives of the United States, nor capable of hoWing any civ,i.l of- 
 fice under the authority of the United States. 
 
 Serusnth. The sanje person shall iwt be elected Presidjent 
 ijf the United States a second lime ; nor shall the Presideol: 
 be elected from the same Slate two terms in succession. 
 
 Resolved., That if the application of these States to the gQ- 
 i:f,cnuicnt of the United States, recommended in a foi'cgoing 
 SfisoJution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be 
 eoHcluded, aixd the defence of these States should be neglectr 
 cd, as it has been since the commencement of the war, it will 
 in t!ve opinion of thia Convention be expedient for the Uegisla' 
 iures of the s.everal States to appoint Delegates to another Con- 
 vention, to meet at Boston, in the State of Massachusetts, on 
 i.he third Thursday of June nest, v.ith such powers and ii> 
 siriiciions as the exigency of a crisis so momentous i^ay ?P' 
 «iuirc. 
 
Resolved, That the Hon. George Cabot, the Hon. Chaxm- 
 cey Goodrich, and the Hon. £)ahicl Lyriiah, 6v any two of them, 
 be authorized to call another meeting of this Convention, to 
 be holden in Boston, at any time bdibre new Delegates shall 
 be chosen, as recommended in the above Resolution^ if in tl>eir 
 judgment the •situation of tlie Country shall urgently require 
 it. 
 
 Hartford, January 4th, 1814. 
 
 GEOftGE CABOT, 
 NATHAN DANE, 
 WILLIAM PRESCOTT, 
 HARRISON €f. OtfS, 
 TI.MOTHY BIGELOW, 
 JOSHUA THOMAS. 
 SAMUEL S. WiLDE, 
 JOSEPH LYMAN, 
 STEPHEN LONGFELLOW, Jb. 
 DANIEL WALDO, 
 HODIJAH BAYLIES. 
 GEORGE BLISS, 
 €BJk\JSiCE¥ fiQODBlGH, 
 
 JAMES HIiaiHOUSE. 
 JOHN TREADWELL, 
 ZEPHANIAH SWIFT, 
 NATftANlEL SMITH, 
 CALVIN GODDARD, 
 ROGER M. SHERMAN, 
 PANIKL LYAIAN, 
 SAMUEL WARD, 
 EDWARD MANTON. 
 BENJAMIN HAZARD, 
 Bfi^JAMIN WEST, 
 M«,LS OLCOTTf , . 
 WILLIAM HA)at^ Jb 
 
STATEMENTS, 
 
 PREPARED AXD PUBLISHED BY ORDER OF THE 
 
 CONVENTION OF DELEGATES, 
 
 HELD AT HARTFORD, DECEMBER 15, 1814, 
 AT«D FRINIED BY THEIR ORDER. 
 
 SCHEDULE (A,) 
 
 Shewing the ascertained expenses of the war, prior to July !, 1814. 
 Military Department, or land forces, from January 1, to Sept. 30, 
 1812, including about six months of peace, and three months of war, 
 in that year, ,,--.. ^7,464,81480 
 From Sept. 30, 1812, to Sept. 30, 1813, - 18,484,750 49 
 From Sept. 30, 1813, to Dec. 31, 1813, - 6,887,747 00 
 
 From Jan. 1, to July 1, 1814, - - - 11,210,238 00 
 
 Ascertained expenses of the Land forces from } hi .„ q^-^ rcQ oq 
 Jan. 1, 1812, to July 1, 1814, ^ ^ ' ' 
 
 J^fovy Defiartment, from Jan. 1, to Sept. 30, 1812, 
 
 nbout six months of peace, and three months of war, 
 
 the sum of . - - $ 2,638,612 95 
 
 From Sept. 30, 1 8 1 2, to Sept. > „ -^- ^^ 
 
 30, 1813, S ^'^^"''"' ~" 
 
