<^ •" <^ ^^O^^^' « » s • • ^ -lit. A* .o' .0 V^ ♦^M .^^^'V • -5 ^* . . f '* . » • A "•^v^-^^^ .^^,,^,, ^0^^ .*""--. • ■<•, .-^' .*" '%<^" '•?, ,-:k A -^^0^ rv^ . • • ^-«> -^^0^ '^oV^ ■•'i-%'^ .^'\ **' .' •~ .r 'jy ^^ A '^0^ 0^ 1^^ *.^fe'- ^o^ c,-^ *; o .° ^°^^. V .4^ N • 0^ -• <^^ 0' 'v *.-•' ^^^ ,. ^CIRCULATE.] Lpublished under AuxiiORrxY of the jtational and } JACKSON DEMOCRATIC ASSOCIATION COMMITTEE. \ TAYLOR WHiaER"^ BXPOBSB. LETTER FROM , THE HON. EDMUND BURKE. Washingtox, June 17, 1648. Dear Sir : Your letter of the 14th instant, inviting me, in beha'f df the Demo- crats of Nashua and vicinity, to be present at a meeting proposed to be held hy them on Tuesday, the 20th instant, for the purpose of responding to and ratify- ing the nominations of Cass and Butler, the nominees of the great Democratic party of the Union, for the offices of President and Vice President, has been re- ceived. In reply I am compelled to express my regret that it will not be possible for me to be present on that occasion. I regret it the more, because it would give me great pleasure to unite with any portion of the sterling and indomitable portion of Democracy of the Granite State, in responding to nominations so honorable to the Democratic party, to the glorious cause which it supports, and to the character of our beloved country. There is no humbuggery contemplated by the Democratic party in these nomi- nations. There is no clap-trap availability^ apart from great principles and mea- sures, connected with them. On the contrary, the nominees, Cass and Butler, aie known to be of the highest order of talent, which has been ripened and im- proved by long experience in political affairs, and of an unblemished private character. Their principles are well known, and their capacities for the high station for which they have been designated have been thoroughly tested and proved. They are men of whom the Democracy may well be proud, and whona they will delight to honor. General Cass is a native-born son of the Granite State — a self-made man, grow- ing up from a poor boy to wealth and the highest respectability in private life, and filling almost every grade of office, from the lowest to the highest and most responsible, in the service of his country. From the first start in life he has been a Democrat. He received the first office he ever held from that great apostle of Democracy, Thomas Jefferson, in 1807. He was called to the cabinet by General Jackson, and has enjoyed the confidence of every Democratic udministration from Jefferson's to that of our present patriotic and truly Democratic President, James K. Polk. In every station to which he has been called, civil or military, he has acquitted himself with the highest ability and honor. Gcneml Builer is equally meritorious and deserving of the confidence ol his countrymen. Like Gen. Cass, his life has been mostly devoted to civic pursuits. Bui when hi;» country has deiiiiindcd his services in the tented field, he has always re.sponiled to the call, lie was the J'avorite of Gen. Jackson, and fought by the side of that intrepid old hero in the Indian battles of the south, and at the Treat battle of ^<'ew Oilenns. He was :dso anion^r the lirst to rally to the standard of his coiintry iu the late war wrdi .Mexico, durin;r which, b} iiis hrdliant success, he won ilie hi*' the enen)y, by traducing that of their own country; while they were voting against supplies, and encourasing our enemies to greet our pa- triotic soldiers with '•bloody hands and hoyAlable graves,''' Cass anu Butler were I'ound fis ever standing by their country, and upholding its cause, its honor and its glorv — Butler in the tield, hahting against our enemies — Ca^-s in the Senate, susiaiiiin^ our cause by ivs eloquence, wisdom, and devoted patriotism. Thus is the cause of tti'J country, its honor, its glory, its success at home, and its siandinsr abroad, involved in the election of Cass and Butler. But let us take a iflance at that conglomeration of factions who style tliemselves the " H7/ig- party/'' and their candidate. And, first, of their candidate. Who is he ? For the tulurc fame ol" the standard- hearer of ilie Whig paity, I regret to say, it is General Taylor. He is a brave old man — has served his country well, and deserves its applause. He led patriotic Ameticaiis to battle against his country's Mexican enemie.* ; and he was ever tri- umphant, fie was then en^raged in a noble, a patriotic cause, and his star of glory never paled. In that noble cause he won his imperishable renown as a warrior. So f.:r, his name stands well on the page of history. But now, where is Gen. Taylor? lie has permitted t!u; pnemies of his coun- try, the Mexicaii symrjathisers at home, the very men who have declared by speech, bv Mritini'. and by their votes in Contjres?, that the war in which he won lii-s renown was a '*DA>iNAin,n W.\r,'' a '• Work or Bi TCirKHV," deserving the **CfRSE OK 11i:ave.v,'' — the very men who have ])rayed for his defeat, wiio would have rpjoiced if he and his wjiole army had been conquered and massacred at Buena Vii=ta — the verv men who have done everything in their power to disparage and disgrace their country in her late contest with Mexico, and who have sought to embarrass its councils and paralyze its efforts — who have voted against men and siip[)iiep, exprcs.«insr llieir determination to 'Starve the army out of Mexi- co,'' — who have Called our brave soldiers '• Butchers," and even applied the scandalous epithet to Gen. Taylor himself; these men, thus reeking with pestilent treason aL'ainst their coiinlry, General 'I'aylor has permitted to use his illustrious name for tiie unholy purpose of defeating and breaking down, politically, the party i that has nobly and patriotically sustained that country in tlic council and in the "^ lield, in the very war in which the General won all his glory and renown. He i heads tlie Mexican Whigs at home in a contest, the object oi' which is to defeat •and destroy the American patriots whom he led to victory in Mexico. VVhat spec- -6tacle can be more disgusting.'' What exhibition more scandalous P But the brave old General reckons this time without his host. 