\o0UAiLu , IxaxUj^ IXHvv. Qass. Book. ,T. ( c. THE ISSUE Lf PRESENTED IX A SERIES OF LETTERS ON SLAVERY. &. Ju. BY REV. RUFUS WM. BAILEY, OP SOUTH CAROLINA. ^^ ^ ^. NEW-YORK : PUBLISHED BY JOHN S. TAYLOR, BRICK CHURCH CHAPEL. 1837. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1837, by John S. 1 AYLOH, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern Dis- trict of New -York. _ « •• <• «^ ' *, NEW-YORK: Vr. S. DORR, PRINTER, 123 Fulton Street. * "^ ADVERTISEMENT. \^ The following Letters, originally published in tl- Christian Mirror, have been copied, either wholly or in part, into most of the religious papers of the country. This wide circulation has given to them already an ex- tensive perusal. The manner, in which they have been received, and the influence they have exerted, have led, by the advice of judicious friends, to their careful revision, and re-publication. They are now offered to the public in a small volume with the earnest hope that they may subserve the cause of truth, and do good to our colored population, by contributing to check the progress of prin- ciples, now industriously disseminated, most injurious, as the writer believes, to their cause. The book is com- mended to the candor of the public, and the blessing of God. t CONTENTS. LETTER I. p^cE. Answers to seven questions. Influence of the Colonization Society a the bouth. Action of pious people— difficulties in the way of fhf A "•ci^"^^'" o'""'] "^ ^^" slaves-northern aid-influence of the Ann-Slavery Society at the South. Southern vicMs of the right 01 slavery. - LETTER II. Instruction and salvation of the slaves, action of legislatures, church- es individuals, eccle.iast.cal bodies. Synod of South Carolina and Georgia. Statistics of all religious denominations. How the abolitionists influence the religious instruction of the slaves. 13 LETTER III. "^St n?cf ^"^^^'^"-Reasoning of the abolitionists considerr d. ^ Right of slavery-Rev. Mr. B's. plantation-Synod of South Car- tted'" . .''^.'^'."^^.°^r"-""'*^^'^>^ '^^ ^h'e aboUtion doctrine 18 LETTER IV. Political aspect of the controversy-United feeling of the South- Exaggerated statements, production of excited feeling-Relat ons ZJ^'T «^ ^"^«^««"rse between master and slave much misun^ derstood-Sentiments of the slaves, their fidelity • . . . . : . 23 LETTER V. The present excitement on this subject is injurious to truth to the abo it.onists themselves, to the master and the slave-The deba e excluded from the South, and good interrupted- T!. • ! .. ... 31 LETTER VT. Slavery originally forced on the southern states:— Nature of th^ proposal now made to them, to rehnquish th ir property and Zt themselves poor-This they will not do tillToSed of duty-Bitter mveciive wUl not convince-A plan proposed-. • - 39 VI CONTENTS. LETTER VII. Page. Objections answered — Negroes held as property — ^Unkind interfc rence — Right of slavery again — The true distinction — Law of love — Anti-Slavery Society of Maine, their noble resolution — Agency offered. • 44 * LETTER VIII. . ^ The issue — Ami- Slavery Societies, their origin, character, motive, ^ course of action — Premises defective^Liberty, a natural right, ^ ji defined and illustrated, tested. — Measures, pursued — The issue a ^ ^, division of the Union — This avowed — state of public opinion at the South — Resolution of Mr. Thompson, false in point of fact — Proved — United States Mail at Charleston — Mr. Dresser in Ten- nessee — End of this course. 51 LETTER IX, Objections answered — Previous statement confirmed — Religious instruction and religious character of the slaves 65 LETTER X. Same subject continued 75 LETTER XL Oral instruction — its value, extensive use, and peculiar adaptation to the instruction of the slaves. 80 LETTER XII. Grant that the slaves ought to be set free — the abolitionists pre- vent it. 88 LETTER XIII. But there may be some good objections to immediate emancipation Reference to the Bible. 92 LETTER XIV. Liberty of speech and of the press at the South — History of the slavery question connected with it. 98 LETTER XV. Both sides — A supposition. 105 LETTER I. South Carolina, -A-Ug. 12, 1835. Rev. Silas McKeen: Dear Brother, — The subject to which you particularly call my attention is no longer a "delicate subject." I am willing to say nothing to you in relation to it, which I would not desire to say to every minister, every man and woman in New England. The time has come when, as you say, " Something, by way of light and persuasion on the subject of slavery, must be done," — and I may add, not for the South alone. I regret that I cannot answer your very candid letter, before the "Convention on the subject of slavery," which, you say, is to be held in Portland on the 12th inst. That is now impossible. But I will pray the Author of all light to direct you, and I trust the candor expressed in your letter, and which I know pervades your character, will characterize the meeting, and that it may result in great good to the poor slaves, for whose benefit it is called. It appears to me that two inquiries, when you are met, will exhaust the subject. First, What ca?i we do ? And then, What ought we to do ? It is plain that you ought not to do what you cannot do, — probably not all even that you can do. You cannot interfere with the subject by le- gislation, at least, so far as the respective states are con- cerned. That is settled by the Constitution. You can, however, seek an amendment of the Constitution. This is provided for in the instrument itself. And only in that method prescribed for amending the Constitution, cart you act on the subject through the government. You cannot 2 8 LETTERS ON SLAVERY^ address the slaves themselves on the subject. To this? course, there are not only insurmountable moral, but physical objections; you would not excite rebellion if you could, and you would not be permitted to approach them with that design if disposed. Yon cannot benefit the slaves by violence, either in the use of physical force, or opprobrious epithets, or by crimination of the motives or conduct of their masters. You cannot give them their freedom, nor teach them, nor find access to them, except hy the voluntary consent of their masters. But you can im- part "light," if you have it, and use "persuasion," and open yourselves to the same influence — and this is what you ought to do. The questions propounded in your letter, I will answer briefly and in all candor. Some more full statements than are now at hand, I will communicate in other letters. "i. What is the actual influence of the American Coloni- :iation Society at the South, and do its warmest friends now think it will ever remove slavery from the land?^' I answer: it is not easy for me to say what the actual influence of the American Colonization Society is at the South, as to the extent of that influence. The reflecting"part of the com- munity, I believe, are friendly to it, as calculated to re- lieve this country from a portion of its most miserable population, the free blacks ; but principally as a means of introducing the Gospel into Africa, and preventing or diminishing the slave trade. Its ability to remove slavery from the land must depend on other friends of the slaves besides their owners. These masters cannot, if they would, hire themselves to give up their property. Is it not enough that they manumit their slaves? Has the black man no other friends to help him ? There are now, and always have been, masters who are ready to give up their slaves, if others will transport them. They can do no more. You are aware that the laws of this and many other states prohibit, for the best of reasons, that slaves should be ^et free without transportation — that is, a re- moval from the state. "2. What do pious people at the South intend to do in order ever to bring slavery to an end?" They intend to seek the moral and intellectual elevation of their slaves, LETTERS ON SLAVERY. ^ and prepare them for a better world, and for whatever the providence of God may appoint for them here. The way is now dark, and they appear willing to receive "light." This, however, must come from some other source than from those who begin by calling them villains, and by as- serting- what the slaveholders themselves know to be false in point of fact. The people of the South are as ready as the people of the North to make sacrifices. Show them any course that commends itself to their judgment, and they are as little blinded by a selfish or avaricious spirit as any people on earth. "3. Is there any greater difficulty in the way of its aboli- tion than there was in the British dominions ?^^ I answer: that I do not kn^ow of any. But who will purchase these slaves ? The British government will not as they did those of the West India Islands. V/ili the friends of the negroes at the North do it ? I should be glad to see the experiment tried in this country, and then we should know where the difficulty lies. The experiment there, however, is but half perfected. The negroes are free. It remains to be proved whethBr their freedom is to be a blessing to them. " 4. What is done for the instruction and salvation of the colored people?'''' I answer: much is done. Some pious masters de\^ote themselves entirely to the religious in- struction of their slaves. They are generally instructed by the ministers. In many places the time of the clergy is equally divided between the whites and blacks. In many of our churches, the majority of communicants are blacks. In some sections, where they are numerous, missionaries are employed for their exclusive benefit. But I will not enlarge, as I shall take an opportunity to furnish you with statistics, and more minute information on this subject. "5. Is the way open for the people of the North, through the medium of the American Home Missionary Society, or in any other way, to do any thing for the religious instruc- tion and moral improvement of the slaves by preaching the Gospel to them?'' I answer: the black population are en- tirely accessible to religious teachers, and ministers are called for and generally welcomed by the owners, who 10 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. are willing to contribute liberally to their support. Under the present state of excitement ministers coming directly from the North are, of course, looked upon with jealousy. No northern minister, however, who has an established character, is obstructed in his endeavors to instruct the negroes. "6. What infiuence do you think is exerted at the South, by the Anti-Slavery Societies of the North ?" " The Anti- Slavery Societies of the North," as I understand, com- prize those who, in opposition to all others, require ema?icipation of the slaves immediately, and at all hazards. They oppose gradual emancipation, and Colonization and all plans of amelioration with the same uncompromising application of their abstractions, and with the same bitter invective, and the same reckless disregard to consequen- ces, as they oppose slavery itself. I know of no good influence, which these societies have exerted or can exert here. They have undoubtedly been productive of great evil. No one here believes their schemes practicable. If literally practicable, every man knows that their execu- tion would be attended by the most disastrous consequen- ces both to master and slave. There was never, perhaps, greater unanimity on any subject than the whole South presents on this. I do not know of a single southern man in this State, wherever he may have be^n born, or what- ever his profession, who is not decidedly opposed to the principles of the Anti-Slavery Societies of the North. And the negro has as firm friends here as any where. There are many men at the South who have made them- selves poor for the benefit of the slaves — who have "cast in all that they had." Who at the North has done this ? Here are men who have relinquished fortunes of twenty, thirty, fifty, and one hundred thousand dollars for the sake of giving liberty to the enslaved. Who at the North has done so much ? Many more are ready to do it so soon as they can be convinced it will bring a real blessing on their slaves. What abolitionist has done so much ? Not the North alone is liberal in this matter. The South is liberal. Let the course of duty be known, and dollars and cents will have little influence to obstruct or aid the execution of this duty. But let me say, the principles of LETTERS ON SLAVERY. li the abolitionists, can never prevail here. They will be opposed at the threshold. That interposition will never be permitted — tha4; emancipation cannot now be effected. Blood may flow — ^but the fetters of the slave will be riveted the stronger. The country may be deluged in blood, but it will only serve to perpetuate slavery. This is the "in« fluence exerted at the South by the Anti-Slavery societies of the North." So far as the negro is concerned, these societies could do nothing worse for him, were they his worst enemies. This is the sentiment of the best friends of the slaves, and especially of those who are most anxious for a policy, which shall result in final emancipation- Northern men at the South too are unanimous on this sub- ject. The political i?iflucnce of this great moral question, I will remark upon in a future letter. And lest the mo- tives under which I write, should be mistaken, let me say — that, although now in the midst of a slave popula- tion, I can be influenced by no regard to the opinions of those about me. I do not intend to continue my residence in a slave country. But my views of the right of slavery form a different subject from the question, What is now our duty in regard to the slaves of our country ! That dis- tinction I will endeavor hereafter to consider. " 7. Do Christian people, if there are any, who hold slaves, think it is right ? And that it would be right, if in comirig years, the scale should be turned, and the colored people should enslave the descendants of their present masters, and treat them just as they are now treated?^'' You know, my dear brother, that Christians at the South hold slaves, do you not? You did not, therefore, intend to imply that tlie piety of a slaveholder must be doubtful. There are those, who cast such imputations — who indeed can hardly cast any thing else. But I will not presume you designed it, because the language you use does not necessarily re- quire that construction. Nothing is gained by such im- putations. Much, now not to be recovered, has already been lost. Most Christians, in answering this question, would require a distinction to be made between the right of slavery in the abstract, and the "right" as applied to the circumstances in which they are placed, and would answer the question differently in the two cases. But as 2* 12 LETTERS 0?f SLAVERY. a more full answer to this question will come into con- nection with a branch of the subject I have reserved for another letter, I will not introduce it in this, already too extended. The second branch of the question will then also, naturally, come under consideration. In the mean- time permit me, dear brother, in the love of my country as an American citizen, and the love of the church as imposing the strongest obligation on us all, to subscribe myself in every latitude your attached brother. LETTER II. South CaroU7ia, Aug. 15, 1832. Rev. Silas McKeen : Dear Brother,— In reply to your question, " What is done for the instruction and salvation of the colored peo- ple ?"— I have already said something ; and now propose to add such facts as lie directly within my reach. Within a few years, increased efibrts have been made by Christian masters, and by ministers, to impart reli- gious instruction to the slave population, and brmg them under a moral influence. Great efforts have been made by the legislature, by enacting severe penalties to prevent irregular trading with them by unprincipled white persons, in which they were always under temptations to steal articles for traffic, and purchase in return intoxicating liquors. The vice of intemperance has been, by this and other means, greatly diminished among them. The Sab- bath is very generally regarded as a day of rest, if not of devotion. I have rarely, for several years, seen it made by them a day of amusement, as I am told it formerly was. Great and increasing care is used by masters to remove the most common sources of temptation, to provide for them good and separate sleeping apartments, to promote and encourage the marriage relation, and give a due re- spect to families by special indulgences and privileges. Provision is generally made in the construction of churches to accommodate them in separate seats, and in some places churches are fitted up especially for their separate use. Sabbath school and family instruction is extended to them extensively by religious families ; and, as a mis- sionary field, the black population of our plantations is at- 14 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. trading the attention, and enlisting the voluntary services of all who can feel the missionary spirit, or be warmed into action by the love of souls. So much is true in regard to the individual and separate efforts of Christians to promote the spiritual interests of their slaves. In most of the ecclesiastical bodies of the several religious denominations, the same spirit is mani- fested. The Synod of South Carolina and Georgia have made the religious condition of our slave population a subject of special consideration for several years. In regard to the spirit which prevails in this Synod, I will state a fact, as the best illustration I can give. An intelligent gentle- man from the North, who attended on the Sessions of our last meetings and heard the discussions on this subject, declared to me that he was entirely satisfied, and that meeting had done much to mitigate and destroy the strong prejudices against southern slavery, with which he had just come into the country. This remark referred, of course, to slavery as it ?ioiu exists at the South. Nor does our action end in eloquent speeches. Resolutions have an- nually been passed expressive of the obligations of min- isters, churches, and masters, to extend the means of grace among the slaves, both designed and calculated to excite the members of our communion to diligence in their duty. Nor is this all. These principles have been followed out, and great and increasing efforts have been made in behalf of the African race among us. Our clergy generally pay a particular attention to their black congre- gations. Many of them give the entire afternoon of the Sabbath to them. Sunday schools among them are al- most universally organized. Several of our most talented and most promising young ministers are devoting their en- tire services to the blacks, and, to do this, have declined calls to some of the most distinguished stations in our Church. Our Synod, at its last meeting, appointed a committee to " take into consideration the propriety and expediency of forming a Society for the religious instruction of the colored population." This was done at that time in con- sequence of a proposal from the Synods of Virginia LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 15 and North Carolina to form a Southern Society for this purpose, called "The Southern Evangelical Society." This committee have prosecuted the duties of their ap- pointment with great zeal and faithfulness, and will be prepared to report at our next meeting at Columbia in November.