 FromSept.30, toDec.SMCl.'^, 1,248,145 10 
 
 From Jan. 1, to July 1, ICM, 4,012,899 90 
 
 ^_ 14,320,365 IS 
 
 Ascertained war rxpenpes to July 1, 1814, $ 67,367,916 44 
 
 to which must be added, large sums not ascertained, 
 and, also disbursements made by individual States, 
 these must be more than 3,000,000 00 
 
 g 60,367,915 44 
 
 ./Vote.. ..The Military and Naval expenses of the United States from 
 January 1, 1812, to June 18, 1812, when war was declared, are in- 
 cluded in the above Acroimt, wd were, partly on account of the peace 
 
29 
 
 establishment, and, in part, preparations for war. So that this enor- 
 mous expenditure was incurred in the Military and Naval depart- 
 ments alone, in two years of small warfare, and in six montlis that 
 preceded it. 
 
 SCHEDITLE (B,) 
 
 Shewing the receipts at the Treasury of the United States from 
 January 1, 1812, to July 1, 1814, including about 6 months of peace, 
 and about two years of war, to wit — 
 
 From Jan. 1, to Oct. 1, 1812, from the proceeds of the 
 customs, the sales of land, &c. being tliree fourths of 
 the revenue year, ^8,201,210 18 
 
 The balance in the Treasury charged this account, 3,947,818 36 
 
 On the 11 million loan under the act of March 14, 
 1812, 5,847,212 60 
 
 jgl7,996,241 04 
 Receipts from Oct. 1, 1812, to Oct, 1, 1813, to wit— 
 From the proceeds of the customs^, ^12,696,491 55 
 Sales of land, - - - 830,671 53 
 Other items of revenue, - 140,879 35 
 
 - — 13,568,042 43 
 
 On account of the 11 million loan, ^4,337,487 50 
 On the 16 million loan, act Feb. 
 8,1813, - - - - 14,488,125 00 
 
 Treasury Notes issued on the act of 
 June 30, 1812, - - - - 4,898,300 00 
 
 Do. do. act Feb. 
 
 25, 1813, ... - - - 253,000 00 
 
 23,976,912 50 
 
 Receipts from Oct. 1, 1813, to Jan. 
 1, 1814, to wit— 
 
 From the customs and sales of 
 
 lands, &c. ... - ^3,678,565 00 
 
 On the 16 million loan, - - 1,511,876 00 
 
 • On the seven and half million loan. 3.907,335 00 
 
 Treasury notes, - - - 3,778,700 00 
 
 12,076,475 00 
 
 Receipts from Jan. 1, to July 1,1814, 
 to wit — 
 
 From the proceeds tf the customs, ^4,182,088 25 
 Sales of public lands, - - 540,065 68 
 Internal duties and direct tax, 2,189,272 40 
 
 Postage and incidental receipts, 166,744 CO 
 
 $7,076,170 3.-5 
 
30 
 
 Off the 7 1-1 tBillioK loarii 
 aet Aug. !^> 1813, - ^j692,665 
 
 On 10 million leafif (part 
 of the 25 millions) - 6,087,01 1 
 
 Treasury netes 
 on act F^eb. 25, 
 
 m^, - - $i,oio,m 
 
 Do. on act 
 March 24, 1814, l,3$2ylCJ6 
 
 ^&j679j676 
 
 -2,46^,160-11,141,^76 00-19,219,^46 55 
 
 Deduct cash in the treasury, July 1, id 14, 
 
 87,637,617 30 
 
 ^82,914,957 98 
 Deduct payments made at the trea- 
 sury in the same period from Jan. J, 
 1812, to July 1, 1814, to wit— 
 
 The civil list, Indian department, &c. g4,697,872 ^ 
 ^ Interast and principle of tlie public 
 debt, 21,101,417 72-25,807,180 04 
 
 Lieft for war purposes in this period. 
 
 ^557,107,77'? 94, 
 
 jVo<e....Thus while the war cost above 60 milliohs of cloflars, and- 
 the land forces 46 millions of the sum, there was but a srnall Britisn 
 array employed against the United States, aiid in this period, dis^^aee 
 generally attended the American arms by land. 
 