'J'he American patriots will de- i^Jeat and disperse bis Mexican Whig cohorts, as easily as lie deleaied and dispersed •the real Mexicans at Palo Alto, Resaca, Monterey, and Buena Vist;i. As well "^.niight he attetnpt to reinsiate Benedict Arnold and the tories of the revolution in I the afi'ections and confidence of the American people, as tiie Whig allies of Mexico w!io are now clinging to his skirts, and attempting to smuggle themselves into power under the cover of his popular name. The Democrats will honor and respect him personally, but they never will vote for him as long as he keeps in such bad company. But General Taylor says that he is no statesman — that he knows nothing of politics — that he does not know whether he is in favor of a bank, a tarifl", or any other measure of the Whig party — that he will not pledge himself to any measr ure of the Whig party — in short, that he has not even voted for forty years, hav- ing been a mere soldier all the days of his life. Why, then, does the \Vhig party— the party which advocates a national bank, a high protective tariff, the distribu- tion of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, an extravagant system of internal improvements, an assumption of the State debts, the bankrupt law, and the whole brood of federal measures — support General Taylor.' The only answer is, they support him on the ground of his supposed availability. They thus abandon all principle, and tight only for ofEce — the " spoils of victory," which they ali'ect to despise so much when oat of power — and that is pretty much al- ways. But, what has rendered General Taylor so available .'' Nothing but the success- ful battles which he fought, in a war which they have condemned and opposed. What shocking morality is this! What base betrayal of truth and modesty ! What violation of decency and consistency ! But this is not all. The Whigs of the northern States have pretended to be opposed to the further extension of the territory of the United States. Yet, for the selfish purposes of securing the offices of the General Government, they are willing to support for President a man who was in favor of taking by force seven States of the Mexican Republic, running the line as low down as the Sierra Madre mountains. The Whigs have condemned President Polk for ordering Gen. Taylor to march the troops of the United States to the Rio Grande, and thus ^'unconstitutionally'' commencing the war. Yet they are ready to vote for the man who advised the President to make this very order! The Whigs pretend to be horror-stricken at slavery ; they have advocated the Wilmot proviso, and have declared that they would never vote ibr a slaveholder. Yet they are supporting for President a ?nan loho owns two hundred slaves, and who ha? been at least purchasing slaves nearly all his life. ; The Whigs affected to be horror-stricken at Mr. Van Buren, because it was . icontemplated to employ Cuba blood-hounds to hunt the Indians in the Seminole war; yet they are supporting for President the very man who commanded in Flo- rida on that occasion, and who reconmended that very measure. When General Jackson was a candidate for the Presidency, who had not been p the army for near twenty years, and then but occasionally, the Whigs aflected real horror at the election of a military chieftain. Now they support for Presi- dent a man who is f-till a General in the army, and who has no otiier grourd on wliich lo advocate his election, except that he has been a fuccesiful military chief- tain. Can suili hrazon inconsistency, snch barefaced hypocrisy, fail to disgnst honest and tnitlilnl men .' And are there no honest men in tiie Whig ranks to be dis- gusted bv sucli arrant knavery in politics? We shall see. Let the religious men of the \Vhig party be guiiiy of such conduct, and reconcile it to their consciences if they can. No man of |irinciplc and intetirily believes in the aiirocious maxim, that "all is fair in politics." And if there are any such men in the Whig ranks, tliey will scout this foul and disgusting desecration of principle, of which the leaders of their party have been guilty, in liie nomination of Gen. Taylor, under llie circumstances in which they have presented him for the sulirages of the Ame- rican people. One word as to the policy of the two parties. Let us recur to 1842. The Whig party was then in power. It repealed the Sub-treasury established by iNlr. Van Buren. It enacted a high protective tariff, in place of the compromise act, which they promised should be perpetual. It distributed the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. It established a bankrupt system, by means of which a horde ot" broken-'.iown speculators in its ranks escaped from the payment of their just debts. It cairied into eifect its favorite system of measures with the exception of a bank. What was the result? The revenues of the Government partially failed, and it was forced to contract loans, even in a time of profound peace. The policy of the Whig party also partially destro}ed the credit of the Government, for it was forced to coniracl its loans at a discount, notwithstanding it pronvised to pay in- terest cjuarlerly. And the result of this disgraceful policy was the expulsion of the Whig party from power in 1S41 ; thus proving, under the Harrison and Tyler administrations, as well as those of the two Adamses, that the Federal or Whig party is incapable of administering the General Government successfully, and to the satisfaction of the people. Now, how has it been under the present Democratic administration ? TexdS has been annexed, thus adding 350,000 square miles to the territory of the Union. A just and equal revenue tarilf has been established, yielding more revenue than could be raised under the prohibitory system of the Whig party. The indepen- dent treasury has been re-establi-hed, thus preserving the currency in a sound condition, and