H o 
 
 .. A^ /J\%^'^*o "^v. .'^'^ />Qlfei% ^. ..^"^ .^J^i'il^ 
 

 iV«' 
 
 .^^^^-.. 
 
 0' <:^xx\.^. ^ ^> 
 
 
 ,*^ 
 
 3r^ 
 
 
 ^-*°<> 
 
 
 .■f^°- 
 
 <^'* 
 
 V. 
 
iilE 
 
 LIFE OF JOHN KALB 
 
 MAJOR-GENERAL IN THE R'EVOLUTIONARY ARMY. 
 
 BY 
 
 FRIEDRICH KAPP. 
 
 In Deiner Brust sind Deines 
 Schicksals Sterne. Schlllxb, 
 
 ,,<r^y OF COVgo>x 
 'JUN,8S1884 ' 
 
 Of vVASHl^ 
 
 '/^^ 
 
 NEW YORK 
 HENRY HOLT AND COIMPANY 
 
 1884 
 
LZof 
 
 Entered, according to Act of Congress, In the year 18T0, 
 
 By FRIEDEICH KAPP, 
 
 In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Unit«d States for the 
 Southern District of Now York. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Congress having on February 19th, 1883, passed the reso- 
 lution to carry out the vote of OctobL-r 14th, 1780, to erect at 
 Annapolis a monument in honor of General Kalb, I find the 
 moment propitious to prepare for publication a book which 
 I have long had by me. Besides I prefer publishing my re- 
 searches in my own name to running the risk of seeing them 
 adopted by others who do not even condescend to mention 
 the source from which they have drawn their information. 
 
 I do not consider it out of place to submit this work to 
 the American reader, as the necessary sequel to the life of 
 Frederick William von Steuben, published in 1859. 
 Kalb and Steuben taken together complete the design I 
 had in view of detailing the participation of German 
 generals in the establishment of American independence. 
 Both of these men were noble specimens of the race from 
 which they sprung, and under the most unfavorable au- 
 spices they have unfolded some of its finest qualities. 
 
 What first led me to an inquiry into Kalb's personal 
 history was the mysterious twilight in which his memory 
 was shrouded. Even the orthography of his name was un- 
 certain. Some write it Kalbe, others Colbe, still others 
 Kalb ; Mr. Bancroft names Alsace as his native land, 
 while Lord Stormond, the English ambassador, assigns him 
 to Switzerland. The year of his birth varied between 1717 
 and 1732; one authority credits his military antecedents to 
 the Prussian, another to the Austrian, a third to the French 
 array. The French employed him as a secret political 
 agent, the Americans occasionally took him for a French 
 
iv PEEFACE 
 
 spy, and even in the revolutionary war his appearance is 
 meteoric, for he is rarely or never mentioned up to the 
 moment of his heroic death on the field of Camden. Thus 
 his image hovered in a romantic haze of the most opposite 
 probabilities, all the more attractive by its contrast to the 
 biography of Steuben, for whicli all the materials were 
 found ready cut and dried with true Prussian exactitude. 
 It affords me pleasure to say that my researches soon dis- 
 pelled the mystery, and were rewarded with a very gratify- 
 ing crop of historical discoveries, drawn from sources of 
 which but one or two were previously known to the curious. 
 One word as to these fountain-heads. While at Wash- 
 ington in 1856, I was accidentally fortunate in making the 
 acquaintance of John Carroll Brent, Esquire, who had for 
 years represented the family of Kalb as their solicitor at 
 the bar of Congress. To his kindness I am indebted for 
 the address of the Viscountess d'Alzac, ofMilon la Chapellc, 
 Department Seine et Oise, the grand-daughter of Kalb, who 
 is in possession of his posthumous writings. On preferring 
 to this lady a request for permission to inspect and, if nec- 
 essary, to copy the papers of her grandfather, I was favor- 
 ed with a letter from Mr. I. Nachtmann, a Polish refugee 
 in consequence of the revolution of 1831. This gentleman, 
 long in relations of intimacy with the family d'Alzac, had 
 himself conceived the design of writing a life of Kalb, based 
 upon the materials there at hand. He had progressed down 
 to the year 1775, producing a work which followed implicit- 
 ly the Milon authorities, less remarkable, perhaps, for dis- 
 crimination than for completeness in details. A corre- 
 spondence of several years resulted in the purchase by me of 
 Mr. Nachtmann's MS., accompanied by copies of all papers 
 of the general then in the possession of the family. It is 
 hardly necessary to say that without these papers, and 
 especially without Mr. Nachtmann's carefully prepared 
 draught, it would have been impossible for me to liave ac- 
 
PEEFACE V 
 
 complished anything like a coherent narrative of Kalb's 
 life and fortunes. 
 
 In citing these authorities I have designated them as 
 Kalb's MSS. adding the name of ^•J^achtmann" up to the 
 concluding point of that gentleman's labors, and adding 
 '^Milon la Chapelle," for the remaining period which extends 
 from 1776 to 1780. The latter were comparatively sterile, 
 because Kalb's numerous letters from America mainly relate 
 to matters of personal or domestic interest, and but rarely 
 touch upon public affairs and military movements; they were, 
 however, of great value in enabling me to fix dates and locali- 
 ties with undoubted accuracy. 
 
 To Mr. George Bancroft I am under special obligations 
 for the loan of the principal papers respecting Kalb's first 
 journey to America. The evidences of Kalb's birth and ex- 
 traction I owe to the kindness of my friend, Professor K. L. 
 Aegidi, now professor at Bonn, and the obliging assistance 
 of the Reverend Mr. Recknagel, pastor of Kirchenaurach, 
 Consistorial Councilor Dr. George Kapp, of Munich, and 
 Mr. Philip Feust, then of Erlangen, now lawyer at Fiirth. 
 My friend, M. Louis Tribert, of Paris, supplied me with 
 some valuable data from the papers of the ministry of war, 
 and, long after I had renounced all hope of further dis- 
 coveries, my friend, Mr. John Bigelow, then American Con- 
 sul in the last-named city, discovered, in the archives of the 
 same ministry, no less than thirty letters and documents of 
 Kalb's, of which he had the goodness to procure copies for 
 me. In this disinterested act of friendship he received, at 
 the hands of M. Blondel, the custodian of these archives, 
 that courteous assistance which has always distinguished 
 the officials of the French government. 
 
 The libraries of the Historical Societies at New York and 
 Baltimore contain very valuable documents. In the latter 
 city the manuscript papers of General Gist, as well as other 
 writings, cited in tlic course of the work, turned out to be 
 
VI PREFACE 
 
 extremely productive. In New York the papers of General 
 Gates were particularly rich in materials, and of incalcula- 
 ble value for my purposes. The librarians of these institu- 
 tions, Mr. George H. Moore here, and Mr. A. M. Rogers of 
 Baltimore, aided my efforts with their accustomed kindness. 
 
 All these gentlemen are requested to accept my heartfelt 
 thanks for the friendship thus extended. 
 
 In the office of the Secretary of State at Washington I 
 had no difficulty in obtaining the consent of General Cass to 
 my taking copies of letters and documents relating to the 
 subject of this memoir. Under the administration of Mr. 
 Seward, several excerpts from a volume containing the De 
 Kalb and the Du Coudray papers were withheld from me 
 on the ground that they were deemed not relevant to my 
 subject. A written demonstration to the contrary, which I 
 furnished, received no attention. On the whole, no change 
 has taken place in the narrow-minded jealousy with which 
 the revolutionary documents are guarded in Washington, 
 anymore than in the neglected early education of the gentle- 
 men who guard them. The unsophisticated views of these 
 worthy functionaries on matters of historical interest are 
 without a parallel in the present century. 
 
 The following correspondence took place between the 
 State Department and myself in relation to this subject. 
 
 Department of State, ) 
 Washington, December 11, 1861. f 
 Friedrich Kapp, Esq., 122 Broadway, New York. 
 
 Sir: It is understood that you have recently made application for 
 copies of certain invoices among the Du Coudray papers on file in 
 this Department, for the purpose of throwing hght on a Life of the 
 Baron de Kalb, which you propose to publish. As no connection can 
 be discovered between the papers requested and the proposed Life of 
 De Kalb, you are informed that such copies will not be allowed to be 
 taken unless you can offer a sufficient explanation in this regard. 
 I am your obedient servant, 
 
 .F. W. Seward, Assistant Secretary. 
 
PREFACE VU 
 
 To which letter I replied as follows: 
 
 New York, December Vuh, 1861. 
 Hon. F, W. Seward, Assistant Seo-etary of State, Washington. 
 
 Sir: In reply to your favor of the 11th iust., refusing me the use 
 of the Du Coudray Papers, on the rolls of your Department, unless I 
 can offer a sufficient explanation, that they have a connection with 
 the Life of Baron De Kalb, which I am now writing, I beg to say 
 that Du Coudray was a French officer, who, with the knowledge of 
 the French government, intended to come over to the United States 
 in company with Baron De Kalb, and was charged with the ship- 
 ment of several invoices of ammunition, goods and cannon, in aid of 
 the Colonies. 
 
 As it is one of the essential points in my biography of De Kalb to 
 elucidate the part taken by the French government in the American 
 struggle of independence, you will see at once, the bearing of those 
 papers upon my subject. I cannot establish my proofs without 
 reference to those identical invoices contained in the Du Coudray 
 Papers. 
 
 Another point is the action taken by Beaumarchais, who, in his 
 desire of vindicating to himself exclusively the honor of having pro- 
 cured French e:oods and money in aid of the Revolution, made an 
 attack both upon Du Coudray and De Kalb, as well as afterwards 
 upon the Washington government, which he accused of fraud and 
 false dealings to all Europe. To refute such charges is not only in 
 the interest of my work, but of the fair fame of this Republic. If the 
 above information should not prove sufficient to overcome the con- 
 scientious scruples of your department, respecting the connection 
 between the life of one of the revolutionary heroes, and the light 
 thrown upon the action of the French government in that revolution, 
 by the Du Coudray Papers, I beg to refer your clerks to WiUard, 
 Lossing, or Wilson, or almost any school-book on American History. 
 Such being the case, your reply upon my application evinces, allow 
 me to say, a gross ignorance prevailing in your department with 
 regard to the elementary knowledge of the history of this country. 
 The department might have avoided such exposure, if there had been 
 good sense and literary breeding enough to know that every historian 
 of character and responsibility must judge for himself as to the im- 
 portance of the papers which he wishes to use or to consult, and that 
 
vm PREFACE 
 
 he claims the permission of perusiffg the same as his right in the in- 
 terest of historical truth, not as a favor dependent upon the good will 
 of ignorant clerks. If it be therefore not my right to have those 
 copies, I have no disposition to ask a favor. 
 
 I am, sir, respectfully, your obdt. servant, 
 
 Friedrich Kapp. 
 
 In January, 1862, I called at the State Department, and 
 was informed by the then Chief Clerk, Mr. Hunter, thattlie 
 reasons given by me to be allowed access to the DuCoudray 
 Papers had not been deemed satisfactory. Subsequently I 
 saw Senator Charles Sumner, and in the course of my con- 
 versation with liim, I complained of the treatment I had 
 received from the State Department. Mr. Sumner, with that 
 obliging kindness and courtesy which the world over dis- 
 tinguishes the gentleman, at once volunteered his services 
 to procure me copies of the documents in question. On 
 April n, 1862, he enclosed to me the following letter : 
 
 Department of State, 
 Washington, April 15, 1862. 
 
 Hon. Charles Sumner, Senate Chamber. 
 
 Sir : This Department accedes to the request which has been 
 made by you, that Mr. Kapp may have access to certain papers that 
 are among the Revolutionary Archives; or Mr. Kapp can have the 
 papers referred to copied in the Department, by conforming to the 
 requirements of law in this regard. 
 
 I am, sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 William H. Seward. 
 
 As grateful as I was to the distinguished Senator for his 
 interference, I did not feel disposed to avail myself of Mr. 
 Seward's tardy permission. Having been warned by a former 
 sad experience in the State Department, I had neglected 
 nothing to conform with the requirements of the law in this 
 respect, and I therefore considered tlie condition mentioned 
 in Mr. Steward's note as a mere excuse to the Senator. Be- 
 
PREFACE 
 
 sides, for three unsuccessful trips to Washington, and for 
 copying in the Department, I liad already spent considerably 
 more than my means at that time would permit. 
 
 I should have wished to correct an error which I had 
 committed in my life of Steuben, where, mentioning the deal- 
 ings between Beaumarchais and the United States, I had 
 charged the latter as being in fault, while a later and more 
 thorough study of the subject convinced me that the only 
 blame in these transactions properly fell on the shoulders 
 of Beaumarchais. If I omitted to fulfil this duty, Mr. 
 Seward's subordinates have to account for it. 
 
 Be that as it may, the materials enumerated exhaust the 
 subject, and even cast new and important lights upon the 
 political relations of France to England, and the present 
 United States, from the year 1T67 to 1777, as well as upon 
 some of the designs, hitherto unknown, of the French states- 
 men of that era. In these disclosures, Kalb is invested with 
 a political no less than with a mihtary interest. His inter- 
 course with Choiseul and Broglie, Lafayette and Washing- 
 ton, unfold the inmost recesses of the history of the period, 
 and carry the reader far beyond the narrow confines of a 
 military career, into the mazes of international politics. 
 
 While the life of every man is a reflection, more or less 
 faithful, of the history of his time, which, indeed, is but 
 the product of the welded activity of its thinkers and 
 agents, Kalb is peculiarly a true son of the eighteenth cent, 
 ury. Issuing from the undermost strata of society, and 
 scaling its heights by dint of native power, he labors wit- 
 tingly and willingly to bring out the form and pressure of 
 the age, and bears in every feature the stamp of its faults 
 and of its glories, of its paltry political misery and its lefty 
 republican aspirations, its craven deference to timeworn 
 prejudice, and its titanic wrestlings with hoary tradition. 
 
 Feiedeich Kapp. 
 
 Berlin, January 1884. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 Kalb's Pedigree and Birth. — Enters the French Service, and Assumes a 
 Title of Nobilitf. — His Motives. — Current Opinions of the Last Cen- 
 tury on the Subject of the Differences between the Various Condi- 
 tions in Life. — Kai.b a Lij:utknant in the Regiment Loewendal. — 
 Kalb's Campaigns in Flanders and Alsace. — The School op Marshal 
 Saxe. — Kalb Becomes a Captain, Adjutant, and " Officierde Detail". 
 — Garrisons where he was Stationed in Times of Peace. — His Duties 
 AND Services. — Capitulary Articles of the Foreign Regiments. — 
 Kalb's Plan of an Invasion op England, and Creation op a Body op 
 Marine Infantry, — The Project Fails of Adoption at Versailles. — 
 He Returns to Cambray and Obtains a Major's Commission in 1756. 
 
 TT was not, as lias been hitherto erroneously supposed, the 
 -^ lordly castle of a German baron, but the humble cottage 
 of a Franconian peasant, which gave to the world the hero 
 whose career these pages are intended io commemorate. 
 
 John Kalb was born the 29th of June, 1721, at Huetten- 
 dorf, a village then belonging to the Margraviate of Bay- 
 reuth, afterward under Prussian sovereignty, but at present 
 incorporated with the parish of Frauenaurach in the Bavarian 
 district of Erlangen. His father, John Leonard Kalb, was 
 the son of Hans Kalb, yeoman, of Leinburg, near Altdorf, 
 and figured in the church records of Frauenaurach as " so- 
 journer and peasant of Huettendorf." On the 24th of April, 
 1715, he married Mrs. Margaret Putz, of Huettendorf, whose 
 maiden name was Seitz, and her birthplace Eschenbach. The 
 issue of this marriagie, besides our hero, already named, were 
 1 
 
2 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 two sons, of whom the eldevSt,* George, born November 15, 
 1718, died as a peasant at Stadeln, near Fuertb, while the 
 youngest, Andrew, born the iVth of January, 1727, inherited 
 the homestead at Huettendorf. John passed his childhood in 
 his father's house, and received his earliest schooling at Krie- 
 genbronn. Then he became a waiter, and as such, when 
 barely sixteen years of age, he went abroad.* At this point 
 his trace is lost for years. There can be but little doubt that 
 he soon found his way to France, and cast his lot with military 
 men, for about the close of the year 1743 the peasant boy 
 Hans Kalb turns up as Jean de Kalb, lieutenant in he regiment 
 Loewendal of French infantry.^ IIow he reached these for- 
 eign parts, and how he achieved his position there, I have 
 not succeeded in ascertaining; nor is it probable that any 
 authentic clue to the mystery will ever be discovered. 
 
 Throughout the last century, more than at any other time, 
 the line of distinction between the character of an adventurer 
 and that of a hero is very dim, often scarcely discernible ; and 
 the antecedents of many a man who, at a subsequent stage of 
 his career has scaled the heights of fame, are checkered with 
 alternate displays of either. The force of circumstances seems 
 to have thrust Kalb into the path of adventure in early life, 
 while his staid and sober disposition tended to impel him in 
 the opposite direction. It is very clear that his advancement 
 was facilitated by his assumption of nobility, and in the high- 
 est degree probable that it was achieved by some act of gal- 
 lantry in the face of the enemy. But where and how he 
 acquired the manners and the knowledge necessary to main- 
 tain his ground, is a question difficult to answer. If he had 
 entered a regiment commanded by Frenchmen, the inference 
 would be that he was enabled to sustain his role by the limit- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 3 
 
 ed acquaintance of the French officers of that day with Ger- 
 man society and habits. But we find him in a corps, which, 
 though enlisted under French colors, was officered almost 
 exclusively by German noblemen, thus bringing him into 
 contact with men who must have had an accurate knowledge 
 of the German nobility, and some of whom may have be- 
 longed to tlie same province, or at least may have been con- 
 nected with the landed gentry of that neighborhood by the 
 ties of blood or friendship. 
 
 Kalb's assumption of a title not legally belonging to him 
 is not at all surprising, in view of the fact that none of the 
 armies of that day admitted the claims of a commoner to 
 promotion, and that shortly before the breaking out of the 
 French revolution (in 1781) the privilege of holding commis- 
 sions in the army was restricted to nobles of at least four 
 ancestors.' Indeed, the nobility of that period may be said 
 to have comprised the whole of its good society. Even Fred- 
 erick the Great went so far as to attribute to that order a 
 higher sense of honor and a more profound insight into the 
 art of war and the mystery of statecraft, and to limit the 
 appointment of untitled men to important offices to the most 
 exceptional cases. ISTor did the slighted classes resent their 
 subordination, or regard it as anything worthy of comment. 
 Puetter, the celebrated jurist of Goettingen, a contemporary 
 of Kalb, always felt himself especially honored when some 
 count or baron addressed him, or even vouchsafed to chat 
 with him during the lazy hours of the bathing season at 
 Pyrmont. It is well known that Goethe was profoundly 
 flattered at being admitted to the edifying conversation of 
 some obscure prince at Karlsbad, and his annals record as 
 preeminently noteworthy that the Prince of Reuss, a poten- 
 
4 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 tate who but for this mention'would have gone to his grave 
 unknown to posterity, always honored him with " an affable 
 and gracious demeanor." A hundred such histances might 
 be cited to show the peculiar fascination exercised by the 
 purely factitious blazon of nobility even upon the leading 
 minds of that era. As a partial compensation for this injustice 
 the favored class of that day good-naturedly acquiesced in 
 the nobihty of any one who managed to assume the title and 
 the external badges of the order, without inquiring closely 
 into his pedigree. This was particularly the case in France, 
 where men where just awakening to a sense of the absurdity 
 of these prejudices. Hence that swarm of adventurers who 
 wormed their way into these circles of the quality, where they 
 were generally tolerated, and often petted, until some caprice 
 or accident hurled them back into their original oblivion. 
 
 Like hundreds before and after him — of whom St. Arnaud 
 and Persigny may serve as examples — Kalb adopted the 
 means best calculated to lift him out of the narrow confines 
 of his native condition into a more advantageous position. 
 Regarding this step in the light of his time, it cannot be judged 
 too mildly. The title of nobility was simply the password 
 which unlocked the world to him, the indispensable starting- 
 point for all fui'ther operations. One more scruple on his 
 part, and the world would probably have gained a sturdy 
 yeoman, but lost a hero ! 
 
 Be that as it may, our hero is henceforth Baron de Kalb. 
 the Kalb of history. The regiment formed by Count Loe- 
 wendal on the first of September, 1743, to which, about the 
 close of the same year, we find him attached as lieutenant, 
 was then stationed in Flanders, and shared in the brilliant 
 though ultimately barren victories won by the French armies 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 5 
 
 under Marshal Saxe over the united forces of the English, 
 Dutch, and Austrians. 
 
 The war of the Austrian Succession, theretofore confined 
 to Germany, was just then assuming European dimensions. 
 France, true to her ancient policy of hostility to Austria, had 
 entered into the contest in 1740, merely as the ally of the 
 elector Albert of Bavaria, in opposition to the pretensions of 
 Maria Theresa; in 1744, however, she openly declared war 
 against Great Britain and Austria. To drive the English out 
 of the Netherlands, Louis XV. himself entered Flanders, 
 opened the campaign with the siege of Menin, which sur- 
 rendered after a brief resistance, and proceeded to invest 
 Ypres and Furnes, which were also speedily reduced. The 
 Loewendal regiment took a prominent part in these three 
 operations. When the Austrians invaded Alsace in consid- 
 erable force, Louis resolved to conduct 40,000 of the flower 
 of his victorious Flemish army to the support of Marshal 
 Coigny on the Rhine. At Metz, however, the king fell dan- 
 gerously ill. The French, instead of driving the enemy across 
 or into the Rhine, frittered away their forces in exhausting 
 marches, futile manoeuvres, and petty engagements. One of 
 the latter was the brilliant attack upon the village of Augen- 
 heim, in which again the Loewendal regiment gained peculiar 
 distinction. The French took the place on the 23d of August, 
 1744, after a determined resistance on the part of the Aus- 
 trian grenadiers and Hungarians, but gave the Prince of Lor- 
 raine time, upon the news of the irruption of Frederick IL into 
 Bohemia, to make good the passage of the Rhine without 
 molestation, and then to march upon Prague by way of Swabia 
 and the Upper Palatinate. Instead of pursuing the enemy, 
 the French contented themselves with the conquest of the 
 
6 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 Brisgow, and concluded the campaign in November, 1744, 
 with the taking of Freiburg, under the walls of which alone 
 they lost twelve thousand men. In this siege, also, the Loe- 
 wendal regiment was engaged, so that in the course of a single 
 year, Kalb had a share in three sieges and one hotly-contest- 
 ed battle. 
 
 In the following year, 1745, his regiment rejoined the 
 army of Marshal Saxe in the Netherlands. At the battle of 
 Fontenoy, fought May 11, 1745, it formed a part of the re- 
 serve which was under the command of Loewendal himself; 
 and in pursuance of this victory, which was mainly brought 
 about by the gallantry of the foreign regiments, it assisted at 
 the capture of Ghent, Oudenarde, Ostende, and Nieuport. 
 In fact, if we except the battles of Lafeld and Raucoux, there 
 is hardly a decisive event in the course of these campaigns 
 in which the regiment was not distinguished. Thus, in 1746, 
 it was active at .the reduction of Huy and Namur. In 1747 
 it shared in the taking of Ecluse and Sar de Gand, and in the 
 still more celebrated storming of Bergen op Zoom, which 
 brought its commander the marshal's baton ; in 1748 it 
 aided in the siege and capture of Mastricht, at the close of 
 which the French, exhausted by the war, purchased the peace 
 of Aix-la-Chapelle by the surrender of all their conquests in 
 the Netherlands. 
 
 It was Kalb's good fortune to receive his military training 
 in the school of Marshal Saxe, the greatest captain of Europe 
 in the period intervening between the career of Prince 
 Eugene and that of Frederick the Great, and whom the latter 
 venerated as the " professor of all the European generals." 
 But Loewendal too was a general fitted to stand beside the 
 ablest chieftains of the age, and particularly eminent in the 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 art of reducing fortifications. From the subordinate position 
 occupied by our hero, it is but natural that his name does not 
 figure in the reports of this war; but there is evidence in 
 papers stiil extant that he was even then a diligent and ener- 
 getic officer, occupying all his leisure moments in the study 
 principally of the modern languages, and of the higher branches 
 of mathematics as applied to the art of fortification and to 
 the internal organization of various bodies of troops. Under 
 these circumstances he could not fail to attract the attention 
 of his superiors, and was not only assigned to services of im- 
 portance, but rapidly promoted. In 1747 he was made cap- 
 tain and adjutant, and also charged with the duties of an 
 " officer of detail." 
 
 This designation was peculiar to the French army of the 
 eighteenth century, and combined the offices of general man- 
 ager and judge of the regiment. It was for the incumbent to 
 superintend all its affairs, from the most trivial minutiae of 
 daily routine to the most important points of discipline and 
 jurisprudence. The colonel gave the regiment his name and 
 was its representative abroad, the officer of detail controlled 
 its internal administration. He conducted the correspondence 
 with the commanding general and the minister of war, re- 
 ported the condition of the men, made requisitions to meet 
 their wants, scrutinized and expounded the articles of war — 
 of which each regiment then had its own — vindicated their 
 rights as against their superiors, suggested rewards and punish- 
 ments, and acted, in short, as the virtual head of the regiment. 
 
 A position at once so honorable to a young officer, and so 
 responsible, could be well filled only by a man of intelligence, 
 energy, and integrity. It was occupied by Kalb during 
 almost the entire duration of the peace which preceded the 
 
8 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 Seven Years' War. His regimecrt was in garrison at Pfalzburg 
 and Cambray. Our hero was not only studious of faithfully 
 performing the duties of his office, but also endeavored, as far as 
 in him lay, to correct existing abuses, and to infuse coherence 
 and humanity into the barbarous and contradictory codes by 
 which his own and other regiments were governed. The ar- 
 ticles of war, or capitulations, adopted at the formation or 
 subsequent reorganizations of the various regiments of the 
 French array, produced an anomalous state of things replete 
 with doubt and incongruities. Every regiment was a close 
 corporation, a petty state within itself, and of course exces- 
 sively jealous of its *' rights and franchises." What in one 
 regiment was enjoined by the law, was punished in another 
 as a crime. Every " Capitulation," was an independent treaty 
 between the King of France of the one part, and the for- 
 eign soldiers of the other. The latter sold their services 
 in consideration of the most favorable stipulations and privi- 
 leges, which the former accorded lavishly or sparingly, accord- 
 ing to the urgency of his military necessities. Thus, each 
 regiment occupied a position of its own, and its discipline 
 frequently came into conflict with that of the rest of the 
 army. In spite, or rather in consequence of the most precise 
 directions in reference to discipline, arms, uniform, subsist- 
 ence, and police, in peace and war, doubts and difficulties fre- 
 quently arose, which were passed upon by the minister of 
 war on the report of the officer of detail. Kalb devoted 
 himself to this portion of his task with the greatest zeal, en- 
 deavoring either to resolve his doubts by taking the advice 
 of his colleagues in other foreign regiments, or, failing that, 
 to settle important points by the decision of the minister him- 
 self To give an instance among many — a court-martial of 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 9 
 
 liis regiment had condemned to death a deserter who, after 
 having sold his uniform in a foreign country, had returned to 
 France, and been arrested. A minority of the judges dis- 
 sented, and voted for the gauntlet, on the ground that capi- 
 tal punishment was only incurred where the deserter was ar- 
 rested out of the kingdom. On the 20th of August, 1751, 
 Kalb submitted the case to the minister of war, Count d'x4.r- 
 genson, who, on 21st of September, decided in favor of the mild- 
 er sentence, on the ground of the ordinances of the regiment. 
 The independent jurisdiction of the regimental court- 
 martials often led to the most intolerable abuses. In the 
 absence of a regular course of procedure, particularly in 
 police matters, the accused was often exposed to the arbitrary 
 cruelty of narrow-minded judges. Kalb did what he could 
 to redress these grievances, and corresponded wdth the 
 officers of detail of all the other German regiments in the 
 service, with the view of approximating harmony in the dis- 
 tribution of punishments. Thus, for instance, it was the rule 
 with most of the regiments, that public women detected in 
 the barracks fell under the jurisdiction of the colonel. The 
 latter usually had them publicly whipped by the very soldiers 
 in whose company they had been caught. It was revolting to 
 the men to be made the instruments of such a chastisement, 
 and they often vented their aversion to so sudden an exchange 
 of the functions of a paramour for those of the beadle, in acts 
 of flagrant insubordination. On one occasion of this kind in 
 Nancy, in 1748, three grenadiers were hung for mutiny. 
 Though unsuccessful in his efibrts to bring about the total 
 abolition of this degrading punishment, Kalb at least effected 
 the dispensation of the men of his own regiment from being 
 the instruments of it/ 
 1* 
 
10 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 'Nov is it in these more important matters alone that Kalb 
 watched over the interests of the soldiers entrusted to him. 
 He was equally vigilant in the smallest matters of detail. At 
 one time he is called upon to indicate the claim to fifteen beds 
 accorded to the German infantry by a capitulation of May 
 1, 1V33, in which he is sustained by the minister of war 
 against the commissary-general. Again he is found procuring 
 a decision adjusting differences between the major attached to 
 a post and the major attached to the regiment which gar- 
 risons the post, and determining which of them shall be 
 entitled to claim the sword of a regimental ofiicer who 
 dies in garrison. And again he obtains the extradition of 
 deserters who have been mustered into a French regiment, 
 and accomplishes the ascertainment of the rule under which 
 a soldier may change his regiment without incurring the 
 penalty of desertion. Neither did the deta^s of the service 
 distract his attention from the scientific branches of his 
 profession, on the one hand, or the political horizon which 
 foreboded the speedy return of hostilities between England 
 and France on the other. In concluding the peace of Aix-la- 
 Chapelle in 1748 both parties had studiously left the terms so 
 vague, and their mutual claims to certain American posses- 
 sions so undecided, that the war was unavoidably renewed at 
 the earliest opportunity. During all the eight years that 
 ensued, the two nations were eying each other in an attitude 
 of preparation. In 1754, before the Seven Years' War was 
 thought of, skirmishes and encounters frequently occurred 
 between the English and the French garrisons in Canada, and 
 on the Ohio and Mississippi, in which the English were gen- 
 erally worsted. The war had already become inevitable, 
 although it was not formally declared before the beginning 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 11 
 
 of the year 11 oQ. Kalb was well aware of its approach, and^ 
 though a German, he cherished his full share of the hatred 
 of the French aojainst the Eno-lish. 
 
 Convinced of the inadequacy of the means of maritime 
 defence then at the disposal of France, he ventured, about 
 end of the year 1754, when the news of the first disturbances 
 in America was received in France, to submit to M. Machault, 
 the minister of marine, a plan for the formation of a foreign 
 regiment of marine infantry, which was to be organized with 
 a particular view to sudden landings on the coasts of England 
 and her colonies. Then as now the British were tormented 
 by perpetual fears of a French invasion of the island. In 
 1744 Marshal Saxe had engaged in preparations for a landing, 
 in concert with the Scotch pretender, at Dunkirk, and had 
 thereby constrained the withdrawal of the English forces 
 from Flanders quite as effectually as if the threat had been 
 actually carried out. The success of the marshal on that 
 occasion appears to have first directed Kalb's attention to the 
 subject. How well his plan accorded with the national incli- 
 nations, and how popular a project of this kind always has 
 been and always will be, has been abundantly shown by the 
 subsequent history of the monarchy, the republic, and the 
 empire. Two years after the rejection of Kalb's proposition 
 Marshal Belleisle, the successor of d'Argenson as minister of 
 war, conceived the design of crossing the channel in flat-bot- 
 tomed craft, and was seconded in this hairbrained project by 
 the most influential parties of the court, headed by that mys- 
 terious personage, the Count St. Germain. In 1759 Choiseul 
 managed to secure the neutrality of Holland and the alliance 
 of Sweden, for the purpose of enabling him to land in Eng- 
 land and dictate terras of peace to the enemy in London 
 
12 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 itself. His fleet, however, was disabled in the Bay of Quihe- 
 ron, which frustrated a movement undertaken at immense 
 expense. Like a sacred tradition these expeditions recur as 
 often as a war with England is declared or threatened. 
 Louis XVL made similar preparations. Under the directory 
 a fleet of gunboats was maintained in the channel for years, 
 with a like object. Napoleon L is well known to have enter- 
 tained similar designs at Boulogne, and the lower empire 
 would not be the faithful caricature of its predecessor which 
 it is, if its Chauvins did not brandish their sabres at the 
 northern horizon, and prate of the humiliation of England in 
 her own capital, whenever it served the turn of their lord and 
 master. Let us hear Kalb's own exposition of his views of 
 the best means of humbling the pride of Albion in his day.* 
 " A regiment of foreign marines," he says in his memorial, 
 " would be of undoubted advantage to the king. It should 
 number from eight to twelve hundred men, and w^ould have to 
 serve on land, on the coast, in the colonies, and on board the 
 navy, and be composed of Germnns, Danes, Swedes, English- 
 men, inhabitants of our own seaboard provinces, but above all 
 things of L'ishmen. The latter are universally known to be 
 the best sailors and marines of the English navy; besides, 
 they are Roman Catholics. Their concourse to our flag 
 might make it possible for us to people a considerable part 
 of our colonies with them. By making this disposition of 
 them we might secure the adherence of numbers of Irishmen 
 in any undertaking against the naval power, the colonies, or 
 the provinces of England, and might keep ourselves well 
 informed of all the hostile movements of the British. All 
 the world is aware of the hatred cherished hj the Irish against 
 the English. The former never served the latter for any 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 13 
 
 other reason than the want of better employment. It is re« 
 markable that this project has not been broached heretofore. 
 How invahiable would such a corps have been to the State at 
 the time when the king had sixteen thousand Irishmen in his 
 service ! For six and forty years France has had no more 
 trusty soldiers, none who served her, on all occasions, with 
 greater zeal and efficiency. But they would have been much 
 more useful at sea than on land, for the former must be re- 
 garded as their native element." 
 
 After detailing the advantages to be derived from the 
 adoption of his plan, Kalb proceeds to discuss the disposition 
 of the force to be raised. 
 
 "Detachments," he continues, " should be sent to Quebec 
 and Louisburg, and recruited in Nova Scotia, which colony is 
 almost exclusively inhabited by English and Irish Catholics. 
 By this means we should be furnished with every information 
 which it would be to our interest to receive from that portion 
 of America. Other detachments could be usefully employed 
 at Martinique, Guadaloupe, and Marie Galante, as these islands 
 command all the other French and all the English possessions 
 in that quarter, in consequence of the easterly winds prevail- 
 ing there from year's end to year's end, and which would enable 
 us in twenty-four hours to reach Barbadoes, Antigua, and the 
 remaining English Antilles, which carry on considerable com- 
 merce. The same advantage is offered by Cape Frangais, the 
 best harbor in that portion of San Domingo, subject to the 
 King, which lies to windward of Jamaica, the most important 
 English possession in America. A strong detachment of the 
 regiment posted there, and commanded by officers of zeal and 
 intelligence, might secure the fullest and most reliable 
 intelligence about the strength of the English, their move- 
 
14 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 raents, their weak points, and the best means of surprising 
 them. 
 
 *' If the regiment is to render the service fairly to be ex- 
 pected, it must be formed and instructed in time. Soldiers 
 reared in a discipline of years may be depended on for im- 
 plicit obedience in any enterprise, while ignorance of the 
 country and of the hostile resources will always expose an 
 army to the misfortunes which befell the fleet commanded by 
 the Due d'Antin in 1740 and 1741. His attack upon Ja- 
 maica failed from utter want of knowledge of the country. 
 Had he been in command of soldiers such as I propose to 
 raise, he would have been sufficiently apprised that the English 
 had not a tenth part of the force attributed to them in his 
 calculations. Besides, it is notorious that the British suc- 
 ceeded in taking Fort St. Louis on San Domingo only on ac- 
 count of the cowardice of the garrison ; they could never 
 have reduced it, had it been defended by a well-disciplined 
 force such as I have suggested." 
 
 Kalb concludes his memorial by proposing to bestow the 
 commissions on the Catholic nobility and gentry of England 
 and Ireland, as a measure most acceptable to the younger 
 sons of those families, and calculated greatly to multiply the 
 devoted subjects of the French crown. 
 
 The plan is accompanied by two specifications, which ex- 
 haust the technical details of the project. The first of these 
 supplements discusses the composition and organization of the 
 regiment, its pay, equipment, and discipline ; while the second 
 gives the outlines of a " capitulation " designed to regulate 
 the rights and duties of the regiment as against the crown. 
 
 The work has here been reproduced in its leading details, 
 because it brings out in bold relief the young officer's politi- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 15 
 
 cal intelligence and military acquirements. He speaks with- 
 out reserve or circumlocution, not as a craven sycophant, 
 greedy of private gain, but as a man convinced of the merits 
 of his case, and anxious to make all the energies of his adopt- 
 ed country available against its most formidable foe. 
 
 Nor did Kalb deceive himself as to the obstacles to be 
 encountered. He saw very clearly that his subordinate posi- 
 tion in the military hierarchy was a hindrance in his path, 
 the more so as his designs involved the most important ques- 
 tions of foreign politics, of the finances, and of colonial de- 
 fence. Aside from these scruples on the score of the public 
 welfare, he also came into collision with the interests of the 
 colonels who commanded foreign regiment's in the French 
 service, and recruited them in Ireland, Germany, and the sea- 
 board provinces. 
 
 While the king and his mistresses were wasting millions, 
 and scandalously neglecting the army and the soldier, the 
 minister of marine, to sustain the existing establishment, was 
 driven to exercise the most rigid parsimony, and could hardly 
 be expected to consent to an expenditure less indispensable 
 than others, and admitting of no test of its practical efficacy 
 except the ordeal of actual warfare. 
 
 Nevertheless, Kalb made the effort, and followed it up 
 with vigor and skill. He enlisted the cooperation of an older 
 officer. Lieutenant-colonel Niell, of the Dillon regiment, by 
 designating him for the colonelcy of the proposed organiza- 
 tion, of which Kalb w^as to be the senior major. Directing 
 his first operation against the opposition of the colonels, he 
 undertook to dissipate their fears of his competition with 
 their recruiting sergeants, by showing that the new regiment, 
 instead of interfering with the old ones, would attract so 
 
16 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 many recruits, as to open a new and abundant source of sup- 
 ply to all the foreign regiments. Finding tha there was little 
 hope of convincing the minister by means of a written corre- 
 spondence, he procured a furlough, and travelled, early in the 
 year 1755, from Cambray to Paris, where he obtained audi- 
 ences of the minister of war and marine, and their subordi- 
 nates. He also endeavored to make interest with the most 
 influential persons at the Court of Versailles. The Keeper of 
 the Great Seal received him with especial kindness, and en- 
 couraged him in the active prosecution of his purpose. For 
 a moment things looked promising, and success imminent ; 
 but the naval minister, on whose accession everything de- 
 pended, soon showed a disposition to procrastinate. M. de 
 Machault was lavish in the praise of the originator of the 
 plan, but deferred its detailed examination from day to day. 
 The English colonels were particularly active in their in- 
 trigues against Kalb. His friend Niell, of more mature ex- 
 perience, and better acquainted with the ways of the court, 
 advised him to gain over one or two of Madame de Pompa- 
 dour's especial favorites, by promising them the patronage 
 of the most lucrative positions connected with the new regi- 
 ment, and to allure de la Porte, the first secretary of the 
 minister of marine, by cutting down the estimates to the 
 lowest figure. This courtly game was repulsive to Kalb's 
 frank and open nature. He answered his friend by saying 
 that he was advocating a public measure, in which he coveted 
 nothing for himself except an opportunity of achieving mili- 
 tary distinction, and that he would not stoop to the role of a 
 flatterer or a suppliant. Preferring to renounce his plan, 
 and preserve his military honor, he left Paris in May, 1755, 
 and returned to his garrison at Cambray, where, in the fol- 
 lowing year, he was promoted to a majority in his regiment. 
 
CHAP TEE 11. 
 
 The Seven Years' War. — Position of the German Officers in the French 
 Army. — Historical Resume op the Political Development of Ger- 
 ^ MANY. — Imposing Position of France in Europe. — Foreign Regiments 
 IN THE French Service. — Number of German Regiments. — Want of 
 National Spirit Among Them. — The French Army at the Breaking 
 Out of the War. — Campaigns in Lower Germany. — Battle of Ross- 
 bach. — Relations of Kalb with Broglie. — Battle of Bergen. — The 
 New Commander-in-Chief Desires to Transfer him to the Corps op 
 the Saxon Allies. — Battle of Grebenstein, or Wilhelmsthal. — Kalb 
 IN the Wetteraw and in Frankfort-on-the-Main. — He Assists a Num- 
 ber of Ducal and Noble Families in Presenting their Claims for 
 Indemnity Against the French Commissariat. — Patriotic Letter of 
 THE Princess of Braunfels. — At the Conclusion of Peace Kalb goes 
 INTO Garrison at Landau. 
 
 rr^HE Seven Years' War, through which we are now to 
 -L follow the fortunes of Major Kalb, will claim our atten- 
 tion in so far only as our hero was actively concerned in it. 
 Neither in a personal nor in a political point of view do we 
 find him in an enviable position. The ignominy and disaster 
 of the French arms could not but throw a shade uj^on every 
 officer, however individually brave and effective, and could 
 not but embitter the pursuit of his profession. Moreover, a 
 German could feel but little honor in finding himself arrayed 
 against his country in the war which for the first time after 
 more than a century of national humiliation, restored the 
 pride of his people, and brought them back to the upward 
 course of political and intellectual progress. Much as Kalb 
 
18 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 resented tlie former grievance,*tlie influences of the times no 
 doubt made him perfectly callous to the latter; nor in jus- 
 tice can he be made answerable for this his j)osition in the 
 French army. 
 
 The practice of taking service under the French flag 
 must be considered in connection with the lamentable con- 
 dition of the German people in the period intervening be- 
 tween the middle of the seventeenth and that of the 
 eighteenth century. Germany had well-nigh bled to death 
 in the Reformation. It had vindicated the liberty of the 
 individual judgment in matters of faith, but had failed to 
 make the same principle the corner-stone of its political and 
 social structure. The Thirty Years' War had broken down 
 the power of the nation. The Peace of Westphalia but set 
 the seal upon its impotence, which it perpetuated by ac- 
 knowledging the virtual sovereignty of the vassal of the 
 buried empire. The petty princes thus emancipated from 
 the control of the emperor, but too weak to defend them- 
 selves, sought protection and support abroad, particularly in 
 France, which, for the very purpose of bruising the strength 
 of its neighbor, constituted itself the guardian of what it 
 called the " German liberties " — a term intended to designate 
 the privileges usurped by these petty magnates — and which 
 thereby attained the dignity of arbiter in the affairs of 
 Europe. It w^as a natural incident of this system that the 
 centralizing despotism of Louis XIY. was studiously imitated 
 by the narrow-minded, puny, and brutal German satraps. 
 Paris and Versailles were the models, the potent influence 
 of Avhich speedily penetrated the inmost heart of Germany. 
 French licentiousness and statecraft soon remained the only 
 ties of union and accord between the divided and jealous 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 19 
 
 potentates. The very German sovereigns who stickled so 
 persistently for the indicia of rank and dignity at home, 
 crawled in the dust before Louis XIV. and his successor, 
 took the wages of their degradation in large sums of ready 
 money, and voluntarily abased themselves before the most 
 insignificant French noblemen. A conspicuous but by no 
 means solitary instance is found in the behavior of the elec- 
 tor Charles Albert of Bavaria, afterward Charles VII., 
 toward the Duke of Belleisle, in whom he venerated " the 
 creator of his good fortune, the arbiter of his fate." 
 
 Even after the inglorious issue of the Seven Years' War 
 the German princes flocked to the standard of France, leav- 
 ing their pride of place behind them. " All the German 
 princes, sovereigns at home," says Segur in his Memoirs, 
 ''were treated as equals by the French nobility in Paris. 
 Ko one ever heard of any distinction being made between 
 Prince Max of Deuxponts, the future King of Bavaria, 
 and the French nobles who served with him, or kept his 
 company." These princes of the empire forfeited their com- 
 missions and their honor by refusing to accept a challenge 
 from a needy French adventurer. The fondness of the 
 French gentry for such encounters with their princely com- 
 rades, and the equivocal renown achieved by some of the 
 latter in accepting these opportunities, are the theme of ex- 
 tended narratives given by Segur of occurrences in the eighth 
 decade of that century.^ 
 
 In the eyes of the men of Versailles, the peoples existed 
 simply as objects of barter and trade by cabinets and di- 
 plomatists. The arbitrary will of the prince was the su- 
 preme law, the vivifying and invigorating power of the 
 State ; in sovereign ignorance of national conditions and na- 
 
20 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 tional relations, the monarch'^ selfish and purblind policy 
 subverted the prosperity of his subjects, and respected no 
 limit and no law except his fancy and caprice. Between the 
 despotism of France and that of Germany, there was but 
 one distinction ; that, however, was an enormous one. The 
 former, an ofishoot of the soil on which it grew, was nation- 
 al, original, formidable, and of vast dimensions ; the latter, 
 foreign to the German mind in all its features, was a paltry 
 and ridiculous caricature. 
 
 Like master, like man ; the difference between the sover- 
 eigns found its counterpart in the difference between the 
 nobilities of the two countries. In the days of Hutten and 
 Sickingen the German barons had maintained their position 
 as the natural champions of popular interests against the 
 increasing pretensions of the princes ; the absolute power of 
 the latter could not fail to deprive the landed gentry of their 
 independence, and to degrade them to the level of courtiers. 
 Cringing and subservient to those above them, supercilious 
 and overbearing to the lowly, the entire class had become a 
 parasitic plant upon the body politic, and the very best spe- 
 cimens of the order were nothing more than soulless tools in 
 the hands of governmental power For the noble, as for his 
 master, Paris was the sun round which the earth revolved ; 
 he, too, was nothing but the thoughtless ape of French man- 
 ners and customs, the hairbrained contemner of domestic 
 affairs and domestic opinions. It was regarded as the height 
 of good fortune to have visited Paris and Versailles, and no 
 honor was more coveted than that of seeing the French 
 king. At home, the nobility had the monopoly of the army 
 commissions and court charges ; but these were far from 
 sufficing for the maintenance of its numerous progeny, who 
 
LIFEOFKALB. * 21 
 
 were therefore driven to look for distinction, reputation, and 
 emoluments, in the civil and military service of foreign 
 countries. In fact, the class had ceased to have a country ; 
 the very idea had come to be rated among the prejudices of 
 the " canaille." The well-known Count Bonneval, a wretch 
 without honor or shame, who trampled upon all the virtues 
 that grace humanity, who, after serving successively in the 
 armies of France and of the Empire, forswore his faith and 
 died as a Turkish pacha, spoke not his own language merely, 
 but revealed the sentiments of his whole order, particularly 
 of the German portion of it, when he wrote apologetically 
 to Prince Eugene of Savoy that he was " far from entertain- 
 ing that love of country to which the common people addict 
 themselves." 
 
 For men of this description France was the goal of all 
 ambition. Throughout the past century we find the princes, 
 counts, and barons of the Empire in French livery. There 
 were, in this service, a number of German regiments, partly 
 raised in the German provinces of France, partly recruited 
 from native Germans, and always commanded by German 
 officers. In 1748 the foreign troops belonging to the French 
 king numbered 52,315 ; among them were no less than nine- 
 teen German infantry battalions, with 525 officers and 17,- 
 604 of the rank and file, and three regiments of cavalry, 
 numbering 78 officers and 1,440 troopers, exclusive of tlie 
 thir een Swiss regiments, of 806 officers and 17,940 enlisted 
 men, thousands of w^hom were Germans. Even in 1776, 
 when this state of things was approaching its close, the 
 Germans in the pay of France comprised eight regiments of 
 foot with 448 officers and 12,032 privates, besides three cav- 
 alry regiments of 96 officers and 2,520 men.' 
 
22 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 These foreign troops were* maintained in pursuance of a 
 Avell- directed policy. " Anxious as the foreign regiments 
 otherwise were to assimilate themselves to the French," says 
 Eugene Fieffe, " they always received the words of command 
 in their own languages. Even in times of peace the ranks 
 were kept better filled than those of the home levies, partly 
 on account of the difficulty of recruiting in a foreign coun- 
 try in time of war, and partly on account of the importance 
 of keeping the veterans who would otherwise have enlisted 
 under another flag. Their pay, too, was higher. Many of 
 these corps belonged to princes or foreign great lords, whom 
 it was desirable to attach to the interests of France. In 
 other respects these soldiers were subjected to the same or- 
 ganization and discipline as the French regiments. In most 
 cases they did excellent service, having the esprit de corps 
 strongly developed, consisting to a large extent of old cam- 
 paigners, and being in the hands of officers who were born 
 and died in the regiments. They were an object of constant 
 solicitude to the Government, by whom they were regarded 
 as their most reliable support, and as an invaluable counter- 
 poise to the less pliant elements of the army. The king and 
 the princes frequently reviewed them, as a means of keeping 
 up a personal intercourse with the colonels, to whom theii' 
 visits were of course extremely flattering. On such occa- 
 sions each of the princes was furnished with a little card, 
 containing translations and explanations of the commands 
 and manoeuvres. These cards were kept carefully concealed 
 in the palm of the hand or under the saddle." 
 
 In Kalb's early days the disposition of the Germans to 
 become French soldiers was particularly stimulated by the 
 examples of two distinguished men, the Marshal Saxe, who 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 23 
 
 was commander-in-chief, and Count Loewendal, who subse- 
 quently became Marshal of France. As the political spirit 
 of the century was rather cosmopolitan than national, and 
 as the military spirit of the time was peculiarly exempt 
 from the sentiment of nationality, so the wars of that period 
 were cabinet enterprises, in whicli the weal or woe of the 
 people was not at all, or but very little considered. The 
 German people, in particular, had become so inured to this 
 passive role, it was split into such a host of petty sovereign- 
 ties, and so impoverished in ideals, in spirit, and in energy, 
 that the members no longer acted upon a common principle 
 of life, and few men ever gave a thought to matters outside 
 of the sound of the village boll, or beyond the turnpike 
 gates of the provincial domain. 
 
 An evidence of this deplorable state of things is found 
 in the fact that when, in the American revolution, England 
 hired troops from Brunswick, Hesse, Anspach, Waldeck, 
 and Zerbst, these poor conscripts never had a thought of a 
 common country, and never opposed to the English, French, 
 or Americans, any other fatherland than the little duchy or 
 county which had sold them into bondage. I have perused 
 at least fifty volumes of manuscript reports, diaries, and letters 
 relating to this enforced participation of the German yeo- 
 manry in the attempted subjugation of the British colonies, 
 without ever once stumbling upon the use of the bare word 
 "German." "Forward, brave Waldeckers ! Hessians, show 
 yourselves worthy of your ancient fame ! Down with the 
 rebels, my doughty Brunswickers ! " Such are the shouts 
 addressed to their valor ; even when slighted, their common 
 origin never occurred to them; for these poor devils there 
 was no Germany ; tliey knew only their Waldeck, Bruns- 
 
24 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 wick, 6r Zerbst sultans, exc^t wlien called on to hurrah for 
 the King of England, their liege lord by trade and barter. 
 
 If, then, the relation of master and servant was the only 
 one recognized in the eighteenth century, if the princes and 
 lords of Germany never scrupled to bear arms against their 
 country when their interests prompted, if military honor and 
 distinction were the sole ambition of the soldier, how could 
 an individual be expected to entertain that sentiment of pa- 
 triotism which can only spring from an appreciation of the 
 value of citizenship, from an active and constant participa- 
 tion in the affairs of the community and the State? The 
 best fruit of the Seven Years' War was the faint revival of 
 this feeling, and it was left for the present century to wit- 
 ness its restoration. 
 
 The times, therefore, and those who brought them on, 
 must bear the blame, if we find the German estranged from 
 his native land. Let us be thankful that the return of na- 
 tional pride and national honor has put an end to a state 
 of things which drove thousands of Germans to fight against 
 their country. 
 
 At the period of Kalb's entrance into the French array, 
 the brilliant monarchy of Louis XIV. was already tottering 
 to its fall. A German commander still achieved French 
 victories, and a large portion of Germany was still in the 
 tutelage of France ; but the policy which reispected nothing 
 but the interests of the State was no longer pursued, and 
 after the death of Cardinal Fleury (1743), the last statesman 
 of the old school, the management of affairs became a mere 
 appendage to the intrigues of the court and the orgies of the 
 king's mistresses. The first work of this new pov/er was an 
 expensive and disgraceful war, in which the countty had no 
 
LIFE OF K ALB. 25 
 
 interest whatever, and which cost her most of her influence 
 in the councils of Europe, her navy, and the greater part of 
 her foreign colonies. 
 
 It was no want of courage in the soldier or the subaltern 
 that produced these reverses, but the miserable generalsliip of 
 the creatures of Madame de Pompadour, who frittered away 
 their time in petty bickerings, jealousies, and debauchery, 
 guided and controlled by nothing except the freaks of court 
 intrigue. Wherever the French soldier was under good 
 leadership, wherever he had confidence in his commanders, 
 his conduct in this war was as good as in any other ; and 
 there are instances of personal daring fit to stand beside the 
 greatest in history. Frederick the Great himself appreciated 
 their courage, and remarl^ed that under good generals they 
 would have achieved as many victories as they sustained 
 defeats under bad ones. 
 
 The King of Prussia baffled the designs of his adversa- 
 ries, and opened the war, in 1756, by his unexpected irrup- 
 tion into Saxony. France, also, had not calculated upon the 
 commencement of hostilities earlier than the spring of 1757, 
 for it was only in September, 1756, that steps were taken to 
 place the forces on a war footing. Of the German infantry, 
 three battalions of each of the Alsace regiments and two 
 battalions of each of the regiments Bentheim, la Mark, 
 Royal Suedois, Royal Baviere, and Loewendal were raised 
 from 400 to 680 men in the course of the winter, and at- 
 tached to the " Army of the Upper Rhine," which, number- 
 ing 30,000 men, and commanded by the Prince of Soubise, 
 crossed the Rhine at Dusseldorf, and advanced in the direc- 
 tion of Saxony. At the same time the Marshal d'Estree, 
 with 70,000 men, invaded northwestern Germany, and, 
 
26 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 without encountering any ct)nsiderable opposition, occupied 
 Cleve, Westphalia, East Friesland, and Hesse Cassel. 
 
 The French commander in this department proved de- 
 cidedly superior to his antagonist, the Duke of Cumberland,,] 
 and defeated him on the 26th of July, 1757, at Hastenbeck. 
 He was unable, however, to follow up his successes, being 
 recalled in consequence of a court cabal, and supplanted by 
 the Due de Richelieu. The latter drove the enemy to the; 
 coast of the North Sea, between the Elbe and the Weser, 
 and then concluded the capitulation of Kloster Seven, which 
 was repudiated by all parties. He directed his attention 
 principally to the plunder of the conquered provinces, and 
 derived but little benefit from the advantages obtained in 
 the field. In September, while Richelieu, with the main 
 army, advanced upon Magdeburg, the corps of Prince Sou- 
 bise marched to Erfurt, where it formed a junction with the 
 troops of the Empire, and then pushed across Thuringia into 
 Saxony, there to cooperate with the other enemies of the 
 King of Prussia in surrounding him. Frederick, however, 
 attacked Soubise along the whole line of the Saale, and, on 
 the 5th of November, 175 7, inflicted upon him that over- 
 whelming defeat of Rossbach, a victory for the Prussians 
 which will be named through all history. a 
 
 Kalb took part in this battle. His regiment belonged to 
 the corps of the Due de Broglie, which was to have })re- 
 vented the Prussians from crossing the Saale at Merseburg, 
 but was driven back by the king after a gallant and honora- 
 ble resistance. Victor Francois de Broglie (1718 to 1804), 
 whom we shall have frequent occasion to mention in the 
 course of these pages, was one of the ablest of the French 
 captains of the day. Jomini calls him the only French 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 27 
 
 general engaged in the Seven Years' War who approved him- 
 self as capable on all occasions. Of course Kalb, like all the 
 other officers, had to suffer by the incompetence of Soubise; 
 but, though involved in the general flight, his corps, togeth- 
 er with that of Count St. Germain, had the merit of protect- 
 ing the French army from total annihilation, and of making 
 it possible for them to go into winter quarters in the 
 Wetteraw. 
 
 If the moral impression produced by this battle upon the 
 German people was even more important than its strategic 
 results, its deleterious effects upon the French army, and es- 
 pecially upon the German portions of it, were no less per- 
 ceptible. The halo which had encircled the French arms in 
 Germany for more than a century was thoroughly dissipated 
 by the 5th of November, 1757. The mind of Germany 
 broke the fetters of France, recognized its inborn vigor, and 
 began to return to its own. Without Rossbach, Lessing 
 and Kant would have continued to preach in the wilderness. 
 Even the hard-fisted hirelings who lived by selling their 
 lives for a soldier's pittance, now scorned the French ser- 
 vice, and deserted in squads and platoons to the Prussian 
 colors, where they found more honor and glory. Kalb him- 
 self estimates the number of deserters at that time at no 
 less than ten thousand. During the winter of 1757 to 1758 
 this defection assumed such proportions that the captains 
 soon found it impossible to keep the number of men fit for 
 duty at the prescribed standard. 
 
 The evil naturally gave rise to the most varied proposals 
 of amelioration ; but it was difficult, if not impossible, to 
 strike at its root, as it was too intimately connected with 
 the entire French military system of those times. A memo- 
 
28 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 rial submitted to Kalb for hi? opinion proposed to take the 
 business of recruiting out of the hands of the captains, to 
 combine all the German regiments into one organization, to 
 consign the duty of canvassing for new soldiers for all the 
 twenty-one German battalions to a single officer, and to se- 
 lect one spot, as for instance Landau, for the establishment 
 of a common depot for the reception and equipment of re- 
 cruits, thereby securing not only cheaper and more reliable 
 reenforcements, but also a better control over the soldiers 
 (detailed to the various regiments. Kalb regarded so radical 
 a measure in the face of the enemy as impracticable,® as it 
 must wound the self-love and infringe the vested rights of 
 the captains, and expose the German regiments to utter dis- 
 organization. He showed that, under the French military- 
 system, which, in this respect as in many others, could bear 
 no comparison with the Prussian, the captain was at once 
 officer, broker, and capitalist, bound, for a certain price, to 
 provide the king with a given number of soldiers, and in- 
 terested in selecting the best recruits, as frequent desertions 
 would soon bring him into debt, and even subject him to 
 the risk of bankruptcy. All the cheapness, then, which 
 might be expected from the contemplated centralization of 
 the recruitmg service, must be counterbalanced by the cor- 
 responding depravation in point of quality which was all 
 the more certain to ensue, as the officer in charge of the 
 station could never have the same interest as the captains, 
 in confining himself to the most acceptable material. But 
 even admitting that 'the plan would reduce the expense of 
 recruiting and diminish desertion, it nevertheless proceeded 
 on the assumption that the German regiments should cease 
 to be separated by different traditions, rights, and customs, 
 
 I 
 
LIFEOFKALB, 29 
 
 and should all be reduced to a common level — a measure 
 which would run foul of the jealous vigilance with which 
 each command watched over the preservation of its particu- 
 lar capitulations, thus making it impracticable at all times, 
 and suicidal in time of war. 
 
 It would seem that these well-founded objections fore- 
 stalled even an attempt at reform. Matters remained un- 
 changed, or rather the evil increased to such an extent that 
 about the close of the year 1758 Belleisle, the minister of 
 war, wrote to Marshal Contade, directing him to fill up the 
 waning ranks of the foreign regiments from the inhabitants 
 of the hostile countries.^ What made improvement almost 
 hopeless was the evil example set the privates by the major- 
 ity of the officers, who were in the habit of deserting their 
 posts w^ithout any furlough, to indulge in the winter amuse- 
 ments of the capital. Every officer of higher rank did as he 
 pleased, and subordination and discipline appeared to be en- 
 tirely forgotten. 
 
 We are not informed whether Kalb took part in all the 
 movements of the Army of the Upper Rhine. In the year 
 1758 we find no record of any remarkable event in his life. 
 It is reported that on the 13th of April, 175 9, he was engaged in 
 the victorious battle of Bergen with his regiment, which w^as 
 posted in the village itself, and gallantly aided in repulsing 
 the first furious onslaught of the allies. In 1760, the Loe- 
 wendal regiment having been dissolved and divided among 
 the regiments Anhalt and La Mark, Marshal Due de Broglie 
 appointed Kalb assistant quartermaster-general {aide mare- 
 chat general des logis) with the Army of the Upper Rhine, a 
 position he continued to occupy to the close of the v/ar, and 
 which, even before his promotion to the rank of lieutenant- 
 
30 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 colonel on the 19th of May, IV^I, brought him into intimate 
 relations with the commander-in-chief. Broglie had a special 
 preference for Kalb, and endeavored, by thus lifting him 
 out of his regiment, to facilitate his advancement in the 
 army, a design only frustrated by the early appointment of 
 the duke himself to the supreme command. 
 
 Henceforth, wherever we find the Army of the Upper 
 Rhine, we find Kalb with it. The daily reports of de la 
 Valette, the commissary-in- chief of that army, copies of which 
 are before me, show, that until the conclusion of peace Kalb 
 was not missing from his post a single day. His duties were 
 of sach a nature that it is almost impossible to make a narra- 
 tive of them. He distinguished himself not only by zeal and 
 punctuality, but by knowledge and intelligence, and mUde 
 constant progress in the esteem and friendship of Marshal 
 Broglie, as well as of his brother and subordinate, the count 
 of the same name. This intimacy weathered all the storms 
 of the political horizon, and endured, as we shall find in the 
 sequel, up to the latest hour of Kalb's life. He never after- 
 ward took an important step without consulting the Brog- 
 lies, and enjoyed their cordial sympathy in all his under- 
 takings. When, in consequence of the battle of Vellinghausen, 
 the duke became embroiled with Soubise, and was displaced 
 in his command by that minion of the Pompadour, Kalb testi- 
 fied his regret and resentment of this injustice in so unequiv- 
 ocal a manner, as entailed upon him the avowed enmity of 
 Soubise, which was not long in finding expression. No sooner 
 had the hero of Rossbach resumed the command, than he 
 undertook to remove Kalb — in whom he saw only the tool 
 and spy of the Broglies — from his post, and to attach him, 
 with the rank of major, to the Saxon corps then in the pay 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 31 
 
 of France under the Count of Lusatia. In this event Kalb 
 would have been discharged together with this corps at the 
 close of hostilities, which was daily expected, without any 
 claims of readmission into the French army. Of course he 
 left not a stone unturned to escape such a consummation. 
 He applied for a majority in one of the German regiments, 
 in the contingency of the design of Soubise being carried into 
 execution, and was prepared, if even this resource should fail, 
 to resign his commission. Fortunately for him his immediate 
 superiors. Generals de Vogue and de Salles interposed, and 
 declared Kalb's efficient services indispensable to their depart- 
 ments.'" 
 
 If these intercessions alone were not sufficient, they were 
 seconded by more important events, brought about by the 
 carelessness of Soubise, which absorbed his attention to the 
 entire oblivion of Kalb, who retained his post without further 
 molestation. The French marshal, instead of obeying the 
 instructions which confined him strictly to the defence of the 
 positions occupied by Broglie, undertook to dispute the Duke 
 Ferdinand of Brunswick's passage of the Diemel, but suffered 
 himself to be surprised by the allies on the 24th of June, 
 1762, on the banks of this river between Grebenstein and 
 Wilhelmsthal, and to be driven, after an inglorious defeat, 
 under the very guns of Cassel. Ferdinand even compelled 
 the French commander to evacuate Gottingen and Munden, 
 and to retreat behind the Fulda. 
 
 This momentous battle of Wilhelmsthal, by which all the 
 advantages gained by de Broglie were sacrificed, was the 
 last important engagement in that quarter. Kalb shared in 
 the disasters of the day, as is manifest by the responses of the 
 Due de Broglie and of a M. de la Guiche, to whom he had 
 
32 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 sent a report of the defeat, whk)h unfortunately has not been 
 preserved. Personally, however, he lost nothing, and was 
 even fortunate in keeping his baggage, of which most of the 
 French officers were robbed by the light troops of the allies. 
 His courage and conduct on this occasion were rewarded by 
 the order of merit, which had been established in 1759, and 
 was bestowed upon Protestants in lieu of that of St. Louis, 
 which only Catholics were allowed to wear. 
 
 After the retreat from Hesse Cassel, the French head- 
 quarters were again removed to Frankfort, in the walls or 
 the vicinity of which town Kalb was stationed to the end of 
 the war. While the preparations for the departure from 
 Germany were in progress, he supported and advocated the 
 interests of a number of the princely and noble families of 
 the Wetteraw and adjoining provinces, who were entitled to 
 compensation for supplies furnished the French troops, or liad 
 other claims uj)on the French Government. Among others 
 the Princes of Solms-Braunfels, Solms-Hohensolms, and 
 Solms-Lich, were indebted to his prompt action and useful 
 advice for the collection of their demands and the return of 
 their advances. There is extant a thick bundle of letters, in 
 which the gentry of the Wetteraw return thanks to Kalb, or 
 commit their affiiirs to his keeping ; only one of all these 
 documents, however, throws a ray of light upon the existing 
 state of distress and confusion in that part of Germany. It 
 was written on the 18th of November, 1762, by the dowager 
 Princess of Solms-Braunfels, by birth a princess of Birkenfeld, 
 a woman of intelligence and patriotism. " The news of the 
 approaching peace which I read in your favor of the 9th 
 instant," she says, " is most welcome in this part of Germany. 
 We would have been still more fortunate if this joyful event 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 33 
 
 could have occurred eight or nine weeks earlier. Now we 
 are all ruined. Provisions are not to be had, and lords and 
 lieges are staggering under such a load of debt, that fifty 
 years will be required only to clear off the worst of the 
 rubbish. God grant that peace may be concluded in Silesia 
 as speedily as here, so that all Germany may at last breathe 
 freely. Is it not our beloved country whose weal and woe 
 are in question ? It gives me great pleasure to see that you, 
 sir, take the same interest in its welfare." " 
 
 The negotiations relating to the liquidation of these claims 
 were protracted to the year 1763. Without disrespect to 
 Kalb's memory, it is fair to presume that he did not lend his 
 important services to the parties interested without some 
 compensation, and that the business part of his functions in 
 this matter was quite lucrative. Without some such conjec- 
 ture it would be impossible to divine how a man originally 
 without means, should be found the next year marrying on a 
 fortune of fifty-two thousand francs. 
 
 On the return of the army to France, Kalb went into 
 garrison in the then French fortress of Landau, 
 2* 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 Kalb Out of Service. — Captain in the Anhalt Regiment. — He Goes 
 TO Paris, but without Obtaining a New Commission. — Futile Ef- 
 forts — Kalb's Betrothal and Marriage. — His Pecuniary Circum- 
 stances. — He Resigns and Goes to Live in the Country. — A Year 
 After he Seeks an Appointment in the Portuguese Army. — Count 
 William of Lippe-Sciiaumburg. — Broglie's Letter of Introduction. 
 — Visit at Buckeburg. — The Plan is Frustrated. — Secret Mission 
 to America. — Its Natltie. — The Due de Choiseul, his Character 
 and Policy. — Disturbances in the English Colonies of America. — 
 Choiseul Resolves to Send Kalb There. — His Previous Relations 
 TO THE Duke. — Kalb First Assigned to the Coast Survey. — His 
 Destination Altered. — His Instructions. — His Departure for Hol- 
 land. — First Report from the Hague. — Further Orders. — Kalb 
 Goes to London, and Thence to America. 
 
 A T the return of peace, Kalb, as an officer of experience 
 ^-^ and acknowledged ability, had every claim to be 
 promoted to the rank of colonel ; nevertheless, one of the 
 first measures adopted by the ministry in 1V63, was the aboli- 
 tion of his office, which had been created only for the duration 
 of the war. Under these circumstances it was fortunate for 
 our hero that in 1761, shortly before quitting the regiment 
 Loewendal, he had purchased a cajDtaincy in the regiment 
 Anhalt. Notwithstanding his superior rank as lieutenant- 
 colonel, and his services as assistant quartermaster-general, 
 he had been constantly reported by that regiment as in com- 
 mand of one of its companies during the last three years of 
 the war. This precaution, so little consonant to our modern 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 35 
 
 views of military propriety, now stood him in good stead, 
 securing him a safe though humble retreat. 
 
 For the present, then, Kalb was only a captain, with the 
 rank of lieutenant-colonel ; but, of course, he was little dis- 
 posed to rest content with this subordinate position. Very 
 justly reflecting that with a court where all advancement de- 
 pended upon the personal favor or caprice of those in power, 
 personal solicitation was indispensable to success, he procured 
 a furlough for six months and hastened to Paris, determined 
 to secure a position commensurate with his rank in one of the 
 foreign regiments. He applied to the Due de Choiseul and 
 the Prince Soubise, put his personal friends and late superiors, 
 General Wurmser, Saarfeld, and Yogue in motion, and en- 
 deavored to make interest with Dubois, the functionary of the 
 war department to whom the nomination of officers was 
 intrusted. He received on all hands the most unqualified 
 approbation of his services and the fairest promises for the 
 future ; but the professions were not made good, and the 
 summer passed away without any change in Kalb's condition. 
 About this time a vacant lieutenant-colonelcy for which he 
 made application, was bestowed upon an ofiicer sustaining 
 more intimate relations to the minister. There were rumors 
 of a plan to appoint eight additional staff oflicers for each of 
 the three armies of the kingdom, four of each of the eight to 
 be assistant quartermasters-general. Kalb solicited the recom- 
 mendation of the Marquis de Castries, who pledged him his 
 support for one of these positions, and made every effort in 
 his behalf; but the plan was never carried out, and our hero 
 had garnered up an additional disappointment. 
 
 Weary of hope deferred and thoroughly tired of his 
 fruitless stay at Paris, although his furlough lasted till Octo- 
 
36 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 ber, he was on the point of returning to the province and 
 assuming the command of his company, when an unexpect- 
 ed turn in his private affairs put an end, for the time, to his 
 ambitious schemes. This sudden event was his betrothal, 
 shortly followed by his marriage with Anna Elizabeth 
 Lmilie van Robais.'^ 
 
 Among Kalb's numerous acquaintances dating from his 
 then stay at the capital, was that of M. Peter van Robais, 
 formerly a cloth manufacturer at Abbeville, but who had re- 
 tired from business for several years. He was the grandson 
 of a Hollander whom Colbert had induced to settle in 
 France, and whose deserts in improving the cloth manufac- 
 ture of France had been rewarded by Louis XV. with a 
 patent of nobility. The business established by him rapidly 
 became one of the most extensive in the country, and not 
 only laid the foundation of a large patrimony, but proved a 
 source of abundant income to his descendants. Peter van 
 Robais, since making over the factory to his son-in-law, lived 
 with his wife and the above-named younger daughter in 
 plain, but comfortable retirement at Courbevoye, near Paris. 
 It was probably the community of religious persuasion — 
 both being Protestants — which first brought him in contact 
 with Kalb. The latter soon became a welcome frequenter of 
 his house, and still more quickly won the heart of the young 
 lady, who is represented as accomplished, sprightly, and 
 beautiful, and who plighted him her troth in the winter of 
 1763 to 1764. The wedding took place on the 10th of April, 
 1764, the marriage ceremony being performed in the Protes- 
 tant chapel of the Dutch legation. This union proved to be 
 one of the happiest ever known. In marked contrast to the 
 dissolute manners of the time, Kalb lived exclusively for his 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 37 
 
 family, while bis wife, in her turn, was no less devotedly 
 attached to her husband than solicitous of the welfare of her 
 children. The warmth of this attachment remained un- 
 altered to the hour of Kalb's death, and his last letters to 
 his wife breathe the same fervor which had inspired the first 
 and all the others. Even the pecuniary circumstances of the 
 new family were, from the first, all that could be desired. 
 While Kalb himself could only contribute his pension and 
 52,000 francs, his bride, in addition to a rich trousseau, re- 
 ceived 135,376 francs ; and in 1767, after the decease of her 
 parents and grandparents, she inherited the homestead at 
 Courbevoye and 205,406 francs, a fortune still further in- 
 creased in 1776, when the death of some collateral relatives 
 brought her other real estate and 84,000 francs in money ; so 
 that the entire property of husband and wife must have 
 amounted to about half a million of francs, or a hundred 
 thousand dollars, a sum which, for those times, was very 
 considerable. I have been particular in extracting these 
 estimates from the official calculations and distributions be- 
 fore me, because they constitute the best refutation to the 
 surmises occasionally thrown out in the United States, that 
 Kalb took service under a foreign flag for the benefit of his 
 exchequer. 
 
 Under the circumstances it was but natural for Kalb to 
 give up his company and to remain at or near Paris with his 
 young wife in the neighborhood of her parents. He aban- 
 doned his former projects, and was glad to retire in 1764 
 upon his pension as lieutenant-colonel. 
 
 This voluntary repose, however, was destined to be of 
 short duration. A year had not elapsed since his marriage 
 when Kalb, tired of inaction, made another vigorous effort 
 
38 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 to enter into service. The celebrated Count William of 
 Schaamburg-Lippe, reared in the martial school of Frederick 
 the Great and the Duke of Brunswick, who, during the clos- 
 ing years of the Seven Years' War had served in Portugal, 
 and had successfully repulsed the invasion of the Spaniards, 
 had returned to Germany in 1764, charged, among other 
 tilings, with raising three German regiments for the Portu- 
 guese service, to prepare for the apprehended return of hos- 
 tilities. Kalb at once resolved to offer the Portuguese field* 
 marshal his services as Brigadier, in the hope of returning, 
 after a few successful campaigns, to the French army as a 
 general. His old patron, the Due de Broglie, a personal ac- 
 quaintance of Count William, approved of Kalb's design, 
 and not only gave him a warm letter of recommendation 
 himself, but procured him another from the English general, 
 Robert Gierke,*^ who was on terms of intimate friendship 
 with Count Lippe. 
 
 " Lieutenant-colonel de Kalb," says Broglie, " is one of 
 the best and most efficient officers of my acquaintance, and 
 as expert in the details of the service as versed in the 
 science of war. In the late war I have found him extremely 
 useful and reliable, and can recommend him unqualifiedly as 
 an excellent general." "M. de Kalb," wrote the duke's 
 brother, the Count de Broglie, at the same time, " went 
 through the whole of the late war with me as assistant 
 quartermaster-general, and is deserving of your protection 
 in the highest degree. To what my brother has written in 
 reference to him I can only add that deKalb is an officer no 
 less intelligent and well-informed than brave and indefatiga- 
 ble. I doubt whether you could find a more fitting man for 
 the organization and instruction of your troops. It is neither 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 39 
 
 the want of means nor the desire of riches that prompts Lieu 
 tenant-colonel de Kalb to seek service abroad. His circum- / 
 stances are very good, but he craves a congenial occupation, t 
 his present inactivity having become insupportable to him." \ "i 
 
 Armed with these w^eighty recommendations, Kalb left 
 for Biickeburg in the beginning of March, 1765, in company 
 of a M. de Trevisany, and presented himself to Count 
 William on the 16th day of the same month. His reception 
 was most cordial ; the count did his utmost to induce the 
 Portuguese Government to make the appointment, but the 
 negotiations, after being protracted for two years, fell to the 
 ground, because the pending difficulties were peaceably ad- 
 justed, contrary to expectation, and the idea of enlisting 
 loreigu troops renounced. Alter his return in 1766, Kalb 
 even conceived tlie design of going to Lisbon himself to 
 speed his suit, but was strongly dissuaded by Count Lippe, 
 and desisted. When the latter repaired to Lisbon by way 
 of Paris in 1767, Kalb had already left France for the Hague k 
 on a secret mission intrusted to bim by the Due de Choiseul. 
 
 The task thus imposed upon our hero introduced him to 
 the labyrinth of European politics, and turned his fortunes 
 into a direction in which they were destined to continue 
 through life. To enable us to follow him intelligently it will 
 be necessary to enter into a somewhat detailed examination 
 of the plans of the French minister, with particular reference 
 to his attitude toward the English Government. 
 