 SCHEDULE (C.5 
 
 Shewing the great increase of the revefiaes ef the Unfted Stafis, 
 from the adoption of the Con^tittition to the adoption of the restfic^rcl 
 system ; and white cOffrtnerGe continued free,- afid tfeg" grGJtt dimifiu- 
 tion of these revenue's sinoft that syst'eB* #a« ^sorted t»— the/ w§re 
 as follow, as by TtOaStity Statements. 
 
 Prior t& 179^, ^4,4J8,913 
 
 In 
 
 1792, 
 1793, 
 1794, 
 1795, 
 1796, 
 1797, 
 4798, 
 1799, 
 1800, 
 1801, 
 1802, 
 
 3,661,93^ 
 4,714,423 
 
 B,964,534 
 
 *?, 1^7,6^9 
 
 8j4<>Sj560 
 
 7,820,576 
 
 •^$475,77$ 
 
 10,777,709 
 
 12,846,530 
 
 13,668,223 
 
 1863, 
 1804f 
 1805, 
 J806, 
 f&07, 
 
 180§, 
 
 1810, 
 
 1811, 
 
 9 months of 1812, 
 
 11,064,067 
 il,«28,^7 
 13,560,66? ■ 
 t5,959,95f > 
 
 7j773^f3 
 
 9,384,214 
 
 14,423,529 
 
 6,927,706 
 
 §215,786,783- 
 
31 
 
 j\ote....As bonds were given for tbe duties, and they usually become 
 payable the next year — the duties payable in any year, were, gene- 
 rally, collected on the importations of the preceding year, as the 
 f 17,060,661 received in 1808 were the duties on the great importa- 
 tions of 1807, a iew small sums excepted. 
 
 ^ote, a/so.. ..All these revenues arose from commerce, except 
 $ 16,262,651. 
 
 ' |t will be obsen'ed that all the sources of revenue exclusive of im- 
 post and tonnage duties, did not, on an average, amount to quite one 
 million of dollars a year ; so that the impost and tonnage duties, the 
 four years preceding the long embargo, amounted to about fifty-eight 
 millions of dollars, or to ^14,500,000 a year. And if there had been 
 no embargoes or restrictions on commerce these would have increased, 
 at least not decreased till the war was commenced. That commenced 
 four years and a half after the embargo was laid. It will be seen that 
 all the revenues amounted, in four years, before the embargo, to 
 jj 62,579,274, and deducting for other sources of revenue, one million 
 a year. There will remain ^ 58,579,274 received from imposts and 
 tonnage duties : whereas in the three year* mA 5in$ months after the 
 embargo was laid, all the levenufii, as ^bwe, gmpupt^d ogly t? 
 $ 38,508,922, or at the rate of $ 40,817,^50 in fowT years ; bqt ia 
 these four years were included, not only the ordinary million a year, 
 but the two million direct tax of 1798, and th9 new internal duties of 
 those four years, whence was collected at least Two million? and a half; 
 hence deduct $6, 500,QQ0 from $40,817,990 leaves, received from 
 impost and tonnage duties $ 34,317,990,— g 24,261,284 ie§s than was 
 received in the four years preceding the embargo ; th^t i?, above six 
 million a year, or above twenty-seven million^ for the f^yr years and 
 a half, tbe restriftive system existed before {the war ; hence this 
 siunwas clearly lost by ^'k& system... .See ^jfbedul/e F, 
 
 Note, cdso....Thf said $ 16,262,^5.1 n4§ mc§iv?i^ thys, — f;oin in.- 
 iernal revenue, ^6,460,003; dirept tftx, 1,757,240 ; sal^ pf l^md, 
 $6,161,283 0?; postage of letters Ifc. j>6f7,34j; 9iJ!5<?e)la.neous, 
 $ 1,216,775. 
 
 Therefore, it is clear that if th^re haA km^. HP restrictive system or 
 war, the old 4dit of the United States, tsrQ^ld k^m beep, fesfore t]jife 
 Hmc, paid, or nearly paid. 
 