elevating the credit of the Government at home and abroad. A war commenced against us by Mexico without just cause, has been carried on, and brought to a triuniphaiu and honorable close, after a succession of military achievements unparalleled in the aimals of the world for brilliancy and glory. The national character has been elevated in the estimation of foreign nations to a deId GfiieralV ujpiraiions were re illy iti f.ivoi ol" rt'iiracy to privjio life, as he has thus far written, or whether their decided and iiowing tenJoticy has not been most strongly set in the directi"i) of the White House, Atid now for the proof; for out of his own mouth ue intend to convict him. The first letter in which he begins to manifest an itching for the presidency, is the one to Dr. John T. Clarke of New Jersfy, dated Camp iie.ir Monterey, >te\- ico, June 2], 1S17, in which he says : "I take tiii.' occasion to renisrk. that if the pjop'e of the country desire to place me ui th.» Iiigh office of tin- cliii.'f magistr:i''y. 1 do not fee! myself at liberty lo refuse; but 5o!iteicy, Mexico, July 0. 1M7, he .>-ays : " If the good p-ople of the nation should .so gieatly honor me with elev.ition to the rhief magistracy. I shall by all zealoii* en, 1S4S, after the bud oi: his grov/inor ambition had luUy Uossomed, he says, in distinct terms— and listen to the okl man, for he had not only now got his aspirations up to the highest pitch, but his dander also — "I do not design to withdraw my name, if Mr. Clay be the nominee of the Whig National Convenlion ; and, in connexion, I beg permission to remark, that the statements which have been so positively mnde in some of the northern prints, to the effect, 'that should Mr. Clay De the nominee of the Whig National Convention, I had stated that I would not surfer my '1*"™^ ^o be used,' are not correct, and have no foundation in any oral or written remark oi mine, it has not been my intention at any moment to change my position, or to withdraw my name trom the canvass, wlioever may be the nominee of the national convention, either o. the whig or democratic party." Now, what of the old GeneraPs aspirations to the presidency ? Three letters in favor of retiring to private life, and /o//r— the last he\x\2, a clincher — in favor of the White House and its responsibilities, under all circumstances. 2c/. In relation to the duty of us-pirants to office to declare their political opinions when called Jor by the 'people. In his letter to Edward Delony, dated Camp near Monterey, Mexico, Jan« 9 1847, he says : "It is a happy feature in our government, that official functionaries under it from the lowest to the highest station, are not beyond the reach and partial supervision ot the humblest cti.en, and that It is a right inherent in every freeman to possess himself ot the political principles ana opinions of those into whose hands the administration of the government may be placed , to an of which I fully coincide with you in opinion." iq/Iq And in his letter to Captain J. S. Allison, dated Baton Rouge, April 22, 184S, he says : „ «« I hold no opinion which I would not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen. Now let us see how his acts in this respect, as shown by other portions of his ^ correspondence, square with this opinion as expressed to Mr. Delony and Laptain Iritis letter to Mr. Biikey, dated at Camp near Monterey, July 13, 1847, he says : r k- • «;sombled coiintiymen ; but crude imjire.-sions upon matters t)f policy, which may be right to day and wrong to morrow, are perhaps not the best test of fitness for office. — One uho cannot be trusted u-ilhout ]iledgts, cannot be confided in merely on account of them." So the old General concludes to give no opinions, after all; and says, in this famous letter, which is called \\\s platform of whig principles. "/ do not know thai I shall again write upon this subject of national politics. "" And now he is General Mum, and refuses to take his letters out of the post office. It remains to be seen whether the people will take him on trust, in tliis land of republican liberty, were it is one of their cardinal principles that they have a right to the opinions of aspirants, I'roui the highest to the lowest oflice in the government. See in what a ridiculous attitude he stands, ior instance, on the Wiimot-proviso question. Senator Corwin of Ohio said, in a speech delivered in the United States Senate, on the 24lh of July, that if General Taylor was known to be opposed to the If'ilmot proviso, he would not vote for him himself, and that he would not get a single vole in the free States. !Now, it is well known, on the contrary, that if he were to express himself, he would not gel a single vote in the slave Slates. Now, what is his opinion on this question .' Wilmot Proviso^ or Jiot.^ The southern whigs claim him as opposed to, while the northern wing of M'higery insist that he is committed in favor of it ; and, as to the old gentleman, he is j/it/m, and refuses to take his letters out of the post office. But we have a letter from General T. in reply to one from. Mr. B. M. j\[cCon- key of Cincinnati, Ohio, directly in point upon this subject. Now let us hear the old General answer for himself. Mr. iMcConkey, among other things, pro- pounded ihis inleirogatory : " Sliould you become President of the United States, would you veto an act of Congress ■which .'hoiild prohibit slavery or involuntary servitue foiever, except for crime, in all the terri- tories of the United Stales where it does not now exist?" To which the General replies : Baton Rouge, (La.,) February 15, 1846. " Sir : In reply to your inquiries, I have to inform you that I have laid jf down as a prin- ciple, not to give any opinions upon, or prejudge in any way, the various (piestions of policy. now at issue between ttie political parties of the country, nor to promise what I would or would not do, were I elected to the presidency of the United Slates ; ami tliat, in the case presented ia your letter, 1 regret to add, I see no reason for departing froni this principl ■. " Your obedient servant, Z.