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THE 
 
 ADVENTURES 
 
 Christopher Hawkins, 
 
 COXTAININ(i 
 
 Details of his Captivity, 
 a first and second time on the Higli Seas, in the Revolu- 
 tionary War, by the British, and his consequent sufferings, and escape from 
 the Jersey Prison Ship, then lying in the harhour of 
 New York, by swimming. 
 
 Xo//jp'/'st P nntcd f rom the original Manuscript. 
 
 WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. 
 
 INTRODUCTION AND NOTES 
 
 BY 
 
 CHARLES I. BUSHNELL. 
 
 NEW YORK : 
 1>UIVATKLY PKINTKD 
 
 1864. 
 
 
 <7 
 

 Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1864, by 
 CHARLES I. BUSHNELL, 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the 
 Southern District of New Yorls. 
 
'' I' l; I STO 1' II K i; II AUK I .\ S. 
 
 {TItc ,V'<;( ui ///, All 1 1,1,1-:) 
 
TO 
 
 M Y F R I E N I) 
 
 Christopher Hawkins, Esq., 
 
 O F X E W P R T. N. Y. 
 
 WORTHY SON OF A PATRIOT SIRE 
 
 THIS VOLUMt: 
 
 II E S F E C T F U L L Y I) E D I C A T E D 
 
 THE EDri'OR. 
 
/ *'*-'*-Jt 
 
 *^=9»H.. 
 
LIST 
 
 I L L U S T R A T I () N S 
 
 1. View of the Prison-sliip Jersey to face title page. 
 
 2. Portrait of Cliristoplier Hawkins. •• dedication. 
 
 I>. Sections of the Jersey •• "' References to the I'hites. 
 
 4. Portrait of Capt. Alan Gardner.. to face page ^3. 
 
 5. View of the Waterman House... •' " 144. 
 ti. Portrait of Ebenezer Fox " " 218. 
 
 7. Portrait of Thomas Dring " " 226. 
 
 8. Viewofthe '^TomboftheMartvrs " " 278. 
 
INTRODUCTION, 
 
 HRISTOPIIER HAWKINS, tlie 
 author of the following narrative, 
 was the son of Ilesabiah Hawkins, 
 and was born in Nortli Providence, 
 R. L, on the 8tli day of Jnne, 1704. On arriving 
 at sufficient age, he became engaged in the duties 
 of a farm, in which occupation he continued until 
 he had readied 'ih.gt\/\/elfthy^^Yofhis8-^c- ,. 
 when he was bound to Aaron Mason, of I'rovi- 
 
IV INTRODrCTIOX. 
 
 deuce, as an apprentice to leani the tanner's trade. 
 In this employment he remained fur about twelve 
 months, when he ran away and enlisted as a priva- 
 teer. His adventures subsequently, and to the 
 time of his return from his second captivity with 
 the enemy, are the subject of his narrative, and it 
 is, therefore, unnecessary to repeat them here. 
 
 After his return home the second time, he worked 
 for a while with Obadiah Olney, of Smithfield, R. I., 
 and subsequently with William "Whipple, of Fair- 
 field, Herkimer Co., N. Y. When about twenty 
 years of age, Mr. Hawkins was married to Dorcas, 
 daughter of Thomas Whipple, of Smithfield, a 
 farmer by occupation. About the year 1786, Haw- 
 kins emigrated from Rhode Island to Norway, in 
 Herkimer Co., thence moved to Fairfield, and in 
 the fall of the year 1791 moved into Newport in 
 the same county, thereby becoming the first per- 
 manent settler of the town. He employed himself 
 chiefly as a farmer, although he occasionally did 
 some work as a carpenter, having while in Provi- 
 
INTRODUCTION. V 
 
 dence Leen engaged for a short time in a ship-yard, 
 where he acquired some knowledge of the trade. 
 
 In his early life, Mr. Hawkins had but limited 
 opportunities for education, but this deficiency he 
 subsequently tilled, in a great degree, after he liad 
 attained his majority, lie was a man of energy, of 
 strong common sense, and nf excellent judgment. 
 In consequence of these qualities, as well as for his 
 practical business turn, he was frequently appointed 
 by the local and state authorities to lay out wards, 
 partition fences, and settle contested claims. He 
 was at one time a Commissioner of Roads, and was 
 the first Supervisor of Newport, having been chosen 
 sucli in ISOT at the first meeting of tlie town after 
 its erection. He held the oftice for fourteen years, 
 M'hen, after a short interregnum, he was again elected 
 to the same situation, and served for six years longer. 
 
 It may be interesting to the reader to learn some- 
 thing of the i)ersonal appearance and character of 
 our liei'o, and wo will therefore gi-atity the desire. 
 He was al)out five feet ten inches in stature, and 
 
VI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 I'atlier sliti), with high forehead, rather large mouth, 
 and when young, his hair was black. He had a 
 fair complexion, with blue eyes, and heavy eye- 
 brows, and his expression was that of firmness and 
 determination. Though rather sarcastic in his man- 
 ner, yet he was kind-hearted and charitable, quick 
 to discern merit, and liberal to the poor and dis- 
 tressed. Industrious himself, he loved to see others 
 60. He detested pride and presumption, and gave 
 no encouragement to meanness or extravagance. In 
 his religious feelings, he was inclined to Method- 
 ism ; in his political views, he was a Federalist, and 
 continued so to his death. He was an affectionate 
 husband and a kind parent, a citizen of the purest 
 and most lofty patriotism, a gentlemaii of scrupulous 
 honor and of unblemished integrity. 
 
 Mr. Hawkins had by his wife seven children, of 
 whom there were six daughters, who all survived 
 him but one. The son, who bears his father's 
 name, is still living. Mr. Hawkins died in New- 
 port, Herkimer County, N. Y., on the 25th day of 
 
INTRODUCTION. ^ 
 
 Fel.nuiry, 1837, in the seventy-third year of his age, 
 and was interred in a bnrial ground at that phxee. 
 For several years previous to his death, he was 
 afflicted with asthma, and was consequently unable 
 to labor. The disease of which he died, however, 
 was dropsical consumption, and his death, though 
 expected, was sudden. He was sitting in his chair : 
 •^ his attendants left him for a few moments, and 
 when they returned, his spirit had fled. He had 
 died apparently without a struggle. 
 
 It is proper to state that the narrative is now 
 given to the public for the first time, having been 
 placed l>y the family of Mr. Hawkins in our hands 
 for publication. The work, though somewhat faulty 
 iu orthography and the use of capitals, is neverthe- 
 less a meritorious one. It is truthful and candid, 
 and upon the whole, a well written production. It 
 is, moreover, full of incident and adventure, very 
 uiinutc in its details, and of intense interest. It 
 will we think, be considered as a valuable coutri- 
 hution to the Ucvolutionary history of our country. 
 
Vlll _ INTEODUCTION. 
 
 To enhance its value, and add to its interest, the 
 Editor has appended some explanatory and illus- 
 trative notes, which he hopes will be found worthy 
 of attention. With these few prefatory remarks, we 
 will now introduce to the reader, the hero himself, 
 and leave him to tell his own storv. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 TIE sufterings of iiiy youth is still fresh in 
 my nieniory, and ev'ry incident or event 
 set fortli in the following work I liave 
 no doubt is correct, and indeed so far as 
 I was personally concerned I know it is so. 
 No literary ambition has prompted its publication, I am 
 an unlettered man, and cannot possibly have a desire to be 
 ranked among the literati of my own or any other country. 
 The literary critics of course will not notice my work, for 
 in it, there can be no food wherewith to feast their refined 
 and delicate appetites. To refined and classical writing I ofter 
 no claim. It is my desire to leave behind me a faitliful and 
 unvarnished narrative of my early sufferings, in which I was 
 not alone. My intention in publishing this narative is con- 
 
X PREFACK. 
 
 lined to tlie attention of luy cliil.ireii. grandcliilLlreii. and their 
 desceudauts, witli the hope that tliey will duly appreciate uot 
 only my own suiferings, bnt those of my contemporaries in 
 the arduous struggle of my country for independence, in 
 which, success crowned the efforts of those who embai-ked in 
 the American cause. To my descendants and those of my 
 fellows I dedicate this limited narative, at the same time in 
 the hope that their generosity will pardon anything which 
 can be construed as arrogant in this production. I am well 
 aware that a correct and minute history of the American 
 revolution has been published. In the meantime I cannot 
 conceive that such an work shall supercede personal narative 
 which has connection to that event. My principal design is 
 to amuse and inform my friends and descendants with the 
 sufferings of my youth. If any one shall be so incredulous as 
 to disbelieve this narative, I hope that some of my early 
 cotemporaries are still alive, and if they are, I refer to them 
 the truth or falshood of this narative, and feel confident that 
 they will sustain me in ev'ry particular, claiming importance. 
 Newpokt, N. York, April M, \flSi. 
 
 t^-fPi 
 
REFERENCES TO THE PLATES. 
 
 Figure 1. 
 
 Exterior View of the Ship. 
 
 1. The Flag Staff, whicli was seldom used, and only for signals. 
 
 2. A Canvas Awning or Tent, used by the guards in warm weather. . 
 
 3. The Quarter Deck, with its barricade about ten feet high, with a 
 
 door and loop holes on each side. 
 
 4. The Ship's Officers' Cabin, under the quarter deck. 
 
 5. Accommodation Ladder, on the starboard side, for the use of the 
 
 ship's ofBcers. 
 
 6. The Steerage, occupied by the sailors belonging to the ship. 
 
 7. The Cook Room, for the ship's crew and guards. 
 
8. The Sutler's Eoora, where articles were sold to the prisoners, and 
 
 delivered to them through on opening in the bulk head. 
 
 9. The Upper Deck and Spar Deck, where the prisoners were occa- 
 
 sionally allowed to walk. 
 
 10. The Gangway Ladder, on the larboard side, for the prisoners. 
 
 11. The Derrick, on the starboard side, for taking in water, etc., etc. 
 
 12. The Galley, or Great Copper, under the forecastle, where the pro- 
 
 visions were cooked for the prisoners. 
 
 13. The Gun Room, occupied by those prisoners who were oflBcers. 
 14-15. Hatchways leading below, where the prisoners were confined. 
 16. Foot of the gang plank. 
 
 17-18. Between decks, where the prisoners were confined by night. 
 
 19. The Bowsprit. 
 
 20. Chain Cables, by which the ship was moored. 
 
Fic. 2. 
 THE GUN DECK, 
 
 iritk its Apartments. 
 
 Fig. a. 
 THE MIDDLE DECK. 
 
 {The arramrement of the Lower Deck 
 was similar; biit untliout Bunks.) 
 
FlGFRE 2. 
 
 The Gun DecTc, with its Apartments. 
 
 1. Cabin. 
 
 2. Steerage. 
 
 3. Cook Room. 
 
 4. Sutler's Room. 
 
 5. 6. Gangways. 
 
 7. The Booms. 
 
 8. The Galley. 
 
 9, 10. The Cook's Quarters. 
 
 11. The Gangway Ladder. 
 
 12. The OfiBcers' Ladder. 
 
 13. Working Party. 
 
 14. The Barricado. 
 000. Store Rooms. 
 
Figure 3. 
 
 The Ufper Deck^ hetween Decks. 
 
 1. The Hatchway Ladder, leading to the lower deck, railed round on 
 
 three sides. 
 
 2. The Steward's Eoom, from which the prisoners received their daily 
 
 allowances, through an opening in the partition. 
 
 3. The Gun Room, occupied by those prisoners who were officers. 
 
 4. Door of the Gun Room. 
 
 6, 6, 7, 8. The arrangement of the prisoners' chests and boxes, which 
 were ranged along, about ten feet from the sides of the ship, 
 leaving a vacant space, where the messes assembled. 
 
 9, 10. The middle of the deck, where many of the prisoners' ham- 
 mocks were hung at night, but always taken down in the morn- 
 ing to afford room for walking. 
 
 11. Bunks, on the lai'board side of the deck, for the reception of the 
 sick. 
 
NAHHATJ \'E. 
 
 1" X the nioiitli of May 1777 I left Mr. 
 Aaron Mason (.) of Providence, K. I., 
 to whom I was an indented appren^ 
 tice, went to New Bedford, Ms. 
 and entei'cd on l)oard a privateer 
 Sclioouer, mounting twelve small carriage guns, by 
 the name of the Eagle, Mowi-y Potter, (•.) Master. 
 This vessel was bound on a cruise in quest of the 
 british vessels, or rather such as we conld make 
 j.rizes of. This was the first lime I had l)een 
 engaged in any sea service, and Ijeing only in the 
 thirteenth year of my age, of course I knew nothing 
 
12 
 
 XAKlIAirVK. 
 
 of II seiit'ni'iiii;' life. l't»r at'tt'i- tlie vessel liiul suiltMl 
 from tlic ^\'j:\\\ of IuihI, sIk^ scciikmI to nie as steering 
 ill the >:iiiir directioii :i> wlicii slic left the TTarLoiir, 
 :iii(l llu' illiisldii \\ as not dispelled eNcii ^\llell the 
 sun rose aboxc the horiz(Hi in a clear dav, for some 
 days. Xothin^' occurred Moi'thy of any notice after 
 leaving }>oi't, exce])t occa-sioually taking fisli on the 
 Xewfoniidland coast, until we came in siglit of the 
 English coast, and nothing tlien of any importance 
 t(t us but disa])])ointme]it, for Loth officers and 
 crew had been promising themselves as many 
 Britisli prizes as could be manuecl from our crew, 
 as tliey jireteuded to cruise in the track hetween 
 Xcw York and England. After renuiijiing on the 
 English coast a short time, we tacked about for 
 America without speaking a single sail on our out- 
 ward cruise. After we had been several days on 
 our return, we espied one uiorniiig a "sail." We 
 made for her and hailed. The vessel proved to be 
 it schooner unarmed. She answered our hail by 
 >tating that she was a french vessel from the West 
 Indies, and bound to Halifax. After being hailed 
 and threat'ned from our ('apt. >he short'ned sail, 
 and was board(Nl by our first Lieut. (John Paine). 
 
NAKRATIVE. 
 
 13 
 
 After boarding and exaniiniug her ]iai>ers tlie Lieut, 
 returned and coiitirnied tlie answer before men- 
 tioned, and stated his conviction that she was a 
 trench vessel and laden with flour. John Ward 
 our boatswain and a large nuijority of our crew, 
 were much dissatisfied with this report. Ward was 
 h)ud in his denunciations of the concbict of the 
 C'apt. and First Lieutenant towards this vessel. 
 Ward and all the best informed of our crew had 
 luj hesitation in pronouncing her a British vessel, 
 witli false papers prepared for the occasion, and 
 also that the pretended freneh vessel's crew were 
 dressed in disguise, the crew liad the trench turban 
 on their heads. (!)ur dissatisfied crew were now 
 for making the port of ' New Bedford (.') from 
 whence we had sailed. On the second or third 
 day after speaking the pretended trench vessel, 
 early in the morning we espied a sail on our 
 weather beam — the officers concluded to make sail 
 for her: many of the ci-ew yet in surly mood about 
 the other vessel exclaimed, '' if slie prove lawful 
 prize our officers will not take her."' After giving 
 chase sonu' time we gained but slowly upon her. 
 She was a fast sailor — the officers concluded to give 
 
14 NAUR ATI Vi:. 
 
 our scliooiier more canvass, and get to windward 
 of our cliase as our vessel sailed best before the 
 wind. This done Ave came so close late in tlic day 
 to discover that our chase was a large Brig, cop2)er 
 bottomed, and In-itish built, but nothing appeared 
 to shew tliat she was armed. It was by this time 
 near sun-setting. We then run up onr colours, and 
 gave her a bow gun, witliout effect. Another gun 
 or two was ordered, and directed to her sails or 
 other rigging-— these were given bnt disregarded. 
 This had brot. us to early twilight. Our second 
 Lieut, observed that this cleaned our way. the Brig 
 had evry sail set and the second Lieut, advised to 
 trim our scliooner in the best manner and cease 
 tiring — all things were executed agreeably to his 
 suggestion. The 2. Lieut, took the helm and seemed 
 in command— ordered the boatswain after trimming 
 the sails and the greater part of the crew to be 
 seated aft and attend to the sini^in2; of some of tlie 
 crew, (Capt. of Marines). We now neared the Brig 
 very fast. Weather hazy, but a handsome breeze. 
 We had before it became entirely dark got so near 
 the brig that the 2d Lieut, asked permission to 
 liaul our wind and give her a broadside — this 
 
NAKRAI'IVK. 
 
 15 
 
 W!is gi-antcd by the Cii])t. witli ix proviso, tliat lie 
 (the Capt.) as the schooner hift would hail the Briii". 
 this he did a first and second time — the first with- 
 out an answer — to the second hail the answer was, 
 that said ]>rig was from Liverpool and bound to 
 JS^ew York. This answer put our crew in eestacies. 
 But our Capt. soon dispelled these joyful and 
 agreeable sensations. The Capt. of the Brigg inter- 
 rogated our Capt. Potter as follows, " For God's 
 sake what do you want of me ?" " Back your 
 nuxin top sail and shorten your other sails, lower 
 your boat and come on board me," was the answer 
 of Potter — this was disregarded. The Brig kept 
 her course with all sails set. The second Lieut, 
 again asked permission to give her a broadside — 
 we were within short shot of her — this our cowai-dly 
 Capt. did not please to give, but evaded the ques- 
 tion by ordering the guns loaded, matches Avell 
 lighted &c. The second J^ieut. yet at the helm. 
 At this time my situation did not appear so plea- 
 sant to me. The idea of broadsides, blood, death 
 S:('. rather disturbed my mind, for the time l>cing. 
 Tliis had been created by f>ur cowardly Capt. who 
 had been saving, that said l^riu' had u'tins on l)oard. 
 
16 NARRATIVK. 
 
 and would l>lo\v our little Scliooner to atom? in 
 short time, [n the meantime onr two vessels kept 
 near each other, and the brig not appearing to 
 regard us. It was now resolved to give the brig a 
 broadside which was immediately done, this saluta- 
 tion brought the commander of the brig to take 
 some notice of us — again he interrogated, " AV^hat 
 in God's name do you want or wish of us?'' Our 
 Capt. answered, " shorten your sail and come under 
 our lee, and hoist out your boat and come on board 
 nie" — to me this seemed quite paradoxcal — the 
 idea that a vessel four times larger than ours could 
 come under our lee. This resulted from youth and 
 inex})erience in seaujanship. The Commander of 
 the brig now commenced a sort of seeming sympa- 
 thetic appeal to our Capt. Potter by stating to him, 
 (Potter,) that he (the Comr. of the brig) wished for 
 permission to lie by us until morning, for said he, 
 my boat is lashed fast under my booms, and I can- 
 not get her out — In the morning if you will lie by 
 me to-night I will come on l)oard you. Our Ca})t. 
 Potter responded, Aye! Aye! This answer pro- 
 duced a general murmur through far the greater 
 portion of our crew. The boatswain was a bold, 
 
XAKRA l'I\ i:. 17 
 
 Ikii'iIv and rxcoUfnr seaiuaii. jiiiiipcd alxnit and 
 swui-o like a iiiadmaii. Wai'd | l.oat.swain | cxchnmcd 
 ill tlic pivxMiee and liearino- of ('a])t. Porter, that 
 the I. rig would get away from us betore inuniing, 
 aiul indeed so did the reuiaiiider <>i' tlie crew, the 
 iirf^t Lieut, and sonic few excepted. AVliat wcndd 
 you do inquired Capt. Potter. T]ie 2d Lieut, with 
 otliers answered, '' Why ! board tlie brig and tai<e 
 possession of her ourselves.'' Capt. Potter inquires 
 who will go with you, to tlie 2d Lieut, wlio ha<l 
 offered to connnand tlie boat. '^ I M'ill " answered 
 a great nund)er of voices at tlie same instant. 
 " Well/' says Pottei-, " it is now dark, and slie is 
 armed — things must now remain as they are — she 
 Avill sink you and we have no other boat, and fu]-- 
 ther I have given my word to lye by her until 
 morning, and that is enough — now keep a good 
 look out for her until morning. I command this 
 vessel and will be obeyed." '^ The devil kci'p a 
 good look out," said our boatswain, toi- it is now 
 very thick and hazy and we are soon to have a 
 storm. Potter and Paine, (the first Lieutenant,) 
 went lielow. As soon as the ('aj)t. ifc 1st Lieut, had 
 gone bch.w, tlie ivmaiiMh'j- (tf the crew projxtx'd io 
 
18 ^AkiiAiivi:. 
 
 the '2(1 Lieut, to conline the Ciipt. i\: 1st Lieut, to 
 tlieir cabin, and immediately take possession of 
 said brig — this was opposed by the 2d Lieut, for the 
 reason that the act would be piratical, and perhaps 
 might amount to a hanging matter. Tliis euter- 
 prize was then abandoned. A man was sent to 
 mast head to keep a look out but he lost sight of 
 the brig before morning, and she had completely 
 made her escape from us, (.-apt. Potter came on 
 deck in the morning about one o'clock. He 
 enquired "■ liave you lost sight of the brig." Yes 
 sir, was the answer. Potter continues, " It is 
 damned strange you could not keep sight of her.'" 
 It is damned strange if we could, (observed the 
 boatswain,) in such a night as this, when she was 
 using all means to get clear of us. I was well 
 assured of this. Dont be troublesome Ward, said 
 C^apt. Potter, to the boatswain. No sir, (answered) 
 the boatswain) only for your good and mine. After 
 a few sulky moments it was determined to stand on 
 for Sandy-hook, thinking at day light she might 
 possibly be in sight — this hope proved futile. In 
 the morning at day light the atmosphere was dis- 
 mal and the wind risina" to a aale from the North 
 
NARRATIVE. 19 
 
 East, thruiigh tlie day all liaiuls weiv obliged tu 
 keep on deck. Tlie Imtclit's and companion way 
 were lashed down and tarpaulins nailed over tlieiu 
 to keep the water out, for by this time the sea made 
 a breacli over the deck from stem to stern by every 
 successive w^ave. The 2d Lieut, yet kept at the 
 helm. Our safety demanded the utmost activity 
 and caution and none but the 2d Lieut, in such a 
 perilous time could be entrusted with steering the 
 schooner. Tlie gale did not abate much during that 
 day and the following night we found it necessary 
 to throw six of our heaviest guns over board to 
 lighten our vessel — this hard fare evidently had a 
 great impression upon the crew, for their spirits 
 were much depressed and I wished myself on land — 
 we had nothing to eat or drink above deck except 
 some bad water — we had now fasted the whole day 
 and night coming on. some one inquired of the 
 Capt. if there was nothing eatable in the cabin. 
 He answered that I knew best (being cabin boy). 
 Can you go down if the top of the companion way 
 is raised up and get something to eat for us. 1 
 answered, I would try. I was let dow^n into the 
 cabin and gathered all I could find to eat or drink 
 
20 NARKATR^E. 
 
 and hauled up again, not being able to get pro- 
 vision from the liold, tlie bulk head being strong — 
 this was a very small meal tV»r each of tljo crew 
 when divided and nothing else coukl be obtained 
 through the dismal and painful night ensuing — the 
 gale was hard so that ev'ry one was either lashed 
 to some part of the vessel, or clung to some of her 
 rigging — no one slept on board our vessel the suc- 
 ceeding night — tlie wdiite lieads often broke over 
 our TafRl and kept us awake. On the morning of 
 the tliird day of the gale the wind abated in its 
 violence in a small degree and hauled a little to the 
 Northwest; as the wind abated the swells arose, tlie 
 water did not break over us so much as in the 
 violence of the gale. In the fore part of the day 
 hunger and fatigne had much dispirited the crew. 
 Nevertheless it was determined to enter the hold of 
 the vessel if possible and obtain something to cat — 
 this with some difficulty was effected, and served to 
 the crew on deck — my share was a hard biscuit and 
 small pieoe of raw pork — this to me although a boy 
 was a delicious meal. I seated myself to eat my 
 meal under tlie lee of the vessel's boat on deck. 
 Among my reflections while devouring my food, 
 
NARltA'lIVK. 
 
 21 
 
 the tli()ni;lits uf liDiiR' rushed into my mind. I was 
 in mtlicr a melancholy mood and cnst my eyes 
 about hoping to discover laud— in this endeavour to 
 see land looking to the leward, I discovered some- 
 thing in appearance resembling a very suuill bush 
 without leaves. I meutioncd this to the crew, 
 nuiuy of them tried to discover it without success. 
 The 2d Lieut, who was yet at the helm called a 
 sldlful sailor to take it, and said he would undertake 
 the discovery himself. lie came to me, and I gave 
 him the course, and at the top of the next swell he 
 succeeded and confirmed me in my assertion, and 
 remarked that it was "a sail" and square rigged 
 under bare poles. The crew in some degree had 
 regained their wonted spirits, and many of them 
 concluded the sail was the brig we had suffered to 
 run away from us, and cheered themselves with 
 strong hopes of again coming up with her. One ot 
 the crew, a small but active hand, observed that we 
 will tell her we have come again tomorrow, alhuling 
 to the compromise our V-a[>{. hud nuide with her 
 wdien she was fully in our })Ovver. We made tor 
 the sail as much as wind and weather would admit, 
 and as we ncarcd her w^c set more sail, and partly 
 
22 N \Er?ATIVK. 
 
 obtained the windward of her — she now discovered 
 lis, and in turn made sail for ns. We had our close 
 reefed top sails set. We now plainly discovered 
 that " the sail " was a ship — -by this time our spirits 
 had become damped, and our course immediately 
 shifted from a cliase to a run away. We aimed to 
 get before the wind as our vessel sailed best in that 
 situation, l)ut our exertions were fruitless — she came 
 up with us in a very short time and it was our ill 
 fate to learn that she was an English sloop of war — 
 the Sphynx of twenty guns.(i) In half an hour she 
 spoke us, and by her sailing seemed to disregard 
 Avind or weather. When our answer had been 
 given and our character known we were ordered 
 under her lee. The crew then exclaimed " we are 
 taken." (..) With respect to myself I reflected. If I 
 can get a better ship for my money I am glad of 
 it. these conclusions were induced from the superior 
 apitearance and sailing of the captor when com- 
 ])ared to the captive, and from youth and inex- 
 perience. As soon as we were ordered nnder the 
 lee of the captor, confusion ensued among our crew, 
 each selecting his own effects. We had taken in 
 none of our spread canvass — a small black cloud 
 
NARR.VnVK. 
 
 23 
 
 was rising np and a sqnall succeeding struck our 
 vessel and laid the vessel on her beams end, and 
 remained in that situation a sufficient time to allow 
 our surgeon to go out upon the side of the vessel 
 supporting himself by holding upon the main chains 
 turning his feet towards the keel. In the meantime 
 great exertions were made on board the captor to 
 send their boats to our vessel to save us from perish- 
 ing, apprehending from the situation of our vessel 
 that she would immediately sink, but contrary to 
 expectation our vessel " righted," and the boats ot 
 the Sphynx were soon along side to convey us on 
 board her, I was the first to board (^ne of their 
 boats which proved to be the Capt's Barge. She 
 was soon loaded with part of our crew and their 
 baggage. I placed myself on the stern of tlie boat, 
 arriving under the quarter railing of the Sphynx. 
 Many ropes were thrown to us from on board. I 
 fastened the end of one around my breast, and 
 called to those on deck to "haul away" — some 
 one cried out on the quarter deck, "Put it round 
 your damned neck you daumcd yankee, and we'll 
 soon haul you up," but an otiieer on board said 
 " haul him up" — the barge was then under the lee- 
 
24 NARRATIVE, 
 
 quarter. I was soon on the quarter deck. Tlie 
 buttons on my clotlies soon attracted tlie attention 
 of tlie britisli seamen, being pewter, and the motto 
 on them not suiting their taste quite so well — the 
 motto being Liberty and property — a knife was 
 called for to sever them from my clothes — an officer 
 on board ordered them to let me alone, but I kept 
 them for the crew to look at and make their rongli 
 and loyal observations about. The swells were yet 
 running very high and considerable time taken np 
 in removing the prisoners from onr scliooner to the 
 ship — which was finally effected without disaster. 
 As soon as the prisoners were taken from the cap- 
 tured vessel a boat was sent to her with orders 
 to the crew to set her on fire if she would burn, if 
 not to scuttle and sink her — the latter alternative 
 was adopted without taking a single article from 
 her, either furniture, rigging, tackle or provisions. 
 This done our crew were all put into the cable-tier. 
 The Capt. (Potter) and two boys excepted, and of 
 the two Ijoys 1 was one. We were allowed to run 
 about deck and between decks among the com- 
 mon sailors, who fed us with as much food as we 
 wanted. The evening after our capture, the Capt. (n) 
 
NARRATIVE. 25 
 
 of the Spliyux ordered us (the two boys) into his 
 Cabin bj his waiter. As soon as we entered the 
 Cabin he sent for the boatswain's mate, wIkj soon 
 shewed himself. The Ca}>t. then ordered liim to tie 
 US (the two boys) each to a cabin gun carriage, and 
 as far asunder as possible for tlic purpose of keep- 
 ing us from the hearing of each otlier. The boat- 
 swain's mate was not so delicate as to conceal from 
 our view his whipping instrument, which by sailors 
 was called a cat — by others a cat with nine tails (i) — 
 the appearance of whicli did not please us miicli. 
 lie first devoted his attention to the other boy 
 whose name was Paul Howe or Paul Wright. The 
 cat was laid on the gun in sight of Paul, he soon 
 commenced tieing him (Paul) to the gun, the sight 
 of the cat and the process of tieing moved Paul's 
 feelings so much that he bawled out with teiTour — 
 he made a noise as loud as a mad bull. The boat- 
 swain's mate as soon as he had fast'ned Paul, left 
 him and came to me and began his operation of 
 tieing me to the other gun. He soon began to con- 
 sole me however by observing that he hoped I 
 would not make such a damn'd crying as that 
 fellow does — he further said I guess you will not 
 
26 NARRATIVE. 
 
 get it very luii'tl. I answered, '' If 1 do it will be 
 damn'd hard," for I liad begun to be learned in 
 sailors' phrases. He (the mate) replied. I see you 
 will not bawl before yon are hurt. Having tied 
 me, I was left in that situation and he returned to 
 Paul. By this time I learned that we hud been 
 thus put in " durance vile " for the purpose of put- 
 ting us under examination in relation to our vessel, 
 her cruise, captures &e. Paul's examination was 
 soon commenced, but I could not hear much of 
 either questions or answers, as the Capt. questioned 
 him in an under tone of voice, the bawling of Paul 
 prevented me from hearing much if any of their 
 dialogue. He was soon again left and their atten- 
 tion was directed to me a second time, which was 
 for examination. Before commencing the Capt. 
 remarked to me in the following words, Now I 
 want the exact truth from you concerning your 
 cruise. I answered, I shall tell you the truth as far 
 as I know it. He rejoined, " It is what I want of 
 you." The Capt. put a long series of questions to 
 me on the subject, and I answered them severally 
 as he propounded them — before getting through he 
 ordered me to be released from my uncomfortable. 
 
X.MIRATIVK, '•Jii 
 
 situation at tiie gun wliicli was done and tin; ex- 
 amination resumed and continued to a close. As 
 soon as I was untied however he offered me Porter 
 or wine which I declined — a seat was offered mo 
 and also declined. My answers and the details 
 annexed seemed to give satisfaction, sometimes pro- 
 voking a smile and even a laugh from the Capt. 
 and those around him — some of my answers how- 
 ever were not so pleasant. That portion which 
 rehited to falling in with the brig seemed the most 
 pleasant to them, particularly the conduct of our 
 Capt. Potter in suffering the brig to run away from 
 us after we had captured her. Our captor kept on 
 • her course for New York and in three or four days 
 after our capture we made the highlands of l^ever 
 Sink (ft) as they were called. While steering for the 
 port of New York off Sandy Hook as I was running 
 aV)out deck I saw a large number of vessels aft 
 coming into port, or apparently so, and among them 
 a large Brig several miles from our ship (say 4 or 5). 
 I mentioned to some of the common sailors that 
 that brig (pointing her out to them) is the one that 
 escaped from us in the night before you captured 
 us. This assertion caused a lau<j;h amongst the 
 
28 NAKKATIVE. 
 
 under officers and seamen who heard me. My pre- 
 tended discovery soon got to the ears of the officers 
 on tlie quarter deck — the Capt. sent for me, it being 
 in the day time and inquired whetlier or not I had 
 ever seen that Brig before (pointing her out) I 
 answered him in the affirmative, the substance of 
 which was much the same as my story tohl a few 
 minutes before to tlie under officers and common 
 sailors. Are you sure of it said the Capt. I tliink 
 I am. This conversation with the Capt. caused a 
 hearty hiugh among the officers on the quarter deck 
 at my expence. But tlie Capt. ordered the main 
 top sail to be backed, and said, we will wait for her 
 to come uj) — she now came up very fast. I still 
 remained on the quarter deck — as she neared us I 
 called the attention of those around me to the 
 appearance of the Brig and observed — there don't 
 you see her copper bottom? Some one inquired, 
 had she a copper bottom? did you see it in the 
 night? As she escaped from us in the night the 
 inquirer supposed I had only seen lier in the flight. 
 I answered that I saw her in day light as well as in 
 the night and added " I know it is the same Brig. 
 I know her also by the trim of her sails." An old 
 
NARRATIVE. 
 
 20 
 
 gnim looking officer standing near, (the boatswain 
 or quarter master) in a surly manner said, AVliat a 
 dau)ned rebel fool you are. The Capt. rebuked his 
 insolence and said, we will wait for her to come up 
 for our own curiosity. She was soon near enough 
 to be hailed which w^as done by the question, 
 "Where from ? From Liverpool. Where bound ? to 
 'New York, had you a good passage ? Yes, all but 
 a late gale. Have you fell in with any vessels at 
 sea ? But one, a small privateer Schooner, and that 
 I ran away from in the night. What is your cargo ? 
 Dry goods mainly, and ballanced with salt. AVhat 
 is the amount of your invoice? The amount w\as 
 great but I cannot now recollect it. The Capt. of 
 the Sphyux now observed to the Capt. of the brig. 
 The Capt. and crew of the schooner you got away 
 from I have now on board and she has gone to the 
 bottom. The crew of the Brig then gave three 
 hearty cheers, keeping under weigh into the port of 
 New York. The cheering and glee amongst the 
 crew of the Brig gave me very unpleasant sensa- 
 tions, but 1 was compelled to submit to it without 
 any audible disapprobation. After arriving in the 
 port of Ts^'ew-York 0) we were immediately put on 
 
30 NAUKATIVK. 
 
 Lutird a prison ship, I think "the Asia"(io) — She 
 was an old transport ship lying near the mouth of 
 the east river and not far from the place where the 
 old Jersey prison ship afterwards lay. In a day or 
 two after this, newspapers from the city of X. Y. 
 were brought on hoard our prison ship, detailing 
 our affair with the hrig at sea and re})rehending the 
 conduct of our Capt. Potter in no measured terms 
 and stating the value of the Brig and cargo. It 
 appeared that her cargo consisted of fine broad 
 cloth for the officers of the army and navy, silks &c. 
 and salt worth three dollars per bushel in the states. 
 Our Capt. Potter was compelled to hear these 
 details all read, not being able to get out of the 
 hearing and also the severe denunciations of both 
 American and British seamen with respect to his 
 conduct before alluded to. Although I considered 
 myself extremely the sufferer by his conduct, I 
 could not help sympathizing with him in his then 
 very unpleasant situation. His counteiumce denoted 
 a mind full of dejection, aj^parently bordering on a 
 state of inanity — four hundred men were gazing at 
 him nearly at the same time and among them four- 
 teen Americaii sea captains. Many would inquire 
 
NAliKA'l'IVE. 
 
 31 
 
 on seeing liini near tlieni, Is tliat tlie Capt. Potter 
 who captured the Brig and snfiered her to run 
 away. I sware if I were one of his crew I would 
 murder him. This and simihir expressions were 
 often uttered in his hearing among British as well 
 as Americans, (ii) — After liaving heen on hoard the 
 Prison Ship ahout three weeks, an under British 
 naval officer came on board in quest of waiters, 
 intending if any boys were on board to take tlieni 
 away, mentioning that he had leave to do so from 
 the post Admiral — he soon selected Paul, before 
 mentioned, and myself, liaving leave as he said, to 
 take two boys. Paul's father w^as also a fellow" 
 prisoner and captured with us. The father and son 
 both set up such an uproar and lamentations that 
 the officer was induced to leave him. Tlie officer 
 selected another prisoner by the name of Jacob 
 Good in Paul's stead — then taking our names left 
 the prison ship reminding us that he should call and 
 take us away in two or three days, that we were 
 destined to go on board the British frigate Maid- 
 stone (12) of twenty eight guns to which vessel said 
 officer had been transferred by recent arrangement, 
 and wa.' at that time reniovinu' his effects on board 
 
32 NARRATIVK. 
 
 lier. When tlio officer left the ship he handed each 
 of lis a quarter of a dollar — I refused to receive the 
 money offered me saying I had heard of silver 
 Copeing(i3) before. The officer replied, Why you 
 damn'd Yankee I dont mean to buy you with this 
 money — I have you safe enough— I gave it to you 
 for use as you })leased until I call for you. I kept it 
 and no more was said, the officer went away laugh- 
 ing. Tliis officer came on board the day appointed 
 and called for us» Good & mj^self presented our- 
 selves — ^he directed me to get in readiness to go 
 with him but told Good he should not take him, 
 much to Good's apparent disappointment — he M^as 
 mortiiled at the neglect of the officer for he was 
 anxious to leave the prison ship. Good remained 
 behind but he soon swam away from the prison ship 
 reached the Long Island shore and finally escaped, 
 and again reached Providence where he had then 
 lately resided with a Mrs. Crawford, (u) and in 
 whose service he again entered. All this, (running 
 away from the prison ship) he performed at noon 
 day, in spite of the vigilance of the British officers 
 and guards. He was fired on by the guard on 
 board ship witliout injury many times. Jacob took 
 
ALAN, (LORD) GARDNER. 
 Captaix of thf Maidstoxe. 
 
xarrativf:. 66 
 
 advantage of tlie absence of tlie ship's boat, for liis 
 escape. After the guard had ceased firing upon 
 him a hallo was set up by the british on board the 
 ship to the people on shore to stop a run-a-way 
 rebel — the people on shore could not see him and 
 he passed them some distance to effect a landing. 
 After landing he took to his heels and a number of 
 large dogs were set to him but when the dogs came 
 near him, Jacob turned pursuer, clapped his hands 
 and sent the dogs forward of him at full chase after 
 other game — whether they came up with it or not 
 Jacob did not stop to inrpiire. This adventure of 
 Jacobs I afterwards had from himself and others. 
 I knew nothing of it personally. I have no donbt 
 that what is here stated with respect to him is sub- 
 stantially correct. 1 was immediately taken on 
 board the frigate by the officer as his waiter. This 
 frigate was tlien commanded by Cajjt. Lewis Gar- 
 diner,* (is) James Vashan(,6) 1st Lieut. I have 
 since observed that both these officers have been 
 Admirals in the British K^avy. The Maidstone was 
 preparing for sea when 1 was first put on board and 
 bound ou a cruise. She was an old ship but an 
 
 * A mistake in the name. Should be Alan Gardner. 
 
3i N A RR ATI YK. 
 
 excellent sailor. Tlio ofiicer who had removed me 
 on board the frigate as his servant, soon wished me 
 to simi the books, liavino- learned that I conld write 
 my name, for the purpose as he said of drawing my 
 wages, Tliis I refused to do and said I had rather 
 go and see my mother, (n) rather tlian sign away my 
 liberty. Then, said he, I will do it for yon, which 
 he did, and further said, there yon damned Yankee 
 it will make no odds with you. I have you ftist 
 enough.. The name of this officer was Richard 
 Richards. (ih) He had a right to two servants, and 
 he soon secured it by obtaining one Stephen Stone, 
 an English boy from Yorkshire. He was three or 
 four years my senior in age, but failed in a degree 
 in activity and too often indulged the inebriating 
 draught. His habits prevented our Mr. Richards 
 entrusting him with anything requiring care or 
 fidelity. Fortunately for me I did not indulge 
 intoxication from ardent spirits or any other bever- 
 age. I was soon entrusted with Mr. Richard's 
 domestic affairs, so far as related to his Cabin opei'a- 
 tions, so that my Yorkshire lad had to follow my 
 directions with respect to cooking, cleansing the 
 Cabin &c. Althoni:;h fellow servants wc did not 
 
>AV;KAiiVj:. 35 
 
 always keep in the best of humour towards each 
 other. He did not always obey my commands so 
 readily as I desired and was too much a defaulter 
 to keep me in peace with his ill beliavior. Some- 
 times it promoted a broil between ns which would 
 end in a trial of muscular activity and generally I 
 came off conqueror, although he possessed as mucli 
 and perhaps more strength tlum myself. Boxing- 
 was not allowed on boai'd the frigate yet the boys 
 would sometimes phiy the pugilist, and no notice 
 would be taken of it by the othcers. On one 
 occasion my Stephen did not clean the kuivcs and 
 forks in a proper manner for whicli 1 called him to 
 an account in a manner that so much displeased 
 him he called me a " damn'd YaukiH;"" and at the 
 same instant stabbed me with a table fork which he 
 held in his hand — by tliis stab he wounded me in 
 the breast — the blood soon made its appearance 
 running down my clothes freely. This took place 
 in the cooks room near the Coppers — in presence of 
 many of the sailoi's who were much exasperated 
 with Stephen for his barbarity and immediately 
 removed us both to the quarter deck — he to be 
 punished for the assault and myself to enter com- 
 
''>*5 XAUkATlVi:. 
 
 plaint against him. lie was inimediatelj sentenced 
 to receive two dozen laslies tVoni tlie boatswain's 
 mate for tliis outrage, and tied to a gun. lie now 
 began to beg my forgiveness. I interposed in his 
 behalf with great anxiety, but to no purpose except 
 saving one of the dozen. The dozen that he 
 received was most horribly inflicted — the blood ran 
 down to his lieels. The boatswain's mate who 
 administered Jiis punishment was a hard hearted 
 wretch and appeared destitute of liuman feelings. — 
 his name James Richardson. Tlie witnessing of 
 this punislunent and the shrieks of the sufferer 
 made me sick at the stomach. The other boat- 
 sw^ain's mate was John Henly, a humane man and 
 beloved. Richardson was a Scotchman. After 
 this Stephen and myself had very little dispute 
 while I remained on board the frigate, which was 
 fpiite a year after this event. Tliis frigate (i«) Avhile 
 I was on board her cruised on the coast of the 
 United States, for some time on the coast of 
 Virginia, where she captured a mmiber of red 
 cedar pilot boats laden with tobacco which was 
 valuable and generally outward bound— the boys 
 on board always sharing equal with the common 
 
NAKIIAIIVK. 37 
 
 sailors — the prize monej(v.o) was soon expended, lor 
 tlie sailors' creed then was, ''AVliat 1 had I got, 
 what I spent I saved, and what I kept I lost." The 
 vessels which were captnred during the time I M'as 
 on hoard the frigate were small — the crews taken 
 out and the craft sunk or burnt — all the young men 
 and boys Avould be retained in the service of the 
 frigate and against their desire or choice. The 
 frigate seldom lay at a wharf or came to anchor 
 except at some distance from land. I was not on 
 shore save once during the whole of my stay on 
 board the frigate, which was fifteen months. This 
 was on a small Island in Naragausett bay, hetween 
 Connecticut and Rhode Island — the company con- 
 sisted of thirteen boys and others in the shi])'s yawl 
 for the purpose of gathering twigs from the hirches 
 to make scrub brooujs. Mr. Richards directed 
 those who had charge of the boat to " keep a 
 damn'd sharp look out for Kit." I must here be 
 permitted to mention an incident although not im- 
 mediately concerning my narative — late in the fall 
 of 1777 while at sea we spoke a brig, then directly 
 from the port of New York — our Capt. inquired 
 "what news from New York" — he received for 
 
38 XARKATIVK. 
 
 answer that it was reported in N. Y. when the brig 
 sailed that Bnrgo^'ne had capitulated with his whole 
 army. I was on the quarter deck and heard this, 
 which pleased uie exceedingly, and in my transports 
 of joy run fore and aft on the gun deck crying the 
 news. A midshipman observing me, said, away 
 with yon, you dannrd yankee, with your damn'd 
 lies — there is not yankees enough by G — d on the 
 whole continent to take him, for he had with him 
 ten thousand of the best troops of Lord Howe's 
 army. I know it is a damn'd lie, but the next day 
 we fell in Avith a shijj and hailed her — she also 
 proved to be from New-York — had sailed since the 
 brig we had spoken the (hiy before. Oar Capt. 
 inquired " what news," he was answered, " un- 
 pleasant news. Burgoyne has cai)itulated with his 
 whole army." Back your topsails and I will send 
 my boat on board of you. The boat was sent on 
 board. When it was returning I got to the quarter 
 deck where my duty often led me and was not 
 noticed. As soon as the boat returned the news of 
 Burgoyne's capitulation was confirmed. (21) I went 
 immediately to the main deck, with joy beaming in 
 ray countenance, exclaiminGf; what do vou think 
 
NAUKATIVE. 39 
 
 now of your great Burgoyne'^ Dauiii you be ofl' 
 you damu'd saucy bo-g-r cried a number of voices 
 at the same time. What, said I, looking at them 
 earnestly — this short question ])ut them in silence 
 for I had seen many of them take a dozen for useing 
 these words, "damn'd saucy bo-g-r," when all other 
 profanity would be winked at. The Maidstone was 
 lying at anchor one evening at New^port in Course 
 Harboui',* in the course of the night orders were 
 given to get under weigli foi- what purpose tlie 
 officers only knew — w^e stood out, and in the morn- 
 ing at dayliglit we saw a ship off Point Judith 
 point (22) — standing out — we made sail for lier and 
 soon came near her— slie proved to be the ship 
 Columbus (23) privateer and American — then out of 
 Providence. The crew of the Columbus did not 
 seem to like our ap[)earance much for they soon run 
 her a shore at Point Judith, got out one carriage 
 gun, a 4 or 6 pounder, and drew it up a hill a short 
 distance from the Columbus, and halted— in the 
 meantime the Maidstone approached as near the 
 Columbus as prudence would permit for fear of 
 grounding, dropt her hedge anclior and came to a 
 
 * Coaptpr'f- Harbnr. 
 
40 NAKRATIVK. 
 
 stand. The crew of the Coluinljiis had taken mus- 
 kets and ammunition from her after runnino; her on 
 shore. This we soon learned by their opening a lire 
 upon us with musketiy and the carriage gun before 
 mentioned — a shot from the cannon linll'd us once 
 under our cpiarter at the edge of the copper and 
 w^hich sprung a leak into tlie bread room which 
 afterwards moulded our bread and we were obliged 
 to eat, and tlie british sailors often damned the 
 yankees for their insolence. I noticed that some of 
 our ofHcers were a little cautious of the balls from 
 the cannon on shore — the balls whistled over our 
 heads and some of our cpiarter deck gentry dodged 
 or bowed a little. But we brought some of our guns 
 to bear upon those on shore which after some time 
 dispersed them. Our yawl was manned and com- 
 bustibles put on board to assist in burning the 
 Columbus — the crew of the 3'awl boarded and set 
 fire to her, but some of them paid severely for their 
 temerity — five of them were dreadfully wounded 
 after they had gained the yawl to return after set- 
 ting the Columbus on fire, by the crew of the 
 Columbus, who ran down the liill and fired upon 
 them.(jj) When the yawl returned to the frigate 
 
XARKATIVK. 41 
 
 the live woiiiided men lay in the bottom of the 
 boat, aj^parently dead — wallowing in their gore. 
 Capt. Gardner saw them and shed tears — not one 
 of them however died of their wounds. Tiie inhu- 
 man wretch Eichardson and boatswain's mate 
 before spoken of, was among the wounded. It 
 
 was sometime before lie recovered from his wound 
 
 when Americans were near enough for him to notice 
 them, such was his malignity he would grate or 
 gnash his teeth from rage, but the poor devil could 
 not help himself This same Eichardson had good 
 reason to remember the yankees as he was pleased 
 to call them, although from his own misconduct and 
 inhumanity. I will relate one case. In one of our 
 cruises a short time before burning the Columbus, 
 an American vessel was taken, on board of which 
 among other sailors was one by the name of Barney 
 
 Clark, a small but very athletic man and young 
 
 he was retained as a seaman on board the frio-ate 
 against his will. After Clark had been on board 
 about three weeks, orders were given to about ship- 
 when such an order was given all hands were called 
 and at the time before mentioned Clark was below 
 shifting his linen— he was however soon on deck 
 
■i'2 NAKRATIVi;. 
 
 through the fore liatch. Richardson being boat- 
 swain's mate stood near the hatchway, and as Clark 
 was passing him gave him (Clark) a blow with his 
 rattan — this insult Clark had the boldness to resent 
 and whieli ended in a boxing match between Clark 
 and Richardson, and resulted in Clark's favour most 
 triumphantly, for Richardson was horribly whipt, 
 and so badly off was he that he was confined to his 
 hammock for some weeks, and for some days after 
 the combat was completely blind. For this fight 
 Richardson was cashiered by a Court Martial. I 
 witnessed the battle — I felt very uneasy wlien it 
 was about commencing from the fear that Clark 
 w^ould be vanquished, from the circumstance that 
 Richardson was much the heaviest and apparently 
 the strongest man, but he was compelled to yield to 
 the hardy American. In the contest Clark rec'd 
 but very little injury, having escaped with a mere 
 scratch in the face. Richai-dson was bruised to 
 black and blue from the lower part of his breast to 
 the top of his head. I saw him the next day after 
 the affair in his hammock, and a more horrid spec- 
 tacle I never beheld in the carcase of one man. 
 The sight of a vankee troubled his vision ever after, 
 
NAKKAIJVK. iru 
 
 as long as I knew him. The pilot on l)t>ard the 
 Maidstone was an American, lie was a Yirfjiniau 
 and I think born in that state. ]lis name was 
 Pliili})s if my meniorj^ be correct — lie had a small 
 family on the western shore of the Chesapeake bay, 
 not a great distance from the Capes Charles & 
 Henry, Avhich he visited once or twice in the night 
 while yet I was on board the frigate. He went on 
 shore in a boat belonging to the frigate which 
 awaited the termination of his visit to his family — ■ 
 lie messed in the same Cabin with us, was a jovial 
 money getting sort of man and beloved by the 
 wdiole crew. Mr. Richards took him into our mess, 
 to accommodate him, and with my assent or per- 
 mission. He was very atfable and so far as I can 
 judge from what I then knew of him was a man of 
 good information and judgment. He was Avell 
 acquainted with the coast from Xew York to New 
 Orleans, and was very successful in directing the 
 frigate to points or places to take prizes. The com- 
 merce of his countrymen was much annoyed by his 
 skill, for he caused many prizes to be taken on the 
 coast. Although then a boy under fourteen years 
 of age I could not avoid noticing his unpatriotic 
 
44 NARKATIVE. 
 
 conduct towards his country and fellow citizens, 
 and when alone with him in a good natured manner 
 took the liberty to remind him of it. He would 
 always turn the conversation to some other subject, 
 not wishing to make any remarks on his national 
 feelings. He had a large amount of money on 
 board all in gold. He gave his money into my 
 custody when he came to mess with us at the 
 instance of Mr, Richards — after some time he set 
 the ship's carpenter to make him a box to pack his 
 gold in. The box was made and delivered to him, 
 which done he called on me to assist him in packing 
 it into his box which I readily obeyed — when we 
 liad finished he gave me a guinea which I willingly 
 took. On one occasion in reply to some observa- 
 tions I made to him in relation to his avocations, he 
 said that he meant to keep in the business he was 
 then in until he should fill his box with gold, if tlie 
 war continued long enough, and then return to his 
 family and country and remain there if his country- 
 men would permit him, if not, he should remove his 
 famih" to some country where he could live in 
 peace. All this was on our first cruise, but he was 
 with us two more cruises Mdiilc I was on board. 
 
NAUllATIVK. 45 
 
 The last cruise I went in the Maidstone our success 
 was so great in taking prizes that it came to the 
 turn of Mr Ilicliards, my master, to be put on 
 board a prize we had taken as prize master and to 
 take the prize into the port of New- York for adjudi- 
 cation — the prize was a french Schooner — Mr Rich- 
 ards had several times in our light conversation 
 asked me whether or not I would run away from 
 him if I had a good opportunity — I had invariably 
 answered him that I would. He would then observe 
 that 1 was very much out of the way in such a con- 
 clusion and would make me great promises as an 
 inducement to stay with him on board, not forget- 
 ting to mention that he could or would retake me 
 99 times in a 100 escapes by me, if I could elfect so 
 many. When we were about to leave the frigate 
 to go on board the french prize schooner he inquired 
 of me about leaving him if an opportunity ottered. 
 I answered evasively lest he would be careful to 
 prevent me. The crew which was put on board 
 the prize Schooner was a very indilferent one and 
 composed mostly of invalids, witli one exception, 
 and he was soon after taken sick. The frigate which 
 was bound in took the })rize in tow l)ut things did 
 
46 NAKRATIVK. 
 
 not go well in tliis Avay, sometimes the toAV line 
 wonkl slake— -=and then bring up— at last the tow 
 line parted and sent the prize adrift. The Capt. of 
 the frigate hailed and told Mr Kichards he must 
 take care of himself without the aid of the frigate. 
 We were left in this situation by the frigate with 
 our flimsy crew — the weather was rough when the 
 frigate parted from us. A sail was in sight at the 
 time we M'ent on board the prize which gave us 
 chase. Wlien the frigate j^arted from us she in 
 turn gave chase to said vessel but without success. 
 The officers of the frigate concluded it to be a sloop 
 which we had chased several times before without 
 coming up with her. They supposed the sloop to 
 be commanded by Capt. John Hopkins, (2'.) and that 
 there was no use in giving further chase. The 
 frigate then left her chase — this chase I did not see 
 much of but was informed of it by others. After 
 several days we arrived with our prize in tlie port 
 of New York. Here I was permitted to go ashore 
 almost as often as I pleased. The crcAV or the 
 greater portion of it remained on board until the 
 prize was libelled and condemned. During all this 
 time I made no attempts to leave the british service 
 
NAKRATIVK, 47 
 
 concluding tliat my motions were strictly watched 
 by the officer Eichards and perhaps others. The 
 Maidstone ai-rived at ISTew-roi-k on or about the 
 time that the prize got into port. As soon as the 
 prize had passed a final adjudication the crew were 
 ordered on board the frigate whither they imme- 
 diately went— having been on board the frigate 
 a few days she yet lying in the east river nearly 
 opposite Governors Island, («) and again about sail- 
 ing on a cruise, Mr. Richards ordered me one day 
 about one o'clock P. M. to take such of his wearing 
 apparel as required washing, carry it on shore to a 
 wash woman in the city whom he named and 
 directed me to, and have the clothes w^ashed with 
 orders to return to the frigate at 5 o'clock P. M. I 
 determined to avail myself of this opportunity to 
 effect my escape. A servant to the boatswain by 
 the name of William Eock, an english boy born in 
 London accompanied me on a similar errand for his 
 master — after arriving in the city, we left the 
 clothes as we had been directed. When we had 
 disposed of our charge we Avalked about the city 
 some time — I soon intimated to Eock my intention 
 of escape. He then said he would escape with mc. 
 