* Measures will then no doubt be taken, which may be, on due deliberation, thought best calcu- lated, subject to the laws of the land, to promote the re- ligious character and salvation of the slaves. A reference to the religious statistics of the principal denominations will furnish further evidence of the degree of attention paid to the instruction of the slave population. The Methodists are perhaps better organized and more efficient in this service than either of the other denomi- nations. They have eight missionaaies entirely devoted to the black population, and their preachers are very suc- cessfully as well as actively devoted to this part of their charge throughout their respective circuits. Their Church embraces, in this State 30,000 members, of whom about 20,000 are blacks. The Episcopal Church has 2500 members, of whom 600 are blacks. The Baptist Church has 36,000, of whom, according to the best estimate that can be made, about 20,000 are blacks. The Presbyterian Church has about 8000 members, of whom, in the entire absence of separate reports, I reckon 3000 blacks. The Reformed Presbyterians have 50 communicants — the Associate Reformed 2155 — the Associate 140, making in the aggregate 2345 ; of these I suppose at least 345 may be blacks. The Lutheran Church number nearly 2000 communi- cants, including several hundred blacks. A few other fragments of other denominations may add 1000 to the number of Protestant professing Christians in this state, making in the aggregate nearly 88,000 com- municants in the whole population. Multiply this by 6, ♦ This committee made their report, which, on account of the public excitement then existing, was laid on the table, and the whole subject has slept to the present time. This is one effect of the abolition move- ments. 16 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. and you will have 528,000, very nearly the present pop* ulation of the state. If you now subtract 51,000 from 315,000 the last cen- sus of the slave population, for the immense emigrations to the West during the last six years, you will have a slave population of 264,000, numerically equal* to the whites, and with 45,000 black communicants you will have a larger proportion of black than of white communi- cants. 8 or 10,000 free blacks, I have not brought into this estimate, as there is among them but a single profes- sor of religion within my personal knowledge ; and I am assured also, there are very few in the knowledge of others. More particulars might be added of a similar character ; but here is an outline, a correct one I believe, of the means now used in this state for the "instruction and salvation of the colored population " I have confined my remarks to South Carolina, that I might more closely tes- tify to what I know. I haA'-e no doubt that a still more favorable statement might be made for Virginia, and per- haps for North Carolina and Georgia. I might also dwell on a very different picture by speaking of the religious des- titutions, and vite and misery of the slave population, the picture on which we are accustomed to dwell at our pub- lic meetings, when attempting to look at our duty, and ex- cite to redoubled exertions. But I suppose you have had a faithful representation of every thing that can be said on that side. I know it will be cheering to your heart to dwell on a verdant spot of moral vegetation in a field so little cultivated and known. And now, dear sir, where is the man, who can come into this enclosure, and pronounce the curse of God upon it ? Who can rudely tear down the wall, by which this field is protected, and desolate these little gardens, now green with moral vegetation, fragrant with the flowers of * This is the best estimate I can make after consulting with some whose ju'lornient may be considered entitled to the most re?pect. The census of 1830 statps the whole population in round numbers at 581,000. Whites 258,000-s!avcs 315,000— free colored 8000 But the s'rong tide of emisration which has been selling westward, for the last five or six years, has greatly diminished the population of this state — particularly of the slaves. LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 17 paradise, and bringing forth fruit unto eternal life ? Who would turn this cultivated soil into the wilderness? The abolitionist, if he succeeds, does this. 1 regard not now his motives or his principles — he does this. I can admit no reply to this position, that he will proceed to instruct them as free men instead of slaves. I say still, he does this. He turns an enclosed field into the wilderness. He cannot instruct them with success. He may send the first generation to perdition, and go into the laborious pro- cess, employed among other heathen, of educating their children to feel a religious influence. But he loses his hold on one generation. I appeal to facts. Our free black population, your own free black population, are proof. Can we not do better for them? Is it not our duty to do somethino[ better for them .'' I love to dwell on the religious privileges and prospects of our black population, in contrast with their brethren, who remain free in their native deserts. I love to con- template the wisdom and benevolence of that Providence, which has permitted them to be enslaved that they may become free indeed. I dwell with increasing interest on the prospect, which connects Africa with the fulfilment of her Divine promise, through the converted slaves of this country, transplanted to their original soil wholly a good seed. Africa shall be compensated for her wrongs, and repaid an hundred fold. Mothers have bewailed their sons torn by violence from their embrace, and subjectted to slavery — but when these mothers have gone to the ac- count of those, who have "sinned without law," and the inhuman slave dealer to the account of those, who have " sinned in the law," these sons shall return again to their native shores, free and "white in the robes of the Lamb," to proclaim liberty to Africa groaning under a sorer bon- dage, hailing Christian America under God, "^Ae Deliv- erer OF OUR RACE." While I greatly fear that Great Britian, in a noble endeavor to act nobly, has precipitated her colonial slaves to a deeper ruin, I would ask for my- self and for my country, such a distinction in the annals of Africa as I have just recorded. LETTER III South Carolina, Avg. 18, 1835. Rev. Silas McKeen : Dear Brother, — You ask : " Do Christian people, if there are any, who hold slaves, think it is right? And that it would be right, if, in coming years, the scale should he turn- ed and the colored people should enslave the descendants of their present masters and treat them just as they are now treated /"' This question is intended as a pinch. The enslave- ment of their descendants is not a contingency contem- plated by the people of the South. The answer, how- ever, to the last part of this question, if answered at all, would be consistent with their present practice, I say in candor, that on the supposition that my descendants should be placed in precisely the condition of the slaves in this country my prayer would be that they might be spared the false friendship of a generation of abolitionists. My principles as expressed, I should desire to have applied to myself, to my descendants, in a change of circumstances. You do not understand me as justifying the manner in which the slaves are " now treated" by bad masters and bad men, nor do I suppose that you expected to have the question answered by such men. You seek an answer from reflecting men ; from Christian men ; and in this view I have given you a reply. Believe me, Christian masters seek to act conscientiously in this matter ; they apply the law of love in retaining their slaves in bondage, and good men here are the very last men, who will prac- tically be influenced by the abolition principles. This may appear a marvellous doctrine to some, but it will be strictly verified in the extremity of the experiment. LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 19 All the reasoning of abolitionists, whose motives I would by no means impugn, and whose benevolence is worthy of sounder argument — all their reasoning whiclj has fal- len under my particular observation, seems to be briefly this, " Slavery is a sin. The only proper treatment of sin is to leave ofl" sinning, entirely, of every kind and de- gree, at once and forever. Therefore, immediate emanci- pation is the duty of all who hold slaves." This argument is as fallacious as it is specious. Let it be examined by your child. He has caught an animal of the forest, and for his mere selfish gratification has confined it in a cage, deprived of the free air and liberty of its native mountains and plains. You teach him from the morality of the Emancipator or New- York Evangelist. It is a sin, my child to deprive this simple animal of its native freedom for your own personal gratification. Therefore, you must go straight and open the door of its cage and let him out to be devoured by the dogs. Would not the boy confound you by the morality of his own little Sunday School books ? Would he not say : — " Your premises are right. It is wrong to deprive even the meanest animal of liberty and happiness, for which, in his measure, the God of na- ture has fitted him — but it would be more wicked still to let him loose among the dogs, where a greater evil must be- fall him, and double injustice be done. I can do much better for him. I will return him to his native woods and restore him safely to his range of freedom." Try the argument by your own views of justice and personal con- venience. Your horse has been stolen. The hor§e has been off'ered for sale, and I have bought him and paid my money. I have put him to my own service — your horse to my service. Convinced at length the horse is yours, I open my gate and turn him out into the high way to stray still farther from his rightful owner, or to be taken up a^ain and sold. I cannot keep a stolen horse a minute. Would you think I did " right ?" No. Now you ask me — " do good people who hold slaves think it is right V I answer : I believe slavery, in the abstract, or the subjection of freemen to a state of bond- age is regarded by Christian people to be wrong. But they do not believe that immediate emancipation of their 3 20 LETTERS ON SLAVER^* staves would be " right.''^ And, therefore, under the cir- cumstances, they do think it is " righV for them to hold slaves. They believe it would be doing the slave great injustice to abandon him so. They think they can do much better for him, that they owe him something, and I believe that pious people at the South are disposed to re- store to the slave " four fold" for all the injustice that has been done to him. Let me introduce you to the plantation of my friend, the Rev. Mr. B. He is a Presbyterian clergyman, and has several hundred slaves, and is entirely devoted to their religious instruction. They form his congregation. He regulates them by wholesome laws and considers them all as members of his family. They are required to work regularly, but not hard. He requires of them, perhaps, one third the labor which a New England farmer com- monly demands of his son, and this is a very fair gradua- tion of the amount of the slave labor generally at the South. They assemble at an early hour in the evening in the chapel, where they receive daily religious instruction. If difficulties have occurred on the plantation during the day, or wrongs been committed, they are all settled here. A public reprimand in the chapel is commonly regarded as the most dreaded punishment which can be inflicted. On the Sabbath, they form his congregation of hearers, and attend on Sunday school instructions. They are provided with every comfort of life, and made as happy in this world's goods as they are capable of being. Their houses arc good, their food suitable and abundant, and the plan- tation, with all its goods, is theirs so far as it can contri- bute to their wants. When the master sells his crop, he purchases a new suit of clothes for each of his slaves of the same material with his own, and they all appear in the chapel clad in similar fabric. They are contented and happy, in the way of improvement, and many of them, in the way, it is believed, of eternal life. They all enjoy the means of grace as eminently as the families of Port- land or Belfast. Compare this family of slaves with the free negroes of your own state. Would not that free- dom, under all circumstances, be a curse to them? Sup- pose he should off hands where they are, and say he will LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 21 be rid of the " sin of slavery." Would not that be a curse to them ? What shall he do with them ? Now this good and devoted brother is a man who '*1;hinks it '• righf'' for him to hold his slaves. He thinks he can do better for them than to give them their freedom, which they proba* bly would not accept unless compelled to do it. He thinks he would be doing them great injustice to place them in the situation of the free negroes of the North or the South. He could not answer a good conscience by doing it. He could not answer to God for those souls over which, in a wise but mysterious providence, he has been made the overseer. He hopes to meet many of this large family in heaven, saved by his instrumentality from those vices, and fatal consequences, to which their emancipation v/ould in- evitably expose them. This is by no means a singidar 43ase, nor are all the interesting facts in this case related. The unanimous opinion of the Presbyterian clergy of South Carolinia and Georgia, respecting the Anti-Slavery Societies of the North is expressed in the following reso- lution adopted at the last meeting of Synod in December. ^' Resolved unanimously, That in the opinion of this Synod, Abolition Societies, and the principl&s on which they are formed in the United States, are inconsistent with the best interest of the slaves, the rights of the holders, and the great principles of our political institutions." This resolution was adopted while the Synod were engaged in maturing an extensive plan, of which 1 will speak again, for the instruction and relief of the slave population. The " principles of these societies are deemed incon- sistent with the best interests of the slave," as they retard efforts in other ways for his instruction, amelioration or eventual freedom ; with " the rights of the holders," be- cause their slaves are their property. This is recognized by our Constitution, and was recognized as a " right" of the master in the legislation of the British government on the subject of emancipation in their colonies. " Incon- sistent with the great principles of our political institu- tions," — because the great charter of our rights protects the citizens, under it, in their property, and recognizes this species of property in particular. However just. 22 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. therefore, their object may be, the coui'se they propose is one of injustice. Suppose, on the faith of the government to redeem the bills of the United States' Bank, the citizens of the southern states should permit the other states to press the vi^hole circulation of them into these states. Would it he just, then, for the other states to come forward and pass a law pronouncing those notes unredeemable and worthless ? But this would be equally just with the course demanded by the principles of the Abolition Societies. Would you say the faith of the government is pledged in this case 1 So it is in the other. You must overleap a constitutional barrier before you can press an argument. The abolitionist says, oiu* constitution was " conceived in sin." We had no right to make a contract to protect tiie siavenolaef, tlisrcforc, the contract itself is null and void, and the sooner it is torn up and trampled on, the bet- ter for truth and justice. Just so the ruling party says, " the United States' Bank is unconstitutional," and the act of incorporation void, and its existence a sin. " The only way to treat sin is to leave it off." Thus you see the Constitution, our glorious Constitution, which was built up as a wall to protect essential rights against arbitrary majorities, popular gnsts, and raging fanaticism, is levelled at a blow. The reasoning cannot be admitted. The fanaticism must be checked. LETTER lY, South Carolina, Aug. 20. 