\CHARY TAYLOR. Now, was ever man or politician in such a dilemma .•* If he answers in favor of the " Wilmot Proviso,'' he loses all support in the slave States; and if against it, (Mr. Corwin says,) he will lose all in the free States ; and if he does not answer at all, the probability is, that he will lose both; and then again, as to his not answering yes or no, he has solemnly declared, in a previous j)ortion of his correspondence, thai the people have a ; /^'/t/ to know the opinions of candidates for ojjice, Jrom the hi^hett to the lowest, on all matters of- public policy. Now, who does not pity the General in his present predicament? iiut il gentlemen wiih not to be catechised, thev must not become candidates for high political stations, for which they are not qualified. '-Oh! consistency, thou art a jewel" in the whig camp of politics, whether the headquarters be at Mon- terey or Baton Rouge. But lastly — 3d. hi relation to the giving of political pledges, as to the principles which wili govern his administration in the event of his eleclion, (an event by no means probable,) and his independence as a candidate for the presidency. Upon this charge it will be found that the General is a used-up man. " The moment that you had pronounced him one, Presto I his face changed, and he was another ; And when that change was hardly well put on. It varied, till I don't think, his own mother (If that he had a mother) would her son Have known, he shifted so from one to t'other. Till guessing, from a pleasure grew a task. At this epistolary 'iron mask.' " And now as to his pledges. In his letter to J. W. Taylor, dated May 18, 1847, he says : '' Id no case can I permit myself to be the candidate of any party, or yield myself to party schemes " In his letter to a citizen of Lansingburg, New York, dated May 29, 1S47, he says : '■' But I will not be the candidate of any party or clique ; and should the nation atl arge seek to place me in the chair of the chief mag'istracy, the good of all parties and the national good would be my great and absorbing aim.'' In his letter to Mr. Delony, dated June 9, 1847, he says : "If the good people think my services important to that station, (the presidency,) and elect me, I will feel bound to serve tliem ; and all the pledges or explanations I can enter into and make, as it regards this or that policy, is, that I will do so honestly and faithfully to the best of my abilities, strictly in compliance with the constitution. Should I ever occupy the White House, it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, and by no act of mine, so that I could go into the office untrammelled, and be the chief magistrate of the nation and not of a party. ' In his letter to Gen. Peter S. Smith, of Philadelphia, dated July 6, 1847, he says : " If elected to that high office, it must be by the spontaneous will of the people at large, and without any agency or "pledge on my part, in any particular. If ever I fill (hat high office it must be untrammelled v.-ith party obligations, or interests of any kind, and undernone but iiose which the constitution, and the high interests of the nation at large, most seriously and solemnly demand. 1 do not desire the presidency, and only yield tluis far my assent to be con- sidered a candidate, in the same proportion in which it is desired by the people, irrespective ot party." In his letter to Mr. Birkey, dated July 13, 1847, he says : '' I am not willing to be the candidate of any party, or to pledge myself to any political creed &aive that which proceeds directly from the constitution, and the best and paramount interests of the country, and which they solemnly demand. If elected to the presidential office, it must be without any agency of my own, and to those duties I must go untrammelled by party pledges- of every character." In his letter to Doctor Wilcox, dated July 20, 1847, he says : " Should I ever occupy the While House, it must be by the spontaneous move of the people, and bv no act of mine, so that I could enter upon the duties appertaining to the Chief Magis- trate of the country untrammelled and unpledged, so that I could and would be President ot the nattion, and net of a party." Id his letter to Mr. William G. Wood, dated Camp near Monterey, September, 23, 1847, he says : 10 " I do not feel myself at liberty to express any sentimcat baving the nature of a pled-'e to aay political party In his leiterof reply to Messrs. Murphy, Harris, Hopkins, ai:d othert, of Alabatr.a, dated Baton Rouge, January 23, 184S, he says : "I beg you to accept my profound acknowledgmenta, and to assuie mv fcllow-citisens who compose this meeliiiij, that I shall otler no active oppositi-.n to the use of my name iu connexioa •with (his responsible office, as long as ihcy co:itinae to use it thus independent of party disltnc- tions." In his letter to Peter S. Stnith, of Philadeiphia. dated January 30, lS4S,hcsays: " I should deem it an honor, and would accept such a nomination, provided it had been made entirely independent of party coosideraiions." In his letter to Col. A. M. Mitchell of Cincinnati, Ohio, dated Baton Rouge, February 1-2, IS IS, he says : " I deem it but candid, however, to add, that if the whig party desire, at the next presidenUal election, to cast tiieir votes for me, tliey must do it on their own responsibility, and without any pledges from me. Should I be elected to that high office, I should deem it io be my duty, and should most certainly claim Ihe right, to look to the constitution, and the hi»h interests of our common country, and not to the principles of a party, for my rules of action." In his letter of February 6, 184S, he say.s; "I have not changed the position I fust occupied, as regards my being a candidate for that hi^ office. At the same time, such have beeti the indicatioijs of the people, irrespective of party, as evinced by large meetings in many of the States in favor of my being a candidate for the office in question, as to justify me, without d.