 SCHEDULE (D,) 
 
 Shewing the state of the army of the Uoited States previous to Ju- 
 ly 1, 1814. It was thus — eflfectives 27,010 ; aggregate 31,559; sta- 
 tioned as follo>\'8. 
 
32 
 
 In tbe first Military District, at Boston, Portsmouth, Portland and 
 
 Eastport, aggregate number 655 
 
 2 Military District at New-London, &c. 714 
 
 .3 do. at New-York, 2,116 
 
 . 4 do. at Fort Mifflin, &c. 308 
 
 do. at Baltimore, Norfolk, 2,244 
 
 6 do. North and South Carolina and Georgia, 2,244 
 
 7 do. at New Orleans, Mobile, &c. 2,378 
 
 Stationed on the sea board, 10,639 
 
 8 Military District at Detroit, Sandwich, &c. 2,472 
 
 S do. division of the right, 1 1 ,795 
 
 at Buffaloe, Sackets harbour, &c. • 6613 
 
 18,408 
 
 on the Canada line 20,880 
 
 total— 31,539 
 
 Piecruits enlisted from January 27 1814, to September 30, 1814, as 
 
 by the return of the Inspector General were 13,898 : 
 
 towit— in February 1814, 980 
 
 March „ 2,357 
 
 April „ 2,501 
 
 May „ 2,138 
 
 June ,, 1,446 
 
 July „ - 1,486 
 
 ■ August „ 1,687 
 
 -Sept. - „ 1,304 
 
 -13,898 
 
 ^ote.. .. An znay of 31,639, early in the year 1814, was, no doubt 
 a much larger army than the United States kept up the two first years 
 ■•f the war ; and if properly employed, 31,000 regular troops weri 
 certainly adequate to oppose any force Great Britain, in those years, 
 employed against the United States— ^31,000 men, according to the es- 
 timates of the war and Treasury Departnaents, should not have cost 
 tnore than 12 millions a year, or 24 millions in the two years ; vt'here- 
 as the land forces did cost 46 millions and more, in the wasteful man- 
 nor in which the war was conducted. 
 
 JVote, also.... vf hen it is considered the United States had on the 
 1st ©f July 1814 a regular army of 31,539, and enlisted in 6 months, 
 from February I,ta October 1, 1814, 13,898 men for what possible 
 pretence can the national government have recourse to conscription, 
 and nieasurv-^s destructive of the liberties of the people, to fill the ranks 
 of the army, the course of enlistments amply prove, that if the army 
 be well paid and supported, and according to contracts, there can be 
 no occasion to resort to such violent measures. 
 
 JVote, aiso.... of the 10,659 regular troops on ih? sea board. or)\y 
 1,3G9 were stationed in Nev/-England. 
 
33 
 
 SCHEDULE (E.) 
 
 Though the ^»perations of the war in 1781 and 178S wer« §f*5% 
 especiaUy i» tlie Southern Slates, yet it cost America far less than fiF- 
 teen millions a year, as will apjHjar by the public documents. ■ In 
 1782 Congress made an estimate for an army of 26,000 men. This 
 estimate, which proved to be correct, was a little over eight millions 
 ©f dollars. The individual States' expenses will be fownd not to have 
 exceeded four millions a year, and Navy expenses were trifling. In 
 1781 tlie expenses were about three millions more than in 1782.-*- 
 Prices were about the same then as now. 
 