1836. Rev. Silas McKeen : Dear Brother, — Slavery, in the attitude it has been made to assume, is in my opinion, decidedly more impor- tant, (as it will be made to subserve the purpose of party, and effect the stability of our government, and the perma- nent interests of this nation,) than any other subject now agitated. It is important, because it enlists ihe feelings of the whole country, strikes deeply in those sectional prejudices, which have most seriously threatened the perpetuity of our Federal Union, can most easily be made to serve some dreaded political purposes, and it is now agitated by the northern abolitionists in such a manner as to furnish, to all who may desire a political effect, an engine of prodigious power most easily put in operation. So long as it was considered a great moral question, its discussion was comparatively restricted and attended with calmness, but when it is made a national question, and organized opposition to slavery in the South is formed in the states that have nothing to do with it, the political elements are disturbed and new passions are enlisted. The Colonization Society has undoubtedly exerted a powerful influence in favor of the slave. It has awaken- ed the minds of southern men to the subject of slavery, to its moral and political bearings on the interests of the South, its necessary results in an undisturbed progress for centuries, the necessity of limiting the increasing ratio of slave population, and of seeking moral safeguards by the moral elevation of the negro race as the physical dan- gers increase. The rights of the slave as such, and the 3* 24 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. right of slavery itself in the abstract, have undoubtedly been examined, better understood, and more extensively respected than formerly. The change, which has taken place within eight years, since my residence at the South, is surprising. The reformation has been going on with increasing rapidity and power, and few moral fields have presented to the eye of the philanthropist and Christian a view more cheering and hopeful than that which embraced the slavery of the South. There was an agency seen to operate with force and effect, and the moral vegetation was obvious and vigorous. Such was the decided, in- creasing, steady and healthful influence of the inquiry awakened, and action produced at the South by the Amer- ican Colonization Society. If jealousies were awakened in some minds as to the ultimate tendency or design of the society to effect the final emanci])ation of the slaves, it was enough that its operation did not aflect the rights of the master ; and with many the idea of eventual emanci- pation was willingly entertained, provided it could be done without invading the rights of personal property, or by violent measures. Nothing could be more pleasant than to contemplate the benevolent operations of a wise providence in bringing from their native deserts, barbarous habits, and lawless modes of life, and subjecting to the influence of a civil- ized and Christian community, two millions of these igno- rant benighted heathens. I have remarked with gratitude and lively hope the minds of the masters gradually open- ing to the light, and their hearts warmed up to a glowing conviction of their moral obligations to the slave. The evils of slavery, in all respects, have been gradually and rapidly diminishing, tyranny and oppression of the power- ful over the weak exchanged for a paternal care, the slaves admitted to a place in the regard and attentions of the master as members of his family, and the whole sys- tem of moral means brought to bear directly on this por- tion of the population. Here was opened a missionary field, wide, accessible, and most promising. The slave regards the attention of a minister of religion as a favor. It is a privilege to him to be called from the field for re- hgious conversation and instruction, to sit with the chil- LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 23 dren at family worship, and to assemble with the great congregation on the Sabbath ; and there is at the present time no part of his labors more grateful and animating to a clergyman of the South than that, which lies connected with his black congregation. It is under such circumstances and prospects that the Anti-Slavery Abolition Societies have urged their officious and importunate and unwelcome instructions. The most unhappy and disastrous is the political aspect they have given to the question. If what has been sometimes charged on some of the leading politicians of the South as a crime be true, that they have sought in their course of complaint against the general government simply a dis- solution of the Union, and the erection of a southern con- federacy, these societies have done more to aid them in their object, and to sanctify their crime, than the tyranny of any government could have effected in half a century. The Anti-Slavery Society annihilates, so far as this subject is concerned, the union party, and gives to McDuffie the en- tire disposal of every man in South Carolina capable of bearing arms. I know not how numerous or powerful that society may now be, or prove to be, hereafter — but one thing is beyond all doubt, that it will never be per- mitted, by the South, to carryforward its objects. It will be met in any attempt to carry out its principles, on the boundary line of the slaveholding states, and the border country of new national demarcations will be there traced in blood. This is the influence at the South of the Anti- Slavery iVbolition Societies of the North. Whether we regard them in their influence on the slave or the master, on the political or moral interests of the community, they are productive of evil, of unmixed evil. We are not so constituted, and it is well we are not, as to affect the great revolutions, by a word, which it is made our duty and privilege to accomplish by moral agen- cies. It is often the case too, that more patient and per- severing eflbrt is necessary to enable us to make the truth clear to the dull heads of others, than the investigation and attainment of that truth cost ourselves. Yet it is well we cannot command fire from heaven to destroy those, Avhom we would fain make as wise as ourselves ; for if we could 26 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. we might often play the tyrant too effectually in punishing tyranny, and establish the very principle we attempt to overthrow. Besides, in the persevering routine of patient effort for gradual improvement, most men find their own views sometimes so far changed or modified as leads them to avoid a ruin, which their favorite immediateism would have made cotemporary with the accomplishment of their wishes. And is it by no means possible to con- vince our brethren of the Abolition Societies that gradual emancipation is more safe both to the master and the slave, and is the best to be attempted, because, if either, that alone is jyracticahle ? If not, they must try their experiment, and meet the shock. I trust they will be few in number, that THE NATION may not be involved in the conse- quences. Much exasperation of feeling with the good people of the North exists on the subject of slavery in consequence of distorted and exaggerated apprehensions of the actual evils of it in our own country. It is often said, however, that if this be so, it does not aftect the main question ; the right of slavery. True, but it does and must materi- ally affect the influence which those, who are free from the evil, may attempt to exert on those, who patronize or suffer under it. It does deeply affect the friendly rela- tions of the North and the South, integral parts of our common country, between whom the utmost harmony and fraternal sympathy should be cherished. And ultimately, if not directly, it must deeply aftect the whole question in all our practical action on it. If you wish to gain a sinner and convert him from the error of his ways, you do not begin by knocking him down, and calling him a knave or a fool. This course would efl'ectually bar any moral in- fluence you might attempt afterwards to exert upon him. You go to him " more in sorrow than in anger," and you " meekly instruct those that oppose themselves." For " the servant of the Lord must not strive, but be gentle unto all men, apt to teach, patient." While the argvmient is thus lost on those whose refor- mation is sought, it is rendered unprofitable to all whose prejudices can be influenced on the subject. For effect, slavery is represented in connection with the horrors of LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 2? the prisonship, with manstealing, witli the disruption of domestic ties, exile and expatriation, with the cries of mothers torn from their children, and children from their parents, husbands from their wives and wives from their husbands. It is eternally associated with the clanking of chains, the whip, the dungeon, with tyranny, oppression, cruelty, and the absence of every human sympathy and fellow feeling. Fired with such imaginations, the north- ern abolitionist readily swears eternal hatred to the South, and here is the influence which that father is exerting on the political destinies of his country, soon to be consum- mated. He puts the slaveholder in an attitude of defence stung by a sense of injury, and enlists all who can be in- fluenced by his pictures in a crusade against him. So far as South Carolina and the neighboring southern states are concerned, his representations are false. The slave trade is here prohibited under severe penalties. It is against law to bring a slave into the state from any quar- ter for sale. And the ill taught youth, who comes to witness monsters, is surprised to see in slavery, as it ex* ists in this state, one form of service, which places these slaves above the laboring classes of Europe, and in some respects above the ordinary poor of our northern states, I would not here be misunderstood. My simple object is to do justice to the subject, to all parties ; to disabuse those who have suffered wrongfully, and to abuse no one. I speak not of actual slavery as it existed in the West In- dies up to the hour of its extinction ; nor of slavery as it may have existed in this country before I had the means of personal knowledge ; nor of slavery as it may, for ought I know, exist even now in some parts of Louisiana and Mississippi ; nor even as it may be abused in indi- vidual cases any where : — but I speak of slavery as it exists in Virginia, North and South Carolina and Georgia, and especially under my own observation. Its actual evils do not compare with the common representations given of them, and are constantly diminishing. I hope to see them utterly exterminated. Therefore, I thus speak. But I wish to see justice done to the slaves even in their emancipation, if that should ever be effected. 28 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. Having suffered in bondage, I would not precipitate him into a greater evil by a premature emancipation. The relations which exist and terms of intercourse cherished between the master and slave at the South, are very much misapprehended by many at the North. The personal attachments are generally very strong. Since the importation of slaves has been prohibited by law, the slaves of a plantation grow up with their young master, and associate with him in childhood and youth on the most familiar terms. True the distinctions of su- periority and inferiority are always kept up, but the mutual attachment, which this sort of intercourse pro- duces, can readily be imagined It is all real, and hence the line of distinction between the blacks and whites is, in most respects, much broader at the North than at the South. The familiarity of their intercourse is much less there than here. This familiarity and personal attach- ment produces a mutual devotedness, which very often constitutes the slave a protection, instead of a source of personal danger, as is often supposed, to his master. A northern lady can harldly credit, what is nevertheless true, that a southern lady often reposes entire confidence in the protection of her slaves, and is without the least apprehension although left on a remote plantation by her husband and every other white person, while she has her own slaves about her. And the confidence is not mis- placed. They form as safe a guard as the same number of persons selected from any class. This attachment of slaves to their masters is shown in the fact that no pre- concerted plan for insurrection has ever succeeded before it has been divulged by some faithful slave to his master. Intelligent slaves understand this subject perfectly well. They see the difference between themselves and the free blacks, and are conscious of their own superiority. They understand and acknowledge that in divine providence the African race in this country have been compensated an hundred fold for the injury done to them by the inhu- man slave dealer. Daily praise is rendered to God for the providence which made them slaves in a Christian land. This does by no means cancel the sins of those LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 29 who have wronged them, but it does bring a proof that their present condition is one of comfort and grateful ac- knowledgement. The security to the slave, that he will be treated with kindness and protection, thus founded in mutual attach- ment between him and his master, is the best he can have. Where this mutual attachment does not exist, as is not possible to obtain in all instances where changes are so frequent, the slave is still protected in his rights by public opinion, which most effectually punishes in execration by common consent, the man who abuses his slave. There is a high standard of public feeling on this subject, better than all legal enactments in the case, to protect the weak against the strong. The man, who will brutally abuse his slave, is held in a similar abhorrence with him, who will abuse his child or his wife. Southern men are always considered the best masters. If a slave is to be sold, he will select a southern man, and this selection is to a great extent awarded to him. The last man he will choose for a master is a yankee. Northern men uniformly are the severest masters. The reason probably is, that they are used to being subject to rules, and are strict to apply them. They are accustomed to work hard and re- quire it of others. Many affecting anecdotes of fidelity in slaves could be recited, which would compare with those that have im- mortalized, on the historic page, names more honorably allied. And on the other hand, many examples of cruelty in masters could be furnished, which would lead us to de- sire the abolition of a state of society, which could admit of such barbarities. But neither of these recitals would materially affect the state of the question. They may be gathered from every state of society. They are incident to man wherever he may be found, and if they are made to prove any thing, they will prove in the adverse exam- ples that man ought not to exist at all. When we com- pare the state of the slaves in this country with what they might be, and are capable of being, we are affected to deep sympathy, and a strong desire to contribute to their intellectual and moral elevation. When we compare their condition with that of the free blacks of our own country, 30 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. or with what it would have been had they kept their free- dom in their own native deserts and heathenism, we have occasion as they do, to admire the goodness and grace of God, which brings good out of evil, and often " makes the wrath of man to praise Him." It is easy to conjure up unreal pictures of distress on the one hand, or shut our eyes to visible cruelties on the other, and thus forever lose the truth on this subject. What we want is facts, and no course of action, which is not regulated by them, will lead us to favorable results. We can never expect to approach or influence the hu- mane master by accusing him of crimes of which he knows he is innocent, or by magnifying the evils of that pe- culiar relation, in which he finds himself placed by divine providence. Very little difference exists in their views of slavery, between pious people at the North and the South. The evil is felt here and acknowledged. No proof on that point is required. All, therefore, which is said op- probriously, with exaggeration, or falsely, is more than lost. It rivets the fetters of the slave, and prolongs his servitude. With a distinct knovv^ledge of this fact, v/hat apology can be made for the conductors of those inflam- matory prints, who are constantly employed in drawing caricatures of the evils and guilt of slavery, or in ap- plying real pictures to the present state of slavery at the South, which belong only to other times or countries. They aim a blow at the master, but it reaches the slave, and subverts entirely their professed design. Are they the disguised enemies of the slaves, or do they not be- lieve in these results of their efforts ? LETTER V. South Carolinaj Aug. 21, 1835, Rev. Silas McKeen : Dear Brother, — The present excitement on the sub- ject of slavery is unhappy and injurious to truth, in all respects. It is injurious in its influence on the minds of those ■philanthropists, who are actuated by a desire either real or false — real I admit, false many here believe — to benefit a degraded portion of their fellow men. Fervid piety, and fervid devotion to the cause of humanity, are always, when judiciously directed, productive of unmixed good. But fanaticism, though the effervescence of the best ingredients, must soon expend its factitious motive powers, and become neutral and stale ; or boil to bursting, spreading devastation and death. Ill directed zeal is often no less fatal in its results ; — efficient indeed, but subver- sive in its objects, and, therefore, often productive of a ruinous reaction on the minds, that are moved by it. By the people of the South, generally, the present excitement, as it is developed in the action of our abolition brethren, is attributed to fanaticism, unmixed with any intelligent prin- ciple of patriotism, or religion. / ascribe it to an ill di- rected zeal, in men of the purest patriotism and piety. I know Arthur Tap-pan, and I do not hesitate to assert my entire confidence in him here, where it is not popular to call him a good man. I have entire confidence in his dis- interested motives and ingenuousness, and I look confi- dently to them in a firm belief that they will compel him to retrace his steps, when he sees what he has done. Nothing but a mad perseverence in his mistaken course can, or ought to, forfeit to him that confidence. I may 4 32 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. say the same of Rev. Dr. Cox, Dr. Beman, and Beriafe Green, and many others of a devoted and picHis zeaL There are I have no doubt, bellows blov/ers in this work of designed benevolence, who are reckless of con- sequences ; who are willing to scatter firebrands, arrows and death ; who are entirely willing to forge instruments of slaughter for the hand of the slave, while they knock off the