-partiug from the course I havvf marked out to pursue, to accept a nomination from a national convention, should such be held for the presi- dency, from the whigs or democrats, or from both, should they think proper to tender it, without being pledged, or even considering myself so, to advocate the views or opinions of either. Those who are not willing to vole for me without pledges, let them cast their votes at the pro- per timr; for those who will make them." And now comes the clincheT upon this subject of no pledges, and the deternii- nation of the old General to preserve his independent position, irrespective of party, at all hazzards. In his letter to the publishers of the Richnaond Republican, dated Baton Rouge, (La.) April 20, 1848, he says: " if nominated by the ^Vhig National Convention, I shall not refuse acceptance, provided I am loft free of all pledges, and permitted to maintain the position of independence of all parties, in which Ihe pe<>[)le and my own sense of duty has placed me; otherwise I shall refcse ths NO.MI.NATIO.V OK ANV CONVENTION OR PARTY." Here, then, is the independent platform of the old General, and his friends say that ^ (leneral Taylor never surrenders.''' Well, we shall now see whether a change, and a very sudden one, loo, has uoC' come over the spirit of his dream. We will now refer to the Allison letter of April 22, 1S4S, to show, in the drst phce, that the General reiterated what he says he has often said — that he was a Whig, hut not an ultra W^hig; and that, if elected, he would endeavor to act in- dependetit of party domination. He .says he will endeavor to art free of party domination ; but now comes the Philadelphia Whig Convention, and Judge Saunders of Louisiana. The .Judge s-aid to ihe members of that convention, as the political friend of General Taylor, and in behalf of the (Whig) delegation from Louisiana, '• that General Taylor de- sires it to be understood, that, in his opinion, his friends who conic into this con- veiiiion are bound to abide by its decision, and sustain the nominee ' heart and soul,' — that Gen. Taylor recognises in his frirnds in this convention those who have the right to withdraw his name, and will cheerfully acquiesce in such with- drawal.'' Here, then, he submits himself to thi- decision of a Whig Convention, througii 11 ] his friend Judge Saunders, and receives tlie nomination of the Whig party; and his approval of this nomination is endorsed by his Balie Peyton Committee at j New Orleans, by express authority from liimself. '• Now, what becomes of the General and his repeated declarations, that under no circumstances would he consent to become the candidate of a party .' What ■faith can hereafter be reposed in the declarations of such a man? Or what could be expected from an administration with such a man cstensihlij at the head of it? None — none whatever. Tiie General has surrendered, and is now not only a Whig, but an ultra Whig, of " the Boston stamp ;" for Abbott Lawrence, who says he speaks by authority, declares to his northern friends ihat General Taylor is as good a Whig as himself. . { What are his principles now ? His friends refer to his Allison letter as his plat- form, in which he says, among other things, " Upon the subject of the inrifT, the j currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers, lakes, and harbors, the ' will of the people, as expressed through their representatives in Congress, ought j to be respected and carried out by the Executive." 'J'hese, they say, are his , opinions. That is, that he is for or against a protective tariff— for or agaiiist a na- tional bank — and for or against a system of internal improvement.s, as Congress ; may determine. Bui what are your own opinions upon these subjects, Getieral ? Mum. As goes the Cotigress, so goes the General. So in regard to the " Wilmot proviso." Black or white? is the question— and asrain he is murti. The Whigs , at the North say he is for it, while the Whigs of the South say he is opposed to it. .Such are the absurdities of the times. Now suppose it were possible to give form and feature to such political tergiv- j ■ersalion, and what a monster would be here presented to our view : i " Suppose a painter to a hiinian head | Should join 'Old Whitey's' neck, and wildly spread I The various plumaoje of" the feathered kind 'j O'er limbs of different beasts, absurdly joined ; Or, if he gave to view a beauteous maid. Above the waist with every charm arrayed, ^ Should a foul fish her lower parts unfold — | Would you not laugh such pictures to behold? ^ Such is'tiie book, which, like a sick man's dreams, ^ Varies all shapes, and merges all extremes." And yet such are General Taylor's politics! . j As to his independence, that'is gone, gone, gone. Now hear v/hat his late in- j dependent friends, who have been betrayed by him, say upon that subject. l The "Buena Vista'' newspaper, their late organ, thus announces the formal ^ disbandment of the independent Taylor party in Maryland : " This is the last number of the ' Buena Vista' which will be issued. Our cause has suffered * that worst of rni'=fortiines-^/ie failure of its leader. We must take back to our own bosoms the confidence we hail so freely lavished ; we can be true to ourselves, ivhen others are untrue to us. \ The cause of our country still remains, full of vitality, and more than ever worthy of our devo- tion ; the o-enius of the constitution still invokes our fealty and reverence. In the approaching ^ political contest, the philosophy of indifference is ours. We rely upon the fortunes of the republic, ; and in the mean time remain neutral between the rival competitors for place. Nevertheless, it , is for each one to determine his own course for himself. .