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REPORT 
 
 ON THE 
 
 Settlement of Warwick, 1642 
 
 AND THE 
 
 Seal of the R. I. Historical Society. 
 
 WILLIAM D^ELY, 
 
 Chairinatt. 
 
 BEPKINTED FROM 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY. 
 
J. A. & R. A. REID, PRINTERS, 
 PROVIDENCE, R. I, 
 
 
Report 
 
 Settlement of Warwick, 1642 
 
 AND THE 
 
 SEAL OF THE R. I. HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 
 
 As our measurements of space and quantity arc but 
 approximations to absolute truth, so it is with those 
 of time. The Julian Calendar, or Old Style, dating 
 from about forty-five years before Christ, is avowedly 
 incorrect, though still used by several prominent na- 
 tions of the world. 
 
 The Gregorian year, or New Style, as reformed by 
 Gregory XIII. , merely minimizes the errors of "Old 
 Style" and is but a close approximation to time 
 which is truly true, while with gross inconsistency it 
 retains the Latin numerals in the names of tlie seventh, 
 eighth, ninth and tenth months of "Old Style," to 
 designate, erroneously, what are now the ninth, tenth. 
 
4 THK SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 eleventh and twelfth months of the year. So, too, our 
 revered " Christian Era," not invented by Dionysius 
 Exiguous till about five hundred and thirty years after 
 the death of our Lord, and not much used till it re- 
 ceived the sanction of the venerable Bede as late as 
 the eighth century, is acknowledged by eminent au- 
 thority to be four years in error as to the date of 
 Christ's birth, its assumed starting point.* 
 
 So, too, the time of the landing of the Pilgrims still 
 furnishes occasion for discussion, and though most 
 agree to its celebration on the 22d of December, the 
 descendants of Pilgrims and Puritans seem unable to 
 settle, beyond question, its true and real date. 
 
 And even as to the exact date of the original 
 charter of Rhode Island, there was a difference of 
 opinion among various writers, until Arnold, more 
 than two hundred years after it was granted, ascer- 
 tained from the official manuscripts in the State Paper 
 Office in London, that its true date was the 14th of 
 March, 1643.t 
 
 In view of such facts and of the multitude of errors 
 
 ♦Modern authority places the actual date of the birth of Christ, on Friday, 
 April 5, B. C. 4. Townsend's " Dictionary of Dates," 58. 
 t Hist. R. I., I., 114. 
 
QUESTION AS TO THE SEAL. 5 
 
 in dates, from writing, printing, transcribing and 
 reprinting figures, which meet us on every hand 
 where we look for exact statements, an historical 
 society may admit the possibility of error in any 
 recognized date. It may even question the time of 
 its own birtli, and allow a grave inquiry as to the truth 
 or reasonableness of any and every device on its cor- 
 porate seal. 
 
 In this regard, the question has been recently raised 
 whether " Shawomet, 1642," is a proper or truthful 
 device for this Society's seal. 
 
 This question, submitted to your committee, is one 
 to which, with some care and examination of author- 
 ities and records within their reach, they have directed 
 their attention, but the paucity of records and of 
 clear statements, and the meagre history of the 
 transactions of the first few years of the settlements 
 at Providence and Warwick must be their apology 
 for treating in what may seem a somewhat desultory 
 manner, a question whose satisfactory solution depends 
 so much on the course of events in Massachusetts and 
 Rhode Island immediately preceding and following 
 the purchase of Shawomet, and on the doings of a few 
 
6 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 weeks, nearly two centuries and a half ago, in the 
 daily life of Samuel Gorton and John Greene. 
 
 The records of the Society as to the adoption of 
 the seal and the action of its " Board of Trustees" 
 in all matters relating to the seal, may be briefly 
 stated as follows : 
 
 On the 27th of May, 1831, the Society appointed 
 Joseph L. Tillinghast, Albert Gorton Greene, and 
 Thomas H. Webb, a committee to procure a suitable 
 seal to be cut for the Society, a device for which was 
 submitted to " the Board." 
 
 July 5th, 1831, the committee reported that they 
 " had engaged Mr. W. D. Terry, of Providence, to cut 
 the seal, which is in a state of forwardness." July 
 19th, 1831, the seal was reported complete. Subse- 
 quently, the Board and the Society passed a resolution 
 formally adopting it as the common seal of the 
 Society, and gave the device. They also reported that 
 the design and device for the seal originated with 
 Albert Gorton Greene, Esq. 
 
 A description of the seal gives the design and de- 
 vice as an equilateral triangle within a circle, on the 
 several sides of which are the following inscriptions, 
 
DESIGN OP THE SEAL. 7 
 
 viz.: On the base, " Moosliassuck, 1636"; on the 
 right side, " Aquidncck, 1638 " ; on the left side, 
 " Shawomet, 1642." Within the triangle is a " foul 
 anchor." Around tlie circle, within raised bands, is 
 the name of the Society with the figures " 1822," the 
 year in which it was founded. 
 
 As the records, however, are silent as to the pur- 
 port and significance of the several devices, your com- 
 mittee have been obliged to look for their probable 
 origin and import to the main facts which appear in 
 the founding of the Colony and the State, while giving 
 some degree of consideration to special facts and dates 
 which must have been impressed on the mind of 
 Albert Gorton Greene, from his antiquarian tastes 
 and relationship to John Greene, one of the first six 
 settlers, as well as one of tlie thirteen original pro- 
 prietors of Providence,* and one of the first settlers 
 of Warwick. 
 
 From this general view of the seal, it seems very 
 evident, — 
 
 First, that the central emblem, the anchor, was taken 
 from the State arms, to indicate the relation of the 
 Society to the State. 
 
 * Colonial Records of R. I., 20, 21. 
 