48 NARRATIVE. 
 
 I undertook to dissnade him from attempting it, and 
 as a reason that lie was an englishman and had no 
 family connections in America — thus being situated 
 if he should not succeed he would be severely pun- 
 ished. That my case was very different from his — 
 tluit I had parents and a large circle of family 
 connections who were interested in my fate, and all 
 of them engaged in support of the cause of Ameri- 
 can independence — that I considered the attempt 
 on my part hazardous in the extreme, but I con- 
 sidered it my duty however perilous the effort 
 might be, to undertake the enterprize, and more 
 especially as I was compelled on board the frigate 
 to perform service against my country. This reason- 
 ing had no impression upon the mind of Rock. He 
 would go with me. I then told him he must act 
 under my directions wholly. This he promised me 
 faithfully to observe. This William Eock was 
 several years my senior in age — was industrious 
 and rigidly honest. His information with respect 
 to the colonies was limited to a degree bordering 
 upon incredulity. When walking with me in the 
 city of New York, and after I had mentioned to him 
 my determination to escape, he enquired where I 
 
XARRATIVK. 49 
 
 was going, for he liad understood I was an Ameri- 
 can and liad parents living there. How can yon 
 get there, and wlien yon do get tliere the wild 
 beasts will tear yon in pieces. From these obser- 
 vations I was convinced of his total ignorance of 
 the colonies, their inhabitants, inteligence, manners, 
 customs &c. and put the following question to him, 
 " Where do yon think you now are ?" He answei-ed, 
 " Why, we are in a british port." I replied, " Ko, 
 we are in an American port. It is true the british 
 now controul it by force— you will find in America 
 the arts and sciences diffused throughout the civil- 
 ized portion of her inhabitants." He was fully 
 aware that the wild beasts and savages were the 
 terronr of all the American people, for he said 
 " Hawkins, if we should have the luck to get tliere 
 (meaning America) would not the wild beasts and 
 savages devour us immediately." (.7) At this I 
 laughed heartily in his presence and observed to 
 him that no more danger would attend us in my 
 intended rout to Rhode Island than in the place 
 wliore M-e were then walking from tlie wild beasts 
 and savages— that the greater portion of New^ Eng- 
 land was wholly exempted from the incursions of 
 
50 NARRATIVE. 
 
 wild beasts and savages, and certainly in a great 
 degree at least I entertained no apprehensions from 
 tliem especially in my colony of R. Island. These 
 assnranccs quieted his feelings. He immediately 
 and very earnestly observed, " then I will go with 
 you if it be to the end of the Avorld, if thin he the 
 easey It was at this time that I much desired a 
 new suit of fine broad cloth clothes that had been 
 made for me after we had arrived in New York at 
 the expence of Mr Richards and the pilot before 
 mentioned. These had been purchased for me by 
 them for my good conduct in getting the prize into 
 port, for after the able seamen before mentioned 
 had become sick no one on board could go aloft to 
 do anything but myself — or at least it was so pre- 
 tended. For my attention in this case, and other 
 services these clothes were given me. I could not 
 bring them away with me when I left the frigate 
 without detection of my intention. I left some- 
 money on board in the cnstody of Richards. It 
 was prize money aftd amounted to at least fifteen 
 guineas. Richards kept this from me to keep me 
 from leaving. The guinea that tlie pilot had given 
 me Richards knew nothinij about — so tliat when I 
 
^.AKKATlVi:. 51 
 
 ^ol iutu the L-ity i had this ;j;Liiijea and a .<il\ei' dul- 
 hir besides. Kock had only a dulhii'. 1 will here 
 lueutioii iiu incident which (jccuiTed un board of our 
 iVeiich prize schooner, the next day after we took 
 possession of her — 1 do it for the purpose of ex])osing 
 tlie silly superstitictn of the sailors, as well as others 
 of those times. An old english sailor came tund)- 
 liniv towards several of us who M'ere on the cpiarter 
 deck exchiiming with much trepidation and apparent 
 alarm '' that this damned froncli vessel is haunted,'' 
 for said he "■ I lieai'd a damned scratching some- 
 where, saying 'quit,' and you were all aft/' I went 
 quickly forward and struck a suuiU cal)le that was 
 coiled on deck and covered with an old tarpaulin — 
 quit was again repeated, the voice that uttered it 
 seemed to be under the Tarpaulin — I removed the 
 tarpaulin and a large cock Turkey appeared. I 
 loudly ol)served that I had found the s[)irit. It was 
 soon viewed by nearly all on board to the no small 
 meriment of the whole crew not excepting the old 
 sailor who had been so much alarmed at his dis- 
 covery. But to return to our escai)e. The evening 
 after leaving the frigate, we (Rock 6^ myself) sle])t 
 on board an old dismantled vessel Ivinu* not far 
 
52 NARRATIVE, 
 
 from tlie Fly Market (•-■.) — we slept in the shot hjck- 
 ei's, myself in the starboard one and Rock in the 
 larboard one. We left the vessel as soon as the da}' 
 dawned. We immediately went to the ferry stairs 
 near the market where we found a boat with milk, 
 sance &c. which was nnlading and destined for the 
 Market. I proposed to l)e taken with Rock across 
 in the boat to Brooklyn after the boat should be 
 discharged of her Market freight. We soon made a 
 bargain and about the time we were stepping on 
 board the boat I cast my eyes towards the market. 
 I saw a boy by the name of John Sawyer walking 
 slowly towards us. He was an American boy, 
 belonging towards the easterly end of Long Island, 
 at or near Sag Harbour — had been taken prisoner 
 at sea, kept as a servant to the Capt's Clerk, on 
 board the same frigate with me — I hailed him 
 instantly. He had left the frigate that morning in 
 the first boat under the directions of his master to 
 visit the market to purchase milk. When I hailed 
 him I said, come John, the boat is ready. Ay, Ay, 
 answered John. He soon joined us and we crossed 
 the east river to Brooklyn. It pleased me much to 
 get a sight at Sawyer. It was unexpected to me. 
 
NAKKATIVK. 58 
 
 As soon as I had hailed him, '' Come John the hoat 
 is ready," he understood me at once, and on seeing 
 and liearing me he at the instant cast the bottle 
 from liis liands under a fliglit of steps near tlie 
 market, and walked directly to the hoat. He was 
 not at a loss to understand our meaning. He well 
 knew that a run away manoeuvre was being entered 
 into. During our stay with the boatman nothing 
 was said between us about our leaving the frigate, 
 nor of our operations or intentions. As soon as we 
 got clear of the boat we travelled several miles at a 
 rapid pace. After we had progressed several miles 
 we began to converse about our adventures. John 
 Sawyer informed me that I was missed the evening 
 before by Richards, about dusk, and that he called 
 me several times, and made strict inquiry of Stephen 
 • Stone, his other servant tor me. Stephen of course 
 had not seen me since I left the frigate the after- 
 noon before. One sailor said "• Kit had paddled 
 the hoff" — another, in a taunting numner, " He has 
 gone to see liis mother I" These observations pro- 
 voked master llichards to anger to sueh a degree 
 lliat he treated them rather irreverently. The next 
 mornino" liichards came on shore in the same boat 
 
54- NAKRATIVK. 
 
 with Sawyei', l)ut it was yet so dark that Sawyer did 
 not discover liiiii until leaving the boat after it liad 
 arrived at tlie wharf in the city. Then it was that 
 Ricliards disclosed to Sawyer his object in coming 
 a shore so early in the morning — and that he was in 
 quest of me. He supposed that I had either got 
 lost in the city, had mistaken the wharf wliere the 
 ship's boats arrived and departed, or hud taken 
 lodgings with some acquaintances which he had 
 made when on board our prize and while we had 
 been in New York — while walking the street with 
 Sawyer he thought he should find me at or near the 
 market, but when they had arrived within a short 
 distance of the market Richards concluded to visit a 
 barber's shop then opposite to them in the same 
 street they were then in. He directed Sawyer if he 
 should see me, to order my stay at the market 
 whither Sawyer Avas going, until he (Richards) 
 should l)e there which would not exceed twenty 
 minutes from the time Sawyer left him. It seems 
 then that at the time we entered the market Mr 
 Richards was vei'v near me, and I)ut for his atten- 
 tion at the barber's shop would probably have 
 taken me. AWev we had travelled snnie distance, 
 
NARKATIVK. 00 
 
 Ruck bei2,'an to coiiipUuu ot* liuuger and fatigue. It 
 was suggested to call at some small house out of the 
 road and ol)tain something to eat. This I strongly 
 opposed as that course would induce a suspicion of 
 our true situation, and pi'0})osed calling for our 
 breakfast at a tavern then in sight, in a bold but 
 careless manner. It was at the same time proposed 
 to fix a plausible story between us to use provided 
 we should be taken up which was more than pro- 
 bable for we well knew that nearly if not all the 
 country embraced within the limits of Long Island 
 was governed l)y the british and their tory ad- 
 herents, and that we should be examined not only 
 in the hearing of each other but separately. I was 
 appointed to invent our brief but fabulous history. 
 I accepted the appointment — And suggested as fol- 
 lows, "We must say that we have been }»rivateerin^ 
 to catch yankees, out of Xew-York, have recently 
 returned from sea and are now going home to Sag- 
 Ilarbour to visit our relatives, friends and neigh- 
 bors." This was adopted, and Sawyer observed that 
 nothing could do better as he had an uncle residino- 
 at Sag-Harbour by the name of Daniel Havens, (::!») 
 and that his father had lived there, but now resided 
 
56 NAKKATIVK. 
 
 on Shelter Island (30) not far distant, and lie had a 
 sister married and then living at or near Sag Har- 
 bour. Our contingent history having been agreed 
 upon we went forward to the tavern before men- 
 tioned, called for our breakfasts which was furnished 
 us, and for which we paid a shilling each, N. York 
 currency — we learned at this tavern (31) on inquiry 
 that we were nine miles from New York, and that 
 three miles further travel would take us to Jamaica. 
 We iuimediately went forward, having determined 
 to keep the main road to Sag Harbour, we went 
 boldly on our journey — were stopped in our course 
 once that day on suspicion as run a ways from his 
 majesty's navy — our story was told, and we were 
 suffered to proceed with very little delay. The 
 next day were again stopped by two or three 
 men travelling in the direction for Xew York — we 
 were again examined but separately, and supported 
 each other in our several examinatious. Notwith- 
 standing there was no descripencies in our stories, 
 the examinants had considerable hesitation with 
 respect to sulfering us to proceed. They accused us 
 of having run away from a l>ritish man of war — 
 said thev could get forty doHari* a head for us whicli 
 
NARRATIVE. 0« 
 
 snin would pay one half tlie price for a iiiie horse 
 tVrc. These men had eight or ten horses with them 
 destined for the New York market. After I had 
 spoken in an nnder tone to Saw^yer & Iloek, that we 
 should get a good ride by going back and that on 
 onr arrival at New- York we shonld he instantly 
 released through the interest we conld make with 
 our late officers and these men would be obligetl to 
 bring us back at their own expence &c which was 
 heard by our examinants as I intended it to be, I 
 walked up to the best horse I could select and said, 
 " I will take this horse." " Stop," said one of the 
 examinants, who seemed to be the leader of the 
 party, "I do not know what to make of you. That 
 fellow," (pointing to Rock) "I could swear is an 
 english l)oy, but you tw^o (meaning myself and 
 Sawyer) seem to know men at Sag-Harbour — one 
 of you say that Capt. Havens is your uncle — I 
 know him, and I must let you go on." We then 
 went on full of glee and laughed heartily at our 
 success, and arrived at the house of Capt. Havens 
 in Sag Harbour without any further molestation 
 from the tories or british. Capt. Havens received 
 us with cordiality and even politeness welcomed us 
 
58 XAKKATIVE. 
 
 t(j ]iU Louse, entertained us with the best victuals 
 and drink his house could alt'ord — he invited us to 
 tarry with him until an opportunity offered for us 
 to cross the sound in safety to the Connecticut shore. 
 He advised us to keep very still and out of sight as 
 much as possible or convenient. He promised t(^ 
 arrange matters so that we could cross the sound 
 which he said would be in a day or two — all which 
 he performed in the time he mentioned. Sawyer 
 proposed visiting his sister that evening who resided 
 about two miles from the house of C^ipt. Havens — 
 Hock and myself proposed going Avith him but we 
 were reminded by Capt. Havens that our move- 
 ments nmst be conducted with the utmost caution 
 or we should not only get into difficulty ourselves, 
 but himself also. He said, boys there are british 
 officers walking our streets in disguise — you would 
 not mistrust them. You may go in the evening in 
 a still manner to the house of John Saw^yer's sister. 
 We went according to his directions, and spent the 
 nio-ht with his sister and her husband, took break- 
 fast with them the next morning, and in the foi-e- 
 noon of the same day returned to the house of Capt. 
 Havens where we remained through the day in one 
 
>'AKRATIVE. 59 
 
 <»t' Jiis private rooms. He spent a o-reat part ol" the 
 clay with us and appeared hiii'ldy entertained with 
 the relation of sea adventures and escapes. In the 
 early part of tiie same evening Koek and mvself 
 took leave of (^\pt. Havens, and his nephew .lolm 
 Sawyer, who was intending to go to tlie house of 
 his father the ensuing day, who had been a fellow- 
 prisoner with me, and went on hoard a small vessel 
 hound to Sayhrook point — set sail and arrived at 
 Sayhrook ])oint about one o'clock the ensuing morn- 
 ing. We immediately letf the vessel and repaired 
 to a taveiMi near hy aiul went to hed. U(.ck got up 
 from his hed ahout day light, and went out. I kept 
 in my hed until the sun had ri.'^en. When I arose I 
 inquired of the landlord what had become of Rock. 
 He did not know where he was. He had gone out. 
 In a few minutes 1 looked int<i the street and saw 
 Eock marching with a reci-uiting party at the head 
 ot which was a recruiting Serjeant — 1 inqnii-ed of 
 Rock why he was there— he said he had enlisted. 
 This mortified me, and I endeavoured to pn.cui-e his 
 release without success. I soon got on board a sloop 
 l»ound to Xorwich and arrived there the next day 
 in the afternoon, where I spent the following night 
 
fjO NARRATIVE. 
 
 with the Capt. and after taking a ii'oud breakfast set 
 off for Providence by land where I ai'i'ived the next 
 day and tlie same evening arrived at tlie lionse of 
 my father (ii) in Kortli Providence, nmcli to the joy 
 of my parents and not a little to my.self — In a few 
 days I visited my master Aaron Mason, from whom 
 I had ran away when I went to New Bedford and 
 shipped on board the Eagle. He appeared pleased 
 to see me again and proposed my retnrn nnder my 
 indcntnres of apprenticeship which I declined, and 
 the indentures were cancelled soon after. When I 
 arrived at Pi'ovidence from New York it was late 
 in the month of Novr. 1778, and had been from my 
 native land more than eighteen months and sup- 
 posed myself pretty well satisfied with a sea faring 
 life. I tnrned my attention to labouring on a farm. 
 I went to reside with Obadiah Olney Esq. (33) of 
 Smithfield, in the county of Providence, and com- 
 menced service with him on (lln-istmas day 1778. 
 I remained Avith him between two and three years 
 and until one day in the haying season, being at 
 work mowing grass, with two men who Avere stout 
 and active, and mv scvthe not beino; in the best 
 order I could n(tt keep my end up with them. This 
 
NAKRATIVK. 61 
 
 ])ruv()ke(l me to such a de^-ive that T threw my 
 scythe into a bush hea]) — the two men (Daniel 
 Clark A: Steplieu Scott) who M^ere felh)W labourers 
 M'itli me, on (observing me leave the field inquired 
 of me where I was going and whether or not I was 
 UDgry. I answered that I was not pleased with my 
 scythe, and that I was going to sea — upon this they 
 I'aised a laugh thougli I had by this time got some 
 distance from them towards tlie house. On arriving 
 at tiie house I eat some bread & cheese, and then 
 packed uj) my clothes. The girls of the house 
 laughed at my conduct, and Mrs. Ohiey inquired 
 Avliere I was goino;. I c-ave her little, or no answer 
 but treated her with due respect. She had always 
 treated me like a inothci- and was an excellent and 
 worthy woman. I immediately went to Provi- 
 dence (31) and found a brig ready for sea mounting 
 sixteen carriage guns, if I now recollect correctly, 
 and commanded by Christopher Whipple Esq. (3..) 
 I applied to him for a birth to go out in her on a 
 cruise privateering — he made some inquiries in a 
 good natured numner M-ith ivspect to my aljility in 
 such business. My answers were given much in his 
 ,own humour and I emi^aiiX'd witli him at once. In 
 
62 
 
 ^AKKATIVK. 
 
 a (lay or two after enturiiig- on board we sailed t'rom 
 Providence, and lay at Newport (^e) a few days, and 
 then })ut to sea — on the morning of the fifth day 
 after our dei)arture the weather was very thick but 
 cleared otf after the sun ha<l risen above the horizon. 
 And we soon found (»urselves in company with two 
 l)ritish frig-ates — the Amphetrite(:.-) and Madea(3«)— 
 the latter soon came np with and ca[)tnred us (3^1). 
 (Jur crew were immediately taken from the Brig 
 and put on board one of the trigates. carried to New 
 lork, and j)Ut on board the Jersey ])rison shi]), our 
 commander excepted who was committed to a prison 
 in the city. When our crew were put on board the 
 frigate after capture it was sent into the cable-tier 
 with more than an hundred other American seamen 
 which they had captured, and if my recollection be 
 now corj-ect, they were the crew of the I3elsarius(4„) 
 which sailed from Boston. Our situation in the 
 cable tier was uncomfortable almost beyond endur- 
 ance — we were so crcnided that we could not either 
 sit or lie down. 1 was among them, but beijig 
 small, 1 crawled back on to the cable very near the 
 bulk-head where a man of common size co\dd not 
 stow himself — here I stretched out — the following 
 
, NARKAIIVK. 68 
 
 night WHS one ot" extreme iiiiserv for my fellow 
 ]>risoiiers, especially to the unfortuiuite men who 
 had been in this floating hell for two or three weeks. 
 Our crew were full of vigour and entertained the 
 crew of the frigate with u number of our patriotic 
 songs. Although entertained the loyalists were by 
 no means pleased. The singing was excellent and 
 its volumne was extensive — and ^^et extremely harsh 
 to the taste of the captors. The guard frequently 
 threatened to Are upon us if the singing was not 
 dispensed with, l)ut their threats availed them not. 
 The}'' only brought forth higher notes and vociferous 
 defiance from the crew. The poetry of which the 
 songs were many of them coni])Osed, was of the most 
 cutting sarcasm upon the british and their unhal- 
 lowed cause. I recollect the last words of each 
 stanza in one song were, " For Amci'ica and all her 
 sons forever will shine.'" In these words it seemed 
 to me that all the prisoners united their voices to 
 the highest key, for the harmon}^ produced by the 
 union of two hundred voices must have grated upon 
 the ears of our humane captor^ in a manner less 
 acce[)table than tlie tliundcr of hea\ en. For at the 
 interval of time between the singing of everv sonir 
 
64 NARKATIVE, 
 
 tlie seiitiiieLs would tlireateii to fire upon us and the 
 officers of tlie frigate would also admonish with 
 angry words. "■ Fire and be daniii'd '' would be 
 tJie response from perhaps an hundred voices at the 
 same instant. The singing would again be renewed 
 and louder if possible. In this manner the first 
 night was spent. The cowardly tyrants dared not 
 fire upon us, notwithstanding their repeated threats — 
 They were as often set at defiance sometimes in the 
 following words — " We dare you to fire upon us. 
 It will be only half work for numy of the prisoners 
 are now half dead from extreme sufterings." The 
 hilarity of our crew begun to abate the second day, 
 their sympathies being called into action from the 
 dying situation of some of their unfortunate fellow 
 prisoners. It was discovered that two of them had 
 fallen down apparently dead. They were handed 
 up the hatchway and taken care of by the british. 
 The Surgeon resuscitated them after some time as I 
 was informed. Two only of the prisoners were 
 allowed to visit the upper deck at the same time. 
 The oflicers of the frigate being pi'olnddy afraid of 
 us which arose from our turbulence. Many of the 
 prisoners while they were thus confined on l)oard 
 
XARRATIVE. 65 
 
 tlie frigate, became so exliansted that tliey wmild 
 fall and lean against each other. In this situation 
 self preservation destroyed hnnianity. The leanini;' 
 or exhausted party wonld receive the |)oints of sail 
 needles into any part of his body that could be 
 reached by the standing one. These operations 
 would provoke the cries of " murder." I will here 
 mention that the two boys who belonged to the 
 crew of the brig were not put into the Cable Tier— 
 of this however I am not certain. They were called 
 by the name of Smith. I hope that these young 
 men are now alive, and if they are and should ever 
 see this narative, I am sure they will confirm the 
 details of the capture of the brig, and subsequent 
 sufferings of her crew when prisoners. They were 
 from Plainfield, in the state of Connecticut, as they 
 informed me. They were cooks on board the brig, 
 were brothers, and well behaved. We were kept 
 on board the frigate three or four days in the direful 
 situation before mentioned when we arrived in the 
 port of New York and were put on board the Jersev 
 prison ship. (4.) I shall now describe the prison 
 ship, and the discipline enforced by the british upon 
 the unfortunate prisoners— their treatment and suf- 
 
<;G xarrativk. 
 
 t'eriiig's. The ship liad mounted 74 guns in the 
 britisli navy, Itnt was old and ont of ooniniission 
 and kept in tlie port of Xew York for tlie purpose 
 of confining- captured seamen — had been dismantled 
 of lier sails and rigging and moored in the East 
 river, hnt a short distance from the Long Island 
 shore. When our crew Avere put on board her, the 
 number of prisoners amounted to about 800. We 
 were all put between decks ev'ry night befoi'e dark, 
 the number being great our situation was here 
 extremely unpleasant. Our i-ations were not suf- 
 ficient to satisfv the calls of hunger, (j.;) Although 
 the british had an hospital ship(43) near us for the 
 accommodation of the sick yet we had a great deal 
 of sickness on l)oard the Jersey, and many died on 
 board her. (u) Tlie sickness seemed to l)e epidemic 
 and which we called the bloody flux or dyssenterrv. 
 After the prisoners had been driven below at dusk 
 of the evening and the boat had ceased conveying 
 the sick to the hospital ship, many of the prisoners 
 would become sick the fore part of the evening and 
 before morning their sufferings would be ended by 
 death — such was the malignancy of the disease. 
 My situatiiMi amongst others after being stowed 
 
NAHKATIVK. 
 
 away tor the lu^ht was uii the lai'ltoanl side •)f tlie 
 ship witli uiir heads near the wall or side, and the 
 two boys b;'fore mentioned l)y tlie side of me. Thns 
 situated, but one gangway to tlie u}>])er deck was 
 open, from which my place of rest was about 20 
 feet, and only two prisoners were allowed to visit 
 the u]3per deck at the same time in the night let the 
 calls of nature be never so violent, and there was no 
 place between decks provided us to satisty those 
 calls. Tliis iiuluced an almost constant running 
 over me by the sick, who would besmear myself 
 and others with their bloody and loathesome filth — 
 The situation of the prisoners was truly appalling. 
 The place of interment for the dead })ris()ners was 
 not far off and completely within our view from the 
 Jersey (45) — Report said that one dead body was dis- 
 turbed to bury another, the mortality was so great. 
 The cruel and unjustifiable treatment of the prison- 
 ers by the british soon produced the most demoral- 
 izing effects upon them. Boxing was tolerated 
 without stint. Pilfering food was another evil 
 ■which prevailed in some degree among the prison- 
 ers. During the short period T was on l)oard one 
 of the most liorrid scenes I ever witnessed occun-ed 
 
68 NAKRATIVE. 
 
 from iiMlulgiiii;' this vice. A pi'isuiier had pilfered 
 food from a mess, who ('((mplained of him to the 
 chief bi'itish officer on hoard. This otlicer decided 
 that the delinquent should he punished by all the 
 members of the mess wlio had suffered by his 
 pillage. The accused was tied across a water butt 
 on the upper deck — his posteriors were laid liare, 
 and a wooden instrument six feet long, one end 
 expanded and shaped much in the fonn of an oar 
 and used by the ship's cook to stir the burgoo (^e) 
 when cooking it. The mess-mates who had suffered 
 by his pilfering, and six in number were arranged 
 around him and directed to inflict six strokes each 
 with the instrument aforesaid upon that portion of 
 the defaulter's body which had been laid bare. 
 The officer who directed this punishment being yet 
 present. Next, one of the mess took the instrument 
 in hand — (it was very heavy, and as much so as one 
 man could conveniently wield) — and inflicted six 
 strokes with the ponderous weaj)on, apparently with 
 all his might — the suflerer groaning at ev'ry stroke — 
 blood appeared before the first six had been admin- 
 istered — a second man took the instrument and with 
 no less mercy than the first inflicted six more 
 
NARRATIVK. 69 
 
 strokes — tlie bloud ;iii<l flesh flying ten feet at ev'rv 
 stroke — during tliis jx^riod the defaulter fainted, but 
 Avas resuscitated by administering water to him — 
 a tliird man took tlie iustrnnieiit in hand and 
 inflicted six more strokes though not as severe as 
 the two first — The officer before mentioned then 
 interposed and observed to llie enraged mess-mates 
 that they were too severe with their feUow. He 
 had again fainted. No more l»lows were given and 
 the horrible looking num was untied and fell down 
 on the deck. He was again I'esuscitated but still 
 lay prostrated on the deck, not being able to rise. 
 Beef brine was thrown upon his wounds but he 
 appeared to be senseless. He lay some time on the 
 deck, and about or near evening was taken below 
 by men more humane, and ev'iw attention was paid 
 liim that their situation would admit. The sufi'erer 
 died in two or three days after his punishment as I 
 was afterwards informed. 1 had escaped from the 
 shi}) before his death. His punishment sickened 
 nie, at the stomach, and the horrid, iidiuman scene 
 has made an impression on my mind wliich can 
 never be eftaced. I will mention another instance 
 f)f treachery and the crtielty wliich followefl, although 
 
70 
 
 NAKKATIVE. 
 
 to this I was not a witness, it having occurred after 
 1 left the sliip — The subjects of it were one of our 
 crew l)y the name of Spicer, a sailing master's mate, 
 and a boy — all three, jn-isoners. An American 
 vessel came into the port of New York as a cartel 
 for the exchange of prisoners. The agents came on 
 board the prison ship with the names of such prison- 
 ers as were to be exchanged. The mate above 
 alluded to was so fortunate as to be one of the 
 exchanged. He had a large chest on board and as 
 privately as he could, put the boy into the chest. 
 locked him in, and in this situation the boy was 
 carried on board the cartel — Spicer had seen the 
 boy stowed in the chest, and after he had been con- 
 veyed on board the cartel, the treacherous Spicer 
 communicated the atfair to the commanding officer 
 of the prison ship. The cartel was immediately 
 boarded as she had not yet left the port, although 
 ready to leave, and the boy found and brought 
 back. Spicer paid for his treachery with the forfeit 
 of his life — When evening was coming on, and the 
 prisonci's were going ])elow for the night, he was 
 knocked down the hatchway to tlii' bottom of the 
 stejis below among those who had bei'U awaitiiiii' InV 
 
NAKKATIVE. 71 
 
 fall, and who fell upon hiin, cut otf his ears an<l 
 mangled his body in the most shocking manner, 
 and to such a degree that he died of his wounds in 
 a day or two after, (n) I will mention another thing 
 which added to the horror of this prison ship — this 
 was tilth. It was permitted to such an extent that 
 ev'ry prisoner was infested with vermin on his body 
 and wearing apparel. I one day observed a ]»risoner 
 on the fore-castle of the shi]), with his shirt in his 
 hands, having stripped it from his body and deli- 
 berately picking the vermin from the plaits of said 
 shirt, and putting them into his mouth. A nund)er 
 of the prisoners had told me before this time that 
 many of them were in the habit of thus acting. I 
 could not credit these statements, but in the case 
 last mentioned the proof was demonstrated beyond 
 all doubt. I stepped very near the man engaged 
 with his vermin, and commenced conversation with 
 him. I inquired for his name which he gave me. 
 lie also informed me that he sailed in a privateer 
 from Marblehead, Massachusetts, and was on board 
 her when taken. To my question, " TTow long have 
 you been a prisoner on board this shij)," he an- 
 swered, after some hesitation. ''tw<> v<>ars and a 
 
73 
 
 NAKKATIVi:, 
 
 li:ilf ur eighteen months." He luid been so spa- 
 ringlj' fed that he was nearly a skeleton, and all but 
 in a state of nudity. He had been so long on board 
 this prison ship and so severely treated that I am 
 convinced that when he conversed with me, he had 
 lost the correct knowledge of the period of time he 
 had been in captivity. This was only one case from 
 perhaps an hundred of others sinjilar. This man 
 appeared in tolerable health as to body, his emaci- 
 ation excepted. The prison ship was strongly 
 secured, and in addition, was strictly and rigidly 
 guarded. The discipline of the prisoners by the 
 british was in many respects of the most shocking 
 and appalling character. The roll of the prisoners, 
 as I was informed, was called ev'ry three months, 
 unless a large acquisition of prisoners should render 
 it proi)er more often. The next day after our crew 
 were put on board the roll was called, and the 
 police regulations of the ship with respect to the 
 conduct of the captives were read. I heard this. 
 From these it appeared that ii\\'\ captive who 
 should be detected undertaking to eftect his escape 
 from this "floating hell.'" either by swimming, 
 taking the sliij)s boat, or any other wav, should 
 
NARRATIVE. 1 6 
 
 suffer instant death, and should not even be taken 
 on Ijoard alive. Notwithstanding all this, attempts 
 were made after 1 had escaped, as I v;as afterwards 
 informed from undoubted authority. The details of 
 my own escape and that of William Waterman, who 
 started with me from the ship, I shall give after I 
 have mentioned the attempt of six others, and the 
 tragical death of five of them in the undertaking. 
 It appeared that about a week after myself and 
 Waterman had left the " floating hell," and many 
 of the captives concluding that we had reached the 
 shore in safety, the six captives before alluded to 
 were prompted to undertake the perilous enterprize. 
 They had all got clear from the ship by nearly the 
 same means and method that myself and Waterman 
 had adopted and used — And after obtaining tlie 
 watery element one of the party became alarmed 
 after gaining the stern of the ship and the party 
 about leaving it (he being the last to leave the 
 stern,) exclaimed, " Oh ! lord have mercy I shall be 
 drowned." He was overheard by the officers who 
 were on the night watch on the quarter deck. The 
 ship's boat was immediately launched, and four of 
 them were soon found swimmino; in the harbour, 
 
7-A NARRATIVE. 
 
 and slii)t l)y tlie guard, (i-*) Tlie tiftli was found 
 near the .ship and eaug-lit, with his hands upon tlie 
 hoat when an officer struck one of tliem with such 
 severity tliat the bone was hiid hare. The captive 
 persevered with his hold upon the hoat — The unre- 
 lenting british useing their bayonets with all dex- 
 terity upon his body which they pierced in a num- 
 ber of places. Notwithstanding all this bloody 
 opposition, he gained the boat wdien one of the 
 guard begged for his life, but this interference was 
 untimely for the bayonets had been so freely used 
 that lie was dcspei-ateh' wounded, and wherewith 
 died the next day. The sixth captive saved himself 
 by gaining the anchor which hung at the bow, and 
 suspended from the cathead of the ship. Tie clung 
 to the flukes of the anchor, which was under the 
 surface of the water, wntli ln*s nose barely above the 
 surface. In this situation he eluded the vigilant 
 search of the pursuers for they were twice, within 
 two feet of his hiding place, and did not discover 
 him. After the pursueing party had given up pur- 
 suit and search, and hoisted their boat out of watei-, 
 saying thcA' had killed all the damned rebel run- 
 aways, and became still, the survivor crawled upon 
 
NARRATIVE. 
 
 and stood upon the flukes of tlie aiiclior in an ereet 
 l>osture until day liglit dawned, and the prisoners 
 had begun to get upon the u])per deck, wlien he 
 ascended the stem of the anclior, half chilled to 
 death and naked, (the stem of course being of iron, 
 and twelve feet long) to the stock of the anchor, and 
 from thence over the bow of the ship to the fore- 
 castle, and from thence sprang to the gangway with 
 all his might and descended below, Avithout being 
 stopped or arrested by the guard who were stationed 
 very near the hatchw^ay. I will here mention the 
 names of several of my fellow prisoners who after- 
 wards stated to me the occurences which took place 
 on board the Jersey after I escaped from it and 
 here related, and who survived their captivity, and 
 M'ith whom I was well acquainted, and in whose 
 veracity full reliance can l)e placed, viz, Benjamin 
 Whipple, (ii) who after the revolutionary war, re- 
 moved to Albany in the state of New York, and 
 was an officer in the house of Assembly of that 
 state for some years. He formerly residcnl in Cum- 
 berland, in the state of Khode Island. Benjamin 
 Dexter, (.") also of Cum1>erland aforesaid, and Jahez 
 Hawkins, (..i) a distant family connection of mine. 
 
To XARUATIVE. 
 
 Jinmc'diately iifter being put on lioard the Jersey, 1 
 began to meditate an escape from my captivity. 
 Tliis was an enterprize of great |)eri] and extreme 
 difticnlty and could not be effected without swim- 
 ming a great distance with any prospect of success. 
 I will mention the impediments — near us lay a 
 guardshij? for the apparent' purpose of quelling any 
 mutiny which might arise among the prisoners and 
 to destroy, capture or drive away any vessel which 
 should undertake our release. The hospital ship 
 which I was informed had a guard on board her was 
 also near us. On shore was a line of sentinels from 
 the burying ground already mentioned and extend- 
 ing east on the banks of the cove towards Hurl- 
 Gate, a mile and an half as near as we could calcu- 
 late on board the Jersey— at the same time estima- 
 ting the distance of the several curves which indented 
 the shore. Others, more acquainted with distances 
 on water, estimated the distance from the ship be- 
 yond the line of sentries, at two and an half or three 
 miles. To get clear from the ship was a considera- 
 tion of much moment. To leave the upper deck 
 with any kind of safety was impossible. The gun- 
 2>orl9 of the lower deck on which was no guai'd, was 
 
NAUKAIIVI'. ( i 
 
 liaiTod strongly M'itli iron, and holted to the sides of 
 the ship. It was late in the season and the water 
 cold, being late in the month of Septeinhcr or the 
 beginning of Oct. (1781.) Notwithstanding all these 
 difficulties I determined to undertake the hazardous 
 cnterprize. I communicated my intention to AVil- 
 liam Waterman, ah'eady mentioned, and invited 
 him to accompany me. lie was one of our crew, 
 and did not hesitate to comply. I knew him to be 
 a good swimmer. We tried others out of which to 
 obtain one to go with us — we could not succeed. 
 We were reminded that our lives Avould be in four 
 fold jeopardy by the undertaking, and were strongly 
 dissuaded from attempting it. The police regula- 
 tions of the ship was mentioned which we had heard 
 read — the great distance to swim — the certainty of 
 being taken by tlie tories after we might get on 
 shore — the treachery we might encounter were all 
 urged in the most sympathetic colours by those 
 with M'hom we connnunicated. But all to no pur- 
 pose — our resolution had been taken. The second 
 day of our captivity on board the Jersey, and after 
 we had determined on escape by swimming, we 
 (Waterman ^ myself) took the advantage of the 
 
78 
 
 NARRATIVE. 
 
 peals of tluiiidci' in u shower or storm (e..) that came 
 over ns in the afternoon to break one of the gun 
 ])orts on the lower deck which was strongly barred 
 with iron and bolts as before mentioned — having 
 previously obtained from the cooks' room an old 
 axe, and crow bar from the npper deck for the pur- 
 pose, in a private manner, and concealed them till 
 an opportunity should offer for use. The thunder 
 storm was oj)portiine for our design, for when a peal 
 of thunder roared we woi-ked with all our might 
 with the axe, 6z crow bar, against the bars and 
 bolts — when the peal of thunder subsided, we 
 ceased, without our blows being heard by the 
 british until another peal commenced — we then 
 went to work again, and so on until our work was 
 comi^leted to our liking. The bars and bolts, after 
 we liad knocked them loose, were replaced so as not 
 to draw the attention of our british gentry if they 
 should happen to visit the lower deck before our 
 departure. We also hung some old apparel over 
 and around the shattered gun port to conceal any 
 marks. Being thus and otherwise prepared for our 
 escape, the ship was visited by our Capt. Whipj)le 
 the next day after we had broken the gun port— to 
 
NAUiiATIVi;. 79 
 
 ]iiiii we C'(:)iiiiiiuiiic-ated our intention und contem- 
 plated means of escape. lie strongly remonstrated 
 against the design — We told liini we should start 
 the ensuing evening. Capt. Whipple incpiired, 
 " How do you think of escaping." I answ^ered, by 
 swimming to that point, (at the same time pointing 
 to a place then in our view on Long Island, in a 
 north easterly direction from the prison ship.) We 
 must do this to avoid the sentinels which are 
 stationed on shore in the night. What, said Capt. 
 Whipple, do you think of sM'imming to that point. 
 Yes, we must to avoid the sentinels, I answered. 
 Well, said Capt. Whipple, Hawkins, give it up. It 
 is only throwing your lives away, for there is not a 
 man on earth that can swim from this prison ship 
 to that poiut as cold as the water is now. Why, 
 how far do you think it is to that point ? Why, 
 I answered, Waterman and myself have estimated 
 the distance at a mile and an half. Yes, said Capt. 
 Whipple, it is all of two and an half miles — you can- 
 not measure across water as well as I can — so you 
 had better give it up for I have encouragement of 
 getting home next w.eek, and if I (h», I will make it 
 my whole business to get you all exchanged innne- 
 
so NAIiUA'lIVK. 
 
 (liately. Although Waterman was several years 
 my senior in age, the convei'sation was carried on 
 between Capt. Whipple and myself, for the reason 
 that Capt. Whipple M'as more acquainted with me 
 than with Waterman, but Waterman was present — 
 before our interview ended, Capt. Whipple said to 
 me, Hawkins, if you do start as you say, you sliall,, 
 and as there is one chance in a hundred for you to 
 get home, should you get to Providence, you must 
 go and see my mother (she resided there) and 
 inform her what my recent fate lias been. This I 
 promised him I would do, and faithfully performed 
 it, Capt. Whipple was an excellent seaman, and 
 much the gentleman, and had a very large circle of 
 family connections in Rhode Island of the first 
 respectability. He was patriotic to the cause of 
 America to enthusiasm, and vigilant and perse- 
 vering. Notwithstanding all this he had been un- 
 fortunate in his sea adventures for from the com- 
 mencement of the revolutionary struggle to the 
 period of which I am now mentioning, he had been 
 captured by the british on the high seas the fifth 
 time, and at each time he was commander of the 
 captured vessel. Capt. Whipple's advice had great 
 
xarrativp:. 81 
 
 \veii;'lit uii our luiiuls, but did not shake our purpose. 
 AVe ]iad not been on board the " Old Jersey" more 
 ihan one hour before we began to plot our escape. 
 We had been only three days on board when we 
 (Waterman and myself) left it forever. AVe had 
 been on board long enough to discover the awful 
 scenes which took place daily in this "floating hell." 
 Our preparations for leaving were completed by 
 procuring a piece of rope from an old cable that 
 was stretched under the forecastle of the ship and 
 called " service " and wound around the cable to 
 preserve it. We had each of us packed our wearing 
 apparel in a knapsack for each, and made on board 
 the Old Jersey. I gave some of my apparel to the 
 two Smiths (boys before mentioned) — I stowed in 
 my knapsack a thick woollen sailor jacket, well 
 lined, a pair of thick pantaloons, one vest, two 
 shirts, two pair of stockings, one pair of shoes, a 
 pair of heavy silver shoe buckles, a pair of knee 
 buckles, two silk handkerchiefs, four silver dollars, 
 not forgetting a Junk bottle of rum which we had 
 purchased on board at a dear rate. These were all 
 stowed in my knapsack. Waterman had stowed his 
 ap])arel and (^)ther articles in his knapsack. My 
 
82 NARRATIVE. 
 
 kiiai)sack was very heavy. It was fast'ned to my 
 back with two very strong garters passing over my 
 shoulders and nnder each arm, and fast'ned witli a 
 string at my breast, bringing my riglit and left 
 garter in contact at or near the centre. Thus eqnipt 
 we were ready to commit ourselves to the w^ateiy 
 clement, and to our graves as many of our hardy 
 fellow prisoners predicted. The evening was as 
 good an one as we could desire at that season of tlie 
 year — the weather was mild and hazy, and the night 
 extremely dark. It was arranged between Water- 
 man and myself, after leaving the ship to be 
 governed in our course by the lights on board the 
 ships and the responses of the sentinels on shore, 
 and after arriving on shore to repair near a dwell- 
 ing house which we could see from the old Jersey 
 in the day time and spend the balance of the night 
 in a barn, but a few rods from said dwelling. 
 Waterman was the first to leave the ship through 
 the broken open gun port and suspended to the i-ope 
 before mentioned by his hands and at the end 
 behind liim by several of our fellow prisoners wliora 
 we were leaving behind us, and with Avhom we 
 atiectionately parted with reciprocal good wishes. 
 
NARRATIVE. 80 
 
 He succeeded in gaining the water and in leaving 
 the ship without discovery from the british. It had 
 been agreed, if detection was about to take phace 
 that lie shouhl be taken back again into tlie shi]). I 
 had agreed to follow him in one minute in the same 
 manner, I left and followed him in half that time, 
 and succeeded in leaving the ship without giving 
 the least alarm to those who had held us in cap- 
 tivity — I kept along close to the side of the ship 
 until I gained the stern and then left the ship. This 
 w^as all done very slow, sinking my body as deep in 
 the water as possible without stopping my course, 
 until I was at such a distance from her that my 
 motions in the water would not create attention 
 from the enemy on board. After gaining a suitalde 
 distance from the ship I hailed Waterman three 
 times. He did not answer me. It was my great 
 desire to fall in with him, but I have never seen him 
 since he left the old Jersey to this day. Neverthe- 
 less he succeeded in getting on shore and to his 
 home and friends (33) — his fate and success I have 
 since learned from James Waterman one of his 
 brothers. In the meantime I kept on my course, 
 without thinking that any accident would befal him 
 
8-4 NARRATIVE. 
 
 ;is I knew liiiii to be an excellent swimmer, and no 
 faint liearted or timid fellow. I conld take my 
 conrse very well from tlie light reflected from the 
 stern lanthrons of the prison, guard and hospital 
 ships, and also from the responses of the sentinels 
 on shore, in the words " all's well." Tliese respon- 
 ses wei'e repeated ev'ry half hour on board the 
 guard ship, and the sentinels aforesaid. These 
 repetitions served me to keep the time I was 
 employed in reaching the shore — no olrject occu- 
 pied my mind during this time so much as my 
 friend Waterman, if I may except my own success 
 in getting to land in safety. I flattered myself that 
 I should find him on shore or at the barn we had 
 agreed to occupy after we might gain it. After I 
 had been swimming nearly or quite two hours, my 
 knapsack had broken loose from my back, which 
 had resulted from the wearing off the garters under 
 my arms in consequence of the friction from them 
 by swimming. This occurrence did not please me 
 much. I endeavoured to retain my knapsack and 
 contents by putting it under one arm, and thus 
 meant to reacli the shore, with the use of only one 
 tlien in swimmino-, but soon found that this situa- 
 
NAKKAIIVE. 85 
 
 tiou impeded my progress, and led me from iny true 
 course. I then pulled the skirt of my vest out (^f 
 my knaj)sack, the other portion of the vest yet 
 remaining within, took the skirt in my teeth and 
 again proceeded to swim having thrown my knap- 
 sack over my shoulder — This reminded me of the 
 manners of Keynard in conveying liis stolen goose 
 to his hiding phice for a repast from his booty. I 
 continued in this situation but a short time observ- 
 ing that I was again out of my true course — and 
 my load cramped my neck, and I had now become 
 chilled from the coolness of the water, having been 
 in it more than two hours, and could not satisfy 
 myself how far I had yet to swim to lind land, 
 beyond the chain of sentinels. Meantime I could 
 see, or thought I could see something ahead more 
 dark than it was around me, but how tar was doubt- 
 ful. My bundle was burdensome, and hindered my 
 progress for I again put them under one arm and 
 swam a short time with them — By this time I had 
 become much chilled and benumbed from cold, but 
 could swim tolerably well — in this situation I was 
 much at loss in my mind how to act and what to do 
 with my knapsack. I hesitated whether or not to 
 
86 NARRATIVE. 
 
 retain it loiiejer in my possession or part M'itli it for- 
 ever — I soon determined on the latter and sent it 
 adrift. In this balancing state of mind and subse- 
 qnent decision I was cool and self collected as per- 
 haps at any period of my life. After I had parted 
 with my knapsack and contents, I set myself on my 
 true course still guided by the light from the ships. 
 Immediately the land sentinels sang again " all's 
 well." Thinks I, that is a lie, for I hai^e lost my 
 apparel and bottle of rum. I was much relieved by 
 this last cry of " all's well" for the last sentinel who 
 responded was not far from my right and I had 
 passed hiiTa at some distance and was now beyond 
 all the guards stationed on shore — I then made for 
 the land. I soon found I was close in with the 
 shore : I attempted on this discovery to touch bot- 
 tom, but could not, the shore being very bold. I 
 swam within twelve feet of the shore before I could 
 touch bottom, and in so doing, found I could not 
 stand I was so chilled — had "lost my land legs" to 
 use a seaman's phrase, bnt I moved around in shoal 
 water until I found I could stand, then slept on 
 shore — I had not sent my clothes adrift more than 
 twenty live minutes or so before striking the shore. 
 
NARRATIVK. 87 
 
 I was coin])k'toly naked ox('ei)t a small hat on my 
 liead which I liad brought with me from the ohl 
 Jersey. What a situation this, witliout covering to 
 hide my naked body — in an enemy's country, with- 
 out food or means to obtain any — and among tories 
 more unrelenting than the devil — more perils to 
 encounter and nothing to aid me but the interpo- 
 sition of heaven. Yet I had gained an important 
 portion of my enterprise. I had got on land after 
 swimming in the water two hours and an half, and 
 a distance of perhaps two and an half miles. The 
 distance however I can by no means determine with 
 any degree of accnracy, it may be more or less. 
 The house which we had destined as our point of 
 meeting, or arriving, when on board shij), and before 
 alluded to, was forty or fifty rods from my place of 
 landing. I discovered it and took my course for it — 
 had gone but a short distance before I came in con- 
 tact with a rock. I tumbled over it which nearly 
 prostrated me. This sudden and unexpected imped- 
 iment aroused me to anger, and I gave loose to 
 some profane language, for which I relented on the 
 spot. My overthrow broke the skin on sevei-al ])art.s 
 of my body — 1 rubbed the most injured bruises with 
 
OS NARRATIVE. 
 
 my liands. The i)assion of anger, united with the 
 slioek my fall produced, seemed to quicken the cir- 
 culation of my Llood, and I seemed to feel much 
 Avarmer than ])efore. I got near the house and 
 passed by it to the barn — opened one of its doors — 
 found a place near tlie stanchions large enough to lie 
 down in near a large body of hay — got into it — 
 pulled some hay from that mentioned — covered 
 myself with it and soon went to sleep. It was 
 between two and three o'clock in the morning when 
 I arrived at the barn, and after being in it a short 
 tiuie, called for my friend "Waterman in great hopes 
 of finding that he was in it, or within my hearing, 
 for here it was that we had agreed to stay the 
 remaining part of the evening and all the succeed- 
 ing day. But }nucli to my disappointment he 
 answered not. I then concluded if he had been so 
 fortunate as to reach the shore that he had made 
 his way to a house near hurl-gate (-j) on the Long 
 Island shore, whither he had been directed by a 
 young man he had conversed with but a short time 
 before we left the ship and who was a prisoner on 
 lK)ard. Waterman communicated this to me before 
 we started but not in sufficient detail for me to 
 
NAUKATIVK. 89 
 
 ijudertake to tuTive to the place, lie luid not time 
 to inform or give me particulars in relation to this 
 route before leaving the ship — but calculated to do 
 so after our getting ashore. I slept in the barn 
 until late in the morning not calculating to leave it 
 until the following evening. About nine o'clock in 
 the forenoon of the day as I lay in my hiding place 
 and in the hay, a black girl came into the barn, 
 muttering because she found the door open, which I 
 had left in that situation when 1 came into the barn. 
 Her object seemed to be eggs. After rumaging 
 about some time she left the barn, and shut the door 
 in question. The day had been spent and night 
 coming on. After all was still around the house 
 and barn I left the latter. Hunger had by this time 
 created a craving for food. 1 undertook without 
 success to milk some of the cows which wx>re in the 
 farm yard into my hat. They were so afraid of my 
 naked situation that 1 was not suffered to get near 
 them. If 1 attempted it, they would run and snuff 
 like deers. I then left the farm yard as soon as 
 I could, fearing that the noise of the cattle would 
 excite the attention of the inmates of the house. 1 
 travelled an easterly course. The night was very 
 
90 NARRATIVE. 
 
 dark, and rain began to fall very soon in large 
 drops, which when striking my naked back would 
 make me cringe. I proceeded across fields and 
 meadows without seeking for a road — after some 
 time went tlirough a gate, which passing, I thought 
 my course was too much north or bearing to the 
 west. On my left it seemed to be woods — on my 
 right it appeared to be a champaigne. I was now in 
 a road but left it, and on my right went into the 
 fields and was pursuing my course east as I then 
 supposed. In this ramble I found a melon yard 
 and took two melons and went on — I could not open 
 them, having no instrument that would effect it — 
 continued walking, and it yet rained. When com- 
 ing near a ditch, on hearing the chains on a fettered 
 horse, became alarmed, fearing I was near an 
 enemy, but on a closer examination, and approacli- 
 ing near, conceived a sentry box wlien the old 
 white horse began to walk from me as fast as he 
 could, v*'liich dispelled my fears, and I proceeded. 
 1 had understood that this jDart of Long Island was 
 then infested witli Hessian guards, but it seems 
 none were here. After going some distance I came 
 to a fence ]»artly stone and })artly wood — here I 
 
NARRATIVK. -■ - 91 
 
 Itroke my watei- melons and eat some of tliem but 
 they were unsavoury. The season for them had 
 gone by, and they had been bitten by the frost. I 
 threw the remaining part of them away. I yet kept 
 on my course again as I supposed, and gained a 
 road and soon came to a gate. On examination I 
 found it to be the same gate that I had passed and 
 before mentioned. This shewed me that my wan- 
 derings had been of no avail towards my desired 
 progress. Although bewildered, I took a course 
 directly contrary to my formerly supposed direct 
 course — wandered some hours, through lields, mea- 
 dows and shrubs, sometimes going through thickets 
 of briers which tore my naked skin. I went through 
 a corn-field and found some corn which I plucked, 
 and hunger induced me to eat. Tiie rain fell during 
 the greater part of the whole night, and sometimes 
 in torrents. The atmosphere was quite chilly, and 
 I was obliged to walk fast to keep from perishing. 
 Towards daylight, I found a barn, which I entered 
 and on the floor found a car or waggon laden with 
 salt hay. This barn was an object very desirable 
 for I had been weai'v for several hours, and at one 
 time was induced to lie down near tlie side of a 
 
92 NARRATIVK. 
 
 fence under some slirubs — after breaking a number 
 of small twigs from the surronnding slirnbs and 
 placing them in the tops of those I had selected to 
 cover me from the fallins: rain — havini>; done this I 
 gathered a quantity of fallen leaves and put them 
 on the boughs of the shrubs and among the twigs to 
 keep the pelting rain from my body — having put a 
 quantity of these leaves around the roots of the 
 shrubs, all wet I lay down on them to rest. I had 
 not lain long in this situation before I discovered 
 that my calculations to avoid the falling rain were 
 far from being realized, and that I must again put 
 myself in motion or inevitably perish. And some 
 time before entering the barn, the night being very 
 dark, without intending it, visited a grave yard, and 
 the first intinuxtion T had of beiuc: in a con2;re2^ation 
 of the dead, was my coming in contact with the 
 head and foot stones which had been set there in 
 memory of the departed. It was not untill I had 
 been prostrated several times by these monuments, 
 that I found mj^self thus situated. The skin on my 
 legs and other pai-ts of my body had been broken 
 and severely bruised. These ol)sti'ucti(»us to my 
 progress induced a strict exaniinatiou. If '' the 
 
NARKAVIVE. 03 
 
 darkness visible" rendered the siglit of iny eyes 
 useless, I thonglit the touch of my hands might test 
 my location, (or.) I found the stones had characters 
 on them, denoting inscriptions. This discovery 
 created no fears from the dead — I had more to fear 
 from the living. The barn last before mentioned 
 and in which I entered, was partially filled with salt 
 hay. I crawled into that part which seemed to 
 have been tilled — prepared a place to rest and 
 stretched myself in it, and being wet the salt hay 
 soon made a very lively impression on my fresh 
 wounds, which I received from the briars and the 
 monuments in the graveyard. The duration of the 
 pain thus produced, was, however, short. I am 
 inclined to think that the saline properties of the 
 hay heal'd my scratches sooner than they otherwise 
 would have been. It was nearly day light when 
 sleep stole upon me. I slept soundly until after 
 sun rising the following morning notwithstanding 
 the rain poured down in torrents nearly the whole 
 of the night — the sun appeared *-o have risen clear, 
 and ev'ry appearance indicated a fine pleasant day. 
 Soon after the sun had rose, a num came into the 
 barn, and began to speak in the low dutch language. 
 