\3 an organization in behalf oi Uene- ; ral Tavlor for the presidency, our bond of unity is gone." ■* «'** • * ♦ * » * * , " We have no private griefs— no mortifications, save the profound one of having failed in an | honest effort to serve the best interests of the country. The position of General Taylor, if hon- orably mainiained, and his election upon the high ground of manly and patrioUc independence, we regarded as fraught, and to be fraught, with incalculable national blessings. ^^ His abandon- ment of that position, we look upon as a national calamity proportionally heavy." ^ " Finding' him thus unreliable in one thing, we have no reason for supposing we can rely upon Iiim in anything. We must lake back to our own bosoms the confidence we had so freely lavished. ] 12 Our pain and disappointmrnl arc bitter, in finding that our standard of him, was higher than*his standard of himself." '• Wliat we coald not control, we should, under ordinarv circumstances, have contented ourselves witli simply lamenting. But, having helped to mislead others while v?e ■were deceived ourselves, we have I'elt it our duty to undeceive them, so far as this exposition has gone. Tiiat done, we shall, as individuals, pursue our own coarse— others will pursue theirs.'* His imlepcndent friends in Louisiana have adopted the same course ; and he is left alone with iiis Whig principles (such as they are) in the keeping of liis Balie Payton Whig committee in Now Orleans, and refuses to take his letters out of the post office, because he is charged with the postage, and is unwilling to answer them. The election in November will show, that however willing the people may be to award all just merit to the General for his military services, (and, even as to that, there have been others in the late war with Mexico as good as he,) they are, nevertheless, not willing to elevate to the presidential chair a man without any civil qualifications or experience whatever; and who, in the short space of a twelvemonth, has written himself into so many absurdities and inconsistencies. Alas! for the Whig party, when such an availability is made to take precedence of such men as Henry Clay. Miserable indeed must be their cause, when driven to such extremity; and when their available candidate, after all his supposed availability, finds it necessary to resort to such wretched subterfuges! But Shakspeare says — and perhaps General Mum and his i'riends expect to profit by his observance of the maxim for the t'uture — " I do know of those. Who therefore only are reputed wise For saying notliing." ' GEN. TAYLOR SURRENDERS TO THE WHIGS. Baton Rouge, La., July 15, 1848. Sir: 1 have had the honor to receive your communication of June 10th, an- nouncing that the whig convention, which assembled at Philadelphia on the 7th of that month, and of which you were the presiding officer, iias nominated me lor the office of President of the United Slates. Looking to the composition of the convention, and its numerous and patriotic constituency, 1 feel deeply grateful for the honor bestowed upon me, and for the distinguished confidence i!n;)lied in my nomination by it to the highest office in the gift of the American people. I "COHUIALLY ACCEPT TILVT NOMINATION, but with a sincere distrust of my htness to fulfil the duties of an office which demands for its exercise the most exalted abilities and patriotism, and which has been rendered illustrious by the greatest names in our history. But, should the selection of the ^Vhig con- vention bo confirmed by the people, 1 shall endeavor to discharge the new duties then devolving upon me, so as to meet the just expectations ol" my fellow-citizens, and preserve undiminished the prosperity and reputation of our common country. I have the honor to remain, with the highest respect, your most obedient ser- vant, Z. TAYLOR. To the Hon. J. M. Morehead, Greensboro', (iuilford county, North Carolina. 14 Concluding that this nomination, like all others which I Iiavo had the honor of receiviniTfroin assemblages of my fellow-citizens in various parts of the Union, has been generously offered me without pledges oi conditions, IT IS THANKFULLY ACCEJTED. And I beg you to assure my friends in whose behalf you arc acting, that sliould it be ray lot to fill the office for which I have hceu thus nominated, it shall be my unceasing effort in the discharge of its responsible duties to give satis- faction to my countrymen. With the assurance of my high esteem, I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, ' z, TAYLOR. W.v. B. Pringle, Esq., President ^-c, Charleston, S. C. BLOOD-HOUNDS ONCE MORE. A Resolution from John Q. Adams for Gen. Taylor to answer. The Congressional Globe for 1S40, page 252, contains a resolution ollercd March 9th by Hon. John Quincy Adams, in the following words : " Resolved, That the Secretarj' of War be directed to report to this House, the natural, poli- tical, and martial history of the blood-liouinU, showing the peculiar fitness of the class of war- riors to be the associates of the oallant army of the United States, specilying the nice discrimi- nation of his scent between the blood of tiie freeman and the blood of the slave — between the blood of the armed warrior, and women and children — the blood of the black, white, and colored man — between the blood of savage Seminoles and that of the Anglo-Saxon pious Christian. — Also, a statement of the number of biood hounds and their conductors, imported by the Govern- ment, or the authorities ot Florida, fiom the island of Cuba, and the cost of that importation. — Also, whether further importation of the same heroic race into the State of JVlaine, to await the contingency of a contested northeastern boundary question, is contemplated, or only to settle an example to be followed by our possible adversary in the event of a conflict. Whether meas- ures have been taken to secure exclusively to ourselves the employment of this auxiliary force, and whether he deems it expedient to extend to the said blood-hounds and their posterity the benefits of the pension law." In the ordinary process of military matters, this resolution would be endorsed, "Respectfully referred to the General commanding in Florida, by whom the em- ployment of blood-hounds was recommended, to give the information sought." — And that being the case, the following letter