 The following is 
 from tlie adoption 
 Treasury Reports : 
 
 an abstract of the expenditures of the United States 
 of the Constitution, to Oct. 1, 1812, taken from 
 
 Trior to 
 
 1792, 
 
 $ 1,718.129 
 
 1803, 
 
 4,062,824 
 
 In 
 
 1793, 
 
 1,766,677 
 
 1804, 
 
 4,052,858 
 
 
 1793, 
 
 1,707,84.8 
 
 1805, 
 
 6,357,234, 
 
 
 1 794, 
 
 3,5(0.348 
 
 1806, 
 
 6,080,209 
 
 
 1795, 
 
 4,350,596 
 
 1 807, 
 
 4,984,572 
 
 
 1796, 
 
 2,551,930 
 
 1808, ■ 
 
 6504,338 
 
 
 1797, 
 
 2,833,590 
 
 1809, 
 
 7,414,672 
 
 
 1798, 
 
 4,623,823 
 
 1810, 
 
 5.311,083 
 
 
 1799, 
 
 6,480, 1 6G 
 
 1811, 
 
 . 5,592 604 
 
 
 1800, 
 
 7,411.369 
 
 9monthsofl812, . 
 
 11,760,59? 
 
 
 1801 
 
 4,981 669 
 3,737,079 
 
 
 
 
 A U vf 1 f 
 
 1802, 
 
 
 $ 108,102,221 
 
 JVo<e... These expenditures do not include the interest and principal 
 6i the public debt. 
 
 Never after the peace of 1783, till 1812, did the expenditures of 
 the United States amount to seven millions and a half in any year. 
 
 In 1781 Comwallis was taken, and it is ascertained that over 26,000 
 British troops were sent into the four Southern States in less than two 
 years in 1780 and 1781. The United States were obliged to keep up 
 large forces in the Middle and Northern States ; and the militia drafts 
 were often made in those two years. — During the long period from 
 March 4, 1789, to Oct. 1, 1812, the whole Military expenditures of 
 the United States were but ^ 44,066,745 65 including Indian wars, 
 war with France, and with the Barbary powers, the Pennsylvania in- 
 surrection, and several millions expended in the present war before 
 October, 1812. Much less than two millions of dollars a year. 
 And the Navy expenditures during the same long period were but 
 ^ 29,889,660 78. About one million and a quarter a year. 
 
 Further, An examination of the public documents will shew, that the 
 fcight-years-war of the revolution did not cost more than 205,000,000 
 of specie dollars. More than half that sum was expended in the three 
 first years, when paper money was abundant, and the American and 
 British armies most numerous ; a period in which we withstood tire 
 ibrces of the enemy alone, in a manner so honourahlc to our arm?. 
 
 5 
 
34 
 
 SCHEDULE (F.) 
 
 • Tills Schecluhe brings into one view the great less of revenue ctca- 
 jjioned by tbe Restrictive System, and the enormous v,'aste of public 
 anonies in the two first years of this war ; the particulars whereof are 
 stated in the preceding Schedules. 
 
 1. 27 millions of dollars, at least, were lost by reason 
 of restrictions on commerce, for four years and a half be- 
 fore the war was declared or commenced, as in schedule (', ^27,000,000 
 . _ 2. War expenses, as stated in schedule A, to tlie amount 
 of ^60,367,916, at least, were incurred in this war be- 
 fore July 1, 1814 ; whereas, on any scale of expenses 
 of any v^ars, ever carried on in this countiy heretofore, the 
 war expenses from Jan, 1312, to July 1, 1814, ought not 
 to have exceeded 27 millions, if indeed they could equal 
 that sum. There then was clearly a wasteful and im- • '\ 
 provident expenditure ,of public monies, in the war and 
 navy departments, in this short period, of more than 33 
 millions of dollars, - 33,000,000 
 
 Revenue and public monies lost by foolish restrictions, ■ 
 
 and in a profligate management of the war, - - ^60,000,000 
 
 Schedule E, also, shews how moderate our military expenses were 
 prior to the present war. 
 
 JVote....'Had this large sura been saved, as it might have .been, with 
 perfect ease by a wise and economical administratiop, the credit ot 
 tlie United States, at this moment, would have been unimpaired ; and 
 tlie very heavy direct and internal taxes now laid on the people to sup- 
 ply the place of this sum, so lost and wasted, might have been avoided. 
 
 In fact, examine the expenditures of all former wars in this country, 
 the force brought against it in the two first years of this war, and every 
 cause of necessary expenditure, and it will appear, that not so much a:* 
 27 millions ouglit to have been expended in the military and naval 
 dcpartraents in the period in question. 
 