fetters from his limbs ; who are entirely willing t& influence his passions, and engage him in the work, more revolting to every natural feeling of sympathy than the worst evils of slavery, which exists only in the false pic- tures of their fevered imaginations. No charity can cor- rect this conclusion. There are such men. But they are not, as is too generally supposed here, they are not the men whom I have named. They are men, however, who, but for them, and others like them would exert no- dangerous influence and would not be tolerated. There are men, who have nothing in their souls, to which you can appeal ; for they know not what belongs to courtesy or propriety. They have nothing in the structure of their minds, to which you can direct an argument ; for their philanthropy is supported only by feeling, their arguments- are drawn from their passions. I dislike to call names in such a connection, although I might do it with truth and' justice. From such names, the honored men, whom I have mentioned, owe it to themselves and their families, as vreW as to their country and the church to withdraw their countenance and support. They are called upon to do it, when their country and religion are bleeding, and implore them to pause and reflect. They owe it to them- selves ; for a persistence in their course, though com- menced in piety and wisdom, is obstinacy, is madness, is sin, when that course of action is proven to be subversive of those interests it was designed to assert. The effect of this excitement, on the minds of the very authors and supporters of it, is most injurious : for they are strongly tempted to drive at their object, literally kept in view, while all the principles in the case have changed relation by circumstances. They commenced with the desire to save the slave from the lash, but they are making that slave doubly a slave, and subjecting th© \ LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 33 master to the greatest evils. When this is proved, will they not desist ? Will they not relent ? If they perse- vere, does not their philanthropy lose its character, and change to misanthropy ? And will not this excitement then produce the most mihappy effects on the minds of its abettors themselves ? But there are some, whom I have named, and many v/hom I might name, who will not persist in their course. And they will not because the cause of benevolence, which " girded them to the war," re- quires them to "put off the harness." If these men -who have already made so many sacrifices for the cause of benevolence, are worthy of the confidence I have ex- pressed, and which I feel, they will recede from the posi- tion they have assumed as untenable, and subversive o£ their objects. The influence of this excitement is most unhappy and injurious also on the minds and interests of those, who are the objects of it, both' masters and slaves. The ex- citement, which awakens from lethargy, may subserve t"he interests of truth, because it is necessary to a practical action, — but the moment it inflames to passion, reason is obscured, argument is at an end, and truth suffers. This is precisely the present state of the case. You cannot now argue the subject with the master. You might once have done it — you may do it hereafter — but you cannot do it NOW. It is a matter, which belongs to himself per- sonally. Your interference is impertinent, and you have excluded yourself from the right to debate the question. He says, you shall not debate the subject — he withdraws it from controversy. And he exercises his right. Here you see one evil, and but one, which the present excite-, ment has produced in its influence on the mind of the slaveholder. He is put in an attitude of defence, a most unfavorable position always for the reception of truth. If he would permit the argument to proceed, if he con- sents to entertain the subject, you have awakened in him the strongest prejudices, and raised the most insuperable obstacles to his conviction. You have /or the present ex- cluded the subject from argument. You may go into any gentleman's house, and with courtesy and kindness intro- :duce the most important, and often the most unacceptable 34 LETTERS ON SLAVfiRY". of all subjects, the subject of religion. He will hear you, and you may lay the truth to his conscience. But, enter his house with rashness, superciliousness, and disregard- ing the common principles of civility, attack him rudely, in presence of his domestics, and awaken his pride and other bad passions, — I say to you, however, philanthropic and pious your intentions, however important the subject, however just may be your own views on that subject, and however erroneous his, he will be very likely to open his door, and direct you to leave his house. You may, as you retire, commend your own faithfulness, but it has been exercised at the expense of prudence, and politeness, and the common courtesies of life. And is this a proper exemplification of the spirit of our religion ? Is this the example of Christ ? Is this " the servant of the Lord," who is directed, in his efforts of benevolence, to be " gentle unto all men, apt to teach, patient ; in meekness instructing those that oppose themselves ; if God perad- venture will give them repentance, to the acknowleging of the truth ?" You may be very bold, and active, and ener- getic in a good cause, — but your usefulness is at end. Such is the result of the abolition movements of the ])resent day — they have excluded the subject of slavery from debate with the slaveholder. You cannot come here with it. Does any abolition lecturer come into the slave- holding country? No. He cannot even pass the boun- dary line with personal safety. He cannot even speak now^ by his printed argument. He is not permitted to use the press to communicate his views to the South, a privilege never before denied. I simply state the fact, now well known. I sincerely hope that the lesson already given will effectually foreclose any attempt to introduce this subject into the next Congress. It will not be enter-' tained. It should in no form, be attempted. It is enough Avith every prudent man to say, it can do no good. It should be enough with every selfish, and rash man, every one, not utterly blind, and deaf to reason, and experience, to reflect on the certainty that it must do much harm. Time alone can cure the evils inflicted on the cause of the slave by imprudent friends. Whatever is done for the abolition of slavery must be LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 35 •done by time, by dispassionate argument, by the slave- holder himself. The evils of slavery are great — but the ■greatest evil is sufTered by the master himself. It only needs that those evils be felt, to lead the master to a course of conduct, which will first mitigate those evils, and then extinguish them. The massacre at Southampton opened the eyes of the South to views of truth and duty in rela- tion to slavery, which nothing has served so much to ob- scure and retard, as the imprudent interference of the northern abolitionists. The prospective increase of the slave population, the dangers consequent, the necessity of limiting and diminishing their numbers, the necessity and duty of elevating their moral and intellectual character, with the means of effecting these objects, began seriously to engage the public attention and efforts, and more has been done than ever before, to furnish to the slave popu- lation religious instruction, and relieve the evils of their condition. Christian masters, and ministers of the Gos- pel, especially, vv^ere actively engaged with much success, until a set of gentlemen from abroad, interfered, saying, ^' Sirs, you are altogether behind the age. This slavery is a sin, and the only Avay to treat sin is to leave it off. Therefore, immediate abolition is the true doctrine, and these slaves are your fellow citizens." This doctiine could not be received — and when it is officiously, and pertinaciously and imprudently urged, the slaveholder says to the abolitionist, leave my house, Sir, — you shal! not be permitted to speak to me or my family. The Unites States' Mail shall not be permitted to shield your incendiary publications from the flames ; and if you con- tinue to be equally regardless of my rights and my life, there is no law, and no country, that shall protect yours. The late disclosures in Misssissippi, calculated to pro- duce similar results on slavery as the insurrection already referred to, have only thrown greater difficulties over the whole subject. Occasional insurrection is one of the «vi]s inseparably incident to slavery. I do not know that any direct connection has been traced between that con- spiracy, (embracing the agency of hundreds of white men,) and the abolitionists. Yet the moment it occurs, the eyes of all men are turned to them, and public indig- 4* 36 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. nation towards them is embittered. The consequence is, attention is diverted from the elements of danger, which are inherent in the organization of a slave country, to those agencies abroad, whose action is regarded as neces- sarily productive of such consequences. Had we been left to contemplate these evils as inherent in our society, and this as one of their necessary developements, the lesson would have had a salutary influence such as we need, and such as the abolitionist both desires and pre- vents. The abolitionist is now execrated, and the privi- leges of the slaves abridged — whereas, the proper and legitimate influence of such events, should be, and but for the abolitionists would, in this case, be, to lead the slave- holders to adopt measures to diminish the number of slaves, and elevate the moral character of the balance. To this course the master is strongly urged, — greatest fidelity to their masters has always been found in pious slaves. Very few of such character have ever adopted the princi~ pies of the abolitionists. Such are some of the influences produced by the pres- ent excitement on the agitators themselves, on the masters and on the slaves. A train of evils, and evils only, grow out of this state of things, which I should be glad to bring to your consideration, had not this letter been already too extended. Before I close, let me advert to one very plausible and very popular retreat, which these agitators adopt, when called on to look at the necessary and bloody consequences of their work. They say, we address the master, and direct our publications only to intelligent citi- zens, who are at perfect liberty to return them, if they will not hear us. It is not so. Literally I do not believe Mr. Tappan, and other noble men, worthy of a better fame than they are now procuring to themselves — / da not believe they would place their publications in the hands of slaves of the South. But if permitted to come here, they cannot be excluded from the hands of the slaves. Does not Mr. Tappan know that they are made the wrapping papers to our wares and articles of domestic use — and thus are transmitted from the shop to the kitchen by the hand of the slave himself ? They are smuggled into the baggage of travelers to the South, — if theset LETTERS ON SLAVERY, 37 travelers themselves are to be credited, and thrown out in every direction as waste paper. / know how to sepa- rate Arthur Tappan from these disgraceful tricks, but others, who know him only as the zealous president of the Abolition Society, trace them to no other responsibility. It is not singular, then, that the leaders, in this work of butchery, should be made responsible for the acts of the party. They are the authors of wrongs, which they know to exist, can prevent, and neglect. They must re- cede. They will recede ; will they not ? LETTER VI. South Carolina, Aug. 22, 1835. Rev. Silas McKeen : Dear Brother, — We should neA^er undertake to award a sentence to the South as a slaveholding community, nor against slavery as it there exists, without recurring to the history of its introduction, and applying the golden rule to the measure of our judicial opinion — " to do to others as we would they should do to us." In its first introduction, slavery was forced upon the states, then colonics. The active agents, employed in stealing the fathers of the present African race in this country, and in conveying them from their native shores, were not the ancestors of the present slaveholders. They were either Europeans, or northerners of the United States, who were interested in commerce. Many of them were New England men, whose descendants are now living on the estates thus accumulated. In presenting slavery as a sin to the mind of a slave- holder, it is to be considered that he is deeply interested. You propose to take away his property without an equiva- lent, and make him poor. You must not, then, be soon angry, nor harsh, if you do not make him see at once with your eyes, and accord with your sentiments. He occupies a very different position, and you cannot easily place him in yours until you make a bona fide purchase of bis slaves, and then use the arguments against his opinions, affect- ing your property, which you have now to urge against the combined force of his early prejudices, cherished sentiments, and pecuniary interest. You are to consider that he has inherited to a certain degree, his father's opin- LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 39 ions as well as his property ; and to think and do as our fathers did is dictated by a deep rooted pride of ancestry, if not by a law of nature. It is to be considered also, that in our country there is a North and a South, and al- though we may seek to bind them together by indissoluble bonds, they are, and always will be, wider apart than the East and the West. The very subject before us forms one of the distinctive features of difference between those who are still counted as brethren. Suppose your brother should come to you, and declare that your nose is freckled, and insist on skinning it, or that your head is deformed and undertake to scalp you; — would you readily submit to the operation ? No sir ; you would not submit. You would attribute his conduct to mental derangement or to every bad motive, and aliena- tion would irresistably fix upon yoar feelings. Suppose he should get impatient and knock you down ; — would that have any tendency to convince you ? Would it not enrage you, and drive you farther from him 1 He must first con- vince you that what he says is true — that there was a mis- take in your formation and that he can rectify it. He must also convince you that these sacrifices and suffer- ings are a duty, or that they will be fully compensated by greater advantages. The task will be still more difficult if the peculiarity in your formation is charged as a defor- mity, touching deeply your pride ; and at the same time condemned as a sin, the greater because persisted in. Your brother must proceed very tenderly with you, or he will never induce you to be skinned and scalped, and you will go down to the grave with your deformities in spite of his philanthropy and fraternal expostulations. The supposition in the argument is precisely applicable. You have to convince the slaveholder, before you can in« duce him to any course of conduct. Some of them, you must convince that nature has made a mistake in her for- mation, or, what is in effect the same in application to his practice, you must convince him that he is wrong in his views of nature's works. You must then clear the subject as respects his duty and personal interests, and until you do this, all your harsh language, criminations or violence will do no good, will only make him more per» 40 ^ LETTERS ON SLAVERY. verse in his supposed errors — supposed errors in your code of morality, the reverse in his. The people of the South must be convinced before they can be influenced. This is what I have attempted to place in a strong light. Until this conviction is effected, nothing is done. This subject cannot bo approached by authority. The authority is in their favor — the Constitu- tion, the palladium of our rights. They cannot be influ- enced by force. Every slaveholder in the country would suffer himself to be immolated, if he could not effectually resist, before he will submit to dictation on this subject. The slaves themselves m.ay be excited to rebellion, and may, in the conaict kill many of their masters. But every body knows what must be the result in such a con- flict. Neighborhoods of Avhite people may sufier, may be annihilated, but the men, who have effected this havoc, have only procured a greater slaughter of the poor slaves and a heavier bondage, which must always be the result in such conflicts. They never can be free, but by the voluntary consent of the master. This consent can never be compelled. It must be voluntary, under a conviction of personal interest or duty. In order, then, to relieve, as far as possible the evils of slavery, and to terminate a quarrel among brethren, which has already proceeded almost to the last extremity, and threatens the very existence of the nation, in its federal and hitherto happy union, I will venture to propose a PLAN — and any man may propose a plan. I would pro- pose, that in all our consultations for the benefit of the people of color, the great question to be discussed should be — " hoio can their moral and intellectual elevation be most effectually promoted ?'''' That the efforts of all our soci- eties, now formed or that may hereafter be formed in behalf of the colored race, be directed to their moral and intel- lectual improvement. That it be the duty of each society to expend its energies on the objects of its benevolence within its own district, or to help other societies of the country in their laudable labors, with their consent and approbation. This must result in the termination of slavery, or in the aanihilation of its worst evils. It will bring about a coa^ LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 41 trolling force of public opinion. As the moral character of the slave is elevated, he becomes more valuable, and his right, will be more respected by his master. Let this moral improvement proceed, and the result, every Chris- tian can easily estimate. This course of investigation will discover to us that there are others besides the slaves, who call for similar sympathies. In the slaveholding