becomes interesting : Headquarters, Army in the South, Fort Broolce, July 28, 1839. Sir : I have iho lionor to enclose you a communication, this moment received, on the subject of procuring blood-houitds from the island of Cuba, to aid the army in its operations against the hostiles in Florida, I am decidedly in favor of the measure, and beg leave again to urge it, as the only means of ridding the country of the Indians, who are now broken up into small parties that take shelter in swamps and hammocks as the army approaches, making it impossible for us to follow or overtake them without the aid of such auxiliaries. Should the measure meet ilie approbation of the Department, and the necessary authority be granted, I will open a correspondence on the subject with Mr. Ev- erston, through Major Hunt, assistant quartermaster at Savannah, and will author- ize him, if it can be done on reasonable terms, to employ a few dogs, with per- sons who understand their management. I wish it distinctly understood, that my object in employing dogs is only to ascertain where the Indians can be found, not to worry them. I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR, Bvt. Brig. Gen. U. S. .1. CommPg. To Gen. R. Jones, Washington, D. C. 13 NINE DAYS LATER! GENERAL TAYLOR. SEEING THE COMPANY INTO WHICH HE HAS FAir> n BACKS OUT OF THE WHIG NOMINATION. Baton Rouge, La., July 24, 1848. Dear Sir : Your letter of the 5tli instant, asking of me a line or two in regard lo my position as a candidate for tlie Presidency, has been duly received. In reply, I have to say that 1 AM NOT A PARTY CANDIDATE, and if elected shall not be the President of a party, but the President of the whoie people. I am, dear sir, with hi^h respect and regard, vour most obedient servant, Z. TAYLOR. Geobge LirPARD, Esq., Philadelphia, Pa. L.4TER still:: GENERAL TAYLOR REGRETS THAT HE WAS NOT NOMINATED BY THE DEMOCRATS. " I never had any aspirations for the Presidency, nor have 1 now, farther than the wishes of my friends are concerned in the matter; nor would 1 have it on any other terms than I stated when the subject was first agitited, which is, that my acceptance must be without pledges or being trammelled in any *vay, so that I could be the President of the whole nation and not of a parly. " I have accepted the nomination of the Philadelphia Convention, as well as the nomination of many primary assemblies gotten up in various sections of the Union in some instances irrespective of party ; AND WOL'LD HAVE ACCEPT- ED THE NOMINATION OF THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION haditbeen tendered on the same terms. I am now fully, if no/ fairly, before the country as a candidate for the Chief Magistracy ; and if it should be my good or bad fortune to be elected, I trust my course will be such, for the most part, as regards the raan- atrement of our national affairs, as will meet the approbation of my fellow-citizens. Should they fail to do so, they will, I flatter myself, have the charity to attribute my errors to the head, and not to the heart. " Very respectfully, your friend, Z. TAYLOR." THE VERY LATEST RECEIVED::! GENERAL TAYLOR ACCEPTS THE NOMINATION OF THE CHARLESTON DEMOCRATS, ON THE TICKET WITH GEN. BUTLER. Baton Rouge, (La.) August 9, 184G. Sir: I have the honor lo acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 26th ult., officially announcing to me my nomination for the presidency by "A LARGE MEETING OF THE DEMOCRATIC CITIZENS OF CHARLES- TON, SOUTH CAROLINA," held in that city on the 29th uU., and over which you were the presiding ofHcer. This deliberate expression of the friendly feeling existing towards rae among a large and respectable portion of the citizens of your distinguished State, has been received with emotions of PROFOUND GRATITUDE: and though it be but a poor return for such a high and unmerited honor, I BEG THEM TO AC- CEPT MY HEARTFELT THANKS. 16 the occasion. Before engaging in it, it was his belief that it was irresistibly forced ^lpon us. If he had ever doubted before, conversation witii the most intelligent men in Mexico would have confirmed him in the opinion, that after the annexa- tion of Texas, it was unavoidable on our part. Conquest was evidently neither the cause nor the object of the war, and yet he was constrained to say, that there had seemed to be, in the obstinacy of the Mexicans, the uniform success of our arms, and the present state of our relations with that country, something like the irresistible force of destiny. For one, it has been, and still was, his hope that a peace, just and honorable to both nations, might be in some way achieved. The obstacles to such a consummation, as he apprehended, had arisen from unexpect- ed sources. There was, unquestionably, in Mexico, a formidable and intelligent party, who had resisted, and would resist, negotiations, so long as they coulc hope, through our army, to escape from the military misrule under which tha country had literally groaned for the last twenty years. Again, the parly desirin: peace, and sincerely striving for it, had been embarrassed and weakened, if no;, discouraged, by the course of things here. President Herrera and the Mexican Congress, who were understood to be in favorof peace, might be so weakened by the declarations ' of our own countrymen, that they would not dare to coiickide a peace. When at the camp near Jalapa, a paper published in that city ivas brought to him, the whole of the first page of which, and. apart of the second, was filled wilii. extracts fr<'in tae ^I.neiiaan presa, and from speeches made in this country, which induced the editors to say, that while the intelligent and virtuous porfimi of the people of ^~orih ,dmerica heldsuch sentiments, nothing remained for them to add in justification of their course towards the United Slates. On the same day that he read the bitter denunciations of the war, and all connected with it, from newspaper articles and speeches made at home, he saw posted by the way side, and upon the ranches, the proclamation of Gen. Saias to the