94 NARRATIVE. 
 
 but his talk appeared to be all to himself. His 
 object in visiting the barn appeared to be for 
 nnlading the hay from the ear, for he soon began 
 to pitch it off. Before he had finished, a neighbor 
 visited him for the purpose of obtaining assistance 
 to make a cofRn, for, said the neighbor " that fellow 
 must be buried to day" — "not to day," said I to 
 myself, "for I am not yet dead." The conversation 
 between tlie two men was can-ied on in the english 
 language — in the course of which I learned that a 
 young man had died the evening before very sud- 
 denly. The deceased appeared to be well the early 
 part of the evening — eat his supper without inti- 
 mating illness of any kind, and before nine o'clock 
 the same evening died. These men both left the 
 barn at the same time. I remained in the barn 
 some time after this but left it early in the forenoon, 
 but not from the side fronting the house and went 
 into an orchard in quest of fruit, now Ijeing exces- 
 sively hungry — found two or three half rotten 
 pears — They were quite savoury, I having fasted 
 ever since I had left the old Jersey, the corn and 
 melons excepted. Api)les I could not find. I then 
 travelled south easterh^, nearly in a direction witii 
 
NAHRATIVK. 95 
 
 the road. The weather fair and warm — saw a tiekl 
 of potatoes directly ahead, and calculated to carry 
 some of them away with me, hoping I conld find 
 fire soon and then would roast and eat them. But 
 I was soon frustrated in this, for on gaining the 
 patch of potatoes, a young woman started up who 
 had come to the place for the apparent })urpose of 
 gathering them in a small basket — She immediately 
 saw me. I was of course naked, my head excepted. 
 She was, or appeared to be, excessively affrighted, 
 and ran towards a house, screeching & screaming at 
 ev'ry step, leaving her basket behind. Her fears 
 were gratuitous for I had not offered any violence 
 to her person, not even gentle gallantry. I ran with 
 more speed than herself in an opposite direction for 
 a glade of woods by the side of wdiich ran a rivulet 
 or small bay — the water was still. I had before 
 discovered this on my right — I entered this wood 
 some distance fearing I might be pursued by the 
 tories. I had some fears that they would pursue 
 me with dogs, and armed myself with an heavy 
 club for defence from these canine loyalists — I had 
 further determined if jnirsuit should l)e made that I 
 would throw mvself into a cove then in view — If I 
 
96 NAKRATIVE. 
 
 should do this before being ovei-tahen I felt well 
 assured that I could keep away froui the tor}' crew 
 in that vicinity. I was not molested however by 
 this discovery. In sight of this potatoe patch were 
 several dwellings and a small meeting house, and 
 perhaps six or seven miles from N. York city. I 
 kept to the left of this cove and it seemed to run in 
 a north easterly direction, into the sound. I soon 
 found a bay on my right, and a road on my 
 left — the latter I dared not to travel. Hunger now 
 preyed upon me excessively^, and my body weak — I 
 searched for something to eat, but in vain — except 
 some ears of corn which I plucked from a field that 
 day — It was poor food but sustained me — that day 
 and the following night, I had made no progress in 
 my journey. Early in the evening I crept into 
 another barn, and lay in a stuble upon unrotted flax. 
 This was a poor bed for a naked hungry boy, but I 
 tarried until morning and slept consideral)ly. I 
 arose from my bed of flax after the rising of the sun. 
 I determined to proceed on my course, happen what 
 would. The course I had left the evening before I 
 resumed in the morning keeping in the tields 
 between the bay and road. I could see the farmers 
 
NARRATIVE. 97 
 
 at their labour in the fields. 1 then eonelnded to 
 still keep on my course and go to some of these 
 people then in sight. I was by this time almost 
 worn out with hunger. I slowly approached two 
 tall young men who were gathering garden sauce. 
 They soon discovered me and appeared astonished 
 at my appearance, and began to draw away from 
 me, but I spoke to them in the following words, 
 " dont be afraid of me, I am a human being." 
 They then made a halt, and inquired of me, " are 
 you scared " — " no," said I, but I thought I never 
 saw two men more operated upon by fear than they. 
 I soon moved to a low place in the ground to avoid 
 discovery by the people on my left who were upon 
 a rising ground, near the road. The two young 
 men advanced slowly towards me, and inquired, 
 " ho w~ came yon here naked." I seated myself on 
 the ground and told them the truth respecting my 
 situation and history — in short, they said, " we wish 
 you were at home." This expression encouraged 
 my feelings that they were friends. One of them 
 asked, what do y(m want of us. T answered, I am 
 hungry, and want some old clothes — If you can help 
 me I pray you would. Well, said he, keep close 
 
98 NARRATIVE. 
 
 down from the sight of these folks up here, and I 
 will go and see my mamma and hear what she will 
 say about your request. I kept still on the ground. 
 They had a knife with them which I took in hand 
 and opeued a water melon from the dry vines. The 
 brother, as I supposed he was, soon returned from 
 the house whither he had been to see his mamma — 
 He brought me two large pieces of bread buttered 
 and a pair of decent pantaloons, which I imme- 
 diately put on, saying in the meantime you must go 
 by the barn, which was directly forward of me, and 
 my mother will give you a shii't. I eat my food 
 which he had bro't me in haste. It was delicious to 
 my taste — nothing ever tasted better to me. He 
 cautioned me that when I started for the barn, I 
 must keep out of sight (meaning that I had better 
 not be seen hy those near me and whom I had 
 seen) of those people. For said he, if those people 
 see you they will take you back again to the Pro- 
 vost. I stepped nimbly to the barn in the manner 
 I had been directed, where I found an old lady with 
 a shirt on her arm on the south side of the barn — 
 the house stood north of it. She inquired whether 
 or not I liad a fatiier and motht'r ah've — I told liei' I 
 
NARRATIVE. 
 
 99 
 
 had a motlier alive when 1 left home and that my 
 lather wrs in the American army. AVell, said !?lie, 
 I wish you was at home with your mother now. 
 She tlien lianded me two large pieces of bread well 
 bnttered which she had been holding in her hand. 
 I had told her son that went to the house how long 
 I had fasted and I presume he had communicated 
 it to his mother when at the house for she cautioned 
 me against taking too much food at that time, and 
 I eat but one of my pieces of bread and butter 
 which she gave me at the barn, and stopped. That 
 is right, said she — still holding the shirt across her 
 arm. She then told me I must go into the barn, 
 take my pantaloons oft' and throw them out to her 
 and she would take them with the shirt and liang 
 them on a fence then in sight (pointing to it) and I 
 will go a little back to a place where I cannot see 
 you, and then you must come out and get them, 
 and put them on — And if you are taken up you 
 must swear you took them from the fence where 
 they were hung out to dry. That will be no lie. I 
 a2:reed to it. I was then about moving around the 
 barn in sight of the house. The old lady caught 
 hold of me. at the same tinu- oxclaiminu' "for (rod's 
 
llHI NAKKATIVR. 
 
 sake don't let that black woman of mine see you " 
 (the wench was washing in the stoop) "for she is as 
 l)ig a devil as any of the king's folks, and she will 
 hring me out. And then we should all be put in 
 the Provost, and die there, for my hnsband was put 
 in there more than two years ago, and rotted and 
 died there not more than three weeks since." Her 
 grief was by this time so excited that she shed tears 
 profusely — in which I joined. After she had sighed 
 and sobbed for some time and partially dried her 
 tears, she observed, this will all do you no good at 
 last. I had told her where I wished to go — " you 
 must go to Oyster bay lirst and they can tell you, 
 but you cannot get there, for if you go dowai this 
 road to the ferry across this cove, there they are all 
 king's folks, and they will certainly take you up. 
 And if you go three and an half miles back to the 
 tide mills, Three hundred Hessians (.^'i) are stationed 
 there on parol — but they will take j^ou up for all. 
 Now if you were over this cove in that great road 
 you can see over on the other side, that would lead 
 you directly on the way to Oyster bay." I had by 
 this time become uneasy and wished to be under 
 wav. For 1 thouirlit mvself well clad for a warm 
 
XAliUATlVK. 101 
 
 day, but the, old Lady a^i:;jiin took me by the arm, 
 and stopped me, asking the hist part of a thousand 
 questions to which I was Ijonnd to give answers. 
 At length I began to move toward tlie cove. Wh^rc 
 are you going, inquired the old lady. 1 am going- 
 down to the cove and to swim across it, gain the 
 road yon mentioned, and go on. She earnestly 
 entreated me not to undertake to swim across the 
 cove — no man had ever dared undertake to swim 
 across it. You cannot do it. Oh, said I, I can 
 swim across it — no, no — they call it a mile across. 
 I mentioned the manner which I should adopt to get 
 across the cove. She then said if I would go across, 
 that I could do better than to swim. She then 
 informed me where I could find a canoe and an 
 oar — the latter was hidden near the former, on the 
 l)ank of the cove in a thick bunch of bushes — these 
 you must steal and set yourself across and fasten 
 the canoe on the other side, and let the owner find 
 it. I found the canoe and oar, and crossed the cove 
 without accident, and left them as directed. This 
 lady arul her two sons were dutch. And I was 
 informed by them that their residence was nine 
 miles from I'rooklvn ferrv. I had now been from 
 
102 NAUliATIVK. 
 
 tlic old Jersey iiiore than 60 hours, and no further 
 from her than before stated, and thou<>;ht I had suf- 
 fered enough for an wliole year. It was now some- 
 thing late in tlie afternoon— after I had crossed the 
 cove, the weather warm, 1 travelled forward keep- 
 ing the road except a suspicious character appeared 
 in sight. If this occurred I would be fixing the 
 fence on the road side, putting up the rails &c. 
 until they passed. This impeded my progress. I 
 came near the village of Jamaica, (") when the sun 
 was about an hour above the horizon. Here was 
 trouble again — to pass the sentinels at Jamaica 
 safely and without suspicion would be difiicult. 
 Here I was in great peril. The sentinels were so 
 near each other across the Island as to communicate 
 one with the other, as I was informed. On arriving 
 in view of the village I could plainly see the senti- 
 nels — two were stationed on either side of the road. 
 In this situation, went into a field near the road 
 side, and concealed myself in a bunch of bushes on 
 the side of a fence. What device to pursue M'itli 
 success was a matter of much moment. AYhile thus 
 devising ways and means to pass the sentinels, a 
 black or coloured man appeared with a small drove 
 
NARRATIVK. 
 
 103 
 
 of cattle wliieli he had taken tVuin some of the 
 adjoining tields. Being tlnis situated I resolved to 
 turn driver and assist the coloured man in getting 
 his drove through the village. It was now near sun 
 setting, and I set myself to driving with a stick in 
 my hand. It may not he amiss to state that these 
 sentinels were british — I passed them without their 
 noticing that I feared or paid any attention to them. 
 This device had the desired elf'ect — I passed without 
 being hailed or stopped by them. This was Avliat 
 was called the lower lines of the British. I was 
 now in better spirits. Soon after I had passed the 
 sentinels I left the drove of cattle in quick pace — 
 the coloured man kept his eyes on me but said 
 nothing. I conceived him to be a stupid fellow. I 
 Avent on to what was called the last house. It w^as 
 so called from its situation, there being no other for 
 the space of seven miles east. It was occuj^ied as a 
 tavern, was large, and if I mistake not had been 
 painted white. On arriving near this house I dare 
 not enter it — left the road and entered into the 
 orchard — seated myself and there remained until 
 late in the evening intending to take up quarters in 
 the barn when I could get to it without bcin-i' 
 
104 NARRATIVE. 
 
 observed by the inmates of the house, those uround 
 it or tlie bam. But there came up a shower of rain 
 which my apparel could uot resist. I laid myself 
 under a fence for some time, and until all was quiet 
 al)OUt tlie premises. This hap'ned as I supposed 
 about nine o'clock in the evening. I then left my 
 situation under the fence, crossed the road, went to 
 the barn but could not enter, it being locked at 
 ev'ry door, I tlien took a manger in a long o]>eii 
 shed which was attached to the barn. This shed 
 answered the purpose of a fence on the south side 
 «,»f the road the extent of its length. I search'd the 
 niano;er the full leno;th of the shed for materials of 
 which to make me a bed, but in vain. I laid my- 
 self in the manger intending to remain in it until 
 morning. In this I was frustrated. A carriage soon 
 came to the house from the east, before which was 
 a span of horses. Those persons who accompanied 
 it determined to put up for the night. The horses 
 were soon led to the barn for stabling. They were 
 taken through the shed near that portion of it where 
 I had taken quarters. One of the two men who led 
 the horses had a lanthron lighted up which he set 
 in the mana'cr verv near nic, while the othci' was 
 
NAKKAIIVK. l05 
 
 employed unlocking the stable door. The foiiuer 
 .soon discovered me from the light of his lantliron. 
 He exclaimed to his companion, " here lies some 
 ])erson in the manger." "Who the devil is it?" 
 inquires the companion. "I dont know" (answered 
 the former) " for he is asleep." This snoring and 
 sleep was aftected on my part to deceive them. It 
 was then concluded to awaken me from my slum- 
 bers, saying wake liim up and let's see who he is. 
 One of them took hold and shook me and inquired, 
 Who are you? a friend. What do you do here? 
 I raised myself partially up, and in a reclining 
 posture, affecting to be in a state of intoxication 
 from an immoderate use of ardent spirits. At the 
 same time muttering in a sort of under tone, I came 
 in here to-get-out-of-the-rain. Where did you come 
 from, or where are you going. I am going-to- 
 Jamaica. And then fell back into the manger 
 apparently to them very drunk. One of the exam- 
 inants observed, It is a boy as drunk as the devil 
 for he cant set up. Then (answers the other) lets 
 put up the horses and we'll take him into the house 
 and find who he is, for he may be here to steal 
 another horse, for we have had them stolen betbi'e 
 
Km; xarkativf:. 
 
 M'e got luclvs to our doors. On hearing this I 
 tliought 1 might get into more trouble by the 
 ordeal of a further examination than to go imme- 
 diately on througli the desert plain (^s) be it never so 
 rainy. When my discoverers were about to leave 
 for the purpose of putting the horses into the stable, 
 one or both observed that I could not get away 
 being so much intoxicated. But as soon as they 
 had got into the stable with their light and horses, 
 I nimbly left the shed the same way that I came 
 into it — from the orchard — which was through a 
 vacant place in the wall of the shed, where one of 
 the boards was off from some cause or other, and 
 near where I lay. I ran fast for some distance 
 parallel with the fence, on the road as near as I 
 could judge — it was cloudy and the night very 
 dark but the rain had ceased. After I had ran 
 some distance I came to a stop, and listened for any 
 one who might be in pursuit, but I heard nothing 
 indicating it. And concluding if pursuit were 
 made that it would be toward Jamaica village 
 whither I had told them I was going, and which I 
 had passed — I immediately took the road and pro- 
 ceeded on east — nothino; occui-rini;- to distui-]) mv 
 
XAKKATIVi:. lot 
 
 journey except u liii,-lit wliich iq)])eare(l on my lel't 
 wlien I was about half way across the phiin. — 
 Three times I undertook to approach it without 
 success. The tliird time my auger had been pro- 
 voked to such a degree that I indulged in some 
 profane language. I had no fears, aiul even in that 
 period of my early life, I was no believer in ghosts 
 nor hobgol)lins. I had been informed when travi'l- 
 ling this road al)out three years before in com])any 
 with Sawyer and llock that tiiese plains were 
 haunted and that men had been seen upon it with- 
 out heads and also with their throats cut — whetlicr 
 or not the latter had heads on their shoulders we 
 were not informed. This information was given us 
 by the honest superstitious inhabitants living on the 
 road, and who entertained us in our transit from 
 Xew York to Sag-Harbour. This light tliat I have 
 mentioned appeared to be not more than a quarter 
 of a mile from the road, but nuist have been niudi 
 further and change of ground proljably conlributed 
 to my loosing siglit of it in each elfort I nnide to get 
 toit. (r.«) After 1 gave up my light 1 took t(~» the 
 road again and went on. 1 was soon over the 
 desert, and at a sliort distance (lisco\ered a l);un on 
 
lOS 
 
 NARKATTVE. 
 
 my left wliicli I went into (juickly as the atmos- 
 phere indicated rain very soon. Three fourths of 
 tlie roof of this l)arn a])peared to he off — hut I got 
 under tliat portion of the roof wliieh appeared to he 
 on, found some straw under it and made myself a 
 bed into which I crawled. I had no sooner done 
 this tlian the rain fell in torrents. What a hapi^y 
 escape this, thought I. But my situation was dry. 
 By this time it was at least as late as two o'clock in 
 the morning. In crossing the plain my shirt had 
 not been wet through by the rain — I got warm in a 
 short time and went to sleep. My slumbers con- 
 tinued until the sun had risen the following morn- 
 ing. The sky was clear and the sun shone with his 
 usual splendor after a heavy rain. After some time 
 I arose from my place of rest, left the barn and 
 went on in the road an easterly direction. I had 
 not progressed more than a mile before I discovered 
 a two horse waggon with a team of horses before it 
 laden with salt hay, and moving tow^ards me on the 
 same road, and accompanied with armed soldiers. 
 I soon gave them the road not being pleased Avitli 
 the costume of the soldiery. Their coats l)eing red 
 was to me a sure indication that thr-y were the mer- 
 
XARIiATIVE. lull 
 
 cenaries of Eoyal George. I luid selected a spot 
 where I reiDuined stationarv, and in a short time 
 discovered anotlier waggon Avitli tlie same kind of 
 freiglif, and attended in the same manner as the 
 iirst. I remained in this place nntil twenty two 
 waggons had passed on by me and all accompanied 
 as the two first. (o«) I kept still for some time and 
 not discovering any more of these or any other 
 things so unpleasant to me resumed my course. I 
 soon came to a spot(«i) where one road bore to 
 the right and the other to the left' — not knowing 
 which to take I halted. I had travelled here belbrc 
 but could not remember which of these roads I had 
 taken. I remained standing near this place a short 
 time when a boy coming up I ventured to inquire 
 which road would lead me to Oyster Bay. This 
 was the place that the old Dutch lady who had 
 given me my shirt had told me the day before I 
 must go to. Tlie boy directed me to take the left 
 hand road — I took it to my cost as I soon learned. 
 The old dutch lady had directed me to call at a gen- 
 tleman's house which I should pass on my way to 
 Oyster Bay which she described. She conlidently 
 told me that the gentleman who occupied it would 
 
110 NARRATIVE. 
 
 assist me if 1 would call and disclosL- to liiiii my 
 situation. After travelliiiiji; some time on tliis left 
 hand road 1 descried tlie house the old lady had 
 described to me. I called at the dooi" — a lady 
 appeared. I incpiired for the gentleman to whom 
 I had been directed — the lady answered that her 
 husband was not at home, and was not expected for 
 several days, at the same time the lady required of 
 me my business with her husband. I told her of 
 my escape from the prison shij), and my destitute 
 situation, and that a friend had told me I could get 
 relief by calling and making knowii my situation. 
 The lady sternly answered that I could have no 
 relief from that house, and expressed astonishment 
 that I should presume to call there for the purpose 
 of obtaining it. She said if her husband were at 
 home he would do nothing for me, but would be 
 l)ound to take me up and send me back to the 
 prison ship. She told me that they lived under the 
 government of the King, with other expressions 
 indicating tor)'ism. I left the house in no com- 
 fortable mood, conceiving I had been irreverently 
 treated by my lady. This was a large white luuise 
 about four miles from the snudl village of Oyster 
 
NAK'RAUV 
 
 111 
 
 Bay.fr,.) 1 soon caiiu' in sin'lit of the villas' Unt not 
 Avithont aj)})relicnsions for my safety. I stojtped 
 and hesitated wJiether or not to go into it, hnt aftei* 
 reflecting some time I decided to go into it, which I 
 did deliberately. The sun was now abont an hour 
 and an half high in the afternoon. Before entering 
 the village I regretted that I had neglected the 
 right hand road. If I had taken it I was confident 
 that it would have led me directly to Sag Harbour, 
 the place of my intended destination on the Island. 
 I had concluded to pass directly through the village 
 as the road below it seemed to bear to the right. 
 The weather was now more cool than it had been, 
 and my wearing apparel was illy calculated to resist 
 the cold. I walked leisurely along until I had got 
 into the centre of the village when a rag muflin of a 
 scoundrel whom I w^as afterwards informed w-as 
 a mercenary tory came out of a sort of rendezvous 
 <jr grocer}", dressed partly in a british uniform and 
 asked me where I Avas going. I auswered that I 
 was going home if I could get there. He then 
 beckoned to a gang he had left l)ehind him in the 
 I'cudezvous or grocery, to come out and tell the scr- 
 •j'eant to come (.»ut with a file "f men. Thev s(»on 
 
112 XAHRATIVK. 
 
 burst out witli gnus and bayonets in their bands 
 and surrounded me as though I had been a AYallace. 
 They ordered me into tlie phice or room from 
 whence they came, and then began to propound 
 questions to me, with respect to the phice I had 
 come from, where I was going cV:c. I answered 
 them as well as I conld and gave them a true state- 
 ment in a minute manner giving the history of my 
 last voyage at sea, my capture, escape from the old 
 prison ship, and my subsequent sutferings. I dis- 
 guised nothing which related to me. I thonght 
 truth better than falsehood. Although three years 
 before in company with Sawyer and Rock I had 
 successfully adopted a different course, but there 
 were three of us then and better clad than I was at 
 this time. Besides I concluded that my true his- 
 tory w'ould excite or invite the pity and compassion 
 of my captors ratlicr than their hatred or revenge. 
 But in this I was disappointed. The imperial 
 refugee sergeant put on a very authoritative air and 
 said, let me see your hands. I then shewed him my 
 hands. There, by G — d (said he) I thought when I 
 first saw him he was a whale boat-man from tlie 
 main — a mhlier — for his hands shew it })]ain enough. 
 
NARRATIVK. 1 1 :> 
 
 llow long since yon rowed a- boal. I anftwei'ed, 
 tliat I could not tell exactly for I did not remend^er 
 liow inaiiv days it was since I liad left Newport, 
 and I had not rowed a boat since. It was fifteen 
 days or more since I had rowed a boat. The loyal 
 refugee serjeant then exclaimed with another im- 
 ])ortant air, as follows, I believe you lie for I have 
 heard of your boasting of going through this place 
 in the day time to find ?^ place to plunder at night, 
 and we will hang you to morrow. I then became 
 angry and not a little saucy. For I said I think 
 there must be some law even among refugees under 
 the english government, and you need not threaten 
 me with your gallows, for I do not fear it. Well 
 (said the high minded refugee to his gang of armed 
 men) we will take him to the guard house, and see 
 how he will look on the gallows tomorrow. By this 
 time many of the villagers had come in apparently 
 to look at me and witness my examination. After 
 my examination had closed and I had been ordered 
 to the guard house, a genteel looking young gentle- 
 man whom I had observed for some time, having 
 entered the room about the time I had entered it. 
 lie had not said a Avord yet but seemed attentive to 
 
1 14 NAKRATIVr:. 
 
 wliat 1 liiul said — ste})pe<l forward and said to tlie 
 torj Serjeant, can I have liberty of asking him some 
 questions. Oh, yes, said the tory, 1 saw tliat this 
 yoiuig gentleman was regarded in a respectful man- 
 ner by these refugee scoundrels. When he began 
 interrogating me all was as still as a death watch. 
 lie said to me, you said you sailed from Providence. 
 Yes sir. With whom. With Capt. Christopher 
 Whip})le. What in. In a privateer brig of sixteen 
 guns, lie put many more rpiestions to me in rela- 
 tion to our capture, capti^'ity on board the prison 
 ship, escape from it, and subsequent conduct, to all 
 which I gave him true answers, so far as I was con- 
 cerned, lie then turned to my first examinants 
 and said, I have no question but he has told you 
 the truth, for I am acquainted in Providence, and I 
 know he could not have answered those questions 
 so just if he had been a stranger at that place. But 
 I suppose you will send him back to the prison ship. 
 If you will suffer him to go with me to my house, 
 and send a guard with him if you please, I will be 
 bound he shall return in a short time. For he must 
 bo hungry after fasting forty eight hours, and must 
 suffer witli cold in the dress he has now on. The 
 
XARKATIVF. 115 
 
 toi'Y officer said, Yes, doctor, to oblige yon, I will 
 send a sentinel witli him, if you will not detain liini 
 long. It was by this time abont snn setting. I 
 went with the Doct. across the street to his house. 
 He directed the sentinel to stop in an entry at the 
 door, which he did. As soon as we had arrived to 
 an inner room of his house he gave directions to his 
 black woman to get me some victuals. This was 
 soon done and I partook heartily. The Doct. was 
 absent a short time, and returned, with a quantity 
 of wearing apparel, and said when you have done 
 eating, do you take these clothes and ])ut them on 
 for you will suffer in those clothes. I will further 
 mention that on getting into the house, the Doct. 
 offered me ardent spirits or wine to drink which 
 I declined. He then offered me cider which I also 
 declined. He then urged me to drink either s})irits 
 or wine — of the latter I finally drank a glass. When 
 I commenced augmenting my dress from his charity, 
 he observed, these damn'd rascals will send you 
 back to the ])rison ship, and that is the most they 
 can do with you. I need not tell you to despise or 
 disregard their threats, for I see you are not afraid 
 of them. He spoke low to me and close to my 
 
lit) NARRATIVE. 
 
 elbow. He continued, these seuundrels are stationed 
 liere to protect our property as the ])retence is, and 
 thej steal pounds from ns where they save us 
 pence. They will undoubtedly carry 3'ou back, and 
 think they have achieved some great exploit. But 
 if I could swim on sliore from that abhorent place I 
 M'ould not stay a day there. I would try it again. 
 And if you should get down the Island as far as 
 here, do not come among these refugee scoundrels. 
 If you had kept down the country road, and got six 
 miles below here, there would have been three 
 chances in your favour to one against you, if you 
 had conducted right — by this time the sentinel hal- 
 loed for me to come out. The Doct. answered, in a 
 few minutes, and said to me, I suppose you must 
 go, and do you remember what I have said to you. 
 lie then handed and gave me a silver dollar. I 
 thanked him kindly and said it was all the pay I 
 could return him. He shook me by the hand and 
 replied, you are heartily welcome. Thus I left this 
 patriotic and benevolent gentleman. I regret that 
 I have forgotten his name. The sentinel at the 
 door again halloM for me. I stepped out to him 
 and into the street. The men and bovs crowded 
 
NAliKATIVE. 117 
 
 aroniul iiie in the street, mid presented me with 
 money, some a quarter (»f a (h)llar and otliers less. 
 This notice fronj tlie people created snrlj looks in 
 the refugee corps, who hurried me along. Then 
 came out the serjeant and three more refugee 
 scoundrels, who stationed me in their centre, and 
 thej marched me off in great trium])h for the guard 
 house abont tM'o miles distant, where we arrived 
 about dark. The house occnpied bj the guard was 
 a long low building with two square rooms in it 
 with two (Hitside doors. It appeared to have been 
 nsed and built for a school house. The first room 
 we entered was filled wnth the same kind of i-ag 
 muffin rascals as those who had been my guard. I 
 think it must have been a subaltei-n's guard for 
 they were numerous and a drunken set of sramblers. 
 I was a fine subject for this loyal set to vent their 
 spleen at. They soon asked the serjeant wdiat he 
 had got there, lie said. T think he is a Avhale boat 
 boy from the maiii, looking foi- a place to phinder 
 ns at night, but he says lie has run away from the 
 prison ship and was taken in a privateei-, and some 
 think lie tells the truth, 1)ut I dont. The doctor, 
 (meaning the gentleman who was present at my 
 
118 NAKKATIVK. 
 
 exainiuiitioii, and who had <^iveu me clothes, money 
 & food,) has questioned him and thinks lie tells all 
 truth, and has a great deal of charity for him, and 
 has given him a suit of clothes all but a shirt and 
 trousers in which I took him. But the Doctor with 
 all his learning does not know ev'ry thing. Some 
 one of the refugees then said, Well, sergeant this 
 fellow will grace our gallows to morrow well, and 
 we will take cai"e of him. I was then ordered into 
 the other room. The door and windows fast'ned, 
 and I ordered to lie down on a small quantity of old 
 straw, and an old blanket and to " lie damn'd still." 
 And as the partition wall between the room occu- 
 pied by the sentinel who guarded me, and who was 
 in the room with me was only of one board in 
 thickness, with cracks through it into the guard 
 room, we could hear all that was said by tliose in 
 the guard room. After I liad lain down on this 
 horrid couch and before the fleas which infested the 
 room had got through my clothes to my skin, I 
 heard several in the guard room say one to the 
 other, I will bet a bowl of sling that fellow gets 
 away from the sentinel, (calling him by name) before 
 morning, for he is u danni'd weasel looking curse. 
 
NAKRATIVK, I |(> 
 
 aiHl is sauvy, tbr he called u. refuo;ee8 at the vilhi-e 
 ^vl'e,i lie was lirst taken. The fleas soun eo.nmence.1 
 ii:ivii.u; nie trouble as I thoui^ht I,j thunsamls nni- 
 Hiiii^ over my skin, rank and tile. This flea attaek 
 ^^avc me a great deal of trouble. I moved about 
 and rose partly up to eateh the.u in the dark-my 
 sentinel ^^'ho was in the room with me would break 
 out in true refugee style, "lie still G—d damn you," 
 with other prolane and snmtty language too indecent 
 to mention. I remonstrated against his uni.rov..ked 
 cruelty, observing that " I was only flghting the 
 fleas"— for God's sake dont murder me for" this. 
 The sentinel had already pricked me in several 
 places so severely that I plainly felt the fresh blood 
 nm. I told him I would not try to escape, and 
 more than all there was no possible clumce to 
 escape. I mentioned to the sentinel that there was 
 I'o honor in such cruelty to a prisoner. I will give 
 you honour G-d danm you if you stir again, was 
 I'is reply. I was obliged to bear the attacks of the 
 fleas without moving a limb, until this rascal was 
 releived. This next sentinel appeared to be humane 
 and a gentleman. I had a long conversation with 
 him as I could not sleei) i" conse(|uence of the stabs 
 
12U NzVKRATIVK. 
 
 I received from tlie first, sentinel, and the eontinned 
 attacks of the fleas. I complained to the second 
 sentinel of the treatment I had received from the 
 first, which he condemned in the strongest terms, 
 and said tliat " some men were born brutes." I fell 
 to sleep the latter part of the night, the attacks 
 of the fleas notwithstanding. Soon after the appear- 
 ance of daj-light I was sent ofi* to the quarters 
 of their refugee Col. a mile from the guard room, 
 and escorted by a refugee corporal and file of men. 
 Our course was not in a road but over the fields of 
 grass on which was an heavy frost. On being 
 ushered into the presence of the grave colonel a 
 paper was presented to him by the intrepid corporal 
 who commanded my escort, from the ofiicer of the 
 guard respecting me, which I was not allowed to 
 read nor hear read. The Col. was a tall man of fine 
 a})pearance by the name of I>rown or Smitli (I am 
 not certain which of these names he bore.) The Col. 
 and a gentleman present M'honi I undei'stood was 
 master of a wood vessel then about to sail for 
 New-York, put nie under another examination. To 
 them I repeated all 1 had said the evening before 
 to the then refugee exaniinants and to my benevo- 
 
XARRATIVK. 121 
 
 It'iit Doctur. After my exaniiiuitiun was closed, the 
 Col. and master of the vessel went into an adjoining 
 room to take their breakfast. They soon com- 
 nienccd a conversation about me wliich I over- 
 heard. The Col. thonght my story about leaving 
 the prison ship probable. Oh, yes, (answered tlie 
 master) your meu^s conjecture about his being a 
 whale boat robber is wrong, for he tells ev'ry thing 
 right about the prison sliiji. Well, (says the Col.) 
 you can take liim back with you. Oh, yes (says the 
 master.) The door leading from the room I was in 
 to the room in which they were breakfasting was 
 open, and I heard ev'ry word of their conversation, 
 without any apparent idea from them that I heard 
 their dialogue. Before sitting down to his breakfast 
 the Col. came into the room in which I was under 
 guard, and spoke to one of my guard, (calling him 
 by his given name) — the man answered, yes, sir. 
 The Col. then said to him, you can take charge of 
 this boy — yes, answered the man. The CoL then 
 ordered the remaining portion of my escort back to 
 the guard house, and they immediately withdrew. 
 The Col. before returning into his breakfast room 
 diret'ted a servant to give me some Z'/vy;^;/('/.s'/, which 
 
122 NARKATTVK. 
 
 was instantly set before me. I eat it in a short 
 time, and seated myself before the lire, took my 
 shoes off to dry tliem, and my feet which had 
 become very wet by crossing tlie frosty fields. 1 
 was now guarded by a single sentinel, and he a 
 molatto, very tall, and appeared nimble and very 
 athletic. One of the servants about the house was 
 a black woman. Between this black Avoman and 
 the molatto sentinel there appeared to be an inti- 
 mate acquaintance, as they were very sociable with 
 each other. The female servant went al)out the 
 house in quick time, sometimes in the kitchen and 
 sometimes in the room with the Col. and his com- 
 panion waiting on their breakfast table and also out 
 of the back cloor into the yard and in the pantry 
 whither my molatto guard had gone to provide 
 himself with food which he began to eat. lie had 
 set his musket near to the entrance of the pantry 
 door. When in the pantry lie would frequently put 
 his liead through the door to look for me. When 
 his black paramour visited the pantry he would 
 talk in gentle words to her. I had learned in a con- 
 versation held l)etween the Col. and master of the 
 wood vessel that she was to c^et under sail that 
 
NAi;.uAri\ !■;. 12.S 
 
 inoruinii,- iimnediatelv at'tci- luH'akfast, and it was iu 
 tliis vessel tliat I was to he conveyed Lack to Ncm- 
 York. I had detenniiied to effect my esca})e if 
 possihle and to make a violent and hazar(h)ns 
 attempt. The sentinel had not yet finished his 
 repast in the pantry. The wench was out of siuht, 
 ill which room of the house, or whether <ir not she 
 was in tlie yard I did not know. As soon as 1 liad 
 eaten my breakfast I had })artly tui'iied myself 
 aronnd from the front of the chair in which I was 
 seated with my arms crossing tin; back and aronnd 
 one of the higher posts, and my face i-esting on 
 them. I had watched the motions of the sentinel 
 and fastened tlie bnckles to my shoes. In this 
 sitnation at the instant after the sentinel had })ut 
 his head through the door of the pantry to obsei-ve 
 me and had withdrawn it, I took my shoes in hand 
 and very carefully arose from the chair and also 
 taking advantage of the absence of the wench, 
 lightly stepped across the room and through the 
 outside door into the yard and from thence into 
 a patch of standing hemp very near the yard of the 
 house, and thence into an orchard and soon gained 
 a copse of wood through a cornfield. All this 
 
1-J4 XAtiKATIVi:. 
 
 niniiinu' J performed in my stoekens. without m_v 
 shoes oil. Tlie corn in the field liad not been liar- 
 vested. I entered the wood some distance. The 
 under hushes were thick and 1 halted in them 
 several hours, keeping myself still. 1 soon had few 
 fears of a i-ecapture except through the agency of 
 dogs. These last suspicions were the same tliat 
 r indulged after Iliad met the young woman in the 
 ])otatoe field two days before. I was not molested 
 nor ])ursue<l from any observations that I could 
 make. Here I lay several hours and cleaned my 
 stoekens as well as I could from the dirt that stnck 
 to them in consequence of their nse without shoes. 
 I put on my shoes and proceeded slowly on in an 
 easterly direction and keeping from the road, until 
 I had travelled more than six miles as near as 1 
 couhl estimate the distance, meaning to observe the 
 caution given to me by the Doctor at the village of 
 Oyster Bay. After I commenced travelling on the 
 road I dared not call at any house diiring that day, 
 and the follovring night I slept in a barn. Early 
 next morning T left the barn and travelled forward 
 until my stomach began to crave food. After some 
 time 1 arrived at a house where I thoucrht it would 
 
XARHATIVK. 125 
 
 do to call. It was small, and the door open, and a 
 "svoiuan swoi'pinii' near it. 1 st('i>]^('d near lier and 
 asked if I could get st)niet]iing to eat iVoni the 
 house, and if she would furnish nii' with food I 
 would pay her well for it. and that bread and milk 
 would please me as well as any food she could give 
 me. She auswered me in the athrnnitive. I went 
 in. Conversation soon commeiiceil hetweeu us. It 
 was commenced oji her part fii'st, and Ijv an inter- 
 rogation, How far jjre you travelling. T]\e answer 
 I gave lu'r was, "to Sag Harbour, ou a visit to see 
 uiy friends, and then to return to New Vork."* This 
 M'as a })art of the story with which Sawvei*. Tlock 
 and myself had so well succeeded in useing when 
 we had travelled tVom New York city to Sag Har- 
 bour down the island by land tl'vee years before. I 
 had not unule a lu-w story, uot intending to use 
 anything fabulous on uiy jour^iey. Ihit on this 
 occasion I thought pro})t'r to i'cvd my hostess with 
 something phiusilde. Tt had the desii'cd etiect. 
 For she soon replied by the ol)servation "" i sup]»ose 
 you are uut a rebel." This short sentence gave me 
 her cue. I aiisweretl. oh. uo. I am going back as 
 soon as J can get ready, and my business through. 
 
1^6 NAKKATIVK. 
 
 to tiglit the i-ebelsi. " Well," (said my hostess) " do 
 you think they (the rebels) will hold out much 
 longer." "It seems to me they cant, for their cause 
 is so bad, and I have heard they were almost sub- 
 dued." "Oh, yes." "Well I thought they would 
 from the first beginning of it." I finished eating my 
 dish of bread and milk, which my hostess observing, 
 brought me some l)read and butter. I partook of it 
 freely. I obtained this last dish from my lady in 
 consequence of my supposed loyalty to the King. 
 My loyalty pleased madam in the extreme. Having 
 finished my repast, I ottered to pay for it, l)ut my 
 hostess woukl not take a single copper from me. I 
 was " so devoted to King George" and " a fine lad." 
 I bade her good morning and resumed my journey. 
 After leaving this benevolent mansion I could not 
 avoid indulging some rude reflections about my 
 loyal hostess. One was whether or not her loyalty 
 had been so enthusiastic and outrageous as to pros- 
 trate more than one Liberty pole in the cause. Her 
 calculations concerning the American cause were 
 hardly true prophesy for in a few days from this 
 time lord Cornwallis surrendered liis entire army to 
 uiir arms at "^ (irkti>\vii. ('■-) I tra\eik'd tVom ten till 
 
NAKKATIVK. 127 
 
 about one o'clock in the afternoon. I met Ca})t. 
 Daniel Havens on horseback — lie had no otlier 
 person in company, and had several line horses 
 Avith him going west — with whom I had become 
 accpiainted three years before at his own house in 
 the village of Sag Harbour. I knew him and 
 addressed him by name. lie did not know nie, 
 but soon recollected having formerly been ac- 
 quainted with nie after I had mentioned having 
 been at his house in com])any with his nephew 
 John Sawyer, and liock. I I'elated to him in a 
 concise manner my late adventures, perils, suffer- 
 ings &c. lie then observed that he was going- 
 west, and that I must go to his house and make 
 it my home until his return which would be the 
 day after to morrow evening. And that he would 
 procure a safe passage for me across Long Island 
 sound to the main — that I must make myself known 
 to his family, wduj would ])rovide well for me &c 
 that I must keep myself still in tlie house in order 
 to secure my safety and that of himself and family. 
 For (said he) there is peo})le there who are con- 
 stantly on the watch that yon would not mistrust, 
 who A\ould do us mischief, and as it is ]»asl noon 
 
128 NAKKATIVE. 
 
 vuii cannot get there to day. It is twenty miles to 
 my liuuse, and you Avill want isometliing to eat 
 befbi'e you unive to it. I answered, I am not 
 liiingi-y — a short time since I ate a hearty breakfast. 
 lie re})lied, so much the Letter, for you ought to 
 travel sc^ven nnles befoi'e you stop — you can stop at 
 the end of tliat distance in safety. At that distance 
 is a tavern (ill) ke])t by a Mr. Snow — the name you 
 "will see on the sign. Thei'e you \]\\\^t find the land- 
 lord and sjn'ak to him iir.st if you see those about 
 whom you may conclude are travellei's, and tell 
 him you want dinner. Inform him also wdiere you 
 luive come from, and that I ha\e sent you to liis 
 liouse. Here is a qnarter (»f a dtdlar to ])ay for your 
 dinnei' if he sludl ask any ])ay of you for it, but 1 
 think he will not. I refused his nioiuy saying to 
 him that I had got money. Well rejoiiu'd he, take 
 it and keep your money — you juay Avant it before 
 you get honu'. T took the money, aiul went on 
 travelling last until I arrived at tin; tavern where 
 ('apt. Havens had directed me to call, ft was now 
 vi\v\\ in the afternoon — And as I passed the bar- 
 room I saw two g(Mitlemen whose appeai'ance did 
 not pU-a^e me much. 1 >te]iped by the dooi" <>f tlic 
 
NAKKAl'lVK. 1-1*' 
 
 barronia tu llic kiicheii and inquired ot' the iiimatt's 
 for the hindlord. They iiifonned lue that hi' was in 
 the Itaek yard after wood. 1 tiezed tliis o])i)oi'tiiiiity 
 to iiitrodiKH' myself to liini. I found Inm ah>iie, 
 and in a h>w tone of voice did so in a fcnv words, at 
 the same time mentioned to him that J had been 
 commeiKkMl to liim by (Japt. Havens. He then 
 tohl me to walk into the sitting room, sayinii:; dinner 
 wotdd be ready in a few minutes. 1 then men- 
 tioned my suspicions about the two gentlemen T had 
 seen when |»assing to the kitchen. IFe made me 
 easy al)ont tliem. Jiefoi-e entei'ing the i-(^om how- 
 ever, the hindloi'd told me that if any suspicious 
 persons should \isit his house before T left it that 
 he woidd give me a wink and 1 could follow him, 
 (the landlord.) He then said I will go in with 
 you. On going into the room where the two gen- 
 tlemen were sitting, the landlord addressed them in 
 the following language, here is a boy who says he is 
 a I'un a way from the old Jersey, ami wants dinmM* 
 if you will consent for him to eat with you. Oh, 
 yes, was soon the answer. The one "was an elderly 
 gentleman, the other young and son in law to the 
 former. The landlord soon left the room to atten<l 
 
K-)U XAliKATlVK. 
 
 atfaii's about liis house. I expected a long series of 
 interrogatories from the gentlemen present, which I 
 dreaded as I had been an old run a way and the 
 repetition of my story had become irksome. I was 
 in a hurry also. They soon began their inter- 
 rogatories, and I had to relate all my adventnres. 
 After I had told my story, the old gentleman 
 informed me tliat he was a brother or a cousin 
 to a Mr. Snow who was or had been a clergyman 
 in Providence, Tv. I, (es) I cannot now rememl)er 
 whether it was brother or cousin, but am more 
 inclined to think the latter. We had eat our dinner 
 when wine was set on the table and we sat to it an 
 hour. In the mean time more company came into 
 the bar room and the landlord gave me a hint to be 
 off which I observed, and left the table and room. 
 I was secretlj' followed by the two gentlemen — one 
 of them gave me a croM-n, and the other a dollar 
 and said, put it up and say nothing. I offered the 
 landlord pay for my dinner — no, said he, not a 
 copper — you are welcome. They all hoped I would 
 get home without difHculty. Tlie old gentleman 
 took me by the hand and we took leave. I then 
 went on my way in quick motion and took the road 
 
,\ AK'K ATI\i: 
 
 i;;i 
 
 on the iiorrli >\[i>vv of the Island, which \\a> [>a»ahh' 
 for ])eoph^ ou foot and two inih's nuarcr Sai;' llai'- 
 hour tliau the carriage roa<h I travelled seven 
 miles verv quick. The snii had set and I calleil at 
 a large farm liouse and in(|uire(l tlie distance to Sag 
 Ilarhour. (m-,) 1 saw only an old lady ahout the 
 house. Her appearance pleased me and 1 asked 
 leave of her to tarry in her house throngh the 
 ensuing night, the road not appeai'ing veiy plain, 
 and darkness coming on. She said 1 could slay in 
 her house if I would behave' myself well. I>ut she 
 soon commenced hei' examinations — tliis M'as di-ead- 
 ful to me — meantime she infoi-med me that the 
 male portion of her family iuid gone from home and 
 were six miles off, and would not l)e at home tV)r 
 several days to come. They had gone from iiome 
 to peiform some kind of labour. She informed me 
 that herself and that black boy (])ointing to one 
 then present) were the only meudjers of the family 
 then at home. The old lady again commenced 
 asking me more questions and among them, 
 " AVhere did you come from V " I have ran away 
 from the old Jersey pi-ison ship." She then said, 
 •' if you have ran away from tlie prison ship you 
 
IS'2 XAKKAIIVK. 
 
 may stay/' I then went into the liouse and seated 
 myself. She put nie many questions. I answere*! 
 all she pnt me as well as I eoukl. .She (ordered the 
 hhick boy to pre])are snpper which he did all l»nt 
 preparing tlie tea wliieh was done hy herself. It 
 was an excellent repast. I soon assunuMl drowsi- 
 ness. And after some time the hlack l)oy was 
 directed to li^ht a second candh' and 1 was con- 
 diicted to an excellent bed. I was soon in sleep, 
 and remained in bed the next morninu' nntil T 
 heard the old lady and her black servant about the 
 house. I arose from my bed and went down from 
 tlie chamber. She was preparing breakfast. It 
 was soon ready and I was invited to take breakfast 
 with her which I did. The breakfiist was also 
 excellent. I was about to I'esnme my travel, when 
 the old lady took a handkerchief of her own and 
 tied up full of cakes and cheese and said to me, you 
 must take this with you when you go. I declined, 
 saying I had got money and would soon be at 
 Capt. Havens. "Well you will go over the sound 
 in the night and you will be hungry before you get 
 over, and you must take it." I took her handker- 
 chief and contents, bid her good bye, with my 
 
NAKRAIIVE. 133 
 
 tliuiilvs fur lier kindiu'Sb aucl ^■euel■oi^ity. 1 went (Hi 
 iij good spirit;^. In my nioniinii' travel I drew a 
 contrast between my hostesses the day and eveniiii;- 
 before. The one was h)yal to entluisiasni, and 
 prayed f(»r the success of the British arms and the 
 subjugation of the ])eople io their unhallowed 
 j!ud)ition, and the confiscation of the property of all 
 those jiatriots who had drawn the s\vord in defence 
 of their rights; the other patriotie to the cause of 
 civil liberty, and no sacrifices too great for the pur- 
 pose of secui-ing freedom and independence. In the 
 short space of eight liours both had ti'eated me \vith 
 the most generous and unalloyecl hosjutidity. The 
 former for the reason that, through fear her agency 
 might send me bach into Xew York again into a 
 loathsome and dreadful captivity, 1 had avowed 
 myself to be in favour of the o})]iressive measures 
 of the british crown towards my bleeding and 
 suffering counti-ynieii. The latter because I had 
 escaped from caj^tivity and from the power of these 
 oppressors. I also concluded from an obser\'atiun 
 which the latter made to me, after 1 had declined 
 her liandkfM-chief and content> that she was well 
 acquainted with the mode of ti'ade or traffic lie- 
 
134 NARRATIVE. 
 
 tweeii the people of Long Island and tliu&e on the 
 main, and that she probably had been personally 
 engaged in it. The observation I allnde to I will 
 repeat. It was in tlie following words, "you will 
 cross the sound in the night, and mhII be hungry 
 before you get over.'' My reader will here under- 
 stand that I have before mentioned that the whole 
 of the territory on Long Island was under the con- 
 troul of tlie l)ritish authority for nearly the whole 
 period of the revolutionary contest. The two bel- 
 ligerents carried on a smuggling trade with each 
 other during the contest. The gold currency of the 
 brirish was tempting to the patriotic merchants and 
 farmers of Xew England, and the line fancy goods 
 of the british invited the cupidity of many patriotic 
 families in the aforesaid states — notwithstanding 
 the loyalty of the british the ]»roducts from the 
 farms of freemen were not unsavoury to their tastes. 
 Hence the trade. The government authority used 
 constant means to destroy this ti-aliic, (e-) The 
 New England or continenlal governments employed 
 small armed vessels which by the smugglers and 
 others were sarcastically called " Shavino- Mills.'' 
 The \i«i'ilance ot" the Shaviiio- Mills constrained the 
 
XARKATIVK. loo 
 
 simiggjers to cross the f^oiuul t<. or from tlic ni.-iiii in 
 the night. Hence tlie ohl lady's words addressed 
 to me tliat i would cross the sound at uight. The 
 smuggling agents were many of them females. 
 This I learned by crossiug the sound three times in 
 these smuggling packets. A majority of the pas- 
 sengers Mere females on these occasions. It was 
 four miles from the house where I had slept to the 
 village of Sag Harbour. 1 soon travelled to it and 
 called at the house of Capt. Havens. I mentioned 
 to his family that I had seen him tlie day previ(nis 
 and delivered to them the uu'ssage he had sent by 
 me. There were no nudes al>out the House. I felt 
 lonely. The family did not know me aiid I had 
 been unck-r the necessity of calling their attention 
 to the visit I had nuide three years before in com- 
 pany with Sawyer and lioek. This circumstance 
 made them recollect me but 1 did uot feel at home. 
 I went into the street rather mute and convei'sed 
 with no ])erson. While standing in the street, 
 sometimes walking slowly about, I saw a small 
 sldop lying at the dock. 1 concluded that she was 
 a •• Sliaviug Mill" or a smuggler but dare m)t 
 ap].roacli liei- for llio fcnr of being qiiestioncd hv 
 
136 NAKKATIVK. 
 
 some one on board or near her. Thus beino; in tlie 
 street a female came in siglit- — she walked near me 
 and I felt confident that I had been acquainted with 
 her. I was well satisfied that she was the sister of 
 my old companion John Sawyer, and at whose 
 house Sawyer, Kock and myself had slept when I 
 had visited this place three years before. I ad- 
 dressed her by her name. She appeared surprised 
 and inquired how I was accpiainted with hei*. I 
 then mentioned having slept at lier house as before 
 mentioned, with her brother whom 1 inquired after. 
 1 was then recollected by her. On my calling her 
 tittention to the circumstance of having slept in her 
 house wnth her Ijrother, the sympathies of her heart 
 were called into action and her tender emotions 
 very visible. She soon beckoned me to follow her 
 which 1 readily did. We walked into an ally or 
 lane between some bnildings, and from the observa- 
 tion of any persons who might notice us in the 
 street. Here she soon informed me the cause of her 
 sympathies. They were excited by mentioning the 
 name of her brother and inquiries for and concern- 
 ing him. After she had partially sup})ressed her 
 (Muotions. :^iie infnj'iiied me that he iiad died a tra- 
 
.nai:kati\k. 
 
 vs: 
 
 g'ic.il (It'atli aliout tliri^c' weeks hetore at sea. She 
 related to lue the eireimi stances of lier l)rotliei'S 
 tleatli. He liad l)eeii eiiiploved at or near liis lionie 
 e\er since lie liad escaped from tlio ]\raidstone 
 frigate, and returned home "svitli me, nntil the then 
 present summer wlien he had sailed in an American 
 privateer from the port of New Lo]idon (oh) — that 
 about tliree weeks before, he had been ])ut on board 
 of a ])rize the privateer had taken, as one of tlu^ 
 })rize ci'ew. to navigMte tlie ])riz(> into some Ameri- 
 can ])ort. That after the piM/e had (h>nl)led Mon- 
 tank point (o') bound in. the captured crew of tlie 
 prize had mutinied against the captors, subdued 
 and kille<l them — that her Ijrotlier being aloft in 
 the rigging was shot aud fell dead on deck — that 
 they had learned the tate of her lirotlier tVom the 
 newspapei's tVom the city of New York, whitlier the 
 prize had been taken by her crew after they had 
 retaken her. During this int(-rvie\v. my own svm- 
 pathies were freely associated with the sistei-, for he 
 was a persf»n dear to me no doubt in some degree 
 from liaviiig been my comj»anion under severe ti'ials 
 and perils. In addition to this In; was active, intel- 
 ligent and brave, far beyond his years. The gene- 
 
l.'iS XAURATINi:. 
 
 rositj of his ^uul Mas uiibuuiided. tuid his hune.-ty 
 unsurpassed perhaps by any. I had also enter- 
 tained stronw- ho|»es of a personal interview with 
 him again at Sag ]Iarl)our, or at least of learning 
 that he was alive and well, as I had felt great 
 interest in his fate. in an interview with this 
 female at the house of C'apt. Jiavens slie informed 
 me that the sloo]) of which 1 had been so cautious 
 would sail the following night for Stonington,(7o) a 
 port situate on the iiudn, in the state of Connecti- 
 cut, and that she was going in it as a passenger — 
 that she had no doubt 1 could go across the sound 
 in it also. I mentioned that I did not know whether 
 or not the mastei- would suffer me to take passage 
 in said vessel, and that Capt. Havens had requested 
 me to renuun at his house until his return from tlie 
 west. The family heard tliis conversation, and did 
 not solicit my stay. My female friend replied that 
 she was sure L could obtain a passage as well as not. 
 These circumstances induced me to visit the sloop 
 and make my situation known to the master with a 
 request for a passage. I did so. The master agreed 
 to take me on board. I mentioned where 1 could 
 be found when the vessel would be readv to saiL 
 