8 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 Second, that the triangle was as evidently adopted 
 to keep in memory the three-fold origin of the Colony 
 and also of the State, a unit formed from that trinity 
 of independent settlements established and developed 
 at Providence, on the island of Rhode Island, and at 
 Warwick, — names, each of which suggests a history of 
 its own, and which at the time the Society's seal was 
 adopted, had been in use for nearly two hundred 
 years to designate those three principal historical 
 and geographical divisions of this Commonwealth. 
 
 Third, that the Indian names adopted on the seal, as 
 another element of the device, were intended to desig- 
 nate these three original divisions. In respect to 
 them, the Indian nomenclature was happily chosen 
 (as it would doubtless be again, were the question 
 submitted to the Society to-day), Indian names being 
 less common-place, falling on the ear not only with 
 the more striking sound of a foreign tongue, but 
 also carrying with them the prestige of an unknown, 
 if not unlimited antiquity. 
 
 To Providence, the northern division, was given the 
 name " Mooshassuck," that of the river on whose 
 banks the settlement of Roger Williams was made. 
 
NAMES OF THE SETTLEMENTS. 9 
 
 To the settlement on the island of Rhode Island, 
 the southern division, was given the name of " Aquid- 
 neck," the original name of the island itself.* 
 
 To Warwick, the western division, was given the 
 name " Shawomet," the name of a sachem-wick in 
 that division of the State, the most conspicuous of all, 
 from the character and conduct of its settlers, as well 
 as the nucleus of that broad township of multitudin- 
 ous villages, which the devotion of those settlers pre- 
 served to the Colony and to the State. 
 
 In fact, from the time of the first charter,! Shaw- 
 omet was synonymous with Warwick, the two names 
 being used interchangeably both by the men of War- 
 wick and their enemies of " the Bay." But at the 
 time the Society adopted its seal, nearly two centuries 
 afterwards, Shawomet had in the light of history be- 
 come a name not only memorable, but consecrated by 
 the heroism, the sufferings, and the christian patience 
 of Samuel Gorton and his companions. 
 
 This small but indomitable band, with the laws of 
 
 * The name of Rhode Island, in place of Aquidneck, adopted 1644. R. I. Col. 
 Rec, I., 127. 
 + Marcli 14, 1643. 
 
10 I'HE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 God in one hand and the laws of England in the 
 other, withstood all the efforts of the Government of 
 Massachusetts Bay, by soldiers and savages, by pris- 
 ons and fetters and worse than inquisitorial cruelties, 
 to force on them a Puritan hierarchy and a foreign 
 jurisdiction, each as merciless in its tyranny as it was 
 regardless of law.* 
 
 Desperate as the contest seemed, Gorton and his 
 companions triumphed at last. Rliode Island owes 
 their memory a heavy debt. Never were men's mo- 
 tives so aspersed, their names so unjustly branded 
 with infamy, their characters so foully traduced, and 
 this not for a time merely, but from age to age ; and 
 we may be excused for saying, that in the history of 
 New England can scarcely be found a more dramatic 
 scene than the trial of Gorton before the assembled 
 magistrates and elders of "the Bay," when, guiltless 
 
 * " For ten years after the settlement of Massachusetts Bay, the clerffv and 
 IZTiolT '"'" "'""' ^^^'" ^° ^^^^^'•^^^ ^'^^ ^°--- L- o'to 
 
 " From the outset, lawyers were excluded from practice, so the magistrates 
 w re notlun^ but common politicians who were nominated ly the priest " 
 
 The assembled elders, acting in their advisory capacity constituted 
 supreme tribunal of last resort, wholly superiorto carLl preced;n and doable 
 
 co::ZZs:T:trf''''''''''^'' expedient fro^ the depths ^the 
 consciousness.- See Gorton's case. Winthrop, II., 146 '• _ Adams' •' F.nan 
 cipation of Massachusetts.- 289-291. ^ ^^^ ^'"''°- 
 
DESIGN ON Gorton's life. 11 
 
 of any illegal act and a betrayed prisoner of war,* he 
 is first ordered on peril of his life, to answer luithin 
 fifteen minutes^ in writing over his own hand, to the 
 satisfaction of his enemies, four most obscure and 
 crafty questions :j: of their theology, contrived (as 
 those of the Pharisees to our Saviour,) " that they 
 might entangle him in his talk," and thus compass 
 his death. 
 
 For Miantonomi, Chief of the Narragansetts, hav- 
 ing been disposed of in September, by what Arnold 
 calls a " clerico-judicial murder," § the chance offered 
 to "the Bay" of securing absolute control of the entire 
 Narragansett country, through their allies Pomham 
 
 * R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., IIS, 12O1 203- 
 
 t R. I. Hist, Soc. Coll., II., 126. 
 
 X " The questions," writes Gorton, " were these that here follow, not a word 
 varying in any one of them ; " 
 
 " 1. Whether the Fathers who died before Christ was born of the Virgin 
 Mary, were justified, and saved only by the blood which he shed, and the death 
 which he suffered after his incarnation? " 
 
 " 2. Whether the only price of our redemption were not the death of Christ 
 upon the cross, with the rest of his sufferings and obedience in the time of his 
 life here, after he was born of the Virgin Mary? " 
 
 " 3. Who is that God whom he thinks we serve? " 
 
 " 4. What he means when he saith, We worship the star of our God Rem- 
 phan, Chion, Moloch?" R. I. Hist. Soc Coll., II., 12^ 6. 
 
 § Hist. R. I., I., 117. 
 
12 THE SETTLEMENT OF AVARWICK. 
 
 and Sacououoco,* by a similar dispatch of Gorton 
 and his companions in October, was too tempting for 
 them to forego. Apparently, as Winthrop previously 
 expressed it, in reference to their motives and aims in 
 that direction, " they thought it not wisdom to let it 
 slip." t 
 
 The plot, however, failed. As Gorton says : " When 
 by all their examinations in Court, interrogatories in 
 prison, and public preaching they could find nothing 
 against us for tlie transgression of any of their laws, 
 they then proceeded to cast a lot for our lives, putting 
 it to the major vote of the Court whether we should 
 
 * In a letter to the Massachusetts, Gorton pictures with some humor these 
 two petty renegade sachems, its allies : 
 
 " Indeed, Pomham is an aspiring person, as becomes a prince of his profes- 
 sion, — for having crept into one of our neij<l:bor's houses (in tlie absence of 
 the people) and feloniously rifled the same, he was taken coming out again at 
 the chimney-top." 
 