 The Due de Choiseul (1719 to 1785) having distinguished 
 himself as French Ambassador at Rome and at Vienna, be- 
 tween 1753 and 1758, had assumed the reins of government 
 toward the close of the latter year. Although mainly indebt- 
 ed for his elevation to the favor of Madame de Pompadour, he 
 
40 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 was yet one of the greatest if tiot the greatest French states 
 man since the days of Richelieu. The latter achieved his 
 diplomatic and political triumphs at the rising tide of the na- 
 tional power, and while the monarchy was scaling the pinnacle 
 of European supremacy, while the administration of the latter, 
 from 1758 to 1770, coincides with the national decay and the 
 waning authority of the sovereign ; but this very palpable 
 difference must not prevent us from doing justice to the great 
 qualities and eminent merits of either. Choiseul directed 
 against England the same untiring zeal, the same iron forti- 
 tude, and the same comprehensive energy which Richelieu had 
 exercised to break the power of Austria. If success did not 
 always reward his efforts, the fault was not so much in the 
 intrepid statesman as in the altered state of political affairs. 
 Almost in the same year in which Choiseul assumed the direc- 
 tion of the French Government, the triumph of British 
 supremacy on land and sea was achieved on the battle-fields 
 of Germany and on the heights of Quebec. The constant aim 
 of Pitt and of those who had succeeded him in office, to hum- 
 ble the Bourbons at any cost, and to reduce them to the 
 former limits of their power, was at last accomplished. At 
 the peace of Paris (1763), France lost all her possessions on 
 the American continent, retaining only her Newfoundland 
 fishery and two little islands, which were not to be garrisoned 
 with more than fifty men ; she was driven from her conquests 
 on the Ganges and her advantageous positions on the Senegal, 
 and was even compelled to look on while England snatched 
 the whole of Florida from the grasp of the Spaniards to pun- 
 ish them for their French alliance. The cabinet of Versailles 
 had lost credit at home and abroad ; the army, by a succession 
 of defeats, had forfeited its^ancient fame. The navy and the 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 41 
 
 foreign commerce of the country had almost ceased to exist. 
 Even the coasting trade was languishing; the few remaining 
 craft huddled in the ports, and almost dreaded to navigate 
 the Mediterranean. Against an enemy thus powerful and thus 
 implacable, who knew neither fear nor favor, who welcomed 
 and fostered as England's gain every incident and every bar- 
 gain fraught with injury to France — against such a foe but a 
 single course was open to a French minister who understood 
 his position : it was, to direct all the arms and all the policy, 
 all the spirit and enterprise of his people against the interests 
 of England. From the first day of his official life Choiseul 
 acted up to his appreciation of this necessity. As ambassador 
 he had essentially advanced the schemes of the Abbe Bernis 
 for a French alliance with Austria ; on assuming the ministry 
 of foreign affiiirs, it was one of his first acts to prepare 
 and subsequently (in July, 1761) to conclude the so-called 
 Bourbon family compact, a defensive and offensive alliance of 
 France with Spain, Naples, and Parma, the whole drift of 
 which was hostile to England. ChoiseuPs next object was 
 the restoration of the French navy, and the resumption of the 
 struggle for the mastery of the seas. Ere many years had 
 elapsed, a splendid navy of sixty-four line of battle-ships and 
 thirty-six frigates, commanded by distinguished leaders such 
 as Bougainville, and manned with sturdy tars and an excellent 
 corps of marines, was awaiting the return of the war which, 
 this time, promised to break out in America. 
 
 In the English colonies of this continent, the attempts of 
 the mother country to exercise the power of taxation over 
 them had produced great discontent and indignation. Tho 
 enormous debt of the United Kingdom, greatly increased in 
 the course of the Seven Years' War, seemed to make it neces- 
 
42 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 • 
 
 sary, as even Pitt had proposed to raise contributions from the 
 colonies. Not long after the conclusion of peace, on the 22d 
 of March 1765, the Grenville ministry procured the passage 
 of the Stamp Act, which was intended to go into force on the 
 1st of November of the same year, but which was practically 
 annulled by the obstinate resistance of the colonists, and was 
 formally repealed on the 28th of March, 1768. It was on this 
 occasion that the first symptoms of colonial insubordination 
 attracted attention on the other side of the Atlantic, magnified 
 by the distance, and exaggerated by the voice of rumor. No 
 one welcomed them more cordially than Choiseul. Hereto- 
 fore he had endeavored to make up for the ground lost in 
 America and the East Indies by stimulating the prosperity of 
 the French Antilles, and extending the influence of France in 
 the Mediterranean. In consequence of his measures St. 
 Domingo, Guadaloupe, and Martinique began to develop their 
 immense resources, and to attain an incalculable importance 
 to the mother country. Ever since 1763, his emissaries, 
 among whom was Dumouriez, who became so notorious in 
 the French revolution, had labored to extend the sceptre 
 of France over the island of Corsica, which, like Canada, pro- 
 duced the most excellent ship timber, and which promised to 
 furnish a safe harbor and a convenient entrepot for the Le- 
 vantine trade. In the ports of the other African States his 
 agents were no less indefatigable in enlarging the sphere of 
 his influence. The importance of these operations in the Le- 
 vante was still further enchanced by the circumstance that the 
 manufactories of Languedoc had engaged largely in the pro- 
 duction of " Londres," a fabric of the sale of which England had 
 hitherto enjoyed a monopoly in these regions. The increased 
 number of counting-houses in Asia Minor, Syria, and Palestine, 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 43 
 
 I of course raised the standing of the French consulates. At 
 i the same time Choiseul was intent upon the plan, resumed, a 
 generation later, by Napoleon, of bringing Egypt under 
 French suzerainty, and making it the base of operations for 
 expeditions in the Mediterranean and Indian Seas, by which it 
 was intended to expel the English from the coast of Coro- 
 mandel and the shores of the Ganges, and to lend a vigorous 
 support to the operations of Hyder Ali.'* French officers dis- 
 cipHned the Sultan's troops, and improved the organization 
 of the Turkish army; French emissaries fomented hostilities 
 against England in the East Indies ; nor were the farthest 
 East and the remote West more closely watched, than the 
 courts and embassies of Europe. In short, there was not a 
 single point where the wary and alert minister had not his 
 agents, spies, and instruments for the aggrandizement of 
 France and the injury of England. 
 
 As was to be expected, the perplexities in which Great 
 Britain was involved by the dispute with her American 
 colonies, interested Choiseul in the highest degree/^ Here 
 was the vulnerable point where he could hope to wound the 
 hated adversary, here was a rest for the lever with which 
 to unseat him, here was the long-desired opportunity of 
 restoring France to her former influence and her position of 
 arbiter in the councils of Europe. The earliest rumors of 
 the resistance of the Americans to the efforts of the mother 
 country to raise revenue from them, had no sooner pene- 
 trated to the French capital (1V64), than Choiseul sent an 
 agent, in the person of M. de Pontleroy, on a tour of observa- 
 tion, from which the latter returned in the year 1766, bring- 
 ing the most favorable reports of what he had heard and 
 seen." 
 
44 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 • 
 
 He described the land as rich in all the productions of 
 the soil, especially grain and iron; he enlarged upon its 
 inexhaustible stock of timber and its spacious liarbors ; he 
 represented the inhabitants as enterprising, as rapidly im- 
 proving in wealth and numbers, and as thoroughly conscious 
 of their strength. The English troops were found to be 
 scattered over the country in small detachments, so as to be 
 able to accomplish very little. It was suggested that even 
 England could not but be in the imminence of a revolution, 
 which, indeed, she had herself accelerated in annexing 
 Canada, and thus relieving her colonies of the fear of a 
 French invasion. 
 
 This flattering report was corroborated by the proud 
 answer of the Assembly of Massachusetts to the royal 
 governor, by the bold demands of the colonies, by the revolu- 
 tionary speeches of Patrick Henry, by the circumspect but 
 decided attitude of James Otis, and by the opposition of the 
 American people to the measures of the British ministry. 
 In all this there was reason enough to suppose that the day 
 of reckoning, and the hour of England's humiliation, had at 
 last arrived. 
 
 The further progress of events in America, though far 
 from rapid, was steadily adverse to the interests of the 
 mother country. The colonies disputed the right of Parlia- 
 ment to lay taxes, and declared, as early as 1766, that the 
 will of the people is the final and only source of supreme 
 power. It was especially the resistance of Massachusetts 
 and New York which exasperated the English cabinet, and 
 became the subject of a heated debate in the House of Lords 
 toward the end of March and the beginning of April, 1767. 
 " Let us deliberate no longer," cried Charles Townsend ; 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 45 
 
 " let US act with vigor, nov/, while we can call the colonies 
 ours. If you do not, they will very soon be lost for ever." 
 
 The acrimonious tone of the discussion, the overwrought 
 coloring of the opposition offered to the crown by the colonies, 
 and the dread, partly real and partly aifectcd, of the break- 
 ing out of actual hostilities, professed by the Parliament and 
 the ministers, combinei to mislead Choiseul into the belief 
 that the great American insurrection was at hand. And yet 
 the tax on tea was not voted before the 15th of May, 1767. 
 If he anticipated the fulfilment of his wishes by eight years, 
 the error w^as highly pardonable in one unacquainted with 
 the tenacity of Anglo-American forbearance, and with the 
 centrifugal tendencies of these new settlements, unsuited in 
 every respect to revolutionary action. But from this time 
 Choiseul sought in every quarter accurate accounts of the 
 progress of opinion in America, alike in the writings of 
 Franklin, the reports current among the best-informed 
 merchants, and even in New England sermons, from which 
 curious extracts are to this day preserved among the State 
 Papers of France. His judgment on events, though biassed 
 by national hatred, was more impartial and clear than that 
 of any British minister who succeeded Shelburne. 
 
 In order to sift all vague and extravagant rumors, and 
 ascertain the real state of the case, Choiseul resolved once 
 more to send an agent to America, and selected for that 
 purpose the subject of this memoir, who, after a retirement 
 of several years, had been reintroduced to the minister, some 
 months before, by the intervention of the Prince Soubise. 
 At the close of the year 1766, in the confident expectation 
 of a rupture with England, Choiseul had increased the 
 complement of the regiments, and placed the northwestern 
 
46 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 • 
 
 coast in a state of defence. These measures called for the 
 appointment of additional engineers and staff-officers, and 
 the formation of a new staff for the northern department. 
 Kalb was designed for one of these positions, and was 
 charged, in the first instance, with the survey of the frontiers, 
 under General Bourcet. " You are hereby informed," wrote 
 Choiseul to Kalb from Versailles, the 20th of April, 1767, 
 *' that his Majesty has included you among the list of officers 
 who are to be employed this year in the survey of the 
 country. You will visit the coast from Dunkirk to Calais, 
 and take up your headquarters in the first-named of these 
 towns. You will there receive, from the paymaster of the 
 forces, five hundred francs for the duration of your services. 
 I rely upon receiving accurate reports of the execution of 
 your mission." 
 
 Kalb repaired to Versailles on the 22d of April, to receive 
 the minister's final instructions. He was not a little aston- 
 ished to be told by M. Dubois, the chief clerk of the minis- 
 try of war, that his destination had been altered in the 
 mean time, and that the duke's private secretary, M. Appony, 
 was directed to draw up special instructions for a secret 
 mission to America, on which Kalb was to be appointed. 
 Dubois therefore advised him to see Appony before waiting 
 on the minister. The secretary communicated to Kalb the 
 instructions he had written at Choiseul's dictation, which were 
 soon after handed him by Dubois. They read as follows : 
 
 " 1. M. de Kalb will repair to Amsterdam, and there direct 
 his particular attention to the rumors in circulation about the 
 English colonies. Should they appear to be well founded, 
 he will immediately maka preparations for a journey to 
 America. 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 47 
 
 " 2. Ob his arrival, he will inquire into the intentions of 
 the inhabitants, and endeavor to ascertain whether they are 
 in need of good engineers and artillery officers, or other in- 
 dividuals, and whether they should be supplied with them. 
 
 " 3. He will inform himself of their facilities for procuring 
 supplies, and will find out what quantities of munitions of 
 war and provisions they are able to procure. 
 
 " 4. He will acquaint himself with the greater or lesser 
 strength of their purpose to withdraw from the English 
 Government. 
 
 " 5. He will examine their resources in troops, fortified 
 places, and forts, and will seek to discover their plan of re- 
 volt, and the leaders who are expected to direct and con- 
 trol it. 
 
 " 6. Great reliance is placed in the intelligence and address 
 of M. de Kalb in the pursuit of a mission requiring an un- 
 common degree of tact and shrewdness, and he is expected 
 to report progress as often as i:)ossible." 
 
 Kalb at first showed very little inclination to accept this 
 delicate commission. He started various objections, and 
 dwelt particularly on the numberless difficulties growing 
 out of his total want of preparation for such a journey. 
 Without combating these arguments, Dubois referred him 
 to the Due de Choiseul. 
 
 " Do not decline the mission with which I have intrusted 
 you," said the latter. " I know that it is difficult, and re- 
 quires great sagacity. But I have fixed my choice upon you 
 after much deliberation, and know that you will see no rea- 
 son to regret it. Ask of me the means which you think ne- 
 cessary for its execution ; I will furnish you with them all." 
 
 Kalb hesitated no longer, the minister having given him 
 
48 LIFE OP KALB. 
 
 • 
 
 time to arrange his private affairs, and allowed him to post- 
 pone his departure to the end of May. On the 2d of that 
 month he'was already furnished by Choiseul with his pass- 
 ports, to Holland in the first instance, with twelve Imndred 
 francs for his travelling expenses, and with letters of intro- 
 duction to the French ambassadors at the Hague and at 
 Brussels, and was directed to forward all despatches through 
 their hands, and to enclose secret communications to the 
 duke separately sealed, in his official reports. He left for 
 Holland in the beginning of June, and dated his first report to 
 Choiseul from the Hague, the 15th of July, 1767, as follows: 
 " To inform myself of all the occurrences in the American 
 eolonies, I have now visited all the seaports of Holland 
 w^ithout being able to come to any definite conclusion as to 
 the state of affairs in that quarter. The English give out 
 that hostilities are entirely at an end, in consequence of the 
 repeal of the stamp act and the other obnoxious measures; 
 but this may be said for effect, and to conceal the actual 
 condition of things. Two or three days ago I conversed 
 with a German who has been settled in Pennsylvania these 
 fifteen years, and who is now recruiting fresh colonists. By 
 his account, agitation is so far from being allayed that but a 
 very trifling provocation would suffice to drive the malcon- 
 tents into open revolt. The provincial assembly, he says, 
 have resolved to maintain their privileges at any cost ; and 
 twenty thousand English troops, widely scattered over the 
 country, could hardly cope with the forces at the disposal of 
 the colonists, which number four hundred thousand militia, 
 and could easily be increased. The Germans of this and the 
 neighboring provinces alone— continues my informant— inde- 
 pendently of the numerous Irishmen living there, can raise 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 49 
 
 sixty thousand men, nor is there any lack of means for the 
 defence of the liberties of the country. As to other resour- 
 ces for the successful conduct of the war, this man could 
 give me no information. Indeed, I am only repeating his 
 assertions, without being convinced of their truth. 
 
 "I therefore await your commands, Monseigneur, to be- 
 take myself to Philadelphia or some other point in the colo- 
 nies, and report to you in reference to all the heads specified 
 in my letter of instructions.. It should be observed that the 
 English colonies, or rather the mercantile companies who 
 have large interests there, continue to solicit colonists in 
 Germany, in public and in secret, as before. I have seen 
 twelve hundred of these emigrants at Rotterdam, travelling 
 from Cologne by way of Maestricht and Herzogenbusch, as 
 they were cut oif from the Rhine, because the King of Prus- 
 sia has forbidden them to pass through his dominions. These 
 people have been shipped in four vessels, two of which have 
 set sail, while the remainder are only waiting for luggage." 
 
 Soon after the despatch of this letter news arrived from 
 America which announced a more peaceful state of feeling 
 as having resulted from the concessions made by Great 
 Britain, and which pointed to the probability of a truce be- 
 tween the mother country and her colonies. Kalb there- 
 fore regarded a longer sojourn in Holland as super- 
 fluous, and wrote on the 11th of August for further instruc- 
 tions. 
 
 " As it is possible, and even probable," answered Choiseul, 
 from Compiegne, the 19th of August, "that this quiet will 
 not be of long duration, it is the will of His Majesty that you 
 should make immediate preparations for a speedy tour to 
 ■America, in order to satisfy yourself by personal inspection 
 3 
 
50 LIFE O F K ALB. 
 
 • 
 
 as to the condition of the country, its harbors, ships, land 
 forces, resources, weapons, munitions of war, and provisions — 
 in short, as to the means at our command if disposed, in case 
 of a war with England, to make a diversion in that direction. 
 You will adopt the greatest precautions in sending me your 
 report, and will, immediately upon your arrival, inform me 
 where to direct such letters as I shall have occasion to write 
 you." 
 
 In obedience to this order Kalb quitted the Hague for 
 London about the close of September, 1767, after having 
 spent the greater part of the month in writing out for Choiseul 
 a report in reference to such subjects of France as the Russian 
 Government had induced to settle in its territories. On the 
 1st of October he writes from London, " I arrived here after 
 a sh(»rt, though stormy passage. The packet boat from Fal- 
 mouth to New York does not leave, as I was told in Holland, 
 on the first, but on the second Saturday of every mouth; so 
 that I could not go by that line before the 10th of October. 
 I prefer, therefore, to take the merchantman Hercules, Captain 
 Hommet, which sets sail from Gravesend to-morrow for Phila- 
 delphia. I shall report as soon as I can do so with any secu- 
 rity. Be so good, Monseigneur, as to send your commands 
 and answers in the same (my) cypher to Madame de Kalb ; 
 she will forward them to me in pursuance of directions 
 already given, and still to be given. It is hoped that these 
 letters will be less likely to arouse the suspicion and curiosity 
 of the various correspondents and agents, of whose services 
 I must necessarily avail myself. In conclusion, Monseigneur, 
 I would recall to your mind the promises kindly made me on 
 my departure from France, beseeching you to be a father and 
 protector to my wife and children if it should be written in 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 51 
 
 the book of fate that the journey upon which I am setting out 
 should lead directly to my final resting-place." 
 
 Kalb went on board of the Hercules on the 4th of Octo- 
 ber. The voyage to Philadelphia — long, perilous, and fraught 
 with hardships beyond all precedent even for those times — 
 lasted until the 12th of January, 1768. 
 
CHAPTEK IT. 
 
 Kalb in America. — His Fiest Eeport from Philadelphia. — Public Sen- 
 timent. — Eneroy of Boston. — Moderation op Philadelphia. — Con- 
 duct OP the Troops and their General. — The Colonies too Weak to 
 Repel Force by Force. — They Desire no Foreign Alliance. — Their 
 Natural Advantages at the Opening of Hostilities. — Kalb's Second 
 Report from Philadelphia, dated the 20th of January. — The Dis- 
 turbances Increase. — Distrust and Discontent of the People. — 
 Commercial Importance of the Colonies for the Mother Country. — 
 Kalb goes to New York. — Is Shipwrecked in New York Bay. — Har- 
 rowing Particulars of the Accident. — Kalb's Third Report from 
 New York, February 25, 1768. — The Opposition of the Colonies on 
 THE Increase. — ^The Question of Taxation. — Bad Policy of the Eng- 
 lish Government. — Independent Spirit of the American People. — 
 Their National Existence must be the Wobk of Time. — Strength op 
 THE English Garrisons. — Kalb's Fourth Report from Boston, March 
 2, 1768. — Greater Acrimony in New England. — Massachusetts takes 
 THE Lead in the Resistance to English Measures. — The Mother 
 Country will Give Way. — Flourishing Condition op the Commerce 
 AND Internal Industry of New England. — Kalb goes to Halifax. — 
 Its Harbor. — The Intended Journey Across Lake Champlain Given 
 Up on Account of the Thaw. — Kalb's Opinion of the Canadians. — 
 They are no longer French in their Way of Thinking. — Kalb re- 
 turns TO Europe from New York, end of April, 1768. — Arrives at 
 Dover on the 1st of June, and at Paris on the 12th. — His Audience 
 with Choiseul is Delayed. — Kalb's Estimate of the English Re- 
 sources is Considered Extravagant by the Minister. — Kalb Submits 
 Weekly Translations op His Letters and Newspapers from Amer- 
 ica. — His Memorial of August 6, 1768. — Summary op Kalb's Opin- 
 ions. — They Correspond with those op the Most Able and Best In- 
 formed op his Contemporaries. — Toward the Close of the Year 1768 
 Choiseul's Interest in Kalb and his Reports on America Dimin- 
 ishes. — Corsica Absorbs his Attention. — Choiseul's Plans in Regard 
 TO Spain. — Finds Fault with Kalb's Return as Premature. — Assigns 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 63 
 
 Him a Reward and Promises Him a Brigadier's Commission. — Ceioi- 
 seul's Fall. — Kalb's Deserts under His Direction. — Political Situa- 
 tion IN General. — Yergennes Subsequently Revives the Designs of 
 Ceoiseul. 
 
 TTTHEISr Kalb landed in America, the excitement caused 
 ^ ' by the adoption and repeal of the stamp act, instead of 
 being allayed, had been considerably augmented by the tax 
 on tea voted in May, 1767, by the New York billeting act, and 
 the force bill. It Avas just in January, 1768, that Massachu- 
 setts renewed her agitation against the home government, 
 and invited all the colonies to cooperate in convening a con- 
 gress, which was to obtain a certain and speedy redress of 
 grievances. 
 
 Let us now hear Kalb's opinion of the state of things, 
 without forgetting that as a stranger in a foreign land it was 
 only by degrees that he could acquire an understanding of 
 what was going on around him. 
 
 " I am beginning to study the matters relating to my 
 commission," such is the literal import of his first letter to 
 Choiseul, written the 15th of January, 1768, three days after 
 his arrival at Philadelphia, " and am in a fair way to pro- 
 cure reliable information as to the discontent produced in 
 the colonies by the passage of the stamp act. This afiair is 
 very far from being adjusted. It is not the case, as was 
 alleged in Holland, that the repeal of the act was voluntary 
 on the part of the Government ; on the contrary, although 
 each province has its own separate and distinct assembly, 
 they all refused to acquiesce in the measure with the same 
 decision and unanimity as if they had jointly deliberated 
 upon their line of action. Some, it is true, were more violent 
 than others, but the substance of each refusal was the same. 
 
54 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 The most violent of these provincial assemblies were those 
 of Boston and PhilaSelpnia, where the commissioners of the 
 new impost were even threatened in their persons. Boston 
 has promptly renounced all commercial intercourse with 
 London, refuses to import any more wares, and expresses a 
 determination to content itself with the productions and do- 
 mestic fabrics of the country. The women even discard tea 
 and foreign sugar, and we are constantly told of the activity 
 of the spinning-wheels, which have been at work, ever since 
 the promulgation of the act, to supersede the use oi* English 
 linens. With the same object the women have resolved to 
 dispense with silks and articles of luxury, until their own 
 country shall be in a condition to furnish them. The ques- 
 tion is how long they will adhere to this resolution. I do 
 not believe that Philadelphia will adopt the same policy. 
 Although the youngest of the chief towns of the north, it is 
 the wealthiest and most luxurious. Besides, the provincia,! 
 assembly of Pennsylvania has evinced greater moderation in 
 this respect. For the moment it is difficult to tell what the 
 end will be. All depends upon the policy of the court, 
 which promises to be a conciliatoiy one, as the advantage 
 derived by the British people from their connection with the 
 colonies is too great to permit the Government to stop short 
 of any efforts to preserve this invaluable magazine of raw 
 productions, and this most profitable market for its manu- 
 factures. 
 
 " During the last outbreaks the troops have treated the 
 inhabitants with much greater circumspection than before, 
 while the commanders have been most careful to avoid any 
 cause of irritation. The commanding general, who has 
 power to convene the estates of each province, to preside over 
 
LIFE OP KALB. 55 
 
 them, and to suppress all attempts to impair the authority 
 of the laws, pretends to ignore all the libels and pasquib 
 which have appeared in public, and the names of the authors 
 of which are in everybody's mouth. This circumstance in- 
 duces me to suppose that the court have given orders to this 
 effect, and have intended nothing but a simple experi- 
 ment. 
 
 "The present condition of the colonies is not such as to 
 enable them to repel force by force ; but their value to the 
 mother country is their best safeguard against any violation 
 of their real or imaginary privileges. I have not yet found 
 time to inform myself as to their troops and other warlike 
 resources, but am on the point of making a tour through all 
 the provinces, and to open correspondence at all important 
 points, in order to enable myself to acquaint you more fully 
 with all matters of interest. 
 
 " If you have any commands for me, be pleased, Monseig- 
 neur, to have them written in the same cypher, and sent to 
 my wife, who has the necessary directions for forwarding 
 them. 
 
 "The remoteness of this population from their centre of 
 government makes them free and enterprising ; but at bottom 
 they are but little inclined to shake off the English suprem- 
 acy with the aid of foreign powers. Such an alliance would 
 appear to them to be fraught with danger to their liberties. 
 Their taxes are very light ; indeed, with the exception of the 
 duties on imported goods, they amount to almost nothing. 
 The crown has even relieved the colonies of the support of a 
 regiment of four thousand men, so that now all the troops 
 stationed in the colonies are in the pay of England. Tliis 
 policy is evidently necessary under the circumstances. The 
 
66 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 troops are frequently changed* every regiment being recalled 
 after the lapse of three years, and replaced by another. 
 
 " In case of an insurrection the colonists would have 
 nothing but their militia to depend upon, v^'hich, though 
 very numerous, is not in the least disciplined. On the other 
 hand, the immense extent of the country, the want of ready 
 money, the discord amon^- the governors of the various prov- 
 inces, all independent of each other, present great obstacles 
 to the formation of an army, and the speedy opening of hos- 
 tilities in the respective neighborhoods. The odium in 
 which the House of Commons is held, is only equalled by 
 the popularity of Pitt. He is called the defender of liberty, 
 because he was the only one who opposed the stamp act in 
 Parliament." 
 
 This first letter was shortly followed by a second, dated 
 at Philadelphia, the 20th of January 1768, which contains 
 more of the personal impressions and self-acquired views of 
 Kalb, while the first depended largely on hearsay. 
 
 "I had the honor, Monseigneur," he continues, "of 
 writing you on the 15th of this month. I hope my letter has 
 arrived in safety. I shall avail myself of every ship sailing 
 from this port to report progress. 
 
 " By a letter from ray wife, dated the 7th of October, just 
 received, I learn with the greatest alarm that my last from 
 Holland and London had been opened before reaching you. 
 This gives me reason to apprehend that those sent from this 
 country will either meet with the same fate or not reach 
 your hands at all. In the latter case I should be cut oif 
 from all news from you, without being able to estimate the 
 perils growing out of such a state of things. 
 
 " I am inclined to think, therefore, that it would be best 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 57 
 
 to abridge my stay in this country, and to return home with 
 additional precautions, if this should meet with yourapprov 
 al. Permit me, therefore, to set out at the end of April. I 
 shall await your commands to this end, and in the mean time 
 shall use every elFort to perform the task imposed upon me, 
 taking measures to provide myself with full information on 
 the affairs of this country after my departure. 
 
 " The disturbances caused by the stamp act seem to in- 
 crease from day to day, instead of diminishing. The English 
 Government have certainly repealed the law, on discovering 
 that they were without the means of enforcing it ; but they 
 have sanctioned another act of the House of Commons, tax- 
 ing tea, paper, and glass, which the colonies import from the 
 mother country. This is a circuitous way of attaining the 
 object of Parliament ; at any other time it would have ex- 
 cited no opposition, as the Government has always exercised 
 the right of taxing goods exported to the colonies." 
 
 But the stamp act has so chafed the minds of the people, 
 that the act last mentioned, which at any other time would 
 have attracted but little attention, is now regarded in the 
 light of a fresh attempt upon their liberties. It is said that 
 the impost has only changed its name, and that the revenue, 
 formerly sought to be raised by means of the stamp act, is 
 now the object of the tea tax ; that it is contrary to all the 
 rights of the subjects of the crown to tax them without their 
 consent ; that the colonies are on a level with all other sub- 
 jects, and that, as they have no representatives in the lower 
 house, England ought to be content with the profits it derives 
 from selling them worthless goods at high prices, and pur- 
 chasing necessaries from them for a song ; that the enormous 
 amounts of Spanish gold and silver annually shipped from the 
 3* 
 
58 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 colonies to England, without ^y return of specie payments, 
 sufficiently prove that the ultimate advantage is not on the 
 side of the Americans, and that, finally, this inequality in the 
 weights of trade makes it evident that they are treated more 
 like slaves than like children and fellow-citizens. These acts, 
 therefore, are considered so many violations of their privi- 
 leges, and revive all their grievances which the colonists claim 
 to have suffered at the hands of the home government. The 
 Americans complain that they are prevented from working 
 their mines ; that prohibitions were launched against their 
 smithies and forges, so soon as it was discovered that the 
 manufacture of iron had so much improved as to be almost 
 equal to that of England ; that government have prevented 
 the establishment of various manufactories; that, in conse- 
 quence of unjust interdictions, the colonies have lost their 
 trade with New Spain, the Spanish Main, and the islands of 
 foreign powers, thus being deprived of the supplies of ready 
 money required to make their English payments. The Ameri- 
 cans further contend that they are burdened with troops, not 
 for purposes of defence, but for those of subjugation ; that the 
 expenses of constructing and repairing the barracks and fur- 
 nishing the supphes fall upon the provinces; that they have 
 been forbidden to expand their paper issues, while they find 
 it impossible to maintain their commerce at home and abroad 
 with the little ready money remaining, as almost all the gold 
 and silver has gone across the ocean, and that in consequence 
 it is impossible to meet accruing liabilities; that faiUires are 
 occurrmg every day, and that universal distress must needs 
 ensue. 
 
 " In my opinion the diminution of specie is real, but there 
 is reason to suppose that it is hoarded on account of the dis- 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 59 
 
 turbed state of affairs. I cannot believe tbe statements made 
 in regard to the suras exported to England ; it is pretended 
 that the article of tea alone has netted them three hundred 
 thousand pounds. As soon as I can obtain an insight into 
 this matter, T shall report upon it. The result of all these 
 facts is, that the colonies are more than ever willing to re- 
 trench their expenditures, and live exclusively upon their own 
 productions. In Boston a number of wealthy men have just 
 formed an association for the purpose of assisting the various 
 trades and manufactures by loans of money. If the country 
 adheres to its determination to import no goods from Eng- 
 land, the trade and the credit of the mother country must in- 
 evitably fall off, its manufactories must fail, and its working- 
 men be deprived of their livelihoods. And if the court should 
 undertake to cure this evil by imposing additional taxes or 
 prohibiting the erection of new manufactories, sedition will 
 follow, and the breach be beyond healing. All these contin- 
 gencies will depend in a great degree on the course pursued 
 by the next Parliament. I have already mentioned in my 
 last, that the provinces, after having separately deliberated 
 on the attitude to be assume 1 in regard to the stamp act, 
 have disregarded the order forbidding them to communicate 
 their proceedings to each other, and have held a general con- 
 vention of deputies from the different States. The prohibition 
 against such gatherings has been reiterated. 
 
 "In a few days I hope to have the honor of writing to 
 you from New York." 
 
 Kalb quitted Philadelphia for Kew York on the 25th of 
 January, 1768. At that time, especially in the winter season, 
 the journey occupied as many days as it now does hours. 
 After encountering great difficulties in crossing the Delaware 
 
60 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 and Raritan, and travelling three days in getting to Princeton, 
 Kalb reached the shore opposite Staten Island on the 28th, 
 whence he was obliged to cross the Kill. It was between 
 seven and eight o'clock in the evening, the weather extreme- 
 ly cold, and the ground covered with snow. The passage, 
 however, was considered entirely safe by the landlord of the 
 Blazing Star, the inn at the landing, and by the ferrymen, 
 as there was but little ice in the river, and a fair wind blow- 
 ing. The boat accordingly started from the shore with its 
 nine passengers, including Kalb, and four horses." But no 
 sooner had it reached the middle of the current than the 
 wind veered round, and the frail craft drifted helplessly 
 before it upon a little island, distant about half a mile from 
 the ferry and from the mouth of Fishkill Creek, where it sank 
 with the horses and baggage, while the passengers saved 
 themselves partly by swimming and partly by wading through 
 the mud and ice. The whole island was without house, tree, 
 or shelter of any kind against the piercing cold. Standing 
 up to their waists in the marsh, the unfortunates shouted in 
 vain for help ; their cries were lunheard, as the wind came off 
 shore, and directly in their teeth. Nothing was left for them 
 to do but to huddle together as closely as possible, and save 
 themselves from freezing to death by exercise and watchful- 
 ness. Exhausted by this protracted struggle with the 
 elements, one or two gave themselves up to sleep, for which 
 of course they paid the forfeit of their lives. As eleven o'clock 
 expired a boy belonging to the ferry, followed, at three o'clock 
 in the morning, by a jjassenger, Mr. George, who sank into 
 the sleep of death in spite of all the efforts of his companions 
 to kepp him awake. The rest survived the night of horrors, 
 and were descried from shore at about nine o'clock in the 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 61 
 
 morning. Benumbed and unconscious, scarcely able to use 
 their limbs, they were loaded upon a sledge, and conveyed 
 to the house of a Mr. Merserau. Kalb at once proceeded to 
 bathe his feet and legs for a quarter of an hour in icy-cold 
 water, then took some refreshments, went to bed, and slept 
 till evening. He was the only one of the party who escaped 
 without injury. The surgeon who had been sent for, when 
 told of this treatment, never looked at him, but declared 
 that the man who had trifled with himself in that mamier, 
 must be lying dead in his bed. The others, who, on enter- 
 ing the house, had crowded around a large fire, irritated the 
 chilblains and lost their toes, one of them even a leg, an- 
 other both his ears, and a third his fingers. Kalb, who 
 figures in the account of the disaster given by the *' New 
 York Gazette " of February 8, 1168, as a German colonel, lost 
 all his baggage, containing several hundred louis d'ors, the 
 badge of his order, and the key to his cypher. He was able 
 to proceed to New York on the 31st of January, but his re- 
 ports to the Duke of Choiseul were interrupted until the lat- 
 ter part of February. 
 
 "The colonies," he writes on the 25th of February, 
 " seem to intrench themselves more and more in their sys- 
 tem of opposition and of economy. It is said that the mer- 
 chants of London are already beginning to perceive the 
 effects of this policy; that in consequence of it the wages of 
 labor are falling off; that a number of the trades, by combin- 
 ing among themselves, have destroyed the business of those 
 who worked for less than the established prices. But on all 
 these points you, Mcnseigneur, must necessarily be better 
 informed than I am. 
 
 " The Assembly at Boston have just resolved to reniou- 
 
62 L I F E O F K A L B . 
 
 strate with the court against»the tea tax, as will appear by 
 the accompanying English documents, which I enclose in the 
 original, in order to excite less suspicion in case the letter 
 should be intercepted. The dissatisfaction with the impost 
 grows out of their aversion to being taxed by the Parliament, 
 instead of by the representatives of their own provinces. It 
 would seem to me that the Court of St. James mistakes its 
 own interest. If tlie king would ask the colonies for sums 
 much larger than the proceeds of the imposts in dispute, 
 they would be granted without any objection, provided the 
 colonists were left at liberty to tax themselves, and, as free 
 subjects, to give their money with their own consent. Dur- 
 ing the late war they have paid enormous sums, larger ones 
 than the king demanded, because he approached their as- 
 semblies with the same formalities as he observed in calling 
 upon Parliament for subsidies. It is a matter of ssurprise 
 that the court has discarded this advantageous method, and 
 that the people of Great Britain are ready to subvert the 
 fundamental polity of the kingdom by taxing their fellow- 
 ciiizens without their consent, when they submit to the same 
 proceeding only at the hands of their representatives in the 
 House of Commons. 
 
 " The colonies have the same right ; they can only be 
 taxed by their own assemblies. The king would, therefore, 
 have to make an application for that purpose to every single 
 colony. But the colonies themselves would not favot this 
 last alternative, partly on account of the expense involved, 
 and partly on account of the certainty of finding themselves 
 in a minority on all occasions, which would unavoidably 
 constrain them to participate in every war waged in Europe 
 by England or by the elector of Hanover. They would 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 63 
 
 prefer a parliament or a continental assembly, a power 
 which, however, would soon become dangerous to the crown. 
 All classes of people here are imbued with such a spirit of 
 independence and freedom from control, that if ail the prov- 
 inces can be united under a common representation, an inde- 
 pendent State will soon be formed. At all events it will 
 certainly come forth in time. Whatever may be done in 
 London, this country is growing too powerful to be much 
 longer governed at so great a distance. The population is 
 now estimated at three millions, and is expected to double 
 itself in less than thirty years. It is not to be denied that 
 children swarm everywhere like ants. The people are strong 
 and robust, and even the English officers admit that the 
 militia are equal to the line in every particular. 
 
 "I have not yet obtained accurate information as to the 
 number of the militia, but shall soon be able to submit a re- 
 liable report. The English troops under General Gage, oc- 
 cupying tlie country from New England to the Gulf of Mex- 
 ico, muster sixteen regiments, each of ten companies, num- 
 bering seventy men in time of peace and a hundred in time 
 of war, besides a company oi* artillery and a number of en- 
 gineers. I believe I have already mentioned that these 
 troops are changed every three years, and are never recruited 
 from the inhabitants of the country. 
 
 " From conversations with several prominent individuals 
 here, I have learned that the English Government greatly 
 regrets having made peace with Spain without demanding the 
 cession of the island of Porto Rico, the position of which is 
 in every respect so favorable to English interests. Under the 
 pretext of protecting their trade, the English Government 
 has manv men of war at sea and a large number of troops on 
 
64 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 the continent, not to mention those already stationed on the 
 islands. It is evident that these forces are so distributed for 
 the special purpose of being prepared to pounce upon the 
 French and Spanish settlements on these islands at the first 
 speck of war. That the EngHsh have treated as good prizes 
 several ships captured near the island of San Juan in the 
 course of last year, you have doubtless been informed. 
 
 "Enclosed are the compacts entered into between the 
 Government and the Assembly of Pennsylvania, which will 
 explain my recent statement relating to the war with the 
 savages. On my return to France I shall report the exact 
 list of the English navy and merchant marine, as well as a 
 summary of the entire forces of England by land and sea. I 
 am on the point of leaving for Boston and Halifax ; my ship 
 is weighing her anchor." 
 
 " Here in Boston," Kalb proceeds in his report to Choiseul 
 on the 2d of March, 1768, "I meet with the same opinions as 
 in the provinces already visited, only expressed with greater vio- 
 lence and acrimony. The four provinces composing New Eng- 
 land — Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and New 
 Hampshire — appear to be more firmly united among them- 
 selves, in consequence of the community of interests, than the 
 remaining colonies. Massachusetts in particular, the most 
 wealthy and populous, gives the impulse and the signal of 
 independence to the rest. In spite of this restive spirit,, how- 
 ever, they all, from the leaders down to the humblest citizen, 
 seem to be imbued with a heartfelt love of ihe mother coun- 
 try. The inhabitants of this province are almost exclusively 
 Englishmen or of English stock, and the liberties so long 
 enjoyed by them, have only swelled the pride and presump- 
 tion peculiar to that people. 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 65 
 
 "All these circumstances go to show but too clearly that 
 there will be no means of inducing them to accept of assist- 
 ance from abroad. In fact, they are so well convinced of the 
 justice of their cause, the clemency of the king, and of their 
 own importance to the mother country, that they have never 
 contemplated the possibility of extreme measures. The Gov- 
 ernment is accused of fomenting the existing discontent for 
 selfish purposes. The enclosed English slip will acquaint you 
 with the internal dissensions on this subject, and reveal the 
 causes of complaint which are urged against the Government. 
 I adhere to the opinion that the incendiaries will not alone 
 succumb, but that the colonies will yet have the satisfaction 
 of seeing the mother country admit herself to have been in 
 the wrong, and do her best to repair it. 
 
 " I have engaged correspondents here, who will keep me 
 promptly advised of everything that may occur hereafter. 
 This Ltter goes by the New York packet for Holland. I 
 myself shall embark two days hence for Halifax, when I shall 
 repair, according to circumstances, to Isle Royale and even to 
 Canada. At this moment I am engaged in collecting ma- 
 terials relative to the number of the militia, to be arranged in 
 the order of their regiments and provinces ; I append the par- 
 ticulars relating to the form of government of each colony. 
 
 " I am more and more astonished at the immense number 
 of merchantmen to be seen in all the ports, rivers, and bays, 
 from the Potomac and Chesapeake to Boston harbor. x\nd 
 in addition to these, numberless ships are in course of con- 
 struction. What must have been the trade of the colonies 
 before the disturbances began ! Nor am I less struck with the 
 flourishing appearance of the interior. On my return to France 
 I shall report the most minute particulars in this connection. 
 
66 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 " By a second letter just reoeived from my wife, I see again 
 that ray last lines from Holland and England were opened on 
 their passage. This^ leads rae to fear that my despatches 
 from this country have either met with the same fate, or per- 
 haps have not arrived at all. I therefore incur the risk of 
 remaining entirely without advices from you ; an additional 
 reason for my speedy return, which, of course, does not pre- 
 clude my coming out again, if that should appear to you to 
 be required by the interests of the king's service. This step 
 will enable me to change ray correspondents and agents in 
 England and Holland, and to secure better protection for my 
 own correspondence by addresses to be procured from my 
 friends in the chief towns of this country. In this manner I 
 shall be in a condition to protect myself, and guard my secret. 
 The perils and hardships of the journey do not deter me, but 
 I am very anxious to accomplish the ends of my mission. 
 The ship will sail in two hours for Halifax. I close." 
 
 After a very quick voyage Kalb reached Halifax on the 
 7th of March, and there resumed his correspondence with 
 Choiseul. Meeting everywhere with the same style of con- 
 versation and the same views on the existing state of the 
 country, as he says in his letter of the 9th of March, he reverts 
 to the declaration that the colonies in all probability would 
 never invoke foreign aid in their efforts to make themselves 
 independent of the King and the Parliament, because time, 
 the increase of population, and the steady increase of material 
 prosperity, would of themselves accomplish the desired change. 
 The harbor of Halifax he describes as one of the most spa- 
 cious and secure of the continent, and as the general rendez- 
 vous for the Royal Navy in the Atlantic Ocean. For this 
 reason the fortifications at Cape Breton had been destroyed, 
 lest they should become injurious to Halifax. 
 
LIFE OF KALE. 67 
 
 Kalb intended to travel hence to Maine, and thence, if the 
 cold weather continued, to pi'oceed by sleigh to Lake Cham- 
 plain, returning to New York by the valley of the Hudson. A 
 sudden thaw prevented him from executing the plan. His 
 next report, therefore, was written at Philadelphia so late as 
 the 19th of April, and contains some valuable information 
 relative to the French-Canadians.'^ " There are at this day," 
 he says, " but few persons in those immense provinces in sym- 
 pathy with France. Those most devoted to our Government 
 have left the country since the close of the war, and those 
 who remain are satisfied with their present Government, or 
 expect no improvement of their condition from a change of 
 rulers. Their lands have risen in value, they pay but trifling 
 taxes, enjoy unqualified freedom of conscience, as well as all 
 the privileges of the English people, and take part in the 
 management of public affairs. Besides, they have become 
 closely allied with the inhabitants of the neighboring prov- 
 inces by intermarriages and other ties. I regard it as my 
 duty to speak candidly on all these matters, because I will 
 not deceive you, and do not wish you to be deceived by 
 others. In case of a war with our neighbors beyond the 
 Channel it would be difficult, therefore, to make a diversion 
 to this part of their possessions. I always recur to my 
 belief that the quarrels of the English with their colonies 
 will terminate to the satisfaction of the latter. A war with 
 us would only hasten their reconciliation, and, on the footing 
 of restored privileges, the English court could even dirL-ctall 
 the troops, resources, and ships of this part of the world 
 against our islands and the Spanish Main. A foreign war is 
 less hurtful to England than internal discord, which, however, 
 would at once yield to the necessity of defence against a 
 common foe." 
 
68 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 As Kalb received the most«of liis private letters with the 
 seal broken, and never had an answer from Choisenl to any 
 of his reports, and as, for this reason, he feared that his 
 correspondence with the latter had been either tampered 
 wdth or entirely suppressed, he resolved to put an end to this 
 painful uncertainty by instantly returning to France. He 
 accordingly advised the duke of his intention on the 24th of 
 April, 1768, being then at New York, and offered, if neces- 
 sary, to return at once to America. " Even admitting the 
 possibility of a positive rupture," he writes, '' the opening of 
 actual hostilities between the court and the colonies cannot 
 but be far distant, as it presupposes the participation of the 
 people, the shipment of large masses of troops, and extensive 
 levies of soldiers and sailors. On the other hand, the colonies, 
 if hard pressed, would make a pretence of submission, to 
 gain time for creating a navy, concentrating and disciplining 
 their forces, and making other needful preparations." 
 
 About the end of April Kalb left New York in the 
 packet Minerva, arrived on the height of Dover the 1st of 
 June, went first to London to adjust his accounts, and reached 
 Paris on the 12th of June. Learning, on his first visit at 
 Versailles, that of his numerous reports five only had been 
 received, he requested a private audience of Choiseul on the 
 23d of June. The latternamed an early day, but postponed 
 the interview more than once on account of other business, 
 so that on the 18th of July Kalb sent the duke a written 
 statement of the English forces stationed in America on the 
 1st of June, 1768. In acknowledging the receipt of this paper 
 on the 22d of July, Choiseul expressed the opinion that the 
 figures were too high, as it was impossible for England to 
 be so strong, but encouraged him to make further reports 
 
LIFE OF K ALB. 69 
 
 from time to time, and particularly to give liim access to 
 letters and newspapers received from America. Up to the 
 month of October lie continued to manifest an increasins: 
 interest in American affairs, and to receive every information 
 on the subject with the greatest attention. And, up to the 
 close of the year, hardly a week elapsed without Kalb's send- 
 ing the minister translations from American journals, or 
 copies of his correspondence. On the 6th of August he 
 submitted an elaborate memorial, containing a historical 
 retrospect of the discontents of the colonies, and the conclu- 
 sions his observations had led him to form. On the footing 
 of the latter Kalb regards it as indubitable that America 
 will at some day emancipate herself from England, either 
 when the number of its inhabitants shall come to equal those 
 of Great Britain, a goal which the country is approaching 
 with giant strides, as the population is swelled not by births 
 alone but by immigration from every quarter of Europe, or 
 when England shall drive the colonies to unite and declare 
 their independence by increased pressure and unbending 
 severity. He goes on to predict that the Americans will not 
 only throw off all allegiance to the British crown, but in time 
 will threaten and indeed annex the possessions of other 
 European powers on the Northern continent. On the other 
 hand he is of opinion that at the present stage of the contest 
 they will rather submit than call in foreign assistance, and 
 sees nothing in the present difficulties but a family quarrel, 
 for which reason also he has no doubt that the ministers will 
 ultimately adopt a conciliatory policy, and recommends an 
 attitude of observation and expectancy. 
 
 His views are those of a calm and sensible observer, 
 who draws his conclusions from the facts before him. That 
 
70 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 they were correct in relation *o the facts which had then 
 transpired, is proved not only by the simultaneous opinion 
 of Durand, the French Ambassador at London, who, on the 
 30th of August, based on reliable accounts, declares it inju- 
 dicious to calculate upon an early revolution in the colonies, 
 while his successor, Count Chatelet, in an official paper 
 dated as late as the 18th of November, 1768, warns Choiseul 
 against any precipitate act of hostility to England, as cal- 
 culated to reconcile the colonies with the mother country, 
 and to unite them both against France ;^° but it is also 
 made m-anifest by the repeated declarations of Franklin, who 
 at that time also believed that a foreign intervention would 
 result in silencing the complaints of the colonie's, and who, 
 even in the year 1770, maintained an unbroken faith in the 
 adjustment of the pending difficulties. 
 
 At the close of the year 1768 Choiseul became daily 
 more indifferent to Kalb's reports. His attention was en- 
 grossed, on the one hand, by the war for the final occupa- 
 tion of Corsica, which just then was assuming proportions 
 calculated to concentrate all the efforts of the nation, and 
 on the other hand by a plan he was then eagerly discussing 
 with Count Chatelet for damaging England and fostering 
 the discontent of her colonies by uniting with Spain in the 
 renunciation of the old French and Spanish colonial policy, 
 and freely admitting the products of North America into 
 the colonies of both Bourbon powers. The execution was 
 frustrated by the scruples of the Spanish minister Grimaldi, 
 who feared to enhance still further the importance and the 
 prosperity of a neighbor already formidable, and likely by 
 making it independent of the mother country and assum- 
 ing a republican form of government, to prove positively 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 71 
 
 dangerous to the interests of Spain. Choiseul himself was 
 so busy with diplomatic'' transactions, cabinet consultations, 
 reports of various boards of trade, and other matters per- 
 taining to the immediate realization of his revolutionary- 
 projects, that no time was left him for matters comparatively 
 unimportant, such as Kalb's reports. He acted, therefore, 
 like all great men having no further use for those who have 
 been instrumental in furthering their designs : he broke with 
 Kalb on a most frivolous pretext. Early in 1769, when the 
 latter pressed for the private audience so long promised, 
 the duke sent him word that his receptions held at the war 
 department every Sunday were open to all who had any- 
 thing to say to him. Kalb went to request an hour's in- 
 terview. Choiseul would not hear him out, but interrupted 
 him by saying, " You returned too soon from America, and 
 your labors are therefore of no use to me. You need not 
 send me any more reports about that country." This un- 
 merited reproach^* hurt Kalb the more, as Choiseul had re- 
 peatedly testified his approbation of Kalb's course, and had, 
 but a iew months previously, handed him six thousand 
 francs in reward of his service?. 
 
 Of course Kalb broke off his correspondence, and with- 
 drew from the minister's notice, not, however, without hav- 
 ing made him a proi:er representation of the injustice of his 
 conduct. On the 4th of June, 1770, the duke promised to 
 include him in the number of the brigadiers to be newly ap- 
 pointed, but the Tulfilment of the promise was prevented by 
 the downfall of the hitherto all-powerful minister at Christ- 
 mas, 1770. But whatever may have been the termination- 
 of the intercourse between the gifted statesman and his con- 
 scientious a^ent, it is not to be denied that Kalb's reports 
 
72 LIFE OF K A LB. 
 
 exercised an immediate influence upon the politics of the 
 period. By sustaining Choiseul in the firm conviction that 
 the difficulties with their American possessions would not 
 allow the Eno^lish Government to obstruct his designs 
 against Corsica, they quickened his movements for the occu- 
 pation of that island. The event justified this calculation, 
 for the English acquiesced in the advances of the French, and 
 contented themselves with an empty protest even when the 
 occupation of the island was complete. England's power 
 was paralyzed in America. 
 
 This whole period was one of preparation for the coming 
 struggle, of secret estrangement and external cordiality 
 between the two courts. They watched each other narrow- 
 ly, surveyed the ground, caught every breeze likely to injure 
 the opponent, ran over with professions of friendship, and 
 secretly furthered the plans of each other's enemies. In 
 England money and supplies were collected for the brave 
 Corsicans then in arms against the French, while Choiseul, 
 in a sudden burst of anger, threatened to raise collections 
 in France for the seditious inhabitants of New York and 
 Boston." This single fact throws a striking light I bn the 
 real condition of aifairs. England honored the noble but 
 unfortunate Paoli, who had taken refuge on her soil, as a na- 
 tional hero ; France had to nurse her wrath eight years be- 
 fore she could revenge herself by the brilliant reception of 
 Franklin at Paris. 
 
 England ought to have known, in August, 1768, what 
 weight to attach to Choiseul's expressions of indignation at 
 being suspected of fomenting and cherishing the discontent 
 of the American colonies at a time of peace. In the most 
 glaring contrast to these hypocritical professions, the French 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 73 
 
 minister welcomed witli perfect rapture every symptom of 
 American insubordination, gave audience to his agents, and 
 sent them to Asia or America to secretly intrigue against 
 England, scrupulously preserving, in the archives of the 
 ministry of foreign aftairs, every newspaper slip from the 
 provincial journals of Boston or Savannah, every revolution- 
 ary placard, nay, every sermon of a discontented New Eng- 
 land minister, if only unfavorable to English interests. The 
 number of articles translated by Kalb from the most unim- 
 portant local journals alone amounts to more than a hundred; 
 and at the present day, in reading the letters from little 
 towns like Newport, Salem, or Newbern, which are proba- 
 bly extant nowhere except in Paris, one is at a loss whether 
 more to admire the indefatigable assiduity of the agent, or 
 the untiring researches of the duke. His downfall frustrated 
 the execution of his designs against the English ; but after 
 a short interval of five years, which proved highly favorable 
 to the development of the American Revolution, they were 
 resumed by the Count de Vergennes with equal energy, and 
 carried to a successful consummation. . 
 
 4 
 
CHAPTEK V. 
 
 Kalb Buys Milon la Chapelle. — Retirement. — Is called Upon to Go to 
 Poland. — The Contest there. — Kalb makes Stipplations. — They are 
 Rejected. — Kalb Remains at Home. — His Uneasy Ambition. — Hb 
 Enters into Temporary Active Service at Metz. — Broglie calls 
 UPON St. Germain to Reappoint Kalb. — St. Germain Proposes to send 
 HIM TO America. — Kalb Accedes to the Proposal. — Delays. — Kalb 
 MADE A Brigadier-General for the Colonies. — Promises for the 
 Future. — Political Situation. — Vergennes Minister of Foreign 
 Affairs. — His Attitude in Regard to England and America. — St. 
 Germain and Sartines Side with Him. — Du Coodray and Beaumar- 
 chais Work for the Americans. — Kalb's Interview with Deane. — 
 Their Contracts. — Lafayette. — Kalb's Influence upon Him. — Kalb 
 Intends to Sail from Havre in December, 1116. — Difficulties. — Im- 
 prudence OF Beaumarchais and the Officers. — Lord Stormond's Sus- 
 picions. — He Ppotests Against the Departure of the Expedition. — 
 The French Government Issues a Prohibition Against it. — Du Cou- 
 DRAY Goes Nevertheless. — Kalb Remains for the Present. — His 
 Correspondence with Dubois. — Relations Between France and 
 America. — Lafayette. — Franklin's Arrival in Paris. — Letter of 
 THE Count de Broglie. — He Wants to be Dictator in America. — Mis- 
 taken Suppositions of this Letter. — Position Occupied by the 
 French Nobility in Reference to the American Revolution. — Kalb 
 Never Delivers the Letter. — He Returns to Paris in the First In- 
 stance. — Postponed is not Abolished. 
 
 A FEW months after his return fi'om America Kalb pur- 
 chased the chateau of Milon la Chapelle, an ancient 
 manor situate about three miles south of Versailles. The 
 former possessor, M. de Besset, and his wife, being childless, 
 and advanced in years, disposed of it on very favorable con- 
 ditions. They reserved a small annuity, and the possession 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 75 
 
 for life of the old chateau, while they gave immediate posses- 
 sion of all the lands and feudal rights, at a price of only seventy- 
 two thousand francs. Neither Kalb nor his wife ever moved 
 into the chateau, as both they and their eldest son died before 
 the Bessets, the survivor of whom lived till the year 1798. 
 The second son of our hero, however, Elie de Kalb, entered 
 upon the property after he had been permitted by Napoleon 
 to return to France, and it is still occupied by his daughter, 
 the Viscountess d'Alzac." 
 
 The duties and responsibilities growing out of this opera- 
 tion, and the arrangement of his affairs in general, now occu- 
 pied Kalb so constantly, that he was compelled, for the pres- 
 ent at least, to renounce all ambitious schemes. In this 
 manner two years passed in rural retirement, which must have 
 been doubly grateful in view of the hopeless condition of 
 public affairs, and the decay of morals and manners in the 
 ruling circles of society. After the fall of Choiseul the con- 
 temptible Dubarry had played the King and the Government 
 into the hands of a new set of men. The commanding influ- 
 ence which had been exercised on the counsels of Europe by 
 France under the auspices of the now banished duke, rapidly 
 fell back to zero. 
 
 Among the minions of the omnipotent mistress was the 
 Count of St. Florentine, created Due de Vrilliere, secretary 
 of the king and temporary minister of foreign affairs, who 
 had known Kalb personally ever since the last war, and who, 
 in 1771, suggested to him to go to Poland, there to follow 
 the example of many other French officers, in contending for 
 the confederates against the Russians. 
 
 Since the accession of Stanislaus Poniatowski in 1764, 
 Poland had become a football in the hands of the foreign 
 
76 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 powers, especially of Russia, aU at work to accomplish its 
 disintegration. The struggles leading to this result were 
 protracted by the opposition offered by the confederated 
 patriot nobility, for full eight years. Choiseul of course sided 
 with the latter, and although unable at that time to take their 
 part openly, he not only furnished them secretly with money, 
 arms, and officers, but also stirred up the Turks against the 
 Russians, to interfere with the operations of tfie latter against 
 the Poles. His secret agent, Dumouriez, at Warsaw, and his 
 envoy, Vergennes, at Constantinoj)le, both diplomatists of the 
 first water, worked in concert to this end. These matters 
 also were greatly changed by Choiseul's fall. The Due 
 d'Aiguillon, now the foreign minister of Louis XV., by his 
 indifference to the honor and fortunes of the country, by his 
 negligence and thoughtlessness, forfeited all the results of the 
 labors of his predecessor. The decadence of the French 
 power, in connection with England's American perplexities, 
 made the partition of Poland an easy matter for the Eastern 
 powers. The sympathies of the court of Versailles for the 
 unfortunate country were now confined to the sending of a 
 few more officers, without opposing any measure, or even a 
 protest, against the encroachments of the spoilers. It was 
 about a year and a half before the partition took place that 
 Vrilli^re, and Monteynard, the minister of war, the latter 
 probably at the instigation of the former, called upon Kalb to 
 take part in the contest. Dumouriez was still in Poland as 
 the secret agent of France, but was soon displaced by the 
 incompetent Viomenil. Kalb was not unknown to the Mar- 
 quis de Monteynard, having been recommended to him for 
 promotion to the rank of Brigadier in the beginning of the 
 year 1771, upon his assuming the portfolio as successor to the 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 77 
 
 Marquis de Castries. While Vrilliere was unreserved in his 
 language, the war minister veiled his meaning in mysterious 
 allusions which could not commit him. 
 
 " The king," he wrote to Kalb from Versailles the 4th of 
 March, 1771, "considers you qualified, by your talents, for 
 a special undertaking of great importance to his service. It 
 is the wish of his Majesty that you should at once repair to 
 this place, to receive the directions relating to this mission, if 
 you are prepared to embrace this opportunity of giving fur- 
 ther proofs of the zeal heretofore manifested." 
 
 "I have," answered Kalb on the 12th of March, 1771," 
 " maturely considered the proposal of the Due de Vrilliere, 
 to serve the Polish confederation, as well as the terms of- 
 fered, by which my promotion is to be postponed until after 
 my return, and my compensation to be confined to what I 
 may succeed in obtaining from the confederation. I pray 
 you, therefore, Monseigneur, if you desire to make use of me, 
 and to give me an opportunity of extending my travels and 
 improving my knowledge of men and things, to grant me 
 two favors : 1. The rank of a brigadier, to which my past 
 services and my rank entitle me, so much the more as various 
 junior officers, M. de Rossiere and others, have received it. 
 This honor would redouble my zeal and activity in the 
 king's service ; in my intercourse with the confederation it 
 would be absolutely indispensable, as it would convince 
 them that I enjoy the confidence of my sovereign, and am 
 entitled to be respected accordingly, and that neither neces- 
 sity nor love of adventure drives me into the ranks of the 
 patriots. 2. That you would be pleased, either in person or 
 by the Due de Vrilliere, to fix my salary, in order that I may 
 depend solely upon the king and not upon the confederation, 
 
18 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 who may perhaps treat me well, and perhaps ill, in which 
 latter case I need not, if thus provided for, resort to the 
 painful expedient of quitting their service. 
 
 " A point of no less importance is that I am not to be 
 acknowledged by the king in case of an unforeseen reverse. 
 I pass this over in silence, because His Majesty may have 
 reasons for this policy, to which I gladly defer; but it 
 should be an additional inducement to grant me the two re- 
 quests above mentioned, as at least some little equivalent for 
 the risk incurred of the probable consequences of a refusal to 
 acknowledge me. 
 
 "Last year M. de Valcroissant was sent to the Turkish 
 army as a brigadier, a rank certainly less his due than it 
 would be mine, if services and seniority are considered. 
 Besides, he received pay to the amount of thirty thousand 
 livres per annum. One-fifth or one-sixth of that sum would 
 content me when once appointed brigadier, because I do not 
 serve to enrich myself, but to advance and to deserve the 
 favor of my king and his ministers." 
 
 Kalb evidently distrusted the sincerity and the good 
 will of the Due de Vrilliere and the Marquis de Monteynard. 
 The latter never entertained his proposals, but simply re- 
 jected them. A negotiation on the same subject opened 
 early in August, 1771, with the Due dAiguillon as minis- 
 ter of foreign aifairs, was equally futile. The Government 
 had determined to risk nothing for the Poles, no matter how 
 much the policy of the two countries was identified by a 
 common interest and by tradition. They were evidently 
 preparing to retreat from the position occupied by ChoiseuL 
 Thus the idea was entirely abandoned. 
 
 Kalb remained at home for the present, and devoted the 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 79 
 
 ensuing years exclusively to his family and his private affairs. 
 His condition in life was in every way satisfactory and envi- 
 able. He lived in peace and comfort, sometimes in Paris 
 and sometimes at his country-house of Brouossy near Milon; 
 his children throve; and as he was even then in possession 
 of a fortune of more than four hundred thousand francs, so 
 as to be independent in every respect, he had, as a private 
 man, little or nothing to wish for. Nevertheless, the desire 
 for activity and distinction constantly interfered with the 
 enjoyment of his good fortune ; his restless spirit could not 
 adapt itself to the contracted sphere of his rural retirement, 
 and at every glimpse of promotion he beset his friends w^ith 
 solicitations for their intercession, and wrote plans, opinions, 
 and proposals about himself as well as about war and peace. 
 During the reign of Louis XY., however, all his efforts 
 to be restored to active service were in vain. It was not 
 until the accession of Louis XVL that a change of events 
 occurred favorable to his aspirations. Among the dignita- 
 ries out of favor with the old court, now recalled to Ver- 
 sailles and invested with influential stations, were the broth- 
 ers Broglie, Kalb's old friends and patrons, w^ho had warmly 
 advocated his claims for preferment on all occasions. When 
 the Comte de Broglie went to Metz in 1775 as military 
 commander-in-chief, Kalb worked under him for four months, 
 under a regulation then adopted by the minister of war, du 
 Muy, requiring retired staff oflicers to do duty in garrison 
 from time to time. The manner in which his duties were 
 performed on this occasion was so satisfactory to the count, 
 that the latter personally vouched for his efficiency to the 
 Count of St. Germain, on the appointment of the latter to 
 the ministry of war in 0(!tober, 1775, and urgently solicited 
 
80 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 his immediate reappointment. This junior Broglie, the 
 Count Charles Francois (1719 to 1781), was no less faithful 
 as a friend and zealous as a supporter, than bitter and im- 
 placable as an enemy, never forgiving and constantly thwart- 
 ing those who refused to subject themselves implicitly to his 
 dictation, while indulging, aiding, and encouraging all those 
 who devoted themselves unreservedly to his interests. In 
 public life he gained less distinction as a general and poli- 
 tician, than as a ready intriguer. He was of the party which 
 had broken down the Due de Chcfiseul, behind whose back 
 he had acted for years as head of the secret cabinet of Louis 
 XY., and never deceived himself in the selection of the in- 
 struments of his ambition, but frequently erred, as we shall 
 have occasion to see hereafter, in his political plans and pro- 
 jects, which were almost never regulated by a correct 
 knowledge of men and things.^* 
 
 St. Germain answered the Comte de Broglie's note on 
 the 10th of December, 1775, regretting that no opening then 
 offered for Kalb in the army, but wrote at the foot of the 
 letter with his own hand, " When you shall have returned 
 here, M. le Corate, we shall see what disposition may be 
 made of M. de Kalb." This hint referred to America, which 
 was just then more than ever attracting the attention of the 
 French Government. Broglie came to Paris and Versailles 
 early in the ensuing year, and eagerly seconded St. Germain's 
 proposal to send our hero to the assistance of the rebellious 
 colonies. Kalb himself was soon after admitted to an audi- 
 ence of the minister of war. The particulars of their inter- 
 view have not been recordel ; but the result was that Kalb's 
 position in the French array remained unaltered, a two years' 
 furlough only being grantel him. 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 81 
 
 At the same time St. Germain promised to procure for 
 him the rewards and honors corresponding to the risk in- 
 curred and the advantages to be attained, and, at the first op- 
 portunity, to bestow upon him the dignity of a " marechal de 
 camp"; declining, however, to accede to his request to ap- 
 point him a brigadier immediately, on account of the attention 
 which would have been attracted by such a departure from 
 ordinary rules, in the absence of a vacancy of that grade in 
 the army. Nevertheless, on the 6th of November, 1776, M. 
 de Sartines handed Kalb a commission as brigadier-general 
 for the islands. In France he now had little or nothinoj to 
 hope for, while a wide field was opened to him on the other 
 side of the ocean. Honor and renown invited him to try his 
 fortunes there. He made up his mind to go ; resolving, 
 however, before preparing for his departure, to await the ex- 
 pected arrival in Paris of the American agent, Silas Deane, 
 an event which was delayed until the beginning of July, 
 1776. 
 
 Months again elapsed before Kalb entered into com- 
 munication with him. The cause of this delay does not 
 appear. Diplomatic and personal scruples appear to have 
 obstructed his path for some time, and the general politics 
 of the day were not without their influence on Kalb's move- 
 ments. It is known that the year 1776 was occupied with 
 the covert diplomacy of the French ministry for and with 
 the American insurgents, in secretly supporting and openly 
 repudiating them, in steps looking to a more open policy, 
 and in sudden relapses and tergiversations. 
 
 The Government of Louis XVI. had from the first given 
 its special attention to the disturbances in the American 
 colonies, the Comte de Yergennes, minister of foreign affairs, 
 4* 
 
82 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 in particular, having omitted no opportunity, since the open- 
 ing of hostilities by the engagement at Lexington and the 
 taking of Ticonderoga, of making England's embarrassments 
 of advantage to France and Spain. In the cabinet the 
 ministers of war and marine, St. German and Sartines, were 
 entirely on his side, while Maurepas, Malherbes, and Turgot 
 were more inclined for peace, the latter especially opposing 
 warlike measures on account of the shattered state of the 
 finances. The young king vacillated between both parties, 
 and was open to every impression, without being capable 
 of forming a judgment of his own upon any topic. The only 
 question was who was the longest and the last to influence 
 him. Vergennes was a shrewd and clear-lieaded statesman, 
 without the impetuosity of genius, but unerring in his aims, 
 which he pursued often with insignificant means, but gen- 
 erally with success. Belonging to the lower order of nobility, 
 he had elevated himself by his own exertions, and, serving 
 under Choiseul, had gone through a superior diplomatic 
 training as envoy at Stockholm and Constantinople. Hav- 
 ing, by his representatives and agents, among whom the 
 notorious Bonvouloir was one of the most adroit and reliable, 
 obtained an accurate knowledge of the objects and intentions 
 of the colonies, he never urged the irresolute king, but edified 
 him and all the world with homilies on the sanctity of exist- 
 ing contracts and the necessity of peace, while in secret, 
 without committing the Government, he did his utmost to 
 further the development of affairs across the Atlantic. It 
 was not until March, 1776, when just in receipt of an elabo- 
 rate report from Bonvouloir, that, in a solemn council of 
 ministers he reminded the passive king of the absolute neces- 
 sity of securing Fran -^ against any peril growing out of the 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 83 
 
 Anglo-American disturbances, suggesting that, after subdu- 
 ing the American rebellion, England would bring her whole 
 force to bear upon her natural foes and rivals, Spain and 
 France, as her statesmen for years had never inquired what 
 harm they were actually suffering at the hands of the latter 
 power, but always what harm they might possibly suffer 
 hereafter. England should therefore be encouraged to adopt 
 the most stringent measures against her colonies, and to be 
 nursed in the belief that the Bourbon powers were not only 
 peaceful in their inclinations, but fearful of the costs of a 
 war ; on the other hand, however, the colonies must not be 
 suffered to despair, but must be further estranged from the 
 mother country, and confirmed in their aspirations after 
 independence by undefined promises and even some secret 
 assistance, such as gratuitous shipments of munitions of war.'" 
 This discourse came, in the sequel, particularly after the 
 great and good Turgot had been compelled to give way 
 before the bitter animosity of the higher nobility, to consti- 
 tute the programme which, often abandoned and resumed, 
 was finally carried out, until at length an open rupture 
 became inevitable. Vergennes closely followed the course 
 pursued by England at the time of the French occupation 
 of Corsica. He also secured the cooperation of Spain, whose 
 interests had been much impaired by the common enemy in 
 Morocco, Algiers, and the Philippine Islands. On the 27th 
 of June, 1776, King Charles, without the knowledge of any 
 of his cabinet excei)t the prime minister Grimaldi, and with- 
 out communicating with his ambassador at Paris, sent a 
 million of francs as his moiety contributed to the joint 
 support of the Americans. While Vergennes found in 
 Beaumarchais, who had approved himself as a skilled diplo- 
 
84 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 matist under the preceding Government in various transac- 
 tions with the notorious Chevalier d'Eon, the pamphleteer 
 Morande, and others, an excellent go-between to cover his 
 relations with the American agent, St. Germain employed 
 a prominent artillery officer, in the person of Adjutant- 
 General Colonel du Coudray, who, in 1774, had made the 
 round of the garrisons of the kingdom for the purpose of 
 ascertaining the stock of guns and small arms on hand, to 
 select from tlie arsenals the arms and munitions of war 
 intended for the Americans, and transport them to th3 
 various seaports. With this object du Coudray, in Septem- 
 ber, 1776, visited Metz, Maubeuge, St. Etienne, Besangon, 
 Charleville, Strasburg, and Dijon, and made choice of two 
 hundred four-pound field-pieces, witli a hundred thousand 
 balls, besides thirty thousand stand of small arms, and 
 ammunition, and four thousand tents. Sartines at the same 
 time acted in concert with the Comte de Yergennes, endeav- 
 oring to mask the proceedings from the scrutiny of the 
 British by pretending to order the arms taken from the 
 arsenals by du Coudray, to St. Domingo and other colonies, 
 and attaching the officers ordered to America by the minister 
 of war, with a superior rank, to an expedition also ostensibly 
 designed for the colonies. 
 
 Under the mantle of the same device Kalb was likewise 
 to proceed to America, to place his knowledge and experience 
 at the disposal of the rebellious colonies, in the interest of 
 France. His first interview with Deane took place on the 
 5th of November, the date intervening between that of his 
 furlough and that of his promotion, a circumstance pointed 
 out by the American agent himself in his letters to the Con- 
 gressional Committee on Secret Correspondence. 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 85 
 
 " The rage, as I may say, for entering into the American 
 service," writes Silas Deane from Paris, November 6, 1776,^^* 
 " increases, and the consequence is that I am pressed 
 with offers and proposals, many of them from persons of the 
 first rank and eminence, in the sea as w^ell as land service. 
 Count Broglie, who commanded the army of France during 
 the last war, did me the honor to call on me twice yester- 
 day with an officer who served as his quartermaster-general 
 in the last war, and has now a regiment in this service, but 
 being a German, — the Baron de Kalb, — and having travelled 
 through America a few years since, he is desirous of engaging 
 in the service of the United States of North America. I can 
 by no means let sli|) an opportunity of engaging a person 
 of so much experience, and who is by every one recommended 
 as one of tlie bravest and most skilful officers in the king- 
 dom ; yet I am distressed on every such occasion for want 
 of your particular instructions. This gentleman has an 
 independent fortune, and a certain prospect of advance- 
 ment here ; but being a zealous friend to liberty, civil and 
 religious, he is actuated by the most independent and gener- 
 ous principles in the offer he makes of his servicse to the 
 States of America." 
 
 Deane accordingly engaged the services of Kalb as ma- 
 jor-general, his seniority to date from the 7th of November, 
 1776, and reported, on the 28th of the same month, that he 
 regarded them as a great acquisition to the cause of American 
 liberty. The formal contract was signed by both parties on 
 the 1st of December. Kalb signed for himself and fifteen 
 companions, among whom were the Vicomte de Mauroy, 
 major-general, Dubuysson, afterward his aide and major, 
 von HoUzendorff, lieutenant-colonel, and various officers of 
 every grade down to that of lieutenant. 
 
86 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 The English ambassador was not ill served by his spies, 
 who informed him, as early as the 4th of December, that 
 Kalb was on the point of going to America, at the wish and 
 instigation of the French Government. 
 
 " I am very credibly informed," writes Lord Stormond on 
 that day confidentially to Lord Viscount Weymouth, con- 
 founding correct with incorrect statements, " a Mons. Colbe, 
 a Swiss officer formerly in this service, who married a daugh- 
 ter of the famous van Robais, was sent for to Fontainebleau, 
 and stayed there some days. It was proposed to him that if 
 he would go to St. Domingo and from thence to North 
 America, he should have the rank of Brigadier, and nine or 
 ten thousand livres a year during the tihie of his being em- 
 ployed. These conditions he accepted after some hesitation, 
 and set out from hence on Monday last. He is accompanied 
 by a Mons. Holtzendorflf, a Prussian by birth, who was like- 
 wise engaged by this court, and has had the rank of lieuten- 
 ant-colonel given him, \vhh six thousand livres a year. He 
 is not thought to be an officer of any distinction, but M. 
 Colbe is, I am told, a man of ability. He was sent to North 
 America during the ministry of M. de Choiseul, who gave 
 him the ' ordre de me rite.' " 
 
 In point of fact the negotiations had not yet reached this 
 point. Kalb was still in Paris, and concluded a new agree- 
 ment with Deane on the Yth of December, which bears the 
 additional signature of Lafayette. This young man had 
 then just completed his nineteenth year. He was filled with 
 yo-ithful enthusiasm for America, and a burning desire to 
 flesh his sword in a transatlantic crusade. His kinsman and 
 paternal friend, the Comte de Broglie, who had knowledge 
 of his plans, and who, at the same lime, was Kalb's ardent 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 87 
 
 protector, referred his cousin to the latter, and recommended 
 him to his care and counsel. It must have been between the 
 1st and 7th of December that Kalb introduced his protege 
 to Deane, for he is not named at all in the contract bearing 
 the former date, while he signs the latter as one of the par- 
 ties. 
 
 Kalb had been clear from the first that the colonies could 
 not reckon upon a steady and vigorous support at the hands 
 of France, unless they should succeed in enlisting the sym- 
 pathies of a considerable number of individuals eminent by 
 birth and station. He therefore made it his special object to 
 confirm young Lafayette in his noble and disinterested zeal, 
 as he did not fail to perceive that he would draw after him 
 many others of the sprigs of the high nobility, and thus, pos- 
 sibly, make interest enough ultimately to bring about an 
 alliance between the two countries. As a man of riper years 
 and established reputation, whose judgment and experience 
 had weight with younger men, he brought the indefinite and 
 sometimes wandering ambition of the French nobles to bear 
 upon a practical object, and gave a political direction to the 
 enthusiasm for philosophy and the rights of man then raging 
 among fashionable circles. He managed to identify with it 
 the struggle against England, and the necessity of wiping 
 from the French escutcheon the stains inflicted by the Seven 
 Years' War ; and by this exercise of his personal influence, he 
 made himself not only the leader and adviser of the young 
 nobility, but also contributed no less to the final success of 
 the American arms, than he was afterward instrumental in 
 promoting it as a commander in the field. 
 