>;AKKAri\"K. 139 
 
 The inasler made me welcome, aiitl invited me l<> 
 eat and driidv: M-ith him, and to take a bertli for 
 the night in his cabin. The female friend tai'ried 
 at the house where 1 had taken quarters until 
 evenino;, Capt. Havens being her uncle. Evening- 
 came on and we were called for — went on board, 
 and the vessel set sail. I went into the cabin, took 
 a berth, and went to sleep. All hands and the 
 greater portion of the passengers ke})t the deck, a 
 majority of the passengers being feinales. I slept 
 sound until morning. On going upon deck, I found 
 the vessel lying at a dock, no sail in sight, and no 
 person on deck. I could not identify the place 
 where the sloop lay. One of the hands soon came 
 on board, and I inquired of him whether or not the 
 place we had arrived at was Stonington. He 
 smilingly answered, no, it is not Stonington. Have 
 you not seen this place before. I answered, not to 
 my knowledge. At this answer he laughed hear- 
 tily, and said, you are just where you were when 
 yon started last night — you look wild. I felt fool- 
 ish, and asked, what does this mean. Oh, not 
 much — we had a head wind nnd put l)ack last 
 night — (lout be uneasy, for we shall start again 
 
l-iU X A It k A 11 VI. 
 
 to iiiu'ht. and \\t- wilJ earrv yuu over sate and fref 
 fnjHi expem-e. Vuu can r^tay on board to day or go 
 to ('apt. Havens, but you must be ready at sunset. 
 Before this ei.mversation 1 liad stepped on sliore, 
 and as soon as I bad done this the surrounding- 
 country and scenery appeared natural to nie, and 1 
 fully realized that 1 was again at Sag Harbour. 
 My mistake had occuri-ed in consequence of my 
 calculations that when I should awake from my 
 sleep I should find Stonington or some other place 
 on the main, and in addition to this, the bow of the 
 sloop had been shifted on coming back to the dock, 
 directly around from what it was when she had left 
 it the evening before. Those who have had their 
 heads turned by shifting the heads of vessels, being 
 themselves on board, can readily account for this 
 occurence. The person al)Ove mentioned kept 
 around the sloop some time regulating the rigging. 
 The rijxffinff indicated that some confusion had 
 resulted on board the evening before, after I had 
 " turned in." I observed this, and mentioned to the 
 man — that the head wind the vessel had met with 
 the evening before was a " shaving mill." He 
 lauffhed. and said, liow do von know — you was 
 
NAKRATIVK. 141 
 
 sound asleep, and we were daimiM still. Oh, 1 
 <lreaiiied it— anutlier lauo-h with the tblluwiiiir 
 words, yuii dream as though you had been here 
 before. I have, and started from here twice on the 
 same occasion and wish to start again. When was 
 this you started from here before. Three years ago 
 the first time, and last night the second. Oh, I 
 guess you are an old boy then, but did you ever get 
 across from here. Yes, the first time. Where did 
 you land. At Saybrook. (t.) That was out of your 
 way. I found it out. Not wishing to pursue this 
 dialogue any furthei', I left him. I kept about 
 during the day, witluiut any event occuring worth 
 mentioning. I left Sag Ilarljour the same evening 
 in the sloo}), and ari'ived to the main the same 
 night. I had turned in the fore part of the night 
 and slept sound. The sloojt landed at a Lniely dock 
 or wharf. I was soon awnkened by some one on 
 board — there were no buildings, or other craft than 
 the sloop in sight. The place seemed to be a cove 
 from the stuind or the mouth of a rivei'. If I i-emem- 
 her correctly, the ]ieoiiIe on board called it Mystic 
 I'iver. It was my o|)inion that this phice juni heen 
 selected to t';i<-ilii;ii(^ snmgliim-. ()m h-axiuii- the 
 
142 NAKKATIVE. 
 
 sloop we went up a hill through a brush wood in a 
 foot path to a house on the top of the hill. The 
 passengers had heavy luggage but of what con- 
 sistence or substance, I knew not, nor did I care. 
 When we arrived at the house the person whom I 
 viewed as the landlord, rose from his slund^ers. 
 He and the passengers appeared to be well ac- 
 quainted with each other. The master of the house 
 soon intimated to me that the night was far from 
 being spent, and that if it was my choice I could 
 have a bed. I rearlily accepted of his bed, and 
 soon repaired to it for fear of questions. I did not 
 soon sleep for a continued bustle was kept up below 
 stairs for some time, as I supposed bringing goods 
 from the sloop, and secretly stowing them away in 
 and around the house. A¥lien I arose iii the morn- 
 ing the house was as still as a clock, and no person 
 in sight. The master of the house soon left his bed, 
 as well as others of the family — none of the crew of 
 the sloop or a passenger to be seen in or about the 
 premises. I mentioned that I would see some of the 
 crew of the sloop before I started, and pay my fare. 
 The man present said. "' it is all square for the 
 master of the sloop told uw over night that he 
 
XAKRATIVK. 143 
 
 should not charge you a copper — neither do l." 
 The nu^ster of the liouse then said I had better 
 liave some breakfast before I started. He then 
 spoke to some member of the family to provide 
 something for me to eat, in the meantime inquiring 
 of me, if I could eat some ''Pop Robbin."(") I 
 answered that I knew nothing of such a dish, bnt if 
 others had and could eat it, I could. It was soon 
 provided and set before me. It proved an excel- 
 lent dish, of which I partook lieartily. On inquiry 
 1 found it was cooked from milk and flour — the 
 flour first thinly kneeded and then dropped into the 
 boiling milk with a large table spoon. Having 
 taken my breakfast I inquired the distance to Prov- 
 idence, and received for answer that it was rather 
 more than forty miles. I thanked my host and 
 took leave — steered my course towards Providence 
 and arrived within two miles of the city the same 
 day, on foot except a ride of ten or twelve miles on 
 a horse without a saddle. This occurred in conse- 
 quence of a man overtaking me, himself on horse- 
 back, and leading another without a saddle wliich 
 he solicited me to ride. I paid for this treat 
 >cvei-oly afterward^ for sevei'al davs. as it made 
 
144 XAKKATIVK. 
 
 me very lame. As before mentioned I halted two 
 miles from Providence. It was near a dwelling 
 house and a barn near it. (") I determined to go 
 into and sleep in the barn through the night — went 
 into the yard, and discovered a man near me. 1 
 asked leave of him to sleep in the barn. Why not 
 sleep in the house, was the question. 1 answered to 
 avoid interrogatories, at the same instant informing 
 him from whence I had come, and liow far I had 
 travelled that day, and was weary. He then said, 
 If that be the case you shall not sleep in the barn — 
 you can as well sleep in the house as not, and you 
 shall be as welcome as a lord if you have not a far- 
 thing in the world. I told him I had money plenty 
 which had been given me. He then said, dont talk 
 about that, but come with me to my own house — 
 you shall be well used. I told liim, I did not doubt 
 that. This benevolent, warm hearted gentleman 
 was a stranger to me before this but 1 now learned 
 from him that his name was John Water num. (i.) 
 After we had conversed some time and it seemed 
 settled that I was to sleep in the house, and before 
 walking into it, I mentioned to him that if he 
 wished to inquire any thing ot' me with respect to 
 
n.ak'i;a ^l^'K. 145 
 
 iny cruise I wit^lied liini lu put lue into a private 
 rooui. and witli as iiiauv (3tliers as he pleased. I 
 would then relate all I knew with respect to it. 
 But that he must be well aware that I had related 
 my story over many times and that a repetition of 
 it had become burdensome to me. I had before 
 this told him the out lines of my stoiy. And he 
 then observed, if you sailed with Capt. Christopher 
 Whipple in the Brig, I know your cruise has been 
 short. He knew both Ca})t. Whipple and the Brig. 
 We now went into the house and took supper. He 
 then took me into another room where I related to 
 him the substance of what had taken place in my 
 cruise. He then said, I know you are tired and wish 
 rest. He shewed me a bed and retired. In the 
 morning after taking a good breakfast Mr. Water- 
 man accompanied me into the city. He shewed me 
 the residence of Mrs. Whipple, the mother of Capt. 
 Whipple, M'hom I had left in New York, and went 
 with me to her house. I was under pai'ticular obli- 
 gation to Mr. Waterman for his politeness in this 
 instance for he saved me much interrogation. After 
 leaving Mrs. Whipple, we parted, and he offered 
 me money which I declined takino- from him. 1 
 
146 NAKKATIVK. 
 
 Avent iiiiinediatelv over tlie great bridge (td) which 
 connects the city — tiii'ned on my left to the north, 
 conversing with some boys whom I knew with 
 respect to my cruise. A gentleman by the name of 
 Olney Winsor, (to) then a merchant in Providence 
 and since cashier of one of her banks, who over- 
 he? rd my conversation with the boys, inquired for 
 William Waterman before mentioned, M-liom he said 
 was a brother or cousin of his wife. I told him the 
 enterprize he had been engaged in with me, and the 
 manner I had left him. He, (Windsor,) then said, 
 he is miquestionably drowned. I then went to 
 Smithfield, to the house of Obadiah Olney Esq. 
 whose service I had left about three weeks before, 
 and again entered his service, where I remained for 
 some time. Thus closes my sea adventures. I have 
 written these for the perusal of my children, grand 
 children and their decendants(77), not with any 
 ambition to literary fame — in which view I wMsh 
 the reader to appreciate the work. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 (i) Aakon Mason was the son of Aaron Mason by his wife 
 Ruth, whose maiden name was Sanford, and was born in 
 Swansey, Mass., on the 28th day of February, 1728-9. The 
 father of Aaron, being a tanner and currier by trade, the son 
 was brought up to the same occui)ation, and after his removal 
 to Providence, R. I., he carried on the business at that phice 
 for many years. During the Revohitionary war, Mr. Mason 
 was a member of the Town Committee, and exerted some 
 influence in that body. In the year 1781 he was one of the 
 Proprietors of Whipple Hall in Providence. As a citizen he 
 enjoyed the respect of the community for his strict integrity, 
 and for the Christian purity of his life. He died in Provi- 
 dence, on the 28th day of ISTovember, 1812, in the 88d year of 
 his age. He was twice married, and had by his two wives, 
 nine children, seven of whom survived him. 
 
 (2) Capt. Mowry Potter was the son of Ichabod Potter,' 
 of Cranston, R. I., a tailor by occupation. His mother's 
 
14:8 NOTES. 
 
 maiden name was Mowry. She was the daughter of a farmer 
 of that name in Smithfield. She died in Vermont. Mowry, 
 the subject of our sketcli, was a native of Cranston. In the 
 year 1776, he was master of a small sloop, and in June of that 
 year, was on his way from Surinam to Providence when his 
 vessel was captured by a British tender. Tlie hands escaped 
 in their boat. Oapt. Potter died at sea, at tlie close of the 
 Revolution, by being struck with the boom of a brig, while on 
 his way to the West Indies. At the time of bis death he was 
 about fifty years of age. lie had several cliildren, who all 
 survived him, and the youngest of them, a son, is still 
 living. 
 
 (3) In the early part of the Revolution, many privateers 
 were fitted out at Boston and Providence to prey upon British 
 commerce, and New Bedford, being the only port this side of 
 the Chesapeake, that was not under control of the enemy, 
 soon became a receptacle for the prize vessels taken by the 
 Americans, and the town derived great benefit therefrom. 
 This circumstance at length attracted the attention of Sir 
 Henry Clinton, the British general, who, in the early part of 
 September, 1778, despatched an expedition against it of about 
 4,000 men, under the command of General Grey. This force 
 attacked the town, burnt about seventy vessels, between 
 thirty and forty buildings, and destroyed public and private 
 property to the value of $422,680. 
 
NOTF,9. 149 
 
 (4) The Spiiynx was a Britisli sloop of war, registered as a 
 sixth rate, carrying 20 guns, anil was built at Portsmouth, 
 Eng., in the year 1775. Her length of gun deck was 108 feet; 
 keel 89 ft. 7% in. ; breadth 30 feet, 1 in. ; depth of hold 9 feet 
 8 in. ; tons, 430. She was one of the fleet that was fitted out 
 for the reduction of Charleston, South Carolina. She was 
 commanded by Capt. Anthony Hunt, embarked from Cork, 
 Feby. 12th, 1770, with troops under Cornwallis, and arrived in 
 America in the month of May. In June following she bore a 
 part in the attack made by Sir Peter Parker upon Sullivan's 
 island, where the British met with so signal a defeat. On this 
 occasion, the Sphynx got aground, and lost her bowsprit by 
 running foul of the Acteon, one of her companions, while the 
 Acteon herself became entangled in the mud, and was set on 
 fire by her crew to save her from capture by the Americans. 
 On the 30th November, 1777, the Sphynx captured the Eagle 
 privateer belonging to Dartmouth, and on the first of Decem- 
 ber following, took the privateer Rover belonging to Salem. 
 In 1778, she was commanded by Capt. Richard Graeme and was 
 on duty off the coast of Rhode Island. In the latter part of 
 the year 1779, being then under command of Capt. Robert 
 Sutton, she was cai)tured after an engagement of an hour and 
 a half, by the French frigate L'Ambuscade, in sight of Sir 
 Hyde Parker's fleet at Barbadoes, and carried as a prize into 
 the port of Martinique. She was afterwards retaken by 
 Admiral Byron, and in 1782 was on home duty, her captain at 
 that time being Thomas Totty, who became notorious for his 
 
150 NOTES, 
 
 adultery with Ann, wife of Walter Nisbett, by reason of which 
 her husband obtained a divorce. In 1788, the Sphynx was not 
 in commission. In 1793, she was commanded by Capt. Richard 
 Lucas, and in the year following, being then still under his 
 orders, she engaged and captured the French 18 gun brig 
 Trompeuse, off Cape Clear, on the coast of Ireland. In the 
 year 1795, the Sphynx was commanded by Capt. C. J. M. 
 Mansfield ; in December of the same year, by Capt. George 
 Brisac; in March, 1796, by Capt. J. W. Spranger; in February, 
 1797, by Capt. Andrew Todd; in March of the same year, by 
 Capt. T. II. Coffin ; and in September following, by Thomas 
 Alexander. In x\pril, 1799, she was commanded by Capt. W. 
 Smith ; and in June following, by Capt. -James Oughton. In 
 the year 1800, she was at Portsmouth, and in 1804, she was 
 not in commission. She was broken up in the year 1811. 
 
 (s) " New Yoek, December 22. — On Monday [Dec : 15] 
 arrived his Majesty's Sloop of War the Sphynx, Anthony 
 Hunt Es(^ ; commander ; she sailed from the Delaware the 
 Beginning of November, as Convoy to the Harriot Packet, 
 bound liorae to England, with Dispatches from J.iord and 
 General Howe, with Col. Cuyler, on board, and left her the 
 11th ult. 300 Leagues to the Eastward in Lat. 43, all well. 
 
 " The 30th of November, Capt. Hunt took the Eagle Priva- 
 teer, belonging to Dartmouth, N. E. of 3 Carriage Guns, and 
 12 Swivels ; and on the 1st Instant, he came up with, and also 
 took the Rover Privateer, belonging to Salem ; Neither of 
 
NOTES. 151 
 
 them had taken auy British Vessels, tho' they were h)ng from 
 Port, and had but 09 Men on board both Vessels ; one a 
 Schooner the other a Sloop; the former Capt. Hunt ordered 
 to be burnt, and the latter sunk, but the Crews were brought 
 in with the Sphynx. 
 
 " The Eagle on her Cruize brought too a Brig from Liverpool 
 for tins Port, and orde-ed her to strike to the Congress ; but 
 by Means of some Threats used by the Liverpool Man, who 
 had on'y one lu^.y Gun on boai'd, the Rebel Crew were afraid 
 to board the Brig, and it being in the Night, she got cleor." 
 
 Game's New YorTc Gazette and Weekly Mercury, 
 Monday, December 22, 1 777. 
 
 (o) Capt. Anthony Hunt, who was the first commander of 
 the Sphynx, and who continued in command of her until the 
 year 177S, was made lieutenant, Ai)ril 2, 1757, and was com- 
 missioned as captain, January 10, 1771. lie commanded the 
 Sphynx at the siege of Charleston in ihe year 1776, and in 
 1782 was first captain of tlie Diligente, of 70 guns, at which 
 time Sir Thomas Pye, Admi al of the White, had his flag on 
 board her. Capt. Hunt died in England on the third day of 
 December, 1795. At tlie time of his death, he was second 
 cai^tain of Greenwich Hospital. 
 
 Another officer of this name, perhaps a son of the former, 
 was made captain in 179:3, and was ai)pointed to the Aniphi- 
 trite of 24 guns, and commanded her when she was lost. In 
 1794, he was one of Nelson's officers at the siege of Bastia. In 
 
152 NOTES. 
 
 1V96, he commanded the Concorde of 36 guns, and while in 
 her, being attached to the squadron of Sir J. B. Warren, 
 assisted in the capture of the French frigate " LaVirginie," on 
 the 20th April, and the prize having been added to the English 
 navy under the same name, Capt. Hunt was appointed to com- 
 mand her. The Virginie was a new vessel, mounting 40 guns, 
 and was for years the fastest ship in the British service, and on 
 account of her beauty, was used as a model for a long time. 
 In 1798, Capt. Hunt sailed in the Virginie to the East Indies, 
 with Earl Mornington, Governor General of India, as a passen- 
 ger. Capt. Hunt died at Calcutta, in Bengal, Aug. 10, 1798. 
 The following epitaph was inscribed on a very handsome tomb 
 erected to his memory in the burial ground at Calcutta, where 
 his remains were interred : — " Underneath lie the remains of 
 Capt. Anthony Hunt, Late Commander of His Britannic 
 Majesty's ship La Virginie, and Post Captain in the Royal 
 Navy, who departed this life at Calcutta in Bengal, on the 
 10th day of August, 1798, after a short illness, in the twenty 
 eighth year of his age; and who, at this early age, had 
 acquired great honours in his profession, and the esteem and 
 regard of all who had the honour of his acquaintance. By his 
 death, the Navy has lost one of its brightest ornaments, and 
 Society one of its most valuable members, for he lived greatly 
 beloved and respected, and died universally regretted." 
 
 (i) The "Cat-o'-nine-tails," or, as it is more briefly called, 
 tlie "Cat," was a whip, having sometimes five, but usually 
 
NOTES. 153 
 
 uine knotted cords. With this instrument the soldiers and 
 sailors were punished. This punishment was often of the 
 most cruel kind. When inHicted by an expert, the thongs of 
 the instrument would tear the skin in strips from the flesh, 
 causing the blood to flow in streams from the unhappy 
 sufferer. 
 
 The earliest instance of this mode of punishment which we 
 have been able to discover, was in the case of George Daw- 
 son, a private in the 85th regiment, who, in the year 1763, 
 received 300 lashes with a " cat-o'-nine- tails " at the halberts. 
 The cat was used very freely during the Revolution, not only 
 in the English navy, but in the American. It has been 
 abolished by the latter for some years, but was in use among 
 the former as recently as 1862. In that year there were 
 31,602 lashes administered in the navy and 5,999 in the army. 
 In some vessels, well known and much avoided by the 
 sailors, the lash was at that time in constant use. The 
 names of these vessels were the Odin, the Neptune, the 
 Mars, and the Bachante. The cat is, however, getting into 
 disuse, as a general thing, in the English service since the 
 Act restricting corporal punishment to a maximum of fifty 
 lashes. Its effect, in most cases, was to ruin a good man and 
 render a bad one incorrigible. 
 
 An amusing anecdote relating to this mode of punishment, 
 is well worth recording here. A captain of a British frigate, 
 though of unquestioned bravery, had a natural antipathy to a 
 cat, and could never hear the disnuiJ noise uf tliat animal 
 
1 54: NOTFS. 
 
 without evincing much uneasiness. On one occasion, while 
 at sea, one of his sailors, who had been ordered a flogging, 
 saved his back from chastisement by presenting to his com- 
 mander the following petition, — 
 
 " By your honor's command, 
 
 A culprit I stand ; 
 An example to all the ship's crew ; 
 
 I'm pinion'd and stript, 
 And condemn'd to be whipt, 
 
 And if I am flogg'd, 'tis my due. 
 
 A c«f, I am told, 
 
 In abhorrence you hold — 
 Your lionor's aversion is mine. 
 
 If a cat with one tail. 
 Makes your stout heart to fail. 
 
 Pray save me from one that has nine.''' 
 
 (b) The Highlamh of Natesinh^ are located in the county 
 of Monmouth, New Jersey, extend along Sandy Hook bay for 
 nearly five miles, and are much noted. The range is from 
 three to four hundred feet in height, comes boldly down 
 to near the water's edge, and is covered with a forest, in 
 wliich deer and other game find a covert. 
 
 Near the southern termination of the Highlands is Beacon 
 Hill, on which the " Highland Light Houses" so called, are to 
 be seen. They were erected during the administration of 
 John Quincy Adams, and are the first beacons seen by vessels 
 entering the port of New York. Latterly they have been 
 
155 
 
 fitted up with new uiid improved lii^hts of French construc- 
 tion, whicli are seen by the mariner at a distance of 25 miles. 
 
 About a mile north of Beacon Hill is a locality known 
 as Gravelly Point, where deep water is found near the shore. 
 This is the spot where the British army embarked after tlie 
 battle of Monmouth, and where the unfortunate Capt. Josliua 
 Iluddy, of the American army, was barbarously murdered by 
 a party of Loyalists under command of ('apt. Itichard Lippeu- 
 cot, in the month of April, 1782. 
 
 The proximity of this part of the county to New York, 
 rendered it in the revolution peculiarly lial)le to the incursions 
 of the British troops. Many of the inhabitants, although 
 secretly favorable to the American cause, in order to secure 
 their property from marauding parties of refugees from vessels 
 generally lying off Sandy Hook, were compelled to feign alle- 
 giance to the Crowai. 
 
 (a) During the revolutionary war, the city of New York 
 being under the control of the enemy from Sei)tcmber, I77'i, to 
 Noveml)er, 1783, her harl)or was consequently the great ren- 
 dezvous of the British fleet. The enemy's ships rode in 
 triumpli in the bay, brought their jirizes hither, aud passed all 
 seasons of the year here in safety. 
 
 During the war of 1812, however, not so much as a cock 
 boat belonging to that nation ventured to show its prow near 
 Sandy Hook, a distance of no less than 27 miles from the city, 
 althoui'li nuniliers of their armed cruisers were sailini:- u)miu 
 
156 NOTES. 
 
 the coast. The erection of the fortifications around New 
 York inspired such a terror to the invincihle navy of England, 
 that upon merely hearing of the erection of these works, those 
 gallant tars, even witli their first rate line of hattle ships, did 
 not dare approach within sight of the outermost of them. 
 
 (lo) The Asia was a British ship of the line, registered as a 
 third rate, carrying 64 guns, and was huilt at Portsmouth, 
 Eng., in the year 17(14:. Her dimensions were as follows: 
 Length of gun deck, 158 feet ; keel, 129 feet 6).< inches ; 
 breadth, 44 feet 6 inches; depth in hold, 18 feet 10 inches; 
 tons 1,364. In 1774, she was at Portsmouth, and was com- 
 manded by Capt. Richard King. She was soon after placed 
 under the orders of Capt. George Vandeput, and was on the 
 American station at the very commencement of the Revolu- 
 tionary struggle, having been sent out by Admiral Graves pur- 
 suant to the suggestion of Lieut. Governor Golden, who 
 thought the presence of a num of war in New York harbor 
 would be the means of preserving order among the people, 
 who were then much disaffected towards the mother country. 
 The Asia arrived in the month of May, 1775, but instead of 
 meeting the expectations of the authorities, her appearance 
 here, overawing the jjopulace, had the contrary effect of ren- 
 dering the excitement only the more intense. To such a degree 
 did it arise that it became necessary to remove the troops from 
 the barracks to her for safety, and while the embarkation was 
 going on, several of the soldiers deserted from the service. 
 
NOTES, 157 
 
 liaving been inducecl to this course by oifers of large rewards, 
 accompanied by liberal promises of protection. On the 13th 
 day of July following, one of her boats was seized and set on 
 fire, and another which had been ordered by the authorities to 
 be built to replace the former, was secretly cut in pieces 
 before it was fairly completed, thereby rendering the substitu- 
 tion of another necessary, which was, however, secured 
 against any future attempt at destruction. On the 23d day of 
 August, the sons of Liberty, under Cai)t. Isaac Sears, removed 
 all the guns from the battery under Fort George, in s])ite of a 
 severe fire from the Asia, then lying off the city. This can- 
 nonade caused a return from the shore, in conseciuence of 
 whicli she had one of her men killed. The conduct of the 
 Asia upon this occasion rendered her still more obnoxious, 
 and to such a height did this feeling arise, that a boat which 
 took a supply of milk to lier was burnt on its retui-n to the 
 shore, while a country sloop wliich carried her some pro- 
 visions met with the same fate. In consequence of threats 
 having Ijeen made to burn the city, the public records were 
 placed in tlie Ducliess of Gordon, anotlier vessel that had 
 arrived, and wlien threats were made of boarding and cap- 
 turing that ship, tlic records were moved to the Asia, and slie 
 continued to be their custodian initil her departure from tlie 
 city. While the Asia lay in our harbor, she \\as the common 
 receiving ship of all the tories of ctmsecpience, and among 
 those who sought her protection were William Tryon, (Gover- 
 nor of Xew York, and Kev. Myles ('o()j)er. President of Kings, 
 
158 NOTES. 
 
 HOW Columbia College, both of whom had become distasteful 
 to the people by the unpopularity of their sentiments and 
 acts. In the montli of January, 1776, her commander declared 
 his intention to cannonade and burn New-York, but was 
 defied by General Lee, and wisely forebore to carry his threat 
 into execution. While the Asia lay in the East river, about 
 this time, slie had on one occasion, under the cover of her 
 guns, a British sloop, laden Avith provisions. The American 
 troops were tlien suftering much from want of proper clothing 
 and the necessaries of life, and Captain Nathan Hale, whose 
 subsequent fate is well known, formed the bold design of cap- 
 turing this sloop and bringing her and her cargo into the 
 harbor of New York. lie soon found some kindred spirits, 
 and at dead of night, the time agreed upon, the little band of 
 adventurers rowed silently, in a small boat, to a point near 
 the sloop, dro])ped their oars, and there waited for the moon 
 to go down. As soon as it was dark, and all was still save the 
 voice of the watchman upon the deck of the Asia, they pulled 
 away for the sloop, sprang aboard, hoisted sail, and brought 
 lier into port witli her crew in the hold, and without the loss 
 of a man. This exjiloit, so happily conceived, and so success- 
 fully executed, was long and loudly applauded, and the daring 
 leader distributed the goods of his prize, to feed the hungry 
 and clotlie the naked troops. The Asia was one of the vessels 
 which under command of Sir Peter Parker, were ordered to 
 bear a part in the battle of Brooklyn, but owing to the tide, 
 were unable to render much service. After the defeat of the 
 
NftTES. 
 
 159 
 
 Continental forces, she mid two other vessels went up the 
 North river, but were rouglily handled by the American bat- 
 tery at Powle's Hook. A ship, so noted and detested, natu- 
 rally attracted the attention of Capt. Silas Talbot, who made 
 an attempt on her destruction by means of a fire ship. From 
 near Fort Washington, he proceeded cautiously along, at two 
 o'clock on tlie morning of the 16th of September, and soon 
 brought up alongside of the enemy with his craft in a blaze, 
 but lingering too long he was badly burned, although he 
 effected his escai)e to the Jersey shore in safety. Tlie Asia 
 managed to extricate herself from the impending peril, and 
 returned to the city at daylight the next morning, but, in the 
 language of the papers of the day, ''she came down, much 
 faster than she iceni up, she and her consorts having nar- 
 rowly escaped destruction hy four of our fire ships that ran 
 in among them,:'' While the Asia was stationed off New 
 York, she also very narrowly escaped being blown up by 
 means of an ingenious American contrivance. Several bar- 
 rels of gunpowder were put on board a small vessel which is 
 said to have purposely thrown herself in the way of one of 
 the Asia's tenders. In one of the barrels was an alarum or 
 piece of clock work, which being wound up previous to its 
 being put into the barrel, was arranged to go oft' at a distant 
 period, and by means of a musket lock attaciied to it, would 
 tire the gunpowder which surrounded it. Tiiis barrel, on 
 being taken into the magazine of the Asia, would have set fire 
 to the whole store, and thereby blown u|) the vessel. This 
 
160 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 scheme, although ingeniously conceived, was frustrated how- 
 ever by the sagacity and prudence of Captain Vandeput, and 
 the terrors of one of the American prisoners who was on 
 hoard the ship at the time, and in the secret. In the montli 
 of January, 1777, being then still under Vandeput's orders, the 
 Asia sailed from Newport for England, with General Clinton 
 on board. A frigate accompanied her on the voyage. On 
 her arrival home, she was immediately put into dock for re- 
 fitment and repair, and when she came from the dock, A'ande- 
 put again took command of her, and sailed in her to the East 
 Indies, where she had been ordered on duty. In May, 1781, 
 she was in St. Augustin's Bay, Madagascar, homeward bound 
 from tlie coast of Africa, where she had been serving. In tlie 
 year following, she was again in active service, sailing from 
 Portsmouth under the orders of Capt. Richard Eodney Bligb, 
 and was one of the fleet under Admii-al Lord Howe, whicli 
 sailed for the relief of Gibraltar and had a partial action with 
 the combined French and Spanish fleets off Cape Spartel, on 
 the coast of Barbary, on the 20tb day of October of that year. 
 In the following month she was cruising under Bligli ott:" the 
 Irish coast, was afterwards at St. Helens, and in tlie year 1786 
 was undergoing repairs at Chatham. In March, 179.3. Capt. 
 John Brown was appointed to command her, and he was suc- 
 ceeded in October, 1794, by Capt. John McDougall. The Asia 
 was at the Assault of Fort Bourbon, afterwards Fort George, 
 by Vice Admiral Sir John Jervis on tlie 2(ith Marcli, 1794, on 
 which occasion she was ordered to cover tlie landing of the 
 
NOTES. 1<)1 
 
 troops, but in consequence of the incapacity of her i>ih)t, she 
 was unable to reach lier station or bear the part assigned her 
 in tlie operations of the day. In June, 1795, she was the flag 
 ship of Rear Admiral Thomas Pringle; in May, 1796, Capt. 
 Robt. Murray was appointed to command her; in 1798 she was 
 still under his orders, as she was also in 1800. In the latter 
 year she was at Halifax, and was the flag ship of Vice Admiral 
 Vandeput, her former commander. lu the year 1801 she 
 was under the command of Capt. John Dawson. In the 
 latter part of 1803 she was not in commission, and being 
 soon after condemned as unfit for further service, she 
 was accordingly broken up in the course of the succeeding 
 year. 
 
 Mr. Hawkins is in error in regard to the Asia being the 
 vessel in which he was confined as a prisoner. 
 
 (rEORCiE Vandeput, the commander of the Asia while she 
 was on the American station, was the son of Sir George 
 Vandeput, who in 1747 was engaged in the memorable contest 
 with Lord Trentham, afterwards Earl Gower, for the repre- 
 sentation of Westminster — a contest by which his large for- 
 tune was considerably impaired. Sir George, who was the 
 son of Peter Vandeput, and grandson of Sir Peter Vandeput, 
 was made one of the five searchers of the port of London, 
 by patent dated April 20, 1777. His first wife was Francis, 
 daughter of Baron Augustus Schutz, of Shotover House, 
 near Oxford; she died at Chelmsford, May 21, 1771. His 
 
162 NOTES. 
 
 second wife was a Miss Philadelphia Grey, to whom he was 
 married August 19, 1772. Sir George died June 17, 1784. 
 
 His son, the subject of this sketch, served as a midshipman 
 on board the Neptune, at the siege of Quebec under Saunders, 
 and was appointed a lieutenant Sept. 24, 1759. After the 
 peace, he was sent to Senegal as commander of a guard-vessel 
 stationed there, and on his return he was made commander 
 April 17, 1704. On the 20th day of June 1765, he was raised 
 to the rank of captain and appointed to the Surprize of 24 
 guns. In the year 1767, he moved to the Carysfort, of 
 28 guns, a new frigate just launched. He was afterwards on 
 duty for tliree years in the Mediterranean sea, and in 1770 
 was apppointed to the Solebay, of 28 guns, cruising for the 
 same period of time on the home station. He subsequently 
 commanded the Thames of 32 guns, and in 1774 was appointed 
 to the Asia of 64 guns, and ordered to North America. He 
 remained here about three years, returning in the beginning 
 of the year 1777, and on his arrival home his vessel was 
 ordered into dock for refitment and necessary repair. He 
 continued in command, however, and when she came from the 
 dock, he sailed in her to the East Indies, where he remained 
 some years. In the beginning of 1781, he returned to England, 
 with a fleet of East India ships under his convoy, and after 
 being a short time unemployed, he was at the beginning of the 
 ensuing year appointed to the Atlas of 98 guns, then newly 
 launched. As soon as his ship was ready for sea, he was 
 ordered to join the Channel fleet, wliioh, in the month of Sep- 
 
NOTES. !<;;] 
 
 teinber, proceeded to the relief of (iibraltar. In tlie skirmish 
 which took place with the combined fleets of France and 
 Spain, on the 20th of October, and at wliich Capt. Vandeput 
 was, of course, present, the Atlas had two men killed, and 
 three wounded. On the return of the fleet, he quitted tiiis 
 command, and peace following soon after, he was appointed to 
 the William and Mary yacht. At the commencement of the 
 ensuing summer, he moved to the Princess Augusta, a vessel 
 of the same description, and shortly afterwards jjroceeded in 
 her to the Elbe, for the purpose of conveying thithei-, Priiice 
 Edward, the fourth son of King George the third. C;ii)t. Van- 
 deput held the last mentioned command till he was advanced 
 to the rank of a flag oflicer, which took ])lace on tlie 1st 
 Februar}', 1V93, in consequence of which he became Rear 
 Admiral of the Blue. Soon after this he hoisted his flag on 
 board the Saturn of 74 guns. On the 12th April, l7!»-t, he 
 was made Rear Admiral of the Red, and on the 4th July fol- 
 lowing, was advanced to the rank of Vice Admiral of the 
 Hlue. In May, l79o, he was in the Jupiter of 50 guns, and 
 was appointed to command a squadron or division in the 
 armament which the irruption of the French into Holland 
 rendered it indispensably necessary to keep stationed in the 
 North Sea. On the 1st June he was advanced to Vice Admi- 
 ral of the White, and in the interim moved his flag into the 
 Leopard, a ship of the same force with the Jupiter. He was 
 subsequently at Plymouth, in the absence of Sir Rlcliard King, 
 and, in 1796, was on the coast of I'ortugal. In 1797, he moved 
 
1 B 1 NOTES. 
 
 to the Resolution, of 74 guns, and proceeded in her to Halifax, 
 Nova Scotia, having been invested with the North American 
 command, which he filled with diligence and credit. In 1799, 
 he was advanced to the rank of Admiral of the Blue, and sub- 
 sequently moved his flag to the Asia, of 64 guns. He con- 
 tinued on the Halifax station till his death, which occurred at 
 Halifax in the month of March, 1800. He was succeeded in 
 office by Vice Admiral Sir William Parker, bt. 
 
 Admiral Vandeput was a plain, unatfected, manly character, 
 and was well acquainted with his profession. He was also a 
 judicious critic in the ai'ts, and a great admirer of pictures, 
 particularly those on nautical subjects. In private life, 
 he was esteemed for good sense, intelligence, and moral 
 worth. 
 
 The family of Vandeput was descended from an ancient 
 stock in the Netherlands, and was founded in England by 
 Henry Vandeput, of the city of Antwerp, who fled from his 
 native country to escape the persecution of the dnke of Alva. 
 
 (ii) Capt. Potter, notwithstanding the glaring exhibition 
 he had given of his cowardice and of his unfitness to com- 
 mand, seems nevertheless to have retained the confidence of 
 his employers, as we find by the following extract: 
 
 "Pkovidence, June 29. — On Thursday [26th] Captain 
 Mowry Potter, in a sloop, arrived here from Gaudaloupe, 
 after a passage of 25 days." 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, July IG, 1782. 
 
NOTES. 165 
 
 (i-i) The Maidstone belonged to the British navy, was regis- 
 tered as a sixtli rate, carried 28 guns, and was built in the 
 year 1758. In 1759, she was under conunand of Capt. Dudley 
 Digges, carried 200 men, and was one of the fleet under Sir 
 Edward Ilawke, jjarticipating in the action oti:' Belle-isle, 
 November 20th of that year, when the French under M. Con- 
 flans sustained such a signal defeat, having four capital ships 
 destroyed, one taken, and the remainder so disabled, that the 
 naval power of France was for some years effectually crushed. 
 We next hear of the Maidstone, in I7fi4, when she was com- 
 manded by Charles Antrolius, and when she lay in tlie harbor 
 of Newport for several months. Here she gave great dissatis- 
 faction to the people by lier arbitrary course of impressing 
 seamen from vessels entering the harbor, as well as in taking 
 them from the boats and small craft in the bay. On one occa- 
 sion she boarded the brig Africa, which was entering the 
 port, and pressed her entire crew into the British luival ser- 
 vice. The atrocity of this act roused at once the public indig- 
 nation, and a mob of 500 men and boys, exasperated by the 
 affair, seized one of the boats of the Maidstone from the 
 wiiarf where it lay, pulled it on shore, and after dragging it 
 through the streets to the common in front of the C\)urt 
 House, consigned it to the flames, amid the shouts of an 
 immense crowd which the occasion had brought together. 
 This movement was so secretly concocted and so suddenly 
 carried into effect, that the public authorities had no ojipor- 
 tunity to interfere. In 1771, the Maidstone was on the Ports- 
 
166 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 inouth station as she was also in 1774. In the year 1775, she 
 was under the command of Oapt. Alan Gardner, and con- 
 tinued under his orders for three years. On the 15th day of 
 December, 1777, she arrived in New York from England with 
 a large convoy, liaving on her passage hither taken no less 
 than four American vessels. On the 9th March, 1778, she was 
 spoken witli by another British vessel in lat. 38, long. 62, and 
 had then taken 5 prizes and burnt them. On tlie 21st April 
 following, she took the sloop Greenwich, of 12 guns and 
 50 men^ having the day previous taken and burnt another, 
 and on the 24th of the same month she captured the brig 
 Ranger, a valuable prize, owned by Cajjt. Tracey of New 
 London. On the 3d November following, while cruising off 
 the Chesapeake, eastward of Oai)e Henry, she discovered the 
 French frigate Lyon of 40 guns (12, 0, and 4 pounders), Capt. 
 James Mitchell, and made chase for her, and about S}.^ o'clock 
 the next morning, succeeded in getting along side. An action 
 commenced, which was maintained with great spirit on both 
 sides for upwards of an liour, when the Maidstone, having 
 received much injury to her sails and rigging, was reluctantly 
 compelled to heave to and repair damages. At noon the same 
 day, she again brought her opponent to action, and at 10 
 o'clock P. M., compelled lier to surrender. Tlie Maidstone, of 
 a crew of 190, had 4 killed and Capt. Gardner and 8 of his 
 men wounded. The Lion had a crew of 216 men, of wliich 
 there were 8 killed and 18 wounded. She was a valuable 
 prize, being crowded with merchandize, having about 1500 
 
NOTES. 167 
 
 hhds. of tubiieco on board. In this engagement both ships 
 were very considerably damaged in their masts, sails and 
 rigging, and when the Lyon struck, she had several feet of 
 water in her hold. 
 
 The Maidstone was cruising on the American station for 
 nearly all the period of the Eevolutiou, and made many cap- 
 tures of American vessels, causing many a ])rave man a long 
 and painful confinement on board the British prison ships. 
 In 1782, she was under the orders of Capt. "William Parker. 
 In the year 1786, she was at Woolwich, and in 1788, she 
 was commanded Ity Henry Newcome. She was under the 
 orders of Capt. Matthews in 1798, and she appears to have 
 been broken up in the course of the following year. Her 
 place was supplied by another vessel bearing the same name, 
 but carrying 32 guns. 
 
 (n) This word is probably used in the sense of "hand 
 money;" something like the "king's shilling,'' which was 
 given to the new recruit ui)on his enlisting in the army, and 
 which was supposed to bind the bargain. It is derived, 
 probably, from the active verb "cope," to cover, to spread, 
 etc.; one definition of which, but now obsolete, is "to reward, 
 to pay," as in Shakspeare — 
 
 " In lieu whereof. 
 Three thousand ducats due unto the Jew, 
 We freely cope your courteous pains withal." 
 
 Merchant of Venice, Act IV., Scene I. 
 
108 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 (14) At the time spoken of, there were no less than four 
 hidies in Providence by the name of Crawford, all of whom 
 were, or had been, married. The one referred to by our 
 author as the person with whom the boy Jacob Good had 
 resided, was most probably the widow of .Joseph Crawford. 
 This gentleman was born in the year 1712, and died January 1, 
 1776, at the age of 64 years, 7 months, and 20 days. He was 
 the owner of a large landed estate in Providence. His widow, 
 whose maiden name was Susannah Bernon, was born in 1715, 
 and resided in Providence to her death, which occurred on 
 tlie 18th day of February, 1802, at the age of about 87. She 
 had an independent fortune, and the buy Good was most likely 
 a servant in her emjiloyment. 
 
 (15) Alan Gardner was born in Uttoxeter, in Staffordshire, 
 England, April 12tli, 1742. His father, William Gardner, was 
 an Irishman by birth, and was bred to the profession of arms, 
 and rose to the rank of Lieut. Colonel in the 11th Regiment of 
 Dragoons. He came from Coleraine, and settled in England, 
 wliere he married two wives, by the second of whom he had 
 no less than twelve children. Alan, the subject of this sketch, 
 after receiving all the benefits that could be derived from 
 a provincial education, was destined for a naval life. He com- 
 menced his career as a midshipman on the 1st day of May, 
 1755, on board the Medway of 60 guns, Capt. Peter Denis, and 
 belonged to that ship when she took the Duke d'Aquitane. 
 He was afterwards in tlie Dorsetshire, of 70 guns, under the 
 
NOTKS. 1 09 
 
 same coiniiiandcr, uiid was in that vessel when slie took tlie 
 Frencli 04- gnn-sliii) Raisonnable. lie was also in the Dorset- 
 shire in tlie general engagement off Belle-isle, between the 
 English and French fleets, commanded by Sir Edward Hawke 
 and Marshal de Conflans, on the 20th November, 1759. lie 
 was made lieutenant, March 7, 1760, and while acting in that 
 rank on board the Bellona, Capt. Robert Faulkner, was present 
 at the capture of the French ship Le Courageux, of 74 guns, 
 after a desperate struggle, on the 14th Aug., 1701. He was 
 made commander, iNIarch 12th, 1702 ; was promoted to the 
 rank of captain, May 19, 1760, and shortly afterwards ap- 
 pointed to the Preston, of 50 guns, the flag-sliip of Rear- 
 Admiral Parry, who was sent out as Commander-in-Chief of 
 the Jamaica and Windward Island station. This was a period 
 of peace, in which few opportunities offered for distinction, 
 and we have therefore nothing to record of Capt. Gardner 
 during the time he continued in the Preston, which was about 
 two years. Towards the end of the summer of 1768, he moved 
 into the frigate Levant, of 28 guns, and continued on the 
 Jamaica station till 1771, when he returned to England. He 
 remained unemployed until 1775, when he was appointed to 
 the frigate Maidstone, of 28 guns, and sent out, probably at his 
 own request, to his former station, the island of Jamaica. 
 The American Revolution having broken out, Capt. Gardner 
 was ordered, in the Maidstone, to cruise off the coast of 
 America. On the 3d day of November, 1778, he captured, off 
 Cape Henry, the French ship Lyon, of 40 guns, and 216 men. 
 
1 70 NOTES. 
 
 after an obstinate engagement. On this occasion he had 4 
 men killed and 8 beside himself wounded of a crew of 190. 
 On the 22d of December following, he arrived at Antigua with 
 his prize, and shortly afterwards was promoted to the Sultan, 
 of 74 guns, as successor of Capt. "Wheelock, who had died a 
 short time before. In the action off Grenada of Byron with 
 D'Estaing, July 6, 1779, he was present and fought his ship 
 with great bravery, having 16 of his men killed and 39 wounded- 
 Capt. Gardner soon after this was ordered with his vessel to 
 Jamaica, and in the following year he returned to England 
 with a convoy. After remaining a short time out of commis- 
 sion, he was, towards the end of the year 1781, appointed to 
 the Dnke, of 98 guns, one of the ships ordered to reinforce 
 Sir Geo. Rodney's fleet in the West Indies. He arrived at his 
 station, and by his gallantry contributed very materially to the 
 victory won on the 12th of April, 1782, over the Count de 
 Grasse. In this engagement Capt. Gardner's ship was next to 
 the Formidable, the flag-ship of Lord Rodney, and Avas the 
 first to break the French line, thereby deciding the fortune of 
 the day. During one period of the action, the Duke, the 
 Formidable and the Namnr, had to sustain the fire of eleven 
 of the enemy's ships, and their loss of men was proportionately 
 great. On board the Duke, there were 13 men killed and 60 
 wounded, and among the latter were one of the Lieutenants, 
 the Master and the Boatswain. Having returned to England, 
 Capt. Gardner was on the 8th Sep.t., 1785, appointed Com- 
 mander-in-Chief on the Jamaica station. He hoisted his 
 
NOTES. 1 71 
 
 board pennant on i)u:inl tlie Etiropa, of 50 i^uns, .l.-nr^^ Vas- 
 hon, Captain, and oontinued at Jamaica tor tliree years, when 
 he returned to England, and in 1790 was api)ointed to tlie 
 Courageux, of 74 guns. On the 19th of January of that year, 
 he was made a Lord of the Admiralty, and in the same year 
 was chosen one of the representatives in Parliament from tlie 
 borough of Plymouth. On the 1st February, 1793, he was 
 promoted to the rank of Rear Admiral of the lihie, and the 
 war with France having now broken out, he was sent to the 
 "West Indies, whence he returned in September followinu: with 
 a large fleet of merchantmen under his convoy, and the fol- 
 lowing year he was made Rear Admiral of the White. In the 
 engagement by Lord Howe with the French fleet, on the 
 1st June,ll794, a day which has since been, and ever will be 
 memorable in the annals of Great Britain, Admiral (iardiier 
 commanded the Queen, of 90 gnns, and how effectually he 
 contributed to the glory of that day, is stated in the des- 
 patches of the Comraander-in-Ohief. Here he lost his caji- 
 tain, the brave John Hutt, also three of his lieutenants, a mid- 
 shipman, and had 36 men killed and 67 wounded. For his 
 services on this occasion, he was apjjoinfed Major-CJeneral of 
 Marines, and raised to the rank of Vice Admiral of the Blue, 
 and his name was included in all the votes of thanks and con- 
 gratulations from public bodies on the siiarers of that hard- 
 fought action. In common with his colleagues, he was pre- 
 sented by the king in person with a gold chain and medal, 
 and honored with the title of a baronet of fireat Britain. On 
 
172 NOTKS. 
 
 the 1st June, 1795, the anniversary of tlie glorious victory, he 
 was appointed Vice Admiral of the White, and on the 23d of 
 the same month was second in command in the engagement 
 of Lord Bridport with the French fleet off Port L'Orient. At 
 the general election in 1796, Admiral Gardner was returned 
 member of parliament from the city of Westminster, and 
 having moved his flag to the Royal Sovereign, of 110 guns, he 
 soon after commanded a squadron in the Channel. On the 
 14th February, 1799, he was made Admiral of the Blue, and in 
 the following year appointed commander-in-chief of the Irish 
 coast. On the 23d December, 1800, he was created a peer of 
 Ireland, by the title of Baron Lord Gardner, of Uttoxeter, and 
 a short time before his death he had command of the fleet in 
 the Channel. Lord Gardner died at Bath, in England, on 
 the 30th day of December, 1808, in the 67th year of his age, 
 and was succeeded in his titles by his eldest son, Hon. Alan 
 Hyde Gardner, since also an admiral in the British navy. 
 
 (ib) James Vashon was the youngest son of Rev. J. V. 
 Vashon, Rector of Eye, etc., and was born about the year 1742. 
 He entered the navy as a midshipman under Sir George Corn- 
 wall, in 1756, and in 1777 was lieutenant in the Maidstone, 
 under Oapt. Alan Gardner. He became Commander, August 
 5, 1779, and in 1780, was in the sloop Alert, and in the latter 
 part of that year captured and carried into Jamaica, two 
 schooners, besides the American letter of marque Race Horse, 
 from Beverly. He was made Captain, April 12, 1782, and in 
 
NOTES, 173 
 
 the following year commanded the Sybil, of 28 guns, at 
 Jamaica, lie was subsequently appointed to the Europa, of 
 50 guns, the flag-ship of Alan Gardner, on the same station, in 
 which ship the gallant Capt. Duff, who fell at Trafalgar, was 
 his first-Uentenant. During the Spanish and Russian arma- 
 ments, Captain Vashon commanded the Ardent, of 64 guns, 
 and at the commencement of the war with the French 
 Republic, the St. Albans, of the same force. In that vessel he 
 proceeded to Gibraltar with the fleet, under Lord Ilood, and 
 returned thence with a convoy, after which he escorted the 
 trade to the West Indies. In tlie summer of 1795, lie moved 
 into tlie Pompee, of 80 guns, stationed in the channel. On the 
 16th June, 1797, he returned to Spithead, in consequence of a 
 most dangerous conspiracy among his crew, which was, how- 
 ever, discovered before it was ready for execution. A court 
 martial was immediately assembled to try six of the principal 
 mutineers; when the charges having been proved in the 
 clearest manner against four of them, they were sentenced to 
 suffer death. On the 28th two of these unhapi)y men were 
 executed on board the Pompee, and the other two received 
 the Royal pardon. In the spring of the year 1799, Captain 
 Vashon moved into the Neptune, of 98 guns, and was sent to 
 reinforce the fleet in the Mediterranean, under Earl St. Vin- 
 cent, on which station he remained, however, but a few 
 months. Early in 1801 he took connnand of the Dreadnought, 
 a new 98 gun ship, and after cruising for some time in the 
 channel, proceeded off Cadiz, and to Minorca, where he con- 
 
1 74 N( )TEB. 
 
 tinned until the summer of the following year. Toward the 
 latter part of 1803, he was in the Princess Royal, of 98 guns, 
 stationed at the mouth of the Southampton river, to guard 
 that place, and the west end of the isle of Wight, in case of an 
 invasion. He was promoted to Rear Admiral of the "White, 
 April 23, 1804, and in 1805 was raised to Rear Admiral of the 
 Red, and about the same time, appointed to command the 
 naval force on the coast of Scotland, under the general orders 
 of Lord Keith. He proceeded to Leitli, where he hoisted his 
 flag, and remained there till the latter part of the year 1808, 
 when he was relieved by Sir Edmund Nagle. Previous to his 
 relinquishment of the above command, the only one, we 
 believe, enjoyed by him as a flag-oflicer, the Masters and 
 Brethren of Trinity House, at Leith, unanimously conferred on 
 him the freedom of their corporation, and presented him with 
 an elegant silver snuff-box, with the following inscription 
 engraved upon the lid : — " Presented to James Vashon, Esq., 
 Vice Admiral of the Blue, by the Trinity House of Leith, 
 November, 1808." Li the year 180G, he was made one of the 
 Commissioners of Naval Enquiry ; A[)ril 28th, 1808, promoted 
 Vice Admiral of the Blue; and June 4, 1814, raised to Admiral 
 of the White. Admiral Vashon died at Ludlow, in Shrop- 
 shire, England, Oct. 20, 1827, at the age of eighty-five years. 
 His funeral was attended by Earl Powis, Lord Clive, Hon. R. 
 H. Clive, Rear Admiral Balland, Col. Bromley, and others. 
 An excellent portrait of deceased, engraved in mezzotinto by 
 John Young, from a painting by George Watson, is extant. 
 
NOTKS. 175 
 
 Admiral Vaslion left one son, Rev. James Volant Vashon, 
 A. M., Rector of Sharpe, in Worcestershire. 
 
 (n) Abigail Hawkins, the wife of Ilezabiah Hawkins, and 
 the mother of our hero, was a native of Rhode Island, and 
 was born in the town of Smithfield, in the year 1745. Her 
 maiden name was Abigail Patt. Her father was for many 
 years a resident of Smithfield, but finally moved to Newport, 
 Herkimer Co., N. Y., and died there. After the war Mrs. 
 Hawkins moved with her husband to Newport, N. Y. They 
 belonged to no church, but were nevertheless very worthy 
 people, and were much esteemed for their integrity. Mrs. 
 Hawkins died in Newport, N. Y., about the year 1805. She 
 had 13 children, all of whom lived to be men and women. 
 
 (it-) We think Mr. Hawkins is in error in regard to the 
 name of this officer, as we do not find it among any list of 
 English naval officers which we have examined. We find 
 T. Sal. Richards appointed lieut. Nov. 12, 1777. 
 Richard Leggett " " '' 30,1778. 
 
 Richard Raggett " " Dec. 15, " 
 
 and Richard Retalick " " Sept. G, 1779, 
 
 but we find no Richard Richards. 
 
 (la) The frigates of tlie Revolutionary time were usually 
 vessels varying from 600 to 1000 tons, and rarely carried on 
 their main deck batteries, guns of a metal heavier than 18 
 
176 NOTES. 
 
 pounders. There was usually no spar deck, but the forecastle 
 and quarter deck were connected by gangways, with gratings 
 to cover a part, or even all of the intermediate space. The 
 armaments above were light sixes, nines or twelves, according 
 to tlie respective rates, but were commonly of trifling amount. 
 The Maidstone carried 28 nine-pounder guns. 
 