 " Sacotionoco, also, hath entered in like manner into one of our houses, with 
 divers of his companions, and, breaking open a chest, did steal out divers par- 
 cels of goods."— R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 267. 
 
 The same letter says : " Mr. Winthrop and his co-partner Parker may not 
 think to lay our purchased plantation [Warwick] to their island [Prudence] 
 so near adjoining, for they come too late in that point, — though Benedict 
 [Arnold] hath reported that Miantonomi, one of the sachems of whom we 
 bought it, should lose his head for selling his right thereof to us." 
 
 " As also a minister affirmed, that Mr. Winthrop should say to him that we 
 should either be subjected unto you, or else removed hence, though it should 
 cost blood."— R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 365. 
 
 t Savage's Winthrop, II., 102. 
 
DECISION OF THE GENERAL COtJRT. 13 
 
 live or die ; which was so ordered by the providence 
 of God, that two votes carried it on our side."* 
 
 Yet, though " the Governor [Winthrop] told Gorton 
 that they were one with him in those answers," f he 
 and his companions were imprisoned at hard labor, "in 
 fetters and irons," through the rest of the autumn and 
 a long winter, — " as blasphemous enemies to the true 
 religion of our Lord Jesus Christ and all his holy 
 ordinances, and also to all civil authority among the 
 people of God, and particularly in this jurisdiction."^ 
 
 * Mr. Savage says, " three of the magistrates rejected the horrible judgment 
 of the Elders that the [alleged] offences deser\'ed death." — Savage's Winthrop, 
 
 n., .77. 
 
 + R.I. Hist. See. Coll., II., 132-4. 
 
 X R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll. II., 134, s, 6, 7. 
 
 Chief Justice Story says : " The arm of the civil government was constantly 
 employed in support of the denunciations of the Church : and without its forms, 
 the Inquisition existed in substance, with a full share of its terrors and vio- 
 lence." — Story's Miscellanies, 66. 
 
 Mr. Charles Deane, in his Memoir of Samuel Gorton, while stigmatizing 
 " the whole conduct of the Massachusetts towards Gorton as atrocious" 
 erroneously states that Gorton was released in January. On the contrary, even 
 the order of the General Court for his release was not dated till " the 7th day 
 of tlie first month [March] 1643 or 1644." — Some Notices of Samuel Gorton, 17. 
 
 Gorton was brought to Boston as a prisoner of war, Oct. 13, 1643. Savage's 
 Winth., II.,i7i. " A great triumph," he says, " for a whole country [by three 
 officers and forty trained soldiers with Pomham and his savages] to carry away 
 eleven men and that upon fair composition also, if they had kept touch with us, 
 for one of us was dead before by hardship and but ten of us that handled arms." 
 — R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 119. 
 
 He was sentenced November 3, 1643; released March 7, 1643-4. 
 
 Winthrop's cruel order (notwithstanding the fourteen days allowed by the 
 
14 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 Such rigor shocked even the Presbyterian Baillie,* 
 but as a son of Massachusetts has said, — " the clergy 
 held the State within their own grasp, and shrank 
 from no deed of blood to guard the interests of their 
 order."! 
 
 Scattered in the different towns of the Massachu- 
 setts, the knowledge of their sufferings and their 
 purity of character J could not be entirely hid, till 
 at last, public opinion and a sense of danger to their 
 own power, forced the Puritan dynasty to set them 
 free. § 
 
 General Court), for his expulsion from the town of Boston — " before noon this 
 day " — is dated " the loth of the first month [March] 1643."— R. I. Hist. See, 
 Coll., II., 148-9. 
 
 * Letters II., 17, iS. 
 
 t Adams' "Emancipation of Massachusetts," 40-41. 
 
 The manly utterances of Savage, Deane and Adams stand in refreshing 
 contrast to the Jesuitical apologies of Palfrey, for not only the cruelty but all 
 the illegality and hypocrisy, which he evidently recognizes, in the proceedings 
 against Gorton. 
 
 { " And whereas you say, I am become a sordid man in my life; I dare be 
 so bold as to lay my conversation among men to the rules of humanity, with 
 any minister among you, in all the passages of my life which God hath brought 
 me through from my youth unto this day, that it has been as comely and in- 
 nocent as his." — Gorton to Nathaniel Morton, R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 247. 
 
 " I have been silent to cover other men's shame, and not my cwn." 
 
 " It should be a crown, yea, a diadem upon my grave, if the truth in more 
 public or more private agitation, were but in prose and not in poetrie, as it 
 was acted by me in all the places wherein you seek to blemish me." — Letter to 
 Nathaniel Morton, R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. XVII., 56. 
 
 § Savage's Winth., II., 178-9. 
 
APPEAL TO THE CROWN. 15 
 
 Then Gorton, Greene and Holden made their strong 
 and solemn appeal to the State of Old England. They 
 procured at the same time and also bore with them to 
 England, a formal deed of submission from the power- 
 ful Narragansett Tribe, of themselves and their whole 
 territory to King Charles."* 
 
 The justice of their claims could not be denied. The 
 laws and the throne of England asserted their su- 
 premacy. England upheld both the men of Shaw- 
 omet and the Narragansetts against the usurped juris- 
 diction of " the Bay," which in her humiliation was 
 forced to call upon the Commissioners of the United 
 
 • R. 1. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., isS-6o. 
 