35 
 
 SCHEDULE (Q.) 
 
 Shewing ai.e amoniitsof (ho several Internal Duties, d iilincliy, Umt Iiave 
 nncriud <or t.'ie two first qiwilers of tlio vc;ir 1314. Asoorlained to 
 have lieeii received in <:;uli Slate and Tenilory of llie L'nited States, 
 
 1-1 lo -J 
 
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 CD -O Oi W to 03 M 
 
 
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 I Oi ,1 o g5 cji C;i CO to lU o CO — ic^ — o ~i to Cs? to 5 to — c >& 
 
 ct to' 
 
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 cc 
 
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 CROSS TOT A L-Colls. 2,212,491 73| 
 
36 
 
 \ 
 
 SCHEDULE (H.) 
 
 This shews the great increase of the commerce of tlie IJniW 
 Slates, under federal administrations when it was free. Aso its grea* 
 diminution under embargoes, restrictions and war. 2. The compara- 
 tive exports of the several States from time to time. 3. The kind of 
 exports, as articles domestic or foreign, as productions of the forest, o( 
 agriculture, of the sea, &c, 
 
 1. The exports of the United States every fifth year, to wit — 
 
 1791, $ 17,571,551 45 
 
 1796, 67,064,097 00 
 
 1801, 93,020,513 00 
 
 1806, 103,787,000 00 
 
 1811, 61,317,833 00 
 
 Exports of the United States four 
 years next preceding the long 
 embargo, vi2. 
 
 1804, ^77,701,597 
 
 1805, 96,566,021 
 
 1806, as above, 103,787,000 
 IdQl, 108,343,358 
 
 JVo<e....Thus the exports, whea 
 commerce was free, increased near- 
 ly 6 fold in 15 years, and under 
 restrictions diminished about one 
 half as stated below. 
 
 Exports of the United States four 
 years under restrictions, and 
 one year in war, viz, 
 
 1808, Domestic Arts ^8,417,00i 
 Foreign, do. 
 
 1809, Domestic do. 28,841,000 
 Foreign, do. 
 
 1810, Domes. & For. 67,895,597 
 
 1811, do. do. 61,317,833 
 1813, Domestic. Arts. 25,008,151? 
 
 Fereign do.. 2,847,84^ 
 
37 
 
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'3M 
 
 3. "The kind of exports from the United States, as articies domestic 
 or foreign ; productions of the forest, agriculture, of the sea, &.c. 
 
 Prod. of the. forest, 
 of the se.1, 
 
 Year 1804 
 4,-600,000 
 3,420,000 
 
 of agriculture, 50,890,000 
 
 ofmanufadt. 
 Miscellaneous, 
 
 2,100,000 
 430,000 
 
 41,440,000 
 •roreign articles, - ;36,231,597 
 
 Year 1805.1 
 5,2G1,000J 
 2,884,000: 
 
 31,552,000| 
 
 2,525,00o! 
 
 I55,000i 
 
 Year 1806 
 4,861,000 
 3,116,000 
 32,375,000 
 2,707,000 
 445,000 
 
 42,387,000 43,504,000] 48,700,000 
 53, 170,021 1 60,283,000 59,643,578 
 
 108,343.558 
 
 Year 1807. 
 5,476,000 
 2,804,009 
 
 37,832,000 
 
 2,120,000 
 
 468,000 
 
 (77v671, 597195,566,02 l;i 03,787,000 
 
 This sta'teinent shews that about three fourths of the domestic exports 
 «xf the United States are the produce of agriculture, and for four years 
 -prior to the embargo, exceeded on an average, 33 millions a year. It 
 will readily be Feen what great losses there must have been in re- 
 gard t<i these articles, when the regnlar exportation of them has been, 
 capricioasly interrupted for 7 years past, by embargoes, restrictions 
 p.nd -war, the saine as to the produce of the forest, and, that of the sea ; 
 the latter amounting, on afi average, for four years next before the em- 
 bargo, to above 3 millions of dollars a year, lias been by restrictions 
 •and war, wholly destroyed — And the shipping employed, formerly in 
 acquiring thene productions of the sea, is nearly rotten at the wharves, 
 jind tiie seamen engaged in this branch of business, very iinportant, in 
 a public view, are scattered and gone. 
 