 (20) Prize money was usually divided into eight equal parts, 
 and was distributed in the following proportions : captains to 
 have three-eighths, unless under direction of a flag-officer, who 
 in that case was to have one of the said three-eighths; captains 
 of marines and land forces, sea lieutenants, etc., one-eighth ; 
 lieutenants of marines, gunners, admirals' secretaries, etc., one- 
 eighth ; midshipmen, captain's clerk, etc., one-eighth ; ordi- 
 nary and able seamen, marines, etc., two-eighths. 
 
 (21) Burgoyne's surrender on the 17th of October, 1777, 
 was an event at once startling and incredible to the British 
 public. It was the severest blow which their army in 
 America had yet sustained, and coming as it did, at the most 
 critical moment in the fortunes of the colonies, it had tlie 
 important ett'ect of determining France to ally her arms and 
 influence witli the cause of American liberty. Those who 
 have had an opportunity of reading the British newspapers, 
 magazines and letters of that day, will easily recognize in the 
 incredulity of the crew of the frigate Maidstone, as related by 
 our author, a fair example of the sanguine expectations and 
 
not;:s. 177 
 
 confidence which \vi<s universally felt in the success of Gen. 
 Burgoyne and his army. 
 
 (z-i) Point Judith is a noted cape on the southern coast of 
 Rhode Island. Many vessels have been driven ashore and 
 wrecked u|)on this dangerous point. It derives its name from 
 the sister of a Mr. Thacher, whose daughter was the mother 
 of Rev. Thomas Payne, of Weymouth, father of the Hon. 
 Robert Treat Payne, Judge of the Supreme Court of Massa- 
 chusetts. The tradition is that in former times Judith 
 Thacher, with her father, were on board a small vessel whicli 
 got aground on that point and came very nigh being wrecked. 
 The lady rendered great service, whereby the vessel was 
 saved, and in remembrance of this, tlie crew called the point 
 after the Christian name of Miss Thacher, by which name it 
 has ever since been known. Point Judith farm belonged to 
 the Sewell family, and was the largest estate confiscated l)y 
 Rhode Island at the end of the Revolution. It was confiscated 
 on account of the toryism of the owners, who resided in 
 England. 
 
 (33) The Columbus was one of the frigates which were pur- 
 chased by Continental Congress in pursuance of Resolutions 
 of Oct. 13th and Oct. 30th, 1775. She was placed under the 
 command of Capt. Abraham Whipi)le, and was one of the 
 squadron under Commodore Ezek. Hopkins, which made a 
 descent in Feb., 1776, on New Providence, one of the Bahama 
 Islands, taking the town of Nassau, and ca[>turing nearly 100 
 
1 78 NOTKS. 
 
 cannon, besides a large quantity of other stores. This was tlie 
 first expedition of the infant American navy, and was very 
 successful, the vessels all returning with tlieir booty in safety. 
 On the return of the Columbus, she was one of the vessels 
 that made an unsuccessful attack on the British ship Glasgow, 
 Capt. Tyrhingham Howe, off Block Island. Tlie Columbus 
 was afterwards placed under the command of Capt. Hoysteed 
 Hacker, and was under his orders at the time spoken of by 
 our author. She is believed to have had a gun-deck battery 
 of eighteen long nine pounders. She was a clumsy, crank 
 ship, and did not prove herself a very good sailer. 
 
 Capt. Hoysteed Hacker was a native of Rhode Island. In 
 1702, he sailed with Capt. Joseph Crawford of Providence, in 
 the privateer Revenge, which vessel was captured on its 
 cruise by a French frigate. In the year 1770, lie commanded 
 a packet, and in the month of April took as a passenger from 
 Newport to Providence, the late President of the Rhode 
 Island Historical Society, John Howland, Esq., then a boy 
 of 13, and on liis way to Benjamin Gladding of Providence, to 
 whom he had been apprenticed to learn die business of liair 
 dressing. At the time when Congress was organizing a navy, 
 attention was called to Capt. Hacker. He was appointed by 
 that body a lieut., Dec. 22, 1775, and on the 10th Oct., 1776, 
 was commissioned as captain. In command of the sloop 
 Providence, of 12 guns, he captured a number of valuable 
 prizes. In November, 1770, he took a shi]i from England 
 
NOTKS. 179 
 
 bound to Quebec, with 12,000 suits of rlotliing, 4,000 stands 
 of arms, besides a qnantity of powder and otlier warlike 
 stores. In 1778, he commanded tiie Cokimbus, and in endea- 
 voring to get to sea, was chased on sliore at Point Juditii, on 
 the 2yth March, by tlie frigate Maidstone, and the next day 
 his vessel was burnt by the enemy. In the spring of 1779, ]je 
 captured tlie British sloop Diligent, otf Sandy Hook, after a 
 sharp action. In July of the same year, he was engaged iu 
 the Penobscot expedition, where liis vessel, tlie Providence, 
 was lost. In 1781, lie commanded tlie private armed ship 
 Buccanier. and sailed from L'Orient in France, Nov. 3, arriving 
 at Boston in December following. After the war, Capt. 
 Hacker took up Ins residence in tlie city of New York, where 
 he kept a boarding house for a few years, and until the death 
 of his wife in 1794. He was for a long time and' until his 
 death, a pilot for vessels sailing through Ilellgate. lie was 
 one of the original members of the New York State Society of 
 the Cincinnati, having been admitted at it¥i organization. He 
 died in the month of July, 1814, His wife died Feb. 4, 1794, 
 and was buried in Trinity church yai-d in this city. A tomb- 
 stone was erected to her memory, and it is still to be seen in 
 that cemetery. The stone, which is a plain one, bears the fol- 
 lowing inscription ; ^' I/i Memory of Mary Hacher, Wife of 
 Capt. Eoysteed Eacler, who departed this Life^ 9th FeVry, 
 1794, aged 4:^ Years:' 
 
 (24) Newport, April 2.—" Last Friday night [March 28] the 
 
180 NOTES, 
 
 Eebel frigate Columbus, of upwards of 20 guns, attempting to 
 pass the Narraganset passage, she was early discovered and 
 warmly saluted by his Majesty's ship Somerset; whose guns 
 apprising the Commodore that a vessel was attempting to get 
 out, he immediately dispatclied the Maidstone and Diamond 
 frigates to intereejjt her at the passage. They were soon 
 judiciously disposed for that purpose, which the rebels dis- 
 covering, thoy thought it most i)rudent to run her ashore upon 
 the Main. Tlie wind suddenly falling, prevented the frigates 
 from destroying lier till towards evening, when it was etfected 
 by the Lieutenant of the Maidstone, who boarded her under a 
 very severe fire from the shore. An armed galley which was 
 sent from hence, was particularly useful in covering the boats." 
 Pennsylvania Ledger, Saturday, April 25, 1778. 
 
 Providence, April 4. — " On Friday night, last week, 
 [March 28J Capt. Hacker, in tiie ship Columbus, attempting 
 to pass the enemy's shipping in the Bay, to proceed to a 
 neighboring fort, whither her guns and stores were to have 
 been transported by land. A brig, bound for the West Indies 
 tluit had sailed the same evening, was perceived by the 
 enemy's upper sliip, which tired signal guns, when two 
 frigates immediately got under way, and intercepted the 
 Columbus ofl" Point Judith. Capt. Hacker finding it impracti- 
 cable to pass them was reduced to tlie necessity of running 
 tlie sliip on shore near the point, where her sails and the 
 greatest part of her rigging were saved. Next day the 
 
NOTES. ISl 
 
 frigates and a giiHt'.v drew near, and liegan a brisk tire from 
 their cannon and nuis(jnetry ; it was retnrned from the shore 
 with such etfect, that a boat, full of men, which the enemy 
 had sent to fire the ship, was beat otf, and it is thought with 
 some loss, as several of the hands were seen to fall. Towards 
 evening the galley, under cover of the frigates, run in and set 
 fire to the hull, which was burnt. We sustained no loss (»t 
 men, though the firing continued several hours. The brig 
 above mentioned got safe to sea." 
 
 Gaine's New York Mercury, Monday, May Is, 177n. 
 
 (25) Capt. John Burroughs Hopkins was a native of Rhode 
 Island, and was born on the 14tli day of September, 1742. He 
 was the son of Commodore Ezek Hopkins, the commander- 
 in-chief of the American navy, and was a nephew of Stephen 
 Hopkins, who was at one time Governor of Rhode Island, 
 and subsequently one of the signers of the Declaration of 
 Independence. 
 
 Capt. Hopkins was one of the prominent leaders in the 
 destruction of the British schooner Gaspee, in Narragansett 
 Bay, on the night of the Oth June, 1772. In tlie year 1776, he 
 commanded the ship Cabot, and was in the expedition against 
 New Providence. In an action with the British ship Glasgow, 
 that took place on this cruise, he was severely wounded. In 
 the month of October following, he was appointed to tiie 
 frigate Warren, of 32 gun^, one of the two vessels ordered by 
 Congress in 1775, to be built at Providence. He continued in 
 
182 NOTES, 
 
 command of her until the Penobscot expedition in 1779, when 
 Dudley Saltonstall was appointed. Gapt. Hopkins was made 
 Captain of the Cabot by resolution of Congress, Dec. 22, 1775, 
 and Captain of the Warren by resolution of Oct. 10, 1776. 
 
 He died at his residence in North Providence, R. L, on the 
 5th day of December, 1796, at the age of 54 years, 3 months, and 
 21 days; and his remains were interred in the Hopkins' Burial 
 Ground, at that place. His widow died about the year 1820. 
 
 (ie) Goverxor's Island was called by the Indians, Pag- 
 ganck, and by the Dutch, Nooten Eylandt, or Nut Island, on 
 account of the quantity of nuts found there. It became after- 
 wards a perquisite attached to the office of Governor of the 
 province of New York, from which circumstance it derives its 
 present name. 
 
 It is situated in the harbor of New York, 3,200 feet South 
 of the Battery, and covers about 70 acres of ground. It 
 belongs to the United States government, and is used as a 
 military station. On the N. W. point of the island is Castle 
 William, a round tower, 60 feet in height, and 60 feet in cir- 
 cumference, with 3 tiers of guns ; on the summit of the island 
 is Fort Columbus, in the form of a star, mounting 105 heavy 
 cannon ; and on tlie S. W. part is a battery commanding the 
 entrance through Buttermilk channel. 
 
 The above fortifications, when fully garrisoned, would 
 requii-e 800 men. There are e.xtensive barracks, with houses 
 for the officers, occupied by a small garrison. 
 
NOTES. 183 
 
 (27) It is really surprising what extreme ignorance is dis- 
 played by Englishmen in regard to the history and geography 
 of this country. Even among the higher classes, where one 
 would, from their rank and pretension, naturally expect some 
 intelligence shown, we find, on the contrary, the most glaring 
 exhibitions of a truly pitiable lack of the most ordinary points 
 of information. Even at this day, in this enlightened age, we 
 see numerous instances of this, of not only occasional, but we 
 may truly say, of almost every-day occurrence. 
 
 One of Britain's own distinguished sons, well and favorably 
 known for his high sense of justice as well as for his high 
 attainments, in alluding to this subject, expresses himself with 
 as much candor as lamentation, in the following emphatic 
 words : 
 
 " There is a newspaper published in Loudon, read by every- 
 body, but I have marveled, at the ignorance which it has 
 betrayed of the geographical features of this territory. In 
 one article recently, there was a river of 580 miles of internal 
 navigation, to which the largest river in this country is a 
 mere rivulet, and it was made to turn up hill any number 
 of miles into another river, and these two rivers cemented, 
 were made to fall into a third river, into which neither 
 really pours a drop of water. Now, there is a real danger 
 in the ignorance of what, for want of a better term, I may 
 call the ruling classes of this country — there is a real 
 danger from their total ignorance of everything relating to 
 America^ and you may get into difficulties from this igno- 
 
184 NOTES. 
 
 raiice, wliicli may cost iiinch narioiial dishonor to est'upe 
 tVoin. If T were a rich man, I would endoic a profesi<or''s 
 chair at Oxford and Cambridge, to instruct the under- 
 graduates of those Universities in American history. I would 
 undertake to say, and I speak advisedly, that I will take 
 any undergraduate now at Oxford or C'ambridge, and I will 
 bring him to a nia[) of the United States, and ask him to put 
 his finger on Chicago^ and I will undertake to say that he does 
 not go within a thousand miles of it. Yet Chicago is a place 
 of 1.50,000 inhabitants, from whicli one to two millions of 
 people in our own eourdry are annually fed. These yoting 
 gentlemen know all about the geography of ancient Greece, 
 and Egypt. Now, I know I shall be pelted with Greek and 
 Latin quotations for what I am going to say. When 1 was at 
 Athens I sallied out one summer morning to seek the famous 
 river Tlissus, and after walking some hundred yards or so up 
 what appeared to be the bed of a mountain torrent, I came 
 upon a number of Athenian laundresses, and I found they had 
 damned up this famous classical river, and were nsing every 
 drop of its water for their own sanitary purposes. Why, tlien, 
 should not these young gentlemen, who know all about the 
 geography of the llissus, know, also, something about the geo- 
 graphy of the Mississippi? 
 
 Richard Cobden's Speech to his constiiuents at Rcchd.ile, 
 November '2.\d. 18G4. 
 
 (2e) The Fr.Y, or more properly, the Vlie Market, was 
 erected in the year 1706, in what was then called by the 
 
notes; 1S5-' 
 
 Dutch, Sinee's Vlie, or Sinidt's Vley, and by the English as 
 Smith's Vly or Meadow, a name occasioned by the fact that 
 the jrround for some distance about tliere was formerly a salt 
 meadow, and also from the fact that a blacksmith in early 
 times carried on an extensive business in the locality. The 
 market was located in that part of the ^'lie now known as the 
 lower end of Maiden Lane, but at that day called by the name 
 of Fly or Vlie Market- street. It was, in its best days, a place 
 of great resort, being for many years the principal market in 
 the city, and was at one time bdunded by the residences and 
 places of business of many of the most respectable citizens. 
 At the lower end of the market were the ferry stairs leading 
 down to tlie river, where the boats from Bi-ooklyii took in and 
 landed their passengers, and discharged their market freight. 
 These boats were large, stout and clumsy, and were rowed by 
 negroes, one of whom usually gave notice of the boat's 
 departure by blowing a conch shell, at the same time calling 
 the attention of the people by shouting the words, ^^ orer, 
 over,^'' repeitedly. in a stentorian tone. The ferry-master, in 
 1T77, Avas John Van AVinkle, and the fare at tiiat time was six 
 pence fi»r each foot ])assenger. The Vlie Market was enlarged 
 in 1736, further enlarged in 1772, aiid was demolished in or 
 about the year 1822. 
 
 (•i9) Cai'T. Daxiei, IIavexs. — Of this gentleman we know 
 but little, save what tlie narrative tells us of his humanity, 
 and l)y inference, uf his loyalty. On the 31st January, 1779, 
 
186 NOTES. 
 
 he assisted in capturing, at the wharf at Sag Harbor, L. L, 
 where she then lay, the brig Ranger, a refugee privateer, of 
 12 guns, that had long infested the Sound, and had taken 
 many prizes, besides plundering the coast. On the following 
 day, in company with others, he made a bold but unsuccessful 
 attack on seven vessels which had put into that port. In the 
 year 1785, he was master of the brig America, and went on a 
 whaling voyage in her to the Brazil Banks, returning to Sag 
 Harbor early in the month of June, with 300 barrels of oil — 
 a remarkable success at that time. 
 
 A committee appointed in the winter of 1863-4, to terrace 
 the old Burying Ground adjoining the Presbyterian Church at 
 Sag Harbor, L. I., and remove the front tier of the graves of 
 the oldest occupants, removed among others, the remains, 
 tombstone, etc., of Capt. Daniel Havens. The inscription on 
 the stone read as follows: " Bied^ May 25^A, 1789, Capt. 
 Daniel Ravens^ in the AOth year of his age.'''' As near as can 
 be ascertained, he belonged in Moriches, (in Brookhaven town- 
 shij).) He lived in Sag Harbor, on tlie main street, on the 
 site now (1864) occupied by the heirs of Capt. Oliver Steele ; 
 and had two sons, named Paul and Merritt. 
 
 (30) Shelter Island lies at the east end of Long Island, in 
 Suftblk county, about 100 miles from New York city. It is 
 about five miles from east to west, and seven from north to 
 south. It is a fruitful spot, containing about 8,000 acres, and 
 was incorporated in 1788. A considerable number of cattle. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 187 
 
 sheep and poultry, are raised here. The place contained, in 
 1810, about 200 inhabitants, of whom 34 were electors. la 
 1858, its population was 386. 
 
 The name of Sawyer was a common one in the town at the 
 time spoken of in the narrative. 
 
 (si) This was, probably, John Polhemus' Tavern, which 
 was near the celebrated tavern of J. J. Snedeker. 
 
 (32) Hezabiah Hawkins, the father of our author, was born 
 in Rhode Island, on the seventeenth day of September, 1740. 
 He resided in the town of Xorth Providence, now Smithfield, 
 and was, by occupation, a shij) carpenter. He was a soldier 
 during the revolutionary war, and served in the army for 
 seven years. In 1779, he was a private in Col. Angell's regi- 
 ment, and was also a private in the PJiode Island regiment, 
 February 1st, 1781. At\er the war he moved to Newport, 
 Herkimer Co., N. Y., and died there in the month of October, 
 1817, at the age of seventy-seven years. 
 
 (33) Obadiah Olney was the eighth child of Capt. Thomas 
 OIney. and was bora in Providence, R. I., on the 14tli Feb- 
 ruary, 1710. He was by occupation a farmer, and was a man 
 of high respectability. His first wife was Deborah Smith, to 
 whom he was married November 9, 1734, and by whom he 
 had one son. She died in Smithfield, April 13th, 1735. Mr. 
 Olney's second wife was Lydia Hawkins, to whom he was 
 
188 NOTES. 
 
 married January 12t]i, 1737, and by whom lie had seven 
 chiUlren. This lady died in Smithflehl on the 29th day of 
 August, 1805. Obadiah Ohiey died in the same town on the 
 12tli day of March, 1798, in the 88th year of his age. He left 
 one son and six daughters surviving him. Mr. Elisha Olney, 
 a grandson of Obadiali, still lives on a part of the old home- 
 stead, and is now 74 years of age. 
 
 (34) Providence, the chief city and one of tlie capitols of 
 Rhode Island, is situated at the liead of tlie navigation of 
 Narragansett Bay. It is the oldest town in the State, having 
 been settled by Roger Williams and his company in the year 
 I606, and presented tlie first instance of a community, estab- 
 lished on principles of perfect religious toleration. The origin 
 of its name is explained in a curious deed, dated Dec. 20, 1661, 
 executed by him: "Having a sense of God's merciful provi- 
 dence unto me in my distress, I called tlie ])lace Providence." 
 During the Revolution, Providence abounded with privateers, 
 which were generally successful in eluding the British cruisers 
 that swarmed upon the coast, and in making prizes of mer- 
 chantmen, transports and small vessels of war. Many of the 
 resources of the American army and navy were obtained by 
 means of these privateers, and most of the foreign merchan- 
 dize in the country was introduced through their agency. 
 Moreover, l)y touching the pockets of British merchants, much 
 was done towards influencing the English Government to 
 acknowledge the independence of tliese States, and to conclude 
 
NOTICS. 1 SO 
 
 peace witli them. Priviiteering was, besides, almost tljo only 
 business in wjiieh American merchants coiilil emi)Ioy their 
 vessels, and private interest as well as ])atriotism concurred 
 in urging them to pursue it vigorously. 
 
 N'oBTii Pkovidence, a township in Providence county, K. 1., 
 north of the town of Providence, and separated from the State 
 of Massachusetts on the east by the Pawtucket rivei-. 
 
 (35) Cai)t. CniiisTOPHKR Whii>plk was in the year 1778 one 
 of the owners of the sloop Two Pollies, whicli in October was 
 sent witli a cargo of goods to the Mississippi river for disposal 
 to the settlers there, and which was boarded, while there, by 
 some Spanish soldiers, who, under force of arms, took pos- 
 session of the vessel, and stole a part of her cargo. Capt. 
 Whipple subsequently ai)plied for compensation for the loss 
 lie had incurred. In the year 1775, the Council of Safety, of 
 Rhode Island, ordered two vessels to be chartered, manned 
 and equipped, to protect the trade of the colony, and 
 appointed Christopher Whipple to command the smaller one, 
 but he declining, Capt. John Grimes was appointed in his 
 place. In the year 1776, Capt. Whipple conmianded the pri- 
 vateer brig Putnam, and about October captured a ship bound 
 from Nova Scotia to Jamaica, laden with fish, boards, spars, 
 etc. In January, 1777, he was on his way from Turks Island 
 to Newport, in a vessel richly laden. He was pursued by two 
 British cruisers, and in endeavoring to escape from them, he 
 was compelled to run his vessel on Point Judith shore, when 
 
190 NOTES, 
 
 the enemy seized his sliip, set it on fire, and departed. Capt. 
 Whipple having in the meanwhile obtained assistance, the fire 
 was extinguished, and a part of the cargo saved. He after- 
 wards applied to the General Assembly of Rhode Island for 
 relief for the losses he had sustained on this occasior. 
 
 (as) Tlie harbor of Newport, for several years previous to 
 actual hostilities, was occupied by his Majesty's ships. They 
 were stationed there to enforce the revenue laws, and to sus- 
 tain the authority of the king. After the destruction of the 
 sloop Liberty in the harbor, in 1769, and when tlie hostility 
 of the colonies to the acts of the British ministry became more 
 fully developed, the number of these vessels was increased, 
 until, at length, a whole squadron of men-of-war were 
 stationed in the bay. In the spring of 1776, however, the 
 enterprise of American saitjj*"!? Biade the hai'bor so hot a berth 
 for the British, that they were obliged to abandon it in haste, 
 and during the following season, a large number of privateers 
 were fitted out from this port and Providence, which captured 
 from fifty to one hundred valuable prizes. Early in Decem- 
 ber, a British fleet and army took possession of the harbor, 
 and though threatened by D'Estaing's French fleet in 1778, 
 maintained their hold upon the place until the autumn of 
 1779, when Sir Henry Clinton recalled them to New York, in 
 anticipation of an attack upon that city by the allied military 
 and naval forces of America and France. On the 10th day of 
 July, 1780, the large and powerful fleet, under the Chevalier 
 
NOTES. 191 
 
 de Ternaj', and an artny under Count de Rochambeau, arrived 
 at Newport, and remained there until near tlie close of the 
 war. 
 
 (37) The Amphitrite (so named from Amphitrite, the god- 
 dess of the sea, wlio was the daughter of Oceauus and wife 
 of Neptune,) was a coppered line-of-battle ship, belonging 
 to the British navy, registered as a sixth-rate, carrying 
 24 guns, and was built in the year 1778. In the month of 
 October, 1779, she was under the command of Capt. James 
 Montague, and was cruising oft" the coast of Spain. In 1780, 
 she was under the orders of Capt. Robert Biggs, and was 
 one of the squadron that sailed for America, under Rear- 
 Admiral Thomas Graves, on the 17th day of May of that year. 
 In the year following, she sailed from Sandy Hook in 
 Admiral Graves' fleet for the Chesapeake. In October, 1782, 
 in company with another vessel, she took two brigs with lum- 
 ber, a ship witli silks from Bilboa, and a privateer schooner, 
 as well as retook two brigs from Virginia, laden with tobacco. 
 She returned to England at the restoration of peace, and was 
 wrecked in the Mediterranean sea, in the year 1793, by 
 striking upon a sunken rock. Tier crew were saved. At 
 the time of her loss, she was under the command of Capt. 
 Anthony Hunt. 
 
 Capt. Robeet Biggs, who commanded this vessel at the 
 time spoken of by our author, was made Lieutenant, August 
 
1 92 NOTES. 
 
 7th, 1761; niised to Commander, Jiinuary 10, 1771; and 
 obtained post rank, March 18, 1778. In 1771, he commanded 
 the Grace, an armed cutter, and in 1774, tlie sloop Favorite, 
 of 16 guns. He was afterwards in command of the Lively, of 
 20 guns, and remained in her till she was taken by the French 
 in 1778. In 1780, he was appointed Captain of the Amphi- 
 trite, of 24 guns, and ordered to America. lie was a Eear- 
 Admiral of the White in 1795, and a Vice-Adrairal in 1799. 
 He died at Catisfield, Hants, on the 11th day of July, 1803. 
 At the time of his death, he was senior Vice- Admiral of the 
 White squadron. 
 
 (ae) Tlie Medea (so named from Medea, the daughter of 
 ^etes, King of Colchis, and wife of Jason,) was a coppered 
 line-of-battle sliip belonging to the British navy. She was 
 registered as a sixth rate, carried 28 guns, and was built 
 in the year 1778. She came to America in 1781, arriving 
 at New York in the month of July, and shortly after- 
 wards sailed from Sandy Hook for tlie Chesapeake, in the 
 fleet of Thomas Graves, Rear Admiral of the Red, at which 
 time she was commanded by Capt. Henry Duncan. In the 
 montli of August, being in company with the frigate Amphi- 
 trite, she took tlie American frigate Belisarius, of 20 guns, 
 and soon after captured the Brig Mariamne, of 16 guns. In 
 the month of December following, she made a prize of the 
 privateer Black Princess, of 24 twelve-pounders and 170 
 men, commanded by tlie noted McCarty. She afterwards 
 
NOTES. 1 93 
 
 sailed for England, bearing despatches tliitlier from Rear 
 Admiral Graves. In 1782 she was under the orders of Capt. 
 Erasmus Gower, and was sent to ludia, where she was used as 
 a store-ship to the army of Gen. Sir Eyre Coote, in his expe- 
 dition to Pondicherry. On the 29th September she sailed for 
 Bengal, and had as a i)assenger Gen. Coote, who was seeking 
 a change of air for the recovery of his health, then much 
 impaired. On tlie 16th January, 1783, she captured the 
 French ship Chaser, of 20 six-pounders; and subsequently, by 
 a bold attack, made a i)ri7:e of the Vryheid, a Dutch East India 
 ship, pierced for 64 guns, but mounting at the time only 32. 
 Previous to taking the Vryheid, the Medea had, on the 
 3d February, very narrowly escaped capture herself, the cover 
 of night, together with a thick haze which ])revailed at the 
 time, being all that saved her from two French frigates off 
 Pondicherr}', that got Avitiiin hail of her before she discovered 
 them. In the month of July, tlie Medea was dismantled and 
 converted into a flag-of-truce, and ordered to convey a i>art of 
 the council of Fort St. George up to Cnddalore, to treat with 
 De Bussy, the French general, as to terms of pacification^ 
 Capt. Gower being commissioned by Sir Edward Iluglics to 
 act in the same cajjacity in regard to the naval department, 
 between himself and Mons. de Sutfrein. In December, the 
 Medea left India, and on her voyage home, she encountered, 
 otf the Western Islands, a dreadful gale, in which she lost her 
 main and mizzen masts, and was otherwise so materially 
 damaged, as to be in the most perilous condition. Her masts 
 
194 NOTES. 
 
 went overboard, wherebj' 36 of her crew employed aloft were 
 instantly precipitated into the sea, but were, with one excep- 
 tion, eventually rescued. After being refitted as well as cir- 
 cumstances would admit, and when the gale had somewhat 
 moderated, she again proceeded on her course to England, and 
 arrived at Spithead without further accident, on the 7th day 
 of January, 1784. In the year 1786 tiie Medea was under- 
 going repairs at Portsmouth, and in 1788 was not in commis- 
 sion. She appears to have been broken up or otherwise dis- 
 posed of previous to the year 1798. 
 
 Oapt. Henry Dtjncax, who commanded the Medea at the 
 time spoken of by our author, was made Lieut., September 21, 
 1759, promoted Commander, May 26, 1768, and raised to the 
 rank of Captain, Feb. 7, 1776. In August, 1777, he was the 
 first Capt. of the Eagle, of 64 guns, the flag-ship of Lord Howe, 
 and co-operated with Sir William Howe in his operations on 
 the Delaware. In August, 1778, he was on duty in this vessel 
 off the coast of Rhode Island in presence of the French fleet. 
 In 1781 he commanded the frigate Medea, of 28 guns, and. 
 while cruising off the Delaware in the month of August, he 
 fell in with and captured the Belisarius, a frigate of 20 guns 
 and 147 Tnen, Capt. James Munro; and soon after made a 
 prize of the Brig Mariamne, of 16 guns, Capt. Christopher 
 Whipple. In June, 1782, he was second Captain of Admiral 
 Lord Howe's flag-ship Victory, and was cruising in the N"orth 
 Sea; and in October following, was at the relief of Gibraltar. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 195 
 
 At the age ot 6(5, after a lite of hard service, it fell to his lot to 
 achieve a victory, which excited the gratitude of his country, 
 and gained him the honors of the Britisli peerage, by patent, 
 Oct. 30, 1797. Capt. Duncan died at Cornliill, Durham County, 
 England, on the 4th day of August, 1804, while on his way 
 from London to Edinburgh, at the age of about 73 years. 
 
 (33) Among the American vessels taken by the J5ritisli ;it 
 this tune, and noticed in the papers of the day, appear the 
 following : 
 
 " The Belisakius, of 2-1 guns, Capt. Munro, from Salem, (•aptured by 
 his Majesty's frigates, the Amphitrite, Medea, and \'irgiiiia privateer 
 belonging to Messrs. Shedden & Goodrich. 
 
 " The Brig Makiamne, Capt. Whipple, of 16 guns, by his Majesty's 
 
 frigate, the Medea." 
 
 Gaim's N. Y. Gazette, Mon : Aug. 20, 1781. 
 
 Rivington's Gazette, Wed : Aug. 22, 1781. 
 
 The Brig Maeiamke, on her arrival at the port of New- 
 York, was sold at public auction ; and for the gratification of 
 the reader, we here present a copy of the advertisement of 
 sale, taken from one of the papers of the day : 
 
 " Public Auction, 
 
 by McAdam, Watson & Co. 
 
 This day at 1 o'clock at the Coffee House, 
 
 Will be Sold, 
 
 The vdluahle privateer prize Brig Mariamne, with all her tackle and 
 
 apparel as she now lies at Hallet's Wharf, mounts 12 carriage guns, 
 
 well found in every necessary store, a prime sailor, a new vessel, and 
 
 well calculated for a privateer or merchantman. Inventory to be seen 
 
 on board, or at their office." 
 
 Rivington's Gazette, IVed : Aug. 22, 1781. 
 
196 NOTKS. 
 
 (40) The " Belisaeius " was a new and beautiful American 
 privateer ship, frigate built, and of the newest construction. 
 She was of about 500 tons burden, and mounted 20 nine- 
 pounder guns. On her tignrehead was a representation of the 
 famous Roman general from whom she took her name, and the 
 decorations about her stern, quarter-galleries, etc., were 
 emblematic of that great and virtuous character. She was 
 very roomy, and her accommodations were excellent, having 
 a spacious ward-room and steerage, with state-rooms adjoin- 
 ing. She was commanded by Capt. James Munro, and was 
 fitted out, and bound on a five months' cruise against the 
 enemies of the United States. She sailed from the port of 
 Boston, on the 13th May, 1781, on her first cruise, and was 
 captured about the middle of August following, by tlie British 
 frigates Amphitrite, Capt. Robert Biggs, and Medea, Capt. 
 Henry Duncan, who were sailing in company with the priva- 
 teer ship Virginia, Capt. Hazard, belonging to Messrs. Shed- 
 den & Goodrich, of New York. Previous to her capture, 
 the Belisarius had taken as prizes, a schooner, a brig 
 laden with rum, sugar and coffee ; and also another schooner, 
 laden with salt. Being a very fine vessel, a swift sailer, 
 and in every respect well fitted for her purpose, she was, 
 soon after her capture, converted to the King's service, 
 and placed under the charge of Capt. Richard Graves, a 
 relative of Thomas Graves, Rear-Admiral of the Red, then 
 in command of the fleet. We find the following call for 
 seamen to man the Belisarius, when about to sail under 
 
NOTES. 
 
 197 
 
 Royal colors, publih^hed in the government papers of the 
 day: 
 
 "All Gentlemen Volunteers, 
 
 WUETUER ABLE OK ORDINARY, 
 
 "T^THO are willing to serve their King and Country, and enrich 
 
 themselves with the Treasure of their Enemies, on Board 
 
 His MAJESTY'S Ship 
 
 BELISAKIUS, 
 
 one of the most elegant and perfectly well appointed Frigates of her 
 size in the universe, carrying 24 Six and Nine Pounders, commanded by 
 
 Richard Graves, Esquire, 
 
 are desired to repair on Board the said ship, at the King's Yakd ; 
 where every able Seaman will receive a Bounty of Three Pounds; and 
 every ordinary Seaman or able bodied Landsman, Forty Shillings, be 
 entered Into present Pay, and receive the most generous Encourage- 
 ment. 
 
 The Ship is fitting out with all expedition. 
 
 God save the King." 
 
 Rivington, Aug. 29, to Sept. 12, 1781. 
 
 The Belisarius, after being turned against her former 
 friends, cruised along tlie coast for tlie remainder of the war, 
 doing great damage to the Americans by capturing their ves- 
 sels, and subjecting their crews to imprisonment. In January, 
 1782, she took the Venus, with a valuable cargo; and in May 
 following, captured the sloop Chance, of 12 guns and GO men, 
 from Providence, Capt. Daniel Aborn ; also, the brig Sampson, 
 from New London, of 16 guns and 120 men, Capt. D. Brooks; 
 and likewise the sloop Swordfish, from Warren, Conn., com- 
 manded by Cai)t. Charles Collins, and laden Avith lumber. In 
 June of the same yeai", she ran a large privateer brig of 18 tons 
 ashore near New London, and in the same month captured 
 
198 NOTKS, 
 
 the Pilgrim, a privateer from Xew England, mounting 18 
 gnns, Capt. H. Crary, Laving 100 men on board. In Feb., 
 1783, -while returning from a cruise to St. Augustine, she fell 
 in with two privateers, one of which was the Tartar, carrying 
 20 nine-pounder guns, and the other the Alexander, of 22 
 nine-p(.)unders. An engagement took place, in which, although 
 the Belisarius became much injured in her bowsprit and fore- 
 mast, yet she beat her two opponents, causing the Alexander 
 to flee for safety, and bringing the Tartar safely into the port 
 of New York. In this action the Belisarius had three of her 
 men killed and four wounded. The Belisarius remained under 
 the command of Capt. Graves until the restoration of peace, 
 Avheii she was sold in the country, as were also others of the 
 British privateer ships. 
 
 Capt. James Munro, who was the first commander of the 
 frigate Belisarius, was, we believe, a native of Rhode Island. 
 On the 7th .June, 177<), he arrived in Providence from a cruise, 
 in which lie had retaken two sIoojjs from Edenton, X. C, 
 laden with lumber. These vessels had been taken by the 
 Acteon frigate, and were then on their way to Antigua, to be 
 adjudicated. Ca[)t. Munro sent his prizes to Ilispaniola. In 
 1778 he commanded the private ship of war Blaze Castle, of 24 
 guns, and while on a cruise in May of that year, was captured 
 by the British frigate Unicorn, and he and his crew taken to 
 Halifax, Xova Scotia, where they were confined in the Jail of 
 that place. In the montli of September following, Cai't. ]\[nnr() 
 
NOTES. 199 
 
 was exchanged, and retnnied lionie. We next hear of him in 
 May, 1770, when lie arrived in Providence from South Caro- 
 lina, having while on a cruise been taken by Capt. Chambers, 
 of the privateer brig Gayton, from Jamaica, and carried to 
 New Providence, but treated with humanity, and subsequently 
 released. In 1779 he commanded tlie brig Saratoga, of Provi- 
 dence, and on the 25th August of that year, in company witli 
 the ship Argo, Capt. Silas Talbot, captured the Britisli priva- 
 teer cutter Dublin, Capt. Phoenix Fagan, of 14 guns, and on 
 the next day took tlie brigautine Chance, bound from London 
 to New York, with a valuable cargo of provisions and stores 
 for the British army in America. While on this cruise, Capt. 
 Munro retook a privateer scliooner, of eight guns, formerly tlie 
 Harlequin, of Salem, and a schooner from Connecticut, loaded 
 with lumber. Tliese prizes were all brought safely to poi-t. 
 (.)n tlie 28th of tlie same month, he was captured by the 
 Britisli, and placed on board one of the prison-ships at New 
 York. His stay there, was, however, but short, for on the Gth 
 October following, he made his escape, in company with a 
 number of others, •uul arrived safe again at Providence, on the 
 lOtli of tlie same month. In 1780 he commanded tlie ship 
 Gen. Washington, owned by John Brown, of Providence, and 
 sailed in her from that port on the 18th May, on a cruise, from 
 wliich he returned on the 27th July. This vessel was shortly 
 after commanded by Capt. Silas Talbot, and wliile under him 
 was taken by Admiral Arbuthnot's fleet, and named the 
 Gen. Monk, and in 1782 was retaken by the Jlyder Ally, Capt. 
 
200 NOTES. 
 
 Barney, of Baltimore, when her old name was restored to her. 
 In the year 1781, Capt. Munro commanded tlie Belisarius, a 
 new frigate just launched at Salem, and sailed in her from 
 Boston on the 13th May, on a cruise, an account of which will 
 be found in our sketch of that vessel. In August following, 
 he was captured by the enemy, and taken to 'Sew York, where 
 he was confined with his crew on board the prison-ship Jersey. 
 Of his subsequent history, we have, unfortunately, no account, 
 nor are we able to give the time of his death. Capt. Silas 
 Talbot, who knew him well, and who was with him in action, 
 says " 7is was a irave man^ and as honest as he teas 'brave.'''' 
 
 Capt. Richard Graves, who commanded the Belisarius 
 while she was in the British service, was the son of a clergy- 
 man, and the youngest of four brothers, all born in Derby 
 County, England, who went to sea at an early age, and after 
 long service, became post captains in the English navy. The 
 subject of our sketch was made Lieutenant, Dec. 24, 1775, and 
 was promoted to the rank of Captain, Aug. 29, 1781. During 
 the Revolution, while on his way to New York, with des- 
 patches, in the Swift, a leaky brig of 16 four-pounders and 35 
 men, with four feet water in her hold, and her pumps choked, 
 he engaged a vessel, of 18 six-pounders and 120 men, wliich he 
 beat otf, although twice aboard of each other during the 
 action. When beaten back, in an attempt to carry the Swift 
 by boarding, his opponents left thirty of their pistols on the 
 deck of the British vessel. The Swift was too much water- 
 
NOTES. 2Ul 
 
 logged to make pursuit, even liad lier force been such as to 
 have warranted Capt. Graves in so doing, and the Bhinde 
 frigate, Capt. Berkeley, whicli fell in with her on the follow- 
 ing day, was obliged to keep her company until she arrived at 
 the entrance of New York harbor, when she sunk. In this 
 action, Capt. Graves received a severe wound. In August, 
 1781, he was appointed to the Belisarius, a new frigate, just 
 captured, and his services while in her will be found in our 
 sketch of that vessel. On the termination of the war, the ser- 
 vices of Capt. Graves being no longer required, he, with many 
 other gallant officers, was obliged to retire from active duty, 
 since which time he was not atloat. On the 18th June, 1804, 
 he was raised to the rank of a Rear-Admiral ; and much against 
 his own will, and much to the shame and disgrace of the 
 British government, was placed upon the superannuated list. 
 Our officer married Louisa Carolina, daughter and sole heiress 
 of Sir John Colleton, bart , and had by this lady one son and 
 three daughters. His son, Samuel Colleton Graves, Esq., who 
 was lieutenant-colonel of the West Norfolk regiment of local 
 militia, and a member of the society of the Middle Temple, 
 was the author of several political pamphlets, published under 
 the signature of "Ulysses." Of his daugliters, the eldest 
 became the wife of T. Radcliffe, Esq. The second was the 
 lady of Baron Vandersmissen, who was a lieutenant-colonel of 
 ^'artillerie an chevaV in the service of the king of the 
 Netherlands, and also a chevalier of the Legion of Honor and 
 of the order of Wilhelm. The third daughter was united in 
 
202 >OTES. 
 
 Dec, 1819, to her i-elative, Lieutenant-Colouel >SIr James K. 
 Colleton, bart. Capt. Graves was still living in 1824, and 
 resided at that time in Brussels. His wife died on the 25th 
 day of December, in the year 1822. 
 
 (41) The " Jersey.'' The first vessel by this name whicii 
 we read of in English history, was one which, in 166(3, was 
 commanded by Francis Digby, second son of George, the 
 second earl of Bristol, and which, on the 15tli Sept. of that 
 year, drove ashore and burnt four French vessels on their own 
 coast, one of the vessels being a frigate, mounting thirty guns. 
 In the year 1688 this ship was still in service, being then 
 commanded by Capt. Beverley, and doing duty in the Channel 
 fleet. On the 26th December, 1701, a frigate, carrying 48 
 guns and 226 men, and called the Jersey, a successor to the 
 vessel just named, sailed from Spithead for America, having 
 as a passenger to New York, Edward Hyde, by courtesy styled 
 Lord Cornbury, who had just been commissioned by the king 
 as governor of that colony, and was then on his way to assume 
 the duties of the oflice. On the 3d May, 1702, the frigate 
 arrived at her destination, and while the governor was yet on 
 ship board, several merchants and others who were then in 
 exile, delivered to him the original addresses by which Col. 
 Nicholas Bayard and Capt. John Hutchins had been convicted 
 of high treason, and for which they had been condemned to 
 suffer death. While the Jersey frigate lay in the poi-t of New 
 York, the small pox raged fearfully in the city, aud many per- 
 
NOTES. 2(>3 
 
 sons died of the disease. To siicli an extent did tlie epidemic 
 prevail, that in ten weeks' time no less than 500 persons, of 
 eacli sex and of all ages, became victims to the fell destroyer. 
 Among-these deaths were some men of note, and among these 
 was Capt. Robert Stapleton, of the Jersey, a man who was as 
 popnlar in his deportment as his cliaracter was above reproacli. 
 This lamented officer died on the 25th September, 1702, and 
 Eobert Rogers, the 1st lieut., sncceeded him as Commander 
 of the frigate, then the gnard-ship of tlie colony. Unlike his 
 predecessor, Rogers was nnpleasing. Tenacious of his opinions, 
 he hated contradiction. He was, moreover, negligent in his 
 duties, and perhaps even indolent anxl incompetent. Several 
 vessels, laden with provisions on account of the crown, lay at 
 this time in Pennsylvania and Carolina, and Rogers was 
 ordered to convoy them to Jamaica, their place of destination. 
 Instead of proceeding at once to the duty, he delayed his 
 departure from time to time, excusing himself at one time that 
 the ship w.is unrigged; at another, that he wanted powder; 
 and when that was supplied, that he needed something else; 
 and again, when, through his negligence, some of his crew had 
 deserted and fled to Long Island and Rhode Island, he com- 
 plained that he had not a comi)lement of men to make his ves- 
 sel serviceable. Finally, winter coming on, and cold weather 
 setting in, he was compelled to move at last into Kipp's Bay, 
 where he was laid up the whole season by reason of the ice in 
 the East river. At length he went to Philadelphia, but he 
 refused to obey the governor's orders to stoj) at Carolina, 
 
2(.U NOTES. 
 
 whereby great loss was incurred by the crown; and havhig, 
 before his departure, arbitrarily impressed seamen from mer- 
 chant vessels into his service, his course in that matter ruined 
 the entire summer trade of the colony. Thougli clearly 
 amenable to law, the governor having no adequate power over 
 his majesty's ships, was unable to arrest his course, or jranish 
 him as he deserved ; and Rogers did, therefore, pretty much 
 as he pleased. In November, 1704, John Nanfan, late Lieiit.- 
 Governor of the colony, having incurred some obligations, 
 which he found himself unable to meet, and dreading arrest 
 and imprisonment, fled with the few clothes on his back, leav- 
 ing all his other effects behind, and sought refuge on the 
 Jersey, and in a miserable and impoverished condition, was 
 taken by her to England, whither the frigate, much to the joy 
 of the people, immediately sailed, bearing despatches from 
 T>ord Cornbury to the Lords of Trade in London. We next 
 hear of this vessel in 1708, at which time she was under the 
 orders of Captain (afterwards Admiral) Edward Vernon, and 
 was one of three sail of the line which under the command of 
 Capt. John Edwards, sailed in that year to the West Indies, to 
 reinforce the squadron under Sir Charles Wager, then admiral 
 on that station. The Jersey arrived there on the 24th July, 
 but on account of the approach of the hurricane season, she 
 does not appear to have been ordered to sea till January, 1709. 
 The reinforcement of which she formed a part, had been sent 
 out in consequence of intelligence that a powerful squadron, 
 under that enterprising and successful French officer, Du Guai 
 
NOTES. 205 
 
 Trouiii, was likely to attack the British coininerce aud posses- 
 sions ia that quarter ; but the alarm which this intelligence 
 excited having now subsided, Sir Charles dispatched several 
 vessels of his fleet to cruise against the enemy, and among 
 them was the Jersey ; and her captain, while on this service, 
 distinguished himself greatly, not only for his activity and 
 enterprise, but for his vigilance and success. The first month 
 he was at sea, he captured a Spanish sloop laden with tobacco ; 
 retook from the French a Guinea ship, with 400 negroes on 
 board ; captured a strong 400-ton merchant ship, of 20 guns, 
 laden principally with cocoa and wool ; and took, off the 
 northern coast of Cuba, a small vessel of 100 tons, laden witii 
 sugar and indigo. In May, 1711, "while on a cruise to the 
 windward of Jamaica, he fell in with and captured a French 
 ship of 30 guns, and a crew of 120 men, and on the 20th Feb. 
 of the following year, ran another of 20 guns on shore, where 
 she went to pieces. The Jersey, however, while on this sta- 
 tion, was chiefly employed as one of the squadron of Commo- 
 dore Littleton, in ascertaining the force, and watching the 
 movements of the enemy in the port of Carthagena, and was 
 thus engaged until the peace of Utrecht, when she returned to 
 England. Of her subsequent history, we have unfortunately 
 no account. We have been, perhaps, rather prolix in our 
 account of this frigate, but considering that she was the first 
 of her name that sailed in our waters, that she lay even in our 
 harbor, aud is therefore connected with our liistory, she has 
 an interest which we conceive will procure for us the leniency 
 
206 NOTES. 
 
 at least, if not the absolute pardon, of our readers. This 
 frigate was succeeded by another of tiie same name which we 
 read of in 1727, as carrying 50 guns and 677 men, and the 
 latter vessel was tlie immediate predecessor of tlie -Jersey, so 
 well known as a prison-ship. Having thus given some acconnt 
 of what we may be permitted to call the ancestry of the sub- 
 ject of our memoir, we will now direct our attention to the 
 vessel, which at this time comes more immediately and par- 
 ticularly in our line of duty. The Jersey of our Revolution- 
 ary history, so noted, so detested, and in the zenith of her 
 career of shame by many a brave man so feared, was origin- 
 ally a British line-of-battle ship, and probably no ship in the 
 English service, or in the service of any other country, was 
 the cause of more distress than she, or was the scene of more 
 brutality and squalid wretchedness. Slie was built in the 
 year 1736, on the bottom of the 50-gun frigate, and was the 
 successor on the New-York station of the 48-gun frigate before 
 mentioned. She was registered as a fourth-rate, carried 60 
 guns, and bore for her figurehead the image oi a lion. Her 
 first sexwice appears to have been about the year 1738, when 
 she was one of the fleet under Sir John Norris, stationed in 
 the Channel. In the year following she was under the com- 
 mand of Capt. Edmund Williams, and was on duty in the 
 Mediterranean sea, being one of the fleet stationed there under 
 Rear-Admirals Nicholas Haddock and Sir Chaloner Ogle, to 
 protect the commerce of Great Britain from tlie aggressions 
 of the Spaniards, and tlie year after slie returned to England. 
 
NOTES. 207 
 
 Intelligence having been received about this time that a strong 
 squadron of Spanish ships of war were at Ferrol, waiting for 
 orders to i)roceed to the West Indies, Sir John Norris sailed 
 shortly after with a powerful fleet, of whicli the Jersey was 
 one, to dispute their voyage, but after various fruitless efforts, 
 he was at length compelled, by contrary winds, to lie inactive 
 at Torbay the greater part of the summer. Finally, having 
 received advice that the French and Spanish squadrons had 
 sailed in company, the design against Ferrol was thereupon 
 abandoned. In this expedition the Jersey occupied the centre 
 division in line of battle, whicli division was under the com- 
 mand of Sir John Norris himself. We next hear of the Jersey 
 in January, 1741, at which time she was on duty in the West 
 Indies, having been one of tlie ships sent out there from St. 
 Helen's, on the 2Cth October, 1740, under Sir Chaloner Ogle, 
 to reinforce the fleet of Edward Vernon, the commander on 
 that station. At this time she was under the orders of Capt. 
 Peter Lawrence, and had a crew of 4(l0 men. In the unsuc- 
 cessful expedition against Carthagena, by Admiral Vernon, 
 whicli took place in the month of March, 1741, the Jersey was 
 one of the fleet cooperating with the army under Gen. Went- 
 worth, and in tlie attack upon that place on the 9th of the 
 month, she was in the van division in line of battle. On this 
 occasion she was the flag-ship of Sir Chaloner Ogle, and was 
 under the immediate orders of the commander-in-chief. In 
 the month of March, 1743, Capt. Ilarry Norris was api)ointed 
 to command her, and in Jan. and Feb., 1744, she formed one 
 
208 NOTKS. 
 
 of the fleet of Sir John Norris, his father, having joined him 
 in the Downs. After this, Capt. Xorris was promoted to the 
 Prince Frederick of 74 guns, and Charles Hardy, subsequently 
 Governor of New York, was made Captain of the Jersey in 
 his place. On the 9th June, 1744, this officer was appointed 
 Governor of tlie island of New Foundland, with the port of 
 Placentia, and all its dependencies, a position which he filled, 
 however, only to the termination of the year. On his return 
 home, some of the ships of his convoy having been captured 
 by the enemy, his conduct became the subject of a court- 
 martial, which was held on the 2d February, 1745, and which 
 terminated in his honorable acquittal. Capt. Hardy continued 
 in command of the Jersey, and during that year we find him 
 on duty in the Mediterranean sea, in the fleet stationed there 
 under William Rowley, Vice-Admiral of the "Wliite. While 
 thus employed, he distinguished himself by the following very 
 gallant) exploit: On the 26th July, while on a cruise oflf Gib- 
 raltar, when near the Strait's mouth, he fell in with the 
 ^t-Esprit, a French ship, mounting 74 guns. An engagement 
 at once ensued, which continued from half-past six to nine in 
 the evening, when the ^'^.Esprit, being much disabled, having 
 lost her foremast and bowsprit, and 20 of her crew killed, bore 
 away for Cadiz to refit, and is said to have sunk the next day. 
 The Jersey, being also much crippled, was unable to pursue 
 her opponent, and accordingly proceeded to Lisbon, to repair 
 damages. In the years 1746 and 1747, Capt. Hardy served in 
 the Mediterranean, under Henry Medley, Rear-Admiral of the 
 
NOTES. 209 
 
 White, but whetlier he continued in command of the Jersey to 
 tl.e termination of tlie war, is somewhat uncertain. In the 
 year 175fi, upoii a rupture witli France, we find the Jersey 
 again fitting for sea, she having tlien a crew of 420 men. In 
 the year 1757 slie was placed under the orders of Capt. John 
 Barker, and in tlie month of May slie was one of the squadron 
 that was sent out from England to the Mediterranean, under 
 the command of Henry Osborne, Admiral of the Blue, with 
 instructions to cruise between Cape de Gatt and the Spanish 
 port of Carthagena, to prevent the French fleet, then at 
 Toulon, from proceeding to Xorth America, to the relief of 
 Louisburgh, against which the English had sent an expedition. 
 She was, therefore, present on the 28th February, 1758, at the 
 capture of the Foudroyant, of 80 guns; the Orphee, of 64; tlie 
 Oriflamme, of 50; and the Pleiade frigate, of 24 guns, com- 
 posing the squadron of M. du Quesne, at the time he attempted 
 so unsuccessfully to reinforce M. de la Clue, who had slipped 
 out of the port of Toulon, and was then with his fleet blocked 
 up by Admiral Osborne, in the harbor of Carthagena. In 
 1759 the Jersey comjwsed one of the fleet under Admiral Bos- 
 cawen, which was engaged in watching the movements of 
 M. de la Clue, who had returned to Toulon, and was then 
 seekmg an opportunity to proceed to Brest to join the grand 
 fleet, commanded by M. Conflans, at that port. To prevent 
 the junction of these fleets, and to endeavor to discomfit that 
 of M. de la Clue, were the principal objects of Boscawen's 
 expedition. He accordingly cruised ofl' Toulon for some time, 
 
210 J^fOTES. 
 
 and in order to force the French adnnral to an engagement, 
 he used every stratagem and offered every provocation that 
 his ingenuity could devise. Finding, however, that no artifice 
 could move De la Clue from his purpose, Boscawen deter- 
 mined to put his patience to a stronger test and a more 
 decisive trial. He accordingly gave orders for the CuUoden, 
 of 74 guns, Capt. Smith Callis ; the Conqueror, of 74 guns, 
 Capt. Rohert Ilarland ; and the Jersey, of 60 guns, Capt. John 
 Barker, to proceed to the entrance of the harhor, and either 
 cut out or destroy two of the enemy's frigates, then juoored 
 there under cover of the batteries. The execution of this 
 hazardous and daring attempt was entrusted to Capt. Callis, 
 who had, on a previous occasion, guccessfully conducted a 
 similar enterprise with singular intrepidity. On the present 
 occasion, he behaved with equal skill and gallantry ; but the 
 strength of the enemy's position rendered all his efforts wholly 
 ineffectual. "When the English ships approached those of the 
 enemy at the mouth of the harbor, the former were imme- 
 diateh' assailed by a heavy fire, not only from the ships and 
 fortifications, but from several masked batteries on both sides 
 of the entrance. The English supported this unequal contest 
 for upwards of three hours with great obstinacy, when Capt. 
 Callis, seeing no probability of success, and finding his own 
 ship almost entirely disabled, was at length compelled to desist, 
 and having made the signal for recall, his ships were towed 
 off by the boats of the fleet. In this arduous service, the Cul- 
 loden had 16 men killed and 26 wounded; the Conqueror 
 
NOTE8. 2 1 1 
 
 2 killed and 4 wounded; and the Jersey 8 killed and 15 
 wounded. These ships being all very much cut up in sails 
 and rigging, the Admiral thought it prudent to repair to Gib- 
 raltar to have them refitted. Of Boscaweu's subsequent 
 engagement with the French fleet on the 18th August, 1759, 
 resulting in tlie complete defeat of the latter, and the glorious 
 victory of the former, as the Jersey was not one of the vessels 
 engaged, it is needless to enlarge, further than to say that the 
 result of the action eftectually dispelled tlie magnificent 
 schemes for the invasion of England, with which tlie French 
 minister had for some time before amused the military ardor 
 and romantic spirit of his countrymen. On the promotion of 
 Smith Callis to the rank of* a tiag-oftlcer, Capt. Barker suc- 
 ceeded him in the Culloden, and at the close of 1759 or the 
 fore part of 1760, Andrew Wilkinson succeeded Barker in the 
 command of the Jersey. Under Capt. Wilkinson, the Jersey 
 sailed from England on the 28th May, 1760, and formed one 
 of the fleet in the Mediterranean, under Vice- Admiral Sir 
 Charles Saunders, until near the termination of the war. when 
 she again returned to England. In the year 1766. William 
 Dickson was commissioned to the Jersey as Captain to Sir 
 Richard Spry, who was appointed Commodore and Com- 
 mander-in-Chief of the small sciuadron in the Mediterranean. 
 Sir Richard hoisted his broad pennant on board, and continued 
 in her until the year 1768, when she returned home. John 
 Orde^ afterwards Sir John Orde, bt., and Vice-Admiral of the 
 White, served on this cruise as a junior oflicer, under Capt. 
 