 That acute historian, Palfrey, recognizes the deep significance of this trans- 
 action. He says : 
 
 "The next step showed their resolution, their capacity for business, and 
 that power of theirs which it had been thought so important to subdue." 
 " They succeeded in concluding a treaty with Canonicus, Mixan and Pessicus 
 to no less effect than a complete cession of the Xarragansett people and terri- 
 tory, unto the protection, care and government of that worthy and royal prince, 
 Charles, King of Great Britain and Ireland, his heirs and successors forever." 
 
 They then notified the authorities of Massadiusetts of this cession, and 
 " threatened them with the vengeance of the King and of the Mohawks should 
 they presume to interfere." Palfrey's Hist. N. E., II., 136-7. 
 
 By this transaction, completed within forty days after their release from 
 prison, they gave the death-blow to the usurpation of Massachusetts. She 
 struggled against it for years; through the changes of the Civil War — the 
 Commonwealth and the Restoration — sent in her soldiers, — annexed the coun- 
 try, by vote, to the County of Suffolk, — but the coveted territory she never 
 secured. 
 
16 THE SETTLEMENT OF AVARWICK. 
 
 Colonies for aid against " opposition from Warwick,"'^' 
 Thus Gorton's successful appeal and the stern re- 
 buke it brought to the assumption and tyranny of the 
 Puritan Hierarchy, with the adoption of the Narragan- 
 setts by King Charles as wards an^ subjects of the 
 State, preserved in a momentous degree the whole 
 Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, 
 and led not merely to its final emancipation from the 
 usurpations of Massachusetts Bay, but to its eventual 
 establishment as an independent State. 
 
 To the theocracy of the Bay, the order of May 15, 
 1646, by the Governor-in-Chief, Lord High Admiral 
 and Commissioners for Foreign Plantations, came 
 like a judgment call.f It declared, with no uncertain 
 sound, — " We find the tract of land called Narragan- 
 sett Bay luholly ivilhout the bounds of the Massachu- 
 setts Patent " ; — and we — " require you to permit and 
 suffer the petitioners and all tlie late inhabitants of 
 Narragansett Bay, with their families and all such 
 as shall hereafter join with them, freely and quietly 
 to live and plant upon Shawomet," etc., — " without 
 
 • R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 231. 
 + R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 196-7. 
 
JUDGMENT AGAINST MASSACHUSETTS. 17 
 
 extending jour jurisdiction to any part thereof, or 
 otherwise disquieting in their consciences, or civil 
 peace." 
 
 " We do also require, that you do suffer the said 
 Mr. Gorton, Mr. Holden, Mr. Greene and their com- 
 pany with tiieir goods and necessaries to pass through 
 any part of that territory which is under your juris- 
 diction, towards said tract of land without molesta- 
 tion, any former sentence of expulsion, or otherwise, 
 notwithstanding." 
 
 But to return to our immediate subject : the names 
 on the seal being thus accounted for, it is next in 
 order to consider the question of the dates. With 
 regard to these, while records are infrequent, and 
 dates often obscure even where records are found, it 
 appears to your committee that '' the Board " in- 
 tended in fixing the dates, to specify the earliest as- 
 certained year of a definite purchase by the English 
 for settlement, or of tlie actual establishment of a per- 
 manent community or settlement, within each of the 
 three several divisions of the colony, that is, Provi- 
 dence, Rhode Island and Warwick. 
 
 As to Providence, they adopted the unquestioned 
 
18 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 date of Roger Williams' settlement there, iu 1636, 
 " two years," as lie says, " before a deed was given." * 
 
 As to Rhode Island, they adopted the date of 1638, 
 the year in which an actual settlement was made on 
 the island at Pocasset, now Portsmouth, pursuant to 
 the compact between the settlers there, signed pre- 
 viously at Providence.! 
 
 As to Warwick, they adopted the date of 1642, the 
 recorded date of John Greene's purchase, and of 
 Gorton's, Greene's and their companions' purchase, 
 within the limits of Warwick. J To this date your at- 
 tention is especially directed, that you may decide 
 whether it is right or wrong. 
 
 When, then, was the earliest purchase for a settle- 
 ment, or first actual settlement, within the limits of 
 historic Warwick, made ? — meaning by Warwick, the 
 territory northerly of Potowomut River and southerly 
 and outside of all that debatable ground (claimed as 
 and called Providence), involved in the Providence 
 
 * Deed to Roger Williams, March 24, 1637. Staples' Annals, 26. 
 t Col. Rec, I., $2; Arnold, Hist. R. I., I., 70, 71 ; Deed of R. I., March 34, 
 i6i7. 
 t R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 253-4. 
 
JOHN Greene's purchase. 19 
 
 purchase of " the meadows up stream without limits " 
 on the Pawtuxet River.* 
 
 Here, happily, on the territory known as, and called 
 Warwick, for nigh two centuries and a half, nothing 
 seems better established than that the first purchase 
 by the English in these parts was made by John 
 Greene, to whom was deeded on the first day of Octo- 
 ber, 1642, the tract of land called Occupessuatuxct, by 
 Miantonomi, Chief Sachem of the Narragansetts, and 
 Sockononoco, the local sachem of Pawtuxet. 
 
 That he bought it for a settlement, a plantation and 
 a home, seems abundantly evident, for Judge Staples 
 states that on the 25th of September, 1644, he was 
 actually residing there. f How much earlier lie had 
 established himself on the land does not appear. But 
 he and his family held it as a home for more than 
 a hundred and forty years, and there, doubtless, he 
 himself was, as certainly successive generations of 
 his descendants were, laid to rest. 
 
 This John Greene, an English surgeon, was the 
 founder of a family than which none has been more 
 
 ♦ staples' Annals of Providence, 26, 27. 
 + R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 89, Note. 
 
20 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 prominent or more honored in the annals of the State. 
 The mention of a few names will suffice. It gave to 
 the Colony two governors, and to the State a lieuten- 
 ant-governor (all named William Greene), — to this His- 
 torical Society two presidents, Albert Gorton Greene 
 and Samuel Greene Arnold, — to the army of the Rev- 
 olution Colonel Christopher Greene and Major-Gen- 
 eral Nathanael Greene, — and to the United States 
 forces in the Rebellion, Major-General George Sears 
 Greene and his two gallant sons. In this connec- 
 tion it is well worthy of notice that all these, without 
 exception, were also lineal descendants of Samuel 
 Gorton. 
 