 It "vas about the end of November or beginning of De- 
 cember, 1776. Deane intended to send the cannon above 
 
88 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 rinmed, as well as the ammunition, arms, and tents, which the 
 French Government had presented to the colonies, together 
 with the oiEcers, from Havre, Nantes, L'Orient, and Dunkirk, 
 to America. Kalb himself was to sail from Havre with one 
 of the very first vessels. It had been sufficiently difficult to 
 collect these various articles from out of the fortresses of the 
 eastern and northern parts of the kingdom, and convey them 
 to the western ports, without exciting the suspicions of the 
 English ambassador ; but these difficulties were increased 
 tenfold when they were to be shipped at these ports in the 
 vessels taken by the officers enlisted by Deane. The minis- 
 ters answered Lord Stormond's remonstrances by saying that 
 the munitions of war and the officers were intended for the 
 colonies ; but this allegation was contradicted by the cir- 
 cumstance that merchantmen, and not men of war, w^ere 
 employed for the purpose. Moreover, the young officers be- 
 longing to the expedition committed great indiscretions — 
 w^ent through the streets of Havre and ISTantes boasting of 
 their intended exploits, and discussed their plans and pro- 
 jects in the coffee-houses, as if with the design of provoking 
 the misgivings of the English minister. Even Beaumarchais, 
 who had hastened to Havre, under the assumed name of 
 Durand, to superintend the embarcation, lapsing from his 
 great mercantile role into the weaknesses of the literary man, 
 could not deny himself the satisfaction of having his come- 
 dies performed during his presence at Havre, and even at- 
 tended the rehearsals.'^® 
 
 One of Deane's ships, ostensibly bound for St. Domingo, 
 the Amphitrite, was to take General du Coudray, while an- 
 other, " la Seine^^^ was to carry the cortege headed by Kalb, 
 who reached Havi-e o the 10th of December. The former 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 89 
 
 actually set sail from Havre on the 14tli of December, but 
 returned in a few days to L'Orient, dissatisfied with the ac- 
 commodations of the vessel and the storage of the cargo." 
 At the energetic interpellation of Lord Stormond, the French 
 ministers now could not avoid issuing an unqualified inter- 
 dict of the expedition. To this was added the news of the 
 defeat of the Americans in the campaign of 1776 — a sufficient 
 reason with Vergennes for even w^ithholding, for the pres- 
 ent, the supplies already on shipboard.^" Du Coudray again 
 set sail, alone, on the 14th of February, 1777 ; but Kalb and 
 his companions remained, awaiting a more favorable oppor- 
 tunity. 
 
 While Kalb was still at Havre, expecting the removal 
 of the obstacles to his departure, he received, from one of 
 his confidants, Dubois Martin, secretary of the Comte de 
 Broglie, reports of occurrences at Paris, and the prospects 
 of Lafayette and his friends, and consulted with him on their 
 mutual plans for the future. Dubois' letters, dated the 8th, 
 14th, and 17th of December, throw a new light upon this 
 still obscure stage of the relations of France with America, 
 and therefore deserve to be given here at length.^^ 
 
 " I have received," says Dubois, December the 8th, "the 
 letter you sent me in favor of M. Gerard for Mr. Deane. 
 Receive my thanks for your attention and punctuality at a 
 moment when you are so much occupied with your impending 
 departure. I liave been persuaded by M. de Mauroy and de 
 la Roziore to dine with them. The Marquis de Lambert 
 occupied me with his conversation for a long time, and the 
 Marquis de Lafayette has conversed with me for at least three 
 hours at two sittings. But you have seen him this morning 
 after he had left me ; I am not, therefore, called upon to 
 relate what took place between us this evening. 
 
90 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 • 
 
 " Lafayette has probably told you that the Due d'Ayen 
 (his father-in-law) had written, or intended to write, to M. de 
 Maurepas. The answer of the minister was to the effect that 
 he knew nothing of the entry of French officers into the ser- 
 vice of the English colonies, that such a step would be an act 
 of hostility, which his Majesty was far from sanctioning ; that 
 the king was much gratified with the evidences of the zeal 
 of the Vicomte de Noailles (Lafayette's brother-in-law), but 
 that he must not think of going to America. On the strength 
 of this letter, which is exactly what it should have been, when 
 a matter calculated for oral communication only is committed 
 to writing, the Vicomte de Noailles renounces his plan. The 
 answer of M. de Maurepas will certainly get before the pub- 
 lic, and no doubt come to the knowledge of Lord Stormond, 
 so that, if this ambassador and his court put faith in it (a 
 question which I leave to your decision), your journey to 
 St. Domingo will not be molested. Our young marquis 
 (Lafayette) does not despair; he still has the greatest desire 
 to go, and is on the point of writing to Ruffec (the Comte de 
 Broglie's country-seat) for advice and information. He is 
 satisfied with sending his letter by mail, which will give him 
 leisure for reflection, and the count sufficient time for consid- 
 eration. I do not yet know what will be Lafayette's final 
 resolution. M. de Noailles, having renounced his own de- 
 signs, will probably endeavor to dissuade the marquis from 
 adhering to his, in which attempt he will of course be seconded 
 by his family. I shall have the honor, if there is sufficient 
 time, of informing you of any turn the affair may take here- 
 after, availing n^yself, for that purpose, of the address of M. 
 Feray. 
 
 '* Yesterday," continues Dubois, from Paris, the 14th of De- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 91 
 
 cember, 1776, "I received your favor of the 10th instant. I 
 am waiting for news from Kuffec, and it gives me great pleas 
 ure to hope there may be time to transmit them to you. 
 
 " It must be confessed that secrecy is a virtue, and that 
 you have every reason to congratulate yourself on having 
 escaped the consequences of the precautions taken by your 
 braggart friends to prevent your journey from becoming pub- 
 licly known. 
 
 "The Due d'Ayen had written to M. de Maurepas for the 
 Vicomte de Noailles. The minister answered that he knew 
 nothing about the matter, and that he could not allow the 
 vicomte to go. The Marquis de Lafayette is not discouraged. 
 He is waiting for the answer to a letter which he has handed 
 to me (for the count), and will take the advice which will be 
 given him. He is a most splendid young man, and sincerely 
 devoted to you. 
 
 "The latest news which occupies all the world here, is the 
 arrival of Mr. Franklin at Nantes, who, as I may remark in 
 passing, has even taken a ship on his journey hither. He will, 
 as M. de Fayolles writes me, set out for Paris to-day or to- 
 morrow. 
 
 " Mr. Deane will wait till Monday before handing M. de 
 Mauroy the despatches intended to have been delivered last 
 Thursday. He received a letter from Mr. Franklin, by which 
 this matter was protracted. Two persons have to-day in- 
 formed me, that a prohibition has been published against dis- 
 cussing the war in the cafes. The precaution is a timely one, 
 as the war is at present the subject of every conversation. 
 
 " I hope to send you some news from Ruffec before your 
 departure, and would request you to forward the enclosed 
 little note to M. de Sonne ville." 
 
92 LITEOFKALB. 
 
 " I have the honor/' says Dubois in his final epistle of De- 
 cember 17, "to enclose a letter just received for you from the 
 Comte de Broglie, while yours of the 14th instant only came 
 to hand yesterday. 
 
 " M. du Coudray and his companions have my best wishes 
 for their success, and I hope that, contrary to general expec- 
 tation, he may elude the pursuit of our neighbors. 
 
 " I should be glad if you would come here once more, to 
 see Mr. Franklin. It would greatly further the negotiation 
 you have undertaken, as it is possible that otherwise some 
 other party may approach this member of Congress with the 
 same views as those we advocate. If you cannot get away I 
 w^ould like you to write to Mr. Deane, asking him whether or 
 not the arrival of Mr. Franklin w^ill effect any alteration in 
 the form or spirit of his despatches, or in the plan you have 
 submitted to him for the choice of a commander-in-chief. 
 
 " At all events you might warn him against giving too 
 ready an ear to suggestions of parties probably ill calculated 
 for so important a position, as I am quite sure you agree with 
 me in opinion that there is not a man in Europe so well fitted 
 for the office as ours (Broglie). I do not entertain this view 
 because of any predilection for the candidate. You would 
 very much oblige ine by an intimation respecting your i leas 
 and intentions on this head. 
 
 " It is given out here that the insurgents have made peace. 
 I do not believe it, because M. du Coudray has been allowed 
 to depart. It is true that the news was only published on 
 [Sunday the 15th. Mr. Deane expects Mr. Franklin to-day. 
 He has now postponed to next Thursday the delivery of his 
 despatches to M. de Maurc^. The latter also, as you see, is 
 not ready to start. It is said here that a courier has been 
 
LIFE OF K A LB. 93. 
 
 sent to the barber of Seville (Beaumarchais), whose discretion 
 surprises me. I hoj^e you will adopt something of my mode 
 of proceeding, if the publicity he has given to his Havre 
 expedition should be attended with no ill consequence. M. 
 de Mauroy desires his kindest regards. As the count is very 
 fond of him, I wish you may become very intimate in foreign 
 parts." 
 
 The obscure passages in the preceding Imes are explained 
 by the following letter of the Comte de Broglie himself. 
 Characteristic of the selfish point of view in which the 
 French magnates regarded the American contest, and inter- 
 esting from the clearness with which it displays the plans 
 and hopes they founded upon it, it discloses the bloated self- 
 conceit of the ruling class, the narrowness of their social 
 prejudices, and their utter inability to understand the scope 
 and reach of the American revolution. 
 
 In the eyes of these well-seasoned politicians and states- 
 men, the enthusiasm entertained b;^j^'e younger nobility for 
 a war waged in support of popular rights, was at best a 
 drapery for their own selfish purposes. For such men noth- 
 ing was good, just, or honorable, except what benefited them 
 personally, and damaged the English. Thus America was a 
 soil upon which to display their talents to the gaze of an 
 admiring world ; the people there fighting for their liberties 
 came to be considered, at the utmost, as materials with 
 which the great were to work out the splendor of their 
 renown. A sound appreciation of the merits of the issue 
 was as distant from their minds as the scene of the drama 
 was remote from their corporal vision. What interest they 
 did take in this phase of the question was such as woidd 
 have been manifested by the condescending nod of approba- 
 
94 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 tion with wliicli a lord contemplates the provident upon 
 whom he bestows his charity, not so much for the happiness 
 of the poor man as to illustrate his own munificence. ^ The 
 peasant republic appeared, to the leading nobles of that day, 
 as clear of any connection with the past or future of the 
 civilized world, as the Circassians or the Bedouins appear to 
 the present generation ; and Washington was little more to 
 them than the brave Schamyl or Abdelkader to the modern 
 newspaper reader. The candor with which this way of 
 thinking and these designs are revealed in de Broglie's 
 letter, is precisely what makes it so interesting and instruc- 
 tive. How little Silas Deane, incompetent as he was, can 
 have been convinced of the justice of his cause and the 
 success of his countrymen, how perfectly ignorant he must 
 have been of the nature and bearing of the contest, is 
 shown by his favoring and approving the plan of the 
 French, instead of repelling it with utter scorn as incompati- 
 ble with the honor of his country. Can the French, under 
 these circumstances, be blamed for considering the Ameri- 
 cans simply as their passive instruments ? 
 
 "I have seen with pleasure," writes de Broglie at his 
 country-seat, Buffec, the 11th of December, "from the rela- 
 tions of M. Dubois Martin, as well as from your last letter 
 of the 5th instant, the good progress of your afi*airs, and 
 hope that all yonr wishes will continue to be realized. You 
 may rest assured that, on my part, I shall not neglect your 
 interests, which, as you will not fail to rememb)er, I have at 
 all times advocated, the more cheerfully that I know that 
 the favor of the king could not be better bestowed. 
 
 " I do not doubt that the plan communicated to you by 
 M. Dubois meets you ■ entire approbation. It is clearly in- 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 95 
 
 dispensable to the permanence of the work. A military and 
 political leader is wanted, a man fitted to carry the weight 
 of authority in the colony, to unite its parties, to assign to 
 each his place, to attract a large number of persons of all 
 classes, and carry them along with him, not courtiers, but 
 brave, efficient, and well-educated officers, who confide in 
 their superior, and repose implicit faith in him. There need 
 not be many grades of a higher order ; but there is need of 
 some, because the corps and the country are separate from 
 each other. Not but that there is room enough for a num- 
 ber of persons, from among whom a selection may be made. 
 The main point of the mission with which you have been 
 intrusted will, therefore, consist in explaining the advantage, 
 or, rather, the absolute necessity of the choice of a man, 
 who would have to be invested with the power of bringing 
 his assistants with him, and of assigning to each the position 
 for which he should judge him to be fitted. The rank of 
 the candidate would have to be of the first eminence, such, 
 for instance, as that of the Prince of Nassau ; his functions, 
 however, would have to be confined to the army, excluding 
 the civil service, with, perhaps, the single exception of the 
 political negotiations with foreign powers. In proposing 
 such a man, you must, of course, not appear to know 
 whether he entertains any wish for such a position ; but, at 
 the same time, you must intimate that nothing but the most 
 favorable stipulations would induce him to make the sacri- 
 fices expected of him. You would have to observe that 
 three years would be the longest period for which he could 
 possibly bind himself, that he would claim a fixed salary, to 
 continue after the expiration of that period of service, and 
 that on no account would he consent to expatriate himself 
 
96 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 for ever. What should make you particularly explicit or 
 this point is, that the assurance of the man's return to 
 France at the end of three years will remove every appre- 
 hension in regard to the powers to be conferred, and will 
 remove even the semblance of an ambitious design to be- 
 come the sovereign of the new republic. 
 I " You will, therefore, content yourself with stipulating 
 j for a military authority for the person in question, who 
 j would unite the position of a general and president of the 
 I council of war with the title of generalissimo, field mar- 
 1 shall, etc. 
 
 " Of course large pecuniary considerations would have to 
 be claimed for the preparations for the journey, and for the 
 journey itself, and a liberal salary for the return home, much in 
 the same manner as has been done in the case of Prince Fer- 
 dinand. You can give the assurance that such a measure 
 will bring order and economy into the public expenses, that 
 it will reimburse its cost a hundred-fold in a single campaign, 
 and that the choice of officers who follow their leader at his 
 word, and from attachment to his person, is worth more than 
 the reenforcement of the array with ten or twenty thousand 
 men. You well know the persons who adhere to this leader 
 and the unlimited number of subaltern". ; you know that they 
 are not courtiers, but excellent and well-tried soldiers ; you 
 know better than others, the great difference between the 
 one candidate and the other, and will lay particular stress 
 upon this point. You will be equally mindful to dwell upon 
 the effect necessarily produced by such an appointment on 
 its mere anouncement in Europe. Even in a good European 
 army everything depends upon the selection of a good com- 
 mander-in-chief; how much more in a cause where everything 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 97 
 
 has yet to be created and adjusted ! It is not easy to find a 
 man qualified for such a task, and at the same time willing to 
 undertake it. If matters do wn there — " la has "— should turn 
 out well, you should induce Congress immediately to send 
 little Dubois back to Mr. Deane with full powers and direc- 
 tions. These powers should be limited in no respect, except 
 in so far as to remove all danger of a too extensive exercise 
 of the civil authority, or of ambitious schemes for dominion 
 over the republic. The desire is to be useful to the republic 
 in a political and military way, but with all the appropriate 
 honors, dignities, and powers over subordinate functionaries; 
 in short, with a well-ordered power. 
 
 "If you send back little Dubois, advise me at the same 
 time of the true condition of affairs and of the state of public 
 feeling, adding your suggestions of what is best to be done. 
 Also inform me of the nature of the power conferred upon 
 the agents of the insurgents. Farewell ! I wish you and 
 your caravan a pleasant journey. I shall execute your com- 
 missions, and shall see M. de Sartiges when I get to Paris. 
 
 " Acquaint me with the receipt of this letter, and with 
 the moment of your departure, and write to me under the 
 direction of the Abbe St. Evrar \ at the bureau of M. St. Ju- 
 lien, treasurer general of the clergy. I leave this unsigned. 
 You know who I am." 
 
 In anticipation of our narrative, we may here remark that, 
 very soon after arriving in Amei'ica, Kalb was convinced of 
 the utter impracticability of de Broglie's projects, and buried 
 them among his papers. When this last letter came to his 
 bands, the expedition to America was scattered to the winds. 
 Some of the officers quietly embarked for the United States 
 at L'Orient and Nantes, others did not go at all, while Kalb 
 
98 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 and his companions returned to Paris for the present, m 
 the closing days of the year 1776, not to renounce his plans, 
 but to prosecute them with more mature preparation and 
 better success. 
 
CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 Kalb and Lafayette Revive their Project. — The Latter Resolves to 
 Purchase a Ship at Bordeaux. — Reasons for the Choice of Bordeaux. 
 — Dubois Martin the Go-between. — The Ship La Victoire Selected. 
 — Lafayette Returns from England to Paris. — Conceals Himself in 
 Kalb's House. — Both Set Out for Bordeaux on the 16th of March, 
 1111. — Lafayette's Family, not the Government, Opposed to Him. — 
 Attitude of the French Cabinet as Respects America. — Kalb to His 
 Wife ON the Difficulties Caused by Lafayette. — The Victoire Leaves 
 France Unhindered. — She Sails to Los Pasages in Spain. — Lafayette 
 Yields to the Orders of the Court. — He Goes Back to Bordeaux. — 
 Kalb Nettled at the Blunders. — Lafayette Returns. — The Victoire 
 Sails for America on the 20th of April. — The Company. — Error of 
 THE Historian Sparks in Regard to Lafayette's Position as Respects 
 Kalb. — Arrival in South Carolina. — ^Visit to Major Hueger. — Ride 
 to Charleston. — Thence to Philadelphia. — Cool Reception on the 
 Part of Congress. — The Du Coudray Difficulty. — Jealousy of the 
 Native Officers. — New Threats. — Du Coudray Retires. — Lafayette 
 First Appointed. — Reasons for this Preference. — Kalb's Satisfac- 
 tion AT Lafayette's Progress. — Kalb's Letter of August 1, 1111^ 
 TO the President op Congress. — His Well-founded Complaints. — Em- 
 barrassment OF Congress. — Kalb resolves to Return to France with 
 His Company. — Subsequently Congress Resolves to Appoint Him a 
 Major-General. — Kalb Hesitates, but Finally Concludes to Stay.— 
 His Terms Accepted in Part. — His Seniority. — He Sets Out on the 
 21st of October to Join the Army. 
 
 /^F all Kalb's friends and companions none bad more ar- 
 ^-^ dently sustained tbe expedition to America than Lafay- 
 ette. He too, found his cherished hopes and aspirations 
 blasted by the prohibitory order of tbe Frenoh Government, 
 yet he clung to his design, and staked everything upon its 
 
100 LIFEOF'KALB. 
 
 execution. The first call made by Lim in company with 
 Kalb, who had returned in the mean time, was to the Comte 
 de Broglie at Ruffec, and his private secretary, Dubois Mar- 
 tin. Both agreed that the voyage to America must be made 
 in spite of all obstacles, urged that it be immediately under- 
 taken, and discussed with Kalb and Lafayette the measures 
 required to promote the common enterprise. The result of 
 their transactions, which occupied but a few days, was, that 
 Lafayette resolved to purchase and freight a ship, and to em- 
 bark upon it at once for America, with Kalb and his other 
 friends. 
 
 In prepaiing for this step, the utmost secrecy was the more 
 essential, as the English ambassador had his spies everywhere 
 in Paris and the northern seaports, and as a word from him 
 must infallibly lead to an interdict of the expedition, if not to 
 the arrest of those concerned. A go-between was needed to 
 effect the purchase and equipment of the vessel, without at- 
 tracting public attention. For this purpose the choice of the 
 party fell upon a brother of the Dubois before mentioned. 
 Lieutenant Franpois Auguste Dubois Martin, designated by 
 de Broglie as " Little Dubois," who was attached to a French 
 infantry regiment at Port-au-Prince, whence he had come to 
 the mother country in 1776, to purchase arms and uniforms 
 for his regiment. After executing that commission at Bor- 
 deaux, he had gone to Paris at the close of the same year, in 
 order to bid farewell to his brother before returning to St. 
 Domingo; he arrived just as the first American expedition 
 was being formed. At the recommendation of his brother he 
 bad been admitted to the train with che rank of Major, and 
 was on the point of embarking with Kalb at Havre, when the 
 ministerial prohibition force<?Vhi™ to return to Paiis. He re- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 101 
 
 sumed his intention to return to St. Domingo ; but on the eve 
 of his intended departure he was informed by his brother that 
 the resolution to purchase a vessel had been formed that same 
 evening, and was requested to go to Bordeaux and make the 
 necessary arrangements. Bordeaux, on account of its remote 
 position, did not attract the attention of the Government or 
 of Lord Stormond, and therefore appeared the most suitable 
 harbor. As Dubois had the necessary acquaintances there, 
 and had already been engaged there in a similar business on 
 account of his regiment, he was perhaps the best qualified of 
 all men to accomplish so difficult an undertaking without ex- 
 citing any suspicion. He therefore immediately set out for 
 Bordeaux, and soon concluded a bargain with the firm of 
 Recules de Basmarins Rainbaux et Cie. The vessel, la Vic- 
 toire. Captain Le Boursier, was bought by him, with its cargo 
 and accoutrements, for 112,000 francs, one-fourth of which 
 Lafayette was to pay in cash, and the balance in the course 
 of fifteen months from the day of delivery, which was in the 
 middle of March, 1777. 
 
 Lafayette, who had employed the interval between the 
 purchase of the ship and its readiness for sea, in a trip to Eng- 
 land, returned to Paris on the 12th of March, and lay con- 
 cealed for three days at Kalb's house in Chaillot, then a sub- 
 urb, now a quarter of Paris situated between the Seine and 
 the west end of the Elysian Fields, where the final arrange- 
 ments were perfected with the American envoy and other 
 friends of the enterprise. On the evening of the 16th of 
 March, Kalb and Lafayette took post to Bordeaux, and arrived 
 there after a three days' journey, on the 19th. 
 
 In consequence of the memoirs written by Lafayette in 
 later years, and of the account given by Jared Sparks in the 
 
102 LIFE OF.KALB. 
 
 appendix to the fifth volume of Washington's Writings of the 
 obstacles interposed to the journey of Kalb and Lafayette, 
 the belief has become pretty general that the French Govern- 
 ment had interfered, for political reasons, to prevent the 
 journey from being attempted, and that a mountain of diffi- 
 culties had to be surmounted before the Yictoire could weigh 
 her anchors. A due regard for the truth of history requires 
 us to cut down such romantic exaggerations to their legiti- 
 mate proportions. The ministers, instead of opposing, connived 
 at the journey of Kalb and Lafayette, so far as their position 
 allowed them to do so. Lafayette says as much himself, when, 
 in the year 1800, he writes to Madame Geymueller, the 
 daughter of his friend,^^ " His [Kalb's] departure was favored 
 by the Comte de Broglie, and secretly sanctioned by the 
 French Government." What is true of Kalb must apply to 
 Lafayette, for they travelled together. 
 
 Even after interdicting the projected Havre expedition, 
 the ministry had raised no objections to the preparations 
 making by the young nobility for their journey across the 
 Atlantic, and participation in ihe war, contenting themselves, 
 when interrogated, with expressions of official disapproval, 
 intended for the ear of the English ambassador, but not fol- 
 lowed up with any active measures. Of course they could 
 not give their official benison to those lords who undertook 
 to create a sensation by asking for express permission to go 
 to America. " This folly " (of going to America), thus Ver- 
 gennes defines his course toward Lafayette in the beginning 
 of April, 1777,^" " has turned the heads of our young men to 
 a degree that you would scarcely credit. Numerous applica- 
 tions are made to me on this score. Those who are absolutely 
 masters of their own actions I answer by telling them they 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 103 
 
 can do as they please. Those who ask my advice I dissuade 
 from going ; those who ask my orders, are commanded to re- 
 main." That the intentions of Kalb and Lafayette were like- 
 wise a public secret, is proved by the manifold offers of service 
 still to be found among the papers of the former, coming from 
 officers of every grade in every part of the country. 
 
 Politically speaking, neither of the travellers was embar- 
 rassed ; but family matters long kept Lafayette in suspense, and 
 even induced him to make a supererogatory trip back to 
 France, after he had safely reached the Spanish harbor of Los 
 Pasages. The Due d'Ayen was averse to the enterprise of 
 his son-in-law, and, failing to prevail upon him to renounce it, 
 procured a secret order of the king, commanding him to ac- 
 company his family on a journey to Italy. Even the ladies of 
 Paris made light of the attempt to obstruct the noble and 
 high-minded undertaking of the marquis. " If the Due 
 d'Ayen," said one of them, " will thwart such a son-in-law in 
 such a project, he cannot expect to marry his other daugh- 
 ters." How little politics had to do with the postponement 
 of the journey further appears from the letters written by 
 Kalb to his wife during his enforced stay at Bordeaux and 
 Los Pasages, which, as he had a surplus of leisure time, detail 
 the most trivial occurrences of each day, and are the surest 
 guide in arriving at an understanding of the true state of 
 affairs. " There is still a possibility," he writes, on the 20th of 
 March, 1777, a few days after his arrival in Bordeaux, "that 
 our departure may be prevented. I find so many matters 
 still to be arranged, that the minister will receive notice of 
 the journey of the marquis in time for his prohibitory order 
 to arrive before we go to sea. Notwithstanding the ardor 
 with which we are at work, nothing is more uncertain than 
 
104 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 this voyage. At this moment a courier has been despatched 
 to ascertain the effect produced by the news of our proceed- 
 ings, and to prevent an interdict from issuing." " We are 
 still ignorant," he ccmtinues on the 23d of March, " whether 
 our departure will not be prevented, as our vessel, so long de- 
 tained already, cannot go out into the stream before to- 
 morrow. When the wind will turn God only knows." 
 
 It was on the night of the 25th of March that Kalb and 
 Lafayette went on board tlie Victoire, and on the 26th they 
 reached the mouth of the Garonne. From this place the 
 latter writes at noon of the 26th, on the very eve of stand- 
 ing out to sea, " In two hours we shall be in the open sea. 
 We are weighing anchor in the most glorious weather. I 
 shall certainly write you again before my arrival in America, 
 because we have yet to enter a European port, and shall prob- 
 ably wait at St. Sebastian for the return of a courier sent 
 to Paris." Accordingly, the Victoire first took a southerly 
 course to Los Pasages, a little port in the bay of St. Sebas- 
 tian, in Spain, and arrived there on the 28th of March. *' It 
 will not be necessary," Kalb writes again on the 1st of 
 April, 1777, "to wait here for the return of the courier sent 
 to Paris, because another has been sent to us from Bordeaux, 
 who came here yesterday. He brought the orders of the 
 court commanding the marquis to repair to Toulon, there to 
 expect the arrival of the Due d'Ayen, and of the Countess de 
 Tesse, Ins sister, and to travel with them to Italy. This is 
 the end. of his expedition to America, to join the army of 
 the insurgents. He is at this moment leaving for Bordeaux, 
 whence, if possible, he will proceed to Paris, being loath to 
 go to Italy. I am now obliged to w^ait for the courier whom 
 La'ayette is to send me, either from Bordeaux, if, on obtain- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 105 
 
 ing, from the commaiidant of that place, more satisfactory 
 information of the king's commands, he finds it necessary to 
 abandon the journey, or from Paris, if he is permitted to go 
 there, and then fails in securing the consent of the Due 
 d'Ayen to his proceeding. Time will hang heavy on my hands 
 here in the mean time. I do not believe he will be able to 
 rejoin me, and have advised him to compromise with the 
 owner of the ship at a sacrifice of twenty or twenty-five 
 thousand francs." 
 
 Thus Lafayette quitted the Spanish territory, where no- 
 body molested him, and where his own Government could 
 not have followed him if they had wished, and returned to 
 France of his own accord, to enter once more upon the ar- 
 rangement of his family affairs. He certainly might have 
 gone forward at once. Kalb does not speak very favorably 
 of the course he was pursuing. " I had flattered myself," he 
 writes once more on the 6th of April, from Los Pasages, 
 " with the hope of receiving news from the marquis from 
 Bordeaux last evening. If they do not arrive to-day or to- 
 morrow our stay here will be a very long one, as in that 
 case he will not write until he gets to Paris, for certainly 
 neither M. de Maurepas nor the Due d'Ayen will permit him 
 to rejoin us. If the marquis has not already got a bargain 
 with the ship's owner, his blunders will cost him dear. I 
 call them blunders, for his course was silly from tlie moment 
 he could not make up his mind quietly to execute his pro- 
 ject, undisturbed by threats. It was the letter of the 
 Vicomte de Coigny, received by the courier sent to him on 
 his return to Bordeaux, which produced this sudden change 
 of purpose. If that letter had not found him already in the 
 boat which was to carry us on board our vessel, I believe 
 5* 
 
106 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 Lafayette would have returned at once, and, in my opinion, 
 he would have acted properly. When he asted my advice 
 about what he should do, I thought it my duty to dissuade 
 him from disregarding the wishes of his father-in-law and 
 the commands of the king. On the contrary, I advised him 
 to give way to his family, and to avoid a rupture with them. 
 Had he not constantly flattered himself that he had the ap- 
 proval of the Due d'Ayen, I would always have warned him 
 not to go so far as he went. He had always assured me that 
 his family sanctioned his plans, that his father-in-law himself 
 intended at some time to go to America with the Vicomte de 
 Noailles, and that even Madame Lafayette had been made 
 acquainted with his intentions by her parents, and would 
 approve of them. I have always thought him to blame for 
 keeping the matter secret from his wife until the moment of 
 his departure. Had he told me in Paris all that he has ad- 
 mitted since, I would have remonstrated most earnestly 
 against the whole scheme. As it is, the affair will cost him 
 some money. But if it be said that he has done a foolish 
 thing, it may be answered that he acted from the most hon- 
 orable motives, and that he can hold up his head before all 
 high-minded men." 
 
 "The reasons which drove us to enter this port," says 
 Kalb in his letter of April 6th, " still detain us here, for we 
 must have the permission of the marquis, or of the owner 
 of the vessel, for proceeding on our voyage. By a letter of 
 Messrs. Rainbaux & Cie I learn that he reached Bordeaux 
 on the 3d, and immediately sent a courier to Paris, whose 
 return he is awaiting. This shows that he is reluctant to 
 abandon his project and his vessel, and still hopes to obtain 
 the consent of his family and of M. de Maurepas. I hardly 
 
LIFE OP KALB. 107' 
 
 tliiiik he will succeed. It will not be before tlie 11th that I 
 sl.all know what to expect, even if Lafayette should receive 
 an immediate answer from Paris. This long delay is intoler- 
 erable. I shall be too late for the opening of the campaign, 
 and am so much the more naortified. as Mr. Deane offered mo 
 a passage in one of his ships. Should the matter be still 
 longer protracted, I shall either return to Paris, or betake 
 myself to the Isle of Re or Nantes, to wait for news from 
 Deane." 
 
 " At this moment," continues Kalb on the 12th of April, 
 " the post brings me a letter from the marquis dated the 5th,> 
 at Bordeaux. He says that he was refused permission to 
 proceed, and that he fears being compelled to go to Toulon. 
 He is now waiting for the return of his courier sent to Paris, 
 and will at once inform me of the answer he receives." 
 " The marquis writes from Bordeaux, under date of the 12th 
 inst.," Kalb goes on to say on the 15th, "that he was on the 
 point of leaving for Marseilles, where the royal order re- 
 quires him to report himself to-day. He says that the court 
 devotes great attention to this affair of his, but he still hopes 
 to gain over the Due d'Ayen, so as to be at liberty to rejoin 
 me. He therefore requests me not to sail befoue receiving 
 another letter from him from Toulon or some other point. 
 If I am to wait until he gets to Marseilles, I shall have to 
 remain here until the 26th. Lafayette's letter shows that 
 the ship is still held in his name. He requests me to have an 
 eye to his interests, and to see that his investment is realized 
 as Eoon as possible." 
 
 "At this moment," Kalb finally writes on the 17th of 
 April, " the marquis has arrived, and is prepared to set out 
 with us in a day or two. He came to this coiulusion by 
 
108 LIFE OF ^ALB. 
 
 receiving assurances from every one in Paris, that none othei 
 til an the Due d'Ayen had procured the royal order, that all 
 the world is in favor of Lafayette's enterprise and sorely dis- 
 satisfied with his father-in-law for having obstructed his 
 course, and that, finally, the ministers, on being asked their 
 real sentiments in the matter, had answered that they would 
 have said nothing at all' but for the complaints of the Due 
 d'Ayen. We have therefore resolved to steer for our 
 destined port, if no unforeseen obstacle intervenes. This is 
 the last letter I shall write you, if not from Europe, at least 
 from this harbor." 
 
 The Yictoire actually sailed from Los Pasages on Sunday 
 the 20th of April, in charge of Captain Le Boursier. Kalb 
 and Lafayette v/ere accompanied by the Yicomte de Mauroy, 
 who had also received the commission of a major-general 
 from Deane, of Colonels Delesser and Valfort, Lieutenant- 
 colonels de Fayolles and Franval, Majors Dubuysson and 
 de Gimat, the adjutants of Kalb and Lafayette, and Dubois 
 Martin, of Captains de Yrigny, de Bedaulx, and de la Colombe, 
 and of the American Brice who had joined the cortege at 
 Deane's recommendation, and who is praised by Kalb as an 
 excellent and amiable young man. Of the French oflScers 
 three had taken their discharge, while nine were still in active 
 service." If Sj)arks, in the appendix to his Writings of 
 Washington, says that Kalb and eleven other officers con- 
 stituted Lafayette's suite^ the statement, so far as Kalb is 
 concerned, is not only incorrect, but grows out of an entire 
 misconception of European habits and customs in reference 
 to matters of rank and title.^® An old soldier like Kalb, 
 leaving France as a brigadier-general, will not place himself 
 under the orders of a lieutenant of nineteen ; and the latter, in 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 109 
 
 60 well-ordered a military hierarchy as that of the French 
 army, will never dream of expecting anything of the kind. 
 Moreover, the social standing of the two men was entirely 
 equal, Lafayette being, at most, the superior in point of 
 wealth only, while on the other hand the Comte de Broglie 
 had placed his young friend under Kalb's guardianship. 
 Again, if tlie American standard be applied, it will be re- 
 membered that Kalb as w^ell as Lafayette ha 1 the promise 
 of a major-general's commission from Dcane, Kalb's seniority 
 to date from the 7th of November, 1776, while that of La- 
 fayette was of the 7th of December, for the express purpose 
 of making the former outrank the latter. Kalb as the senior 
 olncer and Lafayette as the owner of the shij?, were undoubt- 
 edly the leading men of the enterprise, as is stated by the 
 former himself in his letter to his wife of the 6th of April, 
 1777. 
 
 After a long voyage of forty-five days, witliout any 
 accident or noticeable adventure, the Yictoire made South 
 Inlet in the bay of Georgetown on the 13th of June, 1777. 
 The spot is in the State of South Carolina, about half a 
 degree north of Charleston, and is now marked on the map, 
 in honor of our travellers, by two hamlets, Kalb and L^u 
 Grange (Lafayette's country-seat). At first the captain 
 himself could not tell where they were. Kalb, Lafayette, 
 and Brice therefore mounted a boat with seven sailors and 
 pulled on shore to look for a pilot. In the bay they met 
 with two or three ignorant negro oyster fishermen, who were 
 unable to give any coherent account of the locality, but 
 could only say that they belonged to a major in the provin- 
 cial force, and that the coast was rendered insecure by 
 hostile cruisers, Kalb and his comrades quitted their own 
 
no LIFE OF ^ALB. 
 
 boat, and directed the slaves to convey them to their master. 
 It was ten o'clock in the evening before they reached the 
 plantation. Their host was Major Hueger, of German 
 descent, a man highly esteemed in the colonies, and the 
 father of the same Hueger who subsequently figured so 
 largely in Lafayette's unsuccessful effort to escape from the 
 prisons of Olmutz. He received the strangers hospitably, 
 informed them of the state of public affairs, and, after having 
 offered them refreshment, furnished them with horses, on 
 M-hich, two or three days afterward, they rode to Charleston, 
 arriving there in a scorching heat on the l^th of June. The 
 Victcire, which drew too much water for Georgetown Bay, 
 meanwhile thieaded her way in safety through the English 
 cruisers, and reached Charleston the same day with Kalb 
 and lafayette. Here they sold their cargo to great advan- 
 tage, so that the latter was handsomely repaid for his risks 
 and outlay.'^ 
 
 The preparations for the overland journey north occupied 
 full ten days. Kalb, Lafayette, Dubuysson, Gimat, Bedaulx, 
 and Brice, set out on the 27th of June. As the heat of the 
 weather compelled them to make short stages, they were 
 more than a month in getting to Philadelphia, where Con- 
 gress was then sitting. On the 18th of July they reached 
 Petersburg, Virginia, and on the 23d of the same month, 
 Annapolis. Here Kalb and Lafayette alone arrived in good 
 health; they therefore left their companions behind, and 
 entered Philadelphia on the 27th of July. 
 
 On presenting themselves to the President of Congress 
 on the following day they were received with great coolness, 
 and referred to Lovell, the chairman of the Committee on 
 Foreign Affairs, to whom they handed their letters and re- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. HI 
 
 commendations. He informed them, to their great astonish- 
 ment, that Congress refused to ratify the contracts and 
 appointments made by Deane." The latter was accused of 
 having transgressed his powers, not having been authorized 
 to fill the highest positions in the army with men of his choice. 
 The American generals had been greatly incensed at the 
 claims recently preferred by du Coudray, and had threatened 
 to resign in a body if ever again visited with similar en- 
 croachments upon their vested rights. 
 
 Du Coudray, having reached Philadelphia a few weeks 
 previous to Kalb, and presuming upon the services rendered 
 by him to the American cause in France, as well as upon the 
 bargain concluded with Deane, had claimed in addition to 
 the rank of a major-general, not only the command of the 
 artillery, but also that of the engineers. A cry of indigna- 
 tion at the pretension of the foreigner arose in the army. 
 Brigadier-General Knox, being himself in the command of 
 the artillery, and therefore most immediately threatened, 
 was particularly hostile. Although Steuben declares*' that 
 at the time Knox had not an idea of the manner in which 
 a field-piece should be handled on the advance or in retreat, 
 of course he never thought of treating that as a reason for 
 resigning his position to a foreigner. He gained over Gen- 
 erals Greene and Sullivan, and the three tendered their 
 resignation on the rumor that du Coudray 's demands had 
 been complied with. Congress rebuked the menace " as an 
 interference with their rights, and an insinuation of want of 
 confidence in their sense of justice, and exacted an apology 
 upon declining to accept the resignations ; but, on the 15th 
 of July, 1777, they also disavowed the agreement made be- 
 tween Deane and du Coudray,*^ and endeavored to conciliate 
 
112 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 both parties by bestowing on the latter the rank of major- 
 general, on the 11th of August,** together with the position 
 of Inspector-General of Ordnance. Du Coudray, although 
 clearly in the right, had the good sense to acquiesce in this 
 arrangement, seeing that it implied only an indirect refusal 
 of his services, the more so as the functions of his office 
 were never defined ; he therefore applied for permission, 
 shortly before the battle of Brandy wine, to join the army as 
 a volunteer, with the rank of a captain," but was drowned 
 on the way thither on the 16th of September, in the Schuyl- 
 kill, and thus disappears entirely from the stage. 
 
 Kalb and Lafayette, with their comrades, were so unfor- 
 tunate as to make their appearance during the pendency of 
 this imbrooclio. Here were thirteen foreis^n officers callino^ for 
 appointments, three of them, Kalb, Lafayette, and Mauroy, 
 with the rank of major-generals. The objection raised 
 against du Coudray applied with increased force to the new 
 comers, none the less that they also had undeniable rights to 
 the performance of the stipulations entered into with Deane. 
 Congress thought the best means of disembarrassing them- 
 selves consisted in repudiating every claim presented by Kalb 
 and his friends. Lafayette was the first to extricate himself. 
 What made his case the strongest was the private letter of 
 Deane and Franklin to Congress, dated the 25th of Ma;-, 1717, 
 in which they say *^ " that the marquis, a young nobleman of 
 great family connections and great wealth, desired to serve 
 our armies, and that the civilities and respect that might be 
 shown to him would be serviceable to our affiiirs in France, as 
 pleasing not only*to his powerful relations and to the court, 
 but to the whole French nation." Resting upon this advocacy 
 of his service, Lafayette at once declared his readiness to 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 113 
 
 enter the army as a volunteer, and without any claim to pay 
 or pension. In view of such prospects in Europe and such 
 advantageous offers in America, Congress did not hesitate 
 long. On the 31st of July they appointed Lafayette a major- 
 general in consideration of his zeal, his illustrious family, and 
 his distinguished connections. Congress had judged well and 
 wisely ; the resolution contributed materially to influence 
 public opinion in favor of an open war with England, and of 
 an alliance with the United States."^ 
 
 Lafayette could not but be sensible that such a preference 
 over a veteran officer like Kalb, as whose protege he had 
 come into the country, was in glaring contrast to their re- 
 spective merits. He accordingly had the delicacy to assure 
 Kalb that he would accept the proffered rank only on condi- 
 tion of the same position being given to tliem both. 
 
 Kalb, on his part, was heartily glad of tlie good fortune 
 of his young friend, and sufficiently disinterested to decline 
 his proposal. On the contrary he advised him to join the 
 army forthwith, as, after the sensation produced by his de- 
 parture from France, it would not be well for a young man 
 of his time of life to return before having achieved honor and 
 distinction in a campaign or two. Lafayette took this excel- 
 lent advice, and, a few wc^ks later, took part in the battle of 
 Brandyvvine, where he was slightly wounded. Kalb took a 
 fatherly interest in this little wound, which, he said, would 
 make a good impression everywhere, and would raise his 
 young friend in general estimation. 
 
 To the President of Congress Kalb wrote on the 1st of 
 August, 1777.. sharply and bitterly criticising the course which 
 his affairs had taken, and convincingly demonstrating the jus- 
 tice of his claim. 
 
114 LIFE OF K A LB. 
 
 " An accidental lameness," he says, " prevented me from 
 calling on any member of Congress to know what has been 
 or shall be decided in regard to the agreement between Mr. 
 Deane and myself, and not to trouble the gentlemen of the 
 Comitee for french officers, or multiply their business by 
 writing in french, I take the liberty of applying to your ex- 
 cellency for information on that account, in explaining myself 
 in english as much as I may be able to do it. I was vastly 
 surprised at my being introduced to Mr. Lowell to hear him 
 (almost in public) exclaim loudly against Mr. Deane's proceed- 
 ings, and disapprove all the conventions this agent has made 
 with several officers, as being contrary to his powers. To 
 which I answer that a public man ought to know what powers 
 he hath from liis constituents or hath not ; that Mr. Deane is 
 generally esteemed to be a candid man and a man of sense ; 
 that whatever he may have agreed to with others, and this too 
 perhaps in a language he did not understand, mine is in eng- 
 lish, and so very plain that it can admit of no various inter- 
 pretations ; for that reason I will strictly keep to the text of 
 it as for the rank ; as to interest, I will not be too rigid but 
 rely on Congress' pleasure. As I have till now fulfilled my 
 part of that agreement, I wish Congress would do theirs, 
 without loss of time, and let me hear of their resolution 
 thereof. I would not be a simple spectator in the scenes pre- 
 paring for opening. 
 
 " If you will not ratify Mr. Deane's engagement and ap- 
 point me as major-general in your army, I am ready to return 
 to Europe, but think myself entitled to ask you a sufficient sum 
 for my going home. I received from Mr. Deane 1,200 livres 
 French money, and certainly by going to and fro in France, 
 by his direction, and all other expenses until my arrival at 
 
LIFE OF KALB. " 115 
 
 Philadelphia, I spent twice as much. And though I ardently 
 desired to serve America, I did not mean to do so in spending 
 part of my own and my children's fortune — for what is deem- 
 ed generosity in the Marquis de Lafayette would be down- 
 right madness in me, who does not possess one of the first-rate 
 fortunes. If I were in his circumstances I should perhaps 
 have acted like he did. I am very glad that you granted his 
 wishes; he is a worthy young man, and no one will outdo him 
 in enthusiasm in your cause of liberty and independence. My 
 wishes will always be that his successes as general-major will 
 equal his zeal and your expectation. But I must confess, 
 sir, that this distinction between him and myself is painful and 
 very displeasing to me. We came on the same errand, with 
 the same promises, and as military men and for military pur- 
 poses, I flatter myself that if there was to be any preference 
 it would be due to me. 84 years of constant attendance 
 on military service, & my station & rank in that way, may 
 well be laid in the scale with his disinterestedness, and be at 
 least of the same weight and value ; this distinction is very 
 unaccountable in an infant state of a commonwealth, but this 
 is none of my Lusiness. I only want to know whether Con- 
 gress will appoint me as general-major, and with the seniority 
 I have a right to expect this (for I cannot stay here in a lesser 
 capacity). It would seem very odd and ridiculous to the 
 french ministry and all experienced military men to see 
 me placed under the command of the Marquis de la Fayette. 
 If, on the contrary, it will not be agreeable to the U. 
 S., I ask your excellency to give me full satisfaction for the 
 purpose of going back, so that I may leave this country as 
 soon as possible. I hope there will be no difficulty in fulfill- 
 ing my last request, for I should be sorry to be compelled to 
 
116 LIFEOF*KALB. 
 
 carry my case against Mr, Deane or his successors for dam 
 ages. And such an action would injure his credit and negotia- 
 tions, and those of the state at court. 
 
 "I do not think that either my name, my services, or my 
 person are proper objects to be trifled with or laughed at. I 
 cannot tell you, sir, how deeply I feel the injury done to me, 
 and how ridiculous it seems to me to make people leave their 
 homes, families, and affairs to cross the sea under a 1000 
 different dangers, to be received and to be looked at with 
 contempt by those from whom you were to expect but warm 
 thanks." * 
 
 Although Kalb was entirely justified in what he claimed, 
 he was at the same time sufficiently liberal to appreciate the 
 difficulties with which Congress was then contending. They 
 had to choose between displeasing their own officers, men 
 who had sacrificed their livelihoods to the service of the coun- 
 try in the field, in some cases with distinction ard success, and 
 offending foreigners who, however generous in their offers, 
 were, with the single exception of Kalb, ignorant of the lan- 
 guage of the country, and of untried merits. For, whatever 
 advantages they derived from a more thorough military edu- 
 cation and more extensive experience, it was yet by no means 
 certain that they would be able to make their, qualities avail- 
 able on new ground and with new material. Congress was 
 obliged to consider the question whether they ought to risk a ' 
 rupture with men like Greene and Sullivan, whether they 
 ought to go the length of driving the native officers out of the 
 service, and, above all, whether their course would meet with 
 the approbation of the army and the people. Of course it 
 was out of the question for them to come to a declared issue 
 
 * A true copy of the original letter. 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 117 
 
 with either the one or the other. Even at the hazard of a 
 quarrel with the French officers, they had no course to pursue 
 except to disavow Deane's course, and take sides with the 
 native generals. According to the letter of the contract Con- 
 gress was clearly in the wrong, and would have been the 
 losing party if the matter had been litigated before the civil 
 tribunals of their own country ; but in political and State 
 matters it is frequently better to cut a knot than to untie it. 
 Kalb himself frankly admits in a letter to his wife of the 19th 
 of September, 1777, that he and his company were too nu- 
 merous, and invested with too many positions of a high grade, 
 not to have excited the natural discontent of the American 
 officers. 
 
 On the 8th of September Congress resolved that Deane 
 had no authority to make the conventions relied upon by the 
 French officers, for which reason Congress were not bound 
 to ratify or tofulfil them ; that, nevertheless, thanks be given 
 to those gentlemen, and that their expenses to this continent 
 and on their return to France be paid. Kalb now prepared 
 a statement of the expenses prepared by each individual, and 
 submitted them to Congress, who, on the 14th of September, 
 scrupulously complied with their responsibilities in this par- 
 ticular. Some of the French officers who had come with the 
 Yictoire returned by way of Boston and Portsmouth, others 
 by way of Southern ports. 
 
 Kalb intended to join the latter group. He had barely 
 recovered from a fever which had confined him to his bed and 
 room for six full weeks. On the 15th of September he left 
 Philadelphia, with Delesser, Yalfoiit, and Dubuysson, took 
 the route by way of Bethlehem, where he paid his Moravian 
 countrymen a visit of which he has left a minute description, 
 
118 LIFEOF*KALB. 
 
 and was about to proceed thenoe to Lancaster, when a mes« 
 senger of Congress reached him with the news that he had 
 been elected a major-general on the day of his departure. 
 During his stay at Philadelphia, and the negotiations in which 
 he was the principal actor, he had made the acquaintance of 
 several of the most influential members of Congress, and had 
 so impressed them with a sense of his efficiency, that they en- 
 deavored to secure his services for the United States. They 
 accordingly moved the creation of a new major-generalship. 
 The motion was adopted, and he elected to the post, on the 
 \15th of September." 
 
 On being advised of this transaction, Kalb took a night 
 to consider upon it, and next morning declined the offer, 
 stating his reasons. However, at the solicitations of the en- 
 voy of Congress, he promised to reconsider the matter, and to 
 forward his answer to Philadelphia in a few days. A prin- 
 cipal reason for his refusal was the fear that the returning 
 French officers, who had the same rights and prospects with 
 himself, would take offence at his separating himself from 
 them, and w^ould make representations unfavorable to him- 
 self to the Comte de Broglie and the French minister. 
 
 " Congress replied," wrote Kalb to his wife,*^" " that they 
 had no objection whatever to those gentlemen, except that 
 they could not understand a word of English, and were 
 therefore in the first instance incapable of serving in the 
 army or in the country. I have meditated further over the 
 matter, and have considered it in a twofold aspect. If I re- 
 turn, no one can complain of me, for I have done no man 
 harm, and have served every one to the extent of my powers. 
 But in that case I shall attain none of the objects for which 
 I have undertaken this journey. If I remain, Yjlfort, who 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 121 
 
 TIDING FOR THE FUTPRE. — DeSIRES TO Go BaCK TO EuROPE. — BuT RE- 
 MAINS FOR THE Present. 
 
 TT^ALB was prepared to leave at once, if his appearaiice 
 in camp should give rise to disagreeable remarks, or 
 his reception should be other than a cheerful one. But, being 
 cordially welcomed by all the American officers, he assumed 
 the command, in the early part of November, of a division 
 assigned him, which was formed of New England regiments." 
 
 He was assailed, however, by the petty envy of the Irish- 
 man Conway. This brigadier, who subsequently acquired an 
 unenviable prominence in the annals of the American revolu- 
 tion by the cabal, already inaugurated, and since designated 
 by his name, felt himself injured and foreshortened in his 
 claims by the appointment of Kalb as major-general. Al- 
 though, like the latter, he had quitted the French service with 
 the rank of brigadier, he endeavored to make it appear that 
 he had formerly been Kalb's superior officer, and was now 
 unjustly subordinate to him. "It is with exquisite concern," 
 writes Conway complainingly to Congress,^^ "that I find my- 
 self slighted and forgot, when you have offered rank to per- 
 sons who cost you a great deal of money, and have never 
 rendered you the least service. Baron de Kalb, to whom 
 you have offered the rank of Major-General, is my inferior in 
 France." 
 
 And thus he proceeded to utter his complaints and objec- 
 tions, winding up with a demand of a major-general's com- 
 mission. He approached Washington in the same manner ; 
 but the latter knew his man too well to be influenced by 
 threats, and coolly repelled his advances. Nevertheless, by 
 the aid of powerful friends in Congress, and in the teeth of 
 Washington's well-fo mded remonstrances, he managed to 
 6 
 
122 " LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 have himself appointed, on the 13th of December, 1777, in- 
 spector-general of the army, with the rank of major-general. 
 He however forfeited this position in April, 1778, when, hav- 
 ing, on an unimportant occasion, renewed his threat of re- 
 signing, he was taken at his word, and his subsequent exculpa- 
 tory declarations refused a hearing. 
 
 Kalb gave little heed to these annoyances, and soon had 
 the good fortune to gain the esteem of the officers, and the 
 appreciation of the commander-in-chief We first meet with 
 his name in the middle of November, 1777, when he was sent 
 by Washington, with. Generals St. Clair and Knox, to exam- 
 ine the fortifications at Red Bank/* On the 24th of the same 
 month, some days after his return from Jersey, he attended a 
 council of war, convened for the purpose of expressing an 
 opinion of the feasibility of making an immediate attack on 
 Philadelphia. Kalb was one of eleven generals who unequiv- 
 ocally opposed the undertaking in question. As but four 
 voted in its favor, it was not attempted. 
 
 In his letters to the Comte de Broglie and to his wife, 
 Kalb not only gives a full report of this service, but also 
 carries his narrative back to the date of his arrival in Phila- 
 delphia, and discusses the subsequent course of events. These 
 letters serve no less to characterize the writer than to throw 
 light upon the operations in the field, and thus furnish an 
 important contribution to the history of the war. The opin- 
 ions he expresses may seem harsh and even unfeeling ; they 
 may appear just to some, and unjust to others; but we must 
 remember that a European, who could have no idea of the 
 subsequent developments of American history, would naturally 
 judge far more critically than a native, or one whose feehnga 
 were entirely identified with the American army. We who 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 123 
 
 have the opportunity of contemplating men and events in the 
 light of after times, look upon them with different eyes from 
 their contemporaries. The variance between Kalb's opinion 
 and the views now held of Washington's strategy, can be, at 
 all events, no reason for suppressing these letters. 
 
 "I had the honor, M. le Corate," Kalb writes at Lancas- 
 ter, the 24th of September, 1777, to the Comte de Broglie," 
 " to send you from South Carolina Nos. 1, 2, and 3 of my 
 letters, containing the announcement of our arrival in Ameri- 
 ca. No. 4 was dated at Philadelphia, and details our recep- 
 tion there. I also informed you therein of the appointment 
 of M. de Lafayette as major-general, without pay or command, 
 and the consequent resolution of all his comrades — except his 
 aide-de-camp M. de Gimat — to return to Europe. I trust 
 these letters have come safely to hand. On the 17th of Sep- 
 tember I reported, in cypher, the battle of Wilmington and 
 its consequences. Having reason to fear, however, that that 
 writing has been lost, I shall recapitulate the most interesting 
 events which have occurred since the close of July. 
 
 " On the 30th of that month the English fleet appeared in 
 the Delaware, numbering twenty sail. General Washington 
 was apprised of this manoeuvre, and of the instructions of the 
 English Government to General Howe, directing him to re- 
 duce Philadelphia at any cost, and arrived with his army, the 
 same day, nine miles below the town. After remaining there 
 three days he advanced to Wilmington, on the Christina 
 River. When the fleet stood out to sea, Washington march- 
 ed up the stream to a point thirty miles above Philadelphia, 
 partly to secure the crossing into the Jerseys, and partly to 
 be ready for any further movements of the enemy. No soon- 
 er was it ascertained that General Howe had entered Chesa- 
 
124 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 peake Bay, tlian Wasliiugton resumed his march, and took 
 up a position fifteen miles below Philadelphia, in order to re- 
 sist a landing of the English, wherever attempted. Howe 
 finally disembarked his troops at Head of Elk [now Elkton], 
 whereupon Washington advanced to Wilmington. However, 
 he lost so much time that the English succeeded in occupying 
 a strong position on a height, called Iron Hill, where the Gen- 
 eral massed his corps, supposed to number thirteen or four- 
 teen thousand men. These constituted nearly the whole 
 English force, only the last levies of Tory recruits having been 
 left at New York. To the shame of the country it must be 
 said that New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland 
 contain a large number of these Tories, a circumstance well 
 understood by the English Government, when they ordered 
 the revolution to be combated from the middle provinces as 
 a base of operations. 
 
 "On the 9th and 10th of September General Howe made 
 a feint of turning Washington's flank. As he approached 
 the insurgent army, the latter retreated out of its position 
 on the heights of Brandy wine, where it could have baffled all 
 the efforts of the enemy, by simply holding the precipitous 
 bank of the river. On the 1 1th General Howe made a feigned 
 attack upon a ford strongly defended by Washington, but 
 carried his main body over a ford which the Americans had 
 overlooked, and then fell upon them with so much vigor, 
 that after a stout resistance, they were beaten and scattered. 
 They are said to have lost eight field-pieces, and about six 
 hundred men in killed, wounded, and prisoners.* The 
 
 * Owing to a remarkable similarity in the coaformation of the ground, 
 the disposition of General Howe was exactly Kke those made by the King of 
 Prussia at the battle of Kunersdorf, when he caused General Fink to engage 
 the attention of Soltikow until he succeeded in carrying his army across the 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 125 
 
 various engagements lasted, with some interruptions, from 
 seven o'clock in the morning till sundown. The Marquis de 
 Lafayette was wounded by a ball, which entered his left 
 thigh. The loss of the English must have been considerable, 
 for they did not venture to pursue, but remained several 
 days on the field of battle. Advancing, at length, to Chester, 
 they retired to Wilmington, at the approach of General 
 Washington. The latter, after the affair, had retreated first 
 to Chester, next to Darby, and on the third day to Schuylkill. 
 Thence he reported to Congress that his troops were reorgan- 
 ized and in high spirits, and anxious to be led once more 
 against the enemy. On the 19th he encountered the British, 
 marching in three columns, so far apart that if the Americans 
 had taken the right column on the flank, which they could 
 easily have done, they would have totally routed the English, 
 cutting off their retreat. Indeed they would have been 
 crushed to atoms, their fleet not having being able to leave 
 Chesapeake Bay, and of course not to enter the Delaware, 
 thus putting them at the mercy of the enemy, if the Ameri- 
 can commander had known how to improve the advantages 
 of his position, and those of surprising the enemy. But in- 
 stead of so doing he frittered away his time in slow and ill- 
 conceived manoeuvres, which only resulted in directing the 
 attack upon the head or strongest point of the column, and 
 in giving the enemy time to bring up the other columns. 
 When at length the dispositions for an attack were completed, 
 a shower came on, so violent that every piece refused to go 
 off, the ammunition became useless, and each army went its 
 way unmolesting and unmolested. Washington, forgetting 
 
 river at a point higher up the stream, whence he assailed and drove the right 
 wing of the Russians. (MS. notes of Adjutant-Cap tain F. von Muenchhausen, 
 who served under General How:*.) 
 
126 LIFE OP KALB. 
 
 that the enemy's powder was in no better condition than his 
 own, retreated to the Schuylkill in great haste, marching 
 night and day, amid torrents of rain. His troops, often up 
 to their waists in water, dwindled away to such an extent, 
 that of what was said to be twenty thousand men, the strong- 
 est body CA'er put into the field by the colonies, he had but 
 six thousand remaining. With this feeble remnant he was 
 forced to keep on the defensive. No sooner did General 
 Howe perceive his own escape and the movements of the en- 
 emy, than he marched in pursuit, and concentrated his col- 
 umns on the Schuylkill. Washington threw a division 
 across the river to observe the enemy, and another into his 
 rear, to harass him in case of an engagement. The plan 
 was well devised, but ill executed. General Wayne, who 
 commanded the latter division, suffered himself to be sur- 
 prised, with a loss of six hundred men, whereupon both divis- 
 ions were ordered to recross the river. To crown all Howe 
 executed a masked movement upon his right wing, crossed 
 at a ford about twelve miles above Philadelphia, and posted 
 himself between the American army and the town, which 
 thus fell into his hands on the 28th of September. Washing- 
 ton is now massing his force, for the purpose of driving the 
 enemy out of the town again, before the arrival of the fleet. 
 All are eagerly expecting what a day may bring forth. In 
 Canada the English General is said to have taken Ticonder- 
 oga about the end of June — through the pusillanimity or 
 treason of the commander. The insurgents were already 
 driven back to within twenty miles of Albany. Now, how- 
 ever, the scales have turned. . It is said that the English have 
 been defeated by General Gates in several engagements. 
 General Burgoyne, who has lately arrived, is said to be 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 127 
 
 wounded, and Ticonderoga so hemmed in, that it can hold 
 out no longer; while a number of English galleys are alleged 
 to have fallen into the hands of the enemy. 
 
 "I have not yet told you anything of the character of 
 General Washington. He is the most amiable, kind-hearted, 
 and upright of men ; but as a General he is too slow, too in- 
 dolent, and far too weak ; besides, he has a tinge of vanity in 
 his composition, and overestimates himself. In my opinion 
 whatever success he may have will be owing to good luck 
 and to the blunders of his adversaries, rather than to his abil- 
 ities. I may even say that he does not know how to improve 
 upon the grossest blunders of the enemy. He has not yet 
 overcome his old prejudice against the French. 
 
 " If I return to Europe, it will be with the greatest mor- 
 tification, as it is impossible to execute the great design I 
 have so gladly come to subserve. M. de Valfort will tell you 
 that the project in question is totally impracticable ; it would 
 be regarded no less as an act ofcrjnng injustice against Wash- 
 ington, than as an outrage on the honor of the country." 
 
 " On the 4th of this month," contin,ues Kalb, writing to 
 de Broglie from New York, October 11th, " Washington, 
 having marched to Germantown, six miles from Philadelphia, 
 the day before, under cover of a dense fog, fell upon three 
 columns of the English force. He made the attack with his 
 right wing, in two columns (the left wing under General 
 Greene having foiled to come up in time), drove in the enemy 
 a mile and a half beyond the lines of his outposts, and only re- 
 tired after an obstinate combat of three hours' duration. The 
 English did not venture to follow. Washington again drew 
 up his troops in line of battle, determined to renew the at- 
 tack on the arrival of Greene's column. But, after waiting 
 
128 LIFE OF feALB. 
 
 for the latter in vain, lie abandoned the plan for that day, 
 and fell back upon Germantown. 
 
 " Congress, now in session at York, have been assured by 
 the commander that they will soon be in a condition to re- 
 transfer their sittings to Philadelphia. Indeed, the equipment 
 of the troops is going on with vigor. The Americans seem 
 to be bent upon using up or capturing the royal army at all 
 hazards, even if every Englishman should cost them four of 
 their own. In my opinion they should have formed and car- 
 ried oat this resolution long ago, for in the end they cannot 
 fail to succeed in driving the British from the continent. 
 
 " One obstacle remains, however, which exceeds all others 
 — the absence of a navy. Without assistance from abroad 
 they will never get one. As long as they cannot engage in 
 commerce, they will suffer for want of many articles of use 
 and consumption, which, for the present, they cannot think of 
 producing for themselves. And how, without commercial 
 prosperity, will they ever discharge the enormous debt the 
 war has fastened upon them ? 
 
 " Several members of Congress are urging me to accept 
 the offered commission and join the army at once, as a serious 
 engagement is expected to take place within a few days. 
 Unless, however, Washington gives me the same advice, and 
 assigns me to the vacant division as Congress has promised, 
 I shall take my leave, and return to Europe in company with 
 M. de Valfort." 
 
 " I have the honor, M. le Comte," thus reads Kalb's next 
 letter, dated November the 2d, 1777, in camp, fourteen miles 
 from Philadelphia, "in ray last, to give you an account of the 
 battle of Wilmington and the affair of Germantown. Since 
 then no events of importance have occurred. On the 14th I 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 129 
 
 reached the army, and was very kindly received by the com- 
 mander-in-chief, without whose consent I was unwilling to 
 take command of the division intended for me by Congress. 
 This course of mine seems to have given him pleasure, as he 
 intends to demand the promotion of two brigadiers, his 
 friends, and the removal of two major-generals. In that case 
 the Marquis de Lafayette, as well as myself, would shortly 
 command a division. As for the rest, I believe the service 
 will not be attended with any particular amenities, nor will it 
 be productive of glory. It is a great deal that a stranger 
 does not dishonor himself in his own eyes and that of his 
 countrymen. In this respect such extraordinary things occur 
 here as would scarcely be credited in Europe. An officer, for 
 instance, will leave his command at the beginning of a fight, 
 informing his suj^erior that he has something else to do some- 
 where else, or omitting to make this explanation (which will 
 do equally well), will remain away till the action is over, and 
 will then return, and nobody refers to the subject ; he returns 
 to duty, pockets his pay, and repeats the manoeuvre at the 
 next opportunity. Nothing of this kind is to be imputed to 
 any of the French officers now serving here; on the contrary, 
 all the world agree that those among them known to me per- 
 sonally or by name, are brave men. It is tiue, however, that 
 some of them are unpopular, partly on account of their quar- 
 l rels among themselves, and partly on account of the perplex- 
 1 ities occasioned by their ignorance of the language. 
 
 " Our caravan has dwindled down to a very small number. 
 It has met with many difficulties, as Congress could not be- 
 stow the higher charges claimed by many of them, who would 
 have been greatly puzzled to understand their instructions, 
 and still more so to give orders themselves. These difficulties 
 6* 
 
130 LIFE OF «ALB. 
 
 were further aggravated by the demands of the deceased du 
 Coudray, for at first it was desired to retain in or take into the 
 service all who had either made some progress in the English 
 language, or at least seemed to be making efforts to acquire 
 it. Had M. de Valfort consented to remain, Congress would 
 undoubtedly have made him a brigadier. I might even have 
 made that a condition of my own entrance into the army. I 
 would certainly have made this stipulation for no one else. 
 The others indulged in complaints against various members 
 of Congress, against the Government, and against the service 
 in general. These remarks were repeated and interpreted as 
 indications of ill-will to the country. I believe I forgot to in- 
 form you in my last that I told Dubois Martin before his de- 
 parture, that it depended upon him alone whether he would 
 be my aid or not ; and that he declined the offer on the sol© 
 pretext that he had not any military equipments. 
 
 " I beseech you, M. le Comte, to rest assured that I shall 
 always execute your wishes and commands in respectful devo- 
 tion, and that I have done all in my power for the officers 
 under your protection. The Marquis de Lafayette and M. de 
 Valfort are acquainted with my conduct in this respect from 
 the day we set out until the moment of my appointment as 
 major-general. I will not here specify the measures taken 
 and the labor performed for them, as it is only necessary to 
 compare the treatment of the officers who came with me, with 
 that of the companions of du Coudray, to decide whether my 
 efforts and my credit have been of any avail or not. Our 
 company now consists of the Marquis de Lafayette, MM. de 
 Grammont and Brijje, his aidt, M. Capitaine, who has not yet 
 arrived, but will certainly remain, MM. de la Colombo and 
 du Vrigny, whom the marquis hopes to employ in the cav- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 131 
 
 airy, M. Bedaulx, who meets with difficulties in spite of his 
 connections and his philological acquirements, M. Dubuysson, 
 and myself. What has particularly induced me to stay is the 
 desire to see your adherents more largely represented here 
 than the porteges of the other gentlemen of the court, who 
 have taken part in American affairs. Almost all the artiller- 
 ists and engineers who have come with du Coudray seem 
 anxious to go back. The fault is their own, as Congress is 
 only willing to appoint them with the rank they claim, while 
 they ask for a great deal of money. I do not know what will 
 be the end of these disputes, or the resolutions of Congress ; 
 but I am glad I have always stood aloof from du Coudray's 
 friends. Their demands had already produced so much dis- 
 satisfaction at the time of my arrival in the country, that any 
 interference with their affairs would only have brought me 
 into trouble. 
 
 " Reports from the North are to the effect tliat the Eng- 
 lish General Burgoyne has capitulated, and that his entire 
 army are prisoners of war. General Howe still holds out in 
 Philadelphia. We are fourteen miles from the city, and are 
 endeavoring to hem it in more and more. For three weeks 
 Howe has been unsuccessfully operating against Fort Mifflin, 
 which is on an island in the Delaware near Philadelphia, as 
 well as Red Bank, on the left bank of the same river. These 
 forts are protected by three American frigates and a number 
 of gunboats, which blew up an English man-of-war of six 
 guns and a frigate of thirty-two guns on the 22d of October. 
 On the same day an assault on Red Bank was repulsed with 
 loss. We took eighty prisoners, including several officers, 
 and Colonel Donop, who was severely wounded. If the forts 
 bold out, so as to prevent the English fleet from getting to 
 
132 LIFE OF ^ALB. 
 
 the town before the setting in of the hard frosts, it must 
 stand out to sea again, and General Howe will find it difficult 
 to maintain his present position." 
 
 " Colonel Donop," says Kalb in concluding this report 
 on the 7th of November, "has died, deeply mourned by his 
 soldiers. His last words were, that he died a sacrifice to the 
 cupidity of his sovereign. The successes in the North are 
 confirmed. If His Majesty could resolve upon a war, how 
 favorable would be the present moment ! It would be easy 
 to intercept at sea the 5,100 men of Burgoyne's army who 
 are now to be conveyed to Europe (but were retained in 
 America). A French squadron of ten or twelve line-of- 
 battle ships, sent at once into Delaware Bay, could force the 
 whole English fleet to surrender. In consequence of such a 
 victory the English in Philadelphia v/ould fall into our 
 hands at the same time. What glory for France, to finish 
 the war in less than a campaign, and to dictate terms to 
 England. The blow would be certain. I have not the least 
 doubt that the English fleet will resume its present position 
 next year, if General Howe does not evacuate Philadelphia, 
 which he will do only at the utmost need. I begin to believe 
 that our forts will not hold out long enough to compel him 
 to retreat. In that case he will still need the fleet, to pro- 
 vision his army, as much as he does now." 
 
 " Since my last letter of November the 7th, M. le 
 Comte," Kalb goes on to say, in his letter of December 12, 
 1777, written in camp, seventeen miles from Philadelphia, 
 " nothing new has occurred in the army. Detachments, 
 marches, and countermarches, without material results for 
 either side — that is all. It should be mentioned, however, 
 that the Enorlish have burned three of their men-of-war. 
 
LIFE or KALB. 133 
 
 which had run aground in the Delaware. On the other 
 hand the enemy's artillery have destroyed and laid open our 
 Fort Mifflin, so that we were compelled to leave it. But we 
 carried off the only piece of ordnance not disabled. 
 
 " On the 17th of November I was directed by the com- 
 mander-in-chief, with two other generals, to go to Jersey, 
 and ascertain whether Red Bank could resist a hostile attack, 
 or would have to be abandoned and destroyed at the ap- 
 proach of the enemy. We were to consult the navy officers 
 of the United States now cruising in the Delaware. They 
 were unanimously of opinion that the superiority of the 
 hostile artillery made a defence impossible. We found this 
 confi]-med. Kot only are the defences of the fort so dilapi- 
 dated that in a very few days the garrison must be destroyed 
 or captured, but its location is so unfavorable that without 
 the support of ships it cannot molest the enemy in the least. 
 It would neither prevent him from constructing chevaux de 
 frise in the channel, nor damage his frigates and transports. 
 It was therefore resolved to mine the fortifications, and, if 
 the troops stationed in the Jerseys should cross Mente Creek, 
 and not be successfully repulsed, to evacuate the fort and 
 blow it up. This has since been done under the direction 
 of General Varnum. 
 
 "Four days later, after my return to headquarters at 
 Whitemarsh, General Washington ordered me to throw 
 reenforcements into Jersey, General Howe having greatly 
 increased his forces there of late. Our camp was threatened 
 by this movement, on which account our troops were with- 
 drawn from the left bank of the Delaware. By good fortune 
 four brigades from the army of the North arrived just in 
 time to make us a match K r the enemy. On the 3d of Decern- 
 
134 LIFE OF ^ALB. 
 
 ber Howe approached and made sundry feints both to the 
 right and to the left, in the hope of decoying us out of our 
 strong position. He continued traversing the field for eight 
 days, we also keeping in bivouac, but never quitting our 
 ground. He did not venture to attack us; nor was it 
 advisable for us to advance upon him and sacrifice the 
 advantages of the ground. For, in other respects, the 
 chances were by no means equal. Had the enemy been de- 
 feated, he would have retreated in safety to Philadelphia ; 
 had the fortune of the day turned against us, we should have 
 risked the loss of our whole army, and the downfall of the 
 cause. For you will hardly believe, M. le Comte, that the 
 enemy still exceeds us in numbers, and that our army has at 
 no time mustered fifteen thousand men. Howe has that 
 force in effective men. I am certain that in spite of the 
 reenforcements above mentioned, and in consequence of hard- 
 ships, cold, and insufficient clothing, our army has been 
 reduced until the men capable of performing duty are not 
 more than seven thousand, while our hospitals are crowded. 
 And how are the latter administered ! And in the face of 
 all this the soldier is worried with parades — and such 
 parades — three times longer than is necessary, and on march- 
 ing days as well as others. This gives me as much regret 
 as it fills me with disgust. However, I am on good terms 
 with the commanding general. He has formed a division 
 for me, consisting of two brigades, all New England troops, 
 which are regarded as the best. 
 
 " The English finally retired to Philadelphia, after ravag- 
 ing the country and burning many houses. I had correctly 
 divined their intention to retreat from the position assumed 
 by them ; knowing, also, that their provisions were exhausted, 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 136 
 
 their supplies cut off, and the surrounding country laid waste, 
 I calculated upon defeating their rear, being well-acquainted 
 with the ground, and knowing that the main body could not 
 be brought into action against rae. Besides, it was already 
 three o'clock in the afternoon, and my retreat perfectly 
 secure. I requested the commander-in-chief to allow me to 
 make a sally with a part of my division. He thanked me 
 very kindly, but only permitted me, if I thought proper, to 
 detach a little corps of observation, and desired any attack 
 / to be avoided. I therefore sent a little detachment of 
 j infantry and cavalry after the English, directing Major 
 Dubuysson to show them the way. They hung on the rear 
 of the enemy for five miles, and by that gentleman's report 
 to the commanding general it appeared that nothing would 
 have been easier than, with four field-pieces, to have utterly 
 defeated, and, indeed, cut off and captured a part of the rear 
 guard, numbering some five hundred men, while passing 
 a long defile. 
 
 " On the 11th of December we broke camp, to take up a 
 position on the right bank of the Schuylkill, six miles in 
 advance. Two divisions of the right wing had already 
 passed our pontoon bridge at Matson's Ford, when suddenly 
 an intrenched camp was seen there, from which the enemy 
 had assailed and cannonaded the militia marching in the 
 front. The great distance made it impossible that General 
 Howe should have been informed of our movements in time 
 to have thrown his main body in our way. It was clear that 
 this was only a strong detachment, which had ventured out 
 in search of provisions. Instead, howeve ■, of falling upon 
 the enemy and engaging him, or making a detour, General 
 Sullivan, who commanded our right wing, retreated across 
 
136 LIFE OF JxALB. 
 
 the bridge, and ordered it to be taken down, abandoning tlio 
 militia to their fate. Thus we remained on the left bank, 
 at Swedes Ford, three miles above, where we constructed a 
 new bridge, no better than the old one. Before the day was 
 over we learned that the hostile corps numbered but two 
 thousand men, and made off in the utmost haste. 
 
 " On the 14th," continues Kalb in a postscript written in 
 camp at Gulph's Mill, December 17, 1777, "'we crossed the 
 river by two fords and two bridges, and pitched this camp. 
 Yesterday we were detained by the weather, and to-day by 
 the fast proclaimed by Congress. 
 
 " Warfare in this country is toilsome and difficult, and 
 the season is too far advanced for us to remain in the field. 
 Nevertheless we do remain. Although we expect to go into 
 winter-quarters the day after to-morrow, we must expect a 
 winter campaign, as the enemy gives us little rest, and his 
 main position is only twenty or twenty-two miles away. 
 The miserable hovels we are constructing in these dreary 
 mountains are, therefore, very far from deserving the honor- 
 able designation of winter-quarters. Houses are not to be 
 had, even for generals. I shall personally superintend the 
 erection of my castle, in order to have it as little badly 
 built as possible. But be that as it may. Valley Forge is to 
 be our winter retreat, if that name can be applied to so ill- 
 defended a camp so near to the enemy. Repose will cer- 
 tainly not be our portion, as the number of those fit for duty 
 is very small, in consequence of the great number of sick 
 and of discharges. I am the officer of the day every fourth 
 day. Twenty-four such hours afford employment sufficient 
 for two men ; and even in my brief leisure hours T hardly 
 have a moment to myself, being then obliged to look after 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 137 
 
 my division, and to attend the various consultations and 
 councils of war. 
 
 " On the 19th instant," Kalb concludes his report to 
 de Broglie at Valley Forge, on the 25th of December, " the 
 army reached this wooded wilderness, certainly one of the 
 poorest districts of Pennsylvania ; the soil thin, unculti- 
 vated, and almost uninhabited, without forage and without 
 provisions ! Here we are to go into winter-quarters, i. e., 
 to lie in shanties, generals and privates, to enable the army, 
 it is said, to recover from its privations, to recruit, to re- 
 equip, and to prepare for the opening of the coming cam- 
 paign, while protecting the country against hostile inroads. 
 The matter has been the subject of long debates in the coun- 
 cil of war. It was discussed in all its length and breadth — 
 a bad practice to which they are addicted here — and good 
 advice was not taken. The idea of wintering in this desert 
 can only have been put into the head of the commanding 
 general by an interested speculator, or a disaffected man. 
 Means were found of implicating Congress, which body has 
 the foible of interfering with matters which it neither un- 
 derstands nor can understand, being entirely ignorant of 
 the locality. It is unfortunate that Washington is so easily 
 led. He is the bravest and truest of men, has the best in- 
 tentions, and a sound judgment. I am convinced that he 
 would accomplish substantial results, if he would only act 
 more upon his own responsibility ; but it is a pity that he is 
 so weak, and has the worst of advisers in the men who enjoy 
 his confidence. If they are not traitors, they are certainly 
 gross ignoramuses. I am satisfied that our present position, 
 if retained, will ofier none of the advantages expected from 
 it. On the contrary, the army will be kept in continual 
 
138 LIFE OF :^ALB. 
 
 alarms from being too near the enemy, and too feeble, for our 
 whole effective force hardly amounts to six thousand men. 
 To use them for the protection of the country, excludes 
 every idea of rest. It might have been expected that a 
 camp would have been formed in a secure position, and com- 
 pact in its design, corresponding to the small number of the 
 army ; and that it would have been strongly intrenched, so 
 as to resist any attack. Instead of this the divisions are 
 encamped so far asunder, that we are practically split up 
 into a number of petty detachments, isolated so as to be 
 unable to support each other, and helplessly exposed to 
 every assault. Who knows whether we shall not receive a 
 severe blow this winter ? When the enemy go foraging, we 
 remain quiet in camp. If we were properly informed of 
 their movements, we might intercept their foraging parties. 
 But in most cases we never hear a word about them. A fine 
 management for recuperating and making the army effect- 
 ive ! And if recruiting is to be attempted, the effective 
 force must be still further reduced, by detailing officers and 
 men for that purpose. If this is done sparingly, but few 
 recruits will be obtained, and the army will go out of the 
 winter-quarters as puny as it went in. Unless Congress will j 
 speedily throw off their present vacillation, and adopt ener- 
 getic measures for completing the regiments and compelling 
 the militia to serve for three years (a step I have been daily 
 advocating for a long time), a time will come when the 
 General will not be able to calculate upon having twenty 
 men to command next morning. The men are drafted in 
 classes, and are only called upon to pledge themselves for a 
 service of two months. After the expiration of that time 
 no man can compel them to remain another clay. This state 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 139 
 
 of things is a burthen to the State and to the citizen ; there 
 is no end to the drilling of raw recruits, from which the 
 service derives no manner of benefit. This system of militia -^ 
 service will yet prove the destruction of the cause. The 
 devil himself could not have made a worse arrangement. ^ 
 On the regular troops it entails a further disadvantage. The 
 moneyed militiaman — and the majority are of this descrip- ) 
 tion — does not march himself, but hires a substitute, whom 
 he pays from $200 to $1,000 for two months' service. These 
 gentry are well content to pocket this amount of money for 
 an eight weeks' promenade, and take good care not to enlist 
 permanently — the very thing which the greater part of them 
 would do if the militia service was abolished, or the militia 
 only employed to fill up the old regiments. You may im- 
 agine the difficulty of recruiting und«r these circumstances. 
 I do not know what is done in the clothing department ; but 
 it is certain that half the army are half naked, and almost 
 the whole army go barefoot. As to patrolling the country 
 round, it is not even carried so far as to keep the road from 
 Lancaster to Erie, and from Erie to the Delaware, in our 
 control. A number of officers have joined me in urging this 
 measure. But it was objected that by so doing we should 
 expose the banks of the Delaware, the eastern part of Mary- 
 land, and several counties of Pennsylvania. But do we not 
 expose them now, and all the more ? The whole difierence 
 would be that such a disposition would enable us to live on 
 what now constitute the supplies of the enemy. 
 
 " Our men are also infected with the itch, a matter which 
 attracts very little attention either at the hospitals or in 
 camp. I have seen the poor fellows covered over and over 
 with scab. I have caused my seven regiments to put up 
 
140 LIFE aF K A L B . 
 
 barracks large enough to hold all these unfortunates, so that 
 they can be subjected to medical treatment away from the 
 others. 
 
 "All things seem to contribute to the ruin of our cause. 
 If it is sustained, it can only be by a special interposition of 
 Providence. The army contractors have been consulted as 
 to the best place for going into winter-quarters, and have 
 declared that the present location is the most convenient for 
 them. This, by-the-bye, was done contrary to my advice. 
 Now we have hardly been here six days, and are already 
 suffering for want of everything. The men have had 
 neither meat nor bread for four days, and our horses are 
 often left for days without any fodder. What will be done 
 when the roads grow worse, and the season more severe? 
 Strong detacliments ought to be sent out at once, to get in 
 provisions. And what rest is given to the soldier? The 
 generals never think of sparing their men. They take the 
 full complement of guards to which their rank entitles them. 
 The general of the highest grade has a lieutenant with thirty 
 men, the brigadier a sergeant with twelve men to watch 
 him, and the remaining staff officers in proportion. To set a 
 good example, I have taken it upon myself to reduce the 
 number in my division. This has been much commended 
 but by no means imitated. Imitation is not in vogue here. 
 
 " In addition to this there is here a series of officers very 
 expensive and totally superfluous. Every brigade has its 
 commissary of subsistence, its quartermaster, its wagon- 
 master, its commissary of forage, and each of these again 
 has his deputies. Each g,eneral, again, is entitled to a special 
 commissary of subsistence and three commissaries of forage. 
 All these men rank as officers, and really have nothing to do. 
 
 I 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 141 
 
 My blacksmith is a captain ! The very numerous assistant- 
 quartermasters are for the most part men of no military edu- 
 cation whatever, in many cases ordinary hucksters, but al- 
 ways colonels. The same rank is held by the contractors- 
 general and their agents (fournisseur general et facteur gin- 
 erat). It is safe to accost every man as a colonel who talks 
 to me with familiarity; the officers of a lower grade are in- \ 
 variably more modest. In a word, the army teems with | 
 colonels. The quartermasters-general provide quarters for 
 the commander-in-chief and for themselves, but for nobody 
 else. The other generals, even some of the officers, take 
 their quarters where and as they please and can. -For this 
 purpose thousands are often to be seen hastening on in ad- 
 vance of the army. In the rear of it nobody thinks of the 
 distance. Luckily we have an enemy to deal with as clumsy 
 as ourselves. If any one you have occasion to look for is to 
 be found, it is only to be accomplished by good luck or inde- 
 fatigable perambulations. Plans of quarters are unknown. 
 It is necessary to live a long time in every camp, before you 
 can find your way. All my remonstrances against this 
 abuse were of no avail. I have abandoned the practice of 
 suggesting improvements in the service and in organization. 
 I have had the greatest trouble in making them understand 
 the necessity of strong patrols for visiting the posts. They 
 had no idea of a system of pickets and outposts. Detach- 
 ments of dragoons were usually employed, who of course 
 knew nothing about it. Thus it happened that posts were 
 often missed for days, and were not relieved, from ignorance 
 of their locality, and that the officers, in visiting the posts, 
 were always groping in the dark. The party who had 
 posted them, on arriving in camp, could only tell approxi- 
 
142 LIFEOtfKALB. 
 
 raately where they stood. The other day, when I was re- 
 lieved from being officer of the day, my successor inquired 
 whether I had held a parade. I answered that I should 
 never unnecessarily increase the troubles of the soldiers, nor 
 keep them under arras to no purpose. For it has been very 
 cold for a month, and the assembly as well as the mounting 
 of the guard is done so slowly, that it generally consumes 
 two hours. My comrade replied that he had ordered up all 
 the drummers, and meant to have a grand parade. 
 
 *' But I must tell you, M. le Comte, how a grand parade 
 is managed. When the troops are drawn up in order, the 
 officers of the guard and those commanding the pickets post 
 themselves opposite the line on horseback. The drummers 
 then march solemnly down the front from right to left, and 
 back again from left to right, beating their drums all the 
 time. Then they make a wide detour, and repeat the per- 
 formance in the rear of the troops, until they halt on the right 
 of tlie line. At this moment the command to march is given, 
 and the troops pass in review before the officers. You must 
 vmderstand that the whole parade, headed by the general, 
 makes a circuit around the little cluster of horsemen, and 
 then, before setting out to mount guard, range themselves 
 again on the ground from which they started, a march which 
 occupies at least three-quarters of an hour. How sad, that 
 troops of such excellence, and so much zeal, should be so 
 little spared and so badly led ! But everything here com- 
 bines to inspire disgust. At the smallest sign from you I 
 shall return home. 
 
 "I have never mentioned the subject of my pay, because 
 I know nothing about it. I have not received anythhig. I 
 cannot say whether it amounts to a hundred and fifty or to 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 143 
 
 two hundred dollars a month, or more, bat it ought to run 
 from last July. The sum looks large, but horses are exces- 
 sively dear at this place, and all necessaries so much above 
 the ordinary price, that the best I can hope for will be to 
 escape a loss. I am the only general who practises economy, 
 and restricts his table to what is most needed. Neverthe- 
 less, at the last camp I had to pay my purveyor of milk and 
 butter two hundred and forty-two francs for the consumption 
 of two weeks. Besides, the pay is made in paper money, on 
 which there is a loss of four hundred per cent, in exchanging 
 it for silver. No one, therefore, ought to serve from interested 
 motives. On the other hand, the expenditures for provisions 
 and other necessaries for the army must be enormous. I 
 draw forage for two four-horse baggage wagons, besides 
 which three horses, raised in the country, ha/e been furnished 
 for my servants. I receive twenty-four daily rations or 
 thirty-six pounds of meat, twenty-four pounds of bread or 
 flour, a considerable quantity of rum, candles, bacon, salt, 
 soap, etc. The storehouses are well filled, and we are at 
 liberty to take from them what we please. The war fund 
 pays a good many bills that could not well be made public. 
 I have no doubt that the contractors make fifty per cent, on 
 every contract, not to speak of the other defraudations, the 
 mere enumeration of which would be endless." 
 
 As a finishing touch to this very unattractive picture of 
 American camp life, we subjoin Kalb's remarks, in his regu- 
 lar correspondence with his wife, about his own compatriots 
 and late friends and companions. " On the whole," he writes 
 on the 5th of January, 1778, *'I have annoyances to bear, of 
 which you can hardly form a conception. One of them is the 
 mutual jealousy of almost all the French officers, particularly 
 
144 LIFE OF»KALB. 
 
 against those of higher rank than the rest. The people think 
 of nothing but their incessant intrigues and backbitings. 
 They hate each other like the bitterest enemies, and endeav- 
 or to injure each other wherever an opportunity offers. I 
 liave given up their society, and very seldom see them. La- 
 fayette is the sole exception ; I always meet him with the 
 same cordiality and the same pleasure. He is an excellent 
 young man, and we are good friends. It were to be wished 
 tliat all the Frenchmen who serve here were as reasonable as 
 he and I. Lafayette is much liked ; he is on the best of 
 terms with Washington ; both of them have every reason to 
 be satisfied with me also." 
 
 Another letter, written January V, 1778, at Valley 
 Forge, to President Henry Laurens,^® shows a better insight 
 into Washington's difficult position. '• What can I say," 
 Kalb writes, " about our doings, or rather doing nothing 
 during the fall ? Have we ever been able to undertake any- 
 thing against the enemy ? Have we not been lying often 
 in the open field, without tents, under arms for many hours 
 together, and in very severe weather, too ; with an army al- 
 most naked and barefoot, worn out by fatigue (partly by 
 necessity and the ordinary hardships of the field, but as 
 much so, I dare say, by the ignorance of some of the leading 
 officers, in keeping the men under arms longer than would 
 be required), and constantly inferior to the enemy in num- 
 ber, even after the reenforcement from the ISTorthern army. 
 To whose door this defect of numbers must be laid I am at 
 a loss to tell, being unacquainted with the methods employed 
 or prescribed for recruiting ; 'tis most improbable that the 
 commander can be faulty in this point, it being always a 
 general's interest to have a strong army. He has, no doubt, 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 145 
 
 regularly given to Congress exact returns, to show them 
 his weakness. I cannot but observe, in justice to General 
 Washington, that he must be a very modest man, and the 
 greatest friend to the cause, for forbearing public com- 
 plaints on that account, that the enemy may not be apprised 
 of our situation and take advantage of it. He will rather 
 suffer in the opinion of the world than hurt his country, in 
 making appear how far he is from having so considerable an 
 army as all Europe and great part of America believe he 
 has. This would show, at the sanie time, he did and does 
 more every day than (sould be expected from any general in 
 the world, in the same circumstances, and that I think him 
 the only proper person (nobody actually being or serving in 
 America excepted), by his natural and acquired capacity, his 
 bravery, good sense, uprightness and honesty, to keep up 
 the spirits of the army and people, and that I looli upon him 
 as the sole defender of his country's cause. Thus much I 
 thought myself obliged to say on that head. I only could 
 wish in my private opinion he would take more upon him- 
 self, and trust more to his own excellent judgment than to 
 councils, but this leads me out of my way." * 
 
 Under these circumstances Kalb was little pleased with 
 his new sphere of action, and felt himself ill at ease in Val- 
 ley Forge. Almost every letter to his wife winds up with 
 the expression of a wish, or with a definite plan for his im- 
 mediate return home. At one moment a threatened Euro- 
 pean collision, which subsequently collapsed into the war of 
 th3 Bavarian succession, fills him with a desire of returning 
 to the well-tried flaor of de Brosrlie, to seek on the battle- 
 fields of Germany the distinction which seemed to elude bis 
 * Copied verbatim. 
 
146 LIFE OF'KALB. 
 
 grasp in America ; at another time he would like to be ac- 
 credited as envoy from France to Congress, or if that 
 vacancy should be already filled, to go in the same capacity 
 to Geneva, where his religious confession would not be a 
 hindrance to him ; again he paints in the most vivid colors 
 the delights of an idyllic retirement in the bosom of his 
 family ; finally, he postpones his departure. Amid these 
 hopes and longings day after day goes by, until at length he 
 abandons his plan, being absorbed in the claims of the passinsf 
 moment. 
 
CHAPTEK YIII. 
 
 Sentiments op the American General at Valley Forge. — Intrigues 
 AGAINST Washington.— tGates and Conway, the Conway Cabal. — Win- 
 ter Campaign to Canada. — Eeasons Therkfor. — Lafayette Selected 
 for the Command in Chief. — He Demands and Receives Kalb as a 
 Colleague. — Plan of the Expedition. — Kalb Goes to Albany. — Want 
 of Preparations of all Kinds. — Kalb Advises an Immediate Return. 
 — His Disagreeable Conflicts with Conway. — The Complaints and 
 Falsehoods of the Latter. — Letter of Robert Troup. — Acrimony of 
 THE Clique. — Lafayette's Letter to Washington. — Kalb Returns to 
 Headquarters. — Celebration in Honor of the French Alliance. — 
 Kalb's Joy. — Description of the Festivities. — Council of War. — 
 Swearing the Troops. — Kalb Swears the Oath of Fidelity, and, 
 for the present, Renounces the Idea of Returning. — Falls Danger- 
 ously III. — After his Rkcovery, he Goes to Headquarters at White 
 Plains. — Projected Attempt upon New York. — Kalb Rkckons upon 
 THE Evacuation of the Country by the English. — His Camp at Fish- 
 kill. — Inactivity during the Summer of 1*778. — Kalb's Longing for 
 Home.— Parting with Lafayette.— Kalb Consults with Washington 
 Relative to the Plan for Winter-quarters. — Hardships and Pri- 
 vations. — Visit at West Point. — Camp at Middlebrook. — Sufferings 
 Incident to the Stay there. — Inordinate Prices of Provisions. — 
 Absence of a Fraternal Spirit Among the Officers, especially the 
 French. — Kalb's Visit at Philadelphia. — Return to Camp. — Kalb 
 Desires to Become the French Envoy to the United States. — Letter 
 from the Comte de Broglie to Kalb.— The Latter Advances to the 
 Hudson with his Division the 2d of June, 17*79.— Washington's In- 
 tentions. 
 
 AT the time of which we are now speaking the Ameri- 
 can generals and statesmen were by no means united 
 in that spirit of cordial harmony and patriotic devotion to 
 the welfare of an imperilled country, which, in consequence 
 
148 LIFE OP, KALB. 
 
 of distortions, intended or unintentional, of the truth of his 
 tory, is so frequently ascribed to them. The American army 
 formed no exception to the universal rule governing all 
 newly-raised levies of this description ; it had its full share 
 of that petty envy, those fierce dissensions and jealousies, 
 those intrigues and cliques, which inevitably grow out of the 
 friction of heterogeneous interests and the clash of ambitious 
 aspirations. History, of course, takes note only of the dis- 
 cords which invaded the higher circles, and here again the 
 the commander-in-chief was naturally the object of the most 
 violent and vindictive assaults. 
 
 To arrive at a correct estimate of these transactions it 
 must be borne in mind that, at Valley Forge, Washington's 
 reputation, however quickly it has since established itself, 
 was by no means such as to point to him as the only and 
 indispensable man for the times. In the first place, the re- 
 sult of the last battles was unfavorable, and the result is the 
 criterion for the unthinking masses ; again, some errors in 
 strategy had been undoubtedly committed, and were, of 
 course, exaggerated by his opponents into proofs of inca- 
 pacity. Some, like Lee, Gates, and Conway, saw in him a 
 stumbling-block in the path of their own ambition ; others, 
 like Lovell and Adams, thought him too slow, and still others 
 saw inevitable ruin in the course of things under his direc- 
 tion. His adversaries numbered in their ranks patriots and 
 men of the purest and niost disinterested intentions ; but the 
 ringleaders of the period now engaging our attention were 
 actuated by sinister motive], and the chief among them were 
 Gates and Conway. The former was fairly intoxicated with 
 the splendor of his victory over Burgoyne, largely brought 
 about, as it had been, by the previous dispositions of Wash- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 149 
 
 ington and Schuyler, and occupied, even in the eyes of a 
 strong party in Congress, the position of the expected deliv- 
 erer from bondage. The latter, a born intrigue]-, felt that 
 Washington understood him well, and therefore hoped to 
 make his way by clinging to the skirts of Gates. As we 
 have already seen, he managed to obtain the rank of major- 
 general, and the post of inspector-general of the array, in 
 December, 1777, in the teeth of Washington's well-founded 
 objections. 
 
 The object of the cabal which is known by Conway's 
 name was none other than to undermine Washington's repu- 
 tation with the army and in Congress, and to supplant him in 
 the command by General Gates. The latter had just re- 
 ceived from Congress the position of President of the Board 
 of War, which gave him the supreme direction of military 
 affairs. The cabal, the earliest symptoms of which have been 
 traced as far back as November, 1777, matured in the camp 
 at Valley Forge, but was defeated, in January, 1778, by the 
 indiscretion of Colonel Wilkinson and the tact and dignity 
 of Washington. Since then. Gates contented himself with 
 opposing Washington indirectly whenever he could. Thus, 
 at the end of January, 1778, he induced Congress, without 
 communicating with the commander-in-chief or asking his 
 opinion, to decide upon a winter campaign into Canada, under 
 the lead of Lafayette and Conway. The plan was well con- 
 ceived. In view of the nationality of the Canadians, and of 
 their natural relations to France, the success of the American 
 arms was far more probable under the direction of those who 
 were Frenchmen by birth and French officers by education, 
 than under the management of Americans, unacquainted even 
 with the language of the country. But under this smooth 
 
150 LIFE OF, KALE. 
 
 exterior lurked the design of gaining over Lafayette, and 
 with him, if possible, all the French officers, to the interests 
 of Gates and Conway. The young marquis could not have 
 been more effectually conciliated. Vain and greedy of ap- 
 plause, he longed for an opportunity of distinction. The 
 expedition to Canada, invested with a certain romantic halo 
 from the adventurous march of Arnold and the heroic death 
 of Montgomery, two years before, promised a more than 
 ordinary crop of honors. He was especially delighted at 
 the idea of expelling the tyrannical and natural enemies 
 of his country, " the Enghsh, out of the lands they have 
 taken from us (the French), and of imparting to the Cana- 
 dians a share of the liberties of the thirteen States. How 
 happy I would be," Lafayette continues, " had I the satisfac- 
 tion of hieing an instrument of such a revolution. My love 
 for the freedom of mankind in general, and, in this particular 
 instance, my consanguinity with the Canadians and the name 
 of Frenchman I am honored with, will be sufficient proofs. 
 If I had believed that I am not sent for doing good and right 
 to the Canadians, then I should not have hesitated an instant 
 to decline this commission ; but as I am fully convinced that 
 I would promote their happiness as well as the advantage 
 of the United States, I shall undertake it with the greatest 
 cheerfulness, if those measures are taken which I think 
 proper to succeed." " Nevertheless he marred the plot of 
 the clique, as a man of a high sense of honor, and of a devo- 
 tion to Washington far greater than the adversaries of the 
 latter had imagined. It was only upon consultation with, 
 and under the sanction of, the commander-in-chief, that La- 
 fayette accepted the command, and then on the express con- 
 ditions that Kalb, and not Conway, should be his associate. 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 151 
 
 "I had desired McDougall," Lafayette continues in hia 
 above-quoted letter of January 31, 1778, to Congress;* "not 
 that I am very intimately acquainted with him, but by the 
 knowledge I have of his rigid and imperturbable virtue. The 
 state of his health would not permit his going now in so 
 cold a country. But there is the Baron de Kalb, who has 
 seen more wars than any other officer in the continent, who 
 came over with me, wiio, if I was to point out any of the 
 general officers w^ho are to be in that expedition, had an in- 
 dubitable right to my mentioning his name. He desires to 
 come with me ; he will be much more useful to America if he 
 is employed there. I take the liberty of recommending him 
 in the most strongest terms, not at all because there where 
 are more than two brigadiers — it seems there should be two 
 major-generals — but because I think very firmly that, for the 
 good of the service and the success of the enterprise, it is of 
 the highest importance and of an absolute necessity." Con- 
 gress yielded this point, so that Conway, being junior to 
 Kalb, was indirectly shelved. 
 
 According to the plan marked out by Gates himself," 
 the expedition was to consist of 2,500 men, to rendezvous at 
 Bennington, and to march over the ice of Lake Champlain, 
 upon St. Johns and Montreal. Arriving at one of these points, 
 Lafayette was directed to acquaint the Canadians with his in- 
 tentions, and to invite them to enter the Union army. In 
 case public sentiment should not manifest itself unequivocally 
 in favor of the Union, Lafayette was to call upon the people 
 of Canada to observe a strict neutrality. If, however, he 
 should encounter an unexpected resistance, or general disaf- 
 fection, he was to destroy all the wharves and vessels at St. 
 * Literal copy. 
 
152 LIFE OF'KALB. 
 
 Johns, Chamblee, and the Isle aux Noix, and to retreat by the 
 most available route to Saratoga and the advanced ports on 
 Wood Creek and Hudson River. But in case the Canadians 
 should be filled with a desire to assist at the establishment of 
 American liberty and independence, it would become Lafay- 
 ette's especial duty, not only to solicit their adherence to the 
 United States, and to send delegates to Congress, but also to 
 call upon him to accept the paper money issued by him. If 
 he should penetrate to Montreal, the capture of which was 
 the main purpose of the expedition, he was to possess himself 
 of all the arms and munitions of war. Lafayette quitted the 
 camp on the 7th of February, 1778, followed by Kalb on the 
 16th of the same month. His route lay through Pennsylva- 
 nia and New York over ice and snow, or impassable roads, 
 over which he travelled alternately on horseback or by sleigh, 
 so that it was not before the 24th of the month that he reached 
 Albany. Here Kalb was rewarded for the hardships of 
 the journey by excellent quarters. Little as he usually heed- 
 ed such matters, he yet records with great satisfaction on this 
 occasion, that in Albany he slept without his clothes, for the 
 first time since the 14th of October, the day of his arrival in 
 camp. 
 
 It was but too soon apparent that the entire expedition 
 had been inaugurated without a proper calculation of the re- 
 sources at command. Conway, who, at the instigation of his 
 friend Gates, reached Albany even before Lafayette, and was 
 to hand him his instructions, had scarcely arrived before he 
 declared the march to Canada an impossibility. Generals 
 Schuyler, Lincoln, and Arnold, well acquainted with the coun- 
 try, and with the spirit of their own people as well as with 
 that of the Canadians, were of the same opinion ; and if Lafay- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 158 
 
 ette at first clung fondly to the hope of overcoming all ob- 
 stacles, Kalb had been on the spot but a few days, when he 
 was convinced of the impracticability of the undertaking. In- 
 stead of the 2,500 men which had been promised, they found, 
 at Albany, Schenectady, Johnston, and the neighboring towns, 
 scarcely 1,200 soldiers, suffering for want of indispensable 
 necessaries, and insufficiently clothed and equipped even for a 
 summer campaign. General Stark, who, as Gates had boast- 
 ed, would probably have burned the English flotilla even 
 before Lafayette's arrival, had not a single man under his 
 orders, and began by asking Lafayette how many troops he 
 wanted, and for what period he wished them to be raised.®" 
 There was on all hands a lack of money, supplies, men, and 
 even good will, so that with the utmost exertions of Kalb and 
 Lafayette too much time indispensably needed for the march 
 itself would have been consumed in preparation. 
 
 Under these circumstances Kalb advocated an immediate 
 return to camp ; but the month of March passed away before 
 he and Lafayette could set out on their journey. Besides the 
 considerations which grew out of the merits of the case, Kalb 
 had personal reasons for disliking the enterpi-ise. His posi- 
 tion, in consequence of the course pursued by Conway, was 
 extremely disagreeable. The latter reiterated his former 
 grievances, complained of being placed under the orders of one 
 who had been his subordinate in France, and asked to be re- 
 called, or transferred to Rhode Island. We have seen above 
 what was the true state of the case in reference to his alleged 
 seniority in the French army. But what especially stamps 
 Conway's remonstrances as emanations of mere personal in- 
 trigue or mortification, is the circumstance that he had no ob- 
 jections to make to Lafayette's command-in chief, though 
 7* 
 
154 LIFE OF *KALB. 
 
 that nobleman had been but a lieutenant in France, and there- 
 fore a great deal further beneath him in dignity. The true 
 motive must lie beneath the surface. Lafayette was not to be 
 assailed, because Gates himself desired, by so flattering an ex- 
 pression of confidence as was involved in giving him the chief 
 command, to draw him over to his side, and then, through 
 Conway's influence, to attach him to the interests of the 
 clique. But by making Kalb the adviser of Lafayette and 
 the virtual military director of the enterprise, to which the 
 marquis merely lent his name, all the brilliant projects of the 
 conspirators for the seduction of the foreign officers were 
 dispelled. This circumstance explains the bitterness which 
 runs through the letters of Conway and his friends. 
 - " I hear that General Kalb," writes Conway to Gates, 
 from Albany, February 24, 1778,®^ "is coming to this place; 
 he is my inferior in France, and it would be disagreeable for 
 me to find myself under his orders ; besides I do not think that 
 there is any occasion for three major-generals to command 
 the few troops in this quarter. I wish you would let me know 
 the intentions of Congress concerning me, whether I am to 
 serve here or with General Putnam or on Rhode Island. 
 
 " General de Kalb," Conway continues on February 25, 
 "is just now arrived. I am sure he was not sent by you, 
 but by Marquis de Lafayette. I could understand that he 
 was induced to call for Baron de Kalb because the people 
 whom you guess and whom I do not choose to blame, ex- 
 pected that Baron de Kalb's arrival here would give me a 
 disgust. In this they have guessed very right ; however, I 
 solemnly declare that I am ready to serve this cause to which 
 I have devoted myself in any part of the continent where I 
 will be thought useful." 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 155 
 
 While Conway confines himself to covert allusions, Rob- 
 ert Troup, his friend, and Gates' aid, is far more explicit. 
 " General Conway," writes Troup to his general, " is sorry that 
 Baron de Kalb has been thought of for reasons, I dare say, 
 you are acquainted with. The baron was of inferior rank to 
 him in France, and he would injure himself in the eye of that 
 nation if he were to serve under him in America. I confess 
 this reason has much weight with me, and I am convinced 
 you will not deem it improper. 
 
 "But what is of more consequence, is the service General 
 Conway has rendered this country since his arrival in Amer- 
 ica. I will forbear repeating the many parts of his history 
 which stamp his character as a man of military abilities, 
 valor, and attachment to the States. What can we say of 
 Baron Kalb ? He never distinguished himself in any action with 
 our army. He has never proved himself, in my opinion, a man of 
 extraordinary talents. Why, then, should he be preferred to 
 Conway? 
 
 " I only suggest these hints to show you the impropriety of 
 sending Kalb to the northward. I am convinced General 
 Conway will never be commanded by him, and a dispute in 
 Canada, about rank, would be attended, in all probability, 
 w^ith insuperable difficulties. 
 
 " I wish, therefore, some mode could be adopted to prevent 
 the mutiny of these two gentlemen. I would rather lose a 
 dozen Kalbs than one Conway. You may rest assured that I 
 shall endeavor to promote friendship and good understand- 
 ing between the several officers who are to be employed in 
 this expedition. 
 
 " Upon my arrival in Albany I shall speak to the quarter- 
 master and commissary, and spur them on in the execution 
 of their dutv. 
 
156 LIFE OF kALB. 
 
 " General Conway believes that the cabal at headquarters 
 want the marquis to take Kalb in order to prevent his doing 
 anything that won't contribute to his own honor or the in- 
 terest of the States." 
 
 It is interesting to see that the clique of Gates and Con- 
 way, judging the commander-in-chief by their own base stand- 
 ard, took for granted that Washington and his friends were 
 engaged in a cabal which really had no existence ; as matters 
 stood, however, it is certainly fortunate that the march to 
 Canada was not attempted, because even the slighest bicker- 
 ings brought on by Conway, would have been attended by 
 the most disastrous consequences. Congress themselves 
 were at length convinced that the plan was not feasible, and 
 renounced it by a formal resolution, directing Washington to 
 recall Kalb and Lafayette to headquarters, as their presence 
 was indispensably required there. 
 
 " How happy I have been," writes Lafayette from Albany, 
 March 25, 1V78, to Washington, "in receiving your Excellen- 
 cy's favor of the 10th present. I hope you will be convinced 
 by the knowledge of my tender affection for you. I am very 
 sensible of that goodness which tries to dissipate my fears 
 about that ridiculous Canadian expedition. At the present 
 time we know which was the aim of the honorable Board, 
 and for which project three or four men have rushed the 
 country into a great expense, and risked the reputation of our 
 army, and the loss of many hundred men, had the genera], 
 your deceived friend, been as rash and foolish as they seem 
 to have expected. O American freedom ! what shall become 
 of you if you are in such handS ? 
 
 " I have received a letter from the Board, and a resolve of 
 Congress, by which you are directed to recall me and the 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 157 
 
 Baron de Kalb, whose presence is deemed absolutely necessary 
 to your army. I believe that of General Conway is absolutely 
 necessary to Albany, and he has received orders to stay there, 
 which I have no objection to, as nothing perhaps will be done 
 in this quarter but some disputes of Indians and Tories. 
 However, you know, I have wrote to Congress, and as soon 
 as this leave will come, I shall let Conway have the command 
 of these few regiments, and I shall immediately join my re- 
 spectable friend ; but till I have received instructions for 
 leaving this place from yourself, I shall stay, as powerful 
 commander-in-chief, as if Congress had never resolved my pres- 
 ence absolutely necessary for the great army." 
 
 Washington's directions, to the same effect, anticipated 
 Lafayette's despatch, and reached Albany the day after the 
 departure of the latter. Lafayette and Kalb immediately 
 set out on their return. The latter left the 29th of March, 
 rode down the Hudson to New Windsor, and then struck a 
 westward course through the States of New York and Penn- 
 sylvania, to Lancaster, where he arrived early in April, and 
 enjoyed some weeks of repose before returning to the army 
 at Valley Forge. 
 
 His return to headquarters was immediately followed by 
 news of the defensive and offensive alliance concluded be- 
 tween France and the United States, on the 6th of February, 
 1778. 
 
 The commander-in-chief assigned the 6th of May for the 
 solemn celebration of an event so important and so joyful to 
 this country. In consequence of Steuben's unwearied labors 
 the army was able to execute a grand manoeuvre, on which 
 occasion it was commanded by Kalb in the centre, while 
 Lord Stirling led the right and Lafayette the left wing.'* 
 
168 LIFE OF aALB. 
 
 But let us hear Kalb's own account of the day's festivities, 
 and of the events thereby commemorated. 
 
 *'The alliance," he writes to his wife on the 12th of May 
 1778, "is, on the part of the King of France, so rational, 
 and so generous beyond all expectation, that it has won him 
 the hearts even of those who loved him but little before. 
 At the same time, it may be said that this act of magnanim- 
 ity is none the less a movement of the most subtle policy, 
 which, quite apart from the glory reflected upon the king 
 and his ministers, will prove of infinite commercial advan- 
 tage to the French people. No means could have been better 
 adapted to bruise the colossal power of England, and to 
 snatch this great country forever from its allegiance. The 
 treaty reflects the highest credit on M. Gerard, who was in- 
 trusted with its negotiation. His name will be inscribed 
 upon the annals of this new empire by the side of Louis 
 XVI., as the interpreter of the high-hearted sentiments of 
 that noble monarch, to whom this immense continent owes 
 its liberty and happiness. 
 
 " The solemnities \vere opened with divine worship at the 
 head of each brigade. Then followed three volleys of artil- 
 lery, each of thirteen guns, and each succeeded by a round 
 of cheers, of which the first was in honor of the King of 
 France, the second in honor of the European powers friendly 
 to America, and the third in honor of the United States. 
 The commander-in-chiel gave a grand banquet in the camp. 
 Fifteen hundred persons sat down to the tables, which w^ere 
 spread in the open air. All the officers with their ladies, an 1 
 the prominent people of the neighborhood, were invited. 
 Wine, meats, and liquors abounded, and happiness and con- 
 tentment were impressed on every countenance. Numbei- 
 
LIFE OF KALB, 159 
 
 less hurrahs were given for the King of France, and the 
 French officers had no small share in the honors of tlie occa- 
 sion. It was a fine day for us, and a great one for General 
 Washington. Let me say that no one could be more worthy 
 of this good fortune. His integrity, humanity, and love for 
 the just cause of his country, as well as his other virtues, 
 receive and merit the veneration of all men. A French sol- 
 dier had been condemned to death by a court-martial just 
 before the festival. The marquis and I sued for pardon to 
 the guilty. The commanding general answered that on a 
 day dedicated to the gratitude owing by America to the 
 King of France, he could not refuse French officers a boon, 
 and availed himself of the opportunity to pardon all other 
 criminals at the same time." 
 
 The French alliance was a stimulus to the spirit of the 
 soldiers no less than to that of the officers. In consequence 
 of it a council of war, convened on the 8th of May, 1778, 
 was attended by Generals Greene, Gates, Lord Stirling, ^ 
 Mifflin, Lafayette, Steuben, Armstrong, and Kalb. It was 
 called upon by the commander-in-chief to decide the ques- 
 tion ^' what measures ought to be adopted, and, particularly, 
 whether a movement on Philadelphia was then advisable? 
 As'the objections and obstacles which had weighed in oppo- 
 sition to offensive operations the preceding November, were 
 still in full force, it was unanimously resolved to await the 
 further development of events, which, in effect, induced the 
 English to evacuate Philadelphia of their own accord a few 
 weeks after. 
 
 Until that time the American troops remained quiet in 
 their camp at Valley Forge. The independence of the 
 United States being now assured by the French alliance, the 
 
 ,^QA/^>\jriXoLOl a- 
 
160 LIFEOFKALB. 
 
 oath of allegiance was once more exacted, and was admin- 
 istered by Kalb to the brigadiers Glover and Larned. He 
 was himself sworn on the 12th of May, 1*778 ; ^^ a proof that 
 at that time he had renounced all idea of a speedy return to 
 France. 
 
 Such was the fact. " But for the late treaty," he writes 
 to his wife on the 25th of May, 1778, "I should have re- 
 turned to you ere this. Now I cannot and will not do it for 
 various reasons, two of which I shall here specify. In the 
 first place, war between England and France having become 
 inevitable, should I fall into the hands of the English while 
 at sea, my treatment would be that of a French prisoner of 
 war, possibly without a claim to being exchanged, inasmuch 
 as I should have left America without authority from my 
 own Government. In the second place, the alliance with the 
 United States retransforms me from an officer on two years* 
 / furlough into a general of the French army with the same, 
 if not a better title to promotion than if I had never quitted 
 France. Henceforward, therefore, I shall only return by the 
 express command of the minister." 
 
 In the succeeding events of the war, the evacuation of the 
 camp at Valley Foi-go, the entry of the American army into 
 Philadelphia, and Washington's march through New Jersey, 
 Kalb did not participate, as he was seized, in the beginning 
 of May, with a violent fever, which brought him to the verge 
 of the grave, and confined him to his room until the middle 
 of July. The latter stages of the disease were passed at 
 Philadelphia, which the English had by this time evacuated, 
 and where a fellow-German,* Dr. Phyle (Pfeil), who subse- 
 quently became his intimate friend, tenderly nursed and cared 
 for him. After his recovery Kalb went to the headquarters 
 
LIFE OF KALB. IGl 
 
 at White Plains, twenty-five miles north of New York City, 
 and resumed the command of his division. It was Washmo-- 
 ton's intention to shut in the English in Kew York on the 
 land side, while the French fleet under d'Estaing, which had 
 just arrived, was to attack this important base of the hostile 
 operations from the rear, and, by the combined operation 
 of the two forces, to oblige the English army to surrender. 
 The plan remained unexecuted, however, because the pilots 
 gave it as their opinion that the depth of water in New York 
 Bay was not sufficient to allow the larger vessels of the 
 French squadron to manceuvre against an enemy. D'Es- 
 taing therefore, in pursuance of an understanding with Wash- 
 ington, sailed for Rhode Island, in order to retake that island, 
 which had become highly important in consequence of the 
 fortifications erected by the English ; an enterprise also 
 thwarted by the concurrence of a number of unfavorable cir- 
 cumstances. 
 
 Kalb reckoned firmly on the triumph of the Franco-Amer- 
 ican arms, and confidently expected that, by a series of ener- 
 getic and well-concerted measures, the English would not 
 only be worsted, but compelled to evacuate the American 
 continent. As in that event, which for a time he regarded as 
 a foregone conclusion, there would have been nothing left for 
 him to do in this country, he requested his wife, in writing to 
 her from White Plains on the 14th of August, 1778, to apply 
 to his old commander the Due de Broglie, for a position under 
 him, in case he should take the chief command of the French 
 army at the breaking out of a general European war, then 
 universally expected. 
 
 But the course of events was otherwise. Neither did a 
 general war break out in Europe, nor was America destined 
 
162 LIFE OF 'K ALB. 
 
 to be so soon delivered from her enemies. The English, for 
 the present, maintained all their positions, and Washington 
 could do nothing more than to observe them. During all the 
 month of August, Kalb was with the main army at White 
 Plains, whence they decamped only on the 16th of September, 
 1778, to occupy a height on Fishkill, near the Hudson, where 
 our hero remained, with a few short interruptions, until the 
 end of November. The camp of his division was distant 
 eleven miles and a half from the Fishkill, and extended along 
 the road leading thence to Sharon and Boston, while covered 
 by Fish Creek in front. Round about was excellent pasture 
 for horses." As the two armies lay opposite each other in 
 entire inaction, the petty war of outposts or against maraud- 
 ers and robbers, was extremely w^earisome and exhausting, 
 without affording the slightest satisfaction to the military 
 spirit of the higher grade of ofBcers. Under these circum- 
 stances Kalb would gladly have accompanied his young friend 
 Lafayette, who went to Paris to spend the winter, which prom- 
 ised to pass away in inaction, and that only the express desire 
 of the Comte de Broglie kept hira with the army. " No one," 
 he writes to his wife from Fishkill the 7th of October, 1778, 
 *' has better reason, and a more ardent wish than I to behold 
 his family once more, and no one makes greater sacrifices to 
 manifest his devotion and fortitude in the king's service. 
 Since France has interfered in the war, the subjugation of the 
 continent by the English is out of the question. Possibly they 
 will even surrender Rhode Island, New York, Long Island, 
 and Staten Island, to defend their own country and their re- 
 maining colonies. At all events there will be no more move- 
 ments of importance. I therefore regard the war as ended, 
 so far as I am concerned, having no disposition to do battle 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 163 
 
 against the savages on the frontier. As often as a Frenchman 
 returns home, my heart is ready to burst with homesickness. 
 I am very tired of the war here, and would have been but 
 too glad to go to Paris with Lafayette. Receive him kindly 
 and courteously, and thank him for the numerous proofs of 
 regard he has extended to me since the beginning of our 
 friendship. I shall thank him as long as I live, and value and 
 esteem him most highly." 
 
 Lafayette himself did not set out so soon as he had intend- 
 ed. He fell dangerously ill about the middle of the month, 
 and spent several days with Kalb as a convalescent about the 
 middle of November, before taking leave of him, on the 
 twenty-third, to set sail for Boston. The two friends were 
 not to meet again. 
 
 On the 12th of October Kalb entered upon a new camp 
 near New Hackensack, about fourteen miles northeast of the 
 Fishkill, because he found the fodder for his horses better and 
 more plentiful. His division was distant about twenty-four 
 miles from Washington's headquarters. The latter, dreading 
 an attack of the English upon the positions of the American 
 army in the Highlands, ordered Kalb, on the 24th of October, 
 to retire again to Fishkill, in order to be nearer to the sup- 
 porting points of the army, and the intrenchments on the 
 Hudson, in case of a hostile movement. The preparations 
 and embarcations of the enemy were this time, however, in- 
 tended for southern points, and not for the force on the Hud- 
 son. '" This morning," he writes on the 25th of October, " I 
 am about to ride to headquarters, at the invitation of the com- 
 mander-in-chief, to discuss the plan for our next winter-quar- 
 ters. Ajygood sign. I do not yet know where and what they 
 will be. If the English do not quit their positions, we shall 
 
164 LIFE OF feALB. 
 
 most likely be compelled once more to build shanties, as 
 we did last winter, and to hold out in them. It is not yet 
 known here what they will do. I have been of opinion ever 
 since last May, that they will leave the United States entire- 
 ly before the winter sets in." However, the enemy did not 
 change his position, and Kalb was consigned to four additional 
 weeks of inaction in his old camp at Fishkill. 
 
 " For some days we have been in the midst of winter," he 
 writes on the 24th of November from Newburg on the Hud- 
 son f^ " it is snowing fast, and it is by no means agreeable to 
 sleep out of doors, even under tents. The service is severe, 
 and the vveather is raw. Yesterday, when it was very cold, 
 I crossed the Hudson with my division, and shall remain in 
 Newburg until the arrival of the prisoners of Burgoyne's 
 army, on their march from New England to Virginia. I have 
 orders to throw out six detachments to conduct them to the 
 Delaware, and then to go into the same sort of winter-quar- 
 ters in the woods and mountains of New Jersey, as we occu- 
 pied last winter in Pennsylvania." " Yesterday," he contin- 
 ues on the 29th of November, writing from his camp at 
 Smith Cove, fourteen miles from Newburg, " I went to West 
 Point on foot, being anxious to see it before quitting the 
 Hudson forever. The weather was splendid, but the road 
 contemptible. I had to choose between clambering over the 
 rocks and wading in the morass, or going up to my knees in 
 the water. I returned the same evening, having made twen- 
 ty-eight English miles in all, and was obliged to change my 
 guides, as those who set out with me were too much fatigued 
 to go back. Never in my life have I made so fatiguing a 
 jaunt ; I hardly felt my feet at last ; but, while I certainly 
 would not repeat the excursion, I am very glad to have seen 
 the beautiful West Point." 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 165 
 
 The commander-in-chief, whose corps embraced Kalb's 
 division, which consisted of the Maryland and Delaware 
 brigades, readied Middlebrook in New Jersey on the 11th 
 of December, and there went into winter-quarters, whither 
 Kalb had marched from Smith Cove on the 4th of the same 
 month. The American army now extended in the form of a 
 crescent from Danbiiry in Connecticut to the Hudson at 
 West Point, and thence, by way of Elizabethtown, to Mid- 
 dlebrook. The best possible protection of the country, the 
 maintenance of the important military positions in the High- 
 lands, the security and discipline of the troops, and the cheap 
 and convenient procurement of supplies, ^ere the leading 
 objects of this selection.'"' 
 
 Kalb remained at Middlebrook until the end of February, 
 without interruption, and without being greatly edified by 
 the monotony of camp life. It was not alone the compul- 
 sory idleness, so repugnant to his disposition, but also the 
 enormous expense of the sojourn, and the absence of all sort 
 of congenial fellowship, which embittered his long winter 
 evenings. "I had resolved, as you know," he writes to his 
 wife about this time, " not, under any circumstances, to con- 
 sume any part of my private property while serving in 
 America. I find it flatly impossible to adhere to this pur- 
 pose. Everything is excessively dear at this place. Al- 
 though I have expended nothing for clothes or linen, my pay 
 is not sufficient to requite my servants and procure the eata- 
 bles not furnished by Congress, such as coffee, tea, butter, 
 sugar, and milk. From the army stores we draw our meat, 
 candles, bread, barley, soap, etc. The consumption of meat 
 is almost incredible. It is impossible to habituate the people 
 of this country to anything like order or regularity of living, 
 
166 LIFEOF^ALB. 
 
 and equally impossible for one who has grown up in the 
 midst of order, discipline, and punctuality, to accustom him- 
 self to the indolence of these people. Beside my three ad- 
 jutants and the officer of the guard, ten servants and a 
 number of mounted orderlies daily eat at my table. Horses 
 are a still more expensive article. Congress supplies me 
 with eight team-horses, but the generals purchase their own 
 saddle-horses, which are excessively dear. In spite of the 
 greatest economy, I am therefore spending enormous sums 
 of money. Although the prices of all necessaries have in- 
 creased nearly a hundredfold since my arrival in America, I 
 consider it beneath my dignity to apply to the States for a 
 subsidy. I might prefer the request to the king, but fear 
 the effect of such a step on my promotion. These annoy- 
 ances are aggravated by the mortifications growing out of 
 the differences in manners and customs between Americans 
 and Europeans, and the jealousy of the native against the 
 foreign officers. Scarce one of the latter is contented with 
 his position. There is not a second lieutenant who, on com- 
 ing here, does not expect to be better treated than all the 
 rest of his countrymen. I studiously avoid entangling my- 
 self in these petty bickerings, but it it is sufficiently disgust- 
 ing to^ be told of them. It is all I can do to preserve the , 
 peace in my own military family." L " I wish you and all of 
 you," thus Kalb concludes his New Year's salutation to his 
 wife, on the 1st of January, 1779, "health, contentment, and 
 happiness for the coming year ; for myself, if circumstances 
 permit, I wish a happy return to your midst. I could dis- 
 course a long time on this topic, for you know, better than 
 any one else, what a sacrifice I make in this long absence 
 from you and the children, as I might live at home more 
 
LIFE OF KALB, 167 
 
 I 
 
 happily and peaceably than any other man The privations 
 to which I am subjected, the extraordinary exertions inci- 
 dent to the mode of warfare and to the variable climate of 
 this country, the frequent movements from camp to camp, 
 which makes rest and comfort unattainable even in winter, 
 all these hardships are onerous to a man at my time of life, 
 and make me extremely anxious to return. I have no just 
 cause of complaint, because I have come of my own free will. 
 I hope, however, that the king and his ministers will give me 
 great credit for having remained here in deference to their 
 wishes, exposed to every vicissitude, while the great majori- 
 ty of the French officers have returned home. I place my 
 trust in Providence that I shall be spared to behold again 
 the object of my most ardent love, and all that can tend to 
 make me happy and contented for the rest of my days. For 
 the present I must request an extension of my two years' 
 furlough, which has nearly expired; there will be no diffi- 
 culty if you will only apply to the Comte de Broglie." 
 
 To recruit bis health and replenish his wardrobe, Kalb 
 went to Philadelphia about the end of February, 1779, and 
 remained there until the 30th of March, when he returned to 
 the camp at Middlebrook. Here, and in Boundbrook, which 
 is close by, he was stationed until the reopening of the cam- 
 paign in the beginning of June. The life of the camp was 
 more quiet and monotonous than ever. Kalb was in the 
 habit of w'hiling away his leisure hoars in making plans for 
 the future. As Gerard, the French envoy, then contemplat- 
 ed returning home, Kalb thought of applying to become his 
 successor, and repeatedly commissioned his wife to enlist the 
 interposition of his friends with the minister. But the 
 Chevalier de la Luzerne bad been appointed before Gerard's 
 
168 LITE OF •K ALB. 
 
 departure, so that Kaib was ot course compelled to abandon 
 the idea. 
 
 Before setting out tor the Hudson he received the follow- 
 ing letter from Paris, from the Comte de Broglie, the only- 
 answer vouchsafed to all his addresses to him. While it 
 gave Kalb no assurance of promotion in France, it is evi- 
 dence of the interest taken by the French ministers and gen- 
 erals in the progress of the American war, and as such may 
 find a place here." 
 
 " Mme. de Kalb," de Broglie writes on the 31st of March, 
 1778, "has forwarded me the letters with which you have 
 honored me from time to time. The time for your opera- 
 tions in the field has arrived. We are in hopes, here, that 
 the weakness of the English at the isolated points of the 
 coast in their occupation, which they are compelled to expose 
 on all sides, will justify the American troops in an effort to 
 expel the enemy. It would seem, at all events, that they 
 have it in their power to harass and enclose him, and to cut 
 off or at least greatly impede his supplies and forage. I 
 have not a moment's doubt that you will omit no opportu- 
 nity of explaining to the leading men of the army and of 
 Congress the views of what is judicious and practicable, 
 which you are so well qualified to impart. Too much cannot 
 be done to make them understand the advantage offered by 
 their position, if they will make the efforts fairly to be ex- 
 l-.ected of them. 
 
 " I need not go into details with you. At my proposal 
 to the Prince de Montbarey, sanctioned by him, he permits 
 you to use the cypher concerted between you and me. I be- 
 lieve you will receive instructions from that minister in re- 
 lation to the plans to be adopted by Congress, or at least in 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 169 
 
 reference to that portion of those plans, the success of which 
 your counsels can assure. 
 
 " I have personally discussed this matter with the Prince 
 de Montbarey, my dear baron. The minister, who is ex- 
 tremely well-disposed to you, has promised me to include 
 you in the list of brigadiers to be next aj^pointed by him, 
 without waiting for a general advancement. I have assured 
 him of your gratitude, and doubt not that you will make 
 every effort to give fresh proofs of your devotion to the 
 king's service. 
 
 " As I have not kept the key to your cypher, be pleased, 
 hereafter, to communicate, in it, directly to the Prince de 
 Montbarey, what cannot well be written in the ordinary 
 character. I heartily desire your entire good fortune ; you 
 know how deep an interest I take in your welfare." 
 
 That these promises were but idle words we shall see in 
 the sequel. For the present we accompany our hero to the 
 Hudson, whither he marched from Middlebrook with his di- 
 vision on the 3d of June, IVVQ," to cooperate with the re- 
 maining divisions of Washington's army in preventing the 
 advance of the enemy into the Highlands.* 
 
 * The Highlands is the name of the district of country extending along 
 the Hudson from CornwdU to Haverstraw, so called on account of the moun- 
 tains and crags here overhanging the water. 
 
 8 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Clinton's Plans at the Opening of the Summer Campaign of lYYQ. — He 
 Takes Verplank's Point and Stony Point on the Hudson. — Washing- 
 ton Baffles his Attempt on West Point. — Kale's Division with the 
 Main Army at Smith Cove. — His Letter to his Wife. — Dreary 
 Prospects. — Both Armies Spend the Summer in Observing Each 
 Other. — Laborious Service — Wayne Retakes Stony Point. — Impor- 
 tance of this Success to the American Army. — The Impressions it 
 Produced on the Foreign Generals and Envoys. — Kalb's Delight at 
 the Victory. — Camp in the Woods. — Cruelty of the English. — Their 
 Raids into the Country. — Weight of Kale's Testimony. — Dinner at 
 Kale's. — Celebration of the Taking of Stony Point, — A Beautiful 
 Comparison from the ^neid. — Flkury's Gallantry. — Kalb Posted 
 all Summer at Buttermilk Falls. — Strength of his Division. — Inac- 
 tivity of Both Armies. — Privations. — Washington's Intended At- 
 tack upon New York Frustrated by D'Estaing. — Winter-quarters 
 AT Morristown New Jersey. — Severe Winter. — Unheard of Cold. — 
 Camp Sufferings. — Scarcity of Money. — No Credit. — Depreciation 
 of Paper Money. — Inaction Worse than a Severe Campaign. — Kale's 
 Account of the State •f Things. — Rudeness of the Native to the 
 Foreign Officers. — Smallwood Against Kale. — Hostile Movements 
 OP the English from Staten Island. — Corps of Observation in New 
 Jersey, first under St. Clair, then under Kalb, in March, 1780. — 
 Fatigue Duty. — Kale's Tactics at the Setting In of the Thaw. — 
 Washington's Letter and Opposite Views. — Kalb Ordered Else- 
 where ON THE 3d of April. — He is Destined for the South with his 
 Division to the Relief of Charleston. 
 
 rriHE English General Clinton had resolved to open the 
 
 -*- campaign of 1779 with a brilliant coup de main, for 
 
 which purpose he had marched up the Hudson from New 
 
 York in the latter part of May, in order to fall into the rear 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 171 
 
 of the American army, posted in New Jersey, and to possess 
 himself of the hostile forts erected in the Highlands, particu- 
 larly West Point, as well as King's Ferry, the only remaining 
 river communication between the Eastern and Western forts. 
 This ferry was commanded by the projecting hills at the 
 eastern and western landing, called Verplank's Point and 
 Stony Point, on the former of which Fort Lafayette had been 
 erected, while the latter had been at least partially fortified. 
 Clinton, however, being master of the river and of its eastern 
 bank, found little difficulty in reducing these important points 
 which opened his way into the Highlands. It was done on 
 the 1st and 2d of June, two days after his march from New 
 York. He immediately ordered the intrenchments to be re- 
 paired and completed, and Stony Point to be strongly 
 fortified. 
 
 Washington had correctly inferred from Clinton's prepa- 
 rations, that it was the design of the latter to separate and 
 overwhelm the American forces, and to occupy West Point 
 and the Highlands. For the defence of Yerplank and Stony 
 Point he was too late, as his army did not leave their winter- 
 quarters at Middlebrook and Boundbrook before the day of 
 Clinton's departure from New York. However, he baffled 
 the further measures of the English commander by forced 
 marches, by judicious dispositions of his troops along the Hud- 
 son, and by proper reenforcements sent to the corps immedi- 
 ately threatened. Before Clinton could advance upon West 
 Point, McDougall, the commander of the fort, was strength- 
 ened, and the position of the main body of the Americans at 
 New Windsor, close by West Point, and at Smith Cove, a moun- 
 tain pass in the rear of Havestraw, so effectively supported 
 that he could not risk an assault. He therefore returned to 
 
172 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 New York, whence he entered upon a system of raids and 
 forays into Connecticut. 
 
 Kalb, with his division, was w^ith the main army at Smith 
 Cove. " It would seem." he writes from that point to his 
 wife, the 10th of June, 1779," " that a severe and exhausting 
 campaign is before us. If we remain here much longer, we 
 shall be compelled by want of forage to send all our horses 
 away from the camp. Had we but a fleet in the bay of New 
 York, we could end the war at a blow by an attack on that 
 city. As the enemy are compelled to devote almost all their 
 attention to their islands, New York is left nearly undefended 
 toward the sea. At this moment the British have but one 
 line-of-battle ship of sixty-four guns between Rhode Island 
 and New York, and but four frigates, the largest of which 
 mounts only thirty-six guns. Four French sixty-fours and six 
 frigates would command the entire coast, and take everything 
 that is to be found in any of the ports occupied by the enemy. 
 Mention these facts to the Comte de Broglie, or any one who 
 takes an interest in the triumph of our ai'ms." 
 
 As the French Government failed to improve this oppor- 
 tunity, while the Americans alone were too weak to avail 
 themselves of it, the observing attitude of both armies con- 
 tinued unchanged until the middle of July. Kalb, disheart- 
 ened by this endless delay and irksome inaction, would gladly 
 have returned to France, had he not considered himself bound 
 to serve in the American ranks by the known intention of his 
 furlough. His repeated requests to be recalled and promoted 
 in the French array were unnoticed, and for this reason alone 
 he remained. " What I am doing here," he writes to his wife 
 on the 15th of July from Smith Cove,^* "is extremely dis- 
 agreeable. Without my excellent constitution it would be 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 173 
 
 impossible to bear up long under this service. Yesterday I 
 made the most wearisome trip of my life, visiting the posts 
 and pickets of the army in the solitudes, woods, and mountains, 
 clambering over the rocks, and picking my way in the most 
 abominable roads. My horse having fallen lame, I had to 
 make the whole distance on foot. I never suffered more from 
 heat. On my return I had not a dry rag on me, and was so 
 tired that I could not sleep. My temperate and simple hab- 
 its greatly contribute to keep me in good health. My gen- 
 eral health is very good, and I hardly notice the annoyances 
 of camp life. Dry bread and water make my breakfast and 
 supper ; at dinner I take some meat. I drink nothing but 
 water, never coffee, and rarely chocolate or tea, in order to 
 avoid irritating ray eyes, which are the more useful to me as 
 my four aids, partly from ignorance and partly from laziness, 
 leave the writing incident to the service unattended to. So I 
 am compelled to do it all myself, while they cultivate their 
 digestions. I have now no more earnest wish than soon to 
 see you and the children again, and never to leave you more. 
 If our separation is destined to be of any advantage to us, it 
 is dearly paid for." 
 
 While Clinton ravaged Connecticut, Washington, not to 
 be lured from his position in the Highlands, resolved to un- 
 dertake the recovery of Verplank's Point and Stony Point, 
 which had been strongly fortified by the English, He in- 
 trusted General Wayne with the execution of the plan 
 against Stony Point, which, on the 15th of July, succeeded 
 beyond all expectation. Important as was this success in its 
 practical effects, as foiling Clinton's designs on the upper 
 Hudson, its chief value consisted in the impulse it gave to 
 the spirit and confidence of the people, and the proof it af- 
 
174 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 forded that the American generals were not better fitted to 
 make dispositions of their troops, than their officers and men 
 were prompt and fearless in carrying them out. It was par- 
 ticularly the foreign generals and diplomatists who began, 
 after this victory, to believe in the possibility of a successful 
 issue of the war, achieved by the arras of the Americans 
 themselves. Steuben, who had largely contributed to the 
 .' result by introducing and enforcing the use of the bayonet 
 in the Union army, pronounced the achievement one of the 
 most brilliant of modern warfare ; Gerard, the French am- 
 bassador, is convinced that it will greatly enhance the opin- 
 ion of Europe on the military qualities of the Americans ; '* 
 and Kalb, usually so calm and self-possessed, is lavish in 
 praise of Wayne and Fleury, as well as of their soldiers. 
 On the 18th of July, 1779, from his bivouac in Deane's 
 woods, he writes to his wife at greater length about the tak- 
 ing of Stony Point, and the days preceding and following 
 that exploit, than about any other episode of the war. 
 
 "We left Smith Cove," he says,'' "on the 16th of July, 
 in the afternoon, to march to this spot over roads hardly pass- 
 able for goats, carrying our provisions with us. We are now 
 seven miles from our camp and five miles from Fort Mont- 
 gomery on the Hudson, in the midst of the forest, and sur- 
 rounded by crags. We have kept in bivouac for two nights, 
 which were pretty cool, while the days are very hot. I live 
 on cold meat, and lie at night upon a cloak stuffed with 
 leaves. I expected orders to advance upon Fort Montgom- 
 ery, to cross the river at that point, and fonn a junction with 
 the other troops of the right wing, which are posted above 
 and below me. It seemed to me probable that a movement 
 was contemplated against the hostile posts on the left bank 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 175 
 
 at King's Ferry, Stony Point, on the right bank, having been 
 carried in the night from the 15th to the 16th of July, and 
 the garrison taken prisoner. This Stony Point is at King's 
 Ferry, ten miles south of this place, and fifty miles above New 
 York. General Clinton, having left a garrison at that post, 
 was amusing himself in the Sound and in Connecticut, plun- 
 dering, burning, and ravaging. Fairfield, Bedford, Norwalk, 
 New Haven, and West Haven have already felt his rage. 
 The mode of warfare here practised is the most barbarous 
 that could be conceived ; whatever the enemy cannot carry 
 off in their forays, is destroyed or burned. They cannot 
 possibly triumph in the end. Their cruelty and inhumanity 
 must sooner or later draw down upon their heads the ven- 
 geance of heaven, and blast a Government which authorizes 
 these outrages. In fact, this conduct seems to be the con- 
 sequence or the effect of threats uttered by the peace 
 commissioners who were sent hither last year. Finding their 
 overtures rejected, they declared that as America was dis- 
 posed to adhere to its alliance with England's natural enemy, 
 the war would thenceforth be so conducted as to leave the 
 country of little value to France. It were to be wished that 
 France would retaliate by some expedition sent to burn the 
 towns and villages on the English coast, as it is the league 
 with us which saddles these depredations on the Americans." 
 It has become customary, in modern times, on the part 
 of English writers especially, to represent these acts of bar- 
 barity as trivial, or as commanded by considerations of pol- 
 icy ; and modern historians habitually regard the complaints 
 and imprecations of the Americans, as exaggerations ema- 
 nating from those who have been specially unfortunate. 
 Kalb's indignation at the outrages perpetrated by the Eng- 
 
176 LIFE OF -K ALB. 
 
 lish on their expeditions of plunder and devastation, is fbe 
 best proof that the acts of rapine far exceeded the average 
 of what was required or tolerated by the warfare of the 
 times. A French officer, who had assisted at the invasion of 
 Germany under Richelieu and Soubise in the Seven Years' 
 War, had enjoyed opportunities of witnessing the almost pro- 
 verbial impositions and exactions of the French anny, and 
 was of all men the least likely to be squeamish in such mat- 
 ters, so that the ordinary grade of destruction would hardly 
 have attracted his attention. How far, then, must the brutali- 
 ties of the English have gone, if even Kalb grows sentimen- 
 tal in reciting them, and invokes the wrath of heaven upon 
 their heads. 
 
 " Yesterday," continues the same letter, " I was reconnoi- 
 tring all day in the vicinity of my post, of course on foot ; 
 I must repeat the same operation forthwith, in order to be 
 familiar with my position by dinner-time." "Though very 
 tired, I have already returned from my excursion," he con- 
 tinues at four o'clock ot'the same day, "and have just dined. 
 The staff officers of my division were my guests. We were 
 all very hungry, and did full justice to the mutton and beef 
 which constituted the repast ; large round crackers served as 
 plates, in the absence of any kind of crockery. The scene 
 forcibly reminded me of the conquest of Italy by JEneas, 
 and of the words of Ascanius, when they had reached the 
 future site of Rome. There, too, hunger impelled them to 
 devour the cakes upon which their food had been set before 
 them, and recalled the oracle of the harpies, that they would 
 not reach the end of their wanderings and toils, nor call 
 Italy theirs, until they would have eaten their tables with 
 their meals. I have, unfortunately, no Ascanius with me, 
 
LIFE OF K ALB. 177 
 
 but I desire most ardently that my fate may be decided as 
 was that of ^neas, that the independence of America, like 
 the conc^uest of Italy, may now be realized, and that, after 
 we, too, have eaten our tables, the close of our warfare and 
 our toils may be likewise approaching.''^ 
 
 " While we were still at table, a letter came from General 
 Washington, dated the 16th of July from his headquarters at 
 New Windsor, in which I receive my share of compliments 
 for the valor and good conduct of our troops, for my division 
 was also represented at the assault on Stony Point of the 
 previous evening. The letter put our whole company into 
 excellent humor, though of course we had been longer and 
 better acquainted with all the details of the successful coujj 
 de main than the General himself I drank no rum as the 
 others did, yet I was carried away by the same enthusiasm. 
 I called Mr. Jacob, and told him to bring me a bottle of 
 champagne. He stared at me in astonishment, saying he 
 had none. Then there must be some port wine at least ? 
 "That is on the baggage w^agons," answered Jacob. I 
 apologized for my defective memory, and was sorry to have 
 tantabzed the company with delusive hopes ; but they were 
 satisfied to take my good will for the deed. I promised all 
 my guests to give them the best of champagne at Paris, and 
 shall be delighted to keep my word. 
 
 " The taking of Stony Point forms an epoch in the history 
 of the war of American Independence, because it was on this 
 occasion that our troops first ventured to attack the intrench- 
 ments of the enemy, and because they displayed great bravery 
 in doing so. The action lasted only twenty-five minutes. A 
 hundred or a hundred and twenty of the British were killed 
 or wounded, while we had thirty killed and sixty wounded. I 
 
178 LIFE OF*KALB. 
 
 mean to tell the truth, in spite of what the newspapers will 
 say about our losses, greatly exaggerating, of coarse, the 
 number of the fallen foe, and cutting down our own casual- 
 ties. But I am unable to appreciate the subtlety of this 
 system of lies told by everybody and believed by no one, 
 and prefer to comfort myself with the well-tried proverb, 
 " On nefait point d^otnelette, sans casser des ceufs.^^ Every 
 cook knows that, and every officer knows that in assailing a 
 post, when the garrison have not fallen asleep, lives must be 
 lost. It is odd that in the two years I have been in service 
 here, constantly with the army, the troops under my com- 
 mand (an^ I have always had very strong divisions) have 
 not taken part in any battle or engagement, and that I 
 myself, so to speak, have not seen a gun go off. Were I a 
 braggart 1 might go on to say that since I have been with 
 the army the enemy have had little success, and that they 
 are afraid to attack us because they know I am here ; but 
 the coincidence is really singular." 
 
 On the 21st of July Kalb, writing from Buttermilk Falls, 
 two miles south of West Point, concludes this report by 
 saying : " I marched my division hither yesterday and to-day, 
 by way of Fort Montgomery. Our whole army has been 
 concentrated here and in this neighborhood, on both banks 
 of the river, since the day of Stony Point. The storming 
 of that work seems to mortify the hostile general a good 
 deal. He has come up to King's Ferry with a numerous 
 fleet, and appears to have cannonaded Stony Point, when 
 destroyed and evacuated by our forces. Be so good as to 
 tell the Comte de Broglie, that Lieutenant-colonel Fleury 
 has earned gre^t renown at the capture of that point. He 
 took two stand of c 'ors of the Seventeenth Regiment, and 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 179 
 
 'I 
 
 jial I 
 
 it was he who tore the English standard from the walls, 
 believe he will be permitted to keep the flag, as a special 
 mark of distinction." 
 
 Kalb remained at Buttermilk Falls during the summer ^ 
 and autumn, without meeting, in the course of these four 
 months, with any memorable adventure. His division con- 
 sisted of one regiment from Delaware and seven from Mary- 
 land, and was divided into two brigades, of which the first, 
 under Smallwood comprised the First, Third, Fifth, and 
 Seventh Maryland Regiments, while the second, under Gist, 
 was formed of the Second, Fourth, and Sixth Maryland and 
 a Delaware Regiment. All the troops under Kalb's orders 
 then numbered 2,030." 
 
 As the entire campaign of the year 1779 is marked only 
 by the operations of the French and English fleets in the 
 West India waters, and is characterized in other respects by 
 the utter inactivity of the opposing forces, so the American 
 and English forces on the Hudson also confined themselves 
 to mutual reconnoissances and observations. Washington 
 turned the time to good account by having his troops 
 instructed and reformed by Steuben, by fortifying West 
 Point as well as the other points on the Hudson, and by 
 making Clinton indisposed to operate against him there. 
 This inaction made the service in the American camp not a 
 whit the less fatiguing and irksome. For weeks the army 
 lay in the woods without their baggage. Often there was a 
 scRrcity of the most needful articles, and Kalb relates that 
 for a whole month he slept on the bare ground or in his 
 camp-stool, without however impairing his health. It was 
 only at the arrival of the Marquis de la Luzerne, the new 
 French Ambassador, that every eflfort appears to have been 
 
180 LIFE OF, KALB, 
 
 made at least momentarily to mantle the prevailing distress, / 
 and to dignity it with an air of Spartan simplicity. Kalb, 
 who had served with Luzerne under the Due de Broglie in 
 the Seven Years' War, now, on the 15th of September, 1779, 
 rode eighteen miles to meet his old comrade in arms. On 
 his arrival at the camp he invited him to dine with all the 
 American generals, and afterward bore him company for 
 twenty-eight miles on his journey back to Philadelphia. 
 
 Toward the fall Washington hoped to make an attempt 
 upon New York, in concert with d'Estaing. The latter, 
 however, instead of going to New York at once, suffered 
 himself to be persuaded by Lincoln to storm Savannah, and, 
 after being repulsed by the English, turned back his ships 
 partly to Fi-ance, and partly to the West Indies. 
 
 This awkward manceuvre once more disconcerted Wash- 
 ington's favorite project of a descent upon New York, where 
 Clinton had collected all his forces, prepared to give him a 
 warm reception. Washington now resolved to give up all 
 further offensive movements for that season, and to go into 
 winter-quarters. For this purpose he formed his army into 
 two divisions, one of which, under Heath, was to defend the 
 Highlands, while the other, with whom he had his head- 
 quarters, withdrew to Morristown in New Jersey. Kalb 
 belonged to the latter body. He marched from Buttermilk 
 Falls, after all the other generals, on the 26th of November, 
 and reached his destination after a toilsome march of six days. 
 
 These winter-quarters at Morristown have not acquired 
 the same gloomy historic renown as those of two years pre- 
 vious at Valley Forge ; but in reality they were attended 
 with even greater sufferings. True, the existence of the 
 army had ceased to be in question. The troops had achieved 
 
LIFE OF 'KALB. 181 
 
 some successes, had learned to regard themselves as a united 
 whole, and had become better disciplined and consolidated ; 
 but the hardships of the soldier were greater than they had 
 ever been. The unusually severe winter, which lasted from 
 the end of November till April, and even made the ice of 
 New York bay passable for heavy ordnance as far as Staten 
 Island, made it impossible to bring up the necessary supplies. 
 The commissary department had neither money nor credit ; 
 the most indispensable articles of clothing, such as blankets 
 and overcoats, were wanting, and the troops were on half 
 and quarter rations for weeks. Moreover, in the absence of 
 gold and silver, the paper issue steadily increased in quantity, 
 and of course sank in value. This depreciation was aggra- 
 vated by a false move of Congress, in giving it artificial cur- 
 rency, and making it a legal tender at its nominal value. 
 An unparalleled rise in the price of all the necessaries of life 
 immediately ensued. In October, 1779, twenty dollars in 
 paper had been equivalent to one dollar in specie ; in April, 
 1780, the proportion was forty to one. The army being paid 
 in paper at its nominal value, it is easy to form an idea of 
 the distress prevailing among officers and privates. The 
 annual salary of a major-general, which nominally amounted 
 to two thousand dollars, was really little more than fifty 
 dollars. 
 
 Under these circumstances, with the exception of little 
 foraging expeditions, an enterprise against the enemy, or 
 indeed any movement in the open field, was not to be 
 thought of. All that Kalb could do consisted in drilling his 
 division when the weather permitted, and in reforming them 
 upon the plan dictated by Steuben, as Inspector-General. 
 On the other hand, nothing is better adapted to afford an 
 
182 LIFE OB KALB. 
 
 impartial view of the condition of the camp, and of Kalb'a 
 personal affairs, than the description of himself and his sur- 
 roundings found in the letters then addressed to his wife and 
 European friends. We take the liberty of compressing 
 several of them into a single sketch."" 
 
 "My division," he writes in December, 1779, "left West 
 Point on the 26th of November. Our march lasted six days, 
 and traversed a country almost entirely unpeopled ; it proved 
 fatal to many of the soldiers, in consequence of the cold, the 
 bad weather, the horrid roads, the necessity of spending the 
 night in the open air, and our want of protection against 
 snow and rain. We are here going into winter-quarters in 
 the woods, as usual. Since the beginning of this month we 
 have been busy putting up our shanties. But the severe 
 frost greatly retards our work, and does not even permit us 
 to complete our chimneys. Winter has set in fiercely ever 
 since the end of November. In any other country our 
 repose at this place would bear the name of an arduous cam- 
 paign ; it is really worse. It may truly be said that a for- 
 eign officer, who has served in America as long as I have, 
 under such adversities, must be either inspired with bound- 
 less enthusiasm for the liberties of the country, or possessed 
 by the demons of fame and ambition, or impelled by an 
 extraordinary zeal for the common cause of the king and his 
 confederates. I knew, before I came, that I should have to 
 put up with more than usual toils and privations, but I had 
 no idea of their true extent. An iron constitution like mine 
 is required to bear up under this sort of usage. 
 
 " It is so cold," he continues in February, " that the ink 
 freezes in my pen, while T am sitting close by the fire. The 
 roads are piled with snow until, at some places, they are 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 183 
 
 elevated twelve feet above their ordinary level. The present 
 winter is especially remarkable for its uninterrupted and 
 unvarying cold. The ice in the rivers is six feet thick. 
 Since this part of America has been settled by Europeans, 
 the North River at New York, w'here it is a mile and a half 
 wide near its mouth, and subject to the ebb and flow of a 
 strong tide, has not been frozen over so fast as to be pass- 
 able by wagons. Unfortunately our camp will suffer even 
 more from the thaw than from the frost, for it is but too 
 much exposed to inundation. Those who have only been in 
 Valley Forge and Middlebrook during the last two winters, 
 but have not tasted the cruelties of this one, know not what 
 it is to suffer. 
 
 " The times are growing w^orse from hour to hour. The 
 dearth of the necessaries of life is almost incredible, and 
 increases from day to day. A hat costs four hundred dol- 
 lars, a pair of boots the same, and everything else in pro- 
 portion. The other day I was disposed to buy a pretty good 
 horse. A price was asked which my pay for ten years 
 would not have covered. Of course I did not take it, and 
 shall try to get along with my other horses. Money scatters 
 like chaff before the wind, and expenses almost double from 
 one day to the next, while income, of course, remains sta- 
 tionary. I have reduced my servants to the smallest number 
 possible, which involves no great self-denial, as almost all 
 servants are lazy, addicted to diink, and unreliable. The 
 barber's comj^ensation w^ould at present consume all my pay; 
 I have, therefore, made up my mind to shave myself. Being 
 entirely in rags, I shall go to Philadelphia as soon as I can, 
 to purchase new clothes, especially linen. The American 
 officers have this advantage of us foreigners, that they can 
 
184 LIFEOBKALB. 
 
 go home on furlough, and there recruit and reequip them- 
 selves. Besides, they are assisted by their respective States 
 with additional pay, with uniforms, and with such provisions 
 as Congress does not furnish, such as tea, sugar, coffee, and 
 chocolate. The foreign officers have none of these little, but 
 acceptable privileges, and are, moreover, compelled to pay 
 with six dollars what an American buys for one." 
 
 In order to exhaust this very serious matter once for all, 
 we here anticipate our recital by a few months, and insert an 
 extract from a letter written by Kalb on the 29th of May, 
 1780, to his friend Holtzendorff, from Petersburg, Virginia, 
 when on his march to the South. " Provisions and other 
 articles," he says, " are growing dearer and dearer, being 
 now double what they were a year ago, even if paid in gold, 
 one dollar of which is now equal to sixty dollars in paper. 
 My march costs me enormous sums. I cannot travel with 
 my equipage, and am therefore compelled to resort to inns. 
 My six months' earnings will scarce defray the most indis- 
 pensable outlay of a single day. Not long since I was com- 
 pelled to take a night's lodging at a private house. For a 
 bad supper and grog for myself, my three companions, and 
 three servants, I was charged, on going off without a break- 
 fast next day, the sum of eight hundred and fifty dollars. 
 The lady of the house politely added that she had charged 
 nothing for the rooms, and would leave the compensation for 
 them to my discretion, although three or four hundred 
 dollars would not be too much for the inconvenience to 
 which she had been put by myself and my followers. And 
 these are the people who talk about sacrificing their all in 
 the cause of liberty ! Everything else is in proportion to 
 these figures ; an ordinaiy horse is worth $20,000, 1 say 
 twenty thousand dollars ! " 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 185 
 
 Even more annoying than this disproportion was the re- 
 volting churlishness often practised by the native officers to 
 their comrades from abroad, in the distribution of the State 
 subsidies above mentioned. A story of this kind preserved by 
 Steuben, places the grievance of Kalb in the most striking 
 light/^ At the very time that the latter commanded the 
 Maryland division, the government of that State sent a stock 
 of coffee, cognac, tea, and sugar, articles then entirely out of 
 the market, and therefore doubly prized by the officers. 
 When the box arrived, General Smallwood, a brigadier-gen- 
 eral, and as such Kalb's subordinate, placed a watch over 
 the supplies, with orders to allow no part of the contents to go 
 into the hands of General Kalb, his superior, on the ground 
 that one who was not a Marylander had no title to a share ! 
 
 It is usually said, and with truth, that the service of 
 princes is hard, but, judging by this specimeti, European 
 officers must have found the service of liberty, with such 
 comrades, a good deal harder. 
 
 At the desire of General Washington, Kalb postponed his 
 trip to Philadelphia to the setting in of the thaw, as there 
 was but one major-general in camp besides himself, and as 
 an attack upon the American posts, over the ice-bound rivers 
 and bays, miglit be expected at any moment. The utmost 
 vigilance was the more desirable, as the English, particularly 
 in the month of January, had made a number of incursions, 
 from Staten Island, over the ice of the Kill van KuU, into 
 Elizabethtown and N'ewark, both of which were undefended, 
 and as this war of outposts was almost disastrous to the 
 American troops. To prevent the recurrence of these mis- 
 haps Washington, on the 27th of January, 1780, appointed 
 General St. Clair to the chief command of a corps of two 
 
186 LIFEOP»KALB. 
 
 thousand men stationed there to rejDel the advance of the ene- 
 my/'' This general was expected not only to defend the 
 camp and the headquarters at Morristown against attack, 
 to cover the country bordering on the enemy's lines, and to 
 suppress all traffic with the city of New York, but also to as- 
 certain the position and the posts of the enemy along the 
 coast of New Jersey and Staten Island, and in short to insure 
 the safety of the American army. The task was equally re- 
 sponsible and difficult, and was well and efficiently performed 
 by General St. Clair. This officer having received a furlough, 
 Kalb received the command of this corps in his stead, on the 
 29th of February, 1780. On the 1st of March he repaired 
 to the lines. During the entire month, amid cold, snow, and 
 thaw, he had the hardest duty to perform, in visiting an ex- 
 tended line cf posts, reconoitring his positions, supervising 
 the troops, and inspecting, by turns, every important point 
 of the line. He was all day in the saddle, and moved his 
 quarters back and forth between Amboy, Elizabethtowm, 
 Newark, Springfield, Westfield, and Scotch Plains, and every 
 point possibly threatened by the English forces. 
 
 When the irost broke up in the month of March, another 
 line of tactics was required. Kalb was anxious to guard his 
 position against attacks by water, for which purpose he in- 
 creased the number of his watch boats, and, on the 20th of 
 March, wrote to Washington, as well as to General Greene, 
 the quartermaster-general, to procure the requisite number 
 of boats. 
 
 ®^ " I have received your favor of yesterday," Washington 
 writes from headquarters, Morristown, March 21, 1780, "en- 
 closing a letter for General Greene, which I shall not deliv*^r 
 to liim, as I know he has not at present the means of building 
 
LIFEOPKALB. 187 
 
 the boats you mention, I would therefore recommend to 
 you to put out the best of those, which you may find in the 
 several rivers, for the purpose of guard-boats. Upon refer- 
 ring to, and considering your former letter upon this subject, 
 I am of opinion that the stations which you then pointed 
 out will be dangerous, so far as they respect the distance be- 
 t^veen Elizabethtown and Amboy, the Sound there being so 
 exceedingly narrow, that a boat pushed suddenly from the 
 opposite shore in the night would more than probably take 
 ours. Besides, I do not think we are to look for a de- 
 scent in any considerable force from that quarter. The ene- 
 my have generally hitherto embarked either at Long Island 
 or upon the further side of Staten Island, and have come 
 through the Kills and across Newark Bay, thereby avoiding 
 all discovery from this shore, w^hich they would be subject 
 to anywhere between Elizabethtown and Amboy. Newark 
 Bay is, thereibre, in my opinion, the proper and the safe 
 place for your guard-boats to ply. It is of considerable ex- 
 tent, and a fleet of boats may be discovered either by their 
 working or by sight some time before their approach. We 
 have found, on repeated experiments, that the inhabitants will 
 not remove their stock until the moment of danger ; indeed, at 
 this season they have no j^laces to send them where they can 
 be supplied with food. I would therefore have you give as 
 general information as in your power, that an incursion of 
 the enemy may be expected, and recommend to the people to 
 drive back their stock upon the first communication of an 
 alarm. I do not think it probable that the enemy will put 
 their designs, if they have any, into execution while our Com- 
 missioners are sitting at Amboy. I mention this as a matter 
 of opinion only, and would not wish you to relax your vigi- 
 
188 LIFE O*' KALB. 
 
 lance on that account. You will, no doubt, have the signals 
 in the uttermost state of preparation, and keep a small party 
 stationed with alarm guns below Chatham." 
 
 After the receipt of this missive our hero remained in 
 command of the lines for about a fortnight longer. As both 
 parties refrained from acts of hostility during this period, the 
 question remained undecided w^hether Washington's or Kalb's 
 was the better opinion. On the 3d of April Kalb was relieved 
 from this duty, and ordered to return to the main army, 
 and march his division to tlie support of General Lincoln, 
 who commanded at Charleston. He arrived in Morristown 
 on the 4th of April, and left on the 5th for Philadelphia, 
 where, however, he arrived only after a wearisome journey of 
 three days, to enter, without delay, u|)on the preparations for 
 his Southern expedition. 
 
CHAPTEE X. 
 
 The Campaign in the South. — Importance of the Southern States to the 
 English. — Neglect op them at the Outset. — Capture of Savannah. — 
 Clinton Appreciates the Importance of Charleston. — Sails there 
 from New York, with Seven Thousand Men. — Siege of Charleston in 
 April and May, 1*780. — Washington sees the Danger and sends Re- 
 enforcements. — Duportail goes there as Engineer. — Inadequate Sup- 
 port. — The Maryland and Delaware Divisions, under Kalb, are put 
 under Marching Orders. — Congress Sanctions Washington's Plan. — 
 His Letter to the Board op War. — Kalb Goes to Philadelphia. — He 
 Makes his Preparations for the March. — Embarks his Troops at 
 Head of Elk. — Kalb Leaves Philadelphia the 13th of May, 1780. — 
 He Goes from Richmond to Petersburg. — His Letter of the 29th op 
 May. — Report of his Dispositions. — The State of Virginia is Luke- 
 warm, AND Does what Amounts to Nothing. — News of the Surrender 
 OF Charleston. — Kalb Marches Nevertheless. — He Reaches North 
 Carolina on the 20th op June. — Toilsome March. — Want of Transpor- 
 tation and Provisions. — North Carolina Does as Little as Virginia. — 
 Desperate State of Things. — The Promised Militia and Supplies not 
 Forthcoming. — Kalb at Deep River. — Is about to March into the 
 Mountains, when Relieved by Gates. — Greene Passed Over. — Char. 
 ACTER OF Gates. — Kalb's Letter to Gates. — Unvarnished Picture of 
 the Situation. — Gates Thinks he Knows Better. — His Arrival in 
 Camp. — Friendly Intercourse of the two Generals. — Gates Issues 
 Marching Orders. — All the Officers Oppose this Hasty Measure. — 
 Kalb's Useless Remonstrances. — Gates Infatuation. — The Army 
 Breaks Camp on the 2'7th of July, 1780, for South Carolina.— Pro- 
 visions and Forage not Sufficient for A Single Day. — False Repre- 
 sentations. 
 
 rpHE South, whither we are now to follow the steps of our 
 ^ hero, had been but sparingly and exceptionally drawn into 
 the sphere of British operations during the first years of the 
 
190 LIFECWPKALB. 
 
 war, partly because they had not sufficiently appreciated its 
 importance even in reference to Northern movements, and 
 partly because their forces had been too small to admit of 
 division. After the flight of the Royal Governors from Vir- 
 ginia and the Carolinas at the close of the year 17'75, the 
 English Admiral Parker, in Jane 1776, endeavored to retake 
 Charleston, and gain a foothold in South Carolina ; his re- 
 pulse by Moultrie led the British generals to abandon all further 
 attempts to repossess themselves of those provinces. After 
 this the South was left to its fate for upward of two years, 
 the war in the North occupying the undivided attention of 
 the royal army and navy. It was late in 1778 before Colo- 
 nel Campbell succeeded in making himself master of the im- 
 portant town of Savannah, where he was shortly reenforced 
 and superseded in command by General Prevost, who had 
 hitherto directed operations in Florida. Clinton immediately 
 sent Lord Cornwallis to Savannah, with what few troops 
 could be spared in the North, to bring hack Georgia to the 
 allegiance to the crown; but Cornwallis was compelled by 
 stress of weather to return, with great loss, and without 
 having accomplished his purpose. In the autumn of 1779 
 the French Admiral, Connt d'Estaing, on his return from the 
 West Indies, undertook to reduce Savannah, but lost too^ 
 much time in fruitless negotiations, and was compelled to 
 retire after an unsuccessful assault on the 9th of October, 
 which was the occasion of the fall of the Polish Count Pulas- 
 ki, on the Franco-American side. 
 
 This piece of good fortune on the part of the English at 
 once altered the entire aspect of affairs in America, and gave 
 thern time and opportunity to recover. The French fleet 
 separated, a part returning home and the remainder being 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 191 
 
 distributed between the harbors of Martinique and Gua- 
 deloupe, and Washington, deprived of d'Estaing's support, 
 could not execute his projected movement against New 
 York. Clinton now began to understand the importance of 
 the Southern provinces, and the necessity of holding them to 
 tlie success of a campaign in the North. Congress having no 
 money to give the French and Spaniards for munitions of 
 war, cannon, uniforms, and medicines, was obliged to pay 
 for them in productions such as indigo, rice, tobacco, and 
 turpentine, which were grown in the Southern colonies, and 
 exported from Charleston and Savannah. The first thing to 
 be done, therefore, was to take and occupy Charleston before 
 the setting in of the summer heats, and to control South 
 Carolina by means of itb port, as Georgia was controlled by 
 the possession of Savannah. Under these circumstances 
 Clinton had made up his mind to undertake an expedition in 
 the midst of winter ; and he himself set sail from New York 
 with seven thousand men on the 20th of December, 1779. 
 After a voyage of six weeks the fleet reached Savannah, and 
 then sailed up the coast to the islands southwest of Charles- 
 ton, where the troops disembarked the 10th and 11th of 
 February, 1780. On the 29th of March they crossed the 
 Ashley River about fourteen miles above the city, and opened 
 the siege on the 1st of April, which ended on the 12th of 
 May in the surrender of the town by General Lincoln. 
 
 Washington had no sooner seen the danger impending 
 over the latter, than he 1 ad made every eflTort to reenforce 
 him. Though he could hardly spare any troops himself, as 
 early as the 12th of December, 1779, before even Clinton 
 had left New York, he ordered the Virginia line^* to march 
 south immediately and unite with Lincoln, who was of 
 
192 LIFE of KALB. 
 
 course left in the lurch by the State militia. " Our safety," 
 Lincoln writes repeatedly to John Laurens from Charles- 
 town,^* " depends on the seasonable arrival of such reenforce- 
 ments as will oblige him (the enemy) to raise the siege." 
 Want of the most necessary articles of apparel and of trans- 
 portation detained the 737 regulars of Virginia at Peters- 
 burg till the beginning of March ; when, however, they 
 travelled a distance of five hundred and five English miles 
 by forced marches in thirty days, and on the Vth of April, 
 1780, reached Charleston,®^ invested by the enemy a week 
 before. In addition to these troops Washington sent Lincoln 
 an eminent engineer officer in the person of General Dupor- 
 tail (who, in 1791, became French minister of war), recom- 
 mending him as a most reliable adviser in all emergencies; 
 but Duportail also, without any fault of his, reached Charles- 
 ton only on the 25th of April, and found the position unten- 
 able, if not unexpectedly relieved by a strong force.®* When 
 it is considered that in those days it required four weeks to 
 communicate between Charleston and New York, it is easily 
 seen that upon receiving news of this character, dated in 
 February, at the beginning of April, Washington might still 
 believe in the possibility of rescuing Charleston by a pow- 
 erful body of troops. When, therefore, at the end of March 
 he heard of additional shipments of English troops going on 
 at New York, he took immediate steps to have the Maryland 
 and Delaware division in readiness to march to the further 
 support of Lincoln. 
 
 "Something should be hazarded here," Washington wntes 
 on April 2, 1780, from Morristown to the President," "rely- 
 ing on the internal strength of the country, for the purpose 
 of giving further succor to the Southern States, where there 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 193 
 
 is not the same dependence. I shall therefore put the Ma- 
 ryland line, and the Delaware regiment, which acts with it, 
 under marching orders immediately, and have directed pro- 
 visions to be made for transporting them as far as Philadel- 
 phia ; and I propose that their march, if practicable, should 
 commence on the sailing of the detachment from New York. 
 But before the measure is carried into execution, I shall be 
 happy to know the sense of Congress on its expediency. 
 The consequences may be very important either way, and I 
 wish to have their instructions for my government. 
 
 " In case the detachment is to march, its ulterior proceed- 
 ings and route from Philadelphia will depend on the orders 
 which Congress, or the Board of War, by their directions, 
 shall give ; for it is impossible for me, under our circum- 
 stances, to give directions upon this occasion. The quarter- 
 master and commissary-general are both in Philadelphia, and 
 will exert themselves, I am persuaded, to carry into execu- 
 tion any plan for the transportation and accommodation of 
 the troops that may be judged most eligible, as far as it may 
 be in their power. Baron de Kalb, who is now at the head 
 of the Maryland division, will command the detachment in 
 case it proceeds, and will set out to-morrow or the next day 
 for Philadelphia to assist and expedite the arrangements for 
 its future movements. If the troops could embark without 
 delay at the Head of Elk, and arrive safe in James River, it 
 would not only be a great ease to them, but it would expe- 
 dite their arrival at the southward, and prevent many deser- 
 tions, which will probably happen if they march through 
 their State. But how far this mode of proceeding may be 
 eligible, I will not pretend to determine, as the enemy, in case 
 they should be advised of it, which evei-y precaution of se- 
 9 
 
194 LIFEOfKALB. 
 
 crecy would be necessary to prevent, miglit, by sending 
 armed vessels into the bay, attempt to intercept them in 
 their passage. Major Lee's corps is under marching orders 
 for the southward, of which I have advised the Board of 
 "War, and the commanding officer is directed to proceed with 
 it as soon as he adjusts them with the proper arrangements.'* 
 
 As was mentioned at the close of the preceding chapter, 
 Kalb had returned to headquarters two days after the date 
 of the letter just quoted, by order of the commander-in- 
 chief, in order to proceed to Philadelphia as speedily as pos- 
 sible for the arrangement of his private affairs. Washing- 
 ton's letter of the 4th of April induced him to hasten his 
 departure, and set out on the following day. 
 
 " I have, in consequence of the opinion of the last council 
 of war," Washington writes to Kalb on April 4, 1780, from 
 Morristown,^" "left it with Congress finally to determine 
 upon the march of the Maryland division to tlie southward. 
 That no time may be lost in the transportation of the troops, 
 should Congress agree in sentiment with the council, I am to 
 desire you to proceed immediately to Philadelphia ; and if 
 you find, upon your arrival there, that the troops are to 
 move, concert with the Board of War and the commissary 
 and quartermaster-general the necessary arrangements for 
 their provision and accommodation. But should it be de- 
 termined that the march of the body of men alluded to is at 
 this time either inexpedient or unnecessary, you will be 
 pleased, after completing your private business, to return to 
 your command in the army. If you proceed to the south- 
 ward, I wish you a safe and expeditious march, and every 
 success that you can possibly desire." 
 
 On Kalb's arrival at Philadelphia on the 8th of Apri^l, 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 195 
 
 he found that Congress had already decided to accept Wash- 
 ington's suggestion. He therefore remained where he was, 
 and engaged in the preparations necessary for the march of 
 his troops. 
 
 / " In consequence of the detachment the enemy are now j 
 making," Washington writes to Lincohi, April 15, 1780, i 
 " it has been determined to march the Maryland division of 
 about 2,000 men to your assistance ; but our situation here 
 will not permit it to move before it is certain the enemy's 
 detachment has sailed. Baron de Kalb will command this 
 division. This reenforcement, in all probability, will be too 
 late to have any influence upon the fall of Charleston ; but 
 if that should fall, it may serve to check the progress of the 
 British troops, and prevent their getting entire possession of 
 the State. If they succeed against Charleston, there is much 
 reason to be '.ieve the Southern States will become the prin- 
 cipal theatre of the war." 
 
 It having been ascertained that the hostile detachment 
 had sailed from New York on the Yth of April, the Mary- 
 land division broke their camp at Morristown on the 16th, 
 and marched, in the first instance, to Philadelphia.®'^ Here 
 Kalb superintended their equipment, and sent the infantry, 
 numbering about 1,400 men, to Head of Elk (now Elkton), 
 the northernmost point of Chesapeake Bay, where they em- i 
 barked on the 3d of May for Petersburg, Virginia, while the / 
 artillery, with the baggage and ammunition, proceeded south 
 by land. 
 
 " The providing the troops under my command," Kalb 
 says in a letter to Washington from Philadelphia, on May 
 12, 1780, " with every necessary for their march, has been 
 attended with many difficulties and delays which it was not 
 
196 LIFE OF 
 
 KALB. 
 
 in my power to remove as soon as I could have wished ; and, 
 therefore, I was not able to give a satisfactory account to 
 your Excellency before now. 
 
 " The Board of War have fixed upon Richmond as the 
 place of rendezvous for the whole. The two brigades em- 
 barked at the Head of Elk, the artillery, ammunition, and 
 baggage proceeded by land. I shall set out to-morrow 
 morning. I should have done it many days ago had I not 
 been detained by the Board of War and of the Treasury. 
 I should have been happy to see the Marquis de Lafayette, 
 but would not lose a moment in going on. 
 
 " From Richmond I will write to your Excellency the 
 situation of the troops, the number of recruits joined on the 
 march, and the measures I shall take to march with most 
 expedition." 
 
 Kalb himself left Philadelphia the following day, May 
 13th, was detained two days at Annapolis, waiting for mon- 
 eys to be paid by the treasurer of the State of Maryland, and 
 arrived at Richmond on the 22d. Finding that Governor 
 Jefferson had removed the rendezvous of the troops twenty- 
 three miles southward to Petersburg, Kalb went there on the 
 next day. Here the last transports of his division had just 
 arrived, and he was kept busy night and day, contending 
 with innumerable difficulties, and obliged to deny himself 
 all rest until the troops could be hurried into marching 
 order. 
 
 " How gladly," writes Kalb from Petersburg, May 29, 
 to his wife and his friend Holtzendorff, '' would I have tar- 
 ried a few days in Philadelphia, to await the arrival of the 
 Marquis de Lafayette, announced in your last letters. I had 
 hundreds and hundreds of questions to ask him, and would 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 197 
 
 have beeu glad to have chatted with him for some hoars ; 
 but it was impossible to postpone my departure even a sin- 
 gle day, as my troops were already on the march for this 
 place, and as the fate of Charleston evidently depends upon 
 the succor to be brought by me. It is to be hoped that I 
 shall come in time, but I cannot be there before the end of 
 June. Everything seems to have conspired against me and 
 the interests of the service. Come what may, hoAvever, I will 
 not have the blame of any delay laid at my door. I have 
 under my orders the troops of Maryland and Delaware, Lee's 
 corps, and a regiment of artillery wuth twelve pieces. I have 
 been promised further reenforcements of militia from Virginia 
 and North Carolina ; but such is the dilatory manner in which 
 all things are done here, that I cannot depend upon them, 
 much less wait for them. To-morrow and next day my 
 troops, divided into three brigades, will take up their line 
 of march, provided always the long-promised wagons are 
 forthcoming. In spite of the haste with which I shall move, 
 it is very possible that the fate of Charleston will have been 
 decided before my arrival. For, although the city has long 
 been threatened with a siege, and the enemy was in close 
 proximity for a long time before he could complete the in- 
 vestment, although, thereibre, there was the largest abun- 
 dance of time to stock it with supplies, yet I fear this essen- 
 tial matter has been entirely overlooked, or has received the 
 necessary attention only when it was too late.'' 
 
 The State of Virginia did not furnish the promised wagons, 
 or left them unprovided longer than had been represented. 
 Suffolk County bound itself for forty wagons, and Richmond 
 for twelve, while the remainder w^ere to be procured in 
 Peter.sburg. June arrived, how^ever, before a few of the 
 
198 LIFE O:^ KALB. 
 
 wagons came straggling in. For this reason Kalb could not 
 despatch the first brigade of his little corps before the first of 
 June. The other wagons came so sparingly, that he loa"ded 
 those he had with the tents, and ordered the soldiers, not- 
 withstanding the heat of the season, to carry their own bag- 
 gage, and, to save further parley, started the second brigade 
 on the sixth of June, while he brought up the rear with the 
 third on the 8th. He took the route by way of Taylor's 
 Ferry to Hillsborough and Salisbury. 
 
 " I meet with no support, no integrity, and no virtue in 
 the State of Virginia," Kalb writes about this time to his 
 friend Dr. Phyle, of Philadelphia, "and place my sole reliance 
 on the French fleet and army, which are coming to our re- 
 lief. For my part, I expect a most toilsome campaign, having 
 been detained much too long by the non-arrival of ray 
 wagons." ^* Before setting out for the South, Kalb received 
 the confirmation of his fears respecting the fate of Charleston. 
 The modifications in his plans which this sad event made 
 necessary, are explained in the following letter to the Boaid 
 of War from Petersburg, June 6, 1780 : 
 
 " I am this moment informed by Major Jamison," he writes, 
 " vvho arrived from Georgetown, South Carolina, that Charles- 
 ton capitulated on the 12th May, our garrison prisoners of 
 war, the enemy advancing this side Georgetown, their forces 
 in that quarter unknown, but that their army under Gen. 
 Clinton was with a late reenforcement he received about 12,- 
 000. No certainty where Gov. Rutledge is with the troops 
 under his command, and have sent orders to the first brigade 
 and artillery to halt where they are until I shall join with the 
 second brigade. I suppose my letters will find them not far 
 from Salisbury. There I will consider what steps to take, if a 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 199 
 
 j unction with Gov. Rutledge may be expected, and whether 
 there will be any prospect of obtaining militia from Virginia 
 and North Carolina ; but even then the enemy will be still 
 vastly superior in number. I am determined to be on the 
 defensive until reenforcement, and further orders and direc- 
 tions either from your Board, Congress, or the Commander- 
 in-chief. By Major Jamison I also understand that Col. 
 i^rmand's corps is in Wilmington. The State artillery of Vir- 
 ginia moved from this place twenty-eight days ago by the 
 same road I am m ;rching ; they are supposed to be actually 
 about Camden or with Gov. Rutledge." * 
 
 While the fall of Charleston had frustrated the main object 
 of Kalb's mission, it by no means superseded the necessity of 
 his march South ; on the contrary, the case had been foreseen 
 and provided for by his instructions. As yet the enemy had 
 not gained a footing anywhere in North or South Carolina, 
 outside of Charleston. It was important to form a strong 
 nucleus for the militia, to encourage and organize the Whigs, 
 to repress the Tories, to harass the enemy in his contemplated 
 advance, to cut off his supplies, and to injure him in every 
 possible way. The State of Virginia, unarmed and helpless as 
 it was, now awoke to its own interest sufficiently to do all in 
 its power" toward facilitating Kalb's movements, and send- 
 ing out his corps to the defence of the State frontier ; but, in 
 consequence of the utter want of means, all the preparations 
 made and assistance rendered were so meagre, so far below 
 the most moderate estimates and expectations, that Kalb's 
 advance was of the very slowest. It was not before the 20th 
 of June that he reached the boundary of North Carolina. 
 His first letter from this State is dated at Goshen, Grenville 
 County, the 21st of June, and is addressed to his wife." 
 * Literal Copy. 
 
200 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 " Here I am at last," he says, " considerably south, suffer- 
 ing from intolerable heat, the worst of quarters, and the most 
 voracious of insects of every hue and form. The most disa- 
 greeable of the latter is what is commonly called the tick, a 
 kind of strong black flea, which makes its way under the skin, 
 and by its bite produces the most painful irritation and in- 
 flammation, which lasts a number of days. My whole body is 
 covered with these stings. I do not yet know whether the 
 strength and the movements of the enemy, and the difficulty 
 of feeding my little army, will permit me to advance two 
 hundred miles further to the borders of this State. I have 
 ordered several detachments to rendezvous to-morrow thirty- 
 three miles from here, if a violent storm does not prevent us 
 from effecting a junction. Of the violence of thunderstorms 
 in this part of the world Europeans cannot form any idea."J^ 
 
 The further southward the little corps penetrated, the 
 more difficult the march became. With every mile travelled 
 the supply of provisions and transportation diminished. At 
 Hillsborough Kalb was compelled to lie idle a number of 
 days, to give his exhausted soldiers an opportunity to rest 
 and refresh themselves as far as possible. He was in hopes, 
 also, of meeting at this place the promised militia of Virginia 
 and North Carolina ; but the number that arrived was com 
 paratively trifling. Hence he marched on in a southwesterly 
 direction to Greenborough, until, on the 6th of July, he 
 reached Wilcox's Iron Works, on Deep River, where he was 
 again brought to a halt by want of provisions. 
 
 "Since last giving you some account of myself at 
 Goshen," says Kalb, writing to his wife on the 7th of July 
 from his camp on Deep River,°® " I have had to make most 
 fatiguing marches, endure much heat, and overcome great 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 201 
 
 difficulties ; but am still far from the end. It is even possible 
 that after having reached the goal assigned myself, I shall be 
 compelled to retreat without striking a blow, for want of pro- 
 visions. What a difference between warfare in this coun- 
 try and in Europe ! They who do not know the former, 
 know not what it is to contend against obstacles. I would 
 fain be rid of my command, than which there can be noth- 
 ing more annoying or difficult. My present position 
 makes me doubly anxious to return to you as soon as pos- 
 sible.'L? 
 
 The State of North Carolina had not made the slightest 
 arrangements for the subsistence of the Union troops, but 
 devoted its attention exclusively to its own militia, many of 
 whom, being of royalist sentiments, had to be forced into 
 the service. Kalb's requisitions and remonstrances had no 
 effect whatever upon the State executive. He was thus com- 
 pelled to send out foraging parties, under discreet officers, 
 to collect provisions at a season when very few harvests are 
 garnered. A considerable part of the population were liv- 
 ing upon the remnants of the last corn crop, and the next, 
 though very promising, had not yet ripened. Hence, in 
 spite of the most stringent orders to take but a part of the 
 contents of each granary, many a farmer suffered severely. 
 In this precarious condition the army continued for several 
 days ; but as the stock of provisions in the vicinity of the 
 camp was speedily exhausted, the alternative presented itself 
 of either procuring them from a greater distance, or march- 
 ing to where they were more plentiful. The former was im- 
 practicable, as Kalb was totally without transportation ; he 
 concluded, therefore, to resort to the latter expedient, after 
 having first enlarged the beat of his foraging parties, directed 
 
202 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 a little magazine to be erected at Cox (or Wilcox's) Mills, 
 and encamped in the neighborhood of Buffalo Ford. 
 
 But all this was far from sufficient to provide the indis. 
 pensable necessaries for his troops ; the little meat that could 
 be provided was of half-starved cattle collected from the 
 woods and bushes where it bad wintered. Inactivity, bad 
 nourishment, and the difficulty of preserving discipline, have 
 often proved fatal to troops, where no immediate danger is 
 apprebended, and have been the i-uin of entire armies; but 
 in this instance the assiduity of the officers, and the patience 
 and fortitude of the rank and file, upheld the order and har- 
 mony of the command, and even the ardor of the individual 
 soldier." 
 
 Kalb did not fail to report his condition to Congress, and 
 to reiterate his solicitations with the executive of North 
 Carolina. He had been amused with promises of abundant 
 sujiplies, and of a strong reenforcement of North Carolina 
 militia, which had then taken the field under the command 
 of Major-General Caswell. But the supplies never came, 
 and the commander of the militia, w^ho thirsted for personal 
 distinction, employed his men in little expeditions against 
 the seditious or discontented inhabitants, w^ho had taken 
 refuge in the woods, swamps, and bushes, to escape from the 
 service of their country. 
 
 Kalb vainly requested General Caswell to join him, and 
 found it useless to wait longer for supplies for his troops in a 
 country where everything was being destroyed by the ma- 
 rauding militia. He hesitated, therefore, whether to dis- 
 credit Caswell's lamentations about scarcity of provisions, 
 and form a junction with him, or to march higher up into the 
 country, and endeavor to gain the fertile shores of the Yad- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 203 
 
 kiu. Before coming to a decision he was notified of the 
 speedy arrival of General Gates, who, immediately after the 
 intelligence of the surrender of Charleston, had been ap- 
 pointed by Congress to succeed Lincoln as commander-in- 
 chief of the Southern army."° 
 
 In October, 1777, General Gates, as is well known, had 
 captured the English general, Burgoyne, with his whole 
 army, by which brilliant success, not so much his own merit 
 as that of his predecessor. General Schuyler, he had suddenly 
 achieved a wide-spread reputation. In consequence of this 
 decisive victory he Avas regarded by the masses, who always 
 judge by results, as one of the greatest generals, and looked 
 upon himself as a military genius. Hairbrained, haughty, 
 and conceited as he was, he ranked himself above Washing- 
 ton and intrigued against hira, imbued other coxcombs and 
 intriguers with an exalted idea of his merits and services, 
 and even had a powerful party in Congress. Lincoln being 
 a prisoner, it was the more important to appoint an imme- 
 diate successor, as a new army could not be sent to the 
 South. Kalb had had no opportunity of distinguishing him- 
 self. He was rarely seen at the capital, took no trouble to 
 obtain influential friends or patrons, and therefore, although 
 his great experience and cool circumspection would have 
 fitted him admirably for the leadership in that part of the 
 scene of war, he was rarely or never mentioned as a candi- 
 date for the succession to this highly-responsible post. Be- 
 sides, there was, in the person of General Greene, an ofiicer 
 of older rank and higher merit, who had the first claims to 
 this distinction, and who was the choice of Washington for 
 the position. But Congress had no sooner heard of the lall 
 >f Charleston, with almost unbecoming haste, and without 
 
204 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 waiting for the proposals of the commander-in-chief, or tak- 
 ing his opinion, they, on tlie 1:5th of June, 1780, appointed 
 Gates to lead the Army of the South. It was supposed that 
 the mere name of the conqueror of Saratoga would raise the 
 drooping spirits, and that one so successful as Gates could 
 not but prove a match for Lord Cornwallis. Gates was on 
 his plantation in Virginia when he received the news of his 
 appointment. He accepted it with thanks, and at once has- 
 tened South, in the confident hope of achieving new tri- 
 I umphs, and finishing the war at a blow. " Take care," ci'ied 
 his old friend and fellow-intriguer, Charles Lee, at parting, 
 " lest your Northern laurels turn to Southern willows." "^ 
 But Gates did not take care. 
 
 Kalb received the announcement of his appointment, 
 through Gates himself, on the loth of July, at his camp on 
 Deep River. We have seen by the letter to his wife above 
 quoted, that under the circumstances in piomptly and cheer- 
 fully surrendering the chief command into the hands of the 
 new-comer, he acted not so much from a sense of resignation 
 or self denial, as with a feeling of indescribable relief from 
 almost insupportable responsibilities. Honor and renown 
 were not to be acquired in North Carolina ; of this Kalb had 
 Jong become convinced. Nothing was to be done except to 
 evade the hostile forces, to avoid a decisive engagement, and, 
 as far as possible, to amuse the enemy for months to come, 
 while waiting for supports in way of troops, ammunition, and 
 provisions ; and even then the small number of troops and 
 the ill discipline of the militia made success highly question- 
 able. 
 
 " I am happy by your arrival," Kalb wr es July 16, 1780. 
 from his camp on the Deep River to Gates,* " for I have strug- 
 * Literal copy. 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 205 
 
 gled with a good many difficulties for provisions ever since I 
 arrived in this State ; and altho' I have put the troops on short 
 allowance for bread, we cannot get even that ; no flour laid in, 
 and no disposition made for any but what I have done by 
 military authority ; no assistance from the legislative or exec- 
 utive power ; and the greatest unwillingness in the people to 
 part with anything. Of all this I will give you a more par- 
 ticular account at your arrival. The design I had to move 
 nearer the enemy to drive them from Pedee River, a plentiful 
 country, has been defeated by the impossibility of subsisting 
 on the road, and no immediate supplies to be depended on in 
 the first instance after a difficult march. 
 
 " I will prepare exact returns towards the time I shall have 
 the pleasure of seeing you, of the regular troops of the de- 
 partment, but I could hardly depend on any but the Maryland 
 and Delaware regiments of my division, with a small number 
 of artillerymen and Col. Armand's legion, and all those very 
 much reduced by sickness, discharges, and desertion. This 
 induced me to leave three pieces of artillery at Roanoke River 
 and to send some six to Hillsborough, having kept eight, 
 which I thought sufficient for so small an army. 
 
 "I am to move towards Coxe's Mill higher up on Deep 
 River, where I am to be joined by the N"orth Carolina militia 
 under Major-general Caswell, of about 1,200. The Virginia 
 militia are still at Hillsborough, as you will be informed there. 
 You may also have met with a small party of Col. Buford's re- 
 mains ; I wanted to keep them in the army, but wanting arms 
 and clothing he insisted on marching them to Virginia, and 
 promised me he would join in the beginning of July. I have 
 not heard from him since. Col. Washington's and Col. White's 
 regiments of horse are at Halifax, it is said, unfit for service. I 
 
206 LIFE OF'KALB. 
 
 have wrote to them both several times to know their situations, 
 but could not obtain an answer as yet ; there were two troopa 
 of Virginia State light-horse under Major Nelson in so bad 
 order in respect to horses, wanting saddles and every article 
 of accoutrement, that I have sent them to Halifax to refit and 
 recruit. 
 
 '• Col. White has left 25 of his light-horse at Hillsborough, 
 they might serve you for an escort ; if you order one from 
 camp to meet you, let me be informed thereof in time. You 
 will find the army in a few days at or near Coxe's Mill; your 
 shortest road will be by Lindley's Mill, Cob Taxton, and 
 Rocky River ; your wagons, if you have any, would go better 
 by Chatham Court House ; your quarters will be marked near 
 camp." 
 
 " Yesterday I had the honor," Gates answers from Hills- 
 borough, July 20, 1780, "to receive your obliging letter of 
 the 16th instant, dated from your camp on Deep River. I am 
 astonished at your distress and difficulties, and have ever 
 since my arrival here upon last Tuesday been endeavoring to 
 alleviate them. I have sent despatches to the Governor and 
 Executive Council of this State, to Governor Jefferson of Vir- 
 ginia, and to Congress ; in all these you may be satisfied I have 
 endeavored to describe our real situation, so as that no mis- 
 take may be enteriained upon that head. Enough has already 
 been lost in a vain defence of Charleston; if more is sacri- 
 ficed. I think the Southern States are undone, and this may 
 go nearly to undo the rest. I think all my writing business 
 will be finished to-day ; if so, I shall set out to-morrow for 
 camp, and hope to be with you on Saturday. The troops as 
 you mention for my escort here are without horses, and many 
 of them sent by Capt. Gun to Halifax. I will acquaint you 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 207 
 
 to-morrow the route I intend to come, and request an escort to 
 meet me at a certain spot I will name." 
 
 Gates only reached camp on the 25th of July. Kalb re- 
 ceived him with studied courtesy, and with a salute of thir- 
 teen guns. Gates was equally polite, confirmed all the stand- 
 ing orders of his predecessor, but, to the greatest amazement 
 of the latter, announced to the troops at his first review, that' 
 they must expect to march at a moment's notice. He evi- 
 dently wanted to distinguish himself by a quick and energetic 
 advance, in contrast with the previous involuntary slowness 
 of movement; but in point of fact his orders of July 26th, 
 commanding the troops to march on the direct road for Cam- 
 den on the following day, betrayed his total ignorance of the 
 true state of affairs, and especially of the condition of the 
 soldiers who had been but a single day in his charge. 
 
 Kalb induced Colonel Williams, who had hitherto acted 
 as his adjutant-general, and who was an old friend of Gates, 
 to remonstrate with the latter on the hazard of the step he 
 was about to take. Williams proved to him for that purpose 
 that the district of country to be traversed was naturally 
 sterile, full of sandy plains alternating with numerous swamps, 
 and but very thinly settled. He strove to convince him that 
 the desired stock of provisions and forage which had been 
 collected on the banks of the streams crossing the route, had 
 been already exhausted, or carried off by the enemy or by 
 hordes of bandits, who, under the designation of Tories, had 
 retreated before the persecutions of those who were called 
 Whigs, and who, by incessant depredations, and by removing 
 even the little remnant of provisions, could infellibly reduce 
 his little army to the verge of starvation. On the other hand 
 Williams represented to General Gates that by taking a more 
 
208 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 northwesterly direction, near where the Pedee loses the name 
 of Yadkin, he would strike the town of Salisbury, lying in the 
 midst of a fertile country, with a patriotic population. He 
 further remarked that the latter route had been the choice 
 of the most circumspect and efficient of the officers, with 
 General Kalb at their head, partly because it promised the 
 most abundant supply of all sorts of provisions, partly because 
 in case of a reverse it offered the sick and wounded a secure 
 asylum at Salisbury or Charlotte, as the militia of the coun- 
 ties of Mecklenburg and Rowan, in which those towns are 
 eituate, were devoted to the cause of independence; and 
 finally because it was the most favorable locality for the erec- 
 tion of the contemplated workshop for the repair of arms. In 
 conclusion, Williams submitted to his commander, that the 
 supplies coming from the North would find this the safest route 
 to the camp ; that the ad van cage of taking the enemy's out- 
 posts in the flank was not to be despised even when obtained 
 at the expense of such a circuit ; and that the army itself might 
 then advance upon the most important of these outposts at 
 Camden with the Wateree on its right flank, and its friends 
 in the rear. 
 
 To give all these considerations the more weight with the 
 commanding general, they had been drawn up in writing, and 
 signed by the leading officers. On the representations of 
 Williams, who presented this memoiial, Gates promised to 
 convene all the stafi" officers for consultation at noon of the 
 first day of the march ; but such was his infatuation that he 
 refused to listen to their advice, and never even invited them 
 to a conference.^"* 
 
 The marching order accordingly remained in force. On 
 the 27th of July the army broke camp and proceeded south- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 209 
 
 ward. The complaint that there were not provisions and forage 
 for a single day, was disposed of with the remark that the 
 wagons coming from the North, laden with provisions, par- 
 ticularly rum, would come up with the army in two days at 
 farthest. 
 
CHAPTEE XI. 
 
 Camp Broken July 27, 1780. — March to the South. — Kalb in Command of 
 A Division. — Povertt and Desolation of the Country to be Traversed. 
 — The Soldiers Badly Clothed and Fed. — The Promised Supplies 
 FAIL to Arrive. — Gates Expects Assistance from the State of North 
 Carolina. — Is Disappointed. — Gates' Letter to Governor Nash. — 
 Threatened Mutiny Among thk Troops. — Gates begins to Appreciate 
 the Difficulties which Surround Him. — His Excuses. — Kalb in favor 
 OF Taking the Road which Leads to the Right. — Gates Forms a 
 Junction with the North Carolina Militia under Caswell. — Con- 
 tentment of the Troops. — Negligence of the Militia. — Position of 
 THE Enemy. — Rawdon and Cornwallis. — The Former takes a Posi- 
 tion on Little Lynch Creek, Fifteen Miles North of Camden. — 
 Strong Position op the Enemy. — Gates Makes no Attempt to Flank 
 Him, but Turns Off to the Right. — Lord Rawdon Concentrates his 
 Forces at Camden. — Gates Weakens Himself by Sending a Detach- 
 ment TO Sumter. — His Army on the Eve of the Battle. — Departure 
 from Clermont for Camden. — Order of March. — Lord Cornwallis at 
 Camden. — An American Council of War Resolves to Attack Him. — 
 Strength of the American Forces. — Kalb is Opposed to a Battle. — 
 Gates Elated.— He Regards Cornwallis as his Prisoner in Advance. 
 — Cornwallis also Resolves to Give Battle. — His Motives. — Both 
 Armies Break Camp on the 15th op August. — They Meet Half-way 
 Between Clermont and Camden. — Skirmish of Outposts. — Gates Calls 
 A Council of War. — Orders the Attack. — Kalb Silent. — His Reasons. 
 — Advantages of the Ground on the Side ofthe British. — Their Or- 
 der of Battle, and that of the Americans. — Advantages of the 
 English Position. — Gates' Errors. — Cornwallis takes Prompt Advan- 
 tage OF them. — He Orders the Attack. — Flight of the American 
 Centre and Left Wing. — Gates Involved in it. — Kalb in Command on 
 THE Field of Battle. — His Vigorous Resistance and Fall. — Bravery 
 OF THE Maryland Division. — It is Overcome by Numbers, and Flies. 
 Loss of the Americans.— Kalb Stripped to his Shibt. — He Bleeds 
 
LIFEOFKALB. 211 
 
 FROM Eleven Wounds. — Cornwallis Recognizes Him. — He is Brought 
 TO Camden. — Dies There on the 19th of August. — His Last Letter 
 to his Soldiers. — His Funeral. — Testimony of Gates and Washing- 
 ton. — Congress Resolves to Erect a Monument to Kalb at Annapo- 
 lis. — Its Inscription.— The Resolution Never Executed. 
 
 nnHE march of the little army, which, for want of horses, 
 ^ was even compelled to leave behind two of its eight 
 field-pieces at Deep River, took the direction of Buffalo Ford 
 and the enemy's advanced posts on Lynch Creek, whence it 
 proceeded directly toward Camden in South Carolina, where 
 Lord Rawdon was then posted. Gates hoped to induce him 
 to retreat without firing a gun, and in that case to follow 
 him up to Charleston itself. 
 
 Kalb was again in command of his division of the " Grand 
 Army," as the force of about three thousand men was called 
 by the commanding general in the orders of the day of July 
 26th. Cotton's Farm was reached on the 28th of July, and 
 Kimborough's on the 29th. On the 30th and 31st the march 
 was interrupted by a terrific thunderstorm. The land traversed 
 was poor and desolate, hardly reclaimed from its natural 
 condition, and rather worse even than the gloomy descriptions 
 which had been made of it. The first rude eftbrts at civiliza- 
 tion and culture which appeared here and there, had been 
 either abandoned by their owners or plundered by their 
 neighbors. All men had fled this wilderness, many of them 
 to join some of the numerous bands of adventurers who 
 held out promises of protection to their adherents until the 
 anxiously expected English soldiery should arrive. In conse- 
 quence, the distress and misery of the troops increased from 
 day to day. They were told that the banks of the Pedee 
 were exceedingly fertile — and so they proved ; but the pre- 
 ceding harvest was exhausted, and the green corn, though 
 
212 LIFE Of' KALB. 
 
 fair and plentiful, not yet ripe enough to be eaten. Many of 
 the soldiers, driven by hunger, cut the green ears, and 
 boiled them with the meat of the half-starved cattle found in 
 the woods. A meal of this sort was not unpalatable, but had 
 the most destructive effect on the health of the troops. In 
 the absence of bread, half-ripe peaches were also consumed, 
 with similar results. The officers, aware of the danger of 
 such nourishment taken without any salt, and with a trifling 
 addition of lean meat, eat nothing but the latter, boiled or 
 roasted. It occurred to some of them that the hair-powder 
 which they carried would thicken the soup ; and they used 
 it as food."^ The supplies of provisions and rum, promised 
 by Gates on taking up the line of march, were, of course, not 
 forthcoming; but the soldiers were again consoled and 
 amused with a fresh instalment of splendid promises. The 
 late storm, it was said, had detained the provision trains, but 
 an abundance would shortly arrive, and the general would 
 take every precaution to prevent a return of such privations. 
 Kelying on this assurance, the soldiers bore up against hun- 
 ger and want with patient resignation and unbroken forti- 
 tude. 
 
 The little army reached the Pedee on the second, and 
 crossed it on the 4th of August at Mark's Ferry, where it 
 formed a junction with the inconsiderable corps of Lieutenant- 
 colonel Porterfield, an excellent officer. Gates' eyes were 
 now being opened. He wrote to the Governor of North Caro- 
 lina from this point, begging him for a speedy shipment of 
 provisions, to save his troops from starvation. As if Kalb'a 
 bitter experiences had not sufficed to convince a circumspect 
 commander that the indolent executive of that State could not 
 be depended on for anything whatever! Gates now suffered 
 
LIFE OF KALB 213 
 
 severely for his gasconade ; but, unfortunately, his soldiers 
 suffered even more than he did. His letter of August 3d, to 
 Governor Nash, shows that all the fair promises he had made 
 were based upon nothing but the simple-hearted assumption 
 that the State of North Carolina would hasten to honor the 
 requisition of a Federal general. 
 
 "I had the honor to address your Excellency from Hills- 
 borough, the 19th ult., by General Huger," Gates says in this 
 letter, " but have as yet received no answer. The distress this 
 army has suffered and still continues to suffer for want of 
 provisions has perhaps destroyed the finest opportunity that 
 could be presented of driving in the enemy's advanced posts, 
 in all likelihood even unto Charleston, Lord Cornwallis is 
 believed to be gone to Savannah, has weakened his main 
 body at Camden, where Lord Rawdon commands, and with- 
 drawn the troops from Augusta, Cheraw, and Anson Court 
 House. I'm astonished that I have not intelligence of any 
 flour coming to me from the interior part of tlie State. Your 
 Excellency cannot believe this miserable country, already 
 ravaged by the enemy and gleaned by the militia under the 
 Generals Caswell and Rutherford, can afford a handful to me. 
 I must believe, from your Excellency's letter in answer to 
 mine from Richmond, that you had then done all you thought 
 necessary to provide us. I am anxious that this letter should 
 find your Excellency and the Executive Council at Hills- 
 borough, exerting all your authority and influence to supply 
 your almost famished troops ! Flour and rum are the ariiclea 
 the most in request in this climate, which bad water contrib- 
 ute to render more unwholesome. Rum is as necessary to 
 tlie health of the soldier as good food. Without these full 
 hospitals and a thin army will be all your State or that of 
 
214 LIFE OF K ALB. 
 
 Congress can depend on in the Southern Department. For 
 my own part, I have never lost one moment in pressing the 
 array forward, from the instant I joined them to this moment ; 
 and when I can do more it shall be done. Depend not, sir, 
 upon commissaries. They will deceive you. Depend only 
 upon honest men of sound Whig principles, and whose s6uls 
 are superior to sordid gain. General Stevens and the Virginia 
 militia is halted at Buffalo Ford, fifty miles in my rear, and 
 cannot proceed for want of provisions. General Rutherford's 
 division have tents. I hope those I Avrote for to your Excel- 
 lency are in a fair way to be sent forward. I march to- 
 morrow at daybreak." 
 
 Neither supplies nor reenforcements came, and yet Gates 
 could not remain where he was, and was compelled to ad- 
 vance. He rair^'ied first to Deep Creek, where he arrived 
 on the 6th o." August, and rested until the 1th. The men 
 w^ere again quieted with the prospect of an abundance of 
 provisions at May's Mill, and induced by these representations 
 to obey the order of march with alacrity ; but, being again 
 disappointed, and almost dead with hunger, their patience 
 threatened at last to forsake them. They began to straggle, 
 to steal, and to plunder. Even those who remained in the 
 ranks looked dark and scowling, and a mutiny, which would 
 have produced the most deplorable consequences, was on the 
 point of breaking out, when the oflacers, mingling with the 
 men, and reasoning with them, succeeded in silencing the 
 murmurs for which there was, unfortunately, but too much 
 foundation. They showed their own empty canteens and 
 haversacks, and convinced the privates that the sufferings of 
 all were equal, exhorted them to bear up under the hardships 
 of the hour, and promised that if the expected supplies did 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 215 
 
 not very soon arrive, foraging parties should be sent out by 
 every corps in all directions, to collect what little com might 
 still be stored in the country, and bring it to the mill. 
 
 By great good fortune, it happened that, immediately 
 after this occurrence, a little stock of corn was brought into 
 the camp. The mill began to grind, and in a few hours the 
 soldiers were served with a meal such as they had long fore- 
 gone. This sudden turn of affairs restored the composure 
 of the men, and they conceived fresh hopes for the future. 
 Not so the officers, who, at their own request, had been last 
 served with rations. However, it was useless to complain to 
 the commanding general, as no one could advise him how to 
 extricate himself at a blow from the dilemma. Nevertheless 
 he was informed of what took place in the camp, and was 
 aware of the critical state of feeling among the troops. He 
 now began to appreciate the difficulties pressing upon him, 
 and, sensible of the responsibility incurred, he declared to 
 Colonel Williams, who since the 6th of August had acted as 
 adjutant-general in place of Major Armstrong, who was ill, 
 that he had been in a measure compelled to take the route he 
 had adopted. General Caswell, he proceeded to explain, had 
 evaded every order, both of Kalb and of Gates, to unite his 
 militia with the regular army, being evidently vain of his 
 independent command, and bent upon some enterprise flat- 
 tering to his personal ambition. He, Gates, would like to 
 see him soundly whipped, were it not that a defeat would 
 scatter his militia and leave the regulars without reenforce- 
 ments. Gates therefore considered it indispensable to coun- 
 teract the recklessness of Caswell, and to save him from 
 destruction, particularly as he commanded the only body of 
 militia that had been raised in the Carolinas. In this design 
 
216 LIFE 0¥ KALB. 
 
 the commanding general declared himself confirmed by the 
 supposition that Caswell, in spite of his protestations to the 
 contrary, was well supplied with provisions, which, after a 
 junction had been effected, would redound to the benefit of 
 his own people. He further justified his advance by saying 
 that after he had gone so far to meet the enemy, a retrograde 
 movement would not only discourage the troops, but alienate 
 the inhabitants, who had been induced by promises of obliv- 
 ion and protection to renounce the English and adhere to the 
 Union cause. 
 
 Kalb and Williams vainly answered these arguments by 
 representing the poverty of the country and the insincerity 
 and faithlessness of the inhabitants. Kalb was particularly 
 urgent to take the road on the right, which led through 
 fertile settlements and offered abundance of forage. Gates 
 adhered to his resolution, reverted to his former sell-delusions, 
 and flattered the soldiers with the prospect of plentiful sup- 
 plies which would be found on reaching the militia. The 
 little corn found in the neighborhood of May's Mill was 
 therefore collected, and the march on Camden continued. 
 
 On the afternoon of the oth of August Gates received a 
 letter from General Caswell, informing him of his intention 
 to attack a fortified post of the enemy on Lynch's Creek, 
 distant about fourteen miles from his camp. The com- 
 mander-in-chief therefore immediately resumed his march, to 
 effect a junction with the militia, and advanced with rapid 
 pace. His troops suffered dreadfully, but the good example 
 of the officers, who shared all their privations, repressed even 
 the faintest signs of dissatisraction. On the 6th of August, 
 however, Gates receive.d a second letter from Caswell, who 
 had in the mean time discovered that the enemy threatened 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 217 
 
 to attack him, and begged for speedy succor. This sudden 
 transition from the offensive to the defensive is no less char- 
 acteristic of Caswell's incompetence and want of military 
 judgment, than his vanity is revealed by the opening of the 
 letter, which was delivered by General W., one of his aids. 
 Gates rode over that same afternoon into Caswell's camp — 
 where he found the oiEcers at least living in abundance, and 
 in all other respects an almost unparalleled state of confusion 
 and disorder — and, having made the necessary arrangements, 
 effected his junction with the North Carolina militia on the 
 7th of August, at the crossroads distant about fifteen miles 
 from Lynch's Creek.'" 
 
 This event raised the spirits of the whole array, the mili- 
 tia being reassured on the subject of a hostile attack, and 
 the regulars, who forgot their privations and never dared to 
 express the slightest dissatisfaction, being flattered at the 
 confidence with which they inspired their new comrades. 
 The officers, also, were on the best of terms, and General 
 Caswell appeared to be entirely satisfied with the position 
 assigned him, of third in command. He commanded the 
 left wing, while Kalb was in charge of the right, composed 
 of regulars. Having united about noon, the little army ad- 
 vanced a few miles further in the direction of the hostile 
 post on Lynch's Creek, and then encamped according to 
 regulations. 
 
 Colonel Williams, who was as solicitous for the welfare of 
 the army as if he had been personally responsible for it, re- 
 quested Lieutenant-colonel Ford, the officer of the day, to 
 visit the guard with him at an unusual hour, in order to sat- 
 isfy himself of the safety of the left wing. The guards and 
 sentinels on the right wing were as vigilant as usual, and 
 10 
 
218 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 saluted the round with that readiness which inspires a sense 
 of security ; but on the left wing all was silent. The pa- 
 trolling officers were not once challenged, rode by the guards 
 without being stopped, and found their way unobstructed 
 even to the tents of generals and staff officers, some of whom 
 complained of this unnecessary disturbance at an hour so 
 unusual among gentlemen. The officers of the preceding 
 day were called, and guards and patrols arranged, to secure 
 the camp against surprise.*"® 
 
 On the morning of the 8th of August the enemy had 
 disappeared. Under the guise of offensive movements, the 
 officer commanding at Lynch's Creek had quitted this post, 
 and skilfully withdrawn all his force unmolested to a much 
 stronger position on Little Lynch's Creek. The latter was 
 but a day's march from Camden, which, being the depot of 
 provisions ibr the British troops scattered through the coun- 
 try, was strongly fortified and well garrisoned under Lord 
 Rawdon. That general had been, since the beginning of 
 June, in command of the advanced posts of the army, which 
 were destined to invade North Carolina, and only kept back 
 until the autumn by the heat and the want of provisions, 
 while Lord Cornwallis, who, since the return of Sir Henry 
 Clinton, had the command-in-chief of the four thousand 
 English troops scattered over the Southern provinces, had 
 his headquarters at Charleston. On receiving the news of 
 the approach of the Americans under Gates, Lord Rawdon 
 marched from Camden to meet them, took up a well-fortified 
 position at the distance of about fourteen miles from that 
 place, and called in the detachments which were scattered 
 over the country to support the foraging parties sent to scour 
 the land in all directions.*"' 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 219 
 
 Gates likewise directed bis march upon Little Lynch's 
 Creek. His situation was already desperate; he had no 
 choice. To turn to the left, toward Black River, was no 
 longer justifiable, because then Camden, with its hostile 
 garrison, would have been interposed between the army and 
 tlie reenforcements expected from Virginia, and because the 
 North Carolina refugees could not then have been attached 
 to the army. To advance on the right, by way of the flour- 
 ishing settlements on the Waxhaw, was now out of the 
 question, because a march to these regions, two or three 
 days' journey away from the road, would have resembled a 
 flight, and frightened off" the volunteers from North Caro- 
 lina. So the troops marched on without any fixed design 
 being entertained, or any one knowing what was next to be 
 done. Gates, however, began to reflect that it was danger- 
 ous to approach an enemy of whose strength he had no cer- 
 tain knowledge, and therefore ordered the heavy baggage, 
 as well as a part of the women and children following the 
 camp, back to Charlotte. On arriving at Little Lynch Creek 
 he found the enemy posted south of the stream, on a height 
 commanding the approaches. The road to it from the North 
 led over a dam to the steep bank of a creek which wound 
 its way through a deep, marshy bed, crossed by a wooden 
 bridge. A broad marsh extended northward from the creek, 
 which for miles could only be traversed in full view of the 
 hostile works. The enemy showed no disposition to give up 
 these advantages, without at least feeling the pulse of the 
 assailants ; and Gates saw that he must take the bull by the 
 horns if he would attack him in front. Had he possessed 
 sufl[icient military shrewdness, he would have turned Lord 
 Rawdon's Tank by a forced march up the creek, and entered 
 
220 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 Camden unopposed, where tlie royal troops had then not yet 
 found time to unite.^'" Instead of this he diverged from the 
 straight road to Camden, turned to the right, and ordered 
 Colonel Hall, with a body of about three hundred men, after 
 having covered the left wing until it should be safe from 
 surprise, to take up the rear of the column. 
 
 The Engh'sh discovered this manoeuvre in time, and thus 
 had leisure to return to Camden unmolested on the Ilth of 
 August, where they were joined by the British garrison hith- 
 erto posted at Clermont, or Rugeley's Mills, on the northern 
 road. Lord Rawdon concentrated all his forces at Camden, 
 and fortified the place as strongly as possible, in hourly ex- 
 pectation of the arrival of Lord Cornwallis from Charleston. 
 He had learned from his spies that General Stevens, with a 
 brigade of Virginia militia, was on the way to reenforce Gates, 
 and that Marion below Camden and Sumter above were call- 
 ing the inhabitants to arms ; in short, that in a few weeks the 
 whole country would once more be arrayed against the 
 British. He therefore suffered Gates to advance unmolested 
 to Clermont, about thirteen miles north of Camden, where 
 the Americans encamped on the 13th of August, and were 
 joined on the 14th by the Virginia militia under Stevens. 
 
 While Gates lay at Clermont, he received a despatch from 
 Sumter requesting reenforcements for his little troop, to ena- 
 ble him to intercept a train of goods on its way to Camden. 
 Without a moment's hesitation the commanding general com- 
 plied with this request, and, on the eve of a decisive struggle, 
 when every man and every gun was certain to be needed, he 
 detached Colonel Woolford, with four hundred men, one hun- 
 dred of them being regulars, and two guns, to Sumter's assist- 
 ance. This step admits of no explanation except the conjecture 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 221 
 
 that Gates expected Rawdon to evacuate Camden also, and 
 offer no resistance anywhere. But even on that supposition he 
 was not justified in weakening himself in the face of the enemy, 
 so as to be unprepared for contingencies. His course' was so 
 much the more to be censured as the train would have been 
 certain to fall into his hands at any rate if the anticipated 
 battle should end in a victory, while, in case of defeat, it was 
 equally sure to be recaptured from Sumter, even supposing 
 the latter to be successful in taking it. This last was the con- 
 tingency which actually occurred. Tarleton not only deprived 
 Sumter of everything he had captured a mile from Camden, 
 but also made prisoners of the greater part of Woolford's 
 command. 
 
 By the junction with the Virginians, the main army had 
 increased its numbers, but by no means its strength. The 
 expected supplies, also, were not forthcoming. The friends 
 of the American cause living in the vicinity of Camden were 
 so much surprised by the sudden ariival of Gates' troops, 
 whose approach on such secluded roads they had regarded as 
 an impossibility, that they had not made the slightest prepa- 
 rations for the transportation of piovisions and forage. Thus 
 the army lived from hand to mouth, without any stock of 
 necessaries. Stevens brought nothing except a few West 
 India productions, particularly m-olasses. This was issued to 
 the soldiers as a stimulant, in place of rum or whiskey, in 
 consideration of the excessive fatigues encountered during the 
 last two days. The consequ; nee was that the men, who had 
 subsisted almost exclusively ( n bread baked, or r.ither scorch- 
 ed, of half green corn, were seized with a violent diarrhoea 
 on the very eve of the battle, so that whole ranks were con- 
 stantly broken up on the march to Camden. 
 
222 LIFE OF»KA.LB. 
 
 On the 15th of August Gates sent the sick, the heavy 
 baggage, and all the camp equipage that could be spared, to 
 Washaw. This order was unfortunately not executed in time, 
 so that the baggage wagons fell into the hands of the enemy 
 after the loss of the battle. On the same day the order for 
 the march to Camden was issued, which was to be taken up 
 at ten o'clock in the evening in the following order : The 
 advance was formed by a part of Armand's legion, then came 
 the cavalry under Colonel Armand himself, whose right and 
 left flanks were covered by Colonel Potterfield and Major 
 Armstrong with the light infantry, marching in Indian file at 
 a distance of two hundred yards from the road. They were 
 followed in regular order by the First and Second Maryland 
 brigades and the North Carolina and the Virginia division, 
 each command being preceded by its artillery. The rear was 
 again covered by volunteer cavalry. In case of an attack by 
 the enemy's cavalry in front, the light infantry on either flank 
 were directed to advance immediately, and open a heavy fire, 
 under cover of which Colonel Armand was to resist the at- 
 tack, and, if possible, to drive the enemy. The troops were 
 commanded, on pain of death, to march in profound silence. 
 
 On issuing this order. Gates was ignorant that Cornwallis 
 bad in the mean time reenforced Lord Rawdon at Camden ; 
 while, on the other hand, he regarded his own command as 
 numbering seven thousand men. Adjutant-General Williams 
 speedily undeceived him on this head, by showing, from the 
 morning reports of the regiments, that on the morning of the 
 15th of August but 3,052 men were fit for duty. But be- 
 fore the app oach of Lord Cornwallis was known, and before 
 the ti'ue state of the forces could be submitted. Gates had 
 called a council of w^ar, and had laid his plan before them, 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 223 
 
 based on the erroneous estimate of his numbers. It wouhl 
 seem that no serious opposition was manifested, either because 
 the majority of the officers considered the imaginary seven 
 thousand men sufficient to overcome the British, or because 
 the subordinate generals had satisfied themselves of the futil- 
 ity of any objections, even if ever so well founded, to the pro 
 posals of the commander-in-chief. Kalb alone was strenuously 
 in favor of remaining at Clermont for the present, of still further 
 fortifying this naturally strong position, which, according to 
 the representations of Governor Nash, of North Carolina, a 
 hundred men could have held against the whole British force, 
 and of waiting for more definite information in regard to the 
 enemy, who might possibly have been reenforced. He further 
 showed that it would better suit the motley composition of 
 the American army to act on the defensive, than to stake the 
 result of the whole campaign on a single die, and adverted to 
 the fact that the raw militia composing the bulk of the force, 
 had never manoeuvred together, and therefore could not be 
 expected to form column, and still less to execute even more 
 difficult movements at night."* A consultation, however, 
 w^as not Gates' object ; he merely wanted the sanction of his 
 plan by the council, and caused it to be read without calling 
 for a vote. In spite, therefore, of the ill feeling provoked by 
 his conduct, which found expression after the close of the 
 sitting, and in spite of the indignation of Colonel Armand, in 
 being ordered, with his cavalry, to the front of an advancing 
 column in the depth of night, a measure contrary to every 
 principle of tactics, and in which that commander saw a piece 
 of petty revenge and insult levelled at himself, the dispositions 
 made by Gates were not departed from. The advice of the 
 "^.veteran trained in the school of Marshals Saxe and Loewen- 
 
224 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 dal, and in the manifold experience of the Seven Years' War, 
 remained unheard, and the army set out at the appointed 
 hour, in order, as the commanding general fondly dreamed, 
 to surprise the enemy at night and win an easy victory. 
 According to Thatcher, Gates is said to have answered the 
 remark of an officer, that possibly he might have Lord Corn- 
 wallis opposed to him, by saying that the English general 
 would not dare to meet him face to face. When another 
 officer, shortly before the march upon Camden, observed that 
 he was curious to know where he could dine to-morrow, the 
 confident general returned, "Dine, sir? why where but in 
 Camden ? I wouldn't give a pinch of snuff for the certainty 
 of eating my beefsteak at Camden to-morrow, and seeing Lord 
 Cornwallis my guest at the table." "'' 
 
 Henry Lee says of the too self relying Gates, in his Memoirs 
 of the South : " Calculating proudly on the weight of his 
 name, he appears to have slighted the perquisites to victory, 
 and to have hurried on to the field of battle with the impetu- 
 osity of youth ; a memorable instance of the certain destruc- 
 tion which awaits the soldier who does not know how to es- 
 timate prosperity. If good fortune begets presumption, in- 
 stead of increasing circumspection and diligence, it is the sure 
 precursor of deep and bitter adversity." 
 
 During these ill-considered preparations on the parfe^f the 
 Americans, Lord Cornwallis and Rawdon had been far from 
 idle. The latter, evidently alarmed for the safety of his main 
 position by the apparent confidence of the American general, 
 no sooner saw the enemy advancing upon Camden, than he 
 wrote to his superior for assistance and support. These de- 
 spatches induced Cornwallis to leave Charleston on the 10th 
 of August, and to reach Camden with his troops on the even- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 225 
 
 mg of the 13th. He devoted the 14th to an examination of 
 the position and strength of his forces, eight hundred of whom 
 were lying in the hospital at Camden, and to inquiries into 
 the condition and movements of the enemy, whose numbers 
 were reported to him as running up to six thousand effectives. 
 The English commander was shrewd enough to see that if he 
 wished to preserve his communication with the sea, he must 
 choose between retreating at once to Charleston or giving 
 battle. Without a moment's hesitation he adopted the latter 
 alternative.^'^ For he would have been compelled to leave 
 his sick behind him at Camden, and to have abandoned the 
 entire province just conquered, if he had returned to Charles- 
 ton without an engagement, while a battle could have led to 
 such a result only in the most unfavorable contingency. To 
 this must be added the discontent and sedition manifested not 
 only in the country travelled by Gates, but also in the dis- 
 tricts east of the Santee and west of the Wateree, against the 
 newly- restored English supremacy, and which threatened to 
 ripen into open rebellion on the approach of the American 
 army, as well as of the partisan leaders Sumter and Marion, 
 Not a moment was, therefore, to be lost ; every delay could 
 but increase the perils of the English army; a decisive en- 
 counter must be risked. Nothing but a victory could extri- 
 cate , him from his position. The more speedy the decision, 
 the better the hope of success. Cornwallis, who reports the 
 number of his own troops at 2,233 men, therefore resolved 
 immediately to fall upon the enemy at his position near Cler- 
 mont, or Rugeley's Mills, and gave the command to break 
 camp at 10 o'clock p. m. of tlie 15th of August, in the hope 
 of surprising him at daybreak of the 16th. His army took 
 up their line of march iu the following order: The leading 
 10* 
 
220 LIFE OB* KALB. 
 
 division, under Lieutenant-colonel Webster, consisted, in the 
 first instance, of an advance of twenty troopers and an equal 
 number of legionaries, who rested upon a company of light 
 infantry, followed by the Twenty-third and Thirtieth regiments. 
 The centre, under Lord Rawdon's command, was formed by 
 the Irish volunteers, the infantry legion, Hamilton's North Car- 
 olina regiment, and Colonel Bryan's militin, composed of ref- 
 ugees. The reserve consisted of two battalions of the 
 Seventy-first, while the dragoons of the legion brought up the 
 rear. Four field-pieces were with the divisions of the front 
 and centre, and two with the reserve.^'* 
 
 We have seen above that Gates struck his tents at the 
 very same hour, also intending to surprise the English at 
 Camden. Thus, by a singular coincidence, both these armies 
 marched against each other at the same time, each ignorant 
 of the designs of the other. The niglit was sultry, and the 
 air as oppressively hot as in the daytime. The sky was clear 
 and bright with stars. The sound of footsteps was stifled by 
 the deep sand. As the entire distance between Clermont 
 and Camden is but twelve or thirteen English miles, the 
 British and Americans met half way at two o'clock in the 
 morning, about half a mile north of Saunders' Creek. It was a 
 glade in the pine forest, which fell off gently toward the 
 creek, and was bounded on each flank by impenetrable marsh- 
 es, leaving but little space for the formation of the troops. 
 The Americans were apprised, by a pretty brisk skirmishing fire 
 opened by the English legion, that they were within gunshot 
 of the enemy. Some of Armand's troopers, wounded at the 
 first discharge, fled hastily to the rear, and threw the whole 
 legion into confusion. The latter fell back upon the front of 
 the infantry, marching 1 ehiud them, not only imparting their 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 227 
 
 own panic to the First Maryland brigade, but spreading uni- 
 versal terror through the army. The light infantry, on the 
 contrary, under Major Porterfield, who was mortally wound- 
 ed on the occasion, gallantly bore the shock of the English 
 cavahy, and repulsed them by a well-sustained fire. The 
 enemy appeared to be no less astonished at this sudden 
 collision than the Americans, and both parties, as if by com- 
 mon consent, suspended hostilities until daybreak. On either 
 side they availed themselves of the brief respite thus afforded, 
 to ascertain the position and numbers of the enemy. On this 
 occasion Adjutant-General Williams learned, for the first 
 time, from some prisoners, that Lord Cornwallis himself was 
 in command, that they numbered about three thousand, and 
 that they were drawn up within five or six hundred yards of 
 the American front. 
 
 Gates could not conceal his amazement at this news, and, 
 as soon as order had been restored in the infantry, and the 
 army formed in line of battle, he caused the adjutant-general 
 to convoke a council of war. When Williams brought the 
 invitation to General Kalb, and informed him of what had 
 taken place, the latter inquired, '* Well, did not the com- 
 manding general immediately order a retreat?" The gen- 
 erals and regimental commanders assembled in the rear of 
 the American line, and received the unwelcome news. 
 " You know our situation. What had we better do, gentle- 
 men ? " cried Gates. For a moment no one answered ; then 
 the brave but headlong Stevens broke the painful silence by 
 exclaiming, " We must fight, gentlemen ; it is not yet too 
 late ; we can do nothing else, we must fight ! " ^'* In such an 
 exigency the counsel first given, be it good or bad, prudent 
 or silly, is sure to be followed. The further it goes the less 
 
228 LIFE OEVKALE. 
 
 will it be opposed, because in an assembly of mixed material, 
 driven to an immediate decision, cool and quiet deliberation 
 must always yield to the pressure of the moment, and reason 
 give place to passion. It would seem as if each individual 
 dreaded the responsibility, and, for that very reason, grasped 
 the most extravagant opinion, if only uttered with an air 
 of confidence, as if to show that he did not recoil at the 
 most decided measures. Possibly, also, one or the other of 
 the company may have considered courage the only requi- 
 site of a good soldier; in short, Stevens' proposal met with 
 no opposition, and Gates gave the fatal order to attack by 
 saying, " We must fight, then ! Hasten to your posts, gen- 
 tlemen." 
 
 According to some accounts Kalb advised a retreat to 
 Clermont, there to await the enemy's attack, which led to 
 an altercation between him and Gates, in the course of 
 which the latter expressed doubts of his courage j but neither 
 internal nor external reasons support this story. Gates 
 himself was a man of too much refinement to have used such 
 insulting expressions, even if he had entertained such an 
 opinion. And then it is in keeping with Kalb's turn of mind, 
 after his first suggestion of a retreat had been disregarded, 
 to resign himself to the dictates of his superior, and not ex- 
 pend further solicitations on a general whos3 infatuation 
 had shown itself quite incurable. Finally, we have the pos-' 
 itive testimony of one who took an active part in all these 
 transactions, in the narrative of Adjutant- General Williams, 
 who expressly says that Kalb did not make the slightest 
 objection to the proposal of General Stevens. There is no 
 reason whatever to doubt the assertion of this most reliable 
 witness, who repeatedly says that every word of his report, 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 229 
 
 which was written immediately after the occurrences took 
 place, that he was prepared to make oath to the most minute 
 details. 
 
 Be that as it may, the two armies were drawn up in line 
 of battle before dawn. 
 
 The advantage of the ground was clearly on the side of 
 Lord Cornwallis, because, where he stood, the marshes to the 
 right and left of the road approached each other most nearly, 
 and not only protected both his flanks, but more than counter- 
 vailed the numerical superiority of the enemy. He formed 
 his right wing of the front division of Lieutenant-colonel 
 Webster, consisting of the light infantry and the Twenty- 
 third and Thirty-third regiments, and his left wing of Lord 
 Rawdon's division, the composition of which has already been 
 given. The two divisions ranged themselves on the right 
 and left of the road and of each other, so that the Thirty- 
 third, Webster's left wing, occupying the right of the road, 
 and the L-ish Volunteer regiment, on Lord Kawdon's left, 
 resting its left upon the road, together constituted the centre 
 of the army. Two six-pounders and two three-pounders, 
 under Lieutenant-colonel Macleod, of artillery, were posted 
 in the front, and to the left of the road. The Seventy-first 
 regiment was in the rear, its first battalion supporting the 
 right, and its second the left wing. The cavalry under Tarle- 
 ton was on the right of the road in the rear of both lines, 
 and near the first battalion of the reserve, prepared, as circum- 
 stance might dictate, to assail the enemy, or come to the 
 rescue of their own infantry. 
 
 On the American side Kalb was charged with the forma- 
 tion of the line. He took the command of the right wing, 
 consisting of the Second Maryland brigade under General 
 
2r.O LIFE OF 'K A LB. 
 
 Gist, and the Delaware regiment, and which, like the English 
 left, rested its flank on a deep morass. The North Carolina 
 militia under General Caswell formed the centre, and the 
 Virginia militia under General Stevens the left, while the First 
 Maryland brigade under General Smallwood occupied the 
 second line as a reserve. Two pieces of artillery were planted 
 on Gist's right flank, and two on the right and two on the 
 left of the centre. Armand's mounted legion were to have 
 covered the right flank of the American force, but they had 
 been seized by a panic and had fled disgracefully at the first 
 attack in the night, so that they were of no account in the 
 formation of the line and the subsequent events of the day. 
 This want of cavalry w^as destined to be but too severely felt 
 in the course of the action. 
 
 The mere disposition of the two armies shows the advan- 
 tages enjoyed in every respect by the British over the 
 Americans. The front of Lord Cornwallis was strong not 
 only in the personal valor of the troops, almost all belonging 
 to the regular forces, and all of them veterans in comparison 
 to the Americans, but also by the better distribution of the 
 artillery ; above all its reserve, and especially the reserve 
 under Tarleton, was more reliable and better posted. This 
 compact and war-worn line was opposed by raw militia, who 
 had never seen an enemy, and who regarded the English 
 troops, excellent as they were, with even greater awe than 
 the facts warranted. Gates committed the additional blunder 
 of posting the First Maryland brigade in reserve, instead of 
 using the raw militia for that purpose, and of stripping his 
 left wing of artillery. By these defects, partly inherent in 
 the character of his troops, and partly arising out of his own 
 lack of judgment, he more than neutralized the advantages 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 231 
 
 which would otherwise have accrued from the inferior nuin 
 bers of Lord Cornwallis. Nay, not content with the errors 
 already made, Gates, on seeing the position of the English 
 in the morning, unexpectedly ordered a gap in the formation 
 of the centre and right wing to be corrected, a measure 
 doubly prejudicial in the presence of so well-disciplined a foe, 
 and w^ith such unskilled forces of his own. 
 
 Lord Cornwallis, indeed, was too experienced a commander 
 no^ to avail himself of the chance thus brought under his 
 very eyes. He hastened, on being apprised of this new 
 mistake of his adversary, to his right wing, and personally 
 ordered Colonel Webster to attack, sending the same com' 
 mand to Lord Rawdon by an aid. 
 
 Gates remained quiet, and seemed disposed to await the 
 turn of events. His adjutant-general suggested that an im- 
 mediate onset on the English while deploying, Avould inspire 
 the militia with courage, and, if successful, exerciee no little 
 influence on the result. " That's right," cried the commander, 
 who had evidently been at a loss what to do, " let General 
 Stevens attack on the left immediately." The latter advanced 
 boldly at first, but found the enemy already drawn up in line 
 of battle. Williams now endeavored to draw their fire at the 
 greatest possible distance, in order to make it less fearful 
 to the militia, and for that purpose requested permission to 
 take forty or fifty volunteers from General Stevens, with 
 w4iom he advanced, but without attaining his object. The 
 right wing of the English under Webster advanced at this 
 moment in closed ranks, with such noise, hurrahs, and impet- 
 uosity upon the militia, just as the latter were changing their 
 position, that they were thrown into confusion and seized by 
 a panic, imder the influence of which they threw away their 
 
232 LIFE OB KALB. 
 
 loaded pieces at the first fire of the English, and scattered in 
 breathless flight. Prayers, entreaties, threats, and appeals 
 to honor were alike unavailing. General Stevens vainly 
 exhorted the fugitives to remember their bayonets; how 
 could they remember them, when they had only received 
 thera the day before, and were entirely unacquainted with 
 their use? The Virginians involved the North Carolina 
 militia in the same disgraceful rout. The officers unfortu- 
 nately were without cavalry to enforce their objurgations, and 
 bring the runaways to a stand. It was not, properly speak- 
 ing, a tight, but rather a chase and scamper, so that before 
 the real engagement had commenced, the entire American 
 centre and left wing, comp( sing two-thirds of their force, 
 had disappeared from the scene of action, almost without 
 firing a shot. Four hundred men of Dixon's regiment alone 
 stood their ground somewhat longer, and fired once or twice 
 on the enemy. "° 
 
 Gates, who had taken his position some six hundred 
 paces in rear of the line, to overlook the contest, had been 
 carried along by the flying militia, and had left the field 
 under the pretext of " bringing the rascals back into line," 
 so that the command-in-chief devolved upon Kalb. The 
 morning was so close and foggy that the smoke did not even 
 rise, but enveloped both armies in a cloud. This made it \ 
 difficult to survey the field, and obtain a clear idea of the 
 progress of the battle. In consequence of the fog Kalb long , 
 remained ignorant of the flight of the left wing and centre ; | 
 nevertheless he ordered up Smallwood with the reserve, and 
 directed him to form a junction with Gist ; the two brigades, 
 however, were not large enough to fill up the interval be- 
 tween the marshes. While the First Maryland brigade moved 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 233 
 
 P 
 
 forward into line, the right wing under Kalb took up the 
 unequal fight, and not only stood their ground, but success- 
 fully repulsed the impetuous onslaught of the foe, so that 
 the struggle gradually extended along the whole line, and 
 victory trembled in the balance. To bring matters to a 
 speedy issue, Kalb ordered a bayonet charge by the right 
 wing under his command, drove the enemy, and had just 
 made a number of prisoners, when the left wing, overpow- 
 ered by numbers and outflanked, was forced to fall back. 
 They soon rallied and renewed the contest, but were again 
 repulsed, and again led into action. The two brigades, in 
 consequence of losses, and in the heat of the engagement, 
 which gradually degenerated into a hand-to-hand scuffle, 
 were separated by an interval of some six hundred feet. 
 This was the turning-point of the battle, which was hence- 
 forth on the side of the English. Williams vainly endeav- 
 ored to restore the connection. On reaching the right wing, 
 he found the enemy just exchanging a heavy fire for a bay- 
 onet charge. Kalb fought at the head of the Maryland 
 second brigade. Three times he had advanced, and three times 
 retreated before the force of numbers, but on the whole he 
 maintained his advantage. His horse had been shot under 
 him, a sabre stroke laid open his head. Jaquette, the adjutant 
 of the Delaware regiment, hastily bandaged the wound with 
 his scarf, and besought his general to retire from the conflict. 
 Instead of heeding this request Kalb led his Marylanders to 
 the charge on foot. Over heaps of dead they went forth and 
 back ; his soldiers performed prodigies of valor, and con- 
 tested every inch of ground. The enemy pressed upon them 
 with ever increasing numbers, and forced them to give up 
 the little advantage they had gained. The bloody fight was 
 
234 LIFE oi;kalb. 
 
 hand to hand. At length Cornwallis, fearing to lose the 
 advantages already gained, concentrated all his force upDii 
 this point, and when, at his order, a portion of Tarleton's 
 troopers fell upon the decimated flanks of the brave men of 
 Maryland and Delaware, the last faint hope of maintaining 
 possession of the field had vanished. All that could be done 
 was to rescue the honor of the flag. And once more Kalb, 
 at the head of his faithful few, rushed upon the enemy ; it 
 was the last time that his powerful voice rang through the 
 din of battle ; the last time that, his sword pointing to the 
 foe, he cheered his men, and drew them on to follow him. 
 As he advanced he was struck by several balls, and the 
 blood poured from him in streams ; but he still had strength 
 to cut down an English soldier, who had actually set a bay- 
 onet on his breast. Yet his hour had come. He was recog- 
 'nized by his epaulets. "The rebel general, the rebel gen- 
 eral ! " was heard in the English ranks. Mortally struck, 
 and bleeding from eleven wounds, he sank exhausted to the 
 earth.' ^^ 
 
 The fall of Kalb decided the fortunes of the day, for the 
 Americans were now without a leader. True, the brigades of 
 Gist and Smallwood formed once more, and advanced to the 
 attack, rcpellmg another charge of the English ; but at this 
 moment Cornwallis, incensed at this obstinate resistance, 
 ordered his light cavalry to outflank the American left, and 
 take them in the rear. This was done. The work begun by 
 the bayonets of the British infantry w^as finished by the sa- 
 bres of Tarleton's horse, who met with no resistance, owing 
 to the w^ant of cavalry on the side of the Continentals. The 
 remnants of the Maryland brigades were soon dissolved in 
 headlong flight. Nothing but the marshes on each side of 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 235 
 
 the battle-field afforded the fugitives some protection 
 against the j^i^iJfsuit of Tarleton's dragoons. Not a bat- 
 talion, not a company, preserved its formation. Gist, 
 with about a hundred soldiers, alone retreated in something 
 like order. Every command was broken up and scattered in 
 the woods, and another victory so perfect as this was not 
 achieved in the war of the revolution. Eight guns, two 
 thousand stand of arms, twenty-two loads of ammunition, 
 and one hundred and thirty baggage wagons, besides eighty 
 thousand cartridges, fell into the hands of the victors, who 
 reported their own loss at only sixty-eight killed, two hun- 
 dred and forty-five wounded, and eleven missing — making a 
 total of three hundred and twenty-four — while the adversa- 
 ries estimate it at five hundred or even seven hundred killed."' 
 The loss of the latter could not be ascertained, on account 
 of the hasty flight of the militia. Cornwallis himself sup- 
 poses it to have amounted to over a thousand in dead and 
 wounded, besides eight hundred prisoners ; according to re- 
 liable American accounts the regulars had six hundred and 
 fifty killed and wounded, being more than a third of the j 
 whole number; of the North Carolina militia a hundred bad 
 fallen, and three hundred had been taken prisoners ; while 
 the fleet-footed Virginians had wounded only, and no dead. 
 The brave Delaware regiment was almost annihilated ; the ) 
 I remnants barely sufficed to form a nucleus for two com- 
 panies. Gist and Smallwood vainly endeavored to rally the 
 militia on the road ; they were obliged to continue their 
 flight with a handful of regulars. Gates, who, as we have 
 seen above, had hastened from the field at the beginning of 
 the fight, must have had a strong and swift charger, for he 
 slept that same evening at Charlotte, which is distant sixty 
 miles from Camden. 
 
2S6 LIFE t>F KALB. 
 
 But let US leave the general who flies from his troops, and 
 turn to the hero who fell fighting to the last. We left him 
 at the head of his command, bleeding from eleven wounds. 
 
 * / Scarcely had his adjutant Dubuysson, seen him fall, when 
 he threw himself upon him, and cried imploringly to the rag- 
 ing foe, " Spare and save the Baron de Kalb ! " The faithful 
 aid received with his own body the sabre-cats intended for 
 his superior. The British soldiers fell upon them both, seized 
 the general, raised him to his feet, leaned him by his hands 
 against a wagon, and stripped him to his shirt. As he stood 
 in this miserable plight, with blood rushing from him in 
 streams, CornwalHs came riding up with his suite."^ "I re- 
 gret," he said to his helpless adversary, " to see you so badly 
 wounded, but am glad to have defeated you." He immedi- 
 ately ordered the prisoner to be properly cared for, and his 
 wounds to be bandaged. From this moment the English 
 treated the wounded man with that kindness and humanity 
 which modern warfare vouchsafes to the conquered. 
 
 Kalb struggled with death for three days, and died the 19th 
 of August at Camden, whither he had been carried after the 
 battle. Dubuysson, whose wounds turned out not to be se- 
 rious, was with him during this time, and was assisted by the 
 English officers in soothing the last moments of the dying hei'O. 
 All his thoughts were with the brave soldiers and officers of 
 
 I — his division. Immediately before his death he requested Du- 
 buysson to express to them his tha'.i^ s for their valor, and to 
 bid them an affectionate farewell. The letter to Generals 
 Gist and Smallwood, in which the faithful adjutant executes 
 this commission, is dated at Charlotte the 26th of August, 
 1780, and reads as follows: ''" 
 
 "Dear Generals: Having received wounds in the' action 
 of the 16th instant, I was made prisoner, with the Honorable 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 237 
 
 Major-General the Baron de Kalb, with whom I served as 
 aide-de-camp and friend, and had an opportunity of attend- 
 ing that great and good officer during the short time he lan- 
 guished with eleven wounds, which proved mortal on the 
 third day. 
 
 "It is with particular pleasure I obey the baron's last 
 commands, in presenting his most affectionate compliments 
 to all the officers and men of his division. He expressed the 
 greatest satisfaction in the testimony given by the British 
 army, of the bravery of his troops ; and he was charmed with 
 the firm opposition they made to superior force, when aban- 
 doned by the rest of the army. The gallant behavior of the 
 Delaware regiment and the companies of artillery attached 
 to the brigades, afforded him infinite pleasure. And the ex- 
 emplary conduct of the whole division gave him an endear- 
 ing sense of the merits of the troops he had the honor to 
 command. ' 
 
 Kalb was buried by his victorious adversaries, among 
 whom there were many free masons, with military and ma- 
 sonic honors. Down to the year 1825 a solitary tree was all 
 that marked his final resting-place. f 
 
 Congress received, at the hands of Gates, the news of 
 Kalb's heroic death. The stricken and humbled general spoke 
 of his brave comrade with creditable candor, and warm ad- 
 miration. 
 
 " Too much honor cannot be paid by Congress to the memo- 
 ry of the Baron de Kalb," he writes to 'Washington, in a letter 
 of September 3, 1 780 ; " he was everything an excellent officer 
 should be, and in the cause of the United States has sacrificed 
 his life." " Here I must be permitted to say," Gates continues 
 on September 3d, in a letter to the President of Congtess, 
 " how much I think is due to the Baron de Kalb, and I am 
 
238 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 convinced Congress will declare to the world the high esti 
 mation they have for his memory and services." ^" 
 
 Upon this impartial testimony, and the concurrent judg- 
 ment ofWashington, who declared that Kalbhad fully justi- 
 fied the high opinion he had always entertained of him, and 
 that his memory must ever be precious to a grateful country, 
 Congress, on the 14th of October, 1780, resolved to commem- 
 orate the glorious example given by General de Kalb to his 
 troops, by erecting at Annapolis, the capital of the State 
 whose division he had commanded, a monument, with this 
 inscription : ^" 
 
 " Sacred to the memory of the Baron de Kalb, Knight of 
 the Royal Order of Military Merit, Brigadier of the Armies 
 of France, and Major-General in the service of the United 
 States of America. Having served with honor and reputation 
 for three years, he gave at last a glorious proof of his attach- 
 ment to the liberties of mankind and the cause of America, in 
 the action near Camden, in the State of South Carolina, on 
 the 16th of August, 1780, where, leading on the troops of the 
 Maryland and Delaware lines against superiors numbers, and 
 animating them by his example to deeds of valor, he was 
 pierced with many wounds, and on the 19th following ex- 
 p"red. in the 48th year of his age. The Congress of the 
 United States of America in gratitude to his zeal, services, 
 and merit, have erected tliis monument." 
 
 The resolution was not executed. The cares of the day 
 soon banished the memory of the fallen hero. The return of 
 peace found an empty treasury, and the generation then en- 
 tering into power had other interests. The matter gradually 
 came to be forgotten, and KaWs national monument has 
 never been erected (See Appendix, p. 326) 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Kalb's Appearance and Character. — Habits and Education. — Marriage.— 
 Children and Grandchildren. — Their Fates and Fortunes. — Their 
 Claims on the United States, and how they were Disposed of. — Kalb's 
 Grave at Camden. — Washington's Visit. — What He said about Kalb. 
 — The Citizens of South Carolina Detkrmine upon the Erection of a 
 Monument over the Grave. — Dedicated by Lafayette in 1825. — So- 
 lemnities AND Orations. — Rktrospect of Kalb's Life. — The Product 
 of Morbid Political Conditions.— His Extraction. — State of Public 
 Affairs in Bayreuth. — Rehash of French Misrule. — Margrave Fred- 
 eric. — Extraordinary Expenses. — Martial Tomfoolery and Kidnap^ 
 ping. — English Subsidies. — Narrow Sphere. — Impossibility of Active 
 Life for a Man of Kalb's turn of Mind. — Passage from Schiller's 
 Play of " Kabale and Liebe." — The Division of Germany into Petty 
 Principalities Excludes the Idea of National Pride. — Drives the 
 Most Enegetic Men out of the Country. — Jean Paul. — French At 
 solutism. — More Imposing thanthat of the Puny Principalities. — ad- 
 mits OF Rivalry among the Gifted. — In France Kalb enjoys all the 
 Immunities of a Native. — The Reason of the Liberality Exercised 
 BY Absolute Governments in this Respect. — Absolutism Extinguishes 
 ALL Differences of Nationality. — Comparison of the Moneyed Aris_ 
 
 TOCRACY of the PrESENT DaY WITH THE ARISTOCRACY OF BiRTH OF THE 
 
 Past Century. — Kalb and Lafayette. — The Last of the Soldiers of 
 Fortune and thk Last of the Knights-Errant. — Their Aims. — Kalb 
 not Actuated by Mean or VulGar Motives. — He Devotes Himself Un- 
 reservedly* to THE Cause in which he has Enlisted. — Only two Immi- 
 grant Generals fall in the Struggle. — Kalb and Montgomery. — The 
 German saves the Honor of the American Arms. — Germany may 
 Claim Him as her Own as well as France and America. — The Son of 
 the Peasant op Huettendorp is not the Last among its Heroes. 
 
 T7^ ALB'S exterior was highly prepossessing, his frame 
 -■-•^ strong and well-built, and his air at once mild and 
 
240 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 dignified. A keen hazel eye, which beamed forth frankly and 
 kindly from under a high forehead, a nose slightly aquiline, 
 a mingled trait of good nature and shrewdness about the 
 mouth, and a double chin of respectable proportions, stamped 
 his mien with more of the reflective and calculating expres- 
 sion of the diplomatist, than of the rigid, unbending type of 
 the soldier. " In form and feature," — such is the testi- 
 mony of his aide-de-camp, Nicholas Rogers, of Baltimore,'" 
 — ^he was a perfect Ariovistus, more than six feet tall, and 
 proof against the greatest hardships of his calling. He often 
 made twenty or thirty miles a day on foot, and preferred 
 walking to riding on horseback whenever he could." Owing 
 to his mode of life his health was truly remarkable. To 
 great temperance and caution he united extraordinary pa- 
 tience. Suifering and privations he endured without a mur- 
 mur, and could bear up for days under hunger and thii'st, 
 heat and cold, without permitting a sigh to escape his lips. 
 He slept as well upon his knapsack and under his cloak, as 
 on a downy pillow ; in short, he possessed all the physical 
 power and endurance essential to our conception of a hero. 
 He was always considered younger than he really was. At 
 his death Congress rated him at eight and forty, when in 
 truth he was in his sixtieth year. 
 
 During the American war Kalb usually rose before day- 
 break, often at four o'clock in the morning, worked until 
 nine, and then breakfasted on bread and water. After con- 
 tinuing his labors till noon, he rode or walked out, went to 
 headquarters, inquired the news of the day, and then dined. 
 His meal consisted simply of soup, vegetables, and meat ; 
 he drank* only water. The afternoon he devoted to the ser- 
 vice or to writing letters. Owing to an affection of the eyes 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 241 
 
 he rarely worked by candle-light, but retired to rest at an 
 early hour, so as to be able to rise the earlier in the morning. 
 Sharing with his subordinates all the hardships of the service, 
 he could draw upon their zeal to almost any extent. All 
 who knew him esteemed him for his unpretending affability ; 
 his soldiers loved and revered him as a father. 
 
 Kalb was single-hearted and honest. Endowed with 
 sound common sense, and a judgment at once clear and 
 strong, he had the happy faculty of habituating himself with- 
 out constraint to the most unwonted circumstances, and com- 
 bined untiring industry with a rigid sense of duty, very rare at 
 that period, especially in France. By no means a genius, or 
 a man of vast or comprehensive aims, he even shows occa- 
 sional signs of that petty punctiliousness which has since 
 received the appellation of old fogyism. Yet he was am- 
 bitious, enterprising, and energetic ; and stopped at no 
 sacrifice to achieve renown, distinction, or advancement. 
 From his earliest youth he had had nothing save his mother 
 wit to pit against the lions that beset his path ; and hence he 
 had involuntarily imbibed a degree of habitual pliancy and 
 subordination to the powers that be. For this reason he 
 was not one of those who wbe make their demands in a 
 haughty tone, and assert their will in disregard of all ob- 
 stacles. His was a more calculating disposition, which 
 apparently yielded to surrounding forces, in order, in point 
 of fact, to control them the more effectively. This phase of 
 his character is displayed most clearly in his intercourse with 
 the Broglie brothers, who were his faithful friends and 
 patrons, but who never bestowed their favor on any one who 
 did not recognize their will as law. The courtly tone then 
 in vogue among French officers is the key to this trait of 
 11 
 
242 life(5fkalb. 
 
 Kalb's character, but it must be said in his honor that he 
 never resorted to base means to compass his ends. 
 
 His best virtues, however, were his self-possession and 
 his unvarying caution. As in his private affairs he considered 
 every plan in all its bearings, before carrying it into execu- 
 tion, as he meditated for days and weeks on the advantages 
 and disadvantages of a contemplated investment or improve- 
 ment of his estate, so he was conscientious and wary in his 
 military movements, weighing in golden scales the chances 
 of every undertaking, trusting nothing to chance, and enter- 
 ing upon no venture which did not promise almost certain 
 success. Thoroughly cognizant of the weak points of the 
 American army, he was always for defensive measures, and 
 frequently offended those who differed with him by the 
 cogency of his reasoning, which was almost invariably borne 
 out by the event. In the Seven Years' War his illustrious 
 opponent, the Duke of Brunswick, had taught him to be on his 
 guard ; and he did not hesitate to apply the results of that ex- 
 perience to the American war, where he found himself pitted 
 against two of the duke's best scholars. General Knyphausen 
 and Lord Cornwallis. This full measure of caution in public 
 matters found a counterpart in his private affairs in a degree 
 of frugality which sometimes bordered closely on parsimony. 
 
 Where Kalb acquired his education, is a question not to 
 be answered from the data at command. That he was self- 
 taught, is very perceptible in his writings ; yet his sphere of 
 ideas was extensive and his mind versatile, and far in advance 
 of the average of the military officers of his day. As was to 
 be expected, he spoke and wrote French like a native. How 
 far he was master of the German is not to be ascertained, be- 
 cause not a line written in that language was to be found 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 243 
 
 among his papers. His Eoglish style, though the use of the 
 language gave him no difficulty, is not a little rugged. His 
 handwriting is firm and smooth, and shows that he has writ- 
 ten not a little. Even with the ancient classics he was famil- 
 iar ; and his thorough knowledge of engineering and topogra- 
 phy is proved by the length of time he practised these import- 
 ant branches of the military art, and his position in the staff of 
 the commander-in-chief. To this was added immense practi- 
 cal experience ; for he had made his first campaigns under 
 the Marshals Loewendal and Saxe, the first masters of their 
 time; and had afterward extended the knowledge thus ac- 
 quired, under Marshal Broglie, during the whole of the Seven 
 Years' War. It may fairly be said, that of all the foreign 
 oflacers who lent their swords to the struggling republic, not 
 even Steuben excepted, Kalb was the most experienced, the 
 most calculating, and the most circumspect commander. 
 
 Kalb's marriage, as above remarked, was remarkably hap- 
 py. His affection for his wife was at once earnest and j^layful, 
 and a perfect reflex of the character of a true German, who 
 seeks his chief pleasure and entire satisfaction, next to his 
 participation in public affairs, in his wife and children. These 
 beautiful family-ties appear to increased advantage when con- 
 trasted with the debauched and heartless tone of the court 
 and nobility, with the lasciviousness of a Dubarry and the 
 crowned and highborn rakes, who could see nothing in an un- 
 broken marriage vow bu^ a target for ribaldry. The most 
 unlimited confidence continued to subsist between Kalb and 
 his wife up to the moment of his death. She was his best of 
 friends to whom he communicated everything that befell him, 
 even to what would seem to be the most trivial occurrence. 
 From America he wrote to her almost daily, His letters, 
 
244 LIFE OP 
 
 K ALB. 
 
 which often fill twenty or thirty pages, and which treat almost 
 exclusively of personal and family matter, number ninety-one 
 in a period of about forty months ; and most of them were 
 written in duplicate and triplicate. While he is thus confiden- 
 tial and explicit, she also loves to tell him of every household 
 event at Paris and at Milon, to consult him as to alterations 
 and improvements in houses and lands, and to enlarge upon 
 the progress made by the children in their studies. Plans for 
 the welfare of the boys, preparations for their entrance into 
 the French army, the education of their daughter and her 
 physical development — constitute the topics of extended and 
 reiterated discussion in this correspondence between husband 
 and wife. 
 
 Kalb left three children.'" The eldest son, Frederic, was 
 born the 18th of May, 1765, in Paris, educated at the famous 
 military school of the German poet Pfefiel at Kolmar, and had 
 hardly passed his sixteenth year before he entered the Ger- 
 man regiment Salm-Salm, in the French service. At the 
 breaking out of the revolution he joined the royalist refugees, 
 and served as an officer in the corps formed by the Prince of 
 Conde on the Rhine. The estates of the family having been 
 confiscated in consequence of his emigration and taking up 
 arms against his country,- he returned to France, and claimed 
 to be restored to them on the ground that he had owed no 
 allegiance, because a foreigner. Of this ingenious plea, com- 
 ing from a native of France and the son of a French officer, 
 the Convention manifested their appreciation by handing him 
 over to the guillotine in 1793. He had inherited the Ameri- 
 can order of the Cincinnati, established after the death of his 
 father, and which, by the canons of the order, vested in the 
 eldest son of a deceased member or officer who would have 
 been entitled to membership, if living, 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 245 
 
 KalVs second child was a daughter, Anna Maria Caroline, 
 born May 25, 1767, who was married, on the 23d of October, 
 1787, to John Lucas Geymueller, a Swiss captain in the ser- 
 vice of France, outlived her husband and died as his widow 
 January 24, 1829. Two sons were the issue of this marriage, 
 the younger of whom, Lucas, born in 1792 and deceased in 
 1846, left several children. 
 
 The second son of our hero, Elie, was born March 9, 1769, 
 and died September 7, 1835, at Milon laChapelle. The revo- 
 lution found him in the French regiment Koyal Deuxponts, 
 when he emigrated, and entered, as a private, the company 
 formed by the refugee princes of the officers of the regiments 
 Deuxponts and la Mark. On the utter failure of the royalist 
 schemes he spent some time in Switzerland and among his 
 connections in Franconia. About the close of the century we 
 find him in Austria, where, under the name of Eliasvon Kell, 
 he served, first in the Tyrolese rifles, and subsequently re- 
 ceived a lieutenant's commission in the regiment Erbach. In 
 1802 he resigned, and returned to France on the strength of 
 the amnesty then granted.'" During the empire he took no 
 part whatever in public affairs ; under the restoration he ac- 
 cepted one or two parish offices, but otherwise lived in un- 
 broken retirement during the rest of his days on the estate 
 of Milon la Chapelle, which had been restored to him. His 
 marriage, contracted the 8th of February, 1808, with Elise 
 Signard, was blessed with two children, one of whom, a son 
 named Theophile, died shortly after his birth in 1809, while 
 the other, a daughter, Leonora, born Jime 11, 1811, on the 
 26th of June, 1828, espoused the M«be|WS Raymond de YatlP- 
 diere, Vicomte d'AJeac, and became the mother of five chil- 
 dren. This granddaughter of Kalb, who still survives, owns 
 
246 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 and occupies the family homestead of Milon. The direct 
 male line of the old hero is, it thus appears, extinct. 
 
 Kalb and his widov/ lived in ease and affluence. In conse* 
 quence of the French revolution, however, the family lost 
 almost all their property; and although they subsequently re- 
 covered their estate of Milon, they never regained, their former 
 opulence. In 1784 and 1785 Madame de Kalb presented to 
 Congress her claims for the arrears due her husband, but they 
 were rejected on the ground of some omission in matters of 
 form. In 1819 the heirs, having become impoverished, were 
 naturally led to renew the application, petitioning the Fed- 
 eral Government not only for the liquidation of the back pay 
 of their grandfather, but also for the seven years' half-pay 
 voted them by the resolution of Congress passed the 24th 
 of August, 1780, as well as for the bounty in land coming to 
 every revolutionary general. The last request was at once 
 granted, and in 1822 the petitioners received a grant of par- 
 cels Nos. 1, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 in the first quarter, and Nos. 
 25, 30, 35, and 36 in the third quarter of the tenth township 
 of the fourth range in the then military district of Ohio, and 
 in the present counties of Holmes and Tuscarora. This 
 tract, which at the present day would form a possession of 
 immense value, was sold, a few years afterward, for State 
 taxes which the heirs had failed to pay, and was entirely 
 '^ lost to them, as they neglected to redeem it from the pur- 
 chaser.'" Their other claims on Congress, on the other 
 hand, were full thirty-six years in coming to a satisfactory 
 conclusion. The books of the Secretary of War showed that 
 at his death Kalb was entitled to $2,433.61 of undrawn pay. 
 In the same books, however, he was charged with $226,000 
 in paper money (or about |2,500 in gold), which he had re- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 247 
 
 ceived in May, 1780, before his march to the South, for the 
 subsistence and clothing of the troops under his command. 
 The vouchers for the proper disbursement of these funds were 
 not forthcoming, as most of Kalb's papers and all his bag- 
 gage had fallen into the hands of the English when he was 
 killed. While no doubt was entertained of his having ex- 
 pended the money in the public service, the absence of these 
 documents obstructed the final settlement of the account for 
 more than a generation." Thus it happened that, fully ac- 
 knowledging the justice of the claims of Kalb's heirs, Con- 
 gress nevertheless refused to liquidate them, and passed votes 
 to this effect in the years 1819, 1821, 1836, and 1837.'" 
 When it is considered that this body is almost entirely re- 
 newed every two years, and that during the period referred 
 to it was beset with hundreds of revolutionary claims of this 
 character, this reluctance and circumspection is not without 
 plausibility ; still, the case of Kalb was a highly exceptional 
 one, and might well have been disposed of by a special 
 enactment. Be that as it may, it was on the 8th of March, 
 1842, that the House Committee on Revolutionary Claims 
 made their report in favor of the heirs of Kalb, and fixed 
 the sum to which they were entitled at $90,531.61, which 
 they recommended to be paid with interest from 1819, the 
 year in which the claim had been first presented. Even then 
 the no n -concurrence of the Senate and the early close of the 
 session prevented an adjustment, and twelve further years 
 elapsed before the 6th of February, 1854, when Mr. Corwin 
 again took up the report above mentioned, and adopted its 
 suggestions. The House was unanimous in its favor. The 
 bill reached the Senate on the 18th of December, 1854. 
 Here a mistake of $24,513.85 was detected in favor of the 
 
248 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 claimants ; but, after deducting that amount, it was unani- 
 mously adopted, and the sum of $66,099.76, without interest, 
 was ordered to be paid in full of all demands/" The House 
 concurred in the amendment, and the bill soon after received 
 the signature of the President. It is but fair to record that 
 the Senators and Representatives from Delaware and Mary- 
 land, the two States whose troops had been under Kalb's 
 command, and those of South Carolina, on the soil of which 
 he had fallen, were especially solicitous about the final set- 
 tlement of the claims of his heirs, and that the favorable re- 
 sult attained is mainly due to their unceasing efforts. 
 
 While the Congressional resolution of the 14th of Octo- 
 ber, 1780, is still awaiting its realization, and while no steps 
 were ever taken for the erection of the monument at Anna, 
 polls, the State of South Carolina did not permit the year 1825 
 to pass away without giving a fitting expression to its senti- 
 ments of gratitude for the departed hero. 
 
 As stated in the foregoing chapter, a tree was for years 
 the only monument of the resting-place of Kalb's last re- 
 mains. This spot was the most important memento of the 
 Revolution of which Camden could boast, and travellers 
 rarely failed to visit the grave. It is to be found in the 
 grass plot opposite the Presbyterian Church in De Kalb 
 Street. " So here lies the brave de Kalb," said Washington, 
 when standing on this spot in the spring of 1791, "the gen- 
 erous stranger who came from a distant land to fight our 
 battles, and to water with his blood the tree of our liberty. 
 Would to God he had lived to share with us its fruits!" 
 And immediately before the same occasion,^'^^ when invited 
 by the citizens of Camden to visit their town, he addressed 
 them in the following words, which briefly and vigorously 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 249 
 
 express Washington's opinion of our hero : " Your grateful 
 remembrance of that excellent friend and gallant officer, the 
 Baron de Kalb, does honor to the goodness of your hearts. 
 With your regrets I mingle mine for his loss, and to your 
 praise I join the tribute of my esteem for his memory." 
 
 At the opening of the third decade of the present century, 
 the inhabitants of Camden, and especially the Free Masons, 
 of which fraternity Kalb had been a member, conceived the 
 design of erecting a monument over his grave. The call 
 issued by them met, throughout the State, with the most en- 
 thusiastic reception and encouragement ; almost every citizen 
 of South Carolina furnished his contribution. In 1825, al- 
 though the requisite funds were not all collected, such pro- 
 gress had been made that General Lafayette, thjn on his visit 
 to the United States, could be requested to lay the corner- 
 stone. 
 
 The invitation was accepted with great alacrity. On the 
 8th of March, 1825, he arrived at Camden, and was received 
 with public solemnities. The addres 5es made by and to him 
 are extant ; we extract the passages having special reference 
 to Kalb, and to the inauguration of the monument.'^" 
 
 " Your visit to Camden," General Nixon said, addressing 
 himself to Lafayette, " excites subUme emotions ; we live over, 
 in fancy, the scenes of its early history ; though no splendid 
 edifices, no ' gorgeous temples,' no ' cloud-capped ' turrets meet 
 your eye, still there are associations connected with it more 
 imposing than them all. It is seated on classic ground. Its 
 haunts are consecrated by the shades of heroes ; its plains 
 honored by their dust. Monuments of the Revolution on all 
 sides remind us of tlie deeds of our fathers. In its bosom 
 reposes General de Kalb, yom- friend and companion in arms. 
 11* 
 
250 LIFE of KALB. 
 
 Inspired with a holy enthusiasm in the cause of freedom and 
 mankind, he buffeted with you the storms of a perilous ocean. 
 With you, he first touched American soil in Carolina, and 
 doubly sanctified it by his Jirst visit and his last sigh ; and 
 you are now, in your old age, to deposit a stone over his ashes, 
 which will speak to coming years. I know, sir, it will afford 
 you a melancholy pleasure to pause and drop a tear at the 
 hero''s grave ; his spirit and your Washington's will commune 
 with you there." 
 
 Lafayette replied : " The congratulations of my friends 
 on this happy visit to the State of South Carolina, cannot at 
 any time or place be more affecting and honorable to me, than 
 when offered by you, sir, in the name of the citizens of Cam- 
 den and its vicinity, on this classic ground where, in several 
 battles, my revolutionary brethren have fought and bled ; and 
 where, even on unlucky days, actions have been performed 
 which reflect the highest honor on the name of which we are 
 so justly proud, the name of an Ame?'ican soldier. Such have 
 been, sir, the able conduct as a commander, the noble fall as 
 a patriot, of General de Kalb. Among my obligations to you, 
 I gratefully acknowledge your kindness in associating me to 
 the tribute paid to the memory of a friend, who, as you ob- 
 serve, has been the early confidant and companion of ray de- 
 votion to the American cause." 
 
 The monument was inaugurated at noon of the succeeding 
 day, the 9th of March, 1825. The procession was headed by 
 volunteer soldiery, followed by the Kershaw Lodge of Free 
 Masons of the town and vicinity. Then came the hearse 
 with the ashes of Kalb. S!x revolutionary oflScers bore the 
 pall ; a war horse was led after them. Genei-al Lafayette and 
 suite, revolutionary soldiers, the civil authorities and some of 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 251 
 
 tlie leading corporations of Camden, brought up the rear. At 
 the grave the remains of Kalb were inearthed with Masonic 
 ceremonies, after which A. Blanding, Esq., the Superintendent 
 of Public Buildings, addressed General Lafayette in some 
 brief remarks. 
 
 "Your fellow-citizens," he saj^s, " who have contributed to 
 the erection of this monument, request that you will place 
 this stone over the remains of Major-general Baron de Kalb. 
 To no hand can this office be so pi'operly assigned as to yours. 
 You reached our shores together, brethren in arms and 
 friendship, actuated by the same honorable and disinterested 
 motives, and, as fellow-soldiers, supporting in the field the 
 cause of freedom, when our country, struggling for independ- 
 ence, most needed your aid. You, General, have survived 
 to witness the result of these labors in the happiness and 
 prosperity of a widely-extended republic, whose liberal 
 institutions are supported by a people wise and virtuous 
 enough for self-government, and who have thus confirmed 
 the fond hopes of your hearts, that the blood of the rebellion 
 should not be shed in vain. The General whose remains lie 
 before us, was deprived of this enviable lot. He viewed in 
 prospect only, the consequences of the conflict in which he 
 so generously engaged, and nobly fell combating the op- 
 pressors of our country. His life was the glorious sacrifice 
 he offered to secure our republican institutions ; and this the 
 manner in which we manifest our gratitude. May that union 
 which has arisen out of the Revolution which you and he and 
 your companions in arms achieved, be perpetual as the gran- 
 ite which here commemorates his heroic virtues." 
 
 To which the Geneial replied : 
 
 *' The honor now bestowed upon me I receive with the 
 
252 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 mingled emotions of patriotism, gratitude, and friendship, 
 and like other honorable duties which await me in the more 
 northern part of the Union, I consider it as being conferred 
 on the revolutionary army in the person of a surviving gen- 
 eral officer. 
 
 " In that army, sir, which offered a perfect assemblage of 
 every civil and military virtue, Major general Baron de Kalb 
 has acted a conspicuous part. His able conduct, undaunted 
 valor, and glorious fall in the first battle of Camden, form one 
 of the remarkable traits of our struggle for independence and 
 freedom. He was cordially devoted to our American cause, 
 and while his public and private qualities have endeared him 
 to his contemporaries, here I remain to pay to his merits on 
 this tomb, the tribute of an admiring witness, of an intimate 
 companion, of a mourning friend." 
 
 After this, Lafayette proceeded to lay the corner-stone 
 of the monument, which was not completed for some time 
 afterward. The base is formed of twenty-six massive blocks 
 of granite. Twenty-four of them bear, respectively, the 
 names of the twenty-four States then composing the Union ; 
 the twenty-fifth has the inscription, " Foedus esto perpetu- 
 um /^^ and the twenty-sixth covers the ashes of the de- 
 ceased. The monument itself consists of an obelisk of 
 white marble fifteen feet high. On the side which fronts 
 south, on De Kalb street, are the words, " Here rest the 
 remains of Baron de Kalb, a German by birth, a cosmopoli- 
 tan in his principles." On the north side, the inscription is : 
 " In gratitude for his zeal and services, the citizens of Cam- 
 den have erected this monument." Fast side : " His love 
 of Liberty induced him to leave the Old World to aid the 
 citizens of the New in their struggle for Independence. 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 253 
 
 His distinguished talent and many virtues weighed with 
 Congress to appoint him Major- General in their revohition- 
 ary army." West side : " He was second in command in 
 the battle fought near Camden on the 16th of August, 1780, 
 between the British and Americans, and there nobly fell, 
 covered with wounds, while gallantly performing deeds of 
 valor in rallying the friends and opposing the enemies of his 
 adopted country." '^^ 
 
 How far the facts bear out the poetical license of this 
 epitaph, the reader will have decided for himself from the 
 perusal of the foregoing pages. The question presents itself, 
 however, whether the motives of Kalb's action, as we under- 
 stand them, impair his title to the gratitude of the Amer- 
 ican people, and to an honored niche in the fane of history ? 
 The answer will best be made from another brief retrospect 
 of his life, which, the more it is examined in the light of his 
 time and of the ideas by which that time was guided, becomes 
 more and more divested of its adventurous aspect, and stands 
 disclosed as the product of morbid political conditions. 
 
 Kalb was a native of a little German territory of the 
 fifth magnitude. At the time of his birth the principality 
 of Brandenburg-Bayreuth, containing about 1,456 square 
 miles, and one hundred thousand inhabitants, did homage to 
 the margrave George William. '^^ It yielded him a revenue 
 of some two hundred thousand dollars, being about the 
 annual income of a wealthy New York or London merchant. 
 The rights of his subjects consisted, substantially, in the 
 good pleasure of their lord and master, who, of course, 
 looked to Versailles for his models, and revered the roues 
 of the regency as his preceptors in the arts of living and of 
 government. If anything distinguished the German prince 
 
254 LIFE OF "K ALB, 
 
 from the Parisian noble, it was an occasional freak of glut- 
 tony relieving the routine of super-refined luxuries. The 
 species " homo " was never recognized as existing in any 
 variety lower than that of the noble. The last but one of 
 the margraves of Anspach-Bayreuth amused his mistress 
 one day by shooting a chimney-sweep from his roof. She 
 had expressed a curiosity to see a man come down head 
 foremost. The widow of the murdered man appealed to his 
 charity, and, in a moment of patriarchal benevolence, he 
 indemnified her with the gift of two dollars.^^^ When the 
 native gentry would not suffice, French adventurers and 
 vagabonds were imported to bring the splendor of the court 
 upon an equality with those of neighboring potentates. 
 George William's successor, the margrave Frederic (1735 to 
 1763), known as the husband of the great Frederic's sister, 
 whose accession coincides with Kalb's departure from his 
 dominions, is a choice specimen of the race of petty mag- 
 nates then maltreating the German people.^^'' That the ex- 
 penses of his household exceeded those of his brother-in-law, 
 is of comparatively little moment, as the personal wants of 
 the great king were never equal to the salary of the mar- 
 grave's chief cook or principal dancer; but that the latter 
 could equal, if not excel, all the apes of the Sybaritism of 
 Louis XY., is of no little consequence in view of the num- 
 ber of his competitors in Bavaria, the Palatinate, and Wur- 
 temberg, and of the narrow limits of his domain. If, then, 
 this contempt of all that was of native growth, and espe- 
 cially of the native people, could thus display itself at a time 
 when the victories of Frederic the Great had revived the 
 self-respect of Germany, how degrading and demoralizing 
 must have been the yoke on the necks of earlier generations ! 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 255 
 
 And what more natural than that " the classes designed by 
 Providence for servitude " should take flight from the body 
 of this political and moral death ! 
 
 That two hundred thousand dollars failed to defray the 
 expenses incident to such a system of government, requires 
 no demonstration. Extraordinary revenues had to be pro- 
 vided. A favorite resource of this description was the prac- 
 tice of hiring out the soldiers of the State — of which, in 
 1730, Bayreuth had two regiments of infantry, a body of 
 hussars, and a mounted body-guard — to the maritime pow- 
 ers, Holland and England, upon a valuable consideration, 
 which the phraseology of the times adorned with the title 
 of a subsidy. The margraves of Bayreuth and Anspach en- 
 gaged extensively in this lucrative business, which yielded 
 them enormous sums for the support of their mistresses and 
 dancers. Thus, during the American Revolution, England 
 paid for the use of 1,644 men of Anspach and Bayreuth — 
 including a young lieutenant named Gneisenau, afterward so 
 famous as a Prussian field-marshal — the sum of £305,400, or 
 about 61,527,000.^'' 
 
 Had Kalb remained at home, his birth and lineage would 
 have hopelessly excluded him from any career of military 
 ambition higher than that of a corporal in one of the two 
 regiments of his liege lord. Perhaps the latter would have 
 sent him into foreign parts, like so many of his neighbors 
 before and after him. Among the Anspach prisoners taken 
 at Yorktown are two privates of the name of Kalb. Possi- 
 bly they were nephews of the general ! Or, more probably, 
 our hero would have imitated the foi-ward boys of whom the 
 chamberlain tells Lady Milford, in Schiller's "Love and 
 Intrigue," ''' that they stepped forward aud asked the colonel 
 
256 LIFE of'kalb. 
 
 what the prince asked for a yoke of men. " But," the nar- 
 rator continues, " our most gracious prince caused all the 
 regiments to be paraded, and the blusterers to be shot. We 
 heard the crack of the rifles, and saw their brains spattering 
 on the pavement, and the whole army shouted, ' Hurrah for 
 America ! ' " There is no poetical license here. In these 
 matters his most serene highness was not at all to be trifled 
 with ; every soldier who showed the slightest disposition to 
 resist was handcufled and shot down on the spot. At all 
 events, Kalb's sound sense and independent way of thinking 
 would have kept him off" the list of those well-afiected 
 soldiers of Bayreuth, who, after having mutinied on the 
 march to America, and fired upon their officers, burst into 
 tears at the sight of the potentate's august person, and 
 marched quietly away."^ 
 
 A State in duodecimo, like the Bayreuth of that period, 
 where the individual has no attraction but that of brute force 
 to fasten him to the body politic, where the inhabitants have 
 not a single higher interest in common, and where the pay- 
 ment of taxes and blind obedience are the sum of human 
 life — a parish pound like this is not a country, and can never 
 arouse the sentiment of patriotism or national honor. In 
 such a spot, woe to the unfortunate who even dares to think ! 
 His convictions will either involve him in hopeless collisions 
 with the existing powers, or banish him from the threshold 
 of his youth, to find elsewhere a scope for his energies. It 
 is the same love of action, so shamefully fettered at home, 
 which to this day drives so many of the flower of the Ger- 
 man youth from the home of their fathers into foreign lands. 
 The captivity of the German mind in the manacles of these 
 petty despots is best depicted in the sublimated schoolmas- 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 257 
 
 ters and sickly Titans of a fellow-countryman of Kalb's — 
 Jean Paul, " the Jeremiah of his people." Kalb's rupture 
 with Bayreuth, America has, at all events, no reason to de- 
 plore. 
 
 The French absolutism of the day was precisely identical 
 in substance with that of Germany, its undoubted offspring ; 
 but its exterior was more grand and imposing. Even at this 
 time the same relation subsists between France and Ger- 
 many as has obtained for two hundred years. The German 
 of the present day enjoys a larger measure of personal and 
 political liberty than the Frenchman under Louis Napoleon ; 
 but while the national force of Germany is broken, and its 
 living energies frittered away in consequence of the division 
 into petty principalities, the French subject takes comfort at 
 the thought that he is feared abroad, and that his country is 
 the political arbiter of Europe. A State of thirty-six mil- 
 lions of inhabitants of a single nationality finds work to do 
 for every able man, be he of native or of foreign birth, be 
 he trained in the arts of peace or in those of war. It rouses 
 the ambition and energy of the individual, and provokes that 
 keen encounter of the wits which precedes every great 
 exploit and brilliant success. A pigmy kingdom, on the 
 other hand, must not, for its own safety, suffer any greatness 
 to flourish ; it is itself a caricature, an object of contempt 
 and derision to all who are not themselves its victims. 
 
 No sooner had Kalb made his way into the French ser- 
 vice, than his chances of success and advancement were the 
 same with those enjoyed by the natives of the country. 
 The Bourbons even favored the foreign regiments, which, as 
 we have seen in the second chapter, they drew from every 
 nation, regarding them as affording, in case of need, a pro- 
 
258 LIFE OF KALB, 
 
 tection against their own people — a forethought partly justi- 
 fied at the breaking out of the French revolution. The 
 absolutism of the eighteenth century made use of every 
 instrument that came to its hand, never stopping to inquire 
 into origin or character. Implicit obedience was the one 
 thing needful; by whom that obedience was rendered was 
 of no sort of consequence. The despotism of that century 
 was, in this respect, less prejudiced and more liberal than 
 most of the democratic republics of our day, because it 
 never considered any interests except its own; while e\ery 
 citizen of a republic is prone to imagine that it is in part the 
 function of his Government to furnish him or his connections 
 with office, and therefore to draw distinctions calculated to 
 reduce the number of competitors. 
 
 The idea of nationality had scarcely been conceived at 
 that time ; the omnipotence of Government obliterated all 
 varieties of language and extraction. The feudal traditions 
 were melted in the whiter heat of centi-alized power. Hence 
 arose the tendency of the foreign nobility to migrate to 
 France, and the corresponding disposition of the French 
 gentry to seek their fortunes abroad. 
 
 Kalb accordingly did no more than to conform to the 
 prevailing practice in going where the regular migratory 
 current of his countrymen led the way ; indeed, he had a 
 stronger inducement than most of them, as his birth cut off 
 all hope of a successful career at home. To understand this 
 state of things most thoroughly, the titled orders of the last 
 century should be compared witli the heavy speculators of 
 the present. The great merchant, also, has no country. He 
 is as ready to remove from Hamburg to San Francisco, or 
 from 'N'ew York to Shanghai and Calcutta, as a nobleman 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 259 
 
 of that period was to quit the service of France or Sweden 
 for that of the emperor or the sultan. Honor and renown 
 are the pursuit of the one ; wealth and fortune, which confer 
 power and influence, are the quest of the other. Titles and 
 capital are at home wherever any conquest is to be made of 
 lands or honors, money or power; they renounce their 
 nationality without a pang, and sometimes even change their 
 religion for the sake of preferment. Who, for instance, 
 could name the country of the Rothschilds ? They are 
 entirely denationalized. Many of these titled and untitled 
 Argonauts return from their expeditions, while others take 
 root in the soil of their adoption, and still others flit for a 
 time from port to port before reaching their permanent des- 
 tination. As every modern seaport has its pioneers of com- 
 merce, who fail in engrafting themselves on the stock of the 
 mercantile hierarchy, and who "never make anything," 
 because lacking either in pliancy or discretion, but who, at 
 the same time, are not to be extinguished by any amount 
 of ill luck, and as these crusaders of profit, who are only at 
 ease in the fiercest struggles of the market, often accident- 
 ally become the lights of a new phase of the history of 
 trade, or, at least, thrust the age a step in advance of where 
 they found it, so the last century had its military adven- 
 turers, refugees to-day and prime-ministers to-morrow, who 
 conquered a throne at the sword's point only to exchange it 
 for a debtor's prison; modern knights-errant, who subju- 
 gated whole kingdoms, and, though they perished miserably, 
 yet lived to inaugurate historical developments. Characters 
 of this last description form the exception, not the rule ; but 
 they spring from the : ommon origin of old tradition and 
 immemorial custom, and bear the most marked impress of 
 
260 LIFE OF KALB. 
 
 tbeir time. These paladins of the sword are the last de 
 scendants of the knights- errant and condottieri of* the 
 Middle Ages. This is the spirit that drives them over the 
 world, not, as modern enthusiasts are apt to imagine, on 
 a philosophical search for the best of governments, or with 
 the design to devote their swords to the greatest good of 
 the greatest number, but generally without any settled pur- 
 pose, bent upon an active life and the acquisition of fame 
 and fortune. 
 
 It is the characteristic of great historical epochs, that no 
 one can refuse to be concerned in them, that the individual is 
 drawn, consciously or unconsciously, into the circle of their in- 
 fluence, and forced, often contrary to his character and dis- 
 position, to wear their livery. Kalb was such an offspring of 
 his age, and his companion Lafayette was no less so. The 
 same ship, named as if in commemoration of their common 
 purpose, " la Vlctoire^ " which brought them to the new / 
 world, brought the last of the condottieri, and the last of the - 
 knighls-errant ; and without them, be it well observed, the \ 
 triumph of the new system would have been impossible. \ 
 Both mean to fight for the reiDublic, and both, though actu- 
 ated by different motives, stake their lives on the issue. The 
 younger voyager, the knight-errant, yearns for the fairest o ' 
 the fair, the Dulcinea which the sentimentahsts of Europe 
 then sought in the backwoods of America, under the names 
 of Nature, Liberty, and the Rights of Man. The elder has 
 more of reality in his projects, and is satisfied with the con- 
 sciousness of action and enterprise, without much caring for 
 its ultimate purpose. Neither of them attained the goal of 
 his desires. The one was fortunate in gaining the friendship 
 of the greatest and best of Americans, who, himself a model 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 261 
 
 of all the finest graces of the Teutonic character, corrected 
 the young Frenchman's volatile ambition, and enabled him to 
 become " the hero of two continents." The other fell nobly- 
 fighting on the field of the soldier's honor, happy in the 
 accident which identified this honor with the interests of 
 freedom. The struggling colonies were always of secondary 
 importance to his ambition ; they furnished Kalb with the 
 opportunity to display his devotion to the French king, from 
 whom he expected more substantial reward and recognition 
 of his efibrts m their behalf. In his eyes they were but the 
 steps of the ladder of fame and distmction on which he de- 
 sired to mount for the purpose of achieving in France still 
 higher honors and benefit. 
 
 Kalb was a soldier, and in every respect a man of honor 
 in the military sense and spirit of his time. It' his motives 
 have been variously misconstrued and distorted, the fault lies 
 not with him, but with the unsound idealism of his contem- 
 poraries. He had no predilection for the service of the foreign 
 flag ; but he performed his whole and full duty as a man of 
 honor and conscience. That the hope of pecuniary gain did 
 not draw him across the ocean, is but too evident, when it is 
 borne in mind that at that time the United States were strug- 
 gling to avoid extinction, that the half of a general's pay was 
 required to liquidate a barber's fee, while the price of a sad- 
 dle horse absorbed the emoluments of five or ten years. Add 
 to this the almost intolerable privations, the absence of all 
 opportunity for distinction, and the jealous if not hostile de- 
 portment of the native officers, and it must be conceded that 
 a situation like this is to be endured only by men actuated by 
 higher motives, whether of patriotism and ambition, or of 
 manly pride and a sense of duty. 
 
262 LTFEOFKALB, 
 
 Kalb belongs to the last-named class ; he was a military 
 realist, and, as such, perfect. His faithfulness in the service, 
 and his unbounded devotion to the cause, not only compares 
 most favorably with the energy of the native revolutionary 
 generals, but even excels them in iron fortitude. The War 
 of Independence produced many able and patriotic leaders, 
 men whose names will shine in imperishable glory to the end of 
 all history ; but among the officers of the highest grade two 
 only sealed their oaths of fealty with their blood. These two 
 generals were foreigners. One of them, Richard Montgomery, 
 the Irishman, stanched his youthful heroism on the snow-clad 
 heights of Quebec, while the other, a veteran of sixty years, 
 John Kalb, the German, breathed his last under the well-nigh 
 tropical sun of South Carolina. He died for the honor of the 
 American arms, fanning with his latest breath the valor of 
 his men. If he could not restore the day, he rescued the fliir 
 fame of the republican troops, shamefully abandoned by the 
 commanding general. 
 
 At this proud moment we take leave of our hero. In the 
 national museum of France at Versailles his bust is preserved 
 among those of the illustrious men of the country. Yet his 
 virtues were of the Teutonic stamp ; the unbending energy, 
 the faithfulness in the discharge of duty, and the dauntless 
 courage which are manifested in all the vicissitudes of his 
 career, were not the fruits of his foreign travel, but the in- 
 gredients of his Franconican mother's milk. Germany has 
 never advanced her claims on his renown, yet he has honored 
 her name under the most difficult circumstances. South Car- 
 olina has raised a monument to perpetuate his memory, but 
 the great republic for whose independence he sacrificed his 
 life, has almost forgotten his name and services. 
 
LIFE OF KALB. 263 
 
 It was therefore a welcome and sacred duty he owed to 
 his countrymen which induced the author to represent Kalb 
 in the light of his time, and to revive his memory in the 
 heart of the present generation. 
 
NOTES 
 
 1. This version of Kalb's extraction is so diametricallj opposed to 
 all the opinions hitherto received, that it will be necessary to state at 
 large how the knowledge of the facts here stated was obtained. The 
 MSS. received from Milon la Chapelle include two writings which 
 mention Huettendorf as the birthplace of General Kalb. One of them 
 is a certificate given the 22d of June, 1798, by the Prussian ambassador 
 at Paris, M. Alphonse de Sandoz-Rollin, in which Elie Kalb, as a son 
 of Major-general Kalb, who was born in Huettendorf, in the margra- 
 viate of Bayreuth, is claimed as a Prussian subject (Bayreuth hav- 
 ing been incorporated with that monarchy in December, 1791). The 
 other is a copy of the marriage certificate of April 10, 1764, setting 
 forth that " Jean de Kalh^ chevalier, fils dufeu Jean Leonard de Kalb^ 
 8EIGNEUE DE HuETTENDORF, et de dame Marguerite Seitz, ne a Huet- 
 tendorf dam le margraxiat de Bayreuth,'"' is married to Anna Eliza- 
 beth Emilie van Ptobais at the Dutch embassy in Paris. These docu- 
 ments making it certain that Huettendorf was the birthplace of the 
 general, it only remained to ascertain the year of his birt!), which 
 was sometimes given as 1717, and a^iain as 1732. I therefore com- 
 municated these facts t) a friend of mine then living at Erlangen, 
 near Huettendorf, Professor L. K. Aegidi, and requested him to have 
 the date of Kalb's birth extracted from the church register. Mr. 
 Aegidi soon discovored that Huettendorf neither had, nor ever had 
 had, either a manor house or a church, and therefore referred to Pas- 
 tor Pvecknagel, of Kirchen:iurach, which includes Huettendorf in its 
 parochial limits, and, without making any mention of the Christian 
 names of the parents, simply requested a statement of the birthday 
 of John de Kalb, born at Huettendorf at some time between the 
 years 1717 and 1732. Mr. Recknagel had the goodness to stite, in 
 answer to this inquiry, that there never had been a baronial family 
 of de Kalb in Huettendorf, but that there is still a family of wealthy 
 yeomen there of the name of Kalb. At the time inquired of there 
 had been a farmer, John Leonard Kalb, who, with his wife Margaret 
 12 
 
266 NOTES. 
 
 Seiz, had begotten three sons, one of whom, named John, was born 
 ■ the 29th of June, 1721. The correspondence of the given and sur- 
 names, omitting only the "de" and the "seigneur," is perfect. 
 Through the kindness of Dr. George Kapp, Superior Consistorial 
 Councillor at Munich, I was subsequently enabled to direct a more 
 detailed inquiry to Mr. Recknagel, which was answered to the effect 
 that the memory of the grand-uncle who had become famous in 
 America is still green in the family, and that a number of descend- 
 ants of the general's brothers are stdl living near Huettendorf, such 
 as C(mrad Kalb, fanner in Huettendorf, John Kalb, farmer in Gibigen- 
 hof neir Nuremberg, John Knlb, landlord and master baker in Sta- 
 deln near Nuremberg, and Elias Kalb, optician at Nuremberg. This 
 welcome and unexpected disclosure of course induced me to redouble 
 my exertions in ferreting out the origin of the gen.ral, whom I, too, 
 liad previously taken for a baron. My friend, Aegidi, helped me to 
 still another correspondence, wliich had been conducted by the gen- 
 eral's widow and youngest son with their German kindred between 
 the years 1781 and 1803. Mr. Philip Feust, student of law at Erlan- 
 gen, had the goodness to furnish me with an exact copy of these 
 twelve letters. The perusal of these papers must dissipate every re- 
 maining doubt of Kalb's real extraction. That these letters are gen- 
 uine is beyond a doubt ; because, in the first place, the family at 
 Huettendorf had not the most remote interest in forging such a cor- 
 respondenre, nor even, in all probability, the skill to fabricate it; 
 secondly, they a'e corroborated by the Rev. Mr. Recknagel's official 
 extracts from the parish records ; and, finally, all tlie names, dates, 
 and persons mentioned in the letters tally with the facts and individ- 
 uals set forth by the French and American sources of information at 
 my disposal. The oldest of these letters are given in the Appendix, 
 and speak for themselves. 
 
 For the sake of completeness, it may be added that, after a long 
 interruption, Kalb's youngest son, Elie or Elijah, resumed the corre- 
 spondence with John Ge rge Kalb in March, 1801, from Kippenberg, 
 near Brug, on the Mur. He had in the mean time assumed the name 
 of Elias von Kell, and had become an ensign in the Austrian infantry 
 regimt-nt of Count Erbach, a circumstance which is mentioned sev- 
 eral time-:' in my French authorities. ^'■Seien Sie Tersiehert, mein liebster 
 Herr Vetter,'''' he says, " dass %ch wahrea Anteil au dem Tod Ihrer 
 Frau Sehlich nehme, oder Sie mucsaten mich Sekr misskennen, war Sie 
 nicht die Schwester meines lieben vatters ? " " Be assured, my dearest 
 
NOTES. 267 
 
 cousin, that I esympathize sincerely with you in the deatli of your 
 sainted wife, or you would greatly misjudge me, was she not the sis- 
 ter of my dear father? " 
 
 On the 2d of June, 1802, Elie, now promoted to the rank of a 
 lieutenant, informs "his true friend and cousin " John George Kalb, 
 of Stadling, that his patrimony had been restored to him, and that he 
 proposed to return to France by way of Stadling. This ends the 
 correspondence between the two. Young Kalb returns to his home, 
 Asiihout giving himself any further trouble about his cousin, who had 
 befriended him in time of need. Early in the year 1808, John 
 George Kalb inquired of Mr. Burkhardt, of Basle, a friend of the 
 family, what had become of liis cousin. Buikhardt replies on the 24th 
 of February, 1808, that Elie de Kalb had recently married, and was 
 living quietly at Milon la Chapelle near Ohevreuse, a statement which 
 agrees preci-^ely with the pedigree, on the faith of which the American 
 Government paid Elie de Kalb's claims to his daughter. Mr. Burk- 
 hardt concludes his letter to John George Kalb by saying, "In my 
 opinion the silence of M. de Kalb toward those who so kindly 
 took him by the hand in the year of the emigration, is not to be 
 excused." 
 
 Thus far the correspondence, which to me appears to place the 
 identity of General Jeau Baron de Kalb with the peasant boy John 
 Kalb, beyond all manner of doubt. The baronial family of the de 
 Kalbs of Rheinheim had become extinct in the middle of the sixteenth 
 century. Of the Barons Kalb of Kalbsrieth, but a single branch 
 survived at the time of the birth of our hero. That he was not of 
 their kith is manifest from the answer given by Henry de Kalb, after- 
 ward the husband of Schiller's friend, Charlotte de Kalb nee 
 Ostheimb, then a captain in the French regiment Deuxponts, to 
 General Washington. This M. de Kalb, with his regiment, took part 
 in the French expeJition to America, and distinguished himself at the 
 siege of Yorktown. When presented to Washington, the first question 
 of the latter was, whether he was connected with General de Kalb, 
 who had recently fallen at Camden? Henry de Kalb answered that 
 he did not know him, had never seen him, and never heard of him. 
 (I have this fact from an oral communication by Miss Edda de Kalb, 
 of Berlin, the daughter of Henry and Charlotte.) That the general 
 never received a French patent of nobility, is proved by the circum- 
 stance that he figures in the army lists as Jean de Kalb from the 
 moment of liis first appearance as a young lieutenant in 1743. 
 
268 NO^-ES. 
 
 2. This statement is inade by Kalb himself in a memorial handed 
 to the Marquis de Monteynard the 19th of September, 1773, and to 
 the Prince de Montbarey, the 31st of August, 1779. I find it, like all 
 the subsequent data relative to his promotion in the army, unquali- 
 fiedly confirmed by Kalb's Etat de service in the French ministry of 
 war, the papers of which were examined for me through the kind 
 intervention of M. Louis Tribert. 
 
 3. Geschichte der Revolutionszeit, by Henry von Sybel, vol. I., 
 p. 43. 
 
 4. See Appendix XL, where the reader may advance his study of 
 the manners and morals of the last century, by perusing some exiracts 
 from letters of Kalb's colleagues and comrades on the subject dis- 
 cussed in the text. 
 
 5. Kalb's MS. papers (Nachtmann), from which the narrative at 
 the close of the chapter is extracted. 
 
 6. F. W. Barthold's "Die geschichtlichen Persoenlichkeiten in 
 Jakob Casanova's Memoiren," Berlin, 1846, IL, 130, 131. Schlosser's 
 " Geschichte des 18 Jahrhundeits," IT., 866. How much even the 
 most highly-educated German princes, who fought on the side of 
 their country, were imbued with French thoughts and feelings, 
 appears from a remark made by the Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick, 
 recorded in Boisgelin's manuscript notes of his conversations with 
 Ferdinand, and quoted in both of the works above cited. 
 
 " Mais^ Monsieur^ me disait le prince^ il n^y a pas d'officicr 
 
 general en Allemagne^ quelque grand seigneur quHl soit^ qui ne se 
 regarddt comme tres-heureux de pouvoir passer au service de France. 
 Quel bonJieur defaire la guerre anec des Frangais et de vivre avee eux 
 d Farit pendant lapaixf Ce n^est pas pour vous /aire un compli- 
 ment^ ce n'est point parce que vous etes Frangais, que je vous conjure^ 
 quHl n''y a pas unparmi nous, qui nefut enchante d.e servir en France.'''* 
 
 7. Eistoire des Troupes etrangeres au service de France, par Eugene 
 Fie0, commis principal aux archives du lyiinistere de la guerre^ 2 vol. 
 Paris, 1854, I., pp. 268-271. The passage translated in the text is 
 found in volume I., pp. 283-285. Also Schloezer's Correspondence 
 Xiy., 103-107. The work first cited is particularly rich in materials 
 on this topic, and is an unintentionnl but scathing denunciation of 
 the petty sovereignty and seedy nubility of Germany during the 
 seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. No German not entirely 
 callous to the honor of his country can read Fieff^'s book without 
 burning shame and indignation. 
 

 NOTES. 269 
 
 8. Kalb's MS. papers (ISTachtmann). 
 
 9. Archenliolz's History of tlie Seven Years' "War, I., 234. 
 
 10. Kalb's MS. papers (Nachtmann). 
 
 11. Ibidem. 
 
 12. Ibidem. 
 
 13. Ibidem. 
 
 14. ^^Choiseul und seine Zeit^ von Kurd von Schloezer." Berlin, 1857, 
 p. 122. 
 
 15. Benjamin Franklin's Works, by Jared Sparks, VII., 357, where 
 he writes from London, August 28, 1767, to his son William : 
 
 " De Guerchy, the French ambassador, is gone home, and Mr. 
 Durand is left Minister Plenipotentiary. He is extremely curious to 
 inform himself in the affairs of America, pretends to have a great es- 
 teem for me on account of the abilities shown in my examination, has 
 desired to have all my political writings, invited me to dine with him, 
 was very inquisitive, treated me with great civilities, makes me 
 visits, &c." 
 
 " I fancy that intriguing nation would like very well to meddle 
 on occasion and blow up the coals between Britain and the colonies, 
 but I hope we shall give them no opportunity." 
 
 16. George Bancroft's History of the United States, VI., 25, and 
 further on, at page 67. 
 
 17. French archives (ministry of foreign affairs). From this docu- 
 ment on to the Kalb's Boston letter of May 2, 1768, in the next chapter, 
 copies in the possession of Mr. Bancroft, for the loan of which I am 
 indebted to him. 
 
 18. New York Gazette and Weekly Mercury, February 8, 1768, 
 from which journal the account of the accident is taken. 
 
 19. French archives (ministry of war), procured through the kind 
 assistance of Mr. John Bigelow, piece 26. 
 
 20. Thomas Jefferson, par Cornells de Witt, troisiime edition, Paris, 
 1861, pp. 427, 446, and Mr. Bancroft's copies from the archives of the 
 ministry of foreign affairs. 
 
 21. French arciiives (ministry of war), pi^ce 55. 
 
 22. Friedrich von Raumer, " Beitraege zur Neueren GescMcMe " 
 (1763-1783), Leipsie, 1839, II., 163. 
 
 23. Kalb's MS. papers (Kachtmann). 
 
 24. BiograpMe Universelle, article " Brogliey The letter itself 
 is appended. 
 
 25. Bancroft's Hist .ry of the United States, vol. VIII., pp. 328- 
 
270 ncPes. 
 
 344, where is to be found the first clear and authentic exposition of 
 the matter treated in the text. It is the more important to keep 
 these points in view, as the plain facts have been much distorted by 
 the contradictory exaggerations of Deane, Beaumarchais, Lee, and 
 du Coudrav, each of whom was anxious to appropriate the merit of 
 having sent the munitions of war. 
 
 26. Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, bj Jared Sparks, 
 vol. I., pp. 71, 95, 97, 98. 
 
 27. English archives, S. P. 0. France, vol. 497. I am indebted 
 for this letter to the kindness of Mr. Geo, Bancroft. Stormond, it is 
 true, spells Kalb's name in the text " Colbe ; " but the identity of 
 Kalb with Colbe is established, apart from all other considerations, 
 by the fact that the latter is called a son-in-law of the well-known 
 van Robnis, and that Holtzendorf is named as his companion. 
 
 28. Interesting particulars relative to the failure of this expedition 
 are found in ''''Beaumarchais etson temps^''^ par de Lom^nie, vol. III., 
 pp. 150-160, which, by-the-bye, is cited in the text in the English 
 translation by Henry S. Edwards, London, 1806. 
 
 29. Diplomatic Correspondence, vol. L, p. 101. 
 
 30. Papers in relation to the case of Silas Deane, Philadelphia, 
 1855. 
 
 31. 32. Kalb's MS. papers (Nachtmann). 
 
 33. MS. memorial cf Dubois Martin, in the Maryland Historical 
 Society in Baltimore, Portfolio No. 9. The statements of tliis in- 
 teresting document are to be received with great caution, not only 
 because they were made for the purpose of attracting the attention 
 of Lafayette, at the time of his visit to this country in 1824, to the 
 grandiloquent author, who was then living at Baltimore in straitened 
 circumstances, but also because Dubois speaks of many things as an 
 eye-witness, which he could only have learned from hearsay. 
 
 34. This and the following sketch are based upon the letters of 
 Kalb to his wife, which I have found in Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la 
 Chapelle), and which are the more reliable as they narrate the little 
 incidents of almost every day, without any thought of publication. 
 
 35. Lafjiyette to Mrs. Gejmueller. See Appendix VIII. 
 
 36. 37. Raumer, ubi sup. IIL, 231, 232, and 242. 
 
 38. Washington's Writings, by Jared Sparks, Y., 449. 
 
 39. Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle), letter of June 20, 
 1777. 
 
 40. Washington State Department Papers, Volume No. 164, 
 p. 306. 
 
NOTES. 271 
 
 41. Life of Steuben, by Friedrich Knpp, New York, 1858, p. 527. 
 
 42. Journals of Congress (Duulap's Edition), III., 276. 
 
 43. Ibid., III., 279. 
 
 44. Ibid., III., 823. 
 
 45. Ibid., III., 394. 
 
 46. Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, I., 295. See 
 Appendix IX. 
 
 47. Memoirs of Segur, vol. I. 
 
 48. Department of State Papers, Washington, vol. " de Kalb." 
 
 49. Journals of Congress, III. The resolution is printed in the 
 Appendix X. 
 
 50. Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle). 
 
 51. Journals of Congress, III., Session of October 4th. See Ap- 
 pendix X. 
 
 52. Kalb to his wife, Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle). 
 
 53. Washington's Writings, V., p. 204. 
 
 54. Ibid., pp. 157 and 167. 
 
 55. This and the following letter from Kalb to Broglif, of the 
 year 1777, are found in the French ministry of foreign affairs, where 
 they were copied by Mr. George Bancroft. Mr. Bigelow afterward 
 had the same letters copied for me in the ministry of war. Broglie 
 acted evidently as a go-between with Vergennes, St. Germain, and 
 Kalb, or his letters W(tuld hardly have got into the archives of the 
 ministries of war and of foreign affairs. 
 
 56. Communicated to me by the kindness of Mr. George H. Moore, 
 from the Laurens Manuscript papers in the possession of Mr. Event 
 Duyckinck. 
 
 57. Lafayette's letter of acceptance to Congress, dated January 
 81, 1778; found in the Washington State Department Manuscript 
 Papers, vol. 156, pp. 7, etc. 
 
 58. Gates' instructions are found at the same place, vol. 156, 
 pp. 55 et seq. 
 
 59. Kalb's MS. papei s (Milon la Chfipelle). 
 
 60. Washington Irving's Life of Washington, IIL, 362. 
 
 61. Gates' MS. papers, in the possession of the New York His- 
 torical Society, vol. 12. 
 
 62. Ibid., vol. 13. 
 
 63. Revolutionary Correspondence, by Jared Sparks, vol. IL, 
 pp. 93, 94. 
 
 64. Life of Steuben, by Friedrich K:ipp, p. 139. 
 
272 xoT*ES. 
 
 65. Washington's Writings, V., 360. 
 
 66. The oath is found in the Army Returns, No. 37, Oaths of 
 Allegiance, Q. 17, vol. I., No. 10, in the Washington State Depart- 
 ment, and Revolutionary Orders of General Washington, by Henry 
 Whiting, New York, 1844, p. 80. 
 
 67. Letter from Kalb to Colonel Petti t, Assistant Quartermaster- 
 general, dated September 22, 1778, kindly communicated to me in 
 MS. by Dr. Sprague, of Albany. 
 
 68. 69. Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle) ; the letters 
 are addressed to his wife. 
 
 70. Washington's Writings, VI., p. 126. 
 
 71. Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle). 
 
 72. Washington's Writings, VI., 268. 
 
 73. 74, and 76. Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle). 
 
 75. Life of Steuben, by Friedrich Knpp, New York, 1859, pp. 228- 
 231. 
 
 77. Kalb here quotes Virgil without having the book at hand, and 
 naturally commits a few slips of memory. If the reader desires fully 
 to appreciate the beauty of this most poetical comparison, and its 
 telling application to the position in which Kalb then found himself, 
 let him turn to Virgil's JSneid, IIL, 254, 257, and VII., 110-116 and 
 124-134, which contain the prophecies of Celaeno, and their fulfil- 
 ment. 
 
 78. Life of Frederick William von Steuben, by Friedrich Kapp, 
 New York, 1859, p. 706. 
 
 79. Lossing's Pictorial Field-Book of the Revolution, I., 317. 
 
 80. Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle), letters dated Decem- 
 ber 7, 1779, January 1, 20, and 26, and February 12, 1780. 
 
 81. Life of Steuben, by Friedrich Kapp, p. 239. 
 
 82. Washington's Writings, by Sparks, VI., 413. 
 
 83. Ibid., p. 487. 
 
 84. Ibid., p. 416. 
 
 85. See Revolutionary Correspondence, II., 404, 415. 
 
 86. Ibid., IL, p. 430. " 
 
 87. Washington's Writings, VI., 494. 
 
 88. Revolutionary Correspondence, II., 450. 
 
 89. Washington's Writing?, VII., 7. 
 
 90. Ibid., p. 15. 
 
 91. Ibid., p. 10. 
 
 92. A Narrative of the Campaign of 1780, by Colonel O. H. Wil 
 
NOTES. 273 
 
 liams, Adjutant- General. This journey of one of the ablest oflScers 
 of the Revolution is printed as an appendix to Johnston's Sketches of 
 the Life and Correspondence of Nathanael Greene, Charleston, 1822, 
 vol. IV., pp. 485-507, and in the vahieless little biography of General 
 Greene, by W. G. Simms, New York, 1850, pp. 359-383. It is one of 
 the most important documents in the history of the southern cam- 
 paign of General Kalb, whose adjutant "Williams then was. Both 
 before and after this period Colonel Williams served as inspector ; he 
 stood high in Kalb's confidence and esteem. I shall have frequent 
 occasion to cite him hereafter, and in so doing, shall refer to the pag- 
 ing in Simms' book, that being the more familiar and accessible of 
 the two. 
 
 93. Revolutionary Correspondence, II., 448. 
 
 94. Diary of Christopher Marshall in Philadelphia (MS.), com- 
 municated by "William Duane, Esq., of that city. 
 
 95. Gates' MS. papers, vol. XVII. The letter here quoted also 
 furnishes the data of Kalb's journey from Philadelphia to Petersburg. 
 
 96. Revolutionary Correspondence, IL, 371. 
 
 97. 98. Kalb's MS. papers (Milon la Chapelle). 
 99, 100. Williams' Narrative, pp. 360, 361. 
 
 101. Washington Trving's Life of Washington, 8vo edition, IV.. 75. 
 
 102, 103. Gates' MS. papers, vol. 17. 
 
 104. The recital from Gates' arrival in camp to the close of the 
 chapter is literally extracted from Williams' Narrative. 
 
 105. Ibid., and General Orders from July 26, 1780, to August 15, 
 1780, MS. in possession of the Historical Society of Maryland in 
 Baltimore, to which I am particularly indebted for precision in dates. 
 
 106. Gates' MS. papers, vol. XVIL 
 
 107. Williams, vhi svp. 2. General Gist's Order Book (in pos- 
 session of the Historical Society of Maryland in Baltimore, where 
 I examined it), and Henry Lee's Memoirs of the War in the Southern 
 Department, Washington, 1827, p. 85. 
 
 108. Williams, uhisup. 
 
 109. Stedman's American War (8vo edition), 11., 226-228. 
 
 110. History of the Campaign of 1780 and 1781 in the Southern 
 Provinces of North America, by Lieut.-colonel Tarleton, London, 
 1787, p. 99. 
 
 111. Williams, vli siip., and Smith's Memoir of Baron de Kalb, 
 p. 17. 
 
 112. Thatcher's Military Journal, p. 206. 
 
 12* 
 
274 NOTES. 
 
 118. CorrespondeDce of Charles, First Marquis Cornwallis, by 
 Charles Ross, in 3 vols., London, John Murray, 1859, L, pp. 55, 56, a 
 compilation which, so far as American affairs are concerned, is ex- 
 tiemely superficial and worthless. 
 
 114. Stedman, uhi sup., p. 230, 231. 
 
 115. Williams, uhisup. 
 
 116. The account of the battle is founded mainly on the report 
 of Williams, an eye-wimess, whose testimony, however, is confirmed 
 by all the autliorities on both sides. 
 
 117. Williams, Thatcher, and Garden relate the death of Kalb in 
 the same terms ; it would seem, indeed, as if the latter two writers 
 had copied from the former, who was an eye-witness. 
 
 118. Correspondence of Ci)rnwallis, L, p. 56. 
 
 119. Wheeler's History of ITorth Carolina, II., 154. Humphrey 
 Hunter's account, tiiere followed, is adopted by me in so far only as 
 he speaks as an eye-witness. What he gives from hearsay bears in- 
 ternal marks of improbability, and is at variance with the statements 
 of better observers. 
 
 120. Maryland Journal, 1760, and J. Spear Smith's Memoir, al- 
 ready cited, p. 26. 
 
 121. Revolutionary Correspondence, Ilf., 76 ; Gates' MS. papers 
 and Washington's Writings, VII., 239, 285. 
 
 122. Resolutions and Acts of Congress, VL, 214 (Dunlap's Edi- 
 tion), 
 
 123. Colonel Nicholas Rogers, of Baltimore, to General Henry 
 Lee. See Appendix XV., where the letter is printed in extenso. 
 
 124. I am indebted for the first pedigree of the descendants of 
 Kalb to J. Caroll Brent, Esq. of Washington, for many years the so- 
 licitor of the family before Congress. The data there given are con- 
 firmed by an essay written by the son of Elie de Kalb in 1829, and 
 f«)und in the papers of Milon la Chapelle. The latest additions were 
 furnished by Mr. J. Nachtmann, the established friend of the family. 
 See Appendix, where the summary of the parents, brothers, and sis- 
 ters of Kalb, furnished by the Rev. M. Recknagel, is also given. 
 
 125. Statement by Elie de Kalb in his contemporary letter to his 
 kinsman in Franconia (with which I have been favored by Philip 
 Feust, Esq., student of law), borne out by the family papers at Milon 
 la Chapelle. 
 
 126. I am indebted for the particulars of this grant of lands to 
 the kindness of Alfred Schuecking, Esq., of Washington, who at- 
 
NOTES. 275 
 
 tempted, shortly before the year 1850, to recover the land for the 
 family, which would have been an easy matter at that time, but 
 which was frustrated by the heirs of Kalb themselves. 
 
 127. The various committee reports on this matter were kindly 
 presented to me by J. Caroll Brent, Esq. They are Report No. 184, 
 31st Congress, first session, House of Representatives, March 28, 1850, 
 and Report No. 193, 33d Congress, first session. House of Representa- 
 tives, February 6, 1854. From them I have taken the statements of 
 the text. 
 
 128. Congressional Globe, Vol. XXX., 33d Congress, second ses- 
 sion, pp. 68, 250, 320, 357. 
 
 129. Washington's Writings, XII., p. 200. 
 
 130. An accurate description of all the solemnities observed on 
 this occasion, and the text of the speeches made by those who par- 
 ticipated, is found in the " Voice of Masonry, and Tidings from the 
 Craft," Vol. I., number 23, Louisville, Kentucky, December 15, 1859, 
 to which Masonic periodical these facts were communicated by brotlier 
 J. B. Kershaw, of Camden. I am under obligations to Dr. R. Bar- 
 thelmes, of Brooklyn, who is collecting information relative to the 
 German Freemasons in America, preparatory to the publication of a 
 work on the subject, for the loan of this interesting number of that 
 journal. 
 
 131. B. J. Lossing's Pictorial Field- Book of the Revolution, II., 
 468, where, also, a picture of the mcmument is given. 
 
 132. Statistics of the Principality of Bayreuth, by G. W. A. Fik- 
 enscher, Munich, 1811, p. 98 and 6. 
 
 133. Oral and perfectly reliable communication by an old inhabi- 
 tant of the castle of Bruckberg, made to the author in Sept., 1843. 
 
 134. John Gottlob von Meyern, in his '• Nachrichten von derpoliti- 
 schen und (Bkonomischen Verfussung des Fuerstenthums Bayreuth^ und 
 der in diesem Jahrhundert verstorhenen MarJcgrafen von Brandenburg, 
 Bayreuth, Gotha, 1780," pp. 20-25, thus describes this margrave and 
 the doings of his court : " His naturally restless disposition had not 
 beea pri)perly controlled in early life; the consequence of which was 
 that he abandoned himself too much to his favorites and ministers, to 
 frivolous amusements and expensive luxuries. His prime minister 
 and special favorite, Ellrod, had the address to prevent his lord from 
 being approached by anything capable of producing an unpleasant 
 impression or causing uneasiness. He managed to provide the means 
 of meeting the most urgent wants, and to silence the remonstrances 
 
276 NOTES. 
 
 of the administrative and financial boards against the constant in- 
 crease of the public debt. He was the son of a court chaplain of 
 Bayreuth, and artfully raised himself from the position of governor 
 of the pages to that of prime minister and count of the empire. The 
 court dignitaries consisted of a chief marshal, a court marshal, a mas- 
 ter of ceremonies, various gentlemen of the chamber and the court, 
 French and German cooks, gentlemen of the bed-chamber, waiting- 
 men, servants, footmen, and ruimers. Of German and foreign game- 
 keepers, whippers-in and huntsmen, and the accompanying dogs and 
 horses, there was more than abundance. A troup of the first Italian 
 male and female singers, under the direction of eminent German per- 
 foimers, discoursed the most exquisite vocal and instrumental music, 
 and gave evidence of the cultivated taste of the margrave and his 
 consort. In addition to this an academy of music was established 
 for the benefit of the amateuis of the court and the capital. The 
 French theatre was stocked with the best French actresses, and with 
 dancers of all the nations of Europe, which, as well as the French 
 cooks, were paid like ministers of state, and rapidly accumulated 
 enough to purchase annuities and landed estates in France. Even 
 the celebrated Pari^ian tragedian Lekain and the comedian Preville 
 were called to Bayreuth, and munificently rewarded for their per- 
 formances. The operatic and theatrical perf )rn!ances find the acade- 
 my of music were open to every one free of charge. The margrave 
 wanted others to share in all his pleasures. The enjoyment of his 
 servants and subjects was his own. For the purpose of extending 
 the same advantages to the lower portion of his dominions, he fre- 
 quently removed his court to Erlangen." 
 
 The annual expenses for ornamental architecture were 50,000 
 florins. The money was disbursed by French and Italian architects. 
 It was this department in which French noblemen such as Mirabean, 
 Adh^mar, Montperny, Chatelet, and others made their livelihood and 
 fortunes. "The extent of these operations, the academy, and the 
 funds expended on the education of intelligent young men, were the 
 menus of training skilled artists and meclianics, who, after the death 
 of the margrave, were employed in the architectural department at 
 Berlin and Potsdatn. Even a danseuse, Miss Heinlin, born and in- 
 structed at Bayreuth, was the admiration of all the connoisseurs of 
 London and Paris for years after the death of the margrave," 
 
 135. Parliamentary Register, VIL, 44; transactions of February 
 1, 1777 ; and Schloezer's " Staatsanseiger,^' vol. VI. 
 
NOTES. 211 
 
 136. The character of Lady Milford, the " virtuons wanton," in 
 Schiller's " Love and Intrigue," would seem to be a portrait of Lady 
 Craven, who was the last mistress of Charles Alexander, the last 
 margrave of Ansbach-Bayreuth, and who persuaded him to cede his 
 principality to the Prussian crown. The second scene of the third 
 act of that play is highly colored ; but that it is not untrue to the life 
 appears from the succeeding note. 
 
 137. In 1777 the "■ Hamburg Correspondent," then the leading 
 political journal of Germany, published letters from two correspond- 
 ents, which I can the less refrain from reproducing here, as they dis- 
 play most manifestly the enthusiasm and devotion with which Kalb's 
 countrymen followed the flag of their margrave to America. 
 
 " On the 9th of this mouth," says a correspondent writing from 
 Nuremberg, March 18, 1777, "certain German troops on their way to 
 England broke out into a rebellion, which might have had serious 
 consequences, if the sovereign had not, in his own person, re- 
 paired to the ships that same evening, and restored order by tl:e in- 
 fluence of his august presence. Nevertheless some violence had 
 already been committed, one man having been kil'ed and five wound- 
 ed, while thirty others had seized the opportunity of making their 
 escape. The accompanying commissaries had been compelled to fly 
 for their lives to a neighboring city." 
 
 " On the 9th instant," says another correspondent of the same paper, 
 writing from the lower Elbe under date of April 3, 1777, "the An- 
 spach troops marched to the river's bank at Ochsenfurt, and were 
 shipped. The narrow space in the vessels induced Colonel d'Eyb, 
 who commanded the brigade, to lay by a little on the 10th, in order 
 to make the soldiers a little more comfortable. He gave orders to 
 cook the rations, and to be in readiness for marching. But as the 
 boatmen had no orders to procure more bottoms, there was not time 
 to redress this grievance, or prepare comfortable quarters for the sol- 
 diers. They resigned themselves to their fate, however, and were 
 only anxious soon to reach Wuerzbui-g. Idleness led them to drink, and 
 then some of the grenadiers of the Bayreuth regiment Voitli began 
 to murmur. They were joined by a number from the regiment Eyb, 
 until at length all united in protesting that they had sworn to ?erve 
 on land but not by water. A number now began to quit the ships 
 and their flags, called to their comrades to follow them, and marched 
 off into the mountains, avoiding Ochsenfurt. The oificers in vain en- 
 deavored to bring them to order ; some of the ringleaders had already 
 
278 NO "PES. 
 
 passed the vineyards. The riflemen posted there now fired, and shot 
 a number of tlie deserters, and Eckert's grenadier company of the 
 regiment Eyb set itself in motion, and undertook to recall the mu- 
 tineers by friendly expostulations. At this moment-, however, the 
 disturbance became general, and Captain d'Eckert of the grenadiers, 
 and Lieutenants de Schoenfeldt, d'Adelsheim, and Kuhlau, who were 
 joined by Lieutenant von Reitzenstein as a volunteer, were ordered 
 to quell the riot, when they caused d'Eckert's grenadier company 
 to march against the regiment Voith, and to prepare to load. This 
 brought the brawlers to their senses, and they reentered their ranks, 
 whereupon the grenadiers uncocked their pieces and returned. There 
 being some diflficulty as to which companj"- should first march on 
 board, it was resolved to march back on shore from Ochsenfurt to 
 Ufifenheini. The grenadiers of the regiment Eyb, however, assured 
 the brigadier that he would have no difficulty in reshipping them ; 
 they were prepared to show themselves ready to execute the orders 
 of their prince on all occasions. This was done; Sereni^siraus ar- 
 rived at four o'clock next morning, and at his appearance the dutiful 
 soldiers shed tears of joij, and quietly resumed their Triarchy 
 
 The portrait of Kalb given in the frontispiece was engraved from 
 a photograph taken by order of Mr. J. Nachtmann, and kindly pre- 
 sented to the author, from an oil painting belonging to the general's 
 grand-daughter, the Vicomtesse d'Ajzac. It represents our hero in 
 the costume of the day, and was taken immediately before his de- 
 parture for America. A portrait in oil, owned by the Maryland His- 
 torical Society at Baltimore, corresponds with this engraving in the 
 smallest particulars, and appears to have been copied from the same 
 family picture, to which is also to be referred the copy to be found 
 in Independence Hall at Philadelphia. 
 
 The facsimile under the picture is taken from his letter written at 
 Petersburg, May 29, 1780, which is given at large in the text, and 
 w;is also presented to the author by Mr. J. Nachtmann. It is one of 
 the latest writings found among his papers. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 LETTERS FROM THE WIFE AND CHILDREN OF GENERAL 
 KALB TO THEIR GERMAN KINSMEN. 
 
 1. MADAME DE KALB A MR. GEORGE DE KALB A STADLING. 
 
 Paris, le 20 Janvier, 1781. 
 
 MoN Tres Cher FrSre: Je snis on ne pent pas etre plus sensible 
 a la lettre tend re et consolante que vous m'avez fait I'honneur de 
 m'ecrire. Li s sentimens que vous m'y marquez me penetrent du 
 sincere regret de me voir si eloigneo d'une famille qui aurait fait ma 
 plus graiide conpolation et qui, en me rappellant le meilleur des maris, 
 aurait mele ses larmes a celles que je repands et ne cesserni de repan- 
 dre tous les jours de ma vie. Mais me voyant privee de cette satis- 
 faction je chercherai a m'en dedonimager en inspirant ii mes enfans 
 les sentiments dont j'ai ete penetree pour la famille de mon mari. 
 Quand ils seront en age et qulls pourront faire le voyage sans nuire 
 a, leur education et a leur avancement, je les enverrai vous rendre 
 leurs devoirs et vous prier de les presenter au reste de la famille . . 
 J'ai joint a la lettre de mon fils un model de procura- 
 tion qui m'est tres essentiel d'avoir pour I'arrangement de mes af- 
 faires. J'attribue, mon tres cher frere, votre silence a cet egard sur 
 ce qui je ne vous avais pas observe que cette procuration ne vous en- 
 gage a rien parceque, suivant la coutume de Paris, les parens qui 
 donnent lenrs avis pour la nomination d'un tuteur ou d'un subrogue 
 
 tuteur, ne ?ont pas garants de sa gestion Je desirerais que 
 
 vos affaires puissent vous permettre de venir ici. Dans cecas la pro- 
 curation deviendrait inutile, vous verriez Ls chores par vous-nieme, 
 et je vous prierais, d'accepter un logement chez moi, et de disposer de 
 tout comme si vous etiez dans votre maison, II ne serait et question 
 que pour lorsqne de trouver quelqu'un qui pM expliquer en allemand 
 ce que vous n'entendez pas, ce qui je crois ne serait pas difficile. Ne 
 
280 APPEIiDIX. 
 
 doutez pas, je vons prie, de la satisfaction quej'auraide voiis voir ac- 
 cepter ma proposition, et de vousprouver de vive voix les sentiments 
 distingues avec lesquels j'ai I'honneur d'etre votre tres humble et 
 obeissante servante et soeur. 
 
 Vatjeobais db Kalb. 
 
 2. elijah kalb to me. siebenzaess, huckstek * at the new gate at 
 nueemberg. 
 
 Basle, April 6, 1793. 
 
 My Veey Dear Cousin: I would be very unfeeling if I did not 
 take all sorts of trouble to show you my gratitude. Unfortnnately, 
 the German language is not familiar enough to me, in writing, for 
 me to make use of it. But the great kindness with which you have 
 requested me to write to you in Germany, and the fatherly affection 
 which you have hitherto shown me, has given me a heart to try it. 
 The certificate you procured for me has been sent at once to Paris ; 
 but I do not yet know what effect it has had. As regards the amount 
 which you had the goodness to disburse for me, my brother-in-law 
 will send it to you by the same merchant who handed you my first 
 letter. 
 
 Pardon my bad writing, my dearest cousin ; but it is not to be 
 pardoned, that one who is of German blood, and who has lived a 
 long time in Germany, sliould not write better, I speak it as well 
 as the French, but writing I have not used. I cannot sufficiently 
 express to yon my gratitude and friendship, with which I have tlie 
 honor to be, my dearest cousin, your most obedient servant, friend, 
 and cousin. Elijah Kalb. 
 
 For the better understanding of this letter, it should be remarked 
 that Elie de Kalb, the general's youngest son, was at that time 
 abroad as a penniless refugee, the estates of the family having been 
 contiscated by the Convention. He omits the "• de " in his own name 
 as well as in that of his relative. The certificate to which he alludes 
 in an attestation of the authorities at Bayreuth, that General John 
 Kalb was born at Huettendorf, and theref ire the subject of a Ger- 
 man state, and that consequently his sons, the oldest of whom expired 
 on the guillotine in October, 1793, could not be regarded as French- 
 
 * The German word " Pfragner " is a Franconian provincialism, mean- 
 ing a green-grocer, or a trader who deals in flour, peas, beans, and sucb 
 articles. 
 
APPENDIX. 281 
 
 men. This document, subsequently endorsed by the Prussian Am- 
 bassador at Paris, is also referred to more than once in the French 
 sources of information. 
 
 3. ELIJAH KALB TO MR. SIEBENKAESS, HUCKSTER AT NUREMBERG. 
 
 Basle, October 18, 1793. 
 
 My Dearest Cousin : I have received your affectionate letter 
 of the 12th of this month, and am really very sensible of the friend- 
 'ship and interest you take in my painful and unfortunate lot. The 
 certificates I have received and forwarded to Paris, but have not any 
 answer. This silence on the part of my agent is not at all surprising, 
 because all the letters sent out of France are opened, and if the 
 slightest suspicion were entertained that he was writing to a refugee, 
 it would cost him his head. To be sure I ought not to be considered 
 a refugee, nor am I such, but in such a country and at such a time, 
 when there is no order, no law, and no religion, innocence will 
 always be in the wrong, until the Highest sliall pronounce the rights 
 that belong to us in this world, or until He shall put an end to war 
 and revolution. To all appearances we shall soon have peace. . . . 
 I have found true kindred and friends, who had never known me, and 
 who yet have shown me so much friendship. But be assured, also, 
 that I shall i:ever forget it, and that I am impatiently waiting for 
 the time when I shall be able to show you my gratitude in a better 
 way. 
 
 I wish I could send you the amount disbursed for me ; but at this 
 moment it is impossible, because I have not had any thing sent to me 
 from home lor a long time. . . Pardon me my bad pronunciation 
 and wriiing. Honor me furthermore with your kind remembrance, 
 and believe me that I fully appreciate it. My dearest cousin and 
 friend. Your most sincere, most obedient friend and servant, 
 
 Elijah Kalb. 
 
 4. LUKE GEYMTJELLER (THE GENERAL's son-in-law) to JOHN GEORGE 
 
 KALB. 
 
 Basle, February 20, 1795. 
 
 My Most Worthy and Dear Cousin : It was not without the 
 greatest sensibility that we received the mournful news of the de- 
 cease of our dear and worthy cousin at Huettendorf. My brother-in- 
 law, my wife and myself, assure you for ever of our friendship, and beg 
 
282 appeITdix. 
 
 you, ray dear cousin, to kiss your beloved wife and children heartily. 
 My brother-in-law is much surprised to find that you have not 
 received one of the last three letters he wrote you. You cannot 
 conceive how much pain it gives my brother-in-law that you should 
 have had the thought that he has forgotten you. He is far from 
 having any such thoughts, and our dear cousin is certainly convinced 
 of it. He will never forget the friendship you have extended to him, 
 and still extend to him. Should he ever recover his property, it will 
 be his first care to repay you, my dear friend, the money so kindly 
 disbursed for him, with all possible gratitude. My wife and I also 
 deeply feel what you have done for him, and beg for the continuance 
 of your tenderness. We esteem ourselves fortunate in having such a 
 kinsman ; it will be a real pleasure to hear often from you and your 
 beloved family. . . My most worthy cousin, 
 
 Your most obedient and most devoted cousin and friend, 
 
 Geymueller. 
 
 5. elijah kalb to john george kalb, 8tadling, near nuremberg. 
 
 Basle, September 20, 1797. 
 
 My Dearest Coitsin : With tearfnl eyes I take the pen to inform 
 you of m.y hard, snd fate. But yon are probably already aware, that 
 another new empollune has taken place at Paris, and the main pur- 
 pose is not to return anything to any one whose name is on the list 
 of refugee-^, whether it came there rightfully or wrongfully. I have 
 had the honor of writing to you often, and have received no more 
 answers. My dearest cousin, who always wrote me such affectionate 
 letters of consolation, can he abandon me entirely, and no longer 
 consider me his faithful friend and cousin? Oh no! the thouglit 
 would be too dreadful. Honor me with a speedy reply, and be 
 assured of my friendship and cousinly affection, with which I shall 
 remain through life. Your most devoted cousin and friend, 
 
 Elijah Kalb. 
 
 6. luke geymueller to john george kalb. 
 
 Paris, March 2, 1799. 
 
 Most Honored Cousin: Yon are acquainted with the unfortunate 
 
 plight of your cousin Elijah, which is really deplorable, so hmg as his 
 
 case cannot be passed upon. To have his matters arranged he must 
 
 have a voucher to prove that his father was a citizen in Huettendor^ 
 
 11* 
 
APPENDIX. 283 
 
 County Bayreuth, and was regarded as a citizen to the day of his 
 death, as well as his children, that he was born there, the date of his 
 birth, and the name and baptismal names of his parents ; this must 
 not be omitted by any means. This certificate of citizenship must 
 also be authenticated by the minister at the Franconian court. You 
 see, my dear cousin, how much we need your assistance. 
 
 7. ELIJAH KALB TO JOHN GEORGE KALB, STADLING. 
 
 Basle, April 18, 1799. 
 
 Dearest Cousin: You cannot imagine how dreadful it is for us 
 to receive no answers from you to several letters. The writings 
 which have cost you so much trouble and expense, are at Paris, 
 under seal, as you know. Baron Hardenberg, the Prussian ambas- 
 sador here, is willing to help me if I can show him in black and 
 white that my sainted father was a Prussian, and to prove this he 
 demands a certificate of baptism from the place where my father 
 was born. Should it take more than a fortnight to send me the 
 certificate of baptism, please have the goodness to give me the name 
 of the village where he was born, but send the certificate on as soon 
 as poi^sible, and be so kind as to let me know what my s linted grand- 
 father was, and where he lived. "We recommend ourselves to the 
 friendship of you and yours, and with much love to all our relations, 
 etc., etc. 
 
 II. 
 
 1. MAJOR WURMSER (REGIMENT ALSAOE) TO KALB. 
 
 Tool, Juin 8, 1751. 
 
 Je puis vous repondre avec surety que le regiment a toujours eu 
 coutume de fatre passer par les verges les filles de mauvaise vie et 
 autres qui etaient dans le cas de le meriter. Le regiment ne c'est 
 jamais oppose de prendre les verges, quand il est arrive de faire 
 passer une fille par toute la parade d'uce garnison. Les caporaux et 
 les grenadiers sont seuls dispenses de cette besogne. 
 
 2. MAJOR DE HEIFTER TO KALB. 
 
 CoLMAE, le 8 Juin, 1751. 
 
 Le regiment ne passe jamais aucune fille par le^ verges. Si le cas 
 s'en pr^sente, notre prevot les fait promener a la parade pendant une 
 
284 APPENDIX. 
 
 heure, ou bien il les fait mettre sur ua cheval de bols, et 3i le fait est 
 plus grave, il les fait fouetterpar la main du bQurreau. 
 
 3. MAJOE LESLIE TO KALB. 
 
 Maubeuge, le 13 Juin. 
 
 Quand nous tronvons des filles dans les casernes, le regiment les 
 fait passer par les verges. Mais dans aucun cas les grenadiers no 
 passent personne par les verges. 
 
 4. BARON DE VOLZ TO KALB. 
 
 Cambray, le 12 Juin, 1751. 
 
 " Pour r^pondre, Monsieur, a celle que vous m'avez fait I'honneur 
 de m'ecrire le 5 de ce mois, I'usage est dans notre regiment, de faire 
 passer les putains seulement dans les cas ci-enonces. Si des filles 
 sont prises dans les chambrees des soldats du corps ou par des pa- 
 trouilles que le corps aurait fait expr^s pour cela, le Regiment fuurnit 
 seul le detachement pour passer ces filles par les verges. Mais si 
 elles sont prises par des detachements ordonnes par TEtat niajor de 
 la place ou par des soldats de garde ailleurs que dans des chambrees 
 des soldats, quoique le detachement ne soit que d'un corps, les dites 
 filles doivent gtre passees par les troupes qui composent la garde, 
 excepte la cavalerie et les grenadiers qui se retirent quatre pas en 
 arriere des rangs et ne pi-ennent pas des verges. Les filles prises 
 dans les chambrees de tel corps que ce soit, c'est a ce corps k fournir 
 seul le detachement pour les fouetter et les autres ne doivent pas s'en 
 ragler. Si elles sont prises dans les chambrees des grenadiers c'est 
 aux grenadiers seuls a les fouetter. N'etant pas d'usage qu'ils fouet- 
 tent les filles prises dans les chambrees des fusiliers, les fusiliers ne 
 doivent pas etre les correcteurs des leurs; si le cas arrivait, corame 
 il pourrait se trouver de lamauvai.-e volonte dans les grenadiers, cela 
 merite d'etre execute avec bien d'attention ponr ne pas tomber 
 dans le cas oh I'obeissance des grenadiers occasionnerait peut-gtre 
 quelque conseil de guerre comme cela est arrive a Nancy il y a 2 ou 
 3 ans dont il y a eu trois grenadiers de pendus pour pareil cas. 
 
 Ain>i done toutes fi.les prises partout ailleurs que dans des cham- 
 brees des soldats par des patrouilles on par des detachements ordonnes 
 par I'etat major, doivent gtre fouettees par les troupes de la garnison 
 qui composent la garde, excepte comme je I'ai dit, la cavalerie et lea 
 grenadiers. 
 
 J 
 
APPENDIX. 285 
 
 Si c'est une patrouille qne qnelqu'un corps fait, soit pour veiller 
 an dehors que les soldats ne s'^cartent pas au dela des limites ou pour 
 eviter la desertion, si ces dites patrouilles n'ont pas un ordre par ecrit 
 de Tetat major d'arr^ter Its filles, ce sera a ce corps seul, dont la 
 patrouille sera, a punir les dites filles avec les soldats, qu'ils les aient 
 trouvees j ayant apparence sans cet ordre par ecrit que la dite pa- 
 trouille est pour la discipline de leur corps. 
 
 Si de ces filles sont prises dans des charabrees de la cavalerie c'est 
 b. la cavalerie a les punir ou a I'etat-major d'ordonner leur chatiment 
 sans que I'infanterie de la garnison doive en aucune fagon etre I'instru- 
 ment de leur correction. 
 
 Voila ce qui se pratique dans mon regiment et selon mon avis, 
 c'est dont on ne doit pas s'ecarter, etc., etc. 
 
 III. 
 
 GExNERAL OLERKE TO WILLIAM COUNT LIPPE. 
 
 Pahis, the Tith of Fibmary, 1765. 
 
 Sir: I hope that your Highness found your affairs at home and 
 your Watercastle * going on to your mind. I have been here for these 
 three months, and I intend to return soon to London. The opposition 
 is not considerable. Though there was a great division n[)on the 
 general warrants it proceeded from way of thinking more than per- 
 sonality, which does them honor. Lord Melburne was married two 
 weeks ago to Lady Sophia Carteret, daughter of Lord Carteret, whom 
 you knew in the Dettingen campaign as Si.^cretary of State. 
 
 Mr. de Kalb will deliver this letter to your Highness. He is a 
 German and a Protestant. He served the last war as deputy quar- 
 termaster under Marshal Broglie, who has confidence in him and 
 esteems him very much as a good officer; but he has it not in hia 
 power at present to serve him as he deserves. He appears to me to 
 be a sensible military man. Money is not his object, and he has for- 
 tune sufficient to live at his ease. His ambition is to be made a gen- 
 eral officer in Portugal, and Marshal Broglie by that means may have 
 it in his power to get him the same rank in France in another war. 
 
 I find here th:it Count d'Oyeras had made proposals to Closen, 
 
 * Count William was then erecting the fortress of Wilhelmstein in the 
 lake called the " Steiohuder Meer." 
 
286 APPENJ)IX. 
 
 who did not accept of them and who died a little afterward. I have 
 received here great civilities both from Marshal Broglie and the 
 Court, and should be glad to have it in my power to show my sensi- 
 bility to their kindness and good opinions of me. Monsieur de Kalb 
 having no business nt present thinks it no trouble at any rate of going 
 to Germany and paying his respects to your Highness ; he can inform 
 you of many things as to the French part in the German war. I hope 
 to have the pleasure of seeing you myself this year in Germany. I 
 have a gieat desire to pay my respects to you in your own domin- 
 ions. I am with the greatest respect your Highnesses most obedient 
 servant. 
 
 R. Cleeke. 
 
 ly. 
 
 1. PRECIS DES OBJETS DE LA COMMISSION DE M. DE KALB. ENVOY^ 
 A M. LE DUG DE CHOlSErL LE 6 AOUT, 1768. 
 
 M. le Due de Choiseul m'ayant charge de savoir les di^^positions 
 des habitans des colonies de TAmerique septentrionale -X Tegard de 
 Objet de ma la grande Bretngne et dans le cas que les Provinces en 
 Commission. vinssent a une rupture ouverte avec leur metropole 
 quels seraient leurs moyeiis de faire la guerre ou de defendre leur 
 liberte. 
 
 Voici done un abrege de mes observations sans entrer ici duns 
 toutes celles que j'ai faites sur le pays dans un plus grand detail etqui 
 ne sont pas relatives aux objets de ma commission. 
 
 L'acte du [)apier timbre qu'on a voulu introduire dans ces colo- 
 nies en 1765 a revolt e t<>us les esprits et cause des emeutes qui n'ont 
 „ . , ^ , cesse qu'aveo la revocation de Facte et le renvoy de 
 
 Siijet de mecon- ^ '' 
 
 tentiment des ces pnpiers que le ParleiTient v avait fait pa?ser. La 
 
 colonies. -• • ^ • 'i. -i. i ' "^ ti 
 
 Iregate qui en etait chargee en a debarque partie au 
 fort de la Nouvelle York comme la chose n'a pu etre secrete. Le 
 peuple de la ville s'est assemble tumnltueuseinent, a bri e les coio- 
 nets et tout ce qui s'est trouve hors de Penceinte du fort ap- 
 partenant au Lieutenant Gouverneur qui fut oblige de renvoyer a 
 bord du vaisseau tons les dits papiers pour retablir la communica- 
 tion du fort ou il se trouvait renferme avec la ville. La fiegatii a 
 ete observee et comme bloqnee jour et nuit par le peuple pendant 
 plusieurs mois pour se rendre certain qu'on ne remettrtdt plus de ces 
 papiers a terre jusqu'a ce que Facte ait ete revoque et la fregate 
 rapellee avec toute sa charge. 
 
APPENDIX. 287 
 
 L'acte de 1765 enjoignait a toutes les Provinces de fournir aux 
 troupes Britanniques le logement, le chauflage, le sel, la boisson etc. 
 oceassionna encore un mecontentement general, cependant les Colo- 
 nies I'ont accorde a quelques exceptions et changements pres. 
 
 Enfin un nouvel injpot en 1767 sur le papier, les glaces et toutes 
 sortes de verres a acheve d'iudisposer ces peuples contre le Parlement 
 et le Ministere leur a fait ouvrir les yeux sur leur situation et sur la 
 possibilite de se passer de toutes les marcha^di-^es d'Europe eb encou- 
 rageant les talens et leurs propres manufactures. 
 
 Les marcliands de Boston animes d'un esprit patri( tiqiie pour le 
 
 bien du public et aux depens de leur propre interet se sont engages 
 
 par ecrit a ne plus rien tirer d'Angleterre que ce 
 
 Arraneements ' ^ ^ & ^ 
 
 u'^conomie pvis dernier acte ne soit revoque. Et sur leurs lettres 
 
 par les Colonies. . , . , • ^ -, , . •, .,, 
 
 circulaires aux negociants de toutes les villes commer- 
 ^antes des autres Colonies, la meme resolution a et6 prise dans tout 
 le continent unanimenient, resolution qui tend neceseairement au 
 detriment du commerce et des manufactures d'Angleterre et a exciter 
 des troubles parmi les ouvriers des tiois royaumes. 
 
 II n'y a pas de doute que le pays ne se rende independant pnr la 
 suite lorsque le iiombre de ses habitans excedera celui de li grande 
 
 Bretagne, et il y marclie a grands pas par la population 
 
 II y alien que cc ® ' •' ° ' ' ^ * 
 
 pays diviendra prodigieuse jointe aux nouveaux Colons qui ne disccn- 
 in epen an . ^inueut d'y arriver de tous les pnys de I'Europe. Cet 
 Ev^neiiient pent n'^tre pas eloign^. Le gouverneraent m^me le 
 precipitera s'il continue par des Jictes de riguenr, et les taxes iliegales 
 a gener le conimtrce ct les manufactures des colonies (que mal a 
 propos ou la es a laisse etablir, mais qu'il n'est ]>lus temps d'arreter 
 sans exciter des murmures) surtout si ces procedes les forcent une 
 fois pour toutes d s'affranchir de l'acte de navigation (qniestle seul 
 acte d'autorite que la metropole puisse exercer sur les Colonies, 
 auqutl seul elles aient consenti et que les char;res pour leur eta- 
 blissement exigent d'elles) et de la defense qui subsisre de se con- 
 rerter entre elles d'une province a I'autre et toutes ensemble sur 
 leurs interets communs et qu'elles s'avisent de prendre ouvertement 
 le parti d'une contederat'on generate contre les mesures injustes du 
 ministere. _ 
 
 Ce pays s'affrancbira non seulement de toute d^pendance de la 
 conrronne d'Angleterre avec le temps, mais il euvahira encore toutes 
 kf possessions que les puissances Europeennes out en Amerique taut 
 ifcles que terre ferme. 
 
u 
 
 288 APPENDIX. 
 
 II y a tout lieu de croire que la conformite des lois, d'usage, de 
 langage et de religion empechera ees colonies (du moins dans le rao- 
 Ces colonies n'- mens present malgre leurs sujets de plaintes) d'agir 
 SScim^^SecourB contre leur metropole autrement que par la privation 
 etraoger. ^qq marcbandises anglnises, par I'encouragement de 
 
 leurs propres manufactures et Fetablissement de nouvelles a moins 
 qu'ou ne les force a se defendre : Et dans ce cas la meme elles n'ac- 
 cepteraient aucun secours etranger qui ne pourrait que leur paraitre 
 suspect et alanner leur liberte surtout de la part de la France elles se 
 soumettraient plutot au parlement d'Angleterre pour un temps. 
 D'ailleiirs ces provinces etant d'accord entre-elles leurs propres forces 
 suffiraient a leur defense mutuelle une armee anglaise telle forte 
 qu'elle pui-se etre ne pourrait que ravager on piller quelques villes 
 maritimes ou tout au plus quelques provinces, mais jamais les soumet- 
 tre et les contenir. L'etendue seule sans effort des habitans pour s'y 
 opposer est un obstacle invincible a un pareil dessein. Et si une 
 independance complete est la fin des troubles presentes entre deux 
 parties de la nation Britannique, le ministere de la metropole he 
 pent Tattribner qu'a les injustices reiterees, et la nation enti^re sensible 
 enfin aux outrages faites a des freres et des concito^'ens et de ce qu'elle . 
 aurait a craindre pour son propre compte ne pourrait s'en prendre qu'a 
 ses representants en parlement qui out bassement vendu a la cour la 
 liberte et le droit du peuple. 
 
 Je ne saurais done me persuader que le Gouvernement anglais en- 
 tende assez pen les veritables interets pour en venir jamais a des ex- 
 tremites avec ces colonies, je crois au contraire que toutes les discus- 
 sions se termineront a I'entiere satisfaction de ces dernieres. 
 
 Mes raisons sont que la plus saine partie d^ la nation Anglaise et 
 le roi meme doivent s'opposer aux entreprises des ministres et aux 
 mesures poursuivies jusqu'ici contre les colonies. 
 
 La nation le doit. 
 
 1° parceque les impots mis sur les Americains sont injustes et ty- 
 ranniques et qu'ils sont absorbes par le grand nombre d'emploves 
 pour la perception qui sont autant de pensionnaires du ministere al 
 qu'il n'en resulte aucun bien pour les troisRoyaumes soit pour le paic- 
 ment des dettes nationales, soit pour le f^oulagement des snjets, 
 
 2" parceque le Benefice que I'administration recevait jusqu'ici des 
 productions de l'Am6rique et de ce qn'on leur donnait en ecliange en 
 s'en tenant aux termes de I'acte de navigation est plus avantageux a 
 la metropole que tous les impots qu'on pourraient y substituer, 
 
I APPENDIX. 289 
 
 3° pirceque la perte deviendrait immense, pour les negociants, les 
 manufactures et pour toute la Grande Bretagne en general, si les colo- 
 nies etaient forc6es a s'affranchir de Fobligation du dit acte de navi- 
 gation a porter par consequent leurs productions aux etrangers directe- 
 ment et a ouvrir leurs ports atoutes les nations, 
 
 4° parceque si les colonies succombaient sous les forces que les 
 trois Royaumes prSteraient au ministere, les Anglais n'auraienetilspas 
 a craindre d'etre subjugues a leur tour pr.r les forces Americaines ou 
 meme par des forces absolument etrangeres a leur constitution. 
 
 Le Roi de son c6t6 devrait s'opposer aux mesures de ses ministres. 
 
 1° que souffrant que le parlement taxe les Americains arbitraire- 
 ment lui ote la plus belle prerogative de sa courronne en demandant 
 a chacune de ces colonies des dons gratuits dans les terns difficiles ou 
 suivant ses besoins, en observant avec eiles les formes usitees au par- 
 lement pour les subsides, jamais les Americains ne s'etaient refuses a 
 ces demandes sous les regnes precedents tant qu'on les a laisse les mai- 
 tres de la repartition ; aller au contraire, est etublir le pouvoir arbi- 
 traire et abolir la constitution Britanrdque. x 
 
 Elles n'ont point de marine reglee mais elles ont eu pendant la 
 guerre derniere un grand noiubre d'armateurs. La facillite de con- 
 Marine, Arm6e, struire et d'equiper des vaisseaux les mettrait bientot en 
 ^^"^^ 6tat d'avoir des flottes, leurs nombreux batiments mar- 
 
 cl lands y pouvant fournir les matelots necessaires. Elles n'ont point 
 d'arsenaux ni de munitions en magasins publics, mais il se trouve dans 
 le pays une graude quantite de canons ds tons calibres propre a servir, 
 appartenant aux particuliers ou aux provinces, sans compter le ^^.-and 
 nombre quMl y en a dans les-forts de Tint^rieur du pays et le long de la 
 mer en batterie sur les ports, rivieres et anses et que les troupes du Roi 
 ne sauraient empeclier d'etre pris par les liabitans au premier signal de 
 revolte. II y a aussi beaucoup de poudre chez les conimerQuns par- 
 cequ'il s'en fait un gros trafic avec les sauvages. Les habitans sont. 
 abondammentpourvus d'arines. L'on n'y manque d'ailleurs ni de mines 
 de toutes sortes de metaux ni d'ouvriers excellents pour les mettre en 
 ceuvre ainsi que pour faire du salpetre de tres bonne quality et toutes 
 sortes d'armes offensives et defensives. Le nombre des 
 rivieres navigables a une grande distance de leurs em- 
 bouchures et Tabondance de provision de toutes especes donnerait de 
 la facilite d'en assembler en pen de temps et dans toutes les parties 
 ou le besoin Pexigerait pour faire subsister des troupes eu corps 
 d'armee. 
 
 13 
 
290 APP:fNDix. 
 
 Dans toutes les provinces (celle de Pensylvanie seule except^e et 
 qui cependant ferait je crois oomine les autres si leiirs libertes etaienten 
 Troupes du danger) les homnies depuis Tage de seize jusqu'a cin- 
 paya ou miiices. quante ans, maries ou non, sont obliges de servir pour 
 la defense de leur colonie. lis sont enregiment6s par comt^s, preciact 
 ou election avec leurs officiers dont la plupnrt ont servis et ces regi- 
 ments sont plus ou moins forts ; c'etait d'institution de tout temps 
 parcequ'il 6tait necessaire dans Tetablissement que les hommes maries 
 aidasseut a (lefendre leurs foyers. Mais aujimrd'hui on compte que 
 dans lea provinces depuis la nouvelle Ecosee jusques et compris la 
 Caroline meridionnle seulement, il y a plus de deux cent mille jeunes 
 gens en et it de porter les amies, sans priver les terres des cultiva- 
 leurs neces-aires. 
 
 Les forts ou places de guerre dans Tint^rieur dn pays ou limitro- 
 phes aux sauvages ne m^ritent gu^re le nom de fortification^, si Ton en 
 Fortific^tion.s ^xcepte un petit nombre entre le Canada et l,i Nouvelle 
 France d'nne [)art etles ancienne? possessions anglaises 
 de Taufre, encore sont elles en mauvais 6tat et tres mal tvnues; celles 
 de long de la nier comme Halifax, Boston, ITew York etc. situees snr 
 la Tiier mSme ou dans des iles et bayes sont de pen de consequence et 
 mal entretenues. Les batteries con.struites et fortifiees ci-devant aux 
 embouchures des rivieres et an«!es ne valent pas la peine d'en parler 
 dans Tetat oli elles sont actuellement. La raisonde cette n6glience est 
 que les peuples n'ont guere plus d redouter les incursions des sauvages 
 qui deperissetit et diminnent d vue d'oeil. L'on croit la d6pense de 
 Tentretient des forts interieurs inutile, d'autant plus que les frontieres 
 etant recnlees de temps en trmps il faudrait souvent en construire de 
 nouvenux et FAngleterre compte plus sur ses forces navales et sur les 
 colonies mSmes que sur les places de guerre pour emp^cher les puis- 
 sances d'Europe de faire des descentes sur iS cotes. II est nigme plus 
 que probable que si la conr vonlait faire construire ou r^parer des 
 places de guerre le peupledes colonies s'y oppos^^rait dans les circon- 
 stnnces presentes. Le gouvernement loin d'y augmenter les places a 
 meme fait raver les ouvrages de Louisbourg; celles du Canada, les 
 meilleures du^nord de rAmeriq^ue, sont assez mal entretennes ainsi que 
 lefort Pitt sur le hiut Ohio ci-devant appel6 le fort Duquesne. 
 
 Le Gouvernpment du pays est analoojue a ce'ui d'Angleterre ; il est 
 jDompose dans chaque province d'an Gouverneur, d'un conseil du Roi 
 Forme de gou- et d'une assemblee ou chambre basse ce qui represente le 
 vememen -^^j^ j^ cliambre des pairs et celle des communes du moins 
 
APPENDIX. 291 
 
 leurs fonctions se rapportent a celles de ces trois branches de legisla- 
 ture. Le Gouverneur est royal, de proprleteouelectifsuivantles pro- 
 vinces. Ceux de Pensylvanieetde Maryland sont gouverneurs de pro 
 priete, ceux de Connecticut et de Rhode-Island sont gouverneurs 
 electifs et ceux de toutes les autres provinces sont royaux ; plusieurs 
 dependent de I'assemblee pour leur traiteraent (la cour a exige mais 
 it^utilement de la province de Massachusetts-Bay qu'ellefixe au sien des 
 appointements et c'est en partie cause des troubles presents ; Mr. 
 Francis Bernard, Gouverneur actuel, ayant constamment prevenu 
 1 'esprit des rninistres contre sa province aussi finira-t-il surement par 
 etre revoqu6). Les conseils tiennent leurs commissions du bon plaisir 
 du Koi, et les membres de I'assemblee sont elus par les villes, comtes 
 et corporations, pour un, trois, cinq ou sept ans suivant les usages par- 
 ticuliers des provinces. C'est cette assemblee qui a seule le droit de 
 taxer le peuple, lever des imp6ts, accorder des graces pecuniaires et les 
 subsides. Les lois se proposent aussi par ceLte assemblee seule, mais 
 elles out besoin de Tapprobation du conseil et de Tattache du gou- 
 verneur ; le m6me concours est necessaire pour en abroger d'anciennes, 
 chaque province a droit d'en faire pourvu qu'elles ne soient pas con- 
 traires aux lois fondamentales de la Grande Bretagne. Les provinces 
 sunt independantes les unes des autres. 
 
 Le general commandant en chef des troupes du continent a droit 
 de convoquer en quelqne province et lieu qu'il lui plaise les 4tats 
 generaux du pays on deputes de toutes les colonies et de presider aux 
 deliberations s'il vent s'y trouver. Les gouvernements ontvoulu lui 
 disputer la preseance chacun dans son propre gouvernement ; mais le 
 Roi a decide la chose contre eux. 
 
 Toutes les colonies sont endettees par les efforts qu'elles ont fait 
 pendant la derniere guerre, d'assister en troupes, vaisseaux, vivres et 
 argent leur metropole, et pour avoir trop depense en 
 embellisssment de leurs villes en edifices publiques de 
 toutes esp^ces 6tnblissements de colleges et academies, en pensions 
 accordees aux savants et artistes qu'on y a attir6s de toutes parts, en 
 choses utiles pour la commodite du commerce comme quais, marches 
 etc. et a ouvrir des communications et grands chemins. Les taxes 
 ordinaires (quoiqu'augmentees considerablement en comparaison du 
 pen que les colonies payaient ci-devant) ne suffirent plus a ce3 depenses. 
 II a fallu avoir recours a des tmprunts autorises par la cour ce qui a 
 donne lieu au papier monnaie qui depuis a fait beaucoup de mal au 
 pays, les troubles presents y ayant mis le discredit. Les esp^ces sont 
 
292 APPETTDIX. 
 
 devemies rares et ont disparues. La guerre en ayant beaiicoup pro- 
 cure, les liabitans se sont abandonnes a une depense proportionnee et 
 ont tellement augmente les choses de luxe qu'ils tiraient d'Augleterre 
 qu'ils ne pourraient plus les payer qu'avec quatorze a quinze millions 
 par an en argent comptant; par dela I'^change de leur productions 
 pour solder la balance et cette diminution d'esp^ces se fait eentir 
 d'avantage a mesure que le papier monnaie s'amortit (la cour ne 
 voulant plus permettre de nouvelles emissions.) 
 
 II y a des negociants et autres particuliers puissamment ricbes 
 mais les tresors publics sont 6puises et les revenus des provinces 
 ali^nes. 
 
 Toutes les pieces d'or et d'argent des 6tats souverains de I'Europe 
 ont cours dans ce pays-ci pour leur juste valeur ; les plus communes 
 sont I'or du Portugal et I'argent crEspagne il n'y en a presque point 
 d'Angleterre si Ton excepte les pieces de cuivre. 
 
 L'on pretend (et la cbose est probable par la raison ci-devant dite 
 du discredit du papier monnaie) qu'il y a de grosses sorames d'argent 
 dans le pays, que les possesseurs retiennent durant ces difficultes ; tout 
 cela fait qu'on est gen6 dans le commerce. II n'y a done que la paix, 
 I'economie et le commerce avec les isles et le sud de I'Amerique ou en 
 cas de rupture avec I'Angleterre un commerce ouvert avec toutes les 
 nations qui puissent rendre a ce pays, Topnlence et I'aisance. 
 
 Le produit de ces colonies en des cbevaux des bestiaux de toutes 
 especes et en grand nombre, toutes sortes de bles en abondance, du 
 houblon, du riz, de I'indigo, du coton, de la cire, resine, goudron, 
 tabac, bois de constraction, lin chanvre, fer, salpetre, plomb, cuivre, 
 commes, cuirs, pelleteries, castors, baleines etc. La peclie est par- 
 tout abondante, soit dans la mer, soit dans les rivieres. Les vian- 
 des, la volaille et le gibier sont excellents et varies. Enfin c'est un 
 pays qui produit au dela de ce qui est n6cessaire a la subsistance des 
 habitans, et Ton n'y eprouve point de disette ni d'annees steriles. 
 
 J'y ai etabli des correspondances par la Hollande et par Londre?, 
 afin d'etre informe de tout ce qui y arrivera d'in- 
 
 Correspon- . . 
 
 dances etabiies. teressant, pour pouvoir en rendre compte au mmistre. 
 
 Je suis en 6tat de r^pondre plus en detail sur tout ce qui regarde 
 
 ces colonies. 
 
 Sign6 DE Kalb. 
 Fait a Pabis, ce 6 Ao&t, 1768. 
 
APPENDIX. 293 
 
 2. KALB TO OHOISEUL. 
 
 Paris, le 16 Septembre, 1768. 
 
 Monseigneur: J'ai I'honneur de vous adresser les nouvelles 
 que je regois de l'Am6rique. Si j'ose vous communiquer mon id6e 
 particuliere sur cette querelle, je pense que malgre les depenses 
 <^normes que la cour d'Angleterre fait pour forcer ses colonies a la 
 souTni?sion qu'elle finira par ne faire aucun acte de regneur et a ac- 
 corder aux colonies ce qu'ils demandent mon opinion est fondee 
 autant sur la justice do leurs pretentions que sur les plaintes que les 
 raarchands et fabriquants anglais ne raanqueront pas de porter an 
 nouveau parlement sur la decadence de leur commerce depuis ces 
 troubles, d'autant plus que tons les acts de parlement qui y ontdonne 
 lieu n'etablissaient des impots en Amerique que pour la defense du 
 pays (du moins c'etait le pretexte) quoique dans le fait c'est pour y 
 entretenir nombre de pensionnaires et un plu>j grand nombre de 
 troupes qu'il n'est necessaire, enfin pour donner moyen aux ministres 
 de distribuer plus de graces et nullement pour lesoulageuient des trois 
 royanmes ni pour contribuer an payeinent des dettes nationales. Si 
 done tous ces impots ne doivent Stre employes au soutien des colonies 
 et pour leur propre defense, pourquoi ne leur permettait-on pas de se 
 taxer elles memes ? pour subvenir a ces depenses comme cela s'est 
 pratique par le passe. 
 
 Mais je pensi au«si que quelques me>ures que le parlement et le 
 ministere puissent prendre a present, ils ne retabliront point cette 
 branohe de commerce comme elle etait. Le coup est porte, on a 
 appris aux colonies a etablir des manufactures de toutes esp^ces et 
 a se passer de leur m^tropole qu'on emploie actuellement les voies de 
 riguenr ou de douceur on ne saurait les forces a tirer d'Europe ce 
 qu'ils trouvent chez elles, d'autant mieux qu'elles trouvent dans les 
 isles et dans le sud de I'Am^rique (sans compter leurs autres de- 
 boncli^s) un d6bit siir de leurs pr.>duits et que les richesses de ce 
 commerce leur r^steront au lieu qu'elles 6taient obligees de les envoyer 
 ci-devant en Angleterre pour solder leurs comptes. 
 
 Je reviens toujours a dire, Monseigneur, que ces colonies sont trop 
 utiles a la Grande Bretagne pour qu'elles exigent une rupture enti^re 
 de la part de leur metropole et qu'elles n'accepteraient aucun secours 
 Stranger etant fort en etat de se maintenir par leurs propres forces 
 seules, j'ajouterai m^me qu'il ne serait pas de lasaine politique d'une 
 puissance quelconque de se meler a cette querelle quand meme elle 
 
294 APPEJ^^DIX. 
 
 serait requise par les colonies (ce qui n'est pas probable) a moins 
 quMl n'j ait des actes d'hostilites cominis entre I'Amerique et la 
 Grande Bretagne que les colonies aient publie leur independance en 
 tout point, qu'elles se soient unies par une Confederation generale 
 qu'elles aient des armees sur pied qu'elles invitent par une resolution 
 unanirae et publique toutes les nations a venir commercer dans leurs 
 ports et qu'elles soient en etat de proteger ce commerce par une 
 marine militaire ce qui rendrait impossible tout accommodement entre 
 les deux partis, ce n'est qu'alurs qu'on pourrait fairela guerre al'Angle- 
 terre avec apparence de succ^s. La declarer plutot serait d(mner 
 lieu a nne prompte reconciliation et a s'attirer toutes les forces de 
 I'Angleterre et celles de leurs colonies sur les bras. Je vous parle 
 ainsi franchement, Monseigneur, parceque je ne voudrais pas, comme 
 j'ai deja eu I'honneur de vous le dire qu'on vous trompat ni qu'on 
 ptit voua persuader que le moment fut favorable pour se brouiller 
 avec nos voisins. 
 
 L'on me mande de Londres que I'amiral Spry doit avoir regu or- 
 dre de proteger les vaisseaux anglais dans la Mediterannee et d'era- 
 p^cher qu'ils ne soient visites par les vaisseaux frangais a qnoi l'on 
 ajoute que si I'amiral suit son instruction de point en point qu'il est 
 presque impossible qu'il ne sj commette des hostilifes entre Jes deux 
 nations. Cette nouvelle ne m'est pas donnee pour bien positive elle 
 demande confirmation. 
 
 Je suis etc. 
 
 3. KALB TO CHOISEUL. 
 
 Paris, le 6 Novembre, 1768. 
 
 J'ai I'honneur de vous adresser ci-joiut les nouvelles que je re^ois 
 de I'Amerique. Elles ne peuvent ^tre que peu interessantes dans un 
 temps oti les minis; res sont divises et que le parti a prendre sur la 
 conduite a tenir avec les colonies parait etre remis a la rentree du 
 parlement. Je suis toujonrs d'opinion qu'on n'emploiera point les 
 voies de rigueur surtout lorsqu'on verra que les preparatifs de guerro 
 n'inspirent pas de terreur a les peuples. II est bien possible aussi que 
 ces memes preparatil- aient un autre objet. Les Anglais ont une 
 jalousie extreme de I'etat flori.-sant des isles francaises si vous leur 
 faites la guerre, leur soin principal se portera sur cette pnrtie et s'ils 
 ont envie de vous la faire euxmeme^i, jugez Monseigneur, des avan- 
 tages que leur donnerait I'aproximite des subsistances et de leuis 
 forces dans le continent de I'Amerique pour leurs premieres opei a- 
 
APPENDIX. 295 
 
 tions. lis J ont actnellement dix nenf bataillons de sept cent liom- 
 raes chacun, sans compter ce qu'ils ont dans leurs isles dont j'ignore 
 le norabre et les secours qu'ils tireraient facilemenfc de leurs colonies 
 en retablissant leurs privileges et exemptions d'impots. Je dois vous 
 avoir marque precedemment, Monseigneur, que ces memes colonies 
 ont fourni a leurs frais 25000 hommes de bonnes troupes pendant la 
 derniere guerre et leurs villes maritimes un grand nombre d'arraa- 
 teurs. Je ne sais au juste le nombre des vaisseaux de guerre employes 
 dans les isles Anglaises, mais je suis certain de treize stationnes sur 
 les forts depuis terre Neuve jusqu'aux isles Lucayes. 
 
 Je vous supplie d'etre persuade que mes reflexiona ne sont que 
 I'effet de raon zele pour le service du Roi. 
 
 Je suis etc. 
 
 4. KALB TO OHOISEUL. 
 
 Paris, le 15 Novembre, 1768. 
 
 MoNSEiGNKUE : J'ai I'honneur de vous envoyer les nouvelles que 
 je regois d'Amerique. Je n'y ajoute aucune reflexion. La fermen- 
 tation que ces ecrits annoncent fait assez voir I'esprit de fermete de 
 ces peuples et les suites facbeuses que cela pourrait avoir pour FAngle- 
 terre s'il continuait a vouloir les soumettre par la force ce que je ne 
 saurais me persuader. Je suis au contraire d'opinion que le prochain 
 parlement employera des voies de conciliation ; je ne doute pas non 
 plus que le Gouverneur Bernard quoiqu3 soutenu jusqu'ici par le 
 Ministere ne soit rappele. 
 
 Je suis etc. 
 
 V. 
 
 COUNT BROGLIE TO COUNT ST. GERMAIN. 
 
 Paris, le 13 Novembre, 1775. 
 Monsieur: Monsieur de Kalb, ant^ien major du regiment de 
 Loewendal, et qui depuis la ref )rme de ce corps a ete employ^ dans 
 I'etat major de Parmee d'Allemagne, ou 11 a obtenu en 1761 L' brevet 
 de Lieutenant Colonel, est venu passer ici quatre mois cette annee en 
 consequence des nouveaux arrangements faits par Mr. le marecbal 
 Du Muy pour les officiers superieurs reform^s. Quoiqu'il ait ete dans 
 rinaction depuis trop longteraps, je lui ai retrouve ici, Monsieur le 
 Comte, toutes les dispositions que je lui avals connues a la guerre, et 
 
296 
 
 APPEIJ DIX 
 
 cela a renouvele rnes regrets de ne I'avoir pas vu plac6 avec utilit.6 
 pour le service du roi et pour lui. II sera digne d'un ministre comme 
 vous de mettre ses talents en usage. II en a de differens genres. 11 
 parle bien plusieurs langues et peut etre employe a tout ce que vous 
 jugerez a propos. Je serai volontiers garant de son z^le et Je suis 
 shr que vous aurez lieu d'etre satisfait, si vous daignez le mettre en 
 activity. J'ai Thonneur d'etre etc. 
 
 Le Comte de Bboglie. 
 
 VI. 
 
 kalb's furlough. 
 
 A FoNTAiNEBLEAtr, 4 Nov6mbre, 1776. 
 
 Le Roy trouve bon, Monsieur, que vous vous absentiez du ro- 
 yaume pendant deux ans pour aller vaquer a vos affaires. 
 
 Je suis tr^s parfaitement, Monsieur, votre tres humble et obeissant 
 serviteur. 
 
 St. Geemain. 
 
 A MoNsiEUE LE Baron de Kalb, 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel d'Infanterie. 
 
 VIL 
 
 SILAS DEANE's agreement WITH KALB, LAFAYETTE, AND OTHERS. 
 
 (From the Diplomatic Correspondence of the Revolution, by Jared Sparks, Vol. I., pp. 
 62, 71, 97 and 98.) 
 
 List of Officers of infantry and light troops, destined to serve the 
 United States of North America. 
 
 Name of Officers. Rank. 
 
 Baron de Kalb Major General 
 
 Viscount do Mauroy " 
 
 de Senneville Major 
 
 Chev. dii Buy?son " 
 
 Chev. de FayoUes Lieutenant Colonel 
 
 Dubois Martin Major 
 
 de Holtzendorff Lieutenant Colonel 
 
 Le Chev. de Failly " 
 
 Amariton Major 
 
 de Roth Captain 
 
 Commencement of their pay. 
 
 V November 1776. 
 
 20 
 
 
 a 
 
 7 
 
 
 i( 
 
 7 
 
 
 i( 
 
 20 
 
 
 I* 
 
 20 
 
 
 i( 
 
 20 
 
 
 i( 
 
 1 
 
 December 
 
 (I 
 
 1 
 
 u 
 
 (( 
 
 1 
 
 (( 
 
 (( 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 297 
 
 de Gerard Captain 1 December 1776. 
 
 Philip de Boreval Lieutenant 
 
 de Monies " 
 
 Loquet de Granges '' 
 
 de Vrigny Capt. Comp. franche 
 
 Candon Lieutenant 
 
 The said ranks and pay at the dates marked in the present list 
 
 have been settled mutually between us, the undersigned, me, Silas 
 
 Deane, in my quality of the most Honorable Congress of the United 
 
 States of North America and me John Baron de Kalb, Major-General 
 
 in the service of the States General. Done double at Paris this l"'of 
 
 December, 1776. 
 
 De Kalb. 
 Silas Deane. 
 
 List of Officers of infantry and light troops destined to serve in the 
 armies of the United States of North America. 
 
 Names of Officers. 
 
 Bank. 
 
 Commencement of their p 
 
 M. de Lafayette 
 
 Major-General 
 
 7 December 1776 
 
 Baron de Kalb 
 
 u 
 
 7 November " 
 
 Delesser 
 
 Colonel 
 
 1 December " 
 
 de Valfort 
 
 (( 
 
 ^ U (( 
 
 de Fayolles 
 
 Lieutenant Colonel 
 
 -l (( (( 
 
 Dubois Martin 
 
 Major 
 
 7 November " 
 
 de Gimat 
 
 a 
 
 1 December " 
 
 de Yrigny 
 
 Captain 
 
 2 U (( 
 
 de Bedaulx 
 
 blank 
 
 
 Capitaine 
 
 Captain 
 
 2 U (( 
 
 de la Colombe 
 
 Lieutenant 
 
 "1^ 4( (( 
 
 Candon 
 
 u 
 
 7 November '' 
 
 The ranks and the pay, which the most honorable Congress shall 
 affix to ihem to commence at the periods marked in the present list, 
 have been agreed to by us the undrrsigned, Silas Deane in quality of 
 deputy of the American States-General on the one part, the Marquis 
 de Lafiyette and tlie Baron de Kalb on the other part. Signed 
 double at Paris this 7'" of December, 1776. 
 
 Silas Deane. 
 
 The Marqcis de Lafayette. 
 
 De Kai-b. 
 13* 
 
298 APPEi^DIX. 
 
 The desire "which the Marquis de Lafayette shows of serving 
 among the troops of the United States of America, and the interest 
 which he takes in the justice of their cause, make him wish to distin- 
 guish himself in this w;ir, and to render himself as useful as lie 
 possibly can ; but not thinking that he can obtain leave of his family 
 to pass the seas, and serve in a foreign country, till he can go as a 
 general otficer, I have thought I could not better serve my country, 
 and those who have intrusted me, than by granting to him, in the 
 name of the very honorable Congress, the rank of Major-General, 
 which I beg the States to confirm to him, to ratify and deliver to 
 him the commission to hold and take rank, to count from this day, 
 with the general otiicers of the same degree. His high birth, his 
 alliances, the great dignities which his family holds at this Court, 
 his considerable estates in this realm, his personal merit, his reputa- 
 tion, his disinterestedness, and above all his zeal for the liberty of 
 our provinces, are such as to induce me alone to promise him the 
 rank of Major-General in the name of the United States. In witness 
 of which I have signed the present, this 7'" of Decbr. 1776. 
 
 Silas Deane. 
 
 On the conditions here explained I offer myself and promise to 
 depart when and how Mr. Deane shall judge proper, to serve the 
 United States wiih all possible zeal, without any pension or par- 
 ticular allowance, reserving to myself the liberty of returning to 
 Europe when my family or my king shall recall me. 
 
 Done at Paris 7'' of Decbr. 1776. 
 
 The Marquis de la Fayette. 
 
 VIII. 
 
 LETTERS WRITTEN BY FRENCH OFFICERS TO KALB, RE- 
 QUESTING TO BE EMPLOYED IN AMERICA.* 
 
 1. MAJOR DU MONTBERT A MR. DE KALB. 
 
 LisiEcx, le 23 Decenibre 1 776. 
 
 Un de mes amis m'ecrit du Havre, que vous voudriez bien, Mon- 
 
 * While these letters, which have been taken at random from a large 
 number, on the one hand reveal the motives of the majority of the French 
 officers in entering the American army, they, ou the other hand, conclusively 
 prove the excellence of the assistance thus rendered their arms. 
 
APPENDIX. 299 
 
 eieur, avoir la bonte de vous interesaer pour un de mes parents, 
 porteur de la presente, qui a servi en qualite de lieutenant au r6gi- 
 ment de Oliampagne, Tespace de 17 ans, et qui a quitte le regiment, 
 il y a pen pres un an, pour des raisons qu'il vous dira lui-merae. 
 II desirerait passer au service des insurgents. Je reclame votre 
 protection a cet egard ; je ne doute pas de la reussite, si vous avez la 
 bonte, Monsieur, de vous employer pour lui. C'est un tres boii 
 officier, sachant bien son metier, mais il est pauvre, et c'est cette 
 pauvrete qui lui a fait perdre son etat. 
 
 Les services, que vous voudrez bien lui rendre, me feront con- 
 tracter a votre egard une obligation d'autant plus grande, que j'ai 
 riionneur d'etre avec respect etc. etc. 
 
 2. LE CHEVALIER d'eSTIMAUVILLE A MR. DE KALB. 
 
 Au Havke. le 29 Decemhre, 1776. 
 
 Monsieur : Je prends la liberte de vous ecrire pour vous rap- 
 peler la prome>se, que vous m'avez faite a Foccasion de Mr. le 
 (Jlievaller du Montbert, dont vous trouverez ci-joint I'etat de service. 
 Je r6itere ma priere pour vous engager a fiiire ce que vous pourrez 
 pour rendre service a un brave officier, sur la disgrace duquel, il n'y 
 a a reprocher, que des fautes de jeuiiesse et dont vous paurrez vous 
 assurer par des informations a son ancien corps. En mon particulier, 
 robligatlon que je vous en aurai ajouterala plus vive reconnaissance 
 aux sentirnens de la plus parfaite consideration et du profond respect 
 avec laquelle je suis Monsieur etc. 
 
 P. S. Vous trouverez aussi ci-joint une lettre de Mr. du Mont- 
 bert, major des ville et citadelle du Havre, oncle du postulant. II 
 desirerait savoir le plutot possible, a quoi s'en tenir pour prendre les 
 arrangements n^cessaires. 
 
 3. MEMOIEE. 
 
 "Etat des services du s'eur Antoine Augustin de Varennes, Che- 
 valier du Montbert, gentilhomme, ag6 de 36 ans, sortant du regiment 
 de Champagne en qualitd de lieutenant en i)remier. 
 
 Le dit officier a commence a servi r dans le corps de la gendar- 
 merie, ou il a fa't la campagne de 1758 et y est rest6 jusqu'au mois 
 de ISTovembre 1760. II a joint ensuite le regimjnt de Champagne 
 en qualite de lieutenant en Mars 1761, et y a fait le campagne de 1761 
 et 1762. II a fait toute la campagne de 1762 aux volontaires de I'arm^e 
 sous Fordres de M. de la Motte: 
 
300 appe:!^dix. 
 
 II a continue ses services au regiment de Champagne, jusqu'en 
 Juin 1776, que des raisons de fortune, I'ont force de quitter le dit 
 regiment, 
 
 II a fait la campagne de 1769 en Corse. II s'est trouve a toutes les 
 affaires oh ont servi le regiment de Champagne et le corps des volon, 
 taires dans lequel il a fait la campagne de 1762. 
 
 II a 6te choisi pour ^tre, corame aide-major au bataillon d'in- 
 struction dans les manoeuvres provisuires, qu'on execute a Metz eu 
 1775 et s'en est acquitte avec la satisfaction de ses sup^rieurs. 
 
 Le Chevalier de Varennes du Montbert. 
 
 4. fexAT DES services DU CHEVALIER DE FAILLY. 
 
 Ce 6 Janvier, 1777. 
 
 Le Chevalier de Failly, capitaine de chasseurs au regiment 
 d'Anjou, a commence a servir sous-lieutenant dans le regiment de 
 Koyal-Wallon, le 5 Octobre 1746. II s'est trouve au siege de Bergen 
 op Zoom, Maestricht, et a la bataille de Lafeld. 
 
 Keforme en 1749 avec tout le corps, il a continue son service dans 
 les milices de Champagne. II est entre en 1756 lieutenant en second 
 avec rang de lieutennnt dans le regiment de Berry. II a fait toute 
 la derniere guerre au Canada, toujours aux grenadiers ou volontaires. 
 II commandait la Vigilante sur le lac Champlain en 1759 qu'il a sau- 
 vee malgre les vaisseaux anglais, il a meme eu 300 francs de 
 gratification. II a ete incornor^ avec tout son corps en 1763 dans 
 celui d'Aquitaine. II a fait la campagne de 1769 aux volontaires de 
 I'armee de Corse. II a obtenu la commission de capitaine, le 10 Sep- 
 teinbre de la meme annee. II a ete embarque sur la Migrione pour le 
 bombardement de Tunis en 1770. II desirerait Stre employe en cette 
 qualite dans telle partie du monde, qu'il plaira a Sa Majesty de I'en- 
 voyer. II supplie le Ministre d'avoir egard a son pen de fortune. 
 
 Le Chevalier de Failly. 
 
 Monsieur Le Baron de Kalb, brigadier des armies du Roi, est prie 
 de ne pas oublier le dit Chevalier de Failly. II se fait une fete d'etre 
 employe sous ses ordres. II est pour la vie dans ces sentimens-la, II 
 fait des vceux pour I'entiere satisfaction de Monsieur Le Baron de 
 Kalb et lui est attach^ et finit aveo un tres profond respect etc. etc. 
 
APPENDIX. 301 
 
 5. LE CHEVALIEE DE FEANVAL A M. LE BAEON DE KALB. 
 
 DoRBEO, C6 6 Fevrier, 1777. 
 Monsieue: J'ai I'honneur devons ^crirepour etre informe au juste 
 si je puis corapter passer en Am^rique. L'on mande de Versailles 
 que la cour ne veut plus permettre a aucun officier de quitter le 
 royaume ; que le Docteur Franklin a regu des ordres de quitter la 
 France, ainsi que Monsieur Deane. Ces nouvelles-la ne denoteraieut 
 rien de bon pour les projets que j'ai eu I'honneur de vous commu- 
 niquer tant pour faire la guerre que pour m'etablir en Amerique. Je 
 vous prie, Monsieur, d'avoir la bonte de m'instruire sur ces objets. 
 J'esp^re, que vous ne tronverez p:is mauvais, que je me sois adresse 
 a vous. La bonne volont6, que vous avez bien voulu marquer a, 
 m'obliger m'a determine. Monsieur le Marechal de Broglie ne va 
 pas encore a Paris, j'en suis tres fache — je me flatlais qu'il vous 
 aurait rendu assez bon compte de moi pour meriter votre estime et 
 vous engager plus particuliereineut a vous y interesser. J'ai I'hon- 
 neur d'etre etc. etc. 
 
 IX. 
 
 KALB'S ENTRANCE INTO THE AMERICAN SERVICE. 
 
 1. WILLIAM OAEMICHAEL TO EICHAED HENET LEE.* 
 
 Paris, 3Iareh, 1777. 
 
 Sir : As your brother, Arthur Lee, Esq., is not on the spot, I 
 take the liberty, in consequence of his request, to inform you of his 
 health; he is now at Burgos, in Spain, where he remains in conse- 
 quence of the request of the Spanish ministry, to negotiate on behalf 
 of the United States. From what he writes me, I hope he will at 
 least get some money on our account. Your brother, the alderman, 
 as I am just informed by a gentleman from London, is well. I take 
 the liberty of introducing to your notice and protection the Marquis 
 Lafayette and Baron de Kalb. The former is of the first distinction, 
 
 * Carmichael was at that time the secretary of the American Commis- 
 sioners Deane, Franklin, and Arthur Lee, at Paris. Richard Henry Lee, the 
 brother of the latter, was one of the most influential members of Congress? 
 and chairman of the committee to investigate the claims of the foreign offi- 
 cers. He was a stanch friend of Kalb's to the death of the latter. 
 
302 A P P E X D I X . 
 
 for birth, fortune, and family here : the other, of the highest reputa- 
 tion ill the service, and strongly recommended by the Marshal de 
 Broglie and the Marshal de Mallabois. The former's family are our 
 strong support. His uncle is ambassador at the Court of London, 
 nnd from his representations we hope to bring on a war, much sooner 
 than it would otherwise happen. I hope he (the Marquis) will have 
 every reason to think favorably of the country. I have the honor to 
 be, with much respect, etc. etc. 
 
 2. KALB TO EIOHARD HENEY LEE. 
 
 Bristol, SepL 16, 1777. 
 
 SiE : I arn unable to tell you with how much reluctance and even 
 sorrow I must acquaint you that I cannot accept of the honor Con- 
 gress intended to me, for the various reasons I explained to you, Sir, 
 to several members of Congress, but more particularly to Mr. Lovell, 
 and which I repeat to Mr. Secretary Thomson ; they are all of great 
 weight with me. I beseech you, dear Sir, to lay before Congress, 
 that I have, and always sliall retain the highest sense of thankfulne 3 
 and veneration for the whole of so respectable a body of men, and 
 for each of the members in particular. My most sincere vows will 
 ever be for success to all tiieir measures and undertakings, and for 
 the general welfare and happiness of your States. I will never forget 
 the private obligations I owe to several of your gentlemen, but espe- 
 cially to your kindness to me. I never will be happier than when I 
 shall hear from you, or when I shall be able to convince you of the 
 esteem and resi)ect with which I have the honor to be, Sir, etc. etc. 
 
 3. KALB TO EIOHARD HENEY LEE. 
 
 Camp at White Plains, August 17, 1778. 
 
 SiE : I received both letters you honored me with, dated 15th of 
 February and 23d of March last past, but rather late ; the first came 
 to hand the 20th of May and the second in June. A long sickness, 
 the march of the army while I was yet very unwell, and a good deal 
 of business since ray recovery, have prevented me from answering 
 before now. You are much in the right. Sir, to think that the 
 change in political matters must place your independence beyond all 
 doubt, and far beyond the power of England to disturb ; I heartily 
 rejoice with you and all true Americans on the occasion. It is to be 
 expected, also, the alliance with France and the real assistance the 
 king intends to the States, must needs procure you a speedy and last- 
 
APPENDIX. 303 
 
 ing peace. Tliis day I wrote to President Laurens, in favor of Mons. 
 le Vicomte de Mauroy and Mons. le Chev. de Fayolles, which will be 
 laid before the supreme council of the States. I need not to trouble 
 you with the contents of it. I will only observe to you, that I am 
 ordered to do the same by Marshal Duke de Broglie, and the count 
 his brother ; and as they expect my answer, on that account I should 
 be greatly obliged to you if you would be pleased to let me have the 
 reasons for or against, as the matter will be debated in Congress, and 
 to be very particular in that respect. Though I ardently wish Mons. 
 de Mauroy's request be granted, yet I am afraid it will not, by reason 
 of a letter he wrote, as I understood, to Congress, not very accept- 
 able. If he is refused on that account I should be glad to have it 
 mentioned, because I think his noble protectors are unacquainted 
 with this piece of bad policy of his. I have the honor to be, with 
 great respect and esteem, dear Sir, etc. etc. 
 
 X. 
 
 LAFAYETTE TO MRS. GETMULLER, WHOSE MAIDEN NAME WAS KALB. 
 La Gkange, pres Rosey, ce 11 Floreal, an IX {Avril 1800). 
 
 Je vous remercie, Madame, de la confiance dont vons m'honorez, 
 et des details que vous avez bien voulu me donner. C'est avec un 
 vif interet que j'ai appris des nouvelles d'une famille a laquelle je 
 me sens lie par mon ancienne amitie pour le general de Kalb. Je 
 serai toujours heureux de rendre a sa memoire, ce que je Ini dois. 
 
 Vous savez sans douto que Mr. votre p^re apres avoir fait avec 
 distinction la guerre de sept ans fut envoye par Mr. de Choiseul dans 
 les colonies Anglaises de I'Ainerique septntrionale pour prendie con- 
 naissance de ce pays, qui avait ete T occasion de la rupture entre les 
 cours de Versailles et de Londres. II etait naturel que la decLiraiiori 
 d'independance des Etats Unis inspirat an general Kalb le desir d'y 
 retonrner. Son depart fut encourag^ par le cointe de Broglie et ap- 
 prouve secr^tement par le gouvernement frangais. Cest dans ce 
 temps qu'u Tinsu du gouvernement et bient6t apres malgre lui que je 
 fis connaissance avec les envoyees du CongrSs. Nous partinies en- 
 semble de Paris, nous arrivatnes en semble a Charleston et a Phila- 
 delphie, d'oti je joignis Paringe. Quelqnes circonstances retard^rei)t 
 son entree au service. II fut peu de temps apres place avec le pre- 
 mier grade militaire, celui de Major General. Cest en cette quality 
 
304 APPEN'DIX. 
 
 qu'il commandait un corps d'arm^e dans la Caroline du Nord, lorsque 
 le general Gates vint prendre le commandement en chef. II fut battu 
 a Camden par Lord Cornwallis. Le general Kalb se montra g6n6ral I 
 habile et soldat intrepide. Sa division soutint la premiere I'effort des 
 ennerais. L'affaire eut pu se retablir, sMl n'avait 6t6 mortellement 
 b]ess6. Les deux armes rendirent hommage a ses talents et h son 
 courage, qui meme dans un general merita d'etre remarque. Son 
 merite militaire, sa loyaut6 civique, ses qualites sociales, le firent 
 honorer et regretter par les troupes, le peuple, le general Washington 
 et le Congres. Ses amis personnels furent viveraent afflig^s et per- 
 sonne plus que moi, Madame, qui lui etait attache par affection, la 
 reconnaissance et une fraternite d'armes, commencee des mes pre- 
 miers pas dans cette carriere. 
 
 Si de nouveaux renseignemens, si des attestations d'Amerique, si 
 mes propres temoignages peuvent vous etre utiles, donnes-moi vos 
 ordres. Je vous aurai une sensible obligation de m'indiquer comment 
 je pourrai acquitter une dette sacree de Tamitie que j 'avals vouee a 
 Mr. votre pere. 
 
 Agr6ez, je vous prie, I'expression de mon respect et de mes voeux 
 pour votre bonheur. Lafayette. 
 
 XI. 
 
 FRANKLIN AND DEANE TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN 
 AFFAIRS. 
 
 Paris, 25 May, 1777. 
 
 * * "* The Marquis de Lafayette, a young nobleman of great 
 family connections here and great wealth, is gone to America in a 
 ship of his own, accompanied by some officers of distinction, in order 
 to serve in our armies. He is exceedingly beloved and everybody's 
 good wishes attend him ; we cannot but hope he may meet with such 
 a reception as will make the country and his expedition agreeable to 
 him. Those who censure it as imprudent in him do nevertheless ap- 
 plaud his spirit, and we are satisfied that the civilities and respect 
 that may be shown to him will be serviceable to our affairs; here, as 
 pleasing not only to his powerful relations and to the Court but to the 
 whole French nation. He has left a beautiful young wife, and for her 
 sake particularly we hope that his bravery and ardent desire to dis- 
 tinguish himself will be a little restrained by the General's prudence, 
 so as to not permit his being hazarded much, but on some important 
 occasion. 
 
APPENDIX. 305 
 
 XII. 
 KALB AND CONGRESS. 
 
 Monday, 8th September, 1777. 
 
 Congress took into consideration the report of the committee on 
 foreign applications, wherein they set forth : 
 
 That besides a number of officers who are come from Europe and 
 the West Indies of their own accord to solicit for rank and employ- 
 ment in the American army, there are others who have proceeded 
 upon the encouragement of conventions made and signed at Paris by 
 Silas Define, E-q., as agent for the United States of North America ; 
 that Mr. Deane had no authority to make such conventions, and that 
 Congress therefore are not bound to ratify or and fulfil them: 
 
 Your committee for this, report that the Baron, de Kalb and the 
 Viscount de Mauroy, with a number of officers who came with them 
 from France, have ofifered their service, provided their engngements 
 with Mr. Deane, in respect to rank, are fulfilled; but that the Ameri- 
 can army having been arranged before the arrival of these gentlemen 
 in America, their expectations cannot be complied with without de- 
 ranging it and thereby injuring at so critical a juncture the American 
 cause : that the zeal, however, of these gentlemen and their conse- 
 quent expenses merit the attention of Congress ; wherefore your 
 committee report the following resolve : 
 
 Resolved : that the thanks of Congress be given to the Baron 
 de Kalb and the Viscount de Mauroy, with the officers who accom- 
 pany them, for their zeal for passing over to America to ofl'er their 
 service to tljese United States, and that their expenses to this Con- 
 tinent and on their return to France be paid. 
 
 Resolved: that Congress agree to the said report and resolve. 
 
 Ordered : that the Baron de Kalb and the Viscount de Mauroy 
 be furnished with a copy of the foregoing report and resolution, at- 
 tested by the Secretary. 
 
 Sunday, 14th Septfimber, 1777. 
 
 The committee on the treasury bri>ught in a report, whereupon: 
 
 Resolved: that the president draw Bills of exchange on the 
 
 Commissioners of Congress at Paris in favor of the several officers 
 
 and for the severid sums hereinafter mentioned, the said bills to be 
 
 made payable at thirty days after sight and to express value receive<l 
 
306 A P P E N«) I X . 
 
 by and chargeable to Congress, viz. A set in favor of Baron de Kalb 
 
 for 6000 livres tournois. 
 
 Resolved: that there be paid to the following gentlemen the 
 several sums hereafter specified to defray, with the sums above di- 
 rected to be drawn in bills of exchange on the commissioners at Paris 
 in their favor, the expenses of their coming from France and return- 
 ing thither, viz. to Baron de Kalb 500 dollars. 
 
 Monday, 15th September, 1777. 
 
 Resolved, that another major general be appointed in the army 
 of the United States ; the ballots being taken. Baron de Kalb was 
 elected. 
 
 4th October, 1777. 
 
 " Congress resumed the consideration of the report from the board 
 of war, whereupon : 
 
 Resolved : that the Baron de Kalb be at liberty to give up his 
 commission of major general, if the contingency mentioned in his 
 letter of the 28th of last month should happen. 
 
 That the Baron de Kalb's commission be dated the same day with 
 that of the Marquis de Lafayette, agreeably to the Baron's request. 
 
 That a compliance with the 4th and 5th articles of Baron de 
 Kalb's letter would be improper at this time, as Congress have not 
 made any provision for their own officers, with whom foreign officers 
 of equal merit and service will always be considered on a footing." 
 
 (The first paragraph of this resolution alludes to the stipulation 
 that Kalb's entrance into the American army was subject to the sanc- 
 tion of the Broglies and of the French ministry, and must be revoca- 
 ble in default of such approval. He evi.lently feared, as is mentioned 
 in the text, that the return of the other French officers who had 
 come with him would produce a revulsion of sentiment in the cabinet ; 
 but was mistaken in this impression, as appears from the following 
 letter of Kalb to Henry Laurens, President of Congress.) 
 
 Camp at Whiteplains, 17th August, 1778. 
 " Sir: When Congress were pleased to honor me with the commis- 
 sion bf Major General in the army of the United States, your Excel- 
 lency may remember my apprehensions of being blamed at home for 
 staying almost alone when many others of the French officers that 
 came in my company, were refused service and went back. I ac- 
 cepted the honor conferred upon me on condition that if I was 
 
APPENDIX. 307 
 
 disapproved by the king's ministers or by ray friends, I should be at 
 liberty to resign whenever I pleased. 
 
 " By a letter just now received from Messieurs the Marshal Duko 
 de Broglie and Count de Broglie his brother, I find my conduct ap- 
 proved by both as well as by the ministry, as having acted up to the 
 purport of my furlough." 
 
 XIII. 
 1. kale's oath of allegiance. 
 
 I, John Baron de Kalb, Major General, do acknowledge the Unite! 
 States of America to be Free, Independent and Sovereign States, and 
 declare, tliat the people thereof owe no allegiance or obedience t > 
 George the Third, King of Great Britain ; and I renounce, refuse 
 and abjure any allegiance or obetlience to him, and I do swear that 1 
 will to the utmost of my power, support, maintain and defend the 
 said United States against the said King George the Third, his heirs 
 and successors and his or their abettors, assistants and adherents, 
 and will serve the said United States in the office of Major General, 
 which I now hold, with fidelity, according to the best of my skill and 
 understanding. 
 
 John Baron de Kalb. 
 Sworn before me. Camp at Valley 
 Forge, the 12th day of May, 1778. 
 G? Washington. 
 
 2. oaths of the soldiers. 
 
 Head Quarters, Valley Forge, Mat/ 1th, 1778. 
 
 In order to accomplish this very interesting and essential w^ork as 
 early as possible, the f dlowlng officers are to administer the oaths, 
 and grant certificates to the officers of the Divisions, Brigades, and 
 Corps, set against their names, including the Staff: Major-Generul 
 Lord Stilling to the officers of the late Conway's Brigades; Major- 
 General Marquis De La Fayette, to those of Woodford's and Scott's 
 Brigades; Major-General De Kalb to those of Glover's and Larned's 
 Brigades, etc., etc. 
 
308 APPENDIX. 
 
 XIV. 
 kalb's cipher. 
 
 (From a letter to his wife from Middlebrook, April 10, 1779.) 
 
 Dans une de mes lettres a Mr. le comte de Broglia 
 167 359 607 787 726 657 502 519 1363 250 1277 
 
 je parle de la san t6 de Mr. Gerard, disant que s*il 
 S79 1204 204 803 989 607 502 220 342 377 131 472 
 vient vite a manquer — ou comme il est possible qu'il 
 
 713 305 836 728 1282 454 103 531515 835 630 
 
 demande son rappel je se rais fort ai s6 de lul 
 
 198 ,1080 825 302 379 298 57 901 156 939 607 385 
 
 succeder dans son minist^re ici. Vols sur cela 
 
 1222 1470 407 1565 368. 622 M Dubois 492 367 
 
 je suis snr que Mr. Gerard a ecrit qu'il se ra 
 158 43 986 421 502 220 763 186 953 298 1053 455 537 
 
 re qu'il lui en coiite de ja plus de trente mille livrea 
 917 403 941 587 1465 195 776 625 573 86 530 1117 
 
 du si en. II con vient de dire que snivant ce que 
 263 238 819 169 116 348 250 227 976 984 170 131 
 je t' 6cris de la cherte de toutes choses cela ne peut 
 379 702 186 750 185 607 399 270 367 885 739 
 
 etre autrement. Afinque la place ne soit pas courue et 
 311 752 458 731 1085 413 497 318 1090 917 
 
 I'a faire solliciter pour moi sous pretexte que je suis tout 
 636 550 390 742 1210 322 1430 421 158 582 1161 
 
 a partie et que pu is qu'il m' en coute beaucoup 
 836 1212 289 131 823 236 630 716 365 1465 761 
 
 pour servir les etnts la j'ai me rais bien mieux employer 
 
 616 897 357 251 1043 269 536 57 136 848 392 
 
 cette depen~e an service direct du Roi. Dis toujours que 
 
 317 308 115 397 1327 575 77 342 496 131 
 
 je me ru i ne pour mon avan ce ment. Emploie 
 158 958 1053 455 413 616 652 637 170 907 392 
 
 y Mr. Dubois M et le Bourgeois de Texterieur. Tu ferais 
 1514 502 485 519 1363 195 1248 1112 
 
 tres bien de parler a Versailles a Mr. Mo r eau premier 
 695 136 673 622 140 81 502 562 585 271 412 
 Secretaire de Vergennes sous pretexte que je t'en prie de 
 88 607 809 322 1430 421 379 555 762 607 
 
APPENDIX. 309 
 
 me ra pel ler a son souvenir et dela tii pour rais 
 536 341 733 557 267 407 715 723 244 1112 742 965 
 prendre occasion de lui parlez de cette affaire et le prie- 
 842 518 195 385 1204 250 401 120 289 769 762 
 
 er de te faire avertir ou d'en avertir Mr. le corate 
 405 250 989 821 659 454 162 659 502 615 1363 
 
 de Broglie des quHl se- rait question de re em placer 
 873 1277 315 403 298 1078 481 573 609 233 1085 
 Mr. Gerard afinque cela soit sollicit^ Mr. Moreau 
 
 502 220 458 367 497 390 616 1210 502 562 
 
 m^nie pour rait me proposer au ministre. Je fe rais en 
 604 616 68 951 960 271 1276 890 362 57 365 
 sorte que deux ou trois ans en cette place nous donne 
 
 858 131 488 956 593 370 587 560 1083 414 566 
 raient de 1' ai sance. 
 
 1054 573 558 156 803 
 
 XV. 
 
 KALB TO THE PRINCE DE MONTBAEEY (PAR M. GERARD). 
 
 Du Camp de Buttermilk Falls, le 31 Aout, 1779. 
 
 MoNSEiGNEUR : Lorsqu'avec votre agreraent, je convins avec les com- 
 missionaires americains d'aller servir les Etats TJnis en qualite d'officier 
 g6n6ral, j'obtins un cong6 du roi et votre promesse pour des graces 
 de sa Majesty proportionnees aux risques d'une entreprise de cette 
 nature. J'avais lieu de me flatter qu'on ne me laisserait pas partir 
 sans etre brigadier des arraees du roi, mais monsieur le comte de 
 Saint Germain ne voulant pas faire de promotion expresse pour moi, 
 le brevet de brigadier pour les iles me fut expedie par monsieur de 
 Sartine le 6 Novembre 1776. J'esperais que je serais c;impiis dms la 
 premiere promotion que le ministre de la guerre ferait (cependant 
 jusqu'apr6^ent, je n'ai rien appris a ce sujet) et que cela me ni6nerait 
 h devenir dans pea marechal de camp, ?urtout depuis le traits d'al- 
 liance du roi a^ec ces 6tats, que l^^s officiers frangais les servant, 
 doivent etre avou^s de leur cour et trait^^? en consequence. Ce n'est 
 que dans cette espdrance que je me suis determine an parti d'abandon- 
 ner ma famille et le soin de nies affaires pour un temi)S considerable, 
 pour m'exposer aux accidents de la mer, de la guerre, des fatigues 
 d'un climat defavorable et d'une d6pense excessive, miis indispen- 
 7 
 
310 APPE^^IX. 
 
 sable, oecassion^e par la cbert^ exliorbitante de toutes cboses, et le 
 nornbre d'officiers frangais qui abondent a ma table; parceque je 
 suis le seul g^n^ral major de la nation, ils me cousiderent comme leur 
 chef. 
 
 J'ai rhonneur de servir sa Majeste comme officier depuis la fin de 
 1743 de la creation dii regiment de Loewendal. Capitaine et aide 
 major de 1747. Major de 1756. Le dit regiment ayant 6t6 incor- 
 pore en Mars 1760 contre toute equite et Ics lermes expres, accordes 
 u feu monsieur le marecbal de Loewendal, lors de la lev^e de ce corps 
 (qu'il ne serait jamais ni r^forme ni traits differemment des regi- 
 ments d' Alsace, Saxe, la Mark, Royal Suedois et Royal Bavi^re). 
 En conservant de moins anciens a son prejudice, je perdis par 
 cette incorporation dix liuit luille livres du plus clair de iiion patri- 
 moine, que j'avais donnees, avec I'attache de monsieur le comto 
 d'Argeiison, ministre de la guerre, d'alors pour la m;ijorite du dit 
 regiment, independamment de mon tj-aitement de 4050 livres comma 
 major d'un ancien regiment qui fut r^duit a 1800 livres comme 
 capitaine d'Anhalt qui re^ut le premier bataillon de Loewendal. 
 
 Tant de desagrements ne me firent rien diminuer de mon zele 
 pour le service du roi. J'acceptai en Mai 1760 des lettres de service 
 d'aide marecbal general des logis de I'arm^e sons les ordres de Mon- 
 sieur le marecbal de Broglie et j'tn continual les fonctions jusqu'a la 
 fin de la guerre en 1763. Je fus fait lieutenant colonel en Mai 1761. 
 Tons mes cadets d'Etat major sont brigadiers ou mar^cbaux de camp. 
 J'ai constamment re>t6 a I'arm^e pendant toute la dur6e des guerres 
 de Flandre et d'Allemagne. 
 
 A la paix Mons. le due de Choisenl me donna di s appointements 
 de reforme jusqu'a ce qu'il put me replaoer a la tete d'un regiment 
 allemand, ce qui a la verity n'eut jamais lien, soit par oubli de sa 
 part, soit par manque d'importunite de la mienne. En Aout 1767 il 
 me fit appeler, m'expedia un ordre pour etre employe a la i:econnais- 
 sance des cotes maritimes de Calais et de Flandre, mais cbingea 
 aussitot cette destination en une comn)is!^ion particuliere de confiance 
 ])our la Hollande et suivant les circonstances pour le Nord de I'Ani^- 
 rique sous de orandes promesses de faveur et d'avjincemenr, qu'il n'a 
 n^anmoins point reniplies a mon retour (qu »iqu'il fut tres-content du 
 compte qne je lui rendis a la finj^e 1768) probablement par la multi- 
 plicity d'afiaires plus importantes; et qu'en suite, quand je I'en fis 
 lesouvenir et qu'il me renouvela ses promesses, son deplaceraent 
 subit ne lui en laissa pas le temps. Messieurs Gayots, Toullon, 
 
APPENDIX. 311 
 
 Chariot et si je ne me trompe, Monsieur de Saint Paul, m'ont blam6 
 de n'avoir pas demand^ a 6tre fait brigadier avant mon depart en 
 1767, que je I'eusse 6te sans difficulte. 
 
 Je ne repeterai pas tous les dangers auxquels ce voyage m'a ex- 
 pose. Le corapte de ma mission consign^ au depot de la guerre fait 
 mention d'une parti des divers accidents, comme mon naufrage pr^s 
 Staten Island, le 28 Janvier 1768, d'avoir echapp6 seul de neuf, aux 
 fcffets du froid excessif endure pendant 13 heures sans abris, en 
 sortant des tiots, les autres huit etant raorts pendant la nuit meme, ou 
 ]!eu apres. Je dirai seulement et puis le dire avec raismi que ce que 
 j'ai souffert pendant ce voyage, passerait la croyance si cela n'6tiiit 
 pas de notoriety publique, et si fort au dessus de la classe ordinaire 
 des services, que j'eus-e du. avoir les plus grandes recompenses. 
 
 C'est sans dome a vous, Monseigneur, que cet acte de justice est 
 reserve a faire et j'ose m'en flatter. 11 y a plus de deux ans que je 
 sers les Etats Unis en qualite de general major, le grade le plus 61eve 
 dans leurs armees apres le cummandaat en chef de toutes leurs forces, 
 et comrae depuis leur independauce recoimue par le roi, jene mecroia 
 plus libre de quitter sai:s vos ordres ou permission, jecontinuerai a lea 
 servir, taut que la guerre dureraou que raa saut6 me le permettra, a 
 moi.is d'ordres contraires, et aux conditions, tcnite fois que cela nie 
 conduise a mon but. Mon absence de chez inoi, les risques de la guerre, 
 les dangers a cimrir de la part des ennemis internes du pays, lea 
 fatigues, le mal ^tre, h^ climat, ladepense, enfin tous les sacrifices que 
 je fais, doivent me m^riter vos bontes, j'y compte et je voussuppliede 
 me les acorder, en vous cliargeant, Monseigneur, de mon avancement 
 auquel toutes les autres graces, dont je pourrais etre susceptible, doi- 
 vent c6der. II y en a cependant une autre, qui me conviendrait et 
 une qui me serait necessaire, c'est le grand cordon de I'ordre du merite 
 milit:dre, et des secours en argent. Si j'^tais riciie, je ne parlerais 
 pas des graces pecuniaires, mais ma fortune 6tant born^e, il n'est paa 
 juste non plus de sacrifier le bien, qui sera un jour necessaire a mes 
 fils pour les so^itenir au service de leur maitre, ni de m'orer la facuM 
 de i)ouvoir marier ma fiUe. Madame de Kalb me gronde fortement a 
 cette occasion, je lui r6coraande d'avoir I'honneur de se plaindre a 
 vo.is, Monseigneur, et de vous engager a y trouver un remede. 
 
 J'ai souvent 6t6 tente de vous rendre compte des operations denoa 
 armees americaines et anglaises, mais n'ayant pas de chiffres, je n'ai 
 pas ose le risquer. Les lettres prises par les ennemis etant coramu- 
 u6ment rendues publiques, de plus fortes raisons encore, m'ont em- 
 
312 APPENDIX. 
 
 p8cli6 de voiis envoyer des plans, que je me reserve de vous reraettre 
 vous meme a mon retour. 
 
 Je suis avec respect 
 
 Monseigneur Votre etc. 
 
 P. S. Le 10 Novembre m§me camp. 
 
 Je profite du depart de Monsieur Gerard, que je regarde comme 
 une voie s<ir pour faire passer celle ci, j*y eusse joint quelques plana 
 si nos equipages n'etaient pas a une trop grande distance du camp. 
 
 XVI. 
 
 GENERAL WASHINGTON TO THE PEESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 
 
 Head Quarters, April 3cZ, 1780. 
 
 Sir: I have frequently had the honor to address Congress on the 
 subject of those orps, which are unconnected with the lines of par- 
 ticular States. Satisfied of the numerous perplexities under which 
 they labor, it is with pain and reluctance I trouble tliem with repeated 
 representations of the same nature; but in the present case it is so in 
 dispensable that something should be done, that I cannot forbear the 
 repetition, however disagreeable. The situation of the officers of 
 these corps is absolutely insupportable. Unless something effectual 
 can be done to make it more comfortable, it is impossible they can 
 remain in the service. The resolutions of Congress for making them 
 part of the State quotas has partial operation, and the benefit result- 
 ing to a few has only served to establish a contrast that embitters the 
 sufferings of the rest. ITothing can be conceived more chagrinitig 
 than f(Vl' an officer to see himself destitute of every necessary while 
 another, not only in the service of the same government, engaged in 
 defending the same cause, but even in the same regiment, and some- 
 times standing by his side in tlie same company, is decently if not am- 
 ply provided. Enthusiasm alone can support him in a moment's per- 
 severance, but even t!iis principle must give way to a necessity so 
 continued and hopeless. Daily applications are made to me to know 
 whether there is a prospect of relief, always accompanied with a de- 
 claration, that it is impossible any longer to endure the extremities to 
 which they are driven. 
 
 I entreat the attention of Congress to this matter. If there is no 
 way to make provision for the officers, it would be better to dissolve 
 the corps, incorporate the men with the regiments belonging to the 
 
APPENDIX. 313 
 
 State lines, and let the officers retire with pay and subsistence, and 
 such other emoluments as may he enjoyed by others after the war. 
 In their present state, they are actually suffering every inconvenience, 
 in fruitless expectations of a remedy that will perhaps never come ; 
 those who have less resource, less zeal, or less fortitude, are resigning 
 from day to day. A relaxation from care in the interior of the regi- 
 ments must be a necessary consequence; and many valuable men will 
 b*^ gradually lost to the service, who might be saved. It; is much bet- 
 ter, therefore, that the expedient suggested should be adopted, than 
 that things should remain as now circumstanced. But if it were pos- 
 sible to obviate this necessity, it were much to be wished, as it would 
 preserve many of our best officers to the army, who would with in- 
 finite reluctance quit the field, while the defence of their country 
 called for iheir services. 
 
 Before I conclude, I think it my duty to touch upon the general 
 situation of the army at this juncture. It is absolutely necessary that 
 Congress should be apprised of it, for it is difficult to foresee what may 
 be the result; and as very serious consequences are to be appre- 
 hended, I should not be justified in preserving silence. There never 
 has been a stage of the war, in which the dissatisfaction has been so 
 general or alarming. It has lately, in particular instances, worn 
 features of a very dangerous complexion. A variety of causes has 
 contributed to this ; the diversity in the terms of enlistment^, the ine- 
 quality of the rewards given for entering into the service, but still more 
 the disparity in the provisions made by the several States for their re- 
 spective troops. The system of State supplies, however dictated in the 
 commencement by necessity, has proved in its operation pernicious be- 
 yond description. An army must be raised, paid, subsisted, and regu- 
 lated upon an equal and unif rm principle, or the confusion and discon- 
 tents are endless. Little less than the dissolution of the army would 
 have been long since the consequence of a different plan, had it not been 
 for a spirit of patriotic virtue, both in officers and men, of which there 
 are few examples, seconded by the unremitting pains that have been 
 taken to compose and reconcile them to their situation. But these 
 will not be able to hold out mucb longer against the influence of causes 
 constantly operating, and every day with some new aggravation. 
 
 Some States, from their internal abilities and local advantages, 
 
 furnish their troops pretty amply, not only with clothing, but with 
 
 many little comforts and conveniences ; others supply them with some 
 
 necessai-ies, but on a more contracted scale ; while others have it in 
 
 14 
 
314 APPSINDIX. 
 
 their power to do little or nothing at all. The officers and men in 
 the routine of duty mix daily and compare circumstances. Those 
 who fare worse than others of course are dissatisfied, and have their 
 resentment excited, not only against their own State, but against the 
 Confederacy. They become disgusted with a service that makes such 
 injurious distinctions. The officers resign, and we have now scarcely 
 a sufficient number left to take care even of the fragments of corps 
 which remain. The men have not this resource. They murmur, 
 brood over their discontent, and have lately shown a disposition to 
 enter into seditious combinations. A new scene is now opening, 
 which I fear wi)l be productive of more troublesome effects than any 
 thing that has hitherto taken place. Some of the States have adopted 
 the measure of making good the depreciation of the money to their 
 tro »ps, as well for the past as for tlie future. If this does not become 
 general, it is so striking a point, that the consequences must be un- 
 speakably mischievous. I enter not into the propriety of this measure 
 in the view of finance, but confine myself to its operation in the army. 
 Nei her do I mean to insinuate, that the liberality of particular States 
 has been carried to a blamable length. The evil I mean to point out 
 is the inequality of the different provisions, and this is inherent in the 
 present system. It were devoutly to be wished that a plan ccmld be 
 devised by which everything relating to the army could be conducted 
 on a general principle, under the direction of Congress. This alone 
 can give harmony and consistence to our military establishment, and 
 I am persuaded it will be infinitely conducive to public economy. I 
 hope I shall not be thought to have exceeded my duty in the unre- 
 served manner in which I have exhibited our situation. Congress, I 
 flatter myself, will have the goodness to believe, that I have no other 
 motives than a zeal for the public service, a desire to give them every 
 necessary information, and an apprehension for the consequences of 
 the evils now experienced. 
 
 I have the honor to be, etc. 
 
APPENDIX. 315 
 
 XVII. 
 COLONEL NICHOLAS ROGERS, OF BALTIMORE, TO GENERAL HENRY LEE.* 
 
 Ne-w Yobk, 2ith January, 1810. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Respecting my good and old friend the Baron 
 de Kalb, about whom we have formerly had some conversation, I 
 wish I could give you such information as would contribute to make 
 your intended publication interesting as the world will naturally 
 expect from your pen ; but the long lapse of time and other circum- 
 stance.-^, may probably, contrary to your expectations, render it 
 rather scanty ; however, such as it is, I am happy to place it at your 
 service. 
 
 In frequent conversations with him on the affairs of our country 
 — then almost the only topic of conversation — he lias repeatedly told 
 me of his having been in this country between the years 1763 and 
 1765, in a concealed character, — as a German travelling for his pleas- 
 ure. This he did, from one end of the continent to the other ; and, 
 as I know him to have been an acute observer, he must have picked 
 up a great deal of information for the French Court, by which, I 
 have no doubt, he was expressly employed for that particular \>m'- 
 pose. 
 
 Speaking the English language well, and possessing the most cim- 
 ciliating and condescending manners, he had it in his power to 
 insinuate himself everywhere, from the drawing-room down to the 
 grog-shop, and be assured that he culled from every group something 
 appertaining to his mission, and marked well, in every countenance 
 even, and conversation, the particular partialities and antipathies toW' 
 ards the two great leading nations of Europe, Great Britain and France. 
 He often declared to me that such was the universal prepossession in 
 favor of the former, and the almost instinctive hostility to the latter, 
 that he sincerely believed and often said that nothing could have 
 induced the Americans to have revolted against the mother-country 
 
 * Rogers had been Kalb's aid in Valley Forge and at the lines between 
 Elizabethtown and Amboy. When writing his memoirs on the revolution in 
 the South, Henry Lee applied to Rogers for information about Kidb. The 
 above letter was the reply. I found it in the little pamphlet published by 
 J. Spear Smith. The errors in them, growing out of shps of memory, are 
 corrected in the text ,• some of the statements are exaggerated ; nevertheless 
 the production is highly interesting. 
 
316 APPEND€X. 
 
 but the highly injudicious and short-sighted conduct of the British 
 ministry, whom he frequently ridiculed for their egregious folly in so 
 wantonly casting oif such an inestimable and powerful auxiliary. 
 
 He has often told ine that, in all his travels from North to South, 
 lie could find nobody of any consequence, either native or British, 
 who did not think that Old England was the ne pltis ultra and per- 
 fection of all human power. 
 
 In the latter part of his residence amongst us, in his assumed 
 character, he became, by some accident, suspected, was taken up, and 
 was, I believe, put into prison for a few days. However, he soon 
 made his way good and was released, for on examining his papers 
 and b.iggage, nothing could be found to implicate him, because he 
 never then kept, as he told me, anything like a manuscript, trusting 
 all to his memory, which T knew to be great. It was hardly possi- 
 ble to find a man more completely suited to such a mission, his 
 wonderful sobriety and temperance at table being alrao:.t to excess 
 and without example. 
 
 In Europe, I believe, he was engaged chiefly in the Quarter- 
 master Department, where, from his great aptitude for detail and minu- 
 tiae, lie must have been valuable. Had we here employed him in that 
 line he might have been of great service, for we frequently felt many 
 inconveniences and suffered much from our ill-judged arrangements 
 and want of foresight. 
 
 Besides his extreme temperance, sobriety and prudence, with his 
 great simplicity of manners which highly fitted him for his under- 
 taking, he had also many of the other qualifications for a soldier, 
 such as patience, long-sufi'ering, strength of constitution, endurance--i 
 of hunger and thirst, and a cheerful submission to every inconveni- ; 
 ence in lodging, for I have known Idm,' repeatedly, to arrange his 
 portmanteau as a pillow, and wrapping his great horsem.-iirs cloak 
 around him stretch himselt before the fire and take as comfortable a . 
 nap as if upon a bed of eider-down. He would rise before day, liglit 
 h's candles and work till nine, then take a slice of dry bread with a 
 gla-s of water, and go to work again until about twelve or one, when 
 he would ride to headquarters, pick up the news of the day, and 
 return to dinner. This meal consisted of a little soup and a shin of 
 beef, or of a dry tasteless round, with his favorite beverage, 
 water. After this he would go to work again, and so continue until 
 dark, when, without using his candle, he would get to bed, that he 
 might rise at the earliest hour in the morning. This was his mode 
 
APPENDIX. 317 
 
 of life generally, whilst we were at the Valley Forge, where we all 
 suflered not a little. 
 
 In size, he was a perfect Ariovistiis, being upwards of six feet, 
 and fully equal to the fatigues of a soldier. He would often walk 
 twenty or thirty miles a day without sigh, or complaint, and, indeed, 
 often preferi-ed that exercise to riding. His complexion and skin 
 were remarkable, being as fair and fresh as those Df a youth. 
 
 The observations and information of so judicious a person as 
 Baron do Kalb, would help much to open our eyes to the conduct of 
 the French court during our contest, particularly during the earlier 
 part of it, for it was incomprehensible to us and to the world in gen- 
 eral, why the French should be so long timidly hesitating whether they 
 should take an unequivocal part in our favor, when, apparently, there 
 never was so good an opportunity offered to a rival nation, to injure 
 an opponent, so eternally and deadly hostile. 
 
 xvin. 
 
 GENERAL HENRY LEE ON KALB. 
 
 (From his Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United StateB. 
 Appendix D, p. 424 et seq.)* 
 
 General Baron de Kalb was a German by birth, and from the best 
 information obtainable must have served during the war of 1756 in 
 some inferior stations of the quartermaster-general's department in 
 the imperial army, operating with that of his most christian Majesty, 
 it being well ascertained by his acquaintances in our army, that he 
 was intimately versed in the details of that department. Towards 
 the close of that war he must have been despatclied by the French 
 court to North America, as he himself often mentioned his having 
 traversed the then British provinces in a concealed character ; the 
 object of which tour cannot be doubted, as the baron never failed, 
 when speaking of the existing war, to express his astonishment, how 
 any government could have so blundered as to efface the ardent and 
 deep affection which to his own knowledge existed on the part of the 
 colonies to Great Britain previous to the late rupture; a preference 
 equalled only by their antipathy to the French nation, which was so 
 
 * Thft reader of these pages will be prepared to sift the truth from the 
 poetry contained in this very interesting sketch, so that it would be quite su- 
 perfluous to enter into extended dissertations here. 
 
318 APPEND€X. 
 
 powerful as to induce the baron to consider it, as he called it, in- 
 stinctive. 
 
 Just before the peace our incognitus, becoming suspected, was ar- 
 rested; and for a few days he was imprisoned. On examination of 
 his baggage and papers nothing could be found confirming the suspi 
 cion which had induced his arrest, and he was discharged. Such 
 discovery was not practicable, as during his tour, the baron himself 
 declared that he relied entirely upon his memory, which was singu- 
 larly strong, never venturing to commit to paper the information of 
 others or his own observations. On the restoration of peace the 
 baron returned to Europe, and came once more to America in 
 1777 or 1778, recommended to Congress as an experienced soldier 
 worthy of confidence. A brigadier in the service of France, he was 
 honored by Congress with the rank of major-general and repaired to 
 the main army, in which he served at the head of the Maryland di- 
 vision, very much respected. Possessing a stout frame, with excel- 
 lent health, no officer was more able to encounter the toils of war. 
 Moderate in mental powers, as in literary acquirements, he excelled 
 chiefly in practical knowledge of men and things, gained during a 
 long life by close and accurate investigations of the cause and effete 
 of passing events. "We all know that the court of France has 
 been uniformly distinguished by its superior address and manage- 
 ment in diving into the secrets of every nation, whether friend 
 or foe, with whom it has relations. The business of espionage has 
 been brought in France to a science, and a regular trained corps, 
 judiciously organized, is ever in the service of the court. Of 
 this body there is strong reason to believe that the baron was a 
 member, and probably one of the chief confidants of that gov- 
 ernment in the United States. No man was better qualified for the 
 undertaking. He was sober, drinking water only, abstemious to ex- 
 cess, living on bread, sometimes on beef-soup, at other times with 
 cold beef; industrious, it being his constant habit to rise at five in the 
 morning, light his candles, devote himself to writing, which was 
 never intermitted during the day but when interrupted by short meals 
 or by attention to his official duty, and profoundly secret. He wrote 
 in hieroglyphics, not upon sheets of paper as is customary in camps, 
 but in large folio books, which were carefully preserved, waiting to 
 be transmitted to his unknown correspondent whenever a safe oppor- 
 tunity might offer. He betrayed an unceasing jealousy lest his jour- 
 nals and his mystic dictionary might be perused, and seemed to be 
 
APPENDIX. 319 
 
 very much in dread of losing his baggage, which in itself was too 
 trifling to be regarded, and would only have attracted such unvarying 
 care from the valuable paper deposit. He never failed to direct his 
 quartermaster to place him as near the centre of the army as was al- 
 lowable, having an utter aversion to be in the vicinity of either flank 
 lest an adventuring partisan should carry off his baggage. What be- 
 came of his journals is not known, but very probably he did not vent- 
 ure to take them into South Carolina; what is most probable, he 
 placed such as remained in the hands of the French minister for 
 transmission to Paris when he was ordered to the South. If he con- 
 tinued to write, when marching to South Carolina, his progress must 
 have been slow, as he was necessarily much engaged in the duties of 
 his command, which became multiplied by the extreme difficult^' with 
 which subsistence was procurable. Whether his baggage was capt- 
 ured is not known to me; but it cannot be doubted that his papers 
 did not fall into the hands of the enemy; as in sucli event we should 
 probably have heard not only of the fact but also of their contents. 
 No man surpassed this gentleman in simplicity and condescension, 
 which gave to his deportment a cast of amiability extremely ingra- 
 tiating, exciting confidence and esteem. Although nearer seventy 
 than sixty years of age, such had been the temperance of his life that 
 ho not only enjoyed to the last day the finest health, but his counte- 
 nance still retained the bloom of youth, which circumstance very 
 probably led to the error committed by th^se who drew up the in- 
 scription on the monument erected by order of Congress. This dis- 
 tinguished mark of respect was well deserved. H 
 
 XIX. 
 
 kalb's pkoposal to congress, 
 
 (written by Kalb himself and found among the papers appertaining to Silas Deane]. 
 
 Le Baron de Kalb being advised by some Generals of the highest 
 reputation, and by several other noblemen of the first rank in thi.; 
 realm, to serve the cause of liberty in America, he accordingly offers 
 his services to the most honorable Congress on the following terms : 
 
 1. To be made a Major General of the American troops at the 
 appointments of the Major Generals in that service, with all other 
 perquisites belonging to tLat lunk, besides a particular sum to be 
 allowed to him annually, which he will not determine, but rely on it 
 
320 APPENI^IX. 
 
 for the Congress, hoping they will consider the difference there is 
 between their own countrymen, who are in duty bound to defend their 
 all, and a foreigner who, out of his own accord, offers his time, sets 
 aside his family affairs to hazard his life for the American liberties. 
 The said appointment to begin from this day, November the seventh, 
 1776. 
 
 2. That Mr. Deane will furnish him presently, & before embarking 
 with a sum of twelve thousand livres french-money, namely : C,000 to 
 be considered and given as a gratification for the necessary expenses 
 attending such an errand, and th' other G,000 as an advance upon his 
 appointment. 
 
 3. That Capt. Dubois Martin and another Gentleman whom Le 
 Baron de Kalb shall nominate in time, may be agreed as Majors to be 
 his aids de camp, at the appointment of American officers of the same 
 Eank, and the sum of 3,000, or at least 2,600 be paid to each of them 
 presently, or before embarking, the half of which as a gratification, & 
 th' other half as an advance, the said appointments beginning too from 
 this day. 
 
 4. That in case the Peace was made at their landing in America, 
 or that the Congress would not grant these demands, and ratify the 
 present agreement, or that the Baron de Kalb himself should on any 
 other account, & at any time incline to return to Europe, that he be 
 allowed to do so, and besides be furnished with a sufficient sum of 
 money for the expenses of his coming back. 
 
 On the above conditions I engage and promise to serve the Amer- 
 ican States to the utmost of my abilities; to acknowledge the authority 
 and every act of the most honorable Congress ; be faithfull to the 
 country as if my own ; obey to superiors committed by that lawful 
 power, and be, from this very day, at the disposal of Mr. Deane for 
 my embarkation, and in such a vessel and harbour as he shall think 
 fit. Witness my hand, in Paris, November the seventh, in the year 
 one thousand seven hundred seventy-six. 
 
 De Kalb. 
 
 Reed, of Silas Deane, at Paris, Novr. 22d, 1776, Sixteen Thousand 
 Eight Hundred Livs. on acct. of the above. 
 
 N. B. Paid 8,800 in cash. 
 
 8,000 by a Bill on Messrs. Delaps. 
 
APPENDIX. 321 
 
 XX. 
 
 KALB TO SILAS DEANE. 
 (From "The Magazine of American History", Vol. IX, p. 384.) 
 
 On Boabd the Ship la Victoirb 
 AT THE Passage*) in Spain. 
 17. April, 1777. 
 
 Sir : — I had the honour of writing to you four days ago in a 
 sad mood of mind, about all the difficulties which seemed to obstruct 
 M. Le Marquis de la Fayette's generous designs; as I made you a par- 
 taker of bad news, I think it a piece of justice to impart to you a good 
 one. The Marquis guessing by all the letters he received, that the 
 Ministers granted and issued orders to stop his sailing, out of mere 
 compliance with the requests of M. Le Due d'Ayens, and that in reality 
 neither the King nor any body else could be angry with [him] , for so 
 noble an IGnterprise, he took upon him to come here again and to pursue 
 his measures. He arrived this morning nine of the clock to the great 
 comfort of all his fellow Passengers. M. de Mauroy arrived at the same 
 time. So we shall put out to sea again by the first wind, and strive to 
 get to the Continent directly as much as possible. All these Gentlemen 
 present you with their most sincere Compliments and good wishes. 
 
 I wrote to M. le Comte de Broglie as well as to Mad. de Kalb, if 
 they had any letters to send to me, before I could give them an account 
 of myself after arrival at your army, to put them under cover, directed 
 to Mr, Sam. Shoemaker at Philadelphia, and desire you to get them 
 over when opportunities will offer. I depend on this and all other 
 occasions on your goodness and friendship, to which and Mr. Car- 
 michaels I recommend myself particularly and am with all possible 
 respect, Honoured Sir, your most etc. De Kalb. 
 
 This letter will go by the to-morrow's Post, but you shall hear from 
 me the day of our putting under sail. 
 
 The Marquis charges me peculiarly to acquaint you that his fear 
 of involving you in some disagreeable dilemma and of doing hurt to 
 our friends interest at the French court, was what determined him 
 most to comply with the Kings orders and to go back to Bordeaux ; be- 
 ing willing to fall alone a sacrifice to resentment and make nobody share 
 his misfortune, as long as he could believe these orders serious, and 
 that it is only since he is sure of you and your causes security he as- 
 sumed anew his most darling project. 
 
 *) LOS PASAGES 
 
322 APPENDIX 
 
 XXI. 
 
 DE KALB, GATES AND THE CAMDEN CAMPAIGN. 
 
 (From "The Magazine of American History", Vol. "ST:II, Part. II, p. 496 flf. 
 
 N. Y., 1882, A. S. Barnes & Co. 
 
 The publication of the correspondence and orders of General 
 Gates, bearing upon the battle of Camden, and the vigorous defence 
 of that officer by Mr. Stevens, which appeared in the October Number 
 of the Magazine for 1880, invite a restudy of that disastrous cam- 
 paign. A fresh fact is brought out in a letter from Lord Rawdon, 
 published in the Third Report of the British Historical Manuscript 
 Commission, Avhich revives the point whether Gates did not make a 
 mistake in declining to attack the British at Little Lynch s Creek, on 
 or about August 10th. Rawdon, then in command, had taken post 
 on the southern bank of the stream, and was known to have a force in- 
 ferior in numbers to that of the Americans. His position, on the 
 other hand, was naturally strong. Tarleton, in his account of the 
 campaign, claims that Gates ought immediately to have moved up 
 the creek, crossed it above, marched directly to Camden, and com- 
 pelled Rawdon to meet him at a disadv^antage, or abandon the place. 
 Bancroft says on this point : „By a forced march up the stream Gates 
 could have turned Rawdon's flank and made an easy conquest of 
 Camden." Johnson, in his life of Greene, takes substantially the 
 same view. In Rawdon's letter referred to, we now have the state- 
 ment that De Kalb did actually urge an attack upon the enemy at the 
 creek. The communication is from the English general to his mother, 
 the Countess of Moira, and the material part, explaining why he de- 
 clined to fight Gates before Cornwallis arrived, runs as follow^s : 
 
 "Cabip Near Twelve Mile Cbeek, 
 "On the Feontieb of Nohth Carolina, Sept. 19, 1780, 
 
 " Had I thought the tinsel of unweighed applause an ob- 
 ject superior to the consciousness of having acted right, I should have 
 given Mr. Gates battle whilst the command remained with me. It was 
 in my power ; I had fair prospect of success ; the reputation to be at- 
 tained was great ; and if I was beaten there would have been credit in 
 making a bold attempt, for the failure of which the disparity of force 
 would have been a sufficient apology. But I felt that the step would be 
 false ; for, by maintaiijing the conduct which I pursued, I was certain 
 
APPENDIX. 323 
 
 of forcing the enemy either to retire across the Pedee, to attack me 
 upon terms ahnost hopeless for them, or to take the ruinous part which 
 they actually did embrace. 
 
 "De Kalb, who was a good officer, saw so clearly the consequences 
 of reducing their attacks to one point, and thereby enabling me to 
 unite my detachements, that he strenuously advised Gates to pass 
 Lynches Creek and fight me, at all events : this was related to me by 
 De Kalb's aid-de-camp (a relation of the M. do la Fayette), who was 
 made prisoner. Gates rejected the advice, threw himself across the 
 country into the other road above Hanging Rock Creek, and gave us 
 three days to prepare to meet him, in a country likewise very favor- 
 able for us. 
 
 "Since that action the sickness of the troops, added to want of 
 provisions and almost every kind of ^stores has detained us inactive. 
 We are now in march towards Hillsborough, where Gates has collected 
 a small body of militia. At present there is no prospect of serious op- 
 position, but I cannot believe that the Congress will not make an effort 
 to stop the advance of our successes. We have reason to hope that 
 we shall be joined by the greater part of the North Oarolinians, who 
 
 have certainly given strong proofs of faithful attachement to us 
 
 It is now ten weeks since we have heard from New York You 
 
 must have been astonished at our warfare here after the representations 
 which we perceive were made to you respecting the loyalty and peace- 
 able state of His Majesty's Province of South Carolina." 
 
 The aid who gave the information Eavvdon refers to, was Chevalier 
 Dubuysson, holding the rank of Lieutenant- Colonel, and the same who 
 is commonly represented as preventing his general from being put to 
 death on the field at Camden. Whether De Kalb meant that Gates 
 should attack Rawdon directly in front or cross at a more favorable 
 point and fight him as soon as possible, is not distinctly stated, but it 
 is worth noticing that he did in eifect propose what Tarleton, Avho was 
 on the spot, was of opinion should be done, and what Rawdon himself 
 impliedly admits to have been excellent advice. The point with De 
 Kalb evidently was : Push the enemy and prevent the conce^utration 
 of his forces. Friends of Gates will defend the course he took in 
 marching around by way of Rugeley's Mills, by showing that the de- 
 lay brought him a large reinforcement of Virginia Militia ; but 
 did it not also work in equal if not greater proportion to the enemy's 
 advantage ? 
 
324 APPENDIX. 
 
 It is not to be inferred from bis advice at Lynch s Creek, that De 
 Kalb was aggressive in this campaign. No one can read Colonel 
 Horry's quaint reminiscences in his Life of Marion, without observing 
 how anxiously he deprecated Gates' extraoKlinary haste and rashness 
 in pushing down toward the enemy from North Carolina. Horry, 
 who acted as aid to De Kalb up to the battle of Camden, states on the 
 weary march through the pine barrens, where "a forlorn hope of eater- 
 pillars"' must have starved, the general "frequently foretold the ruin 
 that would ensue". At Lynch 's Creek he saw a possible advantage to 
 be gained, and urged it ; otherwise he constantly advised caution and 
 better preparation, but Gates would take no counsel, unless in the last 
 extremity, but his own. 
 
 xxn. 
 
 Kalb to Baron Holtzendorff in Paris. 
 
 A Peteesbuegh en Virginie, le 29 May, 1780. 
 
 MoN Cher Amy, Je n'ay pu attendre a Philadelphie I'arrivee de 
 M. le Ms. de Lafayette, mais j'y ay laisse le Capt. Paskke, qui m'a 
 prie de I'admettre a ma famille pendant ma marche an Sud, pour le 
 voir et m'apporter mes lettres de France. Je viens done de recevoir 
 celle que vous m'avez fait Thonneur de m'ecrire par luy le I'er mars. 
 J'eusse bien desire pouvoir causer avec luy sur differents objets, s'il 
 m'avoit ete possible de reculer mon depart. 'J^'on me presse d'arriver an 
 secours de Charlestown et je rencontre des difficultes sans nombre 
 dans ma marche, il semble que tout soit calcule pour s'opposer au bien 
 du Service. J'ay a mes ordres les Troupes de Maryland, de Delaware^ 
 le Corps de Lee avec un Eegt. d'artillerie et douze pieces de canons. 
 L'on m'a promis une Jonction de Mih'ce de cet etat cy et en Nord 
 Caroline, mais la lenteur qu'on met en tout, ne me donne pas de 
 grandes Esperances d'en obtenir ou de pouvoir les attendre : je feray 
 partir demain et les jours suivans mes Troupes en Trois Divisions, si 
 toutes fois l'on me donne les chariots dont j'ay besoin et qui me sent 
 promis depuis longtems; avec toute la diligence que je pourray mettre 
 dans ma marche. II est possible que le sort de Charlestown soit decide 
 avant "mon arrivee, car quoiqu'ils ayent ete menaces depuis long- 
 tems d'un siege, que les Ennemies ayent ete dans le Yoisinage 
 longtems avant d'avoir pu investir la place qu'on avoit par con- 
 sequent du tems de reste pour I'approvisionner, malgre cela je crains 
 qu'on ait neglige ce point si essentiel a une defense, et qu'on ne s'en 
 soit occupe que quand il n'en etoit plus tems. \ 
 
APPENDIX. 325 
 
 Le projet de debarquement en Angleterre a sans doute ete aban- 
 donne entierement ? puisque M. de Lafayette qui etoit de cette armee 
 la, est revenu icy. Cela surprend beaucoup de monde, on croit, qu'a 
 moins qu"il ne soit charge de quelque commission importante pour le 
 Congres, il ne seroit pas revenu en Amerique, et com me rien n'a trans- 
 pire jusqu'a present, cela donne lieu a diverses conjectures. 
 
 Yous dites done que huit Regiments devoient s embarquer en avril 
 et cela peutetre pour H. — Mess, de Fleury et Ja^ Colombe ecrivent 
 qu'ils doivent revenir incessamment, ne seroient ils pas de la derniere 
 Expedition ? 
 
 Je suis fache de ce que vous me mandez de la mauvaise sante de 
 Mad. de Holzendorff ; je luy souhaite un parfait et prompt retab- 
 lissement. Comme il est possible que Yous ne soyez pas a Paris a 
 Tarrivee de cette lettre, elle sera pour Elle. 
 
 Yous me dites n'avoir reyu aucune de mes nouvelles depuis Xbre 
 1778. Je vous ay cependant ecrit de Philadelpliie au commencement 
 de 1779 et plusieurs fois depuis, soit en reponse aux Yotres soit au- 
 trement, peutetre que mes lettres Yous parviendront encore ? je vous ay 
 marque dans le tems que votre coffre s'est retrouve et de la facon dont 
 j ay dispose, votre Portefeuille et la Yeste sont chez le Docteur Phile 
 pour etre delivres sur votre ordre. Le reste a ete vendu a 1000 Dol- 
 lars qui dans le tems etoient a dix pour un, par consequent valant 500 
 Livres de France, et jay laisse a Yotre option cette somme ou un Billet 
 d'Emprunt de 1000 Dollars que je m 'en suis procure, depuis ce tems les 
 choses ont changees en prix. Soixante en Papier en donnent difficile- 
 ment un en especes actuellement, et les denrees et marchandises aug- 
 mentent continueUement de prix- jPTout coute le double, meme en payant " 
 avec de Tor, de ce que les choses valoient il y a 18 mois. Ma marche 
 va me couter des sommes immenses. Je ne puis pas me faire suivre 
 par mon Equipage, et suis par consequent oblige de vivre en Routte 
 dans les auberges ou d'autres maisons ou Ton paye egalement, meme 
 le logement. Ma solde de six mois suffit a peine pour un jour de de- 
 penses inevitables. Je voudrais bien etre chez moy, ou ne m'etre pas 
 embarque dans cette Galere. 
 
 J'ay et J dirigc quelqu'un des jour passe sur ma Route de prendre 
 mon Quartier dans une maison particuliere pour une nuit. On m'y 
 donna un mauvais soupe et pour boisson du Grog. Pourtant le matin 
 sans dejeuner mon compte se montait pour quatre Maitres et trois 
 Domestiques a 850 Dollars, et la maitresse de la Maison me dit poli- 
 
326 A P P E N Ifl X . 
 
 iiient quelle n'a vait rien mis pour le logement quelle le laisse a ma 
 Discretion mais que 3 ou 400 Dollars ne seroient pas de trop pour 
 I'Embarras qu'elle a eu avec ma famille. Ces gens pretendent qu'ils 
 sacrifieroient tout pour la cause de leur Liberte. Tout est a proportion 
 de cela, un cheval mediocre coute 20,000 Dollars, je dis Yingt mille. 
 
 Adieu mon cher amy, je suis avec le plus parfait et le plus sin- 
 cere attachement, tout a Vous 
 
 Le Bon De Kalb. 
 
 XXITI. 
 
 [Public— No. 30. j 
 
 AN ACT to provide for the erection of a monument to the memory of Major General 
 the Baron De Kalb. 
 
 Whereas, in October, seventeen hundred and eighty, the Congress 
 of the United States passed the following resolution: 
 "In Congress, October, 1780. 
 
 "Resolved, That a monument be erected to the memory of the 
 late Major-General the Baron De Kalb, in the city of Annapolis, in 
 the State of Maryland, with the following inscription : 
 
 "'Sacred to the memory of the Baron De Kalb, knight of the Royal 
 Order of Militar3'- Merit, brigadier of the armies of France, and major- 
 general in the service of the United States of America. Having served 
 with honor and reputation for three years, he gave a last and glorious 
 proof of his attachment to the liberties of mankind and the cause of 
 America in the action near Camden, in the State of South Carolina, 
 on the sixteenth of August, seventeen hundred and eighty, where, 
 leading on the troops of the Maryland and Delaware lines against su- 
 perior numbers, and animating them by his example to deeds of valor, 
 he was pierced with many wounds, and on the nineteenth following 
 expired, in the forty -eighth year of his age. 
 
 '"The Congress of the United States of America, in gratitude to 
 his zeal, service, ancftuerit, have erected this monument;'"' Therefore, 
 
 Be it enacted hy the Senate and House of Representatives of the 
 United States of America in Congress assembled, That the sum of ten 
 thousand dollars be, and the same is hereby, appropriated, out of any 
 moneys in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for the purpose of 
 erecting the monument authorized by the resolution of Congress above 
 recited; and the Secretary of the State shall have the management and 
 control of the erection of said monument. 
 
 Approved, February 19, 1883. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 327 
 
 M 5 
 X ^ 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abbeville 36 
 
 Abdelkader 94 
 
 Aeneas 177 
 
 Aiguillon, Due d' 76, 78 
 
 Aix-la-Chapelle 6, 10 
 
 Albany 126, 152, 153, 154, 155, 
 
 156, 157 
 Albert of Bavaria, Elector 5 
 Algiers 83 
 Altdorf, town 1 
 Alzac, Viscountess d' 75 
 Amboy 186, 187 
 Amphitrite, ship 88 
 Amsterdam 46 
 Anhalt, regiment 29, 34 
 Annapolis 110, 196, 238, 248 
 Ansbacli Bayreuth, margraviate 
 
 254, 256 
 Anson court house 213 
 Antin, Due d' 14 
 Appony 46 
 
 Argenson, Count d' 9, 11 
 Ariovistus 240 
 Armand, Colonel 199, 205, 222, 
 
 223, 226, 230 
 Armstrong 159, 215, 222 
 Am and, Saint, General 4 
 Arnold, General 150, 152 
 Ascanins 176 
 Ashley river 191 
 Augenheim, village 5 
 Augusta, town 213 
 329 
 
 Ayen, Due d' 90, 91, 103, 104, 
 
 105, 106, 108 
 Baviere, Eoyal, regiment 25 
 Bayreuth, margraviate 1, 256, 257 
 Beaumarchais 83, 88, 93 
 Bedaulx,de, Captain 108,110, 131 
 Bedford 175 
 
 Belleisle, Marshal 11, 19, 29 
 Bennington 151 
 Bentheim, regiment 25 
 Bergen, battle of 29 
 Bergen op Zoom 6 
 Bernis, Abbe 41 
 Besanfon 84 
 Besset, de 74, 75 
 Bethlehem (Moravian settlement) 
 
 117 
 Black river 219 
 Blanding, A. 251 
 Bonne val. Count 21 
 Bonvouloir 82 
 
 Bordeaux, 100, 101, 103-107 
 Boston 54, 59, 61, 64, 65, 72, 73, 
 
 117, 162, 163 
 Bougainville 41 
 Boulogne 12 
 Boundbrook 167, 171 
 Bourbon, dynasty 257 
 Bourcet, General 46 
 Le Boursier, Captain 101, 108 
 Brandenburg-Bayreuth, Margrave 
 
 253, 256 
 
330 
 
 index: 
 
 Brandywine, battle of 112, 113, 124 
 Breton, Capo 66 
 Briant, Colonel 226 
 Brice 108, 109, 110, 130 
 Broglie, Comte de 38, 79, 80, 85, 
 
 86, 89, 92, 93, 94, 100, 102, 
 
 109, 118, 119, 122, 123, 127, 
 
 137, 145, 162, 167, 168, 172, 
 
 178, 241 
 Broglie, Due de 26, 29, 30, 31, 
 
 38, 79, 161, 180, 241, 243 
 Brouossy near Milon 79 
 Brunswick, Ferdinaud of 31, 38 
 
 242 
 Brussels 48 
 Buckeburg, town 39 
 Buffalo ford 202, 211, 214 
 Buford, Col. 205 
 Burgoyne, General 126, 131, 132, 
 
 148, 164, 203 
 Buttermilk Falls 178, 179, 180 
 Calais, town 46 
 Calcutta 258 
 Cambray 8, 16 
 Camden, 252, 253 
 Campbell, Colonel 190 
 Canada 65, 126, 149, 150, 151, 
 
 155, 156 
 Captaine, Officer 130 
 Carolina, North 197, 199, 200, 
 
 201, 202, 204, 205, 212, 213, 
 
 217, 219, 222, 223, 230, 232, 
 
 235, 250 
 Carolinas 190, 215 
 Carolina, South 109, 123, 191, 
 
 199, 238, 248, 249, 250, 262 
 Castries, Marquis de 35, 77 
 CasweU, Maj.-Gen. 202, 205, 213, 
 215, 216, 217, 230 
 
 Chaillot, 101 
 Chamblee, port 152 
 Champlain, lake 151 
 Charles, King of Spain 83 
 Charles YII., Emperor 19 
 Charleston 109, 110, 188, 190, 
 191, 192, 195, 197, 198, 199, 
 203, 206, 211, 213, 218, 220, 
 225 
 Charleville 84 
 Charlotte 208, 219, 235 
 Chatelet, Count 70 
 Chatham, court house 188, 206 
 Cheraw 213 
 
 Chesapeake, bay 124, 125, 195 
 Chester 125 
 
 Choiseul, Due de 11, 35, 39, 40, 
 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 
 50,53, 61, 64, 66, 68, 70, 71, 
 72, 75, 76, 78, 80, 82, 86 
 Cincinnati, Order of the 244 
 St. Clair, General 185, 186 
 St. Clair 122 
 Gierke, R., General 38 
 Clermont 220, 223, 225, 226, 
 
 228 
 Clinton, General 170, 171, 173, 
 
 175,179, 190, 191, 198, 218 
 Cob Taxton 206 
 Coigny, Marshal 5, 105 
 Colbe 86 
 Colbert 36 
 Colmar244 
 Cologne 49 
 
 Colombe, de la, Capt. 108, 130 
 Compiegne 49 
 Conde, Prince of 244 
 Connecticut, 64, 165, 171, 173, 
 175 
 
INDEX. 
 
 331 
 
 Constantinople 76, 82 
 Contade, Marshal 29 
 Conway, General 121, 146, 149, 
 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 
 156, 157 
 Cornwallis, Lord 190, 204, 213, 
 218, 220, 222, 224, 226, 227, 
 229, 230,231,234,235, 236, 242 
 Corsica 70, 72, 83 
 Corwin, M. C. 247 
 Coudray, du. Col. 84, 88. 89, 92, 
 
 111, 112, 130, 131 
 Courbevoye 36, 37 
 Coxe's Mill 205, 206 
 Cumberland, Duke of 26 
 Danbury 165 
 Darby 125 
 
 Deane, Silas 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 
 89, 91, 92, 94, 97, 107, 108, 
 109, 111, 112, 114, 116, 117, 119 
 Deane 's "Woods 174 
 Deep creek 204 
 
 Deep river 200, 204, 205, 206, 211 
 Delaware bay 132 
 Delaware regiment 139, 165, 179, 
 192, 193, 197, 205, 230, 233, 
 234, 236, 238, 246 
 Delesser, Colonel 108, 117 
 Deuxponts, Max, Prince of 19 
 Deuxponts regiment 245 
 Dijon 84 
 Dixou 232 
 St. Domingo 84, 86, 88, 90, 100, 
 
 101 
 Donop, Colonel 131, 132 
 Dubarry 75, 243 
 Dubois 35, 46, 47 
 Dubois, Martin 89, 90, 92, 94, 97; 
 100, 101, 108, 130 
 
 Dubuysson, Major 108, 110, 117, 
 
 119, 131, 134, 236 
 Dulcinea 260 
 Dumouriez 42, 76 
 Dunkirk, town 11, 46. 88 
 Duportail 192 
 Durand, embassador 70 
 Diisseldorf 25 
 Ecluse 6 
 Elizabeth, town 165, 185, 186, 
 
 187 
 Elk or Elkton 124, 193, 195, 196 \ 
 Elysian fields 101 
 D'Eon, Chevalier 84 
 Erbach, regiment 245 
 Erfurt 26 
 Erie 139 
 Erlangen 1 
 Eschenbach, village 1 
 D'Estaing, i^dmiral 161, 180, 190 
 
 191 
 D'Estree, Marshal 25 
 
 St. Etienne 84 
 
 Eugene, Prince of Savoys 6, 21 
 
 St. Evrard, Abbe 97 
 
 Fairfield 175 
 
 Falmouth 50 
 
 Fayolles, de, Lieut. Col. 91, 108 
 
 Feray 90 
 
 Ferdinand, Prince 96 
 
 Fieffe, author 22 
 
 Fishkill 162, 163, 164 
 
 Fleury, Cardinal 24 
 
 Fleury, Colonel 174, 178 
 
 St. Florentine, Count of 75 
 
 Florida 190 
 
 Fontainebleau 86 
 
 Fontenoy, battle of 6 
 
 Ford, Lieut. CoL 217 
 
332 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 San Francisco 258 
 
 Frankfort on M. 32 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin 45, 70, 72, 91, 
 92, 112 
 
 Franval, Lieut. Col. 108 
 
 Frauenaurach 1 
 
 Frederic II, The Great 3, 5, 6, 25, 
 26, 38, 254 
 
 Frederic, Margrave 254 
 
 Freiburg 6 
 
 Furnes, fortress 5 
 
 Gage, General 63 
 
 Gates, General 126, 148, 149, 150, 
 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 
 159, 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 
 211, 212, 213, 214, 215, 216, 
 217, 218, 219, 220, 221, 222, 
 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228, 
 230, 231, 232, 235, 237 
 
 Geneva 146 
 
 George William, Margrave 253, 254 
 
 Georgetown, Bay of 109, 110, 198 
 
 Georgia 190, 191 
 
 Gerard, French Ambass. 89, 158, 
 167, 174 
 
 St. Germain, Count 11, 27, 79, 80, 
 81, 82, 84 
 
 Germantown 119, 127, 128 
 
 Geymueller, Lucas 245 
 
 Geymueller, Madame 102 
 
 Ghent 6 
 
 Gimat, de. Major 108, 110, 123 
 
 Gist, General 179, 229, 232, 234, 
 235, 236 
 
 Glover, Brigadier 160 
 
 Gneisenau, Lieut. 255 
 
 Goethe, J. Wolfgang 3 
 
 Goshen, County 199, 200 
 
 Gottingen 3, 31 
 
 Grammont 130 
 
 La Grange 109 
 
 Granville 42 
 
 Gravesend 50 
 
 Grebenstein 31 
 
 Greene, General 111, 116, 127, 
 
 159, 186, 203 
 Grimaldi, Minister 70, 83 
 Guadeloupe, Island 191 
 Guiche, Monsieur de la 31 
 Gulph's Mill 136 
 Gun, Captain 206 
 Hague 39, 48, 50 
 HaUfax 64, 65, 66, 205, 206 
 Hamburg 258 
 Hamilton's regiment 226 
 Ilastenbeck 26 
 Havestraw 171 
 Havre 88, 89, 100, 101 
 Heath, General 180 
 Henry, Patrick 44 
 Hercules, ship 50, 51 
 Herzogenbusch 49 
 Highlands 169, 171, 173, 180 
 Hillsborough 198, 200, 205, 206, 
 
 213 
 Holmes county 246 
 HoltzendorfE,von,Lieut.Col.85,86, 
 
 184, 196 
 Hommet, Capt. 50 
 Howe, General 123, 124, 126, 131 
 
 132, 133, 134, 135 
 Hudson, river- 152 
 Huettendorf , village 1 
 Huger, General 213 
 Huger, Major 110 
 Hutten 20 
 Huy 6 
 Hyder Ali, Sultan 43 
 
INDEX. 
 
 333 
 
 Ironhill 124 
 
 Ironworks 200 
 
 Isle Royal 65 
 
 St. James, court of 62 
 
 Jamison, Major 198, 199 
 
 Jaquette, aid de camp 233 
 
 Jefferson, Thos. 196, 206 
 
 St. Johns 151, 152 
 
 Johnston, town 153 
 
 Jomini 26 
 
 St. Julien, treasurer 97 
 
 Kalb, John 1, 2, 3, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 
 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
 18, 22, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 
 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 
 39, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 53, 56, 
 59, 60, 61, 64, 66, 61, 68, 69, 
 70, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 
 79, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 
 89, 97, 99, 100, 101, 102, 103, 
 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 
 110, 111, 112, 113, 116, 117, 
 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 127, 
 128, 132, 136, 137, 143, 144, 
 145, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 
 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 160, 
 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 
 167, 168, 172, 174, 175, 176, 
 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 
 185, 186, 188, 193, 194, 195, 
 196, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 
 203, 204, 207, 208, 211, 212, 
 215, 216, 217, 223, 227, 228, 
 229, 232, 233, 234, 236, 237, 
 238, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 
 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 
 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 
 257, 258, 260, 261, 262, 263 
 
 Kalb, Madame de 50, 168, 246 
 
 Kalb, Andrew 2 
 
 Kalb, Anna Maria Carolina 245 
 
 Kalb, Elie de 75, 245 
 
 Kalb, Frederic 244 
 
 Kalb, George 2 
 
 Kalb, Hans 1 
 
 Kalb, John Leonard 1 
 
 Kalb, Leonora 245 
 
 Kalb, Theophile 245 
 
 Kalb, street 248 
 
 Kant, Inmianuel 27 
 
 Karlsbad 3 
 
 Kassel 31 
 
 Kell, von, Eliaa 245 
 
 Kill van KuU 185 
 
 Kings Ferry, fort 171, 175, 178 
 
 Knox, General 111, 122 
 
 Knyphausen, General 242 
 
 Kriegenbronn 2 
 
 Lafayette, Marquis 86, 87, 89, 90, 
 91, 99, 100,101,102,103,104, 
 105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 110, 
 112, 113, 115, 119, 123, 124, 
 129, 130, 144, 149, 150, 151, 
 152, 153, 154, 156, 157, 159, 
 162, 163, 196, 249, 250, 251, 
 252, 260 
 
 Lafayette, Madame de 106 
 
 Lafayette, Fort 171 
 
 Lafeld, battle of 6 
 
 Lambert, Marquis de 89 
 
 Lancaster 118, 123, 139, 157 
 
 Landau 28, 33 
 
 Larned, Brigadier 160 
 
 Laurens, Henry, President 144 
 
 Laurens, John 192 
 
 Lee, Major 148, 194, 197, 204, 
 224 
 
 Leinburg 1 
 
334 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Lessing 27 
 
 Lexington 82 
 
 Lincoln 152, 180, 188, 191, 192, 
 195, 203 
 
 Lindley's Mill 206 
 
 Lisbon 39 
 
 Little Lynche's creek 218, 219 
 
 Loevvendal, Count of 4, 6, 23, 
 223, 243 
 
 Loewendal, regiment 25, 29, 34 
 
 London 11, 50, 54, 61, 68, 253 
 
 Long Island 162, 187 
 
 Lorraine, Prince of 5 
 
 Los Pasages 101, 105, 108 
 
 Louis XI \^. 18, 19, 24 
 
 Louis XY. 5, 36, 76, 79, 80, 254 
 
 Louis XVL 12, 79, 81, 158 
 
 St. Louis, Fort 14 
 
 Louisburg 13 
 
 Lovell 110, 114, 146 
 
 Lusatia, Count of 31 
 
 Luzerne, dela, Chevalier 167, 179, 
 180 
 
 Lynch's creek 211, 216, 217, 218 
 
 Machault, Sec. of the Navy 11, 16 
 
 Macleod, Lieut. Col. 229 
 
 Magdeburg 26 
 
 Maine 67 
 
 Malherbes, French min. 82 
 
 Maria Theresia 5 
 
 Marion 220, 225 
 
 La Mark, regiment 25, 29, 245 
 
 Mark's ferry 212 
 
 Marseilles 107 
 
 Martinique 191 
 
 Maryland, Brigade 124, 139, 165, 
 179, 185, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 
 197, 205, 222, 226, 229, 230, 
 232, 233, 234, 235, 238, 248 
 
 Massachusetts 64 
 
 Maestricht, siege of 6, 49 
 
 Matson's Ford 135 
 
 Maubeuge 84 
 
 Maurepas 82, 90, 91, 105, 106 
 
 Mauroy, Yicomte de 85, 89, 91, 
 
 92, 93, 108, 112 
 Mays Mill 214, 216 
 McDougal 150, 171 
 Mecklenburg in N. C. 208 
 Men in, siege of 5 
 Mente creek 133 
 Merseburg 26 
 Merserau, Mr. 61 
 Metz, 5, 79, 84 
 Mexico, Gulf of 63 
 Middlebrook 165, 167, 169, 171, 
 
 183 
 Mifflin, Fort 131, 133 
 Mifflin, General 159 
 Milford, Lady 255 
 Milon la Chapelle 74, 244, 245, 
 
 246 
 Minerva, ship 68 
 Montbary, Prince de 167, 169 
 Montgomery, Fort 150, 178 
 Montgomery, Richard 262 
 Monte/nard, Marquis de 76, 78 
 Montreal 151, 152 
 Morande, pamphleteer 84 
 Morocco 83 
 Morristown 180, 186, 188, 192, 
 
 194, 195 
 Moultrie, Colonel 190 
 Miinden on the IV eser 31 
 Muy, ]\linister of War 79 
 Namur 6 
 Nancy 9 
 Nantes 88, 91, 97, 107 
 
INDEX, 
 
 335 
 
 Napoleon I. 12, 43, 75 
 
 Napoleon, Louis 257 
 
 Nash, Governor 213, 223 
 
 Nassau, l^rince of 95 
 
 Nelson, Major 206 
 
 Newark 185, 186, 187 
 
 Newbern 73 
 
 Newburg, town 164 
 
 New England 63, 64, 164 
 
 New Hackensack 162 
 
 New Hampshire 73 
 
 New Haven 175 
 
 New Jersey 121, 122, 133, 160, 
 164, 165, 171, 180, 186 
 
 Newport 73 
 
 New Spain 58 
 
 New Windsor 171, 177 
 
 New York 50, 59, 67, 68, 72, 124, 
 128, 152, 157, 161, 162, 170, 
 171, 172, 175, 180, 181, 183, 
 186, 191, 192, 193, 195, 258 
 
 Niell, Lieut. Col. 15, 16 
 
 Nieuport 6 
 
 Nixon, General 249 
 
 Noailles, Vicomte de 90, 91, 106 
 
 Noix, Isle aux 152 
 
 Nor walk 175 
 
 Olmiitz 110 
 
 L'Orient 88, 89, 97 
 
 Ostende 6 
 
 Otis, James 44 
 
 Oudenarde 6 
 
 Paoli 72 
 
 Paris 163, 167, 177, 244, 253 
 
 Parker, Admiral 190 
 
 Paul, Jean 257 
 
 Pedee, river 205, 208, 211,212 
 
 Pennsylvania 64, 124, 137, 139, 
 152, 157, 164 
 
 Perkiomen, creek 119 
 
 Persigny 4 
 
 Petersburg, Va. 110, 184, 192, 
 195, 196, 197, 198 
 
 Pfalzburg 8 
 
 Pfeffel 244 
 
 Philadelphia 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 
 56, 59, 67, 110, 111, 115, 116, 
 118, 119, 122, 123, 124, 126, 
 131, 132, 134, 159, 160, 167, 
 180, 183, 185, 188, 193, 194, 
 195, 196, 198 
 
 Philippine Islands 83 
 
 Phyle, Doctor 160, 198 
 
 Pitt, 40, 42, 56 
 
 Pompadour, Mad. de 16, 25, 30, 
 39 
 
 Poniatowski, Stanislaus 75 
 
 Pontleroy, de, Agent 43 
 
 Port au Prince 100 
 
 De la Porte 16 
 
 Porterfield, Lieut. Col. 212, 227 
 
 Porto Pico 63 
 
 Portsmouth 117 
 
 Potterfield 222 
 
 Prague 5 
 
 Prevost, General 190 
 
 Princeton 60 
 
 Puetter, Professor 3 
 
 Pulaski, Count 190 
 
 Putnam, General 154 
 
 Pyrmont 3 
 
 Quebec 13, 40, 262 
 
 Quiberon, Bay of 12 
 
 Rainbaux et Cie. 101, 106 
 
 Raucoux, battle of 6 
 
 Rawdon,Lord211, 213, 218, 219, 
 220, 221, 222, 224, 226, 229, 
 231 
 
336 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Red bank 122, 131, 133 
 
 Re, Isle of 107 
 
 Reuss, Prince 3 
 
 Rhode Island 64, 153, 154, 161, 
 
 162, 172 
 Richelieu, Due de 26, 40, 176 
 Richmond, Va. 196, 197, 213 
 Roanoke, river 205 
 Robais, van, Emilie 36, 86 
 Robais, van, Peter 36 
 Rockey, river 206 
 Rogers, N., Aid de Camp 240 
 Rome 39, 176 
 
 Rossbach, battle of 26, 27, 30 
 Rossiere, de, Brigadier 77 
 Rothschild 259 
 Rotterdam 49 
 Rowan 208 
 
 Roziere, Monsieur de 89 
 Ruffec 90, 91, 94, 100 
 Rugeleys Mills 225 
 Rutherford 213, 214 
 Rut^edge, Governor 1 98, 199 
 Saarfeld, General 35 
 Salem 73 
 
 Salisbury, 198, 208 
 Salles, de, General 31 
 Salm-Salm, regiment 244 
 Santee, river 225 
 Sar de Gand 6 
 Saratoga 152, 204 
 Sartiges, de 97 
 Sartines, Sec. of War 81, 82, 
 
 84 
 Saunders' creek 226 
 Savannah 73, 180, 190, 191, 213 
 Saxe, Marshal of 5, 6, 11, 23, 
 
 223, 241 
 Schamyl 94 
 
 Schaumburg-Lippe,William, Count 
 
 of 38, 39 
 Schenectady, 153 
 Schiller 255 
 
 Schuyler, General 149, 152, 203 
 Schuylkill 125, 126, 134 
 Scotch Plains 186 
 St. Sebastian, Bay 104 
 Segur 19 
 Seine, ship 88 
 Seitz, Margarethe 1 
 Seven, Kloster 26 
 Shanghai 258 
 Sharon 162 
 
 Shelburne, Minister 45 
 Sickingen, 20 
 Signard, Elise 245 
 Smallwood, General 179, 18.5, 
 
 230, 232, 234, 235, 236 
 Smith, Cove 164,165,171,172,174 
 Solms Braunfels, Princess of 32 
 Solms Ilohensolms, Princess of 32 
 Solms Lich, Prince of 32 
 Sonneville, de 91 
 Soubise, Prince of 25, 26, .27, 30, 
 
 31, 35, 45, 176 
 Sparks, Jared 101, 108 
 Springfield 186 
 Stark, General 153 
 Staten Island 162, 181 ,185, 186, 187 
 Steuben, General 111, 157, 174, 
 
 179, 181, 185, 243 
 Stevens, General 214, 220, 221, 
 
 227, 228, 230, 231, 232 
 Stirling, Lord 157, 159 
 Stockholm 82 
 Stony Point 171, 173, 174, 175, 
 
 177, 178 
 Stormond, Lord 86, 88, 89, 90,101 
 
INDEX. 
 
 337 
 
 Strassburg 84 
 
 Suedois, Royal, regiment 25 
 
 Sullivan, General 111, 116, 135 
 
 Sumter 220, 221, 225 
 
 Swedes ford 136 
 
 Tailor's ferry 198 
 
 Tarleton 221, 229, 234, 235 
 
 Tesse, Countess de 104 
 
 Thatcher 224 
 
 Ticonderoga 82, 126, 127 
 
 Toulon 104, 107 
 
 Townsend, Charles 44 
 
 Trevisani, de 39 
 
 Troup, Eobert 155 
 
 Turgot 82, 83 
 
 Tuscarora 246 
 
 Valcroissant, de, Brigadier 78 
 
 Yalette,dela, Army commissary 30 
 
 Yalfort, Colonel 108, 117, 118, 
 
 127, 128, 130 
 Yalley Forge 136, 137, 144, 145, 
 
 148, 149, 157, 159, 160, 180, 183 
 Yarmira 133 
 
 Yaudiere, Raymond Marquis de 245 
 Yellinghausen, battle of 30 
 Yergennes, Count de 73, 76, 81, 
 
 82, 83, 84, 89, 102 
 Yerplanks Point 171, 173 
 Yersailles 16, 18, 19, 20, 40, 46, 
 
 68, 74, 76, 80, 253 
 Yictoire, ship 101, 102, 104, 108, 
 
 109, 117, 260 
 Yienna 39 
 Yiomenil 76 
 Yirginia 110, 162, 184, 190, 191, 
 
 197, 198, 199, 200, 205, 206, 219, 
 
 220, 221, 222, 230, 232, 235 
 Yogue, de, General 31, 35 
 Yrigny, de, Captain 108, 130 
 
 \^rilliere, Minister 76, 77, 78 
 
 Warsaw 76 
 
 Washaw 222 
 
 Washington, General 94, 108, 
 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 
 127, 128, 133, 137, 144, 145, 
 148, 149, 150, 156, 157, 158, 
 160, 161, 162, 163, 169, 171, 
 173, 177, 179, 180, 185, 186, 
 188, 191, 192, 194, 195, 203, 
 237, 238, 248, 249, 250 
 
 Washington, Colonel 205 
 
 Wateree 225 
 
 Waxhaw 219 
 
 Wayne, General 126, 173, 174 
 
 Webster, Lieut. Col. 226, 229, 331 
 
 Westfield 186 
 
 West Haven 
 
 West India, sea 1 79 
 
 West Indies 180, 190 
 
 West Point 164,165,17i;i77,179, 
 
 Wetterau 26, 32 [182 
 
 Weymouth, Yiscomte 86 
 
 White, Colonel 205, 206 
 
 Whitemarsh 133 
 
 Whitemarsh creek 119 
 
 White Plains 161, 162 
 
 Wilcox's Mills 200, 202 
 
 Wilhelmsthal 31 
 
 Wilkinson, Colonel 149 
 
 Williams, Colonel 207, 208, 215, 
 216,217,222,227,228,231,233 
 
 Wilmington, battle of 123,124, 
 125, 128, 199 
 
 Wood creek 152 
 
 Woolford 220, 221 
 
 Wurmser, General 35 
 
 Yadkin, 
 
 Ypres 5 
 
5t^ 
 
 F D 1 ^ 9. 
 
 .RBMr76 
 

 
 
 
 <^ '■'^.•' A<i^ "^^ "•■ A' -^ •••■ J 
 
 i°-n*. 
 

 ^■l°-«. 
 
 ^ J. «» o 
 
 ^^-;^. \ 
 
 
 
 ,^ 
 
 5>^"vc, 
 
 
 
 ^°-n*. 
 
 * O w o 
 
 
 *. '-TT, 
 
 DOBBS BROS. -^ 
 
 LIBRARY BINDING k > » ^ 'Vj 
 
 '^NOV 70 
 
 ST. AUGUSTINE i 
 
 ^% FLA. 
 
 
 ^°-n^, V 
 
 -N'