212 NOTES. 
 
 Dickson, with wlioin he commenced his naval career in 1766. 
 In the latter part of the year 1768, Ave find the Jersey 
 stationed at Plymouth, where she was probably undergoing 
 repairs. On the 3d day of June, 1769, Hon. John Byron, 
 grandfather of the poet, was appointed Governor of New 
 Foundland, and two days after, he hoisted his flag on l)oard 
 the Jersey, then still under the command of Capt. Dickson, 
 and sailed in her to that colony. Soon afterwards she again 
 returned to England, when she was laid up, and we hear noth- 
 ing more of her for some time. Having become old and much 
 impaired, the Jersey, at the commencement of the American 
 revolution, was deprived of her armament and converted into 
 a hospital ship. She was placed under the conmiand of Wil- 
 liam A. Halstead, and sailed on the 6th May, 1776, from Spit- 
 head, for Boston, iu company with numerous transports con- 
 veying Hessian troops, the whole fleet being under the com- 
 mand of Commodore William Hotham, who had his broad 
 pennant hoisted on board the Preston, a 50 gun ship. This 
 fleet arrived in America shortly before the battle of Brooklyn. 
 After the Jersey reached the port of New York she seems to 
 have been used for a while as a store ship, and subsequently 
 as a hospital ship agaiu, in which latter character she figures 
 froni about the year 1777 to the winter of 1779-80, during 
 Avhich period slie was anchored in the East river, oif the Fly 
 market, and not far from a private pier known then as Tol- 
 niie's wharf, so called from Normand Tolmie, the lessee, who 
 was, at that day, a prominent resident of the city. During 
 
NOTKS. 213 
 
 tlie winter of 1779-SO slie was oonverted into a prison-sliip ; 
 ;ni(l after beinj; a wliile thus employed, she was at lengtli 
 moved to tlie WullaI)out, where slie was moored witli eliain 
 cables, and where she remained in the capacity of a prison- 
 ship to the termination of tlie war. Her appearance at tliis 
 time was anything but inviting. She had been dismantled of 
 her sails, and stripped of all her rigging, and her only spars 
 were the bowsprit, a derrick for taking in supplies, and a flag- 
 staff at the stern. Her lion figure-head had been taken away 
 to repair another ship, and lier rudder was unhung, ller port 
 holes had all been closed, and strongly fastened, and two tiers 
 of small holes were cut through her sides. These holes were 
 about 20 inches square, and about ten feet apart, and each one 
 was guarded by two strong bars of iron crossing each other at 
 right angles, thus leaving four contracted spaces which admit- 
 ted light by day, and served as breathing holes by night. 
 Stripped of every ornament, nothing remained of her but an 
 old, unsightly, rotten hulk ; and her dark and filtliy exterior 
 perfectly corresponded with the scenes of misery, despair and 
 death that reigned witliin. On the decease of Halstead in 
 May, 1778, David Laird was a])i)ointed to till his place as com- 
 mander of the Jersey; and Laird, on his return to Euro])e in 
 the early part of 1781. was succeeded by John Sporne; but 
 whether the latter officer continued in her during the remaining 
 time slie was used as a prison-shii), we have been unable to 
 ascertain. On the (Ith day of April, 1783, all the prisoners on 
 board the |)risoii-ships in New York were released, ;md t1ie 
 
214: NOTES. 
 
 Jersey was then broken up and abandoned where she lay. 
 The dread of contagion deterred any one from visiting her, 
 although she remained there for years exposed to public view. 
 Finally, as if ashamed of her late so horrid career, and unwill- 
 ing any longer to be seen by a world whose humanity she had 
 outraged, slie drifted into deep water, where worms destroyed 
 her bottom, and slie at last sunk to rise no more. Oft" the 
 western shore of Long Island, deeply imbedded in the mud 
 flats of the Wallabout, she lies, her planks covered with the 
 names of her martyred victims, and the only vestige of her 
 now to be seen is a beam preserved for curiosity at the Naval 
 Lyceum, in Brooklyn. Such is the last of the Jersey, that 
 ancient ship, once so famed, so execrated, so feared ; and now 
 there is none so poor to do her reverence. But she has gone. 
 She has cast her last anchor. She ha?, fought her la«t battle. 
 
 William Antrony Halstead, the first commander of the 
 Jersey, while she lay in the harbor of New York, was made 
 lieutenant on the 20th May, 1756, and was raised to the rank 
 of commander on the 25th .June, 1773. lie died at New York 
 while in command of his vessel, on the I7t]i day of May, 1778, 
 and was succeeded by David Laird. 
 
 David Laird was made lieutenant on the 2d day of July, 
 1762. He was raised to the rank of commander on the 18th 
 day of May, 1778, and appointed by Lord Howe to the com- 
 mand of the Jersey, to succeed William A. Halstead, then 
 
NOTKS. 215 
 
 just deceased. He continued in her until the early part 
 of the year 17*^1, when lie returned to England. A short 
 time after the peace of 1783 he arrived at New York in com- 
 mand of a merchant ship, and moored his vessel at a wharf 
 at or near Peck slip. A number of persons, who had been 
 prisoners on the Jersey at the time he commanded her, and 
 had suffered by his cruelty, assembled on the wliarf to receive 
 him, but he deemed it i)rudent to remain on ship-board durino- 
 the short time his vessel was here. He was made captain on 
 the 1st December, 1787, and was still living in the year 1804. 
 
 JoHX Sporne.— Of this officer we know nothing further 
 than that he succeeded Laird in command of the Jersey, and 
 that he still commanded her in P^bruary, 1781, he being at 
 that time a lieutenant. The dat« of his commission we do not 
 know. He seems, after the peace, to have died, or left the 
 service, as his name does not appear on any list of British 
 naval officers which we have examined. 
 
 (42) TJie following extracts from the narratives of other prisoners 
 will show, not only the character and quantity of the food furnished 
 them, but also give some idea of the privations and sufferings endured 
 by those who were confined on board this loathsome hulk : 
 
 John \ ax Dyk, w1,o was a prisoner in May, 1780, says : 
 "We were put on board the prison- ship Jersey, anchored 
 off Fly market. This ship had been a hospital ship. When 
 J came on board, her stench was so great, and my breathing 
 
216 NOTES. 
 
 this putrid air, I tliought it would soon kill me, but nfter 
 my being on board some days I got used to it, and as 
 tiiough all was a common smell. * * * q,^ 
 
 board the Jersey prison-ship it was short allowance ; so 
 short, a person would think it was not possible for a man to 
 live on. They starved the American prisoners to make them 
 enlist in their service. I will now relate a fact: Every man 
 in the mess of six took his daily turn to get the mess's pro- 
 visions. One day I went to the galley and drew a piece of 
 salt boiled pork. I went to our mess to divide it. I held the 
 pork in my left hand, with a jack knife in my right, to mark 
 it in six parts — the second time came out right. I cut each 
 one his share, and each one of us eat our day's allowance in 
 one moutliful of this salt pork, and nothing else. One day, 
 called pea day, I took the drawer of our doctor's (Hodges of 
 Philadelphia) chest, and went to the galley, which was the 
 cooking place, (like a poor Pil Garlick), Avith my drawer for a 
 soup dish. I held it under a large brass cock ; the cook turned 
 it. I received the a'lowance of my mess, and behold! brown 
 water and fifteen floating peas — no peas on the bottom of my 
 drawer — and this for six men's allowance for 24 hours. The 
 peas were all on the bottom of the kettle ; those left would 
 be taken to New York, and, I suppose, sold. One day in the 
 week, called pudding day, three pounds of damaged flour ; in 
 it would be* green lumps, such as their men would not eat, 
 and one pound of very bad raisiijs — one third raisin sticks. 
 We would pick out the sticks, mash the lumps of flour, put 
 
NOTES. 217 
 
 all, with some water, in our drawer, mix our pudding, and 
 put it in a bag, with a talley tied to it with the number of our 
 mess. This was a day's allowance. We, for some short time, 
 drew half a pint of rum for each man. One Captain Lard, 
 who commanded the ship Jersey, came on board. As soon as 
 he was on the main deck of the ship, lie cried out for the boat- 
 swain. The boatswain arrived, and, in a very quick motion, 
 took ott" his hat. There being on deck two half hogshead 
 tubs where our allowance of rum was mixed into grog. Cap- 
 tain Lard said, 'Have the prisoners had their rum to-day?' 
 'Xo, sir,' answered the boatswain. Captain Lard replied, 
 'Damn your soul, you rascal, heave it overboard.' The boat- 
 swain, with hell), upset the tubs of grog on the main deck. 
 The grog rum ran out of the scuppers of the ship into the 
 river. I saw no more grog on board. I stood at the time 
 within twelve feet of the tubs of grog— saw the grog run 
 through tlie scuppers of the ship. * * * Every fViir dav a 
 number of British officers and sergeants would come on board 
 ship, form in two ranks on the quarter-deck, facing inward— 
 the prisoners in the after part of the quarter-deck. As the 
 boatswain would call a name, the word would be, 'pass 'as 
 the ])risoners passed between the ranks, officers and sergeants 
 staring them in the face. This was done to catch deserters, 
 and if they caught none, the sergeants would come on the 
 main deck, and cry out, ' Five guineas' bounty to any man 
 that will ei!ter his majesty's service.' Shortly after this party 
 left the shij), a Hessian party would come on board, and 
 
218 NOTES. 
 
 the prisoners had to go through the same routine of duty 
 again." 
 
 Ebenezkr Fox, (whose portrait we present to the reader,) was a 
 prisoner during the spring and summer of 1781. He says : 
 
 " The first thing we found it necessary to do, after our cap- 
 tivity, was to form ourselves into small parties called ' meases^ 
 consisting of six men each, as, previous to doing this, we could 
 obtain no food. All the prisoners were obliged to fast on the 
 first day of their arrival ; and seldom on the second could 
 they procure any food in season for cooking it. Xo matter 
 how hungry they were, no deviation fi-om the rules of the 
 ship was permitted. All the prisoners fared alike; officers 
 and sailors received the same treatment on board of this old 
 hulk. Our keepers were no respecters of persons. We were 
 all ' Eebels.' The quantity and quality of our fare was the 
 same for all. The only distinction known among us was made 
 by the prisoners themselves, which was shown in allowing 
 those who had been officers previous to their cai)ture to con- 
 gregate in the extreme after-part of the ship, and to keep it 
 exclusively to themselves as their places of abode. The vari- 
 ous messes of the prisoners were numbered; and nine in the 
 morning was the hour when the steward would deliver n-om 
 the window in his room, at the after-part of the ship, the 
 allowance granted to each mess. Each mess chose one of tlieir 
 company to be prepared to answer to their number when it 
 was called by the stewai-d, and to receive the allowance as it 
 
x#lx 
 
 K I? K X i:z K U F (» X. 
 
NOTES. 219 
 
 was handed from the window. Whatever was tlirust out nmst 
 be taken; no change conld be made in its quantity or qnality. 
 Each mess received daily what was equivalent in weight or 
 measure, but not in quality, to the rations of four men at full 
 allowance: that is, each prisoner received two-tliii-ds as much 
 as was allowed to a seaman in the British navy. Our bill of 
 fare was as follows : On Sunday, one ]>oun(l of biscuit, one 
 pound of pork, and a half of a pint of peas. Monday, one 
 pound of biscuit, one pint of oatmeal, and two ounces of but- 
 ter. Tuesday, one pound of biscuit, and two pounds of salt 
 beef. AVednesday, one and a half pounds of flour, and two 
 ounces of suet. Thursday was a repetition of Sunday's fare, 
 Friday of Monday's, and Saturdaj' of Tuesday's. If this food 
 had been of a good quality and properly cooked, as we had no 
 labor to pei-form, it would have kept us comfortable, at lea-^t 
 from suffering. But this was not the case. All our food ap- 
 peared to be damaged. The bread was mouldy and filled with 
 worms. It required considerable rapping upon the deck be- 
 fore the worms could be dislodged from their lurking places in 
 a biscuit. As for the pork, we were cheated out of it more 
 than half of the time ; and when it was obtained, one would 
 have judged from its motley hues, exhibiting the consistence 
 and appearance of variegated fancy soap, that it was the flesh 
 of the porpoise, or sea-hog, and had been an inhabitant of the 
 ocean rather than of the sty. But, whatever doubts might 
 arise respecting the genera or species of the beast, the flavor 
 of the flesh was so unsavory that it would have been rejected 
 
220 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 as unfit for the stuffing even of Bologna sausages. The peas 
 were genei-ally damaged, and, from the imperfect manner in 
 wliieh they were cooked, were abont as indigestible as grape- 
 shot. The butter the reader will not suppose was the real 
 ' Goshen;' and, had it not been for its adhesive properties to 
 retain together the particles of the biscuit that had been so 
 riddled by the worms as to lose all their attraction of cohesion, 
 we should have considered it no desirable addition to our 
 viands. The flour and the oatmeal were often sour, and when 
 the suet Avas mixed with it we should have considered it a 
 blessing to have been destitute of the sense of smelling before 
 we admitted it into our mouths; it might be nosed half the 
 length of the ship. And last, though not the least item among 
 our staples in the eating line — our beef. The first view of it 
 would excite an idea of veneration for its antiquity, and not a 
 little curiosity to ascertain to what kind of an animal it ori- 
 ginally belonged. Its color was of dark mahogany, and its 
 solidity would have set the keen edge of a broad-axe at defiance 
 to cut across the grain, though like oakum it could be pulled 
 into pieces, one way in strings, like rope-yarn. A streak of 
 fat on it would have been a phenomenon, that would have 
 brought all the prisoners together to see and admire. It was 
 so completely saturated with salt, that after having been 
 boiled in water taken from the sea, it was found to be consid- 
 erably freshened by the process. It was no uncommon thing 
 to find it extremely tender; but then this peculiarity was not 
 owing to its being a prime cut from a premium ox, but rather 
 
NOTKS. 221 
 
 owing to its long-l<ecping— the vicissitudes of heat and cold, of 
 humidity and aridity it had experienced in the course of time ; 
 and of this disposition to tenderness we were duly apprised 
 by the extraordinary fragrance it emitted before and after it 
 was cooked. It re(iuired more skill tlian we possessed to de- 
 termine whether tlie flesh, which we were obliged to devour, 
 had once covered the bones of some luckless bull that had 
 died from starvation, or of some worn-out horse that had been 
 killed for tlie crime of having outlived his usefulness. Such 
 was our food; but tlie quality of it was not all that we had 
 reason to complain of. The manner in which it was cooked 
 was more injurious to our health than the quality of the food ; 
 and, in many cases, laid the foundation of diseases, that 
 brought many a suft'erer to his grave, years after Iiis liberation. 
 The cooking for the prisoners was done in a great copper ves- 
 sel that contained between two and three hogsheads of water 
 set in brick work. The form of it was square, and it was 
 divided into two compartments by a partition. In one of these 
 the peas and oatmeal were boiled; this was done in fresh 
 water; in the otiier the meat was boiled, in salt water taken 
 up from along side of the ship. Tlie Jersey, from her size and 
 lying near the shore, was imbedded in the mud ; and I do not 
 recollect seeing her afloat during tiie whole time I was a pri- 
 soner. All the filth that accumulated among upwards of a 
 tliousaud men were daily thrown overboard and would remain 
 there till carried away by tlie tide. The impurit, of the water 
 may be easily conceived, and in tliis water our meat was boiled. 
 
^^'v! 
 
 NOTKS. 
 
 It will be recollected, too, that the water was salt, which 
 caused the inside of the copper to become corroded to such a 
 degree that it was lined with a coat of verdigris. Meat thus 
 cooked must, in some degree, be poisoned ; and the effects of 
 it were manifest in the cadaverous countenances of the ema- 
 ciated beings who had remained on board for any length of 
 time. The persons chosen by each mess to receive their por- 
 tions of food, were summoned by the cook's bell to receive 
 their allowance ; and when it had remained in the boiler a 
 certain time, the bell would again sound, and the allowance 
 must be immediately taken away. Whether it was sufficiently 
 cooked or not it could remain no longer. The Ibod was gene- 
 rally very imperfectly cooked; yet this sustenance, wretched 
 as it was, and deficient in quantity, was greedily devoured by 
 the half starved prisoners. No vegetables were allowed us. 
 Many times since, when I have seen in the country a large 
 kettle of potatoes and pumpkins steaming over the fire to sat- 
 isfy the api)etites of a farmer's swine, I have thought of our 
 destitute and starved condition, and what a luxury we should 
 have considered tlie contents of that kettle on board the 
 Jersey." "^ * * " About two hours before sunset, orders 
 were given to the prisoners to carry all their things below ; 
 but we were permitted to remain above till we retired for the 
 night into our unhealthy and crowded dungeons. At sunset, 
 our ears Avere saluted with the insulting and hateful sound 
 from our keepers, of ' Down^ rehals, doic/t,^ and we were 
 hurried below, the hatchways fastened over us, and we were 
 
NOTES. 223 
 
 left to pass the night amid the accuinnlated horrors of siglis 
 and groans, of foul vapor, a nauseous and putrid atmosphere, 
 in a stifled and almost suffocating heat. The tiers of holes 
 through the sides of the ship were strongly grated, but not 
 provided with glass; and it was considered a privilege to sleep 
 near one of these apertures in hot weather, for tlie pure air 
 that passed in at tliem. But little sleep, however, could be 
 enjoyed even there ; for the vermin were so horribly abundant, 
 that all the personal cleanliness we could practice, would not 
 protect us from their attacks, or prevent their effecting a 
 lodgment upon us, * * * ji^^ j^Qg detention of American 
 sailors on board of British prison-ships was to be attributed 
 to the little pains that were taken by our countrymen to 
 retain British subjects, who were taken i)risoners on tlie ocean 
 during the war. Our privateers captured many British sea- 
 men, who, when willing to enlist in our service, as was 
 generally the case, Avere received on board of our ships. 
 Those who were brought into port, were suffered to go at 
 large; for, in the impoverished condition of the country, no 
 state or town was willing to subject itself to the expense of 
 maintaining prisoners in a state of confinement ; they were 
 permitted to provide for tliemselves. In this way, the num- 
 ber of British seamen was too small for a regular and equal 
 e.\change. Tims the British seamen, after their capture, 
 enjoyed the blessings of liberty, the light of the sun, and tlie 
 purity of the atmosphere, while the poor American sailors 
 were compelled to drag out a miserable existence amid want 
 
224 NOTES. 
 
 and distress, famine and pestilence. As every principle of 
 justice and humanity was disregarded by the British in the 
 treatment of tlieir prisoners, so likewise every moral and legal 
 right was violated in compelling them to enter into their ser- 
 vice. We had obtained some information in relation to an 
 expected draft that would soon be made upon the prisoners to 
 fill up a complement of men that were wanted for the service 
 of his majesty's fleet. One day, in the latter part of August, 
 our fears of the dreaded event were realized. A British officer, 
 with a number of soldiers, came on board. The prisoners 
 were all ordered on deck, placed on the larboard gang-way, 
 and marched in single file round to the quarter-deck where 
 the officers stood to inspect them and select such ones as 
 suited their fancies, without any reference to the rights of the 
 prisoners, or considering at all the duties they owed to the 
 land of their nativity, or the government for which they had 
 fought and suffered. The argument was, ' ^len we want, and 
 men we will have.' We continued to march round, in solemn 
 and melancholy procession, till they had selected from among 
 our number about three hundred of the ablest, nearly all of 
 whom were Americans ; and they Avere directed to go below 
 under a guard, to collect together whatever things they 
 wished to take belonging to them. TJiey were then driven 
 into the boats, waiting alongside, and left the prison-ship, not 
 to enjoy their freedom, but to be subjected to the iron despot- 
 ism, and galling slavery of a British man-of-war; to waste 
 their lives in a foreign service, and toil for masters whom they 
 
NOTES. 225 
 
 hated. Sucli, however, were the horrors of our situation as 
 prisoners, and so small was the prospect of relief, that we 
 almost envied the lot of those who left the ship to go into the 
 service even of our enemy. * * * The food given the 
 imprisoned rebels, as the British called them, was not only 
 deficient in quantity, but even the scanty portion dealt them 
 was such as would scarcely be tolerated by the meanest beg- 
 gar, being generally tliat whicli had been rejected by the 
 British ships, as unfit to be eaten by the sailors, and unwhole- 
 some in the highest degree, as well as disgusting in taste and 
 appearance. * * * Many were actually starved to death, 
 in hope of making them enroll themselves in the British 
 army." 
 
 Revolutionarii Adventures of Ebenezer Fox, Ut cd., p. 98-135-138. 
 
 1 HOMAS Andros, who was confinerl as a prisoner during the fall of 
 17S1, says : 
 
 " Our water was good, could we have had enough of it. 
 Our bread was bad in the superlative degree. I do not recol- 
 lect seeing any wliich was not full of living vermin ; but eat 
 it. worms and all, we must, or starve." 
 
 Old Jersey Captive, p. 17. 
 
 Andrew Sherbukne, who was on board during the winter of 
 1781-2, says : 
 
 " The ship was extremely filthy, and abounded with vermin. 
 A large proportion of the prisoners had been robbed of their 
 clothing. The ship was considerably crowded ; many of the 
 
226 NOTES. 
 
 men were very low spirited ; our provisions ordinary, and very 
 scanty. It consisted of worm-eaten ship bread, and salt beef. 
 It was supposed that this bread and beef had been condemned 
 in the Britisli navy. The bread had been so eaten by weevils, 
 that one might easily crush it in the hand and blow it away. 
 The beef was exceedingly salt, and scarcely a particle of fat 
 could be seen upon it." 
 
 Memoirs of Andrew Shej'bume, 1st ed..p. 107; 2d ed.p. 110. 
 
 Thomas Drixg, (whose portrait is here for the first time presented 
 to the public,) was a prisoner in 1782. He says : 
 
 *' During my confinement in the summer of 1V82, the 
 average number of prisoners on board the Jersey, was about 
 one thousand. We, as prisoners, were allowed each day for 
 six men, what was equal in quantity to the rations of four 
 men at full alloicance. That is, each prisoner was furnished 
 in quantity with two-thirds of the allowance of a seaman in 
 the British Navy, which was as follows : 
 
 On Sunday 1 lb. of biscuit, 1 lb. of pork, and half a pint of peas. 
 
 " Monday 1 lb. of biscuit, 1 pint of oat meal, 2 ounces of butter. 
 
 '' Tuesday . . .1 lb. of biscuit, and two lbs. of beef. 
 
 " Wednesday .IJ lbs. of flour, and two ounces of suet. 
 
 " Thursday. . .The same as Sunday. 
 
 " Friday The same as Monday. 
 
 " Saturday . . .The same as Tuesday. 
 
 Hence, as prisoners, whenever we had our due, we re- 
 ceived, as they said, two-thirds of the ordinary allowance of 
 their own seamen; and even this was of a very inferior 
 
<■ A 1> T. T II () M A s I) j; I X c. 
 
NOTKS. 227 
 
 quality. We never received any butter; but in its steail, 
 they gave us a substance which they called sweet oil. This 
 was so rancid, and even putrid, that the smell of it, accustomed 
 as we were to everything foul and nauseous, was more than 
 we conld endure. We, however, always received and gave it 
 to tlie poor, half-starved Frenchmen who were on board, who 
 took it gratefully, and swallowed it with a little salt and their 
 wormy bread. Oil of a similar qaality was given to the 
 prisoners on board the Good Hope, where I was confined in 
 17T0. There, however, it was of some use to us, as we burnt 
 it in our lamps, being there indulged with the privilege of 
 using lights until nine o'clock at night. But here, it was of 
 no service, as we were allowed on board the Jersey, no light 
 or fire, on any occasion whatever." * * * u 'f errible 
 indeed was the condition of most of my fellow captives. 
 Memory still brings before Tue tliose emaciated beings, mov- 
 ing from the Galley, with their wn-etched pittance of meat; 
 each creeping to the spot where his mess were assembled, to 
 divide it with a group of haggard and sickly creatures, their 
 garments hanging in tatters around their meagre limbs, and 
 the hue of death upon their care-worn faces. By these, it 
 was consumed with their scanty remnants of bread, which 
 was often mouldy and tilled with worms. And even from 
 this vile fare, they would rise up, in torments, from the cra- 
 vings of unsatisfied hunger and thirst. No vegetables of any 
 description were ever afforded us by oiu- inhuman keepers. 
 Good heaven! what a Inxnrv tons would then have been even 
 
228 NOTES. 
 
 a few potatoes, if but the very leavings of the swine of our 
 country.'" * * * u g^ ni^jch of the water as was not 
 required on deck for immediate use, was conducted into butts 
 placed in the lower hold of the hulk, through a leathern hose, 
 passing through her side near the bends. To this watei-, we 
 had recourse, when we could procure no other. When water 
 in any degree fit for use, was brought on board, it is impos- 
 sible to describe the struggle which ensued in consequence of 
 our haste and exertions to procure a draught of it. The best 
 which was ever afforded us, was very brackisli, but that from 
 the ship's hold was nauseous in the highest degree. This must 
 be evident, when the fact is stated, that the butts for receiving 
 it had never been cleaned since they were placed in the hold. 
 The quantity of foul sediment which they contained, was 
 therefore very great, and was disturbed and mixed witli the 
 water as often as a new supply was poured into them; thereby 
 rendering their whole contents a substance of the most dis- 
 gusting and poisonous nature. I have not tlie least doubt, that 
 the use of this vile compound, caused the deaths of hundreds 
 of the prisoners; when to ailay their tormenting tliirst, they 
 were driven by desperation to drink this liquid poison, and to 
 abide tlie consequences." * * * u j^^ quarter-deck 
 covered about one-fourth part of the upper deck, from the 
 stern ; and the forecastle extended from the stern, about one- 
 eighth part of the length of the upper deck. Sentinels were 
 stationed on the gangways on eijch side of the upper deck 
 leading from the quarter-deck to the forecastle. These gang- 
 
NOTES. 
 
 22i) 
 
 ways were about live feet wide, and liere the prisoners were 
 allowed to pass and repass. The intermediate space from the 
 bulk head of the quarter-deck to the forecastle, was filled 
 witli long spars or booms, and called the Spar Deck. The 
 temporary covering afforded by the spar deck, was of the 
 greatest benefit to the prisoners, as it served to shield us from 
 the rain and the scorching rays of the sun. It wa3 here, also, 
 that our moveables were placed while we were engaged in 
 cleaning the lower decks. The spar deck was also the only 
 place where we were allowed to Avalk, and was, therefore, 
 continually crowded through the day, by those of the prison- 
 ers who W'Cre upon deck. Owing to the great number of the 
 prisoners, and the small place afforded us by the spar deck, it 
 was our custom to walk, in platoons, each facing the same 
 way, and turning at the same time. The derrick, for taking 
 in wood, water, etc., stood on the starboard side of the spar 
 deck. On the larboard side of the ship was placed the accom- 
 modation ladder, leading from the gangway to the water. At 
 the head of this ladder, a sentinel was also stationed. The 
 head of the accommodation ladder was near the door of the 
 bari'icado, which extended across the front of the quarter- 
 deck, and projected a few feet beyond the sides of the ship. 
 The barricade was about ten feet high, and was pierced with 
 loop-holes for musketry, in order that the prisoners might be 
 fired on from behind it, if occasion should require. * * * 
 The prisoners were confined on the two main decks below. 
 My usual place of abode being in the Gun Room, on the centre 
 
230 NOTKS. 
 
 deck, I was never under the necessitj of descending to the 
 lower dungeon, and during my confinement, I had no dispo- 
 sition to visit it. It was iiiliabited by the most wretched in 
 appearance of all our miserable company. From tlie disgust- 
 ing and squalid appearance of the groupes which I saw ascend- 
 ing the stairs which led to it, it must have been more dismal, 
 if possible, than that part of the hulk where I resided. 
 * * * As soon as the gratings had been fastened over the 
 hatcliways for the night, we generally went to our sleeping- 
 places. It was, of course, always desirable to obtain a station 
 as near as possible to tlie side of tlie ship, and if practicable, 
 in the immediate vicinity of one of the air-poits, as this not 
 only afforded us a better air, but also rendered us less liable 
 to be trt)dden upon by those who were moving about the 
 decks, during the night. But silence was a stranger to our 
 dark abode. There were continual noises during the night. 
 The groans of tlie sick and the dying ; the curses poured out 
 by the weary and exhausted upon our inhuman keepers ; the 
 restlessness caused by the suff'ocating heat and the confined 
 and poisoned air; mingled with the wild and incoherent 
 ravings of delirium, were the sounds which, every night, were 
 raised around us, in all directions. Such was our ordinaiy 
 situation ; but at times, the consequences of our crowded con- 
 dition were still more terrible, and proved fatal to many of 
 our number, in a single niglit. * * * ^ custom had long 
 been established, that certain labor which it was necessary 
 should be perforn e.l daily, should be done by a company, 
 
NOTES. 231 
 
 usually called the ' Working Party.' This consisted of about 
 twenty able-bodied men, chosen from among the prisoners, 
 and was commanded, in daily rotation, by those of our number 
 who had formerly been officers of vessels. The commander 
 of the party for the day, bore the title of Boatswain. The 
 members of the Working Party received, as a compensation for 
 their services, a full allowance of provisions, and a half pint 
 of rum each, per day, with the privilege of going on deck, 
 early in the morning, to breathe the pure air. This privilege 
 alone, was a sufficient compensation for all the duty which 
 was required of them. Their routine of service was, io wash 
 down that part of the upper deck and gangways where the 
 prisoners were permitted to walk; to spread the awning, and 
 to hoist on board the wood, water, and other supplies, from the 
 boats in which the same were brought along side the ship. 
 When the prisoners ascended the upper deck, in the morning, 
 if the day was fair, each carried up his hammock and bedding, 
 which were all placed upon the spar deck or booms. Tlie 
 Working Party then took the sick and disabled who remained 
 below, and placed tliem in the bunks prepared for them upon 
 the centre deck ; tliey then, if any of the prisoners had died 
 during the niglit, carried up the dead bodies, and laid them 
 upon the booms. After wliicli, it was their duty to wash 
 down tlie main decks below ; during which operation, the 
 prisoners remained upon the upper deck, except such as chose 
 to go below, and volunteer their services in the performance 
 of this duty. Around the railing of the hatchway leading 
 
232 
 
 XOTES. 
 
 from the centre to the lower deck, were placed a number of 
 large tubs for the occasional use of the prisoners during the 
 niglit, and as general receptacles of filth. Although these 
 were indispensably necessary to us, yet they were highly 
 offensive. Nevertheless, on account of our crowded situation, 
 many of the prisoners were obliged to sleep in their immediate 
 vicinity. It was a part of tlie duty of the Working Party 
 to carry these tubs on deck, at the time when the prisoners 
 ascended in the morning, and to return them between decks 
 in the afternoon. Our beds and clothing were kept on deck, 
 until it was nearly the hour when we were to be ordered 
 below for the night. During this interval, the chests, etc., on 
 the lower decks being piled up, and the hammocks removed, 
 the decks washed and cleared of all incumbrances except the 
 poor wretches who lay in the bunks ; it was quite refreshing, 
 after the suffocating heat and foul vapours of the night, to 
 walk between decks. There was then some circulation of air 
 through the ship ; and for a few hours, our existence was, in 
 some degree, tolerable. About two hours before sunset, the 
 order was generally issued for the prisoners to carry their 
 hammocks, etc., below. After this had been done, we were 
 allowed either to retire between decks, or to remain above 
 until sunset, according to our own pleasure. Everything 
 which we could do conducive to cleanliness having then been 
 performed, if we ever felt anything like enjoyment in this 
 wretched abode, it was during this brief interval, when we 
 breathed the cool air of the approaching night, and felt the 
 
NOTES. 233 
 
 luxury of our evening pipe. But short indeed was tliis period 
 
 of repose. The working party were soon ordered to carry the 
 
 tubs below, and we prepared to descend to our gloomy and 
 
 crowded dungeons. This was no sooner done, than the gratings 
 
 were closed over the hatchways, the sentinels stationed, and 
 
 we left to sicken and pine beneath our accumulated torments, 
 
 with our guards above crying aloud, through the long night, 
 
 ' alVs well: " 
 
 Drlng^s Kecolleclions of the Jersey Prison-ship, jip. 43-92. 
 
 The following imi)romptu lines are too appropriate to omit 
 in this connection : 
 
 " In yonder ship, 'tis strange to tell, 
 Each night they cry out, ' All is well !' 
 Though sick and sad doth there abound : 
 Some with consumption, some with wound ; 
 And other evils far too long. 
 Thus to describe in transient song : 
 Then, why do they bawl, with rufBan-note, 
 And strain the lungs, and stretch the throat ; 
 When all's not well, we clearly know — 
 If well above, they're sick below .'^ 
 
 Alexander Coffin, -Je., who was a prisoner in the year 1782, 
 anil again in 1783, says : 
 
 '• I was sent on board the Jersey prison-ship, where I found 
 about 1,100 American prisoners; amongst them several of my 
 own townsmen, and all the prisoners in the most deplorable 
 situation. I soon found that every spark of humanity had tied 
 the breasts of the British officers who had charge of that float- 
 ing receptacle of human misery ; and that nothing but abuse 
 
234 NOTES. 
 
 and insult was to be expected ; fur the mildest lanf:fnage made 
 use of to the prisoners was, ' Tou damii'd Yanl-ee ;'' and the 
 most common, ' You damii'd reielliovs Yankee rancals.'' This 
 language, at length, became so familiar to our ears, however 
 insulting it was at first, that we took no more notice of it than 
 we did of the whistling of the wind passing over our heads. 
 Many of the jtrisoners, during the severity of winter, had 
 scarcely clothes sufficient to cover their nakedness, and but 
 very few enough to keep them warm. To remedy these in- 
 conveniences we were obliged to keep below, and either get 
 into our hammocks or keep in constant motion, without which 
 precautions we must have perished. But to cap the climax of 
 infamy, we were fed (if fed it might be called) with provi- 
 sions not fit for any human being to make use of — putrid beef 
 and pork, and worm-eaten bread, condemned on board their 
 ships of war, was sent on board the Jersey to feed the prison- 
 ers ; water sent from this city in a schooner called (emphati- 
 cally called) the Relief I water which I affirm, without the fear 
 of refutation, was worse than I ever had, or ever saw, on a 
 three years' voyage to the East Indies; water, the scent of 
 which would have discomposed the olfactory nerves of a Hot- 
 tentot; while within a cable's length of the ship, on Long 
 Island, there was running before our eyes, as though intended 
 to tantalize us, as fine, pure and wholesome water as any man 
 would wish to drink. The question will very naturally be 
 asked. Why, if good water was so near at hand, it was not 
 procured for us instead of bringing it, at considerable expense 
 
i»oTES.. 285 
 
 and trouble from the city? It is impossible for any one, but 
 tliose wlio h.id the direction of the business, to answer tliat 
 question satisfactorily : but the object in bringing the water 
 from New-York was to me, and the rest of tlie prisoners, as 
 self-evident as the plain and simple fact tliat two and two make 
 four: because the effects that water had on the prisoners 
 could not be concealed, and were a danniing proof why it was 
 iilled in New-York. On the upper gun deck of the Jersey, 
 hogs were kept in pens by those officers who had charge of 
 her for their own use ; they were sometimes fed with bran ; 
 the prisoners, whenever they could get an opportunity, undis- 
 covered by the sentries, would, with their tin pots, scoop the 
 bran from the trouglis and eat it, (after boiling, when there 
 was fire in the galley, which was not always the case,) with 
 seemingly as good an appetite as the hogs themselves. 
 * * * There being so many prisoners on board the Jersey, 
 and others daily arriving, two or three hundred of us were 
 sent on board the John transport, which they had converted 
 into a Prison-ship, and where the treatment we received was 
 much worse than on board the Jersey. We were subjected to 
 every insult, every injury, and every abuse that the fertile 
 genius of the British officers could invent and infiict. For 
 more than a month we were obliged to eat our scanty allow- 
 ance, bad as it was, without cooking, as no fire was allowed 
 us; and I verily believe that it was the means of hastening 
 many out of existence. One circumstance I think deserves 
 particular notice, as it was a most singular one: A young 
 
236 NOTES. 
 
 maa of the name of Bird, a native of Boston or its neighbour- 
 hood, was one evening, with others, playing at cards to pass 
 away tlic time. At about ten o'clock I retired with my 
 cousin to our hammock ; we had but just got asleep when 
 we were called by one of the card party, who requested us to 
 turn out, for that Bird was dying: we did turn out, and went 
 to where he lay, and found him in the agonies of death ; and 
 in about fifteen or twenty minutes he was a corpse. It was 
 mentioned to the sentry at the gangway that one of the pri- 
 soners was dead, and the body was soon Jiurried on deck. 
 The impression Bird's death made on our minds is still fresh 
 in ray recollection : that he was poisoned we had no doubt, 
 as his body had swelled very considerably, and two hours be- 
 fore he was, to all appearance, as well as any of us. Many, 
 shortly after, went off in the same manner, and amongst them 
 my cousin, Oliver C. Coffin. I did but just escape the same 
 fate : I was taken ill before I left tlie Prison-ship, and my legs 
 began to swell ; but being exchanged, or rather being bought 
 off, I made out to reach my father's house in a most deplorable 
 situation. I was attended in my sickness by a noted tory 
 physician, Dr. Tiipper, who declared to my motlier, that noth- 
 ing could have saved niy life but having, as he expressed him- 
 self, a constitution of iron ; for that he knew of nothing that 
 could have affected me in the manner in which I was affected 
 but poison of some kind or other. Is it possible then, after 
 all these facts, for any person to form any other opinion than 
 that there was a premeditated, organized system pursued to 
 
NOTKS. 237 
 
 destroy men whom they dare not meet t)i)enly and manl'iilly 
 as enemies, in tliat base, inlniman and cowardly manner. It 
 is an old adage, and a very true one, tliat the brave are gener- 
 ous, and tlie coward savage and cruel ; and it was never more 
 completely exemplified than in the conduct of the Britisli 
 officers in this country during the revolution. Tiieir cruelties 
 here, and in India, have become i)roverbial." 
 
 Interment of the Martyrs, p. Vi-M), and 32-34. 
 
 " No waters laded from the bubbling spriiig 
 To these dire ships these little tyrants bring — 
 Hy plank and ponderous beams completely wall'd 
 In vain for water and in vain we call'd — 
 No drop was granted to the midnight ])rayer, 
 To rebels in these regions of despair! — 
 The loathsome cask a deadly dose contains, 
 Its poison circling through the languid veins ; 
 ' Here, generous Briton, generous, as you say, 
 ' To my parch'd tongue one cooling drop convey, 
 ' Hell has no mischief like a thirsty throat, 
 ' Nor one tormentor like your David Sprout.'' 
 ****** 
 On every side dire objects met the sight, 
 And pallid forms, and murders of the night,— 
 The dead were past their pain, the living groan. 
 Nor dare to hope another morn their own. 
 
 ****** 
 Hunger and thirst, to work our woe, combine. 
 And mouldy bread and flesh of rotten swine, 
 The mangled carcase, and the batter'd brain, 
 The doctor's poison, and the captain's cane, 
 The soldier's musqnet, and the steward's debt. 
 The evening shackle, and the noon-day threat. 
 
 ****** 
 Such food they sent to make complete our woes, 
 It look'd like carrion torn from hungry crows ; 
 
238 NOTKS. 
 
 Sucli vermin vile on every joint were seen, 
 So black, corrupted, mortified and lean. 
 That once we try'd to move our flinty chief, 
 And thus address'd him, holding up tlie beef; 
 
 ' See, Captain, see ! what rotten bones we pick, 
 ' What kills the healthy, cannot cure the sick : 
 ' Not dogs on such by Christian men are fed — 
 ' And see, good master, see, what lousy bread.' 
 
 ' Your meat or bread (this man of death replied) 
 ' 'Tis not my care to manage or provide — 
 ' But this, base rebel dogs, I'd have you know, 
 ' That better than you merit we bestow : 
 ' Out of my sight !' — nor more he deign'd to say, 
 But whisk'd about, and frowning, strode away." 
 
 Freneau. 
 
 (.,3) There wore at this time two Hospital-ships lying near 
 the Jersey, one of which was the Scorpion, and the other the 
 Stkomhoi.o. They were used for the reception of the sick 
 from the prison-ship, and of the many nnfortunate heings wlio 
 entered those vessels as patients, but very few ever left them 
 alive. There was also another hulk lying at a short distance 
 from the Jersey, named tlie Hunter, which Ca])t. Dring, to 
 whom we have before referred, thinks was used as a store- 
 ship and depot for the Medical department. 
 
 The Scorpion was originally a sloop of war, and had mounted 
 14 gims. In 1750 she was at the reduction of (Quebec, under 
 Saunders, and in 1VT2, was on duty in the Mediterranean. In 
 the following year, she was under tlie orders of lion. G. K. 
 Eli)hinston. In IT^ti, she was coinmunded by John Tolle- 
 niache ; in the year following, she composed one of Lord 
 
NOTKS. 289 
 
 Howe's licet in America, and in 1770, kIic was one of the 
 S(iiia(lron of Sir (Jeorge Collier, that anchored off New Haven, 
 Conn., and burnt tlie towns of Fairfield, Norwalk and Green- 
 Held. In 1780 she was used as a prison- sliip, and lay in the 
 Nortli river. Among those who were confined in her at that 
 time, amounting to about oUO, was the celebrated I'hilii) 
 Frencau, who has left us a poetical account of his treatment 
 and sufferings while a prisoner. On the 0th December of 
 tljat year, she was ofiered for sale by the Naval Store- 
 keeper at New York, but found no [jurchaser. She was 
 soon after fitted up as a hosi)ital-ship, and moved to the 
 Wallabout, where she was used in that capacity to the end 
 of the war. 
 
 The Stuomboi.o was originally a fire-ship. In the year 1751J, 
 she was commanded l)y Richard Smith, and was at the siege 
 of Quebec. In 1703 she was under the orders of W. Pattison, 
 and was on duty in the Mediterranean. She came to America 
 in 1770, in the fleet of Conuuodore William Ilotham, and in 
 company with the Jersey hospital-ship, then so called. In 
 1777 she was commanded by James Reid, and in 1778 by 
 Richard Apliii. In the latter year she was in the fleet of 
 Lord Howe, ofi" the coast of Rhode Island, in presence of the 
 French fleet. She was afterwards stationed in the North 
 river, and used as a prison-ship. She was under the com- 
 mand of Jeremiah Downer from Aug. 21st to Dec. loth, 1780, 
 during which time she liad never less than 1.50 prisoners on 
 board, and frequently over 200. 
 
240 NOTES. 
 
 Silas Talbot gives the following incident as occurring on board 
 this vessel, while she was used as a prison-ship : 
 
 "The prisoners confined on board the Stroiribolo prison- 
 ship, anchored in the North river, having been irritated by 
 their ill treatment to rise one night on the guard, the com- 
 mander being on shore, several, in attempting to escape, were 
 either killed or wounded. The captain got on board just as 
 the fray was quelled, when a poor fellow lying on deck, 
 bleeding, and almost exhausted by a mortal wound, called him 
 by name, and begged of him, \for GocVs saJce, a little water, 
 for he was dying P The captain applied a light to his face, 
 and directly exclaimed — ' What ! is it you, d — n you ? — /'m 
 glad you'' re shot ! — If I hnew the man that shot you, Pd give 
 him a guinea! — Take that, you d — d rebel rascal P — and 
 instantly dashed his foot in the face of the dying man! !" 
 
 Historical Sketch of the Life of Silas Talbot, p. 127. 
 
 On the 6th December, 1780, the Strombolo was advertised 
 for sale, but no purchaser appeared. Soon after this, she was 
 fitted up as a hospital-ship, and moved to the Wallabout, 
 where she was used as such to the close of the war. 
 
 The HuNTEK was originally a sloop of war, mounting ten 
 guns, and had a pink-colored stern. In 1764 she was com- 
 manded by John Henshaw, and in 1774 by .Jeremiah Morgan. 
 On the 6th Dec, 1780, she was advertised for sale by the 
 Naval Store-keeper, but no purchaser was found. She then 
 lay in the North river. She was subsequently moved to the 
 Wallabout, where she was in service as before mentioned. 
 
NOTES. 241 
 
 Tlie following is a copy of the advertisement of the sale 
 of these hulks, to which we have referred : 
 
 " Naval Store-keeper's Office, Dec. 4, 1780. 
 
 "VTOTICE is hereby given, that on Wednesday, the 13th instant, will 
 be offered for sale at this office at twelve o'clock, the Hulls of 
 his Majesty's sloops the SCORPION and HUNTER, and of the 
 STROMBOLO fire ship, now lying in the North River. 
 
 WIL. FOWLER." 
 Rivington's Royal Gazette, Wed., Dec. 6, 1780. 
 
 There were, during the Revolution, otlier vessels at d liferent 
 times used as prison-ships and hospital-ships, in addition to 
 these, such as the Whitby, Frederick, Glasgow, Prince of 
 Wales, Falmouth, Good Intent, Hope, Chatham, Kitty, John, 
 Scheldt, Clyde, and others, but as they do not properly come 
 under our notice at this time, we must pass them by, with 
 this mere mention of their names. 
 
 In order that the reader may form some idea of the treat- 
 ment on board the hospital-ships, and the sufferings and 
 deaths therein, we append the following extracts, to which 
 we invite attention. The scenes occurring in one or two of 
 these vessels, may be taken as a fair example of what took 
 place in all : 
 
 Philip Freneau (who was on board the Scorpion in 1780,) thus 
 speaks of her : 
 
 " Thou, Scorpion, fatal to thy crowded throng, 
 Dire theme of horror and Plutonian song, 
 Requir'st my lay— thy sultry decks I know. 
 And all the torments that exist below ! 
 The briny wave that Hudson's bosom fills 
 
242 KOTES. 
 
 • ' Drain'd through Iier bottom iu a thousand rills : 
 
 Rotten and old, replete with sighs and groans, 
 Scarce on the waters she sustain'd her bones ; 
 Here, doom'd to toil, or founder in the tide, 
 At the moist pumps incessantly we ply'd, 
 Here, doom'd to starve, like famish'd dogs, we tore 
 The scant allowance that our tyrants bore. 
 
 ****** ; 
 
 O may I ne'er review these dire abodes. 
 
 These piles for slaughter, floating on the floods, — 
 
 And you, that o'er the troubled ocean go. 
 
 Strike not your standards to this venom' d foe : 
 
 Better the greedy wave should swallow all, 
 
 Better to meet the death-conducting ball. 
 
 Better to sleep on ocean's oozy bed, 
 
 At once destroy'd and number'd with the dead. 
 
 Than thus to perish in the face of day, 
 
 Where twice ten thousand deaths one death delay." 
 
 John Van Dyk, (who was on board the Hunter in 1780,) says: 
 *' From the Jersey Prison shi]), eighty of us were taken to 
 the pink stern sloop of war Hunter, Capt. Thomas Henderson, 
 commander ; we were taken there in a large ship's long boat, 
 towed by a ten-oar barge, and one other barge with a guard 
 of soldiers in the rear to guard the prisoners. On board tlie 
 ship Hunter we drew one-third allowance, and every Monday 
 we received a loaf of wet bread, weighing seven pounds for 
 each man — this loaf was from Mr. John Pintard's father, of 
 New York, the American Commissary — and this bread, with 
 the two-thirds, allowance of provisions, we found sufficient to 
 live on. After we were on board tiie Hunter for some time, 
 Mr. David Sproat, the British commissary of prisoners, came 
 on board ; all the prisoners were ordered aft — the roll was 
 
NOTES. 243 
 
 called, and as each man passed hitii, Mr. Sproat would ask, 
 'Are you a seainau ?' The answer w'as Landsman — Lands- 
 man. There were ten landsmen to one answer of half seaman. 
 AVhen the roll was tinished, Mr. Sfiroat said to our sea officers, 
 ' Gentlemen, how do you make out at sea, for the most of you 
 are landsmen?' Our officers answered, ' You hear often how 
 we make out — w^hen we meet onr force, or rather more than 
 our force, we give a good account of them.' Mr. Spi'oat 
 asked, 'And are not your vessels better manned than these?' 
 Our officers rejdied, 'Mr. Sproat, we are the best manned out 
 of the port of Philadelphia.' Mr. Sproat shrugged his shoul- 
 ders, saying, ' I cannot see how you do it.' " 
 
 Catt. Thomas Drixg, whom we have before qnotetl. says: 
 "The three IIos])ital ships. Scorpion, Strombolo, and Iluutei-) 
 were used for the reception of the sick from the princi|)al 
 hulk. The .Jersey, at length, became so crowded, and the 
 mortality on board her increased so rapidly, tjiat sufficient 
 room could not be found on board the Hospital ships, for their 
 reception. T'nder these dreadful circumstances, it was deter- 
 mined to pre])are a part of the upper deck of the -Jersey, for 
 the reception of the sick from between decks. Bunks were 
 therefore erected on the after part of the upper deck, on the 
 larboard side, where tliose who felt the symptoms of approach- 
 ing sickness, could lie down, in order to be femnd by the 
 Nurses as soon as possible ; and be thereby also prevented 
 from being trampled upon by the other prisoners; to which 
 
24-4 NOTES. 
 
 they were continually liable while lying on the deck. I have 
 stated that the number of the Hospital ships was three. One 
 of them, however, was used rather as a store-shi^) and depot 
 for the medical department ; and as a station for the Doctor's 
 Mates and boat's crews attending the whole. — This ship 
 was, I think, the Hunter. I never was on board either of the 
 Hospital ships; and could never learn many particulars in rela- 
 tion to the treatment of the sufferers on board them ; for but 
 few ever returned from their recesses, to the Jersey. I knew 
 but three such instances during the whole period of my 
 imprisonment. But I could form some idea of the interior of 
 the Hospital ships, from viewing their outward appearance, 
 which was disgusting in the highest degree. Knowing, as we 
 did, from whence their wretched inmates had been taken, the 
 sight of these vessels was terrible to us, and their appearance 
 more shocking than that of our own miserable liulk. But 
 whatever might be our sensations on viewing the Hospital 
 ships, they were, undoubtedly, in many respects, preferable to 
 the Jersey. They were not so crowded, and of course afforded 
 more room for breathing. They were furnished with awn- 
 ings, and provided with a wind- sail to each hatchway, for the 
 purpose of conducting the fresh air between decks, where the 
 sick were placed. And, more than all, the hatchways were 
 left open during the night; as our kind keepers were under no 
 apprehensions of danger from the feeble and helpless wretches 
 who were there deposited. When communication between 
 the ships was required, or anything wanted ; it was made 
 
NOTES. 245 
 
 known bj signals, which were promptly attended to by the 
 boats from the Hunter. Our condition caused our keepers 
 much labour; and furnished employment, which to some of 
 them was far from being agreeable. There were on board the 
 Jersey, among the prisoners, about half a dozen men, known 
 by the appellation of 'Nurses.'' I never learnt by whom they 
 were appointed, or whether they had any regular appointment 
 at all. But one fact I well knew ; they were all thieves. They 
 were, however, sometimes useful in assisting the sick to ascend 
 from below, to the gangway on the upper deck, to be exaiiiined 
 by the visiting Surgeon, who attended from the Hunter, every 
 day, (when the weather was good.) M a sick man was pro- 
 nounced by the Surgeon, to be a proper subject for one of the 
 Hospital ships, he was forthwith put into the boat in wairing 
 alongside; but not without the loss or detention of all his 
 effects, if he had any ; as these were at once taken into posses- 
 sion by the Nurses, as their own property. 1 will here relate 
 an incident ; not on account of its extreme aggravation ; but 
 because it occurred immediately under my own eye; which 
 will shew in some degree, the kind of treatment which was 
 given by these Nurses to the poor, weak and dying men who 
 were left to their care; and wiio were about to be transported 
 to a Hospital ship, and, in all probability, in a few hours, to 
 the sand bank on the shore. I had found Mi-. Robert Carver, 
 our Gunner while on board the C'liance, sick in one of the 
 bunks where those retired who wished to be removed. He 
 was without a bed or pillow ; and had put on all the wearing 
 
246 NOTES. 
 
 iipparel wbich he possessed, wishing to preserve it, and heing 
 sensible of liis situation. I found him sitting upright in the 
 hunk, witii his great coat on over tlie rest of his garments, 
 and liis liat between his knees. The weather was excessively 
 hot ; and in the place where he laj^, the heat was overpower- 
 ing. I at once saw that he was delirious; a sure presage that 
 his end was near. 1 took oil' his great coat, and having folded 
 and placed it under his head for a pillow, 1 laid him down 
 upon it, and went imirfediately to prepare him some tea. I 
 was absent but a few minutes; and on returning, met one of 
 the thievish N'urses, with Carver's great coat in his hand. On 
 ordering him to return it, his only reply was, that it was a 
 perquisite of the Nurses, and the only one they had : that the 
 man was dying; and the garment could be of no further use to 
 him. I however took possession of the coat; and on my 
 liberation, returned it to the family of the owner. Mr. Carver 
 soon after expired where he lay. We procured a blanket ; in 
 which we wrapped his body, which was thus prepared for 
 interment. Others of the crew of the Chance had died pre- 
 vious to that time. Mr. Carver was a man of strong and robust 
 constitution. Such men were subject to the most violent at- 
 tacks of the fever; and were, also, its most certain victims. 
 1 attach no blame to our keepers, in regard to the thievish 
 liabits of the Nurses, over whom they had no control. I have 
 merely related this incident for the purpose of more clearly 
 showing to what a state of wretchedness we were reduced." 
 Driii(i;'.i R. collections of the Jersey Prison-ship, p. 70-75. 
 