 Now Albert Gorton Greene, who designed the seal 
 of the Society, a trustee from its foundation, and 
 vice-president and president for twenty-five years, 
 being a lineal descendant of this John Greene as well 
 as of Samuel Gorton, and this deed of October 1, 1642, 
 having been preserved, it is morally certain that it 
 was neither overlooked nor disregarded by this most 
 active and influential member of " the Board," and 
 that he was perfectly familiar with its bounds and 
 date. 
 
SAMUEL Gorton's purchase. 21 
 
 And it appears to your committee that these well 
 established facts attending John Greene's purchase, 
 were of themselves a sufficient warrant for the in- 
 scription of the date of lG-i2 upon the seal of the So- 
 ciety, as the earliest date in which " Shawomet, alias 
 Warwick,""^ first began to pass permanently under 
 English control. 
 
 But further than all this, the same John Greene, 
 with Samuel Gorton and others, became only three 
 months later, — viz. : on the 12th of January, 1642, as 
 the deed shows, a purchaser of the sachem-wick Shaw- 
 omet, or what is commonly called " Old Warwick." 
 This is the record ; this, too, was well-known to 
 the designer of the seal, and there is reason to be- 
 lieve that both deeds were a part of one plan, that of 
 October 1st being only a preliminary acquisition in 
 prospect of a larger settlement on the more extensive 
 domain, a negotiation for which would naturally oc- 
 cupy more time. With these two records before us, 
 the date of 1642 on each, and the undoubted fact that 
 settlement followed close upon, if it did not actually 
 ante-date each deed, what is there to invalidate the 
 
 * R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 317. 
 
22 THE SETTLEMENT OP WARWICK. 
 
 device " 1642 " upon the seal, and on what ground 
 could it be pronounced wrong ? The only ground 
 would seem to be : 
 
 1st. That by " Shawomet," the Society limited it- 
 self to consideration of the Gorton purchase only, 
 which your committee, for reasons already stated, are 
 assured was not at all their view. 
 
 2d. That the date of the Gorton deed (January 12, 
 1642), is a date of " Old Style." 
 
 Admitting that the date of the Gorton deed is in 
 Old Style, your committee is of opinion that it should 
 not be rejected on that account, for the reason that if 
 the John Greene deed of the previous October, which 
 is without any objection as to the " Style," were 
 thrown out of consideration, the seal date of 1642, as 
 the date of the limited Shawomet purchase, is in their 
 judgment valid and properly used. 
 
 The deed to Samuel Gorton and others specifies 
 "January 12th, Anno Domini, 1642," as the day and 
 year on which Miantonomi set his hand thereto, and 
 this without reference to, or recognition of any " Style," 
 old or new, or the possibility of any change. The 
 deed is dated in accordance with both English custom 
 
OLD AND NEW STYLE. 23 
 
 and English law, as it then was and continued to be 
 for more than a hundred years afterward, tlie change 
 to New Style not being authorized in England or in 
 her colonies till 1751, nor carried into ejffect till 1752,* 
 a hundred and ten years after the deed was made, 
 when more than three generations of the Greenes and 
 Gortons had passed away. 
 
 Beyond reasonable question the legal date, as well 
 as the legal record of the Shawomct purchase, was 
 January, 1642. The legal year 1643, did not com- 
 mence, according to the then mode of reckoning with 
 all English people, till the 25th of tlie following 
 March, so that the action of the Society in affixing to 
 their seal the date 1642, appears to your committee 
 to have been perfectly competent and without im- 
 peachment, even if it were necessary, as it is not, to 
 construe that date as referring to the settlement of the 
 sachem-wick Shawomet alone. 
 
 Tlie propriety and legality of this construction and 
 use of dates, is curiously confirmed by a contemporary 
 
 * Act 24, George II., C. 2^, 1751. Townsend's Manual of Dates, 723-4. 
 Bailey's Dictionary, London, 1749. In verb. 
 
 January 1, 1752, was the first day of the first English year of New Style. 
 — Act 44, George II., C. 23, 1751. 
 
24 THE SETTLEMENT OF WAEAVTCK. 
 
 illustration, in the conspicuous fact tliat the Ordi- 
 nance of the English Parliament creating Robert, 
 Earl of Warwick, Governor-in-Chief of all the islands 
 and plantations of his majesty's subjects within or on 
 the coasts of America, together with a body of Com- 
 missioners to assist him therein, bears date and was 
 passed" November 2d, Anno Domini IGiS,""^ while the 
 Charter to Providence Plantations made four months 
 afterward, and, as they recite, " by the authority of 
 the said Ordinance of Lords and Commons," f bears 
 date March 14th, "in the year of our Lord God 1643." J 
 However inconsistent in modern view this (to us) in- 
 verted succession of dates may appear, it had no 
 such aspect to the men of those early days, and in- 
 volves no contradiction in fact. 
 
 Indeed, as a matter of legal accuracy, every date of 
 a legal, civil, or ecclesiastical character, preceding the 
 change of Style in 1752, and as far back as the four- 
 teenth century, should be in Old Style. 
 
 The statement of the double date (that is of both 
 Styles) between 1st of January and 2.5th of March, 
 
 * R. I. Hist. Soc Coll., II., 250-3. 
 + Bartlett's Col. Records, I., 143 6. 
 X R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II.. 259-62, 
 
FIRST SUMMONS, OCTOBER, 1642. 25 
 
 has no authority except as a coiiveuient note or aid 
 to memory, for the benefit of modern readers, in order 
 to prevent confusion.* 
 
 It is important, however, to go one step further 
 in the examination of the question before us. Not a 
 mouth had elapsed after the deed to John Greene 
 was given, when the Massachusetts sent a warrant 
 unto Gorton, Greene, and their companions, to com- 
 mand appearance at their courts, and threatening vio- 
 lence unless it were obeyed. f The effect of this war- 
 rant or summons, entitled " Massachusetts to our 
 Neighbors of Providence," and bearing date, October 
 28th, 1642, as well as the reply to it, and the concom- 
 itant events, we must now consider. 
 