states are one hundred and eighty two thousand free colored people, and one hundred and twenty two thousand in the free states. But is there properly a free man among them ? Not one. Which is the most free ? And which is to be preferred, the slavery of the one or the nominal freedom of the other ? What can you do for them ? And what ought we to do ? These and objects like these are worthy of an inquiry, and their execution is worthy of an effort. In the mean time, let every thing be done with the ut- most kindness, mutual forbearance and Christian charity. Let us seek facts, and look at them steadily on all sides. Let us seek to convince by argument and kindness, " forbearing threatening." Let this course be persevered in, until every slave and every man of color is converted to the faith of the Gospel and the hope of heaven, or until we can wash our hands and say we have done our duty. To the abolitionist, there is one consideration in favor of this plan, which must, if entertained, have some weight with him ; it may lead to the final emancipation of the slaves ; the contrary course, the course now pur- sued, never can. One other consideration, which must have weight with every good man, is this ; it can give no offence to any one ; the course now pursued gives offence to almost every one. Are there any ardent minds, who will pronounce this a spiritless course ? It is the spirit of the Gospel ; pow- erful as it is quiet, noiseless, but operative, attacking the seat of principle, and giving a tone to the moral feelings, from which flow all the charities and valuable sympathies of life. This spirit has always been denounced by bad men, and sometimes by inconsiderate and rash good men. Yet it is the lever, whose successful application has moved the moral world. It is not rash men nor a rash 42 LETTERS ON SLAVERt. course, which has accomplished great revolutions, and procured great blessings for the human family. Luther, although often accused as such, was not a rash man. His moderation was constantly taxed to restrain the im- petuosity, and retrieve the losses sustained by the rash- ness of some of his followers ; men who, with all his zeal, lacked his prudence and wisdom. The same may be said of Calvin. A good cause is often injured more by indiscreet friends than by open enemies. The Colo- nization Society was too tardy for the ardent benevolence of some spirits of the age, and the Abolition Society is formed. But it will retard, all that is practicable of their wishes, and bring incalculable evils on the slaves of the South. " For all things there is a time," — that is, for all things, which God has appointed to be done, He has ap- pointed a time. He, who would be employed as an hon- ored instrument to accomplish good for his race, must take God's time. The present is evidently not the time for the extinction of slavery in the southern states. But it is eminently the time for their moral improvement, and in this, we are diligently and successfully engaged. Let us ALONE. But the abolitionist, I know will still ask, — " must we leave the poor slave in his bondage ?" I say to him — yes, Sir, you must leave him there, where your ill directed, though perhaps well intended, zeal has prolonged his ser- vitude. Many good men at the South look forward with hope and expectation to an eventual termination of slave- ry. Indeed I have always been struck with the similarity of views entertained on the subject by intelligent men at the North and the South. But that cannot now be dis- cussed. The subject must be deferred. The idea has been favored in many minds to effect a termination of slavery, after the slaves are prepared for freedom, by a compensation to the owners. But this must be done by consent. It cannot be made a national question. You will not be permitted to discuss it on the floor of Congress. It might have been done on any principle of common cour- tesy. But it cannot now be done — it cannot be done for years to come, if ever. The discussion on this subject must be had in the state legislatures, and must finally •► % LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 43 be disposed of by the citizens of the slaveholding states. Our abolition brethren have more philanthropy than logic or discretion. The true premises in the case would certainly lead M^ise men to very different action. Let us look at some of them. 1. Slavery as it here exists, is not a subject of national legislation. 2. The continuance of slavery in South Carolina (I specify a state) depends entirely and solely on the will of the citizens of South Carolina. 3. If George Thompson, Esq., or any class of men would change the tenure of slavery in South Carolina, they must influence the minds of her citizens. If they would efface the spots on the sun, they must gain access to it. Yet what have they done ? They have transferred the discussion from its legitimate limits. They have attempt- ed to force it into a legislative action, where it can never be admitted. They have done every thing to alienate different sections of our beloved country. They have palsied the arm, that has been exerted for the real benefit of the slave at home. And by forcing this union to the point of dissolution, they have done more to prove the fa- vorite position of tyrants, that " man is unfit for lib- erty," than has been done in relation to our " grand ex- periment," by all other causes. I feel confident that I have now proposed all that, in the present state of the sub- ject, is either practicable or prudent. And now, my dear sir, in answering your questions, I have been led to say more than I at first intended, bat much less than I should be glad to express to you. I pray that we may all seek and find wisdom from above, that this agitating subject may be directed by that wis- dom, and I pray also that nothing I have said may offend God or injure my fellow men, but on the contrary be at- tended with unmixed good. LETTER VII, South Carolina^ Nov. 21, 18S5v Rev. Silas McKeen : Dear Brother, — In a brief rejoinder to your reply just received in the Mirror of the 29th ult., it is not my intention to prolong discussion, but simply to clear the subject, and leave it unembarrassed, for the double pur- pose that we may understand each other and be under- stood, and that the facts and sentiments expressed by me may be left to their fair and proper influence. Your letter is sufficiently kind and liberal ; and yet'you reply to my letters under the expressed apprehension that they contain " statements and reasonings, which, if suf- fered to pass unnoticed, might produce very injurious ef- fects." I shall be entirely satisfied to leave the whole to its legitimate effect with a few brief explanations on some of those points, which have awakened your appre- hensions. You are not satisfied that I call the slaves " the pro- perty of their holders." " Qui haeret in^ litera, haeret in cortice ;"^ he, who contends for a word, abandons the argument. I have no partiality for the term. I spoke of the thing as it is. The slave is the property of the mas- ter. He is so in law. The holder is a rich man with this possession, he is a poor man without it. In South Carolina, slaves are a man's property as much as his land is his property. The use of the term can surely, at this day, be distinguished from the moral right to hold this species of property, or in other words, to hold men as pro- perty. It requires only capacity to distinguish the differ- ence between a fact and a principle to settle the appro- LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 45 priate use of this term. In South Carolina, negroes are held as property. I have simply said, therefore, that when you talk to the holder of his duty to hberate his slaves, you require him to give up his property, and this is one of the practical difficulties you have to encounter. Were it my misfortune to be made, in the case you sup- pose, an Algerine captive, I certainly should have become the property of the man, who paid the price for me in the market, and put me to the oar. And if you in your phi- lanthropy or personal friendship should come to my relief, you would effect but little by all your fine, and cogent and well supported moral theories urged for my libera- tion. My master would not heed them. I am his pro- perty, and you must bring the cush, and buy me^ just as you i^vouid his horse, or must convince him that it is wrong for him to hold men as property : otherwise I shall die in slavery, notwithstanding all your morality, and your sym- pathy. My master thinks it is right for him to hold slaves. I would not thank you to tell him he is a villian, and that you w^ould " advise me to cut his throat." You would only make me the more a slave, and ahhough you might insist that by a long residence in the Barbary states, I had become " more assimilated to their modes of thinking, and feeling and reasoning than I was aware," — still I think, without despising your friendship, I should be con- strained to say, — LET ME ALONE. At Icast, I should advise you to chasten your zeal by discretion ; to approach my owner in such a way as to enable you to injluence him, or you may as well gain his consent to he skinned or scalped as to be robbed : for this is the aspect in which he would regard your visit. This is all I have said. I have only urged that you must be very careful how you approach this subject, or you cannot injluence the slave- holder. To guard against misapprehension, I explained myself by this conclusion. — " The people of the South must be convinced before they can be injluenccd. This is what I have attempted to place in a strong light." If you will review the argument, you will at once perceive that there was no design to represent " slaveholding as a natural calamity for which a man is no more to blame than for some physical deformity of his face or his skull." Of 46 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. course his apprehension is without foundation that ray "reasoning in the case is suited to administer an opiate to the consciences of slaveholders, and to make them feel altogether too easy." I might with more propriety be ac- cused by the slaveholder of a design to instruct the abo- litionist how he might succeed in his plans. But to go a little farther with my own case, in the pre- dicament you have supposed, as a galley-slave ; suppose my owner should adopt in some luckless moment, the doctrine of immediate abolition, and disregarding, in a phrenzy of benevolence, his own convenience while row- ed in state by his obedient slaves, should take himself the oar and cast me into the sea. Perhaps, although a slave, I might crave the labor of the oar rather than to be eaten by the fishes. I might perhaps with great ease and plea- sure swim to the shore, but then I might also encounter the jaws of the sharks. Or, arrived safely on shore, either by my own exertions or through the courtesy of my mas- ter, I might be ignorant of the language of the' country, destitute of the means of living, a stranger and liable to be taken again and sold into a deeper bondage, or exposed to greater evils than those of slavery. Might I not sigh for the protection of my. master, and lament his conver- sion to abolition principles ? Might he not at least have prepared me for freedom, by educating me in the language of the countiy, and furnishing same necessary facilities and means of protection from the evils which surround me ? Would you not as my friend, if you were there, where you have sought to try my principles, would you not plead for me that my bondage might be prolonged, and my freedom granted under other and .more favorable circumstances ? 1 know you would. And I think you would urge upon him the law of love to enforce your ar- gument. When you charge upon tbe whites the fault that the slaves are unfit for freedom, you are not, as you seem to suppose, combatting any position of mine. I have simply stated the fact. There it is. Remove it, and then we shall have advanced a step. When you go to the Avhite man and tell him he ought to instruct his slave, I go with you. When you tell the white man of the free states that LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 47 he ought to seek the intellectual and moral elevation of the negro race, I go with you ; and vi^hen you show me exertions there for this end equal to those which are now made here for the slave, you show me what never existed up to the period of my removal from New England. " The dogs''^ are not all South of Mason and Dixon's line. You complain of the distinction I make between slavery * in the abstract, and the right to hold a slave under given circumstances as an " approximation to the truth," and liable to abuse. On the contrary, I regard it as the truth itself, and less liable to bring injury to all concerned than any other theory in the case. If domestic slavery as it exists in this country did not exist at all, I should know of no way to introduce it. Here is my view of slavery in the abstract. Yet, if I were the owner of a slave ; which I am not and never expect to be ; if I imre, I have no morality and no religion, which would require or permit me, absolutely and without regard to circumstances, to give him his freedom. My application of the law o/" Zove would forbid it. I could perhaps do better by him. Does this position " furnish every slaveholder in the land with a sufficient excuse for his conduct ?" To his own master he stands or falls. If he cannot be influenced by the truths I will not do evil that good may come. There are some men, who will abuse every wholesome truth. For my- self, I would prefer in my Algerine captivity, the protec- tion of a good master, to liberty under a great variety of supposable and possible circumstances. And I would do to others as I would have others, in similar circumstances, / do to me, In giving you some facts to shov/ that much is done to instruct the slaves of this country, I took good care to in- form you that it was only one side of the picture, and that we could present a very different view of the same sub- ject, on which we wer6 accustomed to dwell when at- tempting to urge on our efforts. That other side of the picture, you have quoted from the report of a Committee of our Synod in 1833, " quorum fui pars," in which I par- ticipated. It is not at variance with my present state- ments. One is a view of what we have done, compared 5* 46 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. with notliing ; the other, compared with what remains to be done, and ought to be done. So we are accustomed to speak on all our great benevolent enterprises. You, I have no doubt, so regard your own statement of the case, which, to a superficial reader, might imply a discrepancy. You think I " do injustice to the abolitionists." I would not do them injustice. If I understand them, and I think I do, they insist on immediate abolition at all hazards. They assume that this subject is a national concern, and slavery is a national disgrace. They have written and circulated incendiary publications in a manner calculated to excite insurrection. Some of the most unguarded of them have openly avowed this design. Their whole course of proceeding is calculated to produce this result. They are rash, unadvised and obstinate. They defeat their object, agitate the country, and are bringing lasting evils on the Avliole nation. All this I believe, and with more concessions in favor of the motives of many of their leading men than it is popular to make, I believe their schemes productive of more evil than they will ever be able to repair. This I say of abolitionism and abolitionists as a body, while I greatly respect and highly esteem many men of this class. I see in the Abolition Society of Maine the names of some men, whom I know and esteem among the best. In the report of their meeting held in Brunswick on the 28th of October, I see the following preamble and resolution recorded as adopted ; viz. — " Whereas it is often said by our opponents that slaves ought not to be liberated till they are properly educated, and whereas those opponents are often complaining that abolitionists have done nothing towards liberating the slaves, therefore, Resolved, That we have liberated as many as our opponents have educated and promise to continue to do the same.