NOTES, 24Y 
 
 Andrew Sherbtjrxe, who was a prisoaer on board a hospital- 
 ship, givos the following account of his experience : 
 
 " Some tiiiie iu Jaauary, 1783, 1 was taken sick, and sent on 
 board one of the hospital ships. This circumstance occasioned 
 a distressing scene, both to myself and my uncle. My money 
 was entirely gone; my uncle liad yet a few dollars; 1 tliink he 
 gave me a dollar or two, and we parted, witli little expecta- 
 tion of ever meeting again. The ship on which I entered was 
 called the Frederick, and was very much crowded; so that two 
 men were obliged to lie in one bunk. I was put into a bunk 
 with a young man whose name was Wills; he belonged to 
 Ipswich, in Massachusetts. The bunk sat fore and aft, directly 
 under the ballast port, opposite the main hatchway. Wills 
 was a very pleasant young man, of a serious turn, and was 
 persuaded he should not live. At this time my mind was 
 very fluctuating, and occasionally deranged. My bed-fellow 
 was running down very fast; but I was not, at that time, 
 aware of it. We were obliged, occasionally, to lay athwart 
 each other, for want of room : and I found the poor fellow 
 very obliging and acconnnodating. He appeared to have his 
 reason until he was speechless, and finally died, stretched 
 across me. The death of a man in that jjlace, and at that 
 time, excited but little notice ; for a day did not pass without 
 more or less deaths. I have seen seven dead men drawn out 
 and piled together on the lower hatchway, who had died in 
 one night on board the Frederick. There were perhaps ten 
 or twelve nurses belonging to this ship, and I should say there 
 
248 NOTKS. 
 
 were about one hundred sick : the nurses lived in the steerage, 
 and whatever property or clothing the deceased left, fell into 
 their hands. If the deceased had only a good head of hair, it 
 was taken oft* by the nurses and sold. The depravity of the 
 human heart was probably as fully exhibited in those nurses, 
 as in any other class of men. Some, if not all of them, were 
 prisoners; and I believe they had some compensation from the 
 British government for their services. They could indulge in 
 playing cards, and drinking, while their fellows were thirsting 
 for water, and some dying. There were more or less of them 
 among the sick the greater part of the day ; but at night the 
 hatches were shut down and locked, and there was not the 
 least attention paid to the sick or dying, except what could be 
 done by the convalescent, who were so frequently called upon, 
 that in many cases they overdid themselves, relapsed and died. 
 After Mr. "Wills, my bed-fellow, was dead ; I called to the 
 nnrses to take him away, as he lay partly across me, and I 
 could not relieve myself: but they gave me very hard words, 
 and let the dead man lay upon me half an hour before they 
 removed him ; and it was a great favor to me that they did 
 not take away the blankets that was under us. I had now 
 two blankets left me, a great coat, and a little straw within a 
 sack, under me ; but even with these, I suffered extremely 
 with the cold. I have frequently toiled the greatest part of 
 the night, in rubbing my feet and legs to keep them from 
 freezing; and while I was employed with one, it seemed as if 
 the other must absolutely freeze. I must then draw up the 
 
NOTK8. 249 
 
 coklest uiid rub upon that ; iiiid tlms alternately work upon 
 the one and tlie otlier, for hours togetlier : I was sometimes 
 inclined to abandon them to their fate, but after a while I 
 would feel excited to bestow a little more labour upon them. 
 In consequence of those chills, I have been obliged to wear a 
 laced stocking upon my left leg for nearly thirty years past. 
 My bunk was directly against the ballast jjort ; and the port 
 not being caulked, when there came a snow storm, the snow 
 would blow througli the seams upon my bed. In one instance, 
 in the morning, the snow was three or four inches deep upon 
 my bed; but in those cases there was one advantage to me; 
 when I could not otherwise procure water to quench my 
 thirst. The provision allowed the sick, was a gill of wine, and 
 twelve ounces of flour bread per day. The wine was of an 
 ordinary quality, and the bread nuide of sour or musty flour, 
 and- sometimes poorly baked. There was a small sheet-iron 
 stove between decks, but the fuel was green, and not i)lenty ; 
 and there were some peevish and surly fellows generally about 
 it. I never got an opportunity to set by it; but I could 
 generally get the favor of some one near it to lay a slice of 
 bread upon it, to warm or toast a little, to put into my wine 
 and w'ater. We sometimes failed in getting out- wine for 
 several days together : we had the promise of its being made 
 up to us, but this promise was seldom performed. With the 
 money which my uncle gave me, I sent ashore by one of the 
 nurses, and bought a tin pint cup, a spoon, a few oranges, 
 and a pound or two of sugar ; but I question whether I got 
 
250 NOTKS. 
 
 the worth of mj^ inonej'. The cup, however, was of infinite 
 service to me. Wc were always careful to procure our cups 
 full of water before the hatches were shut down at night; but 
 tliere was frequently a difficulty attending this: the water was 
 brought on board in casks, by the working party, and when it 
 was very cold, it would freeze in the casks, and it would be 
 difficult to get it out. The nurses liad their hands full of 
 employment generally by day, and often depended on the con- 
 valescent to serve the sick witli water. At the close of the 
 day, a man would sometimes have half a dozen calling upon 
 him at the same time, begging to be supplied. I was fre- 
 quently under the necessity of pleading liard to get my cup 
 filled. I covild not eat my bread, but gave it to those who 
 brought me water. I have given three days' allowance to 
 have one tin cup of water brought to me. I was under the 
 necessity of using tlie strictest economy witli my cup of 
 water; restricting myself to drink such a number of swallows 
 at a time, and make them very small : my thirst was so 
 extreme, that I would sometimes overrun my number. I 
 became so habituated to number my swallows, that for years 
 afterwards I continued the habit, and even to this day I fre- 
 quently involuntarily number my swallows. There was one 
 circumstance which I must by no means forget. A company 
 of the good citizens of Xew York, supplied all the sick with a 
 pint of good Bohea Tea, (well sweetened with molasses,) a day, 
 and this was constant. I believe this tea, under God's i^rovi- 
 dence, saved my life, and the lives of hundreds of others. 
 
KOTE8. 251 
 
 There was no person of ray acquaintance on board this ship ; 
 some of our crew had gone on board some other hospital ship 
 before I left the Jersey. In the first of my sickness I was 
 delirious a considerable part of the time. I am not able to 
 say what my sickness might be denominated ; at any rate, it 
 was severe. The physicians used to visit the ship once in 
 several days: their stay was short, nor did tliey administer 
 much medicine. Were I able to give a full description of our 
 wretched and filthy condition, I should almost question 
 whether it would be credited. * * * jt ^-as God's good 
 pleasure to raise me up once more, so that I could just make 
 out to walk, and I was again returned to the Jersey prison 
 ship. * * * In a few days, there came orders to remove 
 all the prisoners from the Jersey, on board of transports, in 
 order to cleanse the ship. We were all removed, and directly 
 there came on a heavy storm. The ship on which I went on 
 board, was exceedingly crowded, so that there was not room 
 for each man to lay down under deck, and the passing and 
 repassing by day, had made the lower deck entirely wet. Our 
 condition was absolutely distressing. After a few days we 
 were all put on board the Jersey again. A large number had 
 taken violent colds, myself among the rest. The hospital 
 ships were soon crowded ; and even the Jersey herself shortly 
 became about as much of a hospital ship as the others. In a 
 day or two after my return to the Jersey, I was sent off again 
 on board an hospital ship, (lier name I have forgotten,) and on 
 descending the main hatchway, the first person I noticed was 
 
252 NOTES. 
 
 jjiy uncle Weymoutli. We were in some sense rejoiced in 
 meeting each other once more. We could indeed sympathize 
 with each other in some degree, but our situation seemed very 
 precarious. My uncle was very low spirited, but he was 
 favored with his reason ; and it pleased God to continue my 
 reason while I remained on board this ship. lu the space of a 
 week, my uncle began slowly to amend ; he had a most excel- 
 lent head of hair, but it had become so tangled, that he 
 despaired of clearing it, and gave it to a nurse for cutting 
 it off. While on board this ship, I had some trying scenes to 
 pass. A man who lay next me had been a nurse, but was 
 taken sick, and had had his feet, and even his legs, frozen. I 
 had several times seen them dressed : at length, while they 
 were dressing Ins feet, I saw the toes and bottom of his feet 
 cleave oif from the bone, and hang down by the heel. On 
 board this ship, I found John and Abraham Hall, who were 
 brothers. John was about twenty-three and had a wife, 
 Abraham was about sixteen, they were both of our crew, 
 and were very sick. They lay at some distance from me ; I 
 could not go to see them, nor could they come to see me, 
 they lay togetlier. One night Abraham made a great outcry 
 against John, requesting him to get otf from him. Some of 
 tlie men who were near, swore hard at John, for thus laying 
 on his brother. John made no reply : when the morning 
 came, John was found dead, and Abraham but just alive ; I 
 believe he died the same day. Finally, there were but five 
 out of thirteen of our crew who returned. The remainder 
 
KOTKS. 253 
 
 left their bones there. I believe that a much larger proportion 
 
 of some other crews died than of ours. * * * While I was 
 
 confined with my uncle, on board the second hospital sliip, we 
 
 had intelligence of peace." 
 
 Memoirs of Andrew Sheibumc, 1st ed., pp. 110-113. 
 Med., pp. 11^-116. 
 
 The following extract, with which we conclude this note, 
 will give a good idea of the character and i)rofessional qualifi- 
 cations of the physicians who attended the sick : 
 
 " From Brooklyn heights a Hessian doctor came, 
 Not great his skill, nor greater much his fame ; 
 Fair Science never call'd the wretch her son, 
 And Art disdain'd the stupid man to own. 
 ****** 
 
 He on his charge the healing work begun 
 With antimonial mixtures, by the ton. 
 Ten minutes was the time he deign'd to stay. 
 The time of grace allotted once a day — 
 He drench'd us well with bitter drauglits 'tis true, 
 Nostrums from hell, and cortex from Peru — 
 Some with his pills he sent to Pluto's reign. 
 And some lie blister'd with his flies of Spain ; 
 His Tartar doses walk'd their deadly round. 
 Till the lean patient at the potion frown'd, 
 And swore that hemlock, death, or what you will. 
 Were nonsense to the drugs that stuff'd his bill — 
 On those refusing, he bestow'd a kick, 
 Or menac'd vengeance with his walking stick : — 
 Here, uncontroul'd he exercis'd his trade. 
 And grew experienc'd by the deaths he made.'' 
 
 Freneau. 
 
 (it) Although it is conceded that the mortality on board 
 the Jersey was frightful in the extreme, yet it is impossible to 
 
254 NOTES. 
 
 arrive, with any degree of certainty, at or near the correct 
 number of her victims. Some accounts have estimated it at 
 about 11,500; but this, no doubt, is exaggerated, or perhaps 
 intended for the sum total of those who perished on board all 
 the prison-sliips and hospital-ships. 
 
 Thomas Andros, (a prisoner in the fall of 1781,) in speaking of the 
 sickness and deaths on board the Jersey, says : 
 
 " When I first became an inmate of this abode of suffering, 
 despair and death, there were about four hundred prisoners on 
 board, but in a short time they amounted to twelve hundred. 
 And in proportion to our numbers, the mortality increased. 
 All the most deadly diseases were pressed into the service of 
 the king of terrors, but his prime ministers were dysentery, 
 small-pox, and yellow fever. There were two hospital ships 
 near to the Old Jersey, but these were soon so crowded with 
 the sick, that they could receive no more. The consequence 
 was, that the diseased and the healthy were mingled together 
 in the main ship. In a short time we had two hundred or 
 more sick and dying, lodged in the fore part of the lower gun- 
 deck, where all the prisoners were confined at night. Utter 
 derangement was a common symptom of yellow fever, and to 
 increase the horror of the darkness that shrouded us, (for we 
 were allowed no light betwixt decks,) the voice of warning 
 would be heard, ' Take heed to yourselves. There is a mad- 
 man stalking through the ship, with a knife in his hand.' I 
 sometimes found the man a corpse in the morning, by whose 
 
NOTES. 255 
 
 side I laid myself down at night. At another time he would 
 become deranged, and attempt, in darkness, to rise and stumble 
 over the bodies that everywliere covered the deck. In this 
 case I had to hold him in his place by main strength. In 
 spite of my efforts, he would sometimes rise, and then I had 
 to close in with him, trip up his heels, and lay him again upon 
 the deck. While so many were sick with raging fever, there 
 was a loud cry for water, but none could be had except on the 
 upper deck, and but one allowed to ascend at a time. The 
 suffering then from the rage of thirst during the night was 
 very great. Nov was it at all times safe to attempt to go up. 
 Provoked by the continual cry for leave to ascend, when there 
 was already one on deck, the sentry would push them back 
 with his bayonet. By one of these thrusts, which was more 
 spiteful and violent than common, I had a narrow escape of 
 my life. In the morning the hatchways were thrown open 
 and we were allowed to ascend, all at once, and remain on the 
 upper deck during the day. But the first object that met our 
 view in the morning, was a most appalling spectacle. A boat 
 loaded with dead bodies, conveying them to the Long-Island 
 
 shore, where they were very slightly covered with sand. * * * 
 There were, probably, four hundred on board, who had never 
 had the small-pox-some, perhaps, might have been saved by 
 inoculation. But humanity was wanting, to try even this 
 experiment.-Let our disease be what it would, we were 
 abandoned to our fate. Now and then an American physician 
 was brought in as a captive, but if he could obtain his parole. 
 
256 NOTKS. 
 
 he left the ship, nor could we much blame him for this. For 
 his own death was next to certain, and his success in saving 
 others by medicine in our situation was small. I remember 
 only two American physicians who tarried on board a few 
 days. No English Physician, or any one from the city, ever, 
 to my knowledge, came near us. There were thirteen of the 
 crew, to which I belonged, but in a short time, all but three 
 or four were dead. The most healthy and vigorous were first 
 seized with the fever, and died in a few hours. For them 
 there seemed to be no mercy. My constitution was less mus- 
 cular and plethoric, and I escaped the fever longer than any 
 of the thirteen, except one, and the first onset was less violent. 
 There is one palliating circumstance as to tiie inhumanity of 
 the British, which ought to be mentioned. The prisoners 
 were furnished with buckets and brushes to cleanse the ship, 
 and with vinegar to sprinkle her inside. But. their indolence 
 and despair were such, that they would not use them, or but 
 rarely. And, indeed, at this time, encouragement to do so 
 was small. For the whole ship, from her keel to the tafferel, 
 was equally afi*ected, and contained pestilence sufficient to 
 desolate a world ; disease and death were wrought into her 
 very timbers. At the time I left, it is presumed a more 
 filthy, contagious, and deadly abode for human beings, never 
 existed among a Christianized people. It fell but little short 
 of the Black Ilole at Calcutta. Death was more lingering, 
 but almost equally certain. The lower hold and the orlop 
 deck were such a terror, that no man would venture down 
 
NOTKS. 257 
 
 into them. - * * As to religion, I do not remember of 
 beholding any trace of it in the ship. I saw no Bible-heard 
 no prayer,-no religious conversation, -no clergyman visited 
 us, though no set of afflicted and dying men more needed the 
 light and consolations of religion." 
 
 Old Jersey Captive, pages 12-19. 
 
 Silas Talbot, (who was a prisoner in the fall of 1780,) iu speak- 
 •n- of the Jersey, and the sickness and deaths therein, says : 
 
 "All her ports were close shut and secured, which effectu- 
 ally prevented any current of fresh air between decks, where 
 the prisoners were all shut down from sun-set to sun-rise, and 
 during these melancholy hours, all access to, or intercourse 
 with, the upper deck was prohibited. She had a guard on 
 board, which were forbidden, on pain of severe punishment, 
 to relieve the wants of any distressed prisoner; and was 
 anchored in a solitary nook, called the Wallabout. * * * 
 There were confined, at this time, in this much-dreaded hulk, 
 about eleven hundred prisoners. No berths were constructed 
 for them to lie down in, nor a bench to sit upon. Many were 
 almost without cloaths. The dysentery, fever, phrenzy, and 
 despair, prevailed among them, and filled the place with filth, 
 disgust and horror. The scantiness of the allowance, the bad 
 quality of the provisions, the brutality of the guards, and the 
 sick, pining for comforts they could not obtain, altogether 
 furnished continually one of the greatest scenes of human dis- 
 tress and misery ever beiield. It was now the middle of 
 October, and the weather was cool and clear, with frosty 
 
258 NOTES. 
 
 nights, so that the number of deaths per day were reduced, 
 while captain Talbot was on board, to an average of teii ; and 
 this number was considered by the survivors but a small one, 
 when compared with the terrible mortality that had prevailed 
 in the ship for three months before. The human bones and 
 skulls, yet bleaching on the shore of Long Island, and daily 
 exposed, by the falling down of the high bank on which the 
 prisoners were buried, is a shocking sight, and manifestly 
 demonstrates that the Jersey prison-ship had been as destruc- 
 tive as a field of battle." 
 
 Hist. Sketch of the Life of Silas Talbot, pp. 107-110. 
 
 The following extracts have a bearing upon this subject, 
 and will be found interesting : 
 
 TTTHEREAS HARRIOT ARBUTHNOT, Esquire, Vice Admiral of 
 
 the Blue and Commander in Chief of his Majesty's Ships and 
 
 Vessels employed and to Vje employed in North America, &c. &c. &c. 
 
 has appointed me Commissary General for Naval Prisoners in North 
 
 America, I do hereby direct all Captains, Commanders, Masters, and 
 
 prize masters of vessels, who shall bring naval prisoners into this 
 
 port, that they (immediately on their arrival) send them on board 
 
 the prison ship appointed for their reception, and report the same at 
 
 my ofiSce. 
 
 DAVID SPROAT, 
 
 Commissary-General of Naval Prisoners. 
 
 N.B. Naval prisoners out on parole in the city or on Long-Island, are 
 desired to send a note to the ofBce, informing me of the place of their 
 residence, in order that I may have it in my power to acquaint them 
 when their exchange shall take place. 
 
 New-York, 20 October, 1779. 
 
 Rivington, December i, 1779. 
 
NOTKS. 259 
 
 T DO hereby direct all Captains, Comman(ier.s, Afasters, and Prize 
 Masters of ships and other vessels, who bring naval prisoners into 
 
 this port, immediately after their arrival to send a list of their names 
 
 to this office, No. 33, in Maiden Lane, where they will receive an order 
 
 how to dispose of them. 
 
 DAVID SPROAT, 
 New- York, April 28, 1780. Commissary-General N. P. 
 
 Rivington, Sat. ApiHl 29, 1780. 
 
 TT7"HEREAS it is found by experience, that indiilgencies shewn to 
 prisoners have often been abused by them, and favored making 
 their escape.— I do therefore require all Captains, Commanders, Masters 
 and Prize Masters belonging to the Royal Navy, and private vessels 
 of war who shall bring naval prisoners into this port ; not to allow any 
 of them to come on shore on any promise or pretence whatsoever, but 
 immediately after their arrival to cause a report of them to be made at 
 the Commissary's Office No. 33 Maiden Lane where they will be directed 
 how to dispose of them— And if notwithstanding some may escape 
 while in charge of the captors or afterwards from on board the prison 
 ships— the person found harboring or concealing them, may depend 
 upon being proceeded against according to the Commandant's procla- 
 mation. 
 
 DAVID SPROAT, 
 New-York, 8th Dec. 1781. Commissary General for 
 
 Naval Prisoners. 
 Rivington, Sat. Dec. 8, 1781. 
 
 " New-Haven, January 8. 
 
 Last Wednesday a Flag of Truce vessel arrived at 
 Milford, after a tedious passage of several days, having upwards of 200 
 American prisoners, whose rueful countenances too well discovered 
 the ill treatment they received whilst they were prisoners in New York; 
 twenty of these unfortunate people died on the passage, and twenty 
 have died since they landed at Milford." 
 
 New Hampshire Gazette, Jan. 21, 1777. 
 
260 NOTES. 
 
 " Providence, April 19. 
 
 A gentleman from the Westward informs that the 
 enemy at New York continued to treat the American prisoners with 
 great barbarity. Their allowance to each man for 3 days is 1 lb. of 
 beef, 3 worm eaten musty biscuits, and a quart of salt water : the meat 
 they are obliged to eat raw, as they have not the smallest allowance of 
 fuel. Owing to this more than savage cruelty, the prisoners die fast, 
 and in the small space of three weeks (during the winter) no less than 
 700 brave men have perished. Nothing short of Retaliation will com- 
 pel these British Barbarians to respect the law of nations." 
 
 JVew Hampshire Gazette, April 2G, 1777. 
 
 * * * •' A cartel vessel lately carried about one hundred and thirty 
 American prisoners from the prison ships in New York to New London, 
 in Connecticut. Such was the condition in which these poor creatures 
 were put on board the cartel, that in that short run, sixteen died on 
 board ; upwards of sixty, when they landed, were scarcely able to 
 move, and the remainder greatly emaciated and enfeebled ; and 
 many who continue alive, are never likely to recover their former 
 health." * * * 
 
 New Hamp. Gazette, Feb. 9, 1779. 
 
 Extract from a letter written by a captain of an American privateer while on 
 board a prison ship in New York ; 
 
 * * * " It is very sickly here — one third of my crew is sick, and all 
 the rest are likely to be so. There is not more than one in five that 
 recovers. * * * There is now 200 out of 6, suffering the pains of 
 this sickness, and it's daily increasing. * * * i am now in the lim- 
 boes, in the midst of filth and vermin.'' 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, Aug. 30, 1781. 
 
 " New London, August 2. 
 
 Tuesday, a flag returned here from New York, 
 which brought from the hospital ship 51 American prisoners, 2 of which 
 died on the passage, and the others are in a sickly and emaciated 
 condition." 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, Sept. 4, 1781. 
 
NOTES. 261 
 
 Extract of a letter dated on board tlio Jersey (vulgarly called Hell) Prison 
 Ship, j^ew York, August 10, 1781 : 
 
 "There is nothing but death or entering into the British service 
 before me. Our ship's company is reduced to a small number (by 
 death and entering into the British service) of 19. * * * I am not 
 able to give you even the outlines of my exile ; hut thus much I will 
 inform you that we bury 6. 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11 men in a day: we have 
 200 more sick and falling sick every day ; the sickness is the yellow 
 fever, small pox, and in short, everything else that can be men- 
 tioned. 
 
 I had almost forgot to tell you that our morning's salutation is, 
 ' Rebels ! turn out your dead !' " 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, Sept. 4, 1781. 
 
 " Xew Loxdox, May .3. 
 
 Sunday last a flag returned from New York which 
 brought 20 Americans who had been a long time on board a prison ship. 
 About one thousand of our countrymen remain in the prison ships at 
 New York, great part of whom have been under close confinement for 
 more tlian six months, and in the most deplorable condition ; many of 
 them seeing no prospect of a releasement are entering into the British 
 service to elude the contagion with which the ships are fraught.'' 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, May U, 1782. 
 
 Extract of a letter dated on board the prison-ship Jersey, at New York, 
 April 26, 1782 : 
 
 " I am sorry to write you from this miserable place : I can assure you 
 since I have been here we have had only twenty men exchanged, 
 although we are in number upwards of 700, exclusive of the sick in the 
 Hospital ships, who died like sheep ; therefore my intention is, if pos- 
 sible, to enter on board some merchant or transport ship, as it is 
 impossible for so many men to keep alive in one vessel." 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, May 21, 1782. 
 
262 NOTES. 
 
 " Providence, May 25. 
 
 Sunday last a flag of truce returned here from New 
 York, and brought a few prisoners. 
 
 We learn that 1,100 Americans were on board the prison and hospital 
 ship at New York, when the flag sailed from thence ; and that from 6 to 
 7 were generally buried every day." 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, June 18, 1782. 
 
 Salem. December 5. 
 
 A letter from .in officer, late of a privateer from this port, dated on board the 
 Jersey prison ship, New- York, November 9tli, says : 
 
 " The deplorable situation I am in cannot be expressed. The Cap- 
 tains, lieutenants and sailing masters are gone to the provost, but they 
 have only got out of the frying pan into the fire. I am left here with 
 about 700 miserable objects, eaten up with lice, and daily taking fevers, 
 
 which carry them oflf fast.'' 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, Jan. 2, 1783. 
 
 By way of retaliation on the British for the atrocious 
 cruelties intiicted upon American prisoners, the Americans, 
 in 1782, fitted up a prison-ship themselves. It was called the 
 '• Retaliation " prison-ship. It was used, however, but for a 
 short time. The following is a notice of her, taken from the 
 papers of the day : 
 
 " New London, May 24. — Last Saturday, the Retaliation prison ship 
 was safely moored in the River Thames, about a mile from the ferry, 
 for tlie reception of such British prisoners as may fall in our hands ; 
 since which about one hundred prisoners have been put on board." 
 
 Pennsylvania Packet, June 11, 1782. 
 
 The following paragraph is the source whence have 
 sprung the reports of the vast numbers who perished in the 
 prison-ships. 
 
NOTES. 263 
 
 Neither Mr. Sproat, the British Commissary, or his 
 deputy, Mr. Robert Lenox, the latter of whom lived in our 
 city for many years after the Revolution, and died here, ever 
 contradicted these reports, although they certainly had it in 
 their power by an official return of those taken, exchanged, 
 and dead, to give the true number. 
 
 No such return has ever appeared, and we may therefore 
 safely infer that the reports were true, and tliat about 11,000 
 American prisoners perished in the British prison-ships and 
 hospital-ships of the Revolution : 
 
 " Fishkill, May 18, 1V83. 
 
 To all Printers of public Newspapers, 
 Tell it to the world, and let it be published in every Newspaper 
 throughout America, Europe, Asia and Africa, to the everlasting dis- 
 grace and infamy of the British King's commanders at New York : 
 That during the late war, it is said, 11,644 American prisoners have 
 suffered death by their inhuman, cruel, savage and barbarous usage on 
 board the filthy and malignant British prison-ship, called the Jersey, 
 Ij'ing at N. Y. Britons tremble, lest the vengeance of Heaven fall on 
 your isle, for the blood of these unfortunate victims ! 
 
 AN AMERICAN." 
 
 " They died — the young — the loved, the brave. 
 
 The death barge came for them, 
 And where the seas yon crag rocks lave 
 
 Their nightly requiem. 
 They buried them all, and threw the sand 
 Unhallow'dly o'er that patriot band. 
 
 The black ship, like a demon sate, 
 
 Upon the prowling deep ; 
 From her, came fearful sounds of hate, 
 
 Till pain still'd all in sleep — 
 It was the sleep that victims take, 
 Tied, tortur'd, dying, at the stake. 
 
264 NOTES. 
 
 Yet some, the deep has now updug, 
 
 Their bones are in the sun ; 
 And whether by sword, or deadly drug, 
 
 They died — yes — one by one. 
 Was it not strange to mortal eye, 
 To see them all so strangely die ? 
 
 Are they those ancient ones, who died 
 
 For freedom, and for me ? 
 They are — they point in martyr'd pride, 
 
 To that spot upon the sea, 
 From whence came once the dying yell. 
 From out that wreck — that prison'd hell.'' 
 
 Whitman. 
 
 Tlie principal causes of the mortality oa board the "Jersey " 
 prison-ship, were : 
 
 1st. Crowding and want of ventilation. — The prisoners were 
 so crowded together, that the minimum amount of pure air 
 necessary for the healthy functions of life, was never enjoyed, 
 while, on account of the small port- holes and outlets, the cir- 
 culation w^as very limited, and as the prisoners were kept 
 confined, the surrounding atmosphere, saturated with the 
 exhalations from their bodies and lungs, was too slowly 
 replaced by that which was fresh and oxygenated. 
 
 2d. The icant of food. — The prisoners did not obtain the 
 rations required to keep them in healtlj, and what was served 
 out to them was very poor in quajity ; the meat being gene- 
 rally tainted, and the flour and bi'ead mouldy and otherwise 
 
NOTES. 265 
 
 deleterious. The water also was generally bad, and the 
 quantity often insufficient. The food was, therefore, debilita- 
 ting instead of strengthening, and was calculated to produce 
 scurvy, dysentery, and other diseases. 
 
 3d. Cleanliness. — Although buckets and brooms were al- 
 lowed the prisoners, the physical and mental prostration 
 caused by the confined air they were compelled to breathe, 
 and the nnliealthy and insufficient food they had to eat, ren- 
 dered them incapable of labor, and no regular measures were 
 taken to enforce sanitary regulations. The reaction of these 
 causes on each other increased the vigor of action of each. 
 
 4th. Miasma. — The ship was moored at the Wallabout, 
 always and to this day an unhealthy location : in the Revolu- 
 tion it Avas a low, marshy swamp, well calculated to generate 
 those miasmatic poisons which produce typhus and other low 
 forms of pestilential fevers. In addition to this, the ship itself 
 was very old and very leaky, contaminated with decomposed 
 animal and vegetable matter, and having always a large 
 amount of bilge-water in her hold, which could never be 
 entirely removed by the old-fashioned wooden pump, the only 
 one known on shipboard at that day. Miasmatic exhalations 
 were, therefore, the consequence ; all the elements for the 
 generation of the fevers, to which so many of the prisoners 
 fell victims, being present and greatly abundant. Finally, the 
 physical strength of the jirisouers being greatly reduced, they 
 were unable to meet the attack of disease ; when sick, were 
 
266 NOTES. 
 
 unattended, until beyond the power of medicine ; and when, 
 at last, medical assistance was rendered, the physicians were 
 inattentive, to say the least. 
 
 (45) The following extracts will show the manner in which 
 those who died on board the prison-ships and hospital-ships 
 were interred : 
 
 Capt. Dring, (who was present at oae of these burials,) gives 
 the following account of the proceedings : 
 
 " It has already been mentioned that one of the duties of 
 the "Working Party was, on each morning, to place the sick in 
 the bunks, and if any of the prisoners had died during the 
 night, to carry the dead bodies to the upper deck, where they 
 were laid upon the gratings. Any prisoner who could procure 
 and chose to furnish a blanket, was allowed to sew it around 
 the remains of his deceased companions. The signal being 
 made, a boat was soon seen approaching from the Hunter; 
 and if there were any dead on board the other ships, the boat 
 received them, on her way to the Jersey. The corpse was 
 laid upon a board, to which some ropes were attached as 
 straps ; as it was often the case, that bodies were sent on 
 shore for interment, before they had become sufficiently cold 
 and stiff to be lowered into the boat by a single strap. Thus 
 prepared, a tackle was attached to the board, and the remains 
 of the sufferer were hoisted over the side of the ship into the 
 boat, without further ceremony. . If several bodies were wait- 
 ing for interment, but one of them was lowered into the boat 
 
NOTES. 207 
 
 at a time, for the sake of decency. The prisoners were always 
 very anxious to be engaged in the duty of interment ; not so 
 much from a feeling of humanity or from a wish of paying 
 respect to the remains of the dead, (for to tliese feelings, they 
 had almost become strangers,) as from the desire of once more 
 placing their feet upon the land, if but for a few minutes. A 
 suflScient number of the prisoners having received permission 
 to assist in this duty, they entered the boat, accompanied by a 
 guard of soldiers, and put oflFfrom the ship. I obtained leave 
 to assist in the burial of the body of Mr. Carver ; whose death 
 was mentioned in the preceding Chapter. As this was done 
 in the ordinary mode, a relation of the circumstances attend- 
 ing it, will afford a correct idea of the general method of inter- 
 ment. After landing at a low wharf whicli had been built 
 from the shore, we first went to a small hut, which stood near 
 the wharf, and was used as a place of deposit for the hand- 
 barrows and shovels provided for these occasions. Having 
 placed the corpses on tlie hand-bairows, and received our 
 hoes and shovels, we proceeded to the side of tiie l)ank near 
 the Wallabout. Here a vacant space having been selected, we 
 were directed to dig a trench in the sand, of a proper lengtli 
 for the reception of the bodies. We continued our labour 
 until our guards considered tliat a sufficient space had been 
 excavated. The corpses were then laid into the trench, with- 
 out ceremony; and we tlirevv the sand over them. The whole 
 appeared to produce no luore effect upon our guards, than if 
 we were burying the bodies of dead animals instead of men. 
 
268 NOTKS. 
 
 Tliey scarcely allowed us time to look about us; for no sooner 
 had we heaped the earth above the trench, than the order was 
 given, to march. But a single glance was sufficient to show 
 us parts of many bodies which were exposed to view; although 
 tliey had probably been placed there, with the same mockery 
 of interment, but a few days before. Having thus performed, 
 as well as we were permitted to do it, the last duty to the 
 dead, and tlie guards having stationed themselves on each side 
 of us, we began reluctantly to retrace our steps to the boat. 
 We had enjoyed the pleasure of breathing, for a few moments, 
 the air of our native soil ; and the thought of returning to the 
 crowded prison-ship, was terrible in the extreme. As we 
 passed by the water's side, we implored our guards to allow 
 us to bathe, or even to wash ourselves for a few minutes ; 
 but this vvas refused us. I was the only prisoner of our party 
 who wore a pair of shoes ; and well recollect the circumstance, 
 that I took them from my feet, for the pleasure of feeling the 
 earth, or rather the sand as I went along. It was a high 
 gratification to us to bury our feet in the saud, and to shove 
 them tlirough it, as we passed on our way. We went by a 
 small patch of turf, some pieces of which we tore up from the 
 earth ; and obtained permission to carry them on board, for 
 our comrades to smell them. Circumstances like these may 
 appear trifling to the careless reader ; but let him be assured 
 that they were far from being trifles to men situated as we 
 hud been. The inflictions which we had endured ; the duty 
 wliicli wc luid just performed ; the feeling that we must in a 
 
NOTKS. 
 
 2(>0 
 
 few minutes re-enter our place of sutfering, from which in all 
 probability, we should never return alive, all tended to render 
 everything connected with the firm land beneath, and tiie 
 sweet air above us, objects of deep and thrilling interest. 
 Having arrived at the hut, we there deposited our implements, 
 and walked to the landing place, where we prevailed on our 
 guards, who were Hessians, to allow us the gratification of 
 remaining nearly half an hour, before we re-entered the boat. 
 Near us stood a house, occupied by a Miller; and we had 
 been told that a tide-mill which he attended, was in its imme- 
 diate vicinity; as a landing place for which, the wharf where 
 we stood, had been erected. It would have afibrded me a 
 high degree of pleasure to have been permitted to enter this 
 dwelling, the probable abode of harmony and peace. It was 
 designated by the prisoners, by the appellation of the '' Old 
 Dutchman's;" and its very walls were viewed by us, with 
 feelings of veneration ; as we had been told that the amiable 
 daughter of its owner had kept a regular account of the num- 
 ber of bodies which had been brought on shore for interment 
 from the Jersey and the hospital ships. This (;ould easily be 
 done in the house, as its windows commanded a fair view of 
 the landing place. We were not, however, gratified on this 
 occasion, either by the sight of herself, or of any other inmate 
 of the house. Sadly did we approacli and re-enter our foul 
 and disgusting place of confinement. The pieces of turf wliich 
 we carried on board, wei-e sought for by our fellow-prisoners, 
 with the greatest avidity; every fragment being passed by 
 
270 NOTES. 
 
 them from hand to hand, and its smell inhaled, as if it had 
 been a fragrant rose." 
 
 Dring's Recollections of the Jersey prison- ship, pp. 76-82. 
 
 Ebenezer Fox says : 
 
 " When any of the prisoners died in the night, their bodies 
 were brought to the upper deck in the morning, and placed 
 upon the gratings. If the deceased had owned a blanket, any 
 prisoner might sew it around the corpse, and then it was 
 lowered with a rope, tied round the middle, down the side 
 of the ship into a boat. Some of the prisoners were allowed 
 to go on shore, under a guard, to perform the labor of inter- 
 ment. Having arrived on shore, they found in a small hut 
 some tools for digging, and a hand-barrow on which the body 
 was conveyed to the place for burial. Here in a bank near 
 the Wallabout, a hole was excavated in the sand, in which the 
 body was put, and then slightly covered ; the guard not giving 
 time sufficient to perform the melancholy service in a faithful 
 manner. Many bodies would, in a few days after this 
 mockery of a burial, be exposed nearly bare by the action of 
 
 the elements." Rev. Adventures of Ebenezer Fox, 1st ed., p. 108. 
 
 Med., pp. 111-112. 
 
 " Each day, at least six carcases we bore 
 And scratch'd tliera graves along the sandy shore, 
 By feeble hands the shallow graves were made, 
 No stone, memorial, o'er the corpses laid ; 
 In barren sands, and far from home they lie, 
 No friend to shed a4ear, when passing by ; 
 O'er the mean tombs insulting Britons tread, 
 Spurn at the sand, and curse the rebel dead." 
 
 Fkeneau. 
 
NOTES. 271 
 
 Alexander Coffix, Jk., gives an instance of the premature man- 
 ner in which these interments were sometimes made. He says : 
 
 " A man of the name of Gavot, a native of Rhode Ishinti, 
 died, as was supposed, and was sewed up in liis hammock, and 
 in tlie evening carried upon deck to be taken with others wlio 
 were dead, and those who might die during the night, on 
 shore to be interred, (in their mode of interring.) During tlie 
 night it rained pretty hard: in the morning, when they were 
 loading the boat with the dead, one hammock was observed 
 by one of the English seamen to move; he spoke to the officer 
 and told him that he believed the man in that hammock 
 (pointing to it) was not dead. In with him^ said the officer, 
 if he is not dead he soon icill be : but the honest tar, more 
 humane than his officer, swore he never would bury a man 
 alive, and with his knife ripped open tlie hammock, when 
 behold— the man was really alive. What was the cause of 
 this man's reanimation, is a question for doctors to decide : it 
 was at the time supposed, that the rain during the night had 
 caused the reaction of the animal functions, which were sus- 
 pended, but not totally annihilated. This same man, Gavot, 
 went afterwards in the same flag with me to Rhode-Island. 
 Capt. Shubael AVorth of Hudson was master of the flag, and 
 will bear testimony to the same fact." 
 
 Interment of the Martyrs, p. 35. 
 
 Another authority says : 
 
 "The haste and indignity with which they were committed 
 to the earth were such, that many skeletons have been dis- 
 
272 NOTES. 
 
 covered in positions which clearly indicate and prove, that 
 the graves, or holes, which were dug were too confined to 
 receive them at full length, and that, either from want of time' 
 or inclination to enlarge them, the bodies were crowded and 
 pressed down into the earth witlioiit decency or humanity." 
 
 Interment of the Martyrs, p. 5. 
 
 Jeremiah Johnson, (who was born near the Wallabout, and died 
 there on the 20th Oct., 1852, in the 87th year of his age,) in his Recol- 
 lections of Brooklyn and New York, says : 
 
 " I saw the sand-heacli, between a ravine in the hill and 
 Mr. Rerasen^s dock, become filled with graves in the course 
 of two months ; and before the first of May, 1T77, the ravine, 
 alluded to, was itself occupied in the same way. * * * 
 It was no uncommon thing to see five or six dead bodies 
 brought on shore in a single morning ; when a small excava- 
 tion would be dug at the foot of the hill, the bodies be cast in, 
 and a man with a shovel would cover them, by shoveling sand 
 down the hill upon them. Many were buried in a ravine of 
 the hill ; some on the farm. The whole shore, from Rennie's 
 Point to Mr. Remsen's door-yard, was a place of graves ; as 
 were also the slope of the hill,* near the house ; the shore, 
 from Mr. Remsen's barn along the mill-pond to Rappelye's 
 farm ; and the sandy island, between the flood gates and the 
 mill-dam ; while a few were buried on the shore on the east 
 side of the AVallabout. Thus did Death reign here, from 1776, 
 until the peace. The whole Wallabout was a sickly place 
 
 * This part of the hill was dug away by Mr. Jackson, where he 
 obtained the bones for the "dri/ bone procession.'" 
 
NOTES. 273 
 
 daring the war. The atmosphere seemed to be charged with 
 foul air, from the prison ships, and with the effluvia of the 
 dead bodies, washed out of their graves by the tides. We 
 believe that more than half of the dead, buried on the outer 
 side of the mill-pond, were waslied out by the waves at high 
 tide, during north-easterly winds. The bones of the dead lay 
 exposed along the beach, drying and bleaching in tlie sun, and 
 whitening the shore ; till reached by the power of a succeed- 
 ing storm, as the agitated waters receded, the bones receded 
 with them into the deep — where they remain, unseen by man, 
 awaiting the resurrection mom ! when, again joined to the 
 spirits to which they belong, they will meet their persecuting 
 murderers at the bar of the supreme Judge of ' the quick and 
 the dead.' We have, ourselves, examined many of the shulls 
 laying on the shore. From the teeth, they appeared to be 
 the remains of men in the prime of life." 
 
 Naval Magazine, Vol. /., pp. 4<)7-4G9. 
 
 By the action of the tide the bones were washed from their 
 shallow graves, and during tlie progress of excavations for the 
 U. S. Navy Yard, were still furtlier disturbed. For years 
 they lay whitening the Long Island shore, crying loudly for 
 the respect which was their due. Attempts were made at 
 ditferent times to give them a proper sepulture and a fitting 
 monument, but though Congress was petitioned, and the sub- 
 ject brought before other bodies, yet nothing effectual was 
 accomplished until the year 1808, when the Tammany Society, 
 comjjosed then of many revulutionury patriots, took the lead 
 
274 NOTES. 
 
 in the good work. Previous to this, however, Mr. Benjamin 
 Aycrigg, having often noticed, with painful regret, the negli- 
 gence shown to those relics of departed worth, made at length 
 an agreement in 1805 witli a Mr. Amos Cheney, residing near 
 the locality, who engaged to gather them together, at the rate 
 of one cent per pound. Nearly twenty hogsheads were 
 thereby collected, and in 1808, a vault for their reception was 
 commenced in Jackson street, now Hudson Avenue, upon land 
 which had been set aside for the purpose by the late John 
 Jackson, Esq., and on the 13th day of April of that year, the 
 corner-stone of a monument was laid with considerable cere- 
 mony. The stone bore the following inscription : 
 
 " In the name of 
 
 The Spirits of the Departed Free. 
 
 Sacred to the Memory of that portion of 
 
 Ameeican Seamen, Soldiers, and Citizens, 
 
 Who perished on board the 
 
 Prison-ships of the British, 
 
 At the Wallabout, during the 
 
 Revolution. 
 
 This Corner-stone of the Vault was erected by the 
 
 Tammany Society ; 
 
 Or Columbian Order, 
 
 Nassau Island, Season of Blossoms, Year of Discovery 
 
 the 316th, of the Institution the 19th, and of 
 
 American Independence, the 32d." 
 
 On the 26th day of May following, the burial took place. The 
 procession moved from the Park in New York, and was one 
 of the most solemn and imposing ever seen in the city. In 
 the procession was a black horse, on which was mounted a 
 
NOTKS. 275 
 
 trumpeter, dressed in character, (black relieved with red) and 
 
 wearing a hehiiet, ornamented with flowing red and black 
 
 feathers. In his right hand he bore a trumpet, to which was 
 
 suspended a black silk flag, edged with red and black, upon 
 
 which appeared the following memorable words, in letters 
 
 of gold : 
 
 "MORTALS AVAUNT! 
 11,500 
 
 SPIRITS OF THE MARTYRED BRAVE. 
 
 Approach the Tomb of Honor, of Glory, of 
 
 Virtuous Patriotism !" 
 
 A noted feature in the procession was the " Grand National 
 Pedestal," so called, consisting of a square stage, erected on a 
 large truck carriage, the margin of which represented an iron 
 railing; below this dropped a deep festoon which covered the 
 wheels ; on the stage was a pedestal eight feet long, six feet 
 high, and four wide, and made to imitate black marble. On 
 the four pannels of the pedestal were the following inscrip- 
 tions : 
 
 (front) 
 " AMERICANS ! REMEMBER THE BRITISH." 
 
 (right side) 
 
 " YOUTH OF MY COUNTRY ! MARTYRDOM 
 
 PREFER TO SLAVERY." 
 
 (left side) 
 " SIRES OF COLUMBIA ! TRANSMIT TO 
 POSTERITY THE CRUELTIES PRAC- 
 TISED ON BOARD THE BRITISH PRISON SHIPS." 
 
 (rear) 
 
 " TYRANTS DREAD THE GATHERING STORM.— 
 
 WHILE FREEMEN, FREEMEN'S OBSEQUIES PERFORM." 
 
276 
 
 NOTKS. 
 
 An elegant bine silk American flag, eighteen feet by twelve, 
 floated from a statt' at the top of the pedestal, and the staff 
 was surmounted by a globe, upon which stood the American 
 eagle, enveloped in a cloud of crape. Upon the pedestal was 
 the " Genius of America," represented by Josiah Falconer, a 
 member of the Tammany Society, and the son of a Revolu- 
 tionary patriot. He wore a loose under-dress of light blue silk 
 reaching to his knees ; over it was a long flowing white robe, 
 relieved by a crimson scarf and crape. He had sandals on his 
 feet, and on his head a magnificent cap, adorned with elegant 
 feathers. On the stage and around the pedestal stood nine 
 young men, each holding by a tassel the end of a cord con- 
 nected with the flag. These young men represented, respec- 
 tively, Patriotism, Honor, Virtue, Patience, Fortitude, Merit, 
 Courage, Perseverance, and Science, and were called " The 
 Attributes of the Genius of America." They were all dressed 
 in character, with plumes of feathers in their hats, and they 
 all wore white silk scarfs, relieved with black crape. Each 
 " Attribute " also wore a scarlet badge, with a blue silk 
 fringe, on which the name of his character was embroidered 
 in gold, and each one bore in his hand a blue silk banner, 
 emblematic of the institution to which he belonged. The 
 whole structure was drawn by four horses, in charge of two 
 grooms, who were appropriately dressed with ribbons and 
 crape. 
 
 The bones, which had been placed in thirteen coflans, made, 
 it is said, by one John Mead, a cabinet maker, were under the 
 
NOTES. 2Y7 
 
 charge of the tribes of St. Tammany, each tribe having one of 
 the coffins in its custody. One hundred and four Revolu- 
 tionary patriots acted as pall-bearers, all wearing white scarfs, 
 relieved with crape. Numerous banners, bearing appropriate 
 devices, appeared in tlie procession. Though under the direc- 
 tion of tlie Tammany Society, yet tlie procession was par- 
 ticipated in by the State and city authorities, the military, 
 and civic associations, with a full representation of all trades 
 and professions, beside a vast number of citizens, among 
 whom were many persons of distinction. 
 
 After passing through various streets, it crossed over to 
 Brooklyn, wliere, being again formed, it proceeded to the 
 tomb. At the vault, an oration was delivered by Benjamin 
 De Witt, a prayer by the Rev. Ralph Williston, and a fitting 
 benediction closed the services of the day. The whole cere- 
 mony was an exciting and heart-rending scene, and met tlie 
 approving voice of the many tliousands there assembled. 
 
 Notwithstanding this splendid, imposing pageant, and the 
 feelings of deep sympathy wliich it seemed to create, no 
 monument was erected; and in 1832, the very lot in which the 
 relics of the Martyrs were interred, was assessed as private 
 property, and actually put under the hammer, and — sold for 
 taxes! A patriot of the Revolution, and a fellow-sufferer at 
 the liands of the Britisli, came forward, and rescued tliat lot 
 from sacrilege. That patriot — that sufferer — was Benjamin 
 Romaine. He took the sacred relics under his watchful care, 
 and with jealous eye and untiring vigilance, guarded and pro- 
 
278 NOTES. 
 
 tected them to the last moment of his life. Over the tomb 
 he caused to be erected a wooden structure in the shape of a 
 mausoleum, which he called " J^e Atite- Chamber to the 
 Tom'b.'''' He surmounted it by an eagle, embellished it with 
 appropriate ornaments, and covered it Avith inscriptions com- 
 memorative and patriotic. Nor did he stop here. With the 
 view to protect from desecration those sacred relics, he be- 
 queathed the plot as a family vault to his heirs and their 
 descendants forever, and directed that he, himself, should be 
 buried tliere. Upon tlie death of that truly estimable man in 
 the month of February, 1844, his remains were placed by the 
 side of those whom he, while living, had cherished with such 
 fond, faithful devotion. There they now lie. United in life, 
 let them not be separated in death. Honor, all honor to 
 Benjamin Komaine — the pure, noble-hearted, ever-to-be re- 
 membered and lamented, Benjamin Romaine — the man who 
 bad not only the heart to feel, but the will to execute. His 
 name should be written in letters of gold. Had he lived in 
 the days of Rome, and done an act like this, he Am«e(/' would 
 have had a splendid monument, and a statue too, erected to 
 his memory. Americans — you who have become wealthy by 
 tlie pursuits of commerce, or by the profits of trade — you 
 who, by your lucrative callings or professions, have been 
 raised to affluence — you who dwell in splendid palaces — who 
 are arrayed in purple and fine linen — who live sumptuously, 
 and have your tables and coffers full, and to overfiowing — 
 remember, in your abundance and prosperity, to whom you 
 
THE TOMB OP THE MARTYRS, 
 
 As it originalli/ npjiefiret/. 
 
N0TE8. 279 
 
 owe these blessings. Think of the poor Martjrs of the 
 Revohition, who, in the flower of their youth, in the prime of 
 their lives, in the midst of their usefulness, became victims to 
 British cruelty, and in the prison-ships and hospital-sliips of 
 the Wallabout, miserably, horribly died, that you — you might 
 be free, and rich, and happy ! Go to the spot where lie those 
 noble men who were immolated on the altar of Freedom. 
 Behold their place of interment — in a locality, used as a recep- 
 tacle for filth and refuse, and where even the coarse, disgust- 
 ing noise of swine is heard. Go there, and after viewing that 
 repulsive spot, tell me, as I look you in the eye, will you give 
 those bones a fitting sepulture — will you raise over them a 
 proper monument? Arise, then, my wealthy countrymen — 
 arise from your velvet seats, your chairs of ease — arise in the 
 power of your wealth, and in the majesty of your power, 
 and proclaim that those bones shall be no longer " unwept^ 
 nnlionored and unsung.'''' Erect over them a worthy, a 
 glorious, an enduring monument — one that shall tower to the 
 clouds above — one that shall first catch the modest peep of the 
 rising sun — one that parting day shall love, and be wont to 
 linger, and dwell upon. Show to the world that our republic 
 is not an ungrateful republic — that we are not like the 
 Athenians of old, merely knowing what is right ; but that we, 
 like the Lacedemonians, also practise it. Show to the world 
 that we, too, can respect, and not only respect, but honor, — 
 aye, adore, Virtue — Patriotism — Martyrdom. It is a shame 
 upon us as an enlightened people — it is a damning stigma on us 
 
280 NOTES. 
 
 as Americans, that this tribute to Revolutionary devotion lias 
 been so long, so unjustly, so disgracefully withheld. God 
 grant that I may see the day when this blot upon our national 
 character, and our own honor, shall be washed out forever. 
 " Si sum creatm ccelestis stirps, cedo nota tantus genusy 
 
 (46) Burgoo. This was what is here called " mush,'''' or in 
 New England, " hasty -pudding ^ and was made of oat-meal 
 and water. It was served out to the prisoners once a week. 
 The oat-meal, of which it was composed, was scarcely ever 
 sweet ; on the contrary, it was generally so musty and bitter, 
 that none but persons in their condition, and suffering as they 
 did, could eat it. 
 
 (47) Thomas Andeos, in his narrative, gives a different account 
 of this occurrence. Having been a prisoner on the Jersey at the very 
 time it took place, and perhaps an eye witness to the whole proceed- 
 ings, his version is, therefore, probably the most correct. He says : 
 
 " A secret, prejudicial to a prisoner, revealed to the guard, 
 was death. Captain Young of Boston, concealed himself in a 
 large chest belonging to a sailor going to be exchanged, and 
 was carried on board the cartel, and we considered his escape 
 as certain; but the secret leaked out and he was brought 
 back, and one Spicer of Providence being suspected as the 
 traitor, the enraged prisoners were about to take his life. His 
 head was drawn back, and the knife raised to cut his throat, 
 but having obtained a hint of what was going on below, the 
 guard at this instant, rushed down and rescued the man. Of 
 
NOTES. 
 
 281 
 
 his guilt at the time, there was to me, at least, no convincing 
 evidence. It is a pleasure now to reflect that I had no hand 
 in the outrage." Old Jersey Captive, p. 17. 
 