 This summons, sent by Governor Winthrop (through 
 the hands of his agent, William Arnold), was received 
 by Gorton and his friends, to use Gorton's own words, 
 " before we planted upon that tract of land called 
 Shawomet." $ 
 
 * In the seventh century and for several centuries later, the year began in 
 England on Christmas day, but in the twelfth century the Anglican Church 
 commenced the year on Annunciation, or Lady-Day, March 35th, and this con- 
 tinued until the adoption of the New Style. 
 
 t R. I. Hist Soc. Coll., II., 52-3. 
 
 X R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., Si. 
 
26 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 They had not, therefore, left their Providence- 
 Pawtuxet homes (near Roger Williams Park), as late 
 as the close of October, 1642. 
 
 But this summons, following so soon the purchase 
 of John Greene, presaged, as Gorton thought and as 
 he was advised by others, a coming struggle by the 
 Massachusetts " to take in all the Narragansett Bay 
 under their government and jurisdiction." The im- 
 pression it made and the course of action adopted 
 under this threatening prospect, we must look to Gor- 
 ton to explain. 
 
 He says: "This warrant being delivered to us, in 
 the name of ' the Massachusetts,'* we took into serious 
 consideration, having former experience abundantly, 
 of their unkind and inhumane dealing with us, yea 
 towards our wives, and children, when ourselves were 
 sometimes in banishments and sometimes in prison 
 and irons (by them) before.f We thought it meet, 
 for the preservation of our peace, together with that 
 
 * R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., S4-S. 
 
 ■f " The absorption of sacerdotal, political and juridical functions by a sin- 
 gle class produces an arbitrary despotism ; and before j udges greedy o f earthly 
 dominion, flushed by a sense of power, unrestrained by rules of law or evi- 
 dence, and unopposed by a resolute and courageous bar, trials must become 
 little more than conventional forms, precursors of predetermined punish- 
 men.s," — Adams' " Emancipation of Massachusetts," 292. 
 
SACRIFICES FOR PEACE. 27 
 
 compassion we had of our wives and little ones, to 
 leave our houses and the rest of our labors lying near 
 unto tliose their pretended subjects, whom we saw ma- 
 liciously bent, and to remove ourselves and families 
 further off from the Massachusetts, and such their 
 coadjutors being then amongst us. For we saw that 
 they did not only endeavor to take away our livelihood, 
 but intended to take away our lives also, in case they 
 could find a way to satisfy the country in doing of 
 such an act and execution, for we never had accusa- 
 tion brought in against us, but what rose from the 
 magistrates and the ministers ; "^ for we walked so as 
 to do no man wrong, only justified the cause of our 
 religion, as we had learned and received the principles 
 thereof before we went amongst them; as also the 
 Laws and Government of this Kingdom of England, 
 unto which we ever willingly acknowledged ourselves 
 to be loyal subjects ; and therefore could not suffer 
 ourselves to be entrenched upon by our fellow-subjectSj 
 
 * Dr. Palfrey says : '■ The Clergy maintained their rule with great sagacity 
 acd energy; though excluded from secular affairs, they constituted in some 
 sort a separate estate, which, unelected, — a bench above and irresponsible to 
 law, — was summoned to decide in all cafes of importance, involving the high- 
 est questions of liberty and life itself." 
 
28 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 further than the '' Laws of our King and State do 
 allow." * 
 
 Gorton contmues: "We removed ourselves into 
 another part of the Narragansett Bay, further from the 
 Massachusetts, and where none of the English nor 
 other nations had anything to do, only Indians, the 
 true natives, of whom we bought a parcel of land, 
 called Shawomet, not only of Miantonomi chief Sa- 
 chem, or Prince of those parts of the Country, but 
 also with the free consent of the inhabitants of 
 the place," t — and, "Plainly perceiving that tlie drift of 
 the Massachusetts, and those joined with them, was 
 not only to take the whole country of the English 
 plantations into their jurisdiction, but also to estab- 
 lish what way of religion themselves thought fit, to tlie 
 taking away not only of goods, but lives also, of such 
 as were otherwise minded, we made answer unto the 
 writing they had sent unto us, on this wise : — which 
 answer was made upon our remoyaZ from Mooshawset, 
 otherwise called Providence, to Shawomet." % 
 
 ♦R. I, Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 54-s. 
 t R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., S9-6o. 
 % R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 60. 
 
ANSAVER TO THE SUMMONS. 29 
 
 This answer is dated, " Moosliawset, November the 
 20, 1642," and that there might be no miscarriage or 
 delay, was delivered into the hands of Governor Win- 
 throp by a special messenger.* When carefully ex- 
 amined it sheds much light on the Shawomet pur- 
 chase and the proceedings preliminary thereto. In 
 reply to the objections urged by " the Bay " against 
 the purchase of Indian lands, he says : " To our 
 neighbors of the Massachusetts " f — " In that you tell 
 us we offer wrong [to the natives] by a pretended 
 purchase, you are as much mistaken in the purchase 
 as in the wrong, for it is right that we are about to 
 
 * Savage's Winthrop, II., 174.. 
 
 t R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 60. 
 
 Elsewhere he says: " Our Countrymen, for we cannot but call you so, 
 though we find your carriage to be so far worse than these Indians." — R. I. 
 Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 84. 
 
 Even their own brethren, the founders of Connecticut, who had gone 100 
 miles into the wilderness from them, experienced their tyranny. Roger Wil- 
 liams writes ; — ''That heavenly man, Mr. Haynes, Governor of Connecticut, 
 though he pronounced the sentence of my long banishment against me, at 
 Cambridge, then Newtown, yet said to me, in his own house at Hartford, being 
 then in some difference with the Bay; — I think Mr. Williams I must now 
 confess to you that the most wise God hath provided and cut out this part of his 
 world for a refuge and receptacle for all sorts of consciences." " I am now 
 under a cloud and my brother Hooker, with the Bay, as 3'ou have been ; we 
 have removed from them tluis far, and yet they are not satisfied " — Letters of 
 Roger Williams, Narr. Club, Vol. VI., 344-5. 
 
 Dr. Palfrey suggests, as a cause of this dissatisfaction, that "The Con- 
 necticut settlers did not adopt, in their own settlement, that radical feature of the 
 social system of Massachusetts which founded the civil franchise on church- 
 membership." — Palfrey, Hist. N. E., I., 447. 
 
30 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 do. Neitlier is our purchase a pretence, but j^re^e^en- 
 im/," etc. (i. e., they had an agreement for the lands 
 precedent to any formal deed). He then repudiates 
 the Massachusetts' claim of a right in their clients of 
 Pawtuxet "by conquest," or "four years' possession," 
 " their possession being a mere intrusion, as all the 
 natives know," for " the true owners were never yet 
 subdued." He then explains the position more fully, 
 saying, "But we profess right [i. e., title] held in no 
 such interest, but according to the ground of Covenant 
 only known in its nature in the parties twixt whom 
 it is plight, in the possessor and the possessed, arising 
 from their accord and concurrency together with their 
 distinct, harmonical, reciprocal and joint properties 
 and operations of them both." "Such is the tenure 
 that we hold, and maintain it before men and angels, 
 and oppose [i.e., defend] it against men and devils."*- 
 This answer, as stated, bears date November 20th, 
 1642, and seems clearly to indicate, that though the 
 formal deed of conveyance had not then passed, the 
 territory to be deeded, the principal terms, covenants 
 and conditions of the purchase, had already been set- 
 
 * R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 65-66. 
 
PURCHASE OF INDIAN LANDS. 31 
 
 tied, and the riglit of use and possession acquired ; 
 and it confirms the supposition that the purchase of 
 Occupessuatuxet by John Greene was but a first step 
 towards the principal purchase of Shawomet by Gor- 
 ton and Greene with their companions. 
 
 These views are confirmed by the analogous state- 
 ments and proceedings of Roger Williams as to his 
 own purchase, who says : '" " I, in the years 1634 and 
 1635, had several treaties with Conanicusse & Mianto- 
 nome, the Chief Sachems of the Narragansetts, and in 
 the end, purchased of them the lands and meadows 
 upon the two fresh rivers, called Mooshassick and 
 Wanasquatucket. The two Sachems having by a 
 Deed, under their hands, dated March 24th 1637,t two 
 years after the sale thereof, established and confirmed 
 the bounds of these lands from the river and fields of 
 Pawtuckqut and the great hill of Neotaconconitt on 
 the North West, and the town of Mashapauge on the 
 West," etc., etc. " I, having made a covenant of 
 peaceable neighborhood with all the Sachems and na- 
 tives around about us, and having a sense of God's 
 
 * Staples' Annals, 30, 31. 
 
 t Same date with the Deed of Aquidneck. 
 
32 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 merciful providence unto me in mj distress, called the 
 place Providence." 
 
 This deed of Canonicus and Miantonomi to Roger 
 Williams bearing date 24th of March, 1637, the last 
 day of the year, Staples says, " is the earliest convey- 
 ance in the records of Providence," and that it is prob- 
 able the sale two years previous, to Roger Williams was 
 a verbal one, — and that this deed of 24th March, 1637, 
 " is a confirmation of the precedent grant, or rather a 
 declaration of the bounds of the lands conveyed by it."* 
 
 Now Gorton though bold and persistent, with all the 
 courage of his convictions, and awake to the coming 
 conflict with " the Bay," was a man of peace, a sin- 
 cere follower of his Divine Master, and did not hesitate 
 to sacrifice at once his house and property on the Paw- 
 tuxet purchase, to gain that peace and independence 
 which were to him more dear.t His purpose was clear, 
 his plans were made, and he doubtless improved the 
 
 * Annals of Providence, 26-7. 
 
 + " In England, through importunity, 1 was persuaded to speak the Word 
 of God publicly in divers and eminent places as any were then in London." 
 " I was invited to speak in the presence of such as had the title of Excel- 
 lency [Cromwell (1)] and lovingly embraced, wherever I came, in the Word 
 uttered, with the most eminent Christians in the place, etc., etc.'' Gorton's 
 Letter to Nathaniel Morton. R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 147. 
 
 (1) Carlyle's Cromwell, I., 477, 488, etc. 
 
INTO THE WILDERNESS. 33 
 
 time between the summons and bis reply to close any 
 unsettled question in bis covenants and treaty witb 
 Miantonomi. Tbeu, alive to tbe power wbicb posses- 
 sion gives, and urged by tbe approach of w^inter, he 
 dispatches his "Reply," to Governor Winthrop, de- 
 claring their rightful claims and repudiating any and 
 all jurisdiction of tbe Massachusetts. At the same 
 time he does not delay a moment in the work of push- 
 ing forward with his companions, and taking actual 
 possession ; planting themselves in a wilderness in 
 which no white man or subject of the Massachusetts 
 stood, and fortifying their claims in the January fol- 
 lowing by a formal deed, which implies previous pos- 
 session, in the fact that it was " enacted upon the 
 above-said parcell of land," as well as from other 
 terms of the conveyance.* That Gorton and his com- 
 pany had thus taken possession of Shawomet some 
 time before the date of the deed, is made not merely 
 probable by this declaration and the facts and circum- 
 stances referred to, but must be inferred from his for- 
 mal statement, " We made answer unto the writing 
 
 * The language of Miantonomi is — "I say I have sold it and possession of it 
 given unto the men aforesaid." — R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 253-4. 
 
34 Tllii SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 they bad sent unto us, on this wise ; which answer 
 was made npon our removal from Mooshawset, other- 
 wise called Providence, to ' Shawomet' " ; and the time 
 of this answer is distinctly given as " November the 
 20th, 1642."* 
 
 Not only is this language explicit as to this time of 
 their removal, but he also places it in direct contrast 
 with his previous statement that the warrant from 
 Massachusetts of 28 September, 1642, came " before 
 we planted upon that tract of land called 'Shaw- 
 omet, ' " t and with his subsequent statement, that the 
 warrant of September 12th, 1643, was the first " after 
 our removal unto and planting upon our land at Shaw- 
 omet." ij: 
 
 He thus gives a time before, a time after and the 
 time upon which the removal to Shawomet took place, 
 and this not in casual statements, but as specific points 
 in his arraignment of the Government of Massachu- 
 setts Bay, — " a more particular and full relation," 
 as he calls it, in his dedication to the Earl of Warwick, 
 
 •R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 6o. 
 t R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., S3. 
 tR. I. Hist. Soc, Coll. II., 95. 
 
REMOVAL TO SHA.WOMET. 35 
 
 than could be embodied in his formal appeal to the 
 Crown.* 
 
 The evidence thus seems quite clear, that Gorton 
 and his company, in November, 1642, removed from 
 the Pawtuxet purchase to Shawomet. The statement 
 in each case is equally exact, and all have the accuracy 
 and unquestioned truthfulness of Gorton for their 
 support.! 
 
 The confidence of your Committee in these conclu- 
 
 * R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 35. 
 
 \ Samuel Eddy, late Chief Justice of Rhode Island, and many years Secre- 
 tary of State, says : " I have read, I believe, almost every word that is legible 
 of the Record of this Colony from its first settlement till after the death of 
 Gorton," 
 
 "From the firs^t estab'.ishment of government [it R. I.,] he was almost con. 
 stantly in office and during a long life there is no instance of record, to my 
 knowledge, of any reproach or censure cast upon him." 
 
 "This can hardly be said of any other settler of the Colony of any standing." 
 
 " It was this fact that fixed my opinion of the general tenor of his conduct 
 and the uprightness of his char.xter." 
 
 " It would be a remarkable fact that a man should be an enemy to magistracy, 
 to religion, — in short, a bad man, — and yet should constantly enjoy the confi- 
 dence of his fellow-townsmen and receive the highest honors in their gift." 
 
 Savage's Winthrop, II., 70-71, Ed. 1853. R- I. Hist. Tracts, No. XVII., 5-8. 
 
 Thomas Durfee, Chief Justice of Rhode Island, says : " The list of the earlier 
 judges includes, along with the names of many forgotten worthies, the historic 
 names of Roger Williams, John Clarke, William Coddington, and Samuel 
 Gorton." 
 
 R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. XV III., 10. 
 
 Dr. George E. Ellis, while comtiending Gorton's "honest and n-ible inde- 
 pendence," says : " His corre^poudonce with John Winthrop, Jr., in his old 
 age, as given in the Winthrop Papers, presents him in a most charming light." 
 
36 THE SETTLEMENT OF WARWICK. 
 
 sions is confirmed by the fact, that since the foregoing 
 was written, they find that the late Chief Justice 
 Brayton, in his " Defence of Gorton,"* fixes the ter- 
 mination of Gorton's residence at Pawtuxet, on the 
 20th of November, 1642, thus giving the same con- 
 struction your Committee have given to Gorton's lan- 
 guage. The reasonableness of the construction may 
 be inferred from the fact that it was in each case 
 wholly independent of the other. 
 
 Judge Brayton also says, " In the beginning of the 
 winter of 1642-3, they took up their abode at Shaw- 
 omet and prepared themselves for the coming winter, 
 and before the expiration of sixty days received their 
 conveyance from Miantonomi and set down upon their 
 own purchased possession." These sixty days must 
 have been reckoned between 13th of November, 1642, 
 and 12th of January, 1642-3, following ; and this state- 
 ment, though somewhat incongruous in its use of tlie 
 term " winter," would place their removal to Shawo- 
 met either the last part of November, or very early in 
 December ; at all events, within the year 1642. 
 
 In view, therefore, of the foregoing considerations, 
 
 * R. I. Hist. Tracts, No. XVII. 
 
CONCLUSION. 37 
 
 and of the main facts which may be briefly summed 
 up as follows, viz.: 
 
 1st. That by the name Shawomet on the seal, was 
 intended the whole of Warwick as representing the 
 western division of the State, — 
 
 2d. That John Greene had taken Occupessua- 
 tuxet, (in Warwick,) for a home and settlement by 
 a formal deed as early as the first of October, 1642, — 
 
 3d. That " Old Style " being legal English Style, 
 at the period in question, we are bound to accept the 
 date of Gorton's deed of the 12th of January, 1642, 
 as a legal and unimpeachable date, — and 
 
 4th. That we have the written statement of Gorton 
 himself, that the " Reply " to their " Neighbors of the 
 Massachusetts," of November 20, 1642, was made 
 " upon the time of their removal to Shawomet," — 
 your Committee are of the opinion, that, not only 
 John Greene but also Samuel Gorton and his com- 
 panions, became actual settlers within " Shawomet 
 alias Warwick,"''^ in the year 1642, and that whether 
 one holds to " Old Style" or to " New Style, " there 
 is no good or sufficient reason to question the pro- 
 
 *R. I. Hist. Soc. Coll., II., 217. 
 
38 
 
 THE SETTLEMENT OP WARWICK. 
 
 priety or truthfulness of the devices or dates on the 
 seal of the Society, or for advising or adopting any 
 change therein. 
 
 All which is respectfully submitted. 
 
 WILLIAM D. ELY, ^ 
 
 JOHN A. HOWLAND, S ^'o^^^^^^^^- 
 
 Providence, October i, 1887. 
 
 RB 13 6. 
 

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