*' Tliis is a noble resolution, and I am sure that, under the deliberate action of such men, it cannot be mere gasconade. No doubt, some calculations were furnished by the mover to show that the assertion contained in the resolution was the truth. Although I feel confident that other statements might be substantiated to subvert the position, yet it is the pledge wliich is of principal importance ; and coming from LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 49 such men it is of great value. I can render them, per- haps some important aid in fulfilment of this most benevo- lent pledge. I know not less than five hundred slaves who are " properly educated," in my judgment, for freedom, and I presume my opinion of their qualifications in this respect will be admitted. They have been educated by " opponents" of the abolitionists, and can be procured at a fair price, according to the laws of the country. Any agencies, which may be appointed to effect the plan of the " Anti-Slavery Society of Maine," in the fair purchase of them for " liberation," shall have my aid, and I have no doubt the number may be, by a little inquiry swelled to thousands, and constantly increased. Will you please to announce this interesting information to that enterprising and benevolent society, in such a way as will enable them immediately to carry their resolution into effect. In conclusion you express some surpri-se that I should say, LET us ALONE. Let me assure you, my dear sir, this is the best thing you can do for us ; it is all you can now do, and doing this you will do much. Can you not comprehend it ? Was you ever sick, and in that sickness did you ever find your chamber crowded with officious, well disposed, anxious friends, plying you with questions, and insisting on doing something for you, until your dis- ease was aggravated, and the fever inflamed by the very remedies attempted ? And have you not heartily wished that they would let you alone, and leave you to the regular nurses ? If so, this illustration will enable you to com- prehend the import of my exhortation — let us alone. The example is intended to illustrate this point only. To the *' Maine Anti-Slavery Society," I would say, however, go on with your noble resolution, and much may be done to soothe and heal old wounds, and promote eman- cipation. To the " Maine Union in behalf of the colored race," I would say, diligently prosecute your noble object. Take the colored people of Maine or New England, and ele- vate them to the moral and intellectual character of which they are susceptible, and show us, what I fully believe, but many doubt, that they are not inferior in mental en- dowment to the white man ; and you will have enough to 50 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. do, and doing it, will have accomplished a great work ; great not only in itself but in its diversified influence on the interests of the negro race. You will by this means most directly and effectually act on the slave and on slave- ry, deeply, silently, peacefully, effectually. And now, brother McKeen, I hope we are better friends than ever. You think that in avoiding the rocks on one hand, I am in danger from the whirlpool. In return let me say to you, I fear you are sailing too near the breakers. I am glad of this opportunity to hail you in the voyage of life, and hope we shall neither of us "hate instruction and despise reproof," but keeping a good lookout, may avoid all the ultraisms of the times, preserve the " golden mean," and make our port in peace. LETTER VIIL To Rev. Asa Cummings, Editor of the Christian Mirror. Dear Sir, — In public answers recently made through your columns, to several questions propounded to me on the subject of slavery, I have an earnest desire that what has been said should have its due weight and no more. Yet I feel deeply in view of the possible and probable issue of this great controversy, and must ask the privilege, in a final communication, to present that issue to the consideration of your readers, as it appears to my own mind. The abolition societies cannot now be considered con- temptible either in numbers or influence. They embrace many men of worth, and many ministers of the Gospel, whose motives, I doubt not are purely Christian. Under the impulse of this principle, in a cause, which is regard- ed by them as involving great interests, they will be ac- tive, energetic and efficient. This action has assumed a system, and embraces numbers, and exerts a power, which must bear with great effect on its object for good or for evil. That it commenced in the claim of Christian phi- lanthropy, gives us the greatest reason to fear that there may be no abatement of zeal and effort until a dreadful issue shall compel them to see the truth when repentance shall be unavailing. The seat of these operations is in the northern states, remote from the evil whose removal is sought, and con- ducted hitherto by a small minority of the people of those states. They began in benevolence toward the slave, and a desire to give him his liberty. Certain assumed premi- ses have been urged as constituting an obligation to ac- 52 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. tion. A plan is laid for the attainment of the object, which has now been diligently prosecuted for sereral years. No constitutional riorht to interfere with the existence of slavery in the states is claimed. The positions are these. The slaves of the southern states have an original and unalienable right to freedom. It is, therefore, a para- mount duty of their holders to give them their freedom at once and at all hazards. And although the Constitution of this nation protects these slaveholders in the right of their slave property, this provision is in contravention of a higher law, the law of nature, and the great moral law of love. Therefore, it is the first duty of the nation, in the discharge of high moral obligations, lying at the foimda- tion of social order, to demand the abrogation of slavery, at once, universally and forever, and leave the conse- quences to the natural operation of that great moral law, under which the emancipation is claimed. To effect these great objects, a system of measures is adopted and prosecuted with great labor, which is design- ed to convert the nation to their opinions, and thereby accomplish their object, the extinction of slavery. We find the subject now involved in bitter controversy. The conflict thickens. Human passions evidently urge on the " holy war." It hastens to its issue. Is it not pos- sible to call a truce ? Does not policy require it of our abolition bretliren ? Is it not demanded by Christian pru- dence ? May they not find it profitable to review the premises, see what has been gained or lost, what they are now driving at, and what must be the issue ? Things may look very differently at the place they now occupy from the " form and feature," and prospect they presented three years ago. Some errors, then unconsciously embraced, may have been since corrected, new information may have been gained, or circumstances may now indicate a change of action. What was begun in Christian philan- thropy may have awakened, in conflict, the worst passions, and be prosecuted with a spirit of unkindness or revenge. May I not ask my abolition brethren, may I not ask all, to pause and review the whole ground, present state, and probable issue of the controversy ? Xbis review may be embraced under three inquiries. LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 53 First, the soundness of the positions taken in the premises by the abolitionists, of which I have just endeavored tb give a candid statement. Secondly, the character of the measures they have pursued to accomplish their objects, with the present state of the controversy : and Thirdly, the ISSUE, Avhich they now make and which is inevitable in the successful prosecution of their plans. On the first inquiry, I cannot here enter, except so far as is necessary to guard the premises from perversion. Liberty is a natural right. This is granted. It is a first principle. Yet, as a naked proposition put into the mouth of every man under every possible variety of circum- stances, it is a dangerous fallacy, the opposite extreme of the doctrine that " might makes right." It can be applied to the immediate emancipation of the southern slaves with no more safety or propriety than the " right of the strong- est" can furnish to the poor of New England a pretext to employ their physical or numerical superiority to enforce an aorrarian law. None will deny that a maniac or an idiot may be re- strained of his liberty. vSo may a minor. A vagrant, wandering about in the freedom of nature, may be im- prisoned, and compelled to work for his daily bread. An idle, lazy, pilfering people may be enslaved, and are lia- ble to be so. A man, committing suicide may be deprived of his liberty. I say, therefore, the right, which a man has to his o\vn liberty, depends to some extent on cir- cumstances, and must be held in relation to the rights of all others. He may not have a right to his liberty, which would endanger the life, or property, or morals of his neighbor, as the case of the maniac, the thief and the vagrant may serve for illustration. The naked proposi- tion, as applied to the slaves of the South for their imme- diate emancipation, is a fallacy. It would injure them, and endanger the essential rights of others. Are the other cases referred to, subjects of law, so is slavery the subject of the highest human law, conventional law. If the proposition is applied specifically to the act of stealing men from Africa, and subjecting them to slavery, the laws of all the states against the slave trade have pro- nounced upon, and afhrnied it piracy. But when made to 54 LETTERS ON SLAVERif* apply to the slaves in these states, requiring their immediate emancipation, the position is denied, and here the contro- versy commences. The abolitionists can exercise no con- stitutional power over the slaves or slavery, and can suc- ceed in the emancipation of these slaves only by con- verting the owners to their opinions. Under this state of the question, the abolitionists commence operations. On the second head of inquiry let us now review the measures they have pursued to accomplish their objects, and the present state of the controversy. They began by es- tablishing societies at the North for the express object of effecting the extinction of slavery in the southern states. They proceeded to establish newspapers in aid of this cause, to extend their societies through the non-slavehold- ing states, to publish tracts, to hold anniversary meetings, to send lecturers through the country, and by these, and various other means, to produce a general excitement on the subject of slavery. These papers and tracts were often false in fact, and dictated by the most bitter and de- nunciatory spirit against the holders of slaves. It is true, this has been denied, and in their ardent zeal and pecu- liar temper, it is possible the authors and patrons of these publications thought the denial true. Mild and temperate they might have been compared with the restrained and smothered spirit, which remained unexpressed. But I hazard nothing in saying, that with all, except the pledged friends of the cause, they have been deemed bitter, accu- satory, and highly offensive in their language and spirit. These publications have been sent frequentlj' to slave- holders, and others at the South, particularly to ministers •^ of the Gospel. During the last year, large sums of money were raised for printing and distributing pamphlets and papers of the same character, with the professed design to awaken the country to one indignant effort to exterminate slavery. These publications, in due time, came out, like the lo- custs on the face of Egypt. They formed the wrapping -paper for our wares, and articles of domestic use. They were surreptitiously packed with our goods and boxes, and stowed with the baggage of southern travelers, and thrown into their carriage boxes. They presented to th« LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 55 eyes of those, who could not read, the picture of the story they tokl. They finally flooded the country through the channel of the United States' Mail, until the people at the South, by one unlawful act at Charleston, and several summary processes in other places on individual adven- turers, proclaimed in a voice to be heard through the na- tion-— but with a moderation truly surprising, under the then existing state of excitement — proclaimed that the match prepared to fire the magazine, should not be per- fiitted to enter, even under authority of the United States eal — that there was one thins more sacred than the union itself, THAT for which the union was created. Here new questions were agitated on the subject of State rights, freedom of speech, &c., and new sympathies were enlisted, into a consideration of which I will not now enter. The South at this juncture said to the aboli- tionists, you have forfeited the privilege of a further hear- ing. You shall not speak to us on this subject. You may listen to your own declamations, or declaim to those who will hear, but you shjill not speak on this side the Potomac, nor find a cover for your incendiary publications. But this has produced no relaxation of their efforts, no softening of their spirit, no indication of a conciliatory temper. The contest still rages. The South is united in support of their own institutions, and against the aboli- tionists. The abolitionists, shut out from a hearing at the South, proceed with untiring zeal, in an effort to convert the North to their peculiar views. And what if they suc- ceed? What then? They have already united the South. They will then have united the North. In what? Why, they will have succeeded in uniting the North against the South and the South against the North. They will have planted a root of bitterness, which will strike deep in the very structure of society, whose luxuriant fruits shall be plucked and eaten by our children, perhaps to the latest generation. This is the issue. It is inevitable. When the North shall say to the South, " We do not claim a constitutional right to interfere with your institutions, but you must and shall abandon your slavery, for it is wrong" — then this Union is at an end. The practical result is inevitable. And 6 ^6 LETTERS ON SLAVfiltlf^ I am pained to see that thfs is the issue now hoMly ayid openly made, not only by the fash spirits who have led the way and borne the execrations of an honest and indignant community, but by their most influential and responsible men. Their motto is legibly written, "Union without slavery, or disunion with it." " We are proceeding rap- idly," said an eminent abolitionist, " to gain the North- Let us succeed in uniting the North and we will take care of the South." The last labor will be spared them. The South will then, be assured, take care of herself. I cannot believe that all, who have espoused the cause of the abolitionists, understand them distinctly to make the issue 1 have stated. I believe many would shudder at the thought. Yet, that such is the settbed and deliberate purpose of the Society, as well as the miiform tendency and inevitable result of their measures, might be shown by copious reference to their published papers. In con- firmation of this position, I will only refer to one of their number, a man who cannot occupy a place in the ranks of any party without becoming a leader — a man, whose philanthropy, general candor, and unblemished character secure universal respect and give influence to his opinions on every subject. In the honesty of his heart, he uses the following decisive and portentous language in his speech at Peterborough, on the occasion of his public as- sent to the principles of the abolition Society : "It cannot be disguised, sir, that war has broken out between the South and the North, not easily to be terminated. Politi- cal and commercial men for their own purposes, are in- dustriously striving to restore a peace. But the peace,, which they will accomplish, will be superficial and hol- low. True and permanent peace can only be restored by removing the cause of the war — that is, slavery. It can never be established on any other terms. The sword^ now drawn will not be sheathed till victory, entire victory is ours or theirs. Not until that deep and damning stain is washed from our nation, or the chains of slavery are riveted afresh where they now are and on our necks also. It is idle, criminal to speak of peace on any other terms." Such is the public declaration of Gerrit Smith — sustained by the avowal of others on all sides that we will wash our 1/STT^RS ON SLAVERY, 57 liands of the sin of slavery, even at the expense of the Union. Now v/hat is the actual state of public opinion at the ^ "South. There are some, who contend that slavery is a political and social blessing. This is the view of the subject presented in the last annual message of Gov. Mc- Duffie, The same sentiment was expressed by Gov. Mil- der several years ago. So far as my kowledge of individ- 5ual opinion extends, this precise view of the subject is not -extensively entertained. There is probably a large class, who think it justifiable on political, social and religious principles, necessary to the prosperity of the country, and •that it must be perpetuated. There is also a numerous <;lass, v/ho would be glad to see the system terminated^ who have been anxiously looking for some practicable 'Schom« of emancipation, in which the real good of the ■slave^ and the safety of the country, should be consulted ^and sustained, and who are willing to make great personal sacrifices whenever such a prospect shall open. Yet, on the question of holding their slaves under existing circum- stances, the consciences of the holders, are entirely at ease. I do not think that the best Bible Christians here -meet with any difficulty on this point. On the question of duty, as mad€ by the abolitionists, there is the most per- :fect unanimity in the four southern Atlantic states^ and I think also through the entire South. On the issue now .made by the ■abalitionists too, there is an equal unanimity, -and the motto is, according to the original compact, "The Union Avith slavery, or disunion without it." The united action of all the ecclesiastical bodies at the -South on this subject is decided, and decisive of the sen- ;timents of Christians. And I ask my Christian friends *of the abolition Society — is not tlije opinion of the whole southern Church of some important weight in this matter? «Grant that the politicians are influenced by ambitious mo- -lives, and the merchants and tradesmen by the mere sor- •did love of gain, can you easily believe that those thou- sands of ministers of the Gospel, who "count not their lives dear to them," who do, and suffer, as much as any set of ministers in our land — can you believe that they, ^nd the ieps of thousands of Church members associatejl 58 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. with them, are recreant to their Master and his cause oft earth, when they tell you that you are palsying their arms extended to the spiritual relief of the slave, that you are rivetting his chains, that you are multiplying his stripes, and increasing his burdens, that you are taking from him the bread of life, and making no return ? Where then will the RESPONSIBILITY rcst, if these slaves perish in their sins? Will you not hear us when we assure you that you are doing the cause of the slave no good but much harm? Will you not be entreated to desist? Then we must say the RESPONSIBILITY BE ON YOU ! I would not bear it. It is the price of souls. I know some good men, assuming that the slaves ought now to be free, put off the responsibility from themselves by assuming also that their measures ought not to have an injurious eflect on the interests of the slave ; and if they do have that effect, it is not their fault. But they reason against fact. They may also prove from the known laws of matter that the planets ought to move in circles, and not ill elliptical orbits round the sun, and if they do move in ellipses, the sun ought to be in the centre, and not in the focus of the ellipse. But notwithstanding the demonstra- tions, there are the facts standing against them. There are the planets moving steadily in their elliptical