 (48) The regular crew of the Jersey consisted of a Com- 
 mander, two mates, a steward, a cook, and about twelve 
 sailors. The crew of the ship had no communication what- 
 ever with the prisoners. In addition to the regular officers 
 and seamen, there were also on board about a dozen old 
 invalid marines, but the actual guard was composed of 
 soldiers detached from the different regiments quartered on 
 Long Island. 
 
 Capt. Dring speaks of them as follows : 
 
 "The number usually on board, was about thirty. Each 
 week, they were relieved by a fresh party. They were 
 English, Hessians, and Refugees. We always preferred the 
 Hessians, from whom we received better treatment than from 
 the others. As to the English, we did not complain ; being 
 aware that they merely obeyed their orders in regard to us; 
 but the Refugees or Royalists, as they termed themselves, 
 were viewed by us with scorn and hatred. I do not recol- 
 lect however, that a guard of these miscreants was placed 
 over us more than three times ; during which, their presence 
 occasioned much tumult and confusion; for the prisoners 
 could not endure the sight of these men, and occasionally 
 assailed them with abusive language ; while they, in return, 
 treated us with all the severity in their power. We dared not 
 
282 ^•0TES. 
 
 approach near them, for fear of their bayonets ; and of course, 
 could not pass along the gangways where they were stationed ; 
 but were obliged to crawl along upon the booms, in order to 
 get fore and aft, or to go up or down the hatchways. They 
 never answered any of our remarks respecting them ; but 
 would merely point to their uniforms ; as if saying, — "We are 
 clothed by our Sovereign, while you are naked. They were 
 as much gratified at the idea of leaving us, as we were at see- 
 ing them depart. Many provoking gestures were made by the 
 prisoners, as they left the ship, and our curses followed them, 
 as far as we could make ourselves heard. * * * -pijg qj^\j 
 duty, to my knowledge, ever performed by the old Marines 
 was to guard the water butt ; near which, one of them was 
 stationed with a drawn cutlass. Tliey were ordered to allow 
 no prisoner to carry away more than one pint of water afc 
 once ; but we were allowed to drink at the butt, as much as 
 we pleased ; for which purpose two or three copper ladles 
 were chained to the cask. Having been long on board, and 
 regular in the performance of this duty, they had become 
 familiar with the faces of the prisoners ; and could thereby, in 
 many instances, detect the frauds which we practiced upon 
 them in order to obtain more fresh water for our cooking 
 than was allowed us by the regulations of the ship. Over 
 the water, the soldiers had no control. The daily con- 
 sumption of water on board, was at least, equal to seven 
 hundred gallons. I know not whence it was brought, but 
 presume it was from Brooklyn. One large gondola or boat, 
 
NOTFS. 
 
 •283 
 
 was kept in constant employment, to furnish the necessary 
 
 supply.'' 
 
 Dring's Recollections of the Jersey Prison-ship, pp. 88-91. 
 
 The conduct of some of the guard towards the prisoners 
 was not only harsh and unfeeling, but, sometimes, even brutal 
 in the extreme. A few instances of this we will give. 
 
 Thomas Piiilbeook, (who was for several montha a prisoner on 
 board the Jersey,) says: 
 
 '• As the morning dawned, there would be heard the loud, 
 unfeeling and horrid cry, ' Rebels.^ bring n-p your dead.'' 
 Staggering under the weight of some stark stiff" form, I would 
 at length gain the upper deck, when I would be met by the 
 salutation, ' What ! you alive yet ? Well, you are a tough 
 one." 
 
 William Burke, (a native of Newport, in the State of Delaware.) 
 was a prisoner on the Jersey for about fourteen months. He says : 
 
 " Among other cruelties which were committed, I have 
 known many of the American prisoners put to death by the 
 bayonet : in particular I well recollect, that it was the custom 
 on board the ship for but one prisoner at a time to be admitted 
 on deck at night, besides the guards or centinels. One night, 
 while the prisoners were many of them assembled at the grate 
 at the hatchway, for the purpose of obtaining fresh air, and 
 waiting tlieir turn to go on deck, one of the centinels thrust 
 his bayonet down among them, and in the morning twenty- 
 five of them were found wounded, and stuck in the liead, and 
 
284 KOf;-s. 
 
 dead of the wounds they had thus received. I further recol- 
 lect that this was the ease several mornings, when sometimes 
 five, sometimes six, and sometimes eight or ten were found 
 
 dead by the same means." 
 
 Inteiinent of the Martyrs, p. 90. 
 
 •' Two young men, brothers, belonging to a ritle corps, were 
 unfortunately made prisoners, and sent together on board the 
 Jersey. The elder took the fever, and in a few days became 
 delirious. One night, (his end was fast approaching,) he 
 became calm and sensible, and lamenting his hard fate, and 
 the absence of his beloved mother, begged for a little water. 
 His brother, with tears, entreated the guard to give him some, 
 but in vain. The sick youth was soon in his last struggles. 
 The other in this distress offered the guard a guinea, for an 
 inch of candle, only that he might see him die ; and even this 
 was refused. — Tlie language of the survivor expresses the irre- 
 sistible sentiments of nature and humanity. — 'iVow,' says he, 
 drying up his tears, ' if it please God I ever regain my liberty, 
 I'll be a 7nost bitter enemy P — This awful appeal was not in 
 vain. He regained his liberty — he rejoined the army — and 
 ■when the war ended he returned home in safety and triumph, 
 with eight large and one hundred and twenty-seven small 
 notches on the stock of his rifle I I ! — A tremendous, but just 
 
 revenge P' 
 
 Historical Sketch of the Life uf Silas Talhvt. p. 108. 
 
 (49) Benjamin Whipple was born in the year 1755, and was 
 a tailor by trade. After the revolution, he moved from Rhode 
 
NOTES. 285 
 
 Island to the city of Albany, and held for )iiany years the 
 situation of door-keeper to the House of Assembly of the State 
 of Xew York. He was elected to this office in 1802, and held 
 it by successive elections for the period of eighteen years, and 
 to the time of his death. His pi'edecessor in office was Poter 
 Hansou, and his successor was Henry Bates. Mr. Whipple's 
 house was ou the corner of Lodge-street and Maiden Lane, now 
 the site of St. Peter's Church Rectory. The upper rooms were 
 used for a Masonic Lodge, of which he was tlie keeper. He 
 was in great favor with tlie craft. He died in Albany, on tlie 
 30th day of April, 1819, at the age of sixty-four years. 
 
 (so) Bexjamix Dexter was the son of Andrew Dexter, of 
 Smithfield, R. L, who was a cooper by trade. His mother's 
 maiden name was Lydia Jencks. Her father was a resident 
 of Smithfield, and was, by occupation, a farmer. Tlie subject 
 of this notice was of the fifth generation of Rev. Gregory 
 Dexter, a native of Northampton county. Eng., who was born 
 in IfilO, and came to Rhode Island in 1644, in company witii 
 Roger Williams, who was then on his return home from a 
 visit to England. Benjamin Dexter was born in SmitlifielJ, 
 in the year 1754, and was brought up to the trade of a black- 
 smith. His wife's maiden name was Phebe Marsh, by whom 
 he had one son and three daughters. Mr. Dexter was a man 
 of industrious habits, and was much esteemed for his integrity 
 of character. He died in the town of Foster, R. I., on the 
 2(3th day of March, 1837, at the age of about So years. 
 
286 NOTKs. 
 
 (sij Jabez Hawkins was probably the one whom we find 
 alluded to as a private in Colonel Eobert Elliot's regiment, 
 that regiment being one of three raised by Rhode Island for 
 defence of the State, in December, 1776, at the time of the 
 invasion of Newport by the British troops. These regiments 
 were raised first for 15 months, ending March 16, 1778. They 
 were then by an act of the General Assembly ordered to be 
 re-enlisted for 12 months longer, ending March 16, 1779, and 
 then for the third time re-enlisted, pursuant to the same 
 authority, for 12 months more, ending March 16, 1780, 
 making altogether three years and three months before they 
 wei'e disbanded. "We find the name of Jabez Hawkins also 
 among those recruits who enlisted for the campaign of 1782 
 from the town of North Providence, R. I. 
 
 (52) " New-Yoek, October 15. 
 
 We flnJ the following account of this storm published iu the papers 
 of the day : 
 
 x\bout 12 o'clock last Saturday, we had an exceed- 
 ing hard Gust of Wind, attended with Thunder, and a heavy 
 Shower of Rain mixed with large Hail. The Lightning struck 
 a House on the New Dock, but it did little or no Damage. 
 Two small Boats overset in the River, but no Lives were 
 
 lost." 
 
 Gaine, Monday, Oct. 15, 1781. 
 
 (53) William Waterman was born in the year 1758. He 
 took an active part in the revolutionary war, and showed 
 
NOTES.] 287 
 
 himself to be a brave soldier. He fought in the battle of 
 White Plains, where he was wounded through the thigh. In 
 the course of the war he was taken prisoner, and put on board 
 the Jersey prison-ship off New York, from which he made his 
 escape by swimming to Long Island. He subsequently rejoined 
 the array, aud continued in active service to the end of the 
 war, discharging his duties faithfully. He died in Royalton, 
 Vermont, on the 10th day of March, 1845, at the age of 
 87 years. 
 
 (54) Hell Gate or Hurl Gate, a celebrated strait in the 
 East River, near the west end of Long Island Sound, opposite 
 Harlem, and about eight miles N. E. of New-York city, for- 
 merly remarkable for its whirlpools, which made a tremen- 
 dous roaring at certain times of the tide. These whirlpools 
 were occasioned by the narrowness and crookedness of the 
 passage, and a bed of rocks which extended quite across it. 
 In the year 1780, the British frigate Huzzar, of 28 guns, Capt. 
 Charles Morice Pole, in attempting to pass through, struck 
 the rocks, and was so much injured, that after sailing a short 
 distance, she sunk in deep water, where her hull still remains. 
 Attempts have been made to raise her, but without success, 
 though by means of diving-bells and other sub-marine contri- 
 vances, many articles have been brought up, but no specie has 
 yet been discovered, though she was reported to have had an 
 amount on board. In former times, this passage was very 
 dangerous to navigation ; but of late years, the obstructions 
 
88 NOTES. 
 
 have been removed by blasting, so that there is now- 21 feet 
 of water at low tide, and the largest vessels can therefore pass 
 through without any fear of injury. Tliere is a tradition 
 among tlie Indians that at an early period, their ancestors 
 could step from rock to rock, and cross this arm of the sea on 
 foot. 
 
 (55) Newtown lies in Queen's County, L. I., about eight 
 miles east of New-York. The number of inhabitants of the 
 town, in 1810, was 2,312, of which 512 were slaves. In 1852 
 the population was Y,208. There are many private graves in 
 this town, and a great number of tomb-stones. Many of the 
 latter were wantonly destroyed during the revolutionary war 
 by the British troops who were then stationed here. 
 
 (56) The Hessians were soldiers hired by Great Britain of 
 the petty princes of Germany. The first employment of these 
 mercenary troops by the English Government, was in the 
 year 1726. xit the commencement of the American revolu- 
 tion, England stood in great need of troops, and at first con- 
 templated the hiring of 20,000 men from Paissia, but it was 
 finally decided to abandon this plan, and a treaty was subse- 
 quently entered into with the Duke of Brunswick, the Land- 
 grave of Hessen-Cassel, and the Count Ilanau, who conjointly 
 agreed to furnish the men required. Of these the Landgrave 
 of Hessen-Cassel furnished the greater part, and, from this cir- 
 cumstance, all tlie German soldiers . received tlie common 
 anpellation of Hessians. The compensation received by the 
 
KOTKS. 289 
 
 rulers of tlie several states, was generally at the rate of thirty 
 crowns or about thirty-five dollars for each man contributed, 
 and an additional sum of the same amount for each one killed, 
 or for three wounded, beside the cost of outfit and two 
 months' extra pay. A still further sura was given in gross to 
 the several vendors, and the Landgrave of Hessen-Cassel found 
 a favorable occasion in the urgent necessity for troops by the 
 British government to obtain the liquidation of a previously 
 discovered debt of £80,000 incurred by that government 
 during the seven years' war. The Hessian troops were first 
 opposed to the Americans in the battle of Long Island 
 in 1776. They were afterwards in service at Trenton, Sara- 
 toga, and other engagements during the war. A lady de- 
 scendant of one of tlie Hessian officers who came to America, 
 informs us that a part of the Hessian forces mutinied, and 
 were unwilling to leave their country, knowing that they had 
 been sold. The mutiny was at length quelled, but only by the 
 arrest of the leaders, who were six of them shot to death in 
 the market of Hessen-Cassel. A Mr. DeWitt, who was confined 
 a prisoner in N"ew York, and made his escape in 1777, says he 
 " saw six hundred Hessians confined on board tlie men of war, 
 for laying down their arms, and that the foreigners only 
 waited for a favorable opportunity to go off in a body." The 
 Hessian troops were peculiarly desirous to desert the service, 
 so as to remain in our country, and hid themselves in every 
 family where they could possibly secure a friend to aid their 
 escape. Those who were successful, generally became thriving 
 
293 NOTKS. 
 
 tradesmen and farmers, and many of them acquired wealth. 
 " At the Bank of England," says a paragraph in the Lady's 
 Magazine for December, 1786, "the sura of £471,000 was 
 transferred by Mr. Van Otten, on account of the Landgrave 
 of Hessen-Cassel, being so much due for Hessian soldiers lost 
 in the American war at thirty pounds a man. According 
 to thiscalculation, the number of Hessians lost in the said 
 war was 15,700." 
 
 (s?) Jamaica, a beautiful and flourishing town in Queen's 
 County, L. L, about 13 miles from the city of New York. In 
 the year 1810, the whole township contained 1,6G1 inhabitants. 
 In 1852 the population was 4,247. 
 
 (ss) Jamaica Plains is the name given to the western por- 
 tion of the extensive plains known as ffempstead Plains, — 
 a vast tract of level land lying between Jamaica and Hemp- 
 stead, commencing about 16 miles from the west end of Long 
 Island, and extending 12 miles east, with a breadth of five to 
 six miles. Hempstead Plains have been considered from the 
 earliest settlement of the country, a great natural curiosity. 
 The attention of strangers was always called to them, and 
 scarcely any traveler of note in former times, but mentioned 
 them, and deemed them worthy of minute description. In its 
 original state, this whole tract appeared to the eye as smooth 
 and unbroken as the sea in a calm. A few scattered clumps 
 upon the borders, being just visible above the surface, in the 
 distance, had the appearance of small islands. In the sum- 
 
NOTES. 21>1 
 
 nicr, tbe rarefaction ul' the air over so large a surt'ace, exposed 
 to the sun's hot rays, occasioned the piieuomena of '4o()iiiiiig/' 
 as seen in the harbors near tlie sea, which elevating these 
 tree-tops as a mass, and causing the surrounding soil, shrouded 
 in a tliin, and almost transparent vapor, to look like watei", 
 made the deception complete. These plains were used fur 
 horse races as early as 16T0 ; in the Revolution were called 
 '' Ascot Heath," and the " Xew Market Course " after the 
 celebrated one in England, and they w^ere greatly noted not 
 only in the Xorth American colonies, but even in Europe. 
 The races were held twice a year, for a silver cuj), and were 
 attended by the gentry of New York and New England. In 
 former times, Hempstead Plains were considered almost bar- 
 ren, but the hand of cultivation has of late years caused them 
 to blossom aud bloom, so that they are now occupied by fields 
 of grain, have been enclosed by one and another, whei'eby 
 they have lost tiieir original appearance, and in a few years 
 more, no vestige whatever of their former condition will 
 remain. 
 
 (fto) The phenomenon alluded to, was, doubtless, that known 
 as the '''■ ignis /atuus,'''' or more popularly, the ".Tack O'Lan- 
 thorn," or "Will o' the Wisp;" a changeable, fiickering and 
 momentary light engendered in hot weather, in moist localities, 
 from the exhalation of gases, highly combined with i)hospho- 
 rus. Tt is frequently noticed in meadows and bogs, and is 
 also observed in the vicinity of grave-yards, where the decay- 
 
202 NOTES. 
 
 ing animal matter furnishes an ample reservoir of the elements 
 which give rise to the phenomenon. This association of place 
 and circumstance recalls naturally to the superstitious and 
 ignorant, unacquainted with the cause of the appearance, the 
 idea of ghosts and "goblins dire," and has, perhaps, con- 
 tributed considerably to continuance in the belief of spiritual 
 visitations. In localities favoring its development, it presents 
 to the detained traveler at night, the appearance of a light 
 from a lanthorn blown about by the wind, and frequently acts 
 as a lure to a bootless chase, often causing him to wander 
 from liis way — 
 
 " An ignis fatuus, that bewitches 
 And leads men into pools and ditches." 
 
 Hudibras, Part I., Canto 1. 
 
 (bo) TJje whole of Long Island being under British control 
 from 1776 to 1783, the farmers there were subjected to many 
 severe regulations and exactions by the enemy. They were 
 required to furnish from year to year, for the use of the army, 
 not only the greater part of their hay, straw, grain, vegetables 
 and other farm produce, but also the teams and draught 
 animals necessary to convey them to the place of deposit, 
 under the penalty of imprisonment and having tlieir whole 
 crops confiscated. The owners of woodlands had not only to 
 supply the fuel required, but were also compelled to cut and 
 deliver it, and the pay being fixed by the king's commis- 
 sioners, if the fiirmer objected and demanded more, he often 
 lost the whole. The use of horses and oxen was also fre- 
 
NOTES. 2U3 
 
 queutlv required, yometimes under pay, l)iit often witl) no 
 
 compensation whatever. Owing to the great aiid constant 
 
 drain made by the array, the necessaries of life often became 
 
 excessively scarce and proportionably high, but the rise was 
 
 of little benefit to the farmer, whose supply had perhaps 
 
 already been so reduced by pilfering and foraging parties 
 
 of the enemy, as to be inadequate for the wants even of his 
 
 own family. To these hardships were added the annoyance 
 
 of const.ant surveillance; passes and permits being required for 
 
 everything they did, and wherever they went ; while the 
 
 utmost condescension was exacted by the British officers, 
 
 even to the uncovering of the head in tlieir presence. If a 
 
 farmer neglected to do this, he rendered himself lial>le to 
 
 summary chastisement, although the haughty Britain would 
 
 scarcely deign to notice him, much less return the civility. 
 
 It is no wonder, then, that the expulsion of the British was 
 
 heheld by the farmers with great exultation, and that they 
 
 viewed with infinite satisfaction the abject mortificatiou with 
 
 which their red-coated oppressors finally left the country they 
 
 had attempted so very unsuccessfully to subdue. 
 
 The following extracts will be read with interest in this 
 
 connection : 
 
 Forage-Office, New- York, Sept. 10, 1778. 
 rnilE Farmers on New- York-Island, Long, ami Statenlsland, are 
 hereby required immediately to thrash out their grain, as the 
 STRAW is wanted for the use of his Majesty's troops, for which they 
 will be paid at the usual rate, on producing certificates of the delivery 
 from the deputy Commissaries at the different posts of Brooklyn and 
 Flushing, on Long-Island; at Coles-Ferry on Staten-Island ; and at 
 
294: NOTES. 
 
 Kings-bridge, Marston's Wliarf, and Bear-Market, on New York Island; 
 with the same allowance for transportation as tliey received last year. 
 
 GEORCxE BRINLEY, 
 
 Commissary of Forage. 
 Rivington's Gazette, Wed., Jan. 13, 1779. 
 
 J^ew-York, February 24. 
 
 Mr. Benjamin James, Commissary in the forage department, 
 has drawn a prize in the Biitish state lottery of Five Thousand 
 Pounds. 
 
 Rivingion, Wed., Feb. 24, 1770. 
 
 Bj tlie Commandant of Xew-York — 
 
 OERMISSION will be granted to the Farmers and Gardeners, of these 
 islands (that have not wood on their lands proper for fencing) to 
 cut railing for fences, on the lauds of persons not under the protection 
 of Government, on Long Island, or Staten Island. 
 
 Complaints have been made, that the wood cutters have broke down 
 the fences, and done other damage on cultivated lands, such offenders 
 will upon proof be severely punished, and forfeit their claims to any 
 future Permits. 
 
 The Permits granted to cut firewood for the use of the city are to 
 expire the first day of March next. 
 
 New Permits will be granted. 
 
 Applications are to be made to the Police of New-York. 
 
 I). JONES, 
 
 New-York, February 5, 1770. Maj. Gen. 
 
 Rivingt07i, Wed., March 3, 1770. 
 
 rnHE FARMERS in general are requested to THRASH out their 
 -^ GRAIN immediately, and the STRAW to be delivered at the fol- 
 lowing places, where proper persons will attend, and give receipt at 
 Marstou's Wharf, and the Bear Market, or York Island. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 295 
 
 Brooklyn, Flushing, and to Mr. John Cutler, Collector of Forage, on 
 Ijong-Island. 
 And at the Forage-Yard, on Stateu-Islaud. 
 
 GEORGE BRINLEY, 
 Forage-Office, October 1, 1779. Commissary of Forage. 
 
 Rivington, Bee. 18, 1779. 
 
 '• Saturday last departed this Life at Newtown on Long-Island, in the 
 
 45th year of his Age, Mr. John Sweeten, Deputy-Commissary of 
 
 Forrage." 
 
 Gaine, Mon., Aug. 21, 1780. 
 
 By Major Gexeral JONES, Commandant of 
 NEIV-YORK. 
 
 PROCLAMATION, 
 
 "OY a Proclamation of his E.^cellency Sir Henry Clinton, dated New- 
 York, December 20, 1778, the farmers of Long- Island and Staten- 
 Island, were ordered to thrash and bring to market, by stated periods, 
 such proportions of wheat, rye. and Indian corn, in their possession, 
 as they did not stand in need of for the support of their families, and the 
 sowing their lands : Thej' were required also, to give an account to the 
 Colonels of militia of their respective districts, what quantity of grain 
 they possessed, and what it might be necessary to reserve for the 
 above uses. The Commander in Chief has been pleased to order that 
 Proclamation to remain in force, and be strictly observed, the rates 
 excepted, which, as an encouragement for an ample supply of the 
 markets are to be as follows : 
 
 Shillings. 
 
 Wheat, 26 curency per bushel. 
 
 Wheat Flour, 80 per cwt. 
 
 Rye, 10 per bushel. 
 
 Rye Meal, 30 per cwt. 
 
 Indian Corn, 10 per bushel. 
 
 Indian meal, 28 per cwt. 
 
 Buckwheat 7 per bushel. 
 
 Buckwheat meal, .... 26 per cwt. 
 
 It is therefore ordered, that from and after the first day of February 
 next, no greater price for any of the above articles, shall be demanded. 
 
296 NOTES. 
 
 offered or received, on tlie penalty of the person offending, forfeiting 
 (on being convicted on oath, before the Police of New York, or the 
 Colonel of the militia of the district on Long-Island or Staten-Island, 
 where the offence is committed) the grain, flour, corn, or meal, so 
 offered, to be sold or purchased, or the value thereof, and to suffer 
 imprisonment till the said forfeiture is paid ; the one half of the for- 
 feiture to be paid to the informer, and the other half for the 
 use of the poor of this city, or the township where the offence is 
 committed. 
 
 The Police of New- York, and the Colonels of militia on Long-Island, 
 and Staten-Island, are hereby required, to take an account of what 
 quantities of wheat, rye, Indian corn, grain, flour, or meal are in their 
 respective districts, and in whose possession ; and report the same as 
 soon as possible to the Commandant of New- York. 
 
 New-York, January 22, 1779. 
 
 D. JONES, 
 
 Major- General. 
 j8S" The above Proclamation is reprinted by order of Brigadier 
 General BIRCH, Commandant of this City, that no person may plead 
 ignorance of the Regulations therein contained. 
 
 Rivington, September 30, 1780. 
 
 By Lieutenant General 
 
 JAMES ROBERTSON, 
 
 Goveimor of New- York, fyc. 
 
 "TTTHEREAS it appears necessary that two Thirds of the Fresh Hay 
 produced on the islands of New- York, Staten-Island, and Long 
 Island, be set apart for carrying on the King's service, all persons 
 whatsoever possessed of Hay are required to bring the above propor- 
 tions into the King's magazines most contiguous to them. 
 
 The Hay produced on New York island to be delivei'ed at the maga- 
 zine near Fort Knyphausen, at Marston's Wharf, and the city of New- 
 York, the Hay of Staten-Island at the magazines there, and the produce 
 of the Western part of Long Island at the magazines of Brooklyn Ferry, 
 Flushing and Jamaica. As this quantity must be furnished without any 
 deduction, all persons proprietors of the same will be considered 
 accountable for the number of tons that grow on their grounds, and 
 
NOTES, 297 
 
 are onlereJ to cut it without dehiy, so that the requisitioa be fully 
 
 coinpliefl with before the loth of August ensuing. The usual price will 
 
 be paid for the Hay and Carting, and the magazines, as well as mode 
 
 of transportation, for the Eastern part of Long Island, will be pointed 
 
 out at a future day. 
 
 Rivington, Wed., July 25, 1781. 
 
 Proclamation. 
 By his Excellency 
 
 Lieut. General Robertson, 
 
 GoveiTior of New- York, ^c. 
 
 A S the reduction of Horses and IVaggons belonging to the Quarter 
 Master General, will occasion a call on the country to supply the 
 Magazines, and to assist in other exti'aordinary duty, a return has been 
 made of those belonging to the inhabitants of Long-Island, that each 
 district may perform its proportion of this service, and be regularly 
 paid. 
 
 On application for the requisite number from the Commissary General 
 or his Deputy, to the several Captains of Militia, they are to furnish 
 them in rotation, weekly from their companies. Certificates will then 
 be given for the service and pay allowed at the rate of Fourteen Shil- 
 lings per day for each Waggon, with two Horses and a Driver. 
 
 And as this is the proper season to lay up Forage for the Arm}', the 
 Farmers of King's and Queen's Counties, and of Huntington in Suffolk, 
 are required to bring in half their fresh Hay to the nearest Magazine 
 before the end of the ensuing month of August, for which they will 
 receive Six Pounds per ton, and the usual cartage. Those who com- 
 ply with this requisition to be protected in keeping the remaining half, 
 and considered by their officers as having employed their teams for the 
 
 time on public duty. 
 
 Rivington, Sat., Aug. 3, 1782. 
 
 (ei) Jericho, (which is located at the phice described) is a 
 pleasant village near tlie centre of the town of Oyster Bay, 
 upon tlie .Jericho turnpike road, in Queen's County, L. I., about 
 
298 xoTES. 
 
 27 miles from the city of New York. Tlie ground on which 
 the village was erected, was a part of the imrchase made by 
 Eobert Williams in 1650, and was early settled upon by a 
 number of substantial Quaker families, whose posterity still 
 remains. This place was the residence of the celebrated Elias 
 Hicks, who officiated for many years in the Friends' meeting- 
 house located here. The Indian name of Jericho was Lusum. 
 
 (ei) Oyster Bat, a town in Queen's County, Long Island. 
 It derives its name from that of the beautiful bay on its 
 northern limits, which has long been, and still is distinguished 
 for its fine oysters and other marine productions. The first 
 plantation of the town was commenced on the site of the 
 present village of Oyster Bay in 1653, although it is probable 
 that individuals had located in other parts of the town some 
 years before, but without any permanent organization as a 
 community. In the year 1810 it contained 4,548 inhabitants, 
 of whom 134 were slaves. The population in 1852 was 6,900. 
 
 (es) The surrender of Cornwallis and his array at Yorktown, 
 Va., on the 19th October, 1781, to the allied American and 
 French forces, was an event which created the wildest excite- 
 ment among the American people. On no occasion during 
 the war did they manifest so great a degree of joy and exulta- 
 tion. To the Giver of all good, they united in rendering, with 
 grateful hearts, tlianksgiving and praise for the decisive 
 victory which, through His gracious mercy, they had been 
 
NOTKS. 
 
 291) 
 
 enabled to gaia. Nor was this all. Tlie glorious news spread 
 through the land with rapid pace, and was everywhere 
 received with huzzas, bonfires and illumination. In I'hiladel- 
 phia the glad tidings came by express at midnight, and the 
 faithful watchman, as he patrolled his weary round, crying 
 the hours as they passed, roused the inhabitants from their 
 slumbers by the startling, but welcome and cheering intelli- 
 gence that ''CormmlUs was talent So rapturous and 
 intense were the emotions of joy which this brilliant success 
 occasioned, that several citizens were deprived of their senses, 
 and one aged patriot, then door-keeper of Congress, actually 
 expired under the excitCTnent. When the news reached 
 Britain, she was struck with dismay. The loss of a second 
 entire army had extinguished all hope of conquest. Those 
 of her ministers who had before been averse to the war, 
 were now greatly emboldened in their opposition. The 
 heavy burdens which her people had hitherto borne with 
 patience, now pressed with intolerable weight, and Britain 
 was at length compelled to acknowledge with bitter dis- 
 appointment and galling mortification, the Independence of 
 America. 
 
 (64) Snow's Tavern was situated in the lower part of 
 Main street, Sag Harbor, L. I., and was afterwards kept, and 
 perhaps owned by Mr. Willia.n Duvall. After him, the 
 premises were owned by Asa Partridge; have since been 
 repeatedly burnt over; and now belong to the heirs of Thomas 
 
3(10 NOTES. 
 
 JJruwii, deceased, aud are at this time occupied Ijy a coal-yard, 
 hay-press, etc. 
 
 (fis) Rev. Joseph Snow, Jr., was the son of Josepli Snow, 
 and was horn iu Providence, R. I., ahout the year 1713. He 
 was hy occupation a house carpenter, and without education 
 took to preaching. lie was for many years, and up to the 
 time of his death, pastor of the Beneficent Congregational 
 Church and Society in Providence. He died in that city on 
 the 10th day of April, 1803, in the 89th year of his age, and 
 the 58th of his ministry. The Rev. Stephen Gano, at that 
 time pastor of the First Baptist Church in Providence, 
 preached his funeral sermon. 
 
 (ofi) Sag Harbor — a post town and port of entry in Sutfolk 
 County, N. Y. It is situated on a bay of the same name, at 
 the eastern extremity of Long Island; is about 110 miles east 
 of tlie city of New York, and was incorporated in 1803. It 
 has an excellent harbor, and is finely situated for trade and 
 navigation. Before the Revolution, the town was thinly set- 
 tled, but since the peace of 1783, the population and business 
 have greatly increased, and a valuable whale fishery is now 
 carried on from tliis place. Tlie population in 1852 was 3,000. 
 Sag Harbor is noted for the brilliant exploit performed here 
 by Major Meigs in the month of ^lay, 1777. 
 
 (67_) During the time that Long Island was under tlie control 
 of the Britisli, an active contraband trade existed between the 
 
NOTKS. 301 
 
 island and tlie 0[)p(isitt' Connecticut siioi-c, and inaraudini!,' ami 
 kidnapping was constantly carried on between them. On tlie 
 Connecticut side, the smuggling was done with great secrecy, 
 and if the goods thus obtained, were discovered by lionest per- 
 sons, they were advertised and tlie owners requested to come 
 and take them. The Tories, being so closely watched, were 
 not usually engaged in this trade, and it was reserved for pro- 
 fessed friends of the patriot cause to thus gain gold by their 
 country's misfortunes. Persons who Avere otherwise con- 
 sidered fair and honorable, were engaged in it; but if they 
 were discovered, they were at once subjected to opprobrium 
 and insult. No occupation could be mentioned that was 
 more odious, nor could anything more excite the public indig- 
 nation against a man than to call liiui a Long Island trader. 
 Though rigorously watched, tliough liouses were searched and 
 men imprisoned, yet the trade flourished still ; the enormous 
 profits inducing numy persons to encounter the perils and 
 risks necessary to bring the goods across the Sound. Vessels, 
 laden with contraband goods, were occasionally intercejited 
 by the State cruisers, and the more serious history of these 
 sad times was often enlivened by ludicrous anecdotes of tlie 
 adventures and mishaps of these midnight traders. Thus a 
 story is told of two men from the Great Neck shore of New 
 London, who put otf one night in a whaleboat witli a large, fat 
 ox on board. The animal got loose from its fastenings, and 
 became so unmanageable, that the men, in danger of sinking, 
 were glad to make for a country slooj) near by, and meekly 
 
302 NOTES. 
 
 surrender their ox to confiscation and themselves to imprison- 
 ment. On the Long Island side, tlie harbors were infested with 
 hands of the lowest and vilest refugees, whence many a plun- 
 dering descent was made on the Connecticut coast, and rob- 
 bery and extortion of every kind committed. The small 
 sloops and boats in which these piratical excursions were 
 made, had the familiar name of '■'■ Shaving-Milh.'''' They were 
 the terror of the coast, often committing the most atrocious 
 robberies. 
 
 (es) Through the whole year 1777, New London was block- 
 aded by the Bintish almost with the strictness of a siege. 
 The Amazon frigate kept a continual watch at the mouth of 
 the river Thames, capturing and destroying coasters and fish- 
 ing vessels without mercy. Several British ships also wintered 
 in Gardiner's Bay, and the Sound was the common haunt of 
 the enemy. A host of privateers fitted out at New York and 
 Long Island, moreover, infested the whole of the New 
 England coast, so that the inhabitants were therefore at 
 length driven in self-defence to build privateers and arm as 
 cruisers whatever craft they had left or could seize in their 
 turn from the enemy, and send them afloat to defend their 
 property. Several rich prizes having been taken by them, 
 the British became exasperated, and in the latter part of the 
 year 1781, sent an expedition against the town, under the 
 traitor Arnold, who, after assaulting Fort Griswold and mas- 
 sacring its brave defenders in cold blood, entered New Lon- 
 
NOTES. 303 
 
 don, and fired the town, destroying public and private pro- 
 perty of immense value. 
 
 (ee) MoNTAiTK PoiNT Constitutes the extreme eastern end of 
 Long Island, and is distant 140 miles east of New York. It is 
 called in the Indian deed of conveyance to East Hampton, 
 "Womponenit." The word "Mon" in the Mohegan vocabu- 
 lary, is said to mean island, while the terminal " auke " means 
 laud. Tlie terra was applied to a powerful tribe of Indians 
 who once inhabited this point, and who were called, by the 
 English, Montauks or Islanders, with the broad sound of a, 
 equivalent to Matonwacs of the Dutch. The locality is covered 
 with rolling hills, intermixed with boulders of rock, termina- 
 ting in an abrupt bluff sixty feet high, on which stands a stone 
 light-house, erected in 1795 by tlie U. S. Government, at an 
 expense of $22,300, which shows a fixed light, elevated 160 
 feet above the ocean level ; and is visible 18 '^ nautical miles. 
 There is, adjacent, a public house, which is much resoi-ted to 
 in the sunnner season. It is supposed that the point for about 
 five miles from its terminal bluff, was once surrounded by 
 water. Of this tliere are decisive indications from the sea to 
 the Sound, in a tract of sand, in the middle of which are found 
 the imbedded bones of a whale. Montauk is the most cele- 
 brated Indian locality on Long Island. Though within the 
 knowledge of the whites, the Montauks have never been 
 beyond 300 or 400 in number, yet tradition reports them to 
 have been once " as numerous as the blades of grass." This 
 
304 NOTKS. 
 
 tribe was constantly at war with the Narragansetts of Block 
 Island and the mainland, who inflicted great havoc among 
 them, and compelled them to seek the protection of East 
 Hampton. The chief Sachem of the Montauks was Wyan- 
 danch, whose name appears in most of the Indian conveyances 
 of land in Suifolk County. He died of an infectious disease 
 about the year 1658. After his death, his widow or Sung- 
 squa, together with her son Weoncombone, under advice of his 
 guardians Lion Gardiner and his son David Gardiner, governed 
 the tribe. There are near Fort Pond, remains of several 
 Indian forts ; and the burial places of generations of Indians 
 who lived on this point, are still to be seen. Remnants of the 
 Montauk tribe, consisting of four or five families, still live 
 there ; and of these, some have intermarried with negroes. 
 They are unable to resist the temptation of fire-water, and 
 are, therefore, rapidly disappearing. The point was conveyed 
 to the town of East Hampton by Wyandanch and his success- 
 ors, in consideration of the kindness of that town in protect- 
 ing him from Ninigret or Janemo of Rhode Island, his merci- 
 less enemy, who had not only slaughtered his chiefs, but 
 carried his daughter into captivity, from which she was 
 recovered by Lion Gardiner. A iew Indian traditions still 
 lirger around the point. 
 
 (70) Stonington — a seaport town, with an incorporated 
 borough of the same name, in New London County, Conn. 
 The borough, or principal village, is on a rocky point of hind 
 
NOTES. 805 
 
 winch projects half ;i mile into the east end of Long Island 
 Sound, and is generally called Stonington Point. It is noted 
 for a spirited and successful defense made here in the month 
 of August, 1814, against a British squadron, which, under Sir 
 Thomas Hardy, commenced a bombardment, but were com- 
 pelled to retire with considerable loss. The town has a good 
 harbor, which is protected by a breakwater constructed by 
 the Government, at an expense of $50,000. The inhabitants 
 are chiefly employed in the whaling and maritime trade. 
 The town was settled in 1G58, and the population in 1852 
 was 5,431. 
 
 (71) Satbeook — a town in Middlesex County, Conn., at the 
 mouth of the Connecticut river, and 41 miles south of Hart- 
 ford. This place is one of the oldest in the State, and derives 
 its name from Lords Say and Brook, who purchased the land 
 and caused the first settlement in 1635. Col. Fen wick, whose 
 wife, the daughter of a British nobleman, was buried here, 
 was one of its founders. This was the place for which Crom- 
 well and his compatriots were embarked, when they were for- 
 bidden by King Charles 1st to leave England. The building 
 lots assigned to them T)y the colonists are still pointed out. 
 Yale College was in operation here from 1707 to 1717. Say- 
 brook is a tlourishing town, and has extensive manufactories 
 of ivory combs, angers, etc. The inluibitants are many of 
 them employed in the shad fisheries. The population of Say- 
 brook in 1853 was 2,904. 
 
306 NOTES. 
 
 (72) Pop Robint. This was a common dish at that time in 
 some parts of New England. It was also a favorite meal in 
 New York, and is still used here to this day among some of 
 the old Knickerbocker families. The name given to it here is 
 " thickened mill'.'''' By the Dutch it is called '■'■ dilclce melh.'''' 
 
 (73) The house where John Waterman lived, and where 
 Mr. Hawkins lodged and was so hospitably entertained, is 
 still standing. It is occupied by John Waterman, the grand- 
 son of the first named. It retains its original appearance, 
 with the exception of the door near the corner, which has 
 since been added, and the two lower windows on the front 
 end of the house, which have been enlarged to accommodate 
 a shop now kept there. The barn spoken of by our author, 
 has long since been removed. Its site is now occupied by a 
 taeeting house. 
 
 (74) Joiiisr Watekmaij was born about the year 1710, and 
 was, we believe, a native of Ehode Island. He was bred a 
 seaman, and became master of a vessel, but having a pre- 
 ference for the mechanic arts, he soon left the pursuits of 
 commerce, and built a paper-mill about two miles from Provi- 
 dence, which was probably the first one erected in the colony 
 of Rhode Island. In the year 1769, he purchased the press 
 and types, which had been for many years owned and perhaps 
 used by Samuel Kneeland, of Boston. With these he opened 
 a printing house near his paper-mill, but he seems to have 
 
NOTKS. 307 
 
 done but little in the typographic lino. Tlie building used by 
 him for printing purposes, was near his residence, and stood 
 adjoining the barn spoken of by our author. Mr. Waterman's 
 residence was situated in what is now known as Olueyville, 
 about two miles from the centre of Providence, but now 
 Avithin the limits of the city. He was a kind-hearted, chari- 
 table and benevolent person, no better evidence of which need 
 be given than the manner in which he sympathized with and 
 entertained the hero of our narrative, then a poor wanderer, 
 returning with wearied steps, from a wretched captivity with 
 the enemy. AVe have strong reasons to infer, likewise, from 
 the narrative, that he was a courteous gentleman, a warm 
 friend to his country, and a true Christian. Mr. AVaterman 
 died in the year 1V87, at the age of 77. 
 
 (',;,) " TuE Great Bridge," so called, is erected over the 
 stream of water which separates the eastern part of the city 
 of Providence from the western. The bridge is built of wood, 
 with heavy timber, and is covered with earth and paved with 
 cobble stones. It is kept in order by appropriations made for 
 the purpose. In former times, tlie funds for repairing it were 
 raised by lotteries granted by the General Assembly of the 
 State of Rhode Island. 
 
 (7a) Olxey Winsor was born in Jolinston, R. I., on the 24tli 
 day of August, 1703. His father, Samuel AVinsor, was for 
 many years pastor of the First Ha])tist Church in Providence, 
 
308 NOTES. 
 
 iind died in Jmiuary, 18U3, at the age of 80. His mother, 
 Lydia Olney, was a daughter of John Ohiey, of North Provi- 
 deuce, a tanner by occupation, and a grandson of the first 
 Thomas Ohiey, of Providence, who succeeded Roger "Wil- 
 liams as Pastor of the church established there. 
 
 Olney Winsor, the subject of this notice, was a graduate of 
 Brown University, and was for many years a member of the 
 college corporation. He commenced business in Providence, 
 thence moved to Alexandria, Va., but soon returned to Provi- 
 dence, vvliere he resumed and continued business as a mer- 
 chant until the year 1792, when he was elected Cashier of the 
 Providence Bank, the first institution of the kind in Rhode 
 Island. He continued to occupy this position until the year 
 1811, about which time lie moved to his small country place 
 in North Providence, where he remained till his death. 
 
 His first wife was Freelove "Waterman, daughter of Charles 
 Waterman, of Johnston, by wh(mi he had five children, four 
 of which died in infancy. A daughter survived her father 
 until November 7, 1850. His second wife was llojje Thurber, 
 daughter of Samuel Thurber, of Providence, a paper manufac- 
 turer. This lady died, July 24, 1826, aged nearly 72 years. 
 l>y her Olney "Winsor had one daughter, named Sarah J., who 
 is still living. 
 
 Mr. Winsor was a man of great integrity of character, of 
 large general information, and of very genial feelings, and was 
 much respected and esteemed. He had the air and manner 
 of a gentleman of a school wliich has passed away. He died 
 
NOTES. 
 
 800 
 
 in JTorth Trovidence, March 15, lSf5T, at tlie a^rc of nearly 84 
 years, and was buried in his family lot in the " North Hurial 
 Ground,'' in rrovidence, II. I. 
 
 („) We have before stated that our author, when aboTit 
 tAventy years of age, was married to Miss Dorcas Whipple. 
 This lady was born in Smithfield. R. I., in the year 1TG7. She 
 was a member of the Baptist church, and was much beloved 
 for her many estimable traits of character. She died at New- 
 port. N. Y., on the 7th day of January, 1821, in the 54tli 
 year of her age. 
 
 The names of their children were as follows : 
 
 1 Susannah, born 1785 at gmithfleld, R I. -lied Dec, 1856, at Vi^co. 
 
 Ilamillon Co. IN . » . 
 
 2. Amy " 17S6. " " " Ju-U,182-2. 
 
 3. Catharine " 1T8S. Fairfield, N.Y. 
 
 4. Christoplier"Mch.8,mi. " " sti" living. 
 
 5 Nancy " 1793. " " died, 1845, at Newport, N.^ . 
 
 e'. Experience » 1796. " " " 1842,inOh-o. 
 
 T.Abigail " 1798. " " " lS43,at Newport, Js.^ . 
 
 The name of "Hawkins" is evidently of English origin, 
 and is of great antiquity, running back as far as the year 1358. 
 Several of the name have risen to distinction, and among 
 these is Sir John Hawkins, the celebrated naval conunander 
 of the time of Queen Elizabeth, who, as rear-admiral, signalized 
 himself against the invincible armada of Spain. Another Sir 
 John Hawkins, an en.inent lawyer, editor of au edition of 
 Walton's Angler, and author of a valuable history of ^Nlusic, 
 lived in the time of George the third, and was an intimate 
 
310 
 
 NOTES. 
 
 friend and companion of the celebrated Dr. Johnson. We 
 find also at this period the name of Christopher Hawkins, an 
 author, and a member of Parliament, who was knighted by 
 the King, June 21, 1791. In the Encyclopaedias of Heraldry 
 are described several coats of arms which were granted to 
 persons bearing the name of "■ Hawlcinsy 
 
ADDENDA. 
 
 The following items having been accidentally omitted iu 
 their proper places, they are accordingly inserted here, and the 
 indulgent reader will please take them in where they belong : 
 
 At page 51, third line from the bottom, after the word " discox^eri/,'''' take iu 
 the following note : 
 
 (a) Among the many traits which have ever distinguished 
 the sailor from the landsman, none is more striking than his 
 superstition. There is hardly anything occurs on sliipboard 
 out of the ordinary way that he is not at once ready to ascribe 
 to some supernatural agency. Deprived as he generally is of 
 the advantages of early education, and denied subsequently 
 the benefits of intelligent intercourse, it is not at all singular 
 that he should do so, and that it is so difficult to wean him 
 from his erratic notions after they have been once formed. 
 His objections to going to sea on a Friday, and to sailing in a 
 vessel on which a clei-gyman is a passenger, are well known 
 instances of his superstitious feelings. 
 
 The following instances of this superstition in the British 
 
812 ADDENDA. 
 
 Navy, occurring as early as the close of the l7th century, are 
 taken from " Capt. Cowley's Voyage Eound the Globe," made 
 in the years 1683, 4, 5 and 6 : 
 
 " We had moreover this Day great Feasting on Board us, and the 
 Commanders of the other two Ships returning on Board their Vessels, 
 we gave them some Guns, which they returned again. But it is 
 strangely observable, that whilst they were loading their Guns they 
 heard a voice in the Sea, crying out, Come help, come help, a Man over 
 Board, which made them forthwith bring their Ship to, thinking to take 
 him up, but heard no more of him. Then they came on Board of us, 
 to see if we had not lost a Man ; but we nor the other Ship had not a 
 Man wanting, for upon strict examination we found that in all the three 
 Ships we had our Complement of Men, which made them all to conjec- 
 ture that it was the Spirit of some Man that had been drowned in that 
 Latitude by accident." 
 
 Hacke''s Collection of Original Voyages, Lon : 1699, pp. 40-41. 
 
 " Then haling away S. W. we came abreast with Cape Horn the 14th 
 Day of February, where we chusing of Valentines, and discoursing of 
 the Intrigues of Women, there arose a prodigious Storm, which did 
 continue till the last Day of the Month, driving us into the lat. of GO deg. 
 and 30 min. South, which is further than ever any Ship hath sailed 
 before South ; so that we concluded the discoursing of Women at Sea 
 was very unlucky, and occasioned the Storm." 
 
 Hacke's Collection of Original Voyages, ut supra citat, pp. 6-7. 
 
 At page 157, 13th line from the top, after the word " /cilled," take in the 
 following : 
 
 Among the houses that suifered injury from the broadside 
 of the Asia upon this occasion, was the celebrated one known 
 as " Fraunces' Tavern,*' kept by Samuel Frauuces, who on 
 account of his swarthy complexion^ was frequently called by 
 the familiar sobriquet of ^'- Blach Sam.'''' Philip Freneau, the 
 
ADUKNDA. O 1 8 
 
 well known poet of that day, gives the following acconnt of 
 
 tlie affair : 
 
 " At this time arose a certain king Sears 
 Who made it his study to banish our fears : 
 He was, without doubt, a person of merit, 
 Great knowledge, some wit, and abundance of spirit; 
 Could talk like a lawyer, and that without fee, 
 And threaten'd perdition to all that drank Tea. 
 Ah ! don't you remember what a vigorous hand he i>ut 
 To drag off the great guns, and plague captain Vundeput.* 
 That nightf when the Hero (his patience worn out) 
 Put fire to his cannons and folks to the rout. 
 And drew up his ship with « spring on her cable, 
 And gave us a second confusion of Babel, 
 And (what was more solid than scurrilous language) 
 Pour'd on us a tempest of round shot and langrage ; 
 Scarce a broadside was ended 'till another began again — 
 By Jove ! it was nothing but Fire away Flannagan !% 
 At first we suppos'd it was only a sham, 
 'Till he drove a round ball thro' the roof of black Sam ; § 
 The town by their flashes was fairly eulighten'd, 
 The women miscarry'd, the beaus were all frighten'd ; 
 For ray part, I hid in a cellar (as sages 
 And Christians were wont in the primitive ages :) 
 * * * * 
 
 Yet I hardly could boast of a moment of rest, 
 The dogs were a-howling, the town was distrest ! — 
 But our terrors soon vanish'd, for suddenly Seaus 
 Renew'd our lost courage and dry'd up our tears." 
 
 At page 195, after tlie 15lli line from the top, take in as follows : 
 
 The followuig extract gives some further particulars : 
 
 " New-Youk, August 18. 
 
 Thursday was brought in here by some of his Majesty's 
 ships, the rebel brig Makiamne, Whipple, master, of 16 six pound- 
 
 * Captain of the Asia man of war. X A cant phrase among privateers men 
 
 t August, 17T5. § A noted tavern keeper in New Yoik. 
 
314 ADDENDA. 
 
 eis, aud 17 men ; four days out from Providence, Rhode Island, on a 
 cruize, but liad taken nothing : She was captured last Monday morning. 
 When the Mariamne left Khode Island, all the French fleet were in 
 Newport harbour. — The rebels at Providence were equipping a number 
 of small privateers, but had none out, except a small sliip of 20 guns, 
 commanded by a pei'son named Olney." 
 
 Rivington, Saturday, Aug. 18, 1781. 
 
 At the end of page 195, add the following : 
 
 The last cbaiJter of her tale of sorrow is told in the follow- 
 ing notice : 
 
 '■'■ JVew-York, \st December, 1781. 
 "VpOTICE is hereby given to the officers and company of his Majesty's 
 Ship Amphitrite, Robert Uiggs Esq. Commander, who were 
 actually on board the 30th day of July, 1781, at the capture of the 
 Schooner Neptune, in company with his Majesty's ships Medea and 
 General Monk, aud privateer Triumph and Hiberuia ; and 6th of 
 August, at the capture of the privateer ship Bellisarius in company 
 with the Medea and Savage ; and I3th day of said month August, at the 
 capture of the privateer brigantiue Mariamne, in company with the 
 Medea, that they will be paid their respective shares of said captures on 
 Wednesday the 5th inst. at the office of the Subscriber, and the shares 
 not then demanded will be recalled every day (Sundays excepted) for 
 three years to come, when the unclaimed shares will be paid into 
 Greenwich Hospital, agreeable to Act of Parliament. 
 
 SAMUEL KEMBLE, 
 Rivingion, Sat. Dec. 1, 1781. Ageut.'' 
 
EXPLANATION 
 
 OF SOMK OK THE NAl'TICAL WOKDS fSEI) IN Tills WUKK. 
 
 I'.iiATsw.MN— An officer on board sliip who lias charge of tlio hoats, 
 sails, rigging, colors, anchors, cables and cordage, flis duty is 
 to summon the crew to their dut.v, to relieve the watch, assist in 
 the necessary business of the ship, seize and ])uiiisli ofTeiiders. 
 etc. He has a mate who has charge of the long boat for setting 
 forth and weighing anchors, warping, towing and mooring. 
 
 lU'LKHEAD — A partition built up in a ship to form separate apart- 
 ments. 
 
 Cable-tier — A place on the orlop deck when,' cables arc coiled away. 
 
 Cat-heap — .\ piece of tiinlier projecting over a shi|i's liow. to whicli 
 
 the anclior may be raised and secured. 
 Companion-way — The staircase to the cabin. 
 Fi.iKE — The broad part or arm of an anchor, wliicli lakes lioid of the 
 
 ground. 
 
 l''oi!E(! vsTf.E— A short deck at the fore part ol (he slr|>. ln'forr tlie 
 mast. 
 
 Hatchway — .\ scpiare or oldoim- opening in the deck of a ship, altbrd- 
 ing a passage from one deck to another, or into the liold or lower 
 a])artments. 
 
 Hoi.n — The wliole Interior cavity of a ship, between tlie flooi- and the 
 
 lower deck. 
 Kedoi:- Anciidk The smallest !uic]inr used on lioard ship. 
 
.'U<; 
 
 EXPLAXATIOX. 
 
 r.AKitoAUO— The L'I'l hand si 'e of the shii). Tli ' riylit liuiid side is tlie 
 starboard. 
 
 [,KE — That sidj of a vessel which is opposite to the side against which 
 tlie wind strikes. 
 
 |,ri.-F — Bringing the head of a sliip near tlie wind. 
 
 iMaix-s.vil — The sail of the main-mast, or [irincipal -^ad of a siiiif. 
 
 Jlooii— To confine a s.bip by anchors, and cables or chains. 
 
 QuAUTEK-DECK — Ths portion of the uppermost deck of a ship between 
 the main an<l mizzen masts. This is the 'puradc in men of war. 
 
 Shot i.ouKEii — A strong frame of plank near the punii)-\vell in tne holil, 
 wh-re shot are deposited. 
 
 SyiAKE-KiGGiiD — Notiug a vfissel, as a slrp. the principal sails of which 
 are extended by yards which are suspended horizontally and by 
 the middle, and not by stays, bourns, and gaffs, or lateen or lug- 
 sail yarJs. 
 
 SrANOiiiuN —A piece of wood or iron used to support the deck, the 
 ipiarter-rails, the netting, awrn'ngs, and the like. 
 
 Tai-'Frail— The rail or upper part round a vessel's stern. 
 
 ■Kaiu'aclin — A pice ; o( canvas well ('aubcd with tar. to render it water- 
 proof an 1 used to cover the powder magazines, guns, e'c, and 
 also the hatchways of a ship to prevent rain or water IVom enter- 
 ing the hold. 
 
 V vwL — A small shii)'s bo.kt, rather narrow, and usually roweil by four 
 or si.K oars. 
 
 VW^U 
 
'J,l 
 
 1 4\i 
 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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