 Tiie domestic articles in the tour vears next before the restrictive 
 F^'Stem, Were .5D miiiionsmorc, thaft the satne articles exported itJ the 
 ■feur year.; under it, and bcigse tlie wah 
 
NOTE.— Page 9. 
 
 Kxtjact iVoiu rirpoit of the Sccrfctary of tljc Xivv, ilatcJ Novembw 
 
 15, 1811. 
 
 There is anotlier branch of the service which appears to me fo merit 
 tlic seriuiis flellLeration ofthe legislature, with rc'rard to the establishniei.l 
 of some regular system, by which the voluntary ciih^tmcnts for the navy 
 may derive occasioaal reinforcomeiit from the ffcrvices of lliose seamen, 
 who, pursuing their own private occupations, aieexenipt, by tlieir iiiner- 
 ant iiubits, from public service of any kind. In my view there would 
 be ncthiiiff incompatible with the tiee spirit of our institutions, or vvitij 
 tlie lights of individuals, if registers, with a particular desciiptive record, 
 were kept in the several districts, of al! the seamen belons^ins; to the 
 United States, and provision made by law for classing and calling into the 
 public service, in succession, for reasonable staled periods, such portions 
 or classes, ast!ie public service might require, and if any individual, so 
 called, should be absent at the time, the next in snecessiou should perform 
 the tour of duty of the absentee, who should, on his retuni, be liable to 
 serv,-his original toui-, and his substitute be exempt from his sueceedhis 
 regular tour of duty. 
 
 NOTE.-Fage 11. 
 
 It appears from the following extract frofn aspeec'5 of Mr. iVIadison, in 
 the Debates of ihe Virginia Convenlioi), that he had a prophetic view of 
 circumstances which would induce a majority of States to scpport Vir- 
 ginia against the carrj/j/J^ Slates. See also the speeches of Ytv. Kiclio- 
 liis in that Convention, and the essays in tlie Federalist, written by Mr. 
 Madison. 
 
 Extract from debates in Virginia Convention,— Richmond Ed. p. 221. 
 
 1 will not sit down till I make one more observation on ivhat fell fiorn 
 my honourable friend. He says, tijat the true difference between the 
 slates lies in this circumstance — that some are carrying states, ar.d oth- 
 ers productive, and that the operation of the new government will be, 
 that there will be a plurality of the foriser to combine against the in- 
 terest of the latter, and that consequently it will be dangerous to put it 
 in their power to do so. I would join uith him in sentiments, if this 
 were the case. Were this .within the bounds of probability, 1 should be 
 equally alarmed, but I think that those States which are contradistin- 
 guished as carrying states, from the non-importing slates, will be but 
 few. I suppose" the southern states will he considered by all, as under 
 Ihe latter description, ooine other states have been mentioned by an 
 honourable member on the same side, which are not considered r.s carrying 
 states. New-Jersey and Connecticut can by I'.o means be einnncratcd 
 among the carrjing states. 'J'hey leceive their :-iippiies throngi; New- 
 York. Here then is a plurality of non-i:nporling states. I could add 
 another if necessary. Delaware, tl.-ousrh biiuated upon the water, is np' 
 on the list of ncn-carryi!:£; states. I might say that a great part of New- 
 Hampshire is so. 1 believe a majority ofthe people of that State receive 
 their supplies from Massachusetts, "Ui^ode-Island and Conriecticiit— 
 Might I not add all those states which will be admitted iiereafler inta 
 the union ? These will be non-can jing states and will supjsort Virgir.ii 
 mac*ethe cnrrvmg states wlH anownt lo erxbiiir. agai-ist the :r>>i. 
 

 
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