guerrillas, ■with the watchword of ' Death to Yankees, without mercy!' Thus, with communication cut off from the coast, with no knowledge of the situation of the army in the interior, with daily rumors of strong forces to obstruct their march, was there furnished from our own country food which fed the ferocity that pursued his command at every turn. The effect it was calculated to produce upon the Mexican Government and people was sufficiently obvious. What was the feeling in- spired in his own command, it was unnecessary to say. However lightly their position might be regarded at home, they knew that there was but one course, and that was to go forward. In the office of the Secretary of State, in ilie city of Mexico, a large collection of extracts from newspapers and speeches of our own countrymen were found filed awaifin the pigeon holes, and had been used in preparing proclamations to infiume the Mei^an population. Men of all parties in this country exercised their own judgment, and expressed their own opinion, in their own way ; and so he' trusted it would ever be ; but he could not but regard it as most unfortunate that upon a great question, involving the blood of our countrymen, and so deeply and vitally the interests of the nation, we could not present a united front. If we could have done so, he firmly believed that months ago there would have been a peace, just and honorable to both nations. If we could do so now, he thought tbe skies were bright and promising. General Pierce, after again thanking the audience for their kind reception, sat down amid repeated and enthusiastic cheering." EXTRACT FROM A WORK ENTITLED "ADVENTURES IN MEXICO," BY C. DONNAVAN. '« But the most difficult matter of comprehension to the editor, was how Whig-- generals should be placed at the head of the American army, while the Administration was opposed to the Whigs. And when Corwin's speech against the war was received through 'El Monitor,^ from the city of Mexico, we were asked if Senor Corwin wsuld not immediately raise a company of vclunteers,hsue zpronunciam)hito,zinA attack the President i The editor was delighted with the speech, and republished it, by inserting some two columns daily. He esteemed Senor Cor- win, as far superior to Senor Polk, in sagacity and eloquence. But, poor fellow, he knows but little of the enlightened state of parties in this country, where officials can abuse each other ■with impunity, and where greater rejplutions have been consummated by the pen, than were ever accomplished by the sword. These extracts, with the declarations of such personages as Twiggs, Morgan, and Doniphan, will be acknowledged by posterity at least, and perchance by some of the present jeneratioa too, to make out the case ot inoral treason pretty satisfactorily. -•^■^ 15 From Gen. Taylor, therefore, ihe inforinaljon sought must come. Tlie ques- tions propounded have never been answered. But it is not even now too late. These are the same blood-liounds that were let loose on Mr. Van Buron, who was the Democratic candidate in 1840. Something of their nature and charac- teristics- was ilien made out — but their real history, and especially their true pater- nity, was not discovered. A voice from the grave, as it were, now calls upon General Taylor lor ii^ht upon this subject — light which he alone can give. And there is no postage unpaid in the way, since the call is spread upon the public documents. . * DR. LIEBER'S DEFINITION OF A TRAITOR. Dr. Licber, in his great work on Ethics, thus describes the duJv o[ a citizen to his Governrrent: •' Remember that it is your slate, your nation, that declares and tights out the war, not this or that minister; remember that the honor and history of your coun- try are engaged ; that however conscientious you be in your opposition, you may err after all; that you cannot oppose the administration, without slrengthenino- the enemy, who has unsheathed his sword against your kindred. A traitor is he who would not gladly defend his own country. If an opposition feels really and conscientiously convinced that the war is inexpedient, let them lollow the old Roman rule — ' treat after victory, but fight until then.' "* ^ ♦ EXTRACT FROM COL. WYNKOOP'S LETTER. ■' We, here, can see no difTerence between the men who in 177(5 succored the British, and those who in iS47 gave arguments and sympathy to the i\Iexicans. JTliis kind of language, from r. man who came into this campaign a Whig in 7)oiicy. may sound strange to you, but 1 have again and again been compelled to listen to and to suffer that which would have changed the disposition and alien- ated the alleclions of the most determined piartisan. Even now, I do not object to the leadiiig and main principles of my old party, so much as I curse and de- precate the tone of its acknowledged leaders and supporters. If there is any reason which will prevent General Scott from efleclii?g an honorable peace, com- manding, as he does, the whole city of the Aztecs, with his powerful battery, it is the spirit of treason which I unhesitatingly say is promulgated by the leading Whiff journals ai home. In a sortie upon some ladrones at Jalapa, a short time since, I possessed myself of all tlie late newspaper publications in that place, and %pon examiiiin:: them, I find that, in that place, same as in Mexico, the strongest arfuraents published against our army are selections from Whig papers in the United Stales,^ I send you a late copy of the 'Bolelin de Noticias,' in which you will perceive that the first article is an extract from the National Intelligencer. "Yourfiien.l, F. M. WYNKOOP." ^ ■\IK\('T KK^AI Tin: SPKECH OF f;EN'. PIERCE, DELIVEKED AT CONCORD, NEW HAMFSlilKK, JANUARY 29. " He was here, not to discuss any matter in controversy, but to meet his friends. h)'.il!. the subject of the wiir was necessarily presented to their consideration by ^ "^^ ^^ ^*km>\^ ^ A^' ^Z^' ^v^ -''^ '^r V^^ •y ^•^^s"'- .^'\ ^'^.. ^> v , ■^ ", o ■■{^7^:. ^ v^. ;^ . 0^ ^*'^^ m\. ^** • • • ■ \/ •' i' *»• ^..^-^ .* -» o ,' .'^«-, -..^/ ,^^. %/ .*^'v \