orbits, and there is the sun maintaining his station in the focal point. Their moral demonstrations may satisfy the con- sciences of the abolitionists, and give energy to their ac- tion, but they are damning to the slave who is made the object of a false and fatal philanthropy. Let the respon- sibility rest where it ought. I have said that the statements, by which the abolition society attempts to make its converts, are false as well as bitter and denunciatory. False in point of fact, I say and repeat. I might, if necessary, furnish copious proof to this point, which must throw a tremendous responsibility on the members of that society. I will, however, make one reference. I suppose the Society will not shrink from the responsibility of what is presented at their an- nual meetings, in resolutions carefully prepared before- hand, urged on the public acceptance by popular decla- mation, and passed unanimously. At the last anniversary l^ETTERS ON SLAVERY, 59 €)f the abolition society in the city of New-York, the fol- lowing resolution was offered and suj)ported by one of their most popular speakers, and received with great ap- plause, ^'liesulved, That the practice of suffering one sixth part of the population o{ this Christian land to perish destitute of the volume of revelation, and the ministry of the Gospel is inconsistent with the profession of zeal for the conversion of the world." " This resolution I offer," said the speaker, "has respect to the moral and spiritual condition of your colored population; and I do say that one sixth of your entire population are left to perish with- jout the word of God, or the ministry of the Gospel." Again he says, "It is true there are in South Carolina not twelve slaveholders who instruct their slaves." Now did not the speaker know, and did not those who furnished him with this resolution, and those who ap- plauded him, know that this resolution asserted a false- hood? And that the whole eloquent harangue appended to it was as false as it was unjust to the South, and espe- cially to the Christian church ? I assert for South Caro- lina, that her slave population are less destitute of the volume of revelation than a large class of the peasantry of Great Britain. I assert, that the slaves of South Carolina are better furnished with the ministry of the Gospel than ihe entire population of the city of New-York. I assert, that the Christian church in South Carolina embraces a larger proportion of her slave population than the church in Maine does of her white population. And my asser- tions, I may perhaps be permitted without vanity to say, are as good as George Thompson's ; and when proved they are a great deal better than his assertions. Now, then, for the proof. Take five millions of Roman Catholics in Ireland, des* litute of the Bible. Have they excited Mr. Thompson's commiseration ? Has he pleaded for them ? Does their existence in the heart of the British empire, invalidate all her claims to benevolence, asserted in her wide spread missionary enterprise for the " conversion of the world ?" He has ceased to plead for Ireland. Why? From poli- tical considerations. The peace of the country demanded it. Christian duty has been determined by the circum- 6* 60 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. Stances of the case. Now, while Catholic Ireland is pro- perly destitute of the Bible, the slaves of South Carolina, to a great extent, receive the pure word by oral instruc- tion; and none, so far as I know, are debarred from reli- gious instruction. Will Mr. Thompson go to "London, Birmingham, or Hackney," and plead for Catholic Ire- land? No. He will go there to abuse and vilify our country, and his countrymen wh® refused to join him in vilifying it before an American audience in the city of New -York. And by what rule of morality can he con- demn us, which will not apply to his own condemnation on the other side of the Atlantic. A comparison may be easily made between the religious condition of South Carolina and the city of New-York, so far as the Gospel ministry is concerned. With a pop- ulation, at the present timiC, but little short of 3C0,0C0, New-York has not 2C0 m,inisters of every class. With a population of 528,CC0, black and white, South Carolina has more than 500 ministers of all denominations.* Every minister here is a preacher to the slaves. They enjoy the benefits of his ministry in common with the masters. When the Sabbath arrives to the master, it * According to the latest documents that I can command, which con- sist of reports of the several denominations, in no ci se more than two years old, I make the following results for Souih Carolina : Baptists— Ministers, 156. Licentiates, 70. Methodists, conn^cted with Conference, 87. Presbyterian— Ministers, 64. Licentiates, 20. Episcopalian — Minister?, 44. Lutheran — Ministers, 12. Licen tiate?, 8. Covenanters — Mmisters, 1. Associate Reformed, — Ministers, 9. Whole number, 471. There are some others in the regular ministry, not here r mmerated, besides numerous local preachers of the Meihodist denomination, and many others of the Baptist. And some of th< fe, althoi;gh i ot n ported in their minutes are among thur most tfficient ministers. Reconirg all these, the Methodist and Baptist preachers alone would probably r um- ber Uttle less than 500. Churches of all d'-nominaticns in the ci;y of New-Yoik, accotdinc to Williams' Register for 1836, are 146. The number of officiatin^r minis- LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 61 comes also to the slave. Wherever masters enjoy a Gos- pel ministry, their slaves enjoy the ministry. Usually, and especially in the towns, they go to the same church, and listen to the same Gospel. In attempting a comparison of the white population of Maine with the slaves of South Carolina, as they are re- presented in the Christian church, I will take for Maine a statement made not long since, Mr, Editor, in your paper, in which it was supposed the whole number of communicants was 60,000. I will state the present num- ber of inhabitants at 420,000, which is probably within the truth, and thus give the proportion of church members in Maine as one seventh of the whole. The present num- ber of slaves in South Carolina is supposed to be near 264,000 — of these, 45,000, more than one sixth of the whole, are reputable members of the Christian church. Could these, and all the necessary facts in the case, be stated and read, and carefully considered, I would, with- out a single throb of anxiety, leave George Thompson, and his statements, and the whole cause, in the hands of New England men. But bold assertions often repeated, and uncontradicted, often are made to pass for truth, and thus enlist the spirit of benevolence in enterprises, which are subversive of its objects. In the face of these facts, Mr. Thompson told his audi- ence that he stood before them as the "advocate of moth- ers, of brothers, of sisters, deprived of Sabbaths, denied the Bible, shut out from Gospel privileges." And stand- ing up in an assembly of American citizens, this same man, in the same speech, and in the uttering of these very falsehoods, applied the following horrible imprecation to himself, " Let my right hand forget its cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I am ever capa- ters is supposed to be about equal to the number of churcbcs. There are aupernumei aries in some of the churches to balance the vacancies in others. AM 34 to 146 and you will have 180. This number will, no doubt, include all ihe acting clergymen in the city, tmbracing city mis- sionaries, and secretaries of benevolent societies, whose labors are but partially bestowed on the citv. The census of 1835, makes the whole population of New- York 270,000. It cannot now be much less thae 300,000. 6S LETTERS ON SLAVERY. ble of misrepresenting or maligning her (America) or of sowing the seeds of animosity among her inhabitants." The charity that "hopeth all things'" seeks to admit the possibility that he knew not what he did. Had he landed in Charleston instead of New-York, and sought the truth, instead of " misrepresenting and maligning our country, and sowing the seeds of animosity among her inhabitants," he would have been politely received and hospitably en- tertained by the slaveholder ; he might have ascertained the facts in the case, he might have said any thing in Christian simplicity and plainness to the slaveholder him- self, and I venture to say, he wonld have made a very different speech in the city of New-York. Whatever opinion he might have retained on the subject of slavery, his awful imprecation would have been found in connec- tion with a very different statement of facts. I do not think the people of the South are unfriendly to the freedom of the press or of speech, even on the subject of slavery. It is conversed upon here with great freedom. "The omnipotence of slavery has no torpedo power to strike dumb the ministers of religion" here. I have never heard more faithful preaching any where than I have heard in southern pulpits on the duties of the master, and in presence of both masters and slaves. I think southern ministers preach on this subject after the example of Christ and his apostles, and as they would have preached in similar circumstances. No man here regards the circumstances, under which the incendiary pamphlets were arrested at Charleston, other than as extraordinary, and demanding prompt and decisive measures. Put a man's life in immediate jeop- ardy, or excite him even to a false apprehension of fatal danger, especially involve his wife and children in that danger — and he will make his own laws. You cannot prevent it. Who can control a popular excitement ? One man may originate it, or perhaps prevent it. But when awakened, what power can control it? Much has been said of the hard case of Mr. Dresser, who is declared to be, as I have no doubt he is, a worthy young man. But, without pronouncing Mar on his judges or accusers, he certainly was very imprudent, and might LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 63 have expected more cause to complain than he has ex- pressed. Taking his own very honest account of the matter, is there any evidence, or any reason to beUeve, he would have fared better, under similar circumstances, in the hands of an excited community in New-York, or any northern state, in the hands of any class of men. I undertake to say that a prudent man would not have done, under the time and circumstances, as he did. It is my duty as a minister to address the Gospel to the slaves of my congregation as well as to their masters, and I do it. If any man does better, and accomplishes more, I rejoice at it. But I have "so learned Christ," as to regard pru- dence, as well as fearlessness, an important qualification for the Gospel ministry. I would not carry a torch in my hand to extinguish the flames on my neighbor's house : I am taught too by high authority, sometimes to "keep my mouth as with a bridle, and to hold my tongue, even from goodJ^ I have now attempted to call the attention of your readers to the issue of this controversy, to show that if prosecuted as it has been, and continues to be, it must necessarily terminate in a formal disruption of the national union, or in an inveterate enmity no less to be dreaded, and I have endeavored also to lead their minds on the track of abundant evidence that the abolitionists for them- selves, even now, distinctly make this issue. Their whole course of proceeding has no other direction. It injures the slave, it rivets his fetters, it breaks up the union. Let this once be effected, and what then? The first step will be to expel 182,000 free blacks from the slaveholding states. They will be quartered upon you, and claim your benevolence, and you must take care of them. Then measures must be taken to bring the slaves into a subjection, which shall secure the public safety. Fear of the slave will never give him his freedom. Then the abolitionist will be called to see what he has done "regardless of consequences." Every measure he pur- sues will embitter the enmity of opposing states. Eternal hatred will be engendered and taught in the nursery, drawn by the infant from the mother's breast, and instilled upon the mind of the youth in the first lessons of the 64 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. father. "Carthago delenda est" — extermination to the rival state, would be written on the standards of a north- ern, and of a southern confederacy. And " the sword, once drawn," when will it be sheathed? ''Never,'' says an eminent organ of abolitionism, until "victory, entire victory is ours or theirs." This, intended by the excel- lent author as a rhetorical figure, will prove an awful reality, and abolitionists will be compelled to say, " This is our work." They did not mean it all. But it is one of the necessary ''consequences" of which they are now ^'regardless." LETTER IX, To THE Rev. Professor Smyth, of Bowdoin College. Dear Sir, — Several communications published over your signature in the Mirror of April and May last, head- ed by my name as a text, have appeared to me, to demand a public notice and correction. You have called in question the validity of my argu- ments, and the correctness of my conclusions on .the points embraced in " the issue.^' I owe it, therefore, to myself to review and approve my positions, or confess my error. Then I owe it to you to communicate the result of this examination, because your general candor assures me that your mind is still open to the force of truth. Fi- nally, it is due to that portion of the public, who are en- quirers on the subject in discussion, and who may there- fore be influenced by what you and I have written. You have not questioned the numerical correctness of the religious statistics embraced in the issue respecting the slave population of South Carolina, but you attempt to show that they are " utterly valueless,^'' as proof of the religious privileges and improvement of the slaves. I ex- pect to convince you that you have utterly failed to make out your case, and I hope also, by the force of additional testimony, to procure your candid acknowledgement of your error. My letters to our esteemed brother McKeen were addressed to him through the press, because I fre- quently received from the North inquiries similar to those made by him, and because I thought the subject required that my answers should be public. " The issue" was the substance of an answer to seve- ral private letters received principally from abolitionists, who urged upon my consideration the "tremendous re- 66 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. sponsibility" I had incurred by attempting, in those letters, to check the abolition cause. My views of " responsibili- ty" were presented in "the issue," and when thus embo- died, I felt it my duty to present them to the public, that they might be seen by others, whose opinions I might wish to influence, or to whom I might desire to vindicate my own. You thus perceive that I have not been entirely a vol- unteer in connecting my name with the subject of slave- ry, on which hardly any man, who speaks at this day, can hope to make himself understood, or to be candidly heard ; on which too, constituted as we are, it is not easy for any man to continue to speak with candor and impar- tiality. In what I now propose to say, it will be my steady endeavor to preserve the manner which I would approve in others. If in this I should fail, I shall regret it with as much pain as it can cause yourself or others. But proceeding to consider your arguments, I wish to relieve one point, — the only one, I believe ; on which you complain of the spirit of " the issue." I pronounced the resolution of Mr. Thompson, which was approved by the Anti-Slavery Society at their anniversary in May of last yeRT, false. ^^ False in point of fact, ''^ — I said, and still I say, To pronounce a ?nan false, is not only discourteous," but indecorous, rude. But to pronounce his statements false in point of fact, is neither. It does not necessarily implicate his moral character, and attaches blame to him only in proportion to his neglect of means to ascertain the truth. This is what I have done and no more. This is what I have proved. The degree of guilt to be attach- ed to those, who put forth this resolution, and those who justify it, I leave to others to determine. In connection with Mr. Thompson's name, I did indeed omit the last part of the assertion expressed by the words — " in point of fact" — but these words were intended and expected to be understood after having been once repeated. I more- over expressly declined to apply the charge of falsehood even to Mr. Thompson, while " charity that hopeth all things" could devise a way to avoid it. With this expla- r ition, I hope that particular point will be relieved. tETTERS ON SLAVERY* 67 tn proof that my statistics are " utterly valueless" you adduce one class of evidence from three sources, — from Dr. Nelson, the Synod of Kentucky, and the Hon. J. G. Birney. And what do these v/itnesses testify ? Dr. Nel- son tells what he has seen in Missouri ; the Synod speaks of Kentucky ; and Mr. Birney, who is " incapable of falsehood," approved and voted for Mr. Thompson's reso- lution. So far as the two first witnesses are concierned, I have only to say, that as I have said nothing of Missouri or Kentucky, the evidence is not in point and cannot be ad- mitted. If I have sinned in this matter, the proof lies in South Carolina, and I decline a trial on facts brought from Kentucky or Missouri. If cited for trial there^ I shall prove an alibi. Let it be noticed that I am not here called upon to dis- sent from these respectable witnesses in the matter of their testimony, nor to oppose their views. Standing in their places, perhaps I should have seen and spoken as they have. I only say, that what they saw and testified to, in Kentucky and Missouri, they did not see in South Carolina. I might have rashly extended my assertion Over states I knew nothing of, and so have come within the compass of your proofs, — but I have not done it. I hope, therefore, you will plainly perceive that while you have admitted my arithmetic to be correct, your logic is entirely defective. But it may be said, the Synod infer that what is true in Kentucky on this matter must pervade the system every where else. This may do for an iyifer- ence in the absence of facts. They subvert it, as I will presently show. I have now only to dispose of Mr. Birney; " He was therc^'' and "voted for the resolution." And who is Mr. Birney ? He is " an honorable man" — but here he is placed as a witness on the stand. In this attitude, he is not privileged above other witnesseiij» I certainly cannot yield to his " high standing," the evidence of my senses, nor ray own claim to equal credit. But as the supporter of the resolution in question, Mr. Birney is placed on the same ground with Mr. Thompson, neither of whom, per- haps, were ever in South Carolina. They are, therefore, 7 68 LETTERS ON SLAVERY, Equally on trial for their veracity, which must abide Xh& truth or falsehood of the resolution. They are both char-- ged as criminals. You and your readers must judge in the sequel, how far they are entitled to credit. There are two other witnesses introduced by you tc- prove that my statements are "utterly valueless" — Mr. W.. B. Seabrook, and Mr. Thomas S. Clay. Mr. Clay is of-- fered to your readers as a clergyman, who, in a pamphlet published on the subject, has " urged upon the southern community the duty of giving relij»ious instruction to slaves." You will doubtless be gratified to learn that Mr, Clay is not a clergyman urging their diity upon others^ but himself a large planter, stating in his pamphlet what he is doing on his own plantation. You will, therefore, al- low me to refer you to a re-perusal of Mr. Clay's pam- phlet as a detail of the religious instruction of slaves on one plantation at least. This too-, you may receive as a specimen in whole or in part", of what is done on many others. If there are but few as faithful and thorough as Mr. Clay, still there are many prosecuting a similar plan. Mr. Seabrook is introduced as a strong witness to be relied on. He has " examined these plans in detail,"' and the Agricultural Society of St. Johns, Colleton, ha* published his Essay. On this grounti you introduce Mr: Seabrook, and his associates of the Agricultural Society. You say with apparent complacency ; " upon- tho testi- mony of these witnesses, we may surely rely with confi- dence ; they testify to what they know.'" That you may see what rules of evidence you have applied in the premises, I shall quote entire your extract from Mr. Sea- brook, and then hold up to your consideration some of tho astounding conclusions you have asked your readers to- admit in the argument. The extract says : — " That the slaveholder and his family should officiate as teachers, is so palpably objec- tionable, if it were practicable, in every light in which the suggestion can be viewed, that I need only observe, when the scene shall be exhibited of the people of South Carolina, tri-daily according to Mr. Clay, or weekly as recommended by the Committer of Synod, reading and explaining the Bible, and conversing with their servants I."ETTERS ON SLAVERY. 69 ^Ti the subject of the soul's immortality, the reign of fanat- icism and misrule will have commenced." " I object totally^ however, for the general reasons al» ready advanced, and for others that will readily suggest themselves, to the " preacher adapting a part of every sermon to ibeir intellectual wants," or "to the giving out one or two lines of a hymn =that they may join in the ex- 'ercises." This is a device of the levellers, and too hete- rodox for the present state of public opinion." " Another modeof oemmimicaiingreligious information to the slaves, upon which Mr. Clay comments is, what he terms domestic, to be conducted by the resident planter 'and his faniily. This mode must have been suggested to Mr. Clay, by a Tappanist. if friendly to the policy and perpetiiity of our institutions, it could not have been the .fruit of his own reflections." NoAv, on this extract, which you are pleased to terni "'evidence," you ca-H on your readei's to believe. " 1st. That the prf aching ichich the slaves of South Carolina hear in common icith their masters, is not adapted to their intel- lectual Lcajits, and that the present state of public opinion ■will not tolerate its being made soy I am sure, sir, you will allow the humblest of your readers to pause at the chasm between the premises, and your conclusion. He searches in vain for any such " evidence" in the extract. The wri- ter of the Essay does indeed fur himself " object totally to the preacher adapting a part of every sermon to their (the slaves') intellectual wants, or lo the giving out one or two lines of the by m.n, that they may join in the exercises." Yet in all this, there is no alkision to what actually «a"c?07ic, and therefore, it furnishes no *' evidence" in point. What, then, u- actually done? On Mr. Clay's plantation pre- cisely that is dono, to which this witness objects. The same is done on many plantations in South Carolina, and often by most of the nnnisters, of all denominations with whom I am acquainted. On the " evidence"" furnished in this extract, you ask your readers to believe, 2dly ; That the reading and eco- plaining the Bible to the slaves in public meetings by the slaveholder and his faifiily, is as yet unknown V This cjanchision is of couise predicated onthe first paragraph m 70 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. the extract. The writer there says : — "it is palpably ob- jectionable that the slaA^eholder and his family should officiate as teachers to the slaves." Where does he say it is a thing " as yet unknown V No where. Nothing like it. The Essay opposes Mr. Clay's plan, which is carried into effect by himself, and by many planters in South Carolina. And this is taken for " evidence" that the thing, which it opposes, has no existence, I am quite sure, Sir, that you could not have had the common rules of evidence before you when you drew these conclusions, and you will not insist that your readers should admit them. What, then, have you shown by this extract 1 You have shown precisely what I have urged before, that there is a difference of opinion among intelligent men of the South, who are themselves the slave owners, and who are, therefore, the only competent persons to dispose of the subject. What I ask is, that you will leave the argument to be conducted here ; that you will not embarrass it by awakening prejudices and exciting jealousies unnecessa- rily, and without any possible compensation. Mr. Seabrook is a distinguished citizen of South CarO' lina, and his opinions are worthy of high consideration. Let them have the influence they deserve. 1 will furnish the opinions of gentlemen equally excellent, who difl'er from him on the subject of giving religious instruction to the slaves. Let them also have their due influence. But in candor you must not adduce the opinion? of Mr. Seabrook or any other man, (perhnps too carelessly ex-* pressed) as deliberate and sworn testimony. I am sure Mr. Seabrook, would not be willing to have his veracity tried by the attitude you have assigned to him. I have no doubt the relioious instruction of our slave population will be permitted to go on, notwithstanding the partial check it has received by the action of ihe abolitionists. I believe, every real philanthropist at the South will be led to adopt the true distinctions, and unite as well in this most benevolent eftbrtto elevate and save our own heathen^ as to oppose fanaticism in all its forms. Finally, you introduce the teslim.ony of the Rev. C. C. Jones. Mr. Jones is a member of our Synod, a young LETTERS ON SLAVERY. ^l toan of coinmanding talents and education, a large slavfe owner, who has declined the highest places in our church, to give himself entirely to the religious instruction of the slave population. He is a man of remarkable ingenuous- ness and candor, of great zeal in his objects, yet without extravagance. His testimony, therefore, is of the high- est value ; " //e testifies vchat he knows.'''' You quote him as follows : — " It is a solemn fact, ivhich wc must not conccaly that their [the slaves'') private and public religious instruc- tion forms no part of the aim of the owners generally^ That is true. And allow me to say, it seems to me sin- gular that an honest mind seeking for truth should find a necessary discrepancy between this testiniony and mine. " Gcntralhf the religious instruction of the slaves forms no part of the aim of the owners. Few but religious inexi^ and 7iot always they, make it their aim to instruct their slaves. Still ma?iy religious men do it, as Mr. Jones tells you elsewhere, and many irreligious men permit it, who do not make it their aim and are criminally negligent of their duty. Is the phraseology of Mr. Jones remarkable when employed in awakening the community to a much neglected duty 1 I think a review of this testimony will force you to confess, that although you may not be behind Mr. Jones in zeal for the welfare of the slaves, you have failed to practice his ingenuousness. Again, you quote from Mr. Jones, — " The number of professors of reUgion (among the slaves) is small, that can present a correct view of the plan of salvation. True religion, they are greatly inclined to place in professions, in forms, and ordinances ; and true conversion in dreams, visions, trances, and voices, and these they offer to church sessions as evidences of conversion. Sometimes princi- ples of conduct are adopted by church members at so much variance with the Gospel that the grace of God is turned into lasciviousness. No man knows the extent of their ignorance on the subject of religion, until he for himself makes special investigation." Is this an extraordinary picture in reference to the ignorant portions of the church, wherever found ? And must their ignorance and mental degradation, merely, ex- clude them from the kingdom of heaven ? Persons with- 7* 72 LETTERS ON SLAVERY, out mental culture or social religious instruction, generally, do not readily give a full and " correct view ot the plan of salvation," although they may give credible evidence of piety, and such persons every where are " greatly in-, clined to place true religion in forms and ordinances, and professions ; and true conversion in dreams, visions," &.C. It is not wonderful that there should '- sometimes^'' he found among them even self deceivers, who " turn the grace of God into lasciviousness." This deplorable state of things, like much else among more favored members, is charge- able to our criminal neglect, and is it competent or iair to pervert the ardent effort of Mr. Jones to awaken the church to greater fidelity to the blacks, into the means of checking that very effort 1 That vou may feel the force of Mr. Jones' testimony on the particular jioint, to which you have wrested his ap- peal, 1 will give you his opinion as expressed to me in a letter now before me. " As to the evidence of piety, says he, ariGucr the negroes in connection with the churches, can- didly, when I consider the circumstances, I have reason to hope for as many of them, as of any other class of persons that I have been as intimately acquainted iciih.'''' Mr. Jones, in his missionary report for Liberty county, Georgia, says : — " In this district, where it is said there are 1500 persons suitable for Sunday school instruction, there are five schools, twenty-five teachers, and 250 scho- lars. Ten or twelve plantations have received from their owners, during the last year, religious instruction to a greater or less extent. A gentleman in this county gave fifty dollars for the instruction of the children on a plan- tation under his care, and another had service twice a week for his people half the year for which he paid a regular minister of the Gospel. Several individuals have authorized the employment of a suitable man for the in- struction of their plantations, six or eight in number. They offer $400 a year and board. The proper course of action has been adopted. Our brethren have not said, we are willing to have our people instructed, and then tes- tified the amount of that willingness by doijig nothing. But they have said, ' we are willing and anxious to have our people instructed, and to a suitable man w^e will give LETTERS Ox\ SLAVERY. 73 $400 a year and board.' The county, as far as the influ- ence of the church extends, is divided into Districts, in each of which there is one or more colored watchmen and a white male member of the church. This white male member is required to keep a correct list of the colored members in his District ; to receive reports from the colored watchmen of the conduct and standing of the members once a month or once in two months ; to receive application for instruction, or for admission to the church; to notice cases for discipline, and at stated intervals make a general report to the Session. He is also required to hold occasional meetings with the colored members in his district. In addition to this arrangement, the church an- nually appoints a responsible colored man to exercise a general supervision over the colored members ; to act also as an exhorter ; to solemnize their marriages, and to perform their funeral services, and to report regularly to the church. As an evidence of the increase of feeling and effort on the subject of the religious instruction of the colored population, we state that more has been published and circulated on the general subject within the last two years, (1833-4) than in ten or twenty years preceding, so far as our information extends." From Savannah River a Missionary writes — " I visit eighteen plantations every two weeks ; preach twice or thrice on the Sabbath. The owners have built three good churches at their own expense, all framed ; 290 members have been added, and about 400 children are instructed every week." '• Some young men of the Baptist connection in Geor- gia, now in a course of theological study, expect to spend their lives in this field." In the Methodist church in South Carolina and Georgia, " there are about twelve or fftcen Missionaries in the field, and they stand prepared to enlarge that number indefi- nitely." The Diocess of South Carolina is not behind in this work. Rev. J. R. Walker, of Beaufort, says: — "There are now (1833) in my church fifty-seven colored commu- nicants, upon the whole well doing and consistent, and in 74 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. the Sunday school two hundred and thirty-four, who regu- larly attend." Will you hear another witness ? A few weeks ago, I called on a planter in my neighborhood early in the morn- ing. As I approached the house, the family were assem- bling for prayer. I took my seat unobserved on the door step, unwilling to interrupt them or to be called on to lead in their devotions. After a pause of minutes the master says — " where is Cato V " He is gone to the lot," — was the reply. " We shall wait until Cato comes," — said the slaveholder. All was silence for the space of five or ten minutes when a little black boy passed in, and Cato was there. The exercises proceeded. The planter read the Bible, and explained it in a familiar manner to his slaves, asked them questions, sung an hymn, giving out the lines that they might join in the exercise. They then all knelt together in prayer. Is this a singular scene ? By no means. I can travel with you in the circle of my acquaint- ance in South Carolina, and introduce you to a similar scene every morning of every day in the year. I heard the voice of prayer and praise as I passed at evening the negro cabins on a rich man's plantation. I stepped aside, and found the slaves in their respective families attending, with apparent zeal, their family wor- ship. Is this singular ? By no means. I can travel with you, and introduce you to a similar scene every eve- ning of every day in the year. Believe me, sir, you are wrong, and I will furnish fur- ther proof of it presently. LETTER X. Rev. Professor Smyth : Dear Sir, — Besides the witnesses, which I have already examined, furnished by you to prove my state- ments " utterly valueless," you have introduced one other — the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia. You quote from a Report of their Committee as follows : — *' The influence of the negroes upon the moral and re- ligious interests of the whites is destructive in the ex* treme. We cannot go into special detail. It is unneces- sary. We make our appeal to universal experience. We are chained to a putrid carcase ; it sickens and de- stroys us. We have a millstone hanging about the neck of our society fo sink us deep in the sea of vice. Our children are corrupting from their infancy ; nor can we prevent it. Many an anxious parent, like the missionary in foreign lands, wishes that his children could be brought up beyond the reach of the corrupting influence of depra- ved heathen. Nor is this influence confined to mere child- hood. If that were all, it would be tremendous. But it follows us into youth, into manhood, into old age." " And when we come directly in contact with their de- pravity in the management of them, then come temptations, and provocations, and trials that unsearchable grace only can enable us to endure. In all our intercourse with them, we are undergoing a process of intellectual and moral deterioration, and it requires a most superhuman effort to maintain a high standing either for intelligence or piety." You come now, sir, with high authority. The Synod look upon, and the members occupy, the same field em- braced in my statements. I myself am a member of that 76 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. Synod, was present when that Report was adopted, and voted for it. If, therefore, it is fairly in contradiction to my statements, it must prevail, since besides my own, it unites the testimony of our entire church. If on the other hand, I show you that I am in entire harmony with myself and my Synod, your candor will acquit me, and, in that acquittal, admit the force of my former statements. The religious instruction of the slaves, which had, for many years, engaged the devoted attention of individuals, had also been armually before the Synod as a standing subject of deep interest and duty. In 1833, it was brought up by this Report of a Committee, previously appointed. The earnest object of the Synod was to awaken the pub- lic attention to a consideration of duty in respect to the spiritual ignorance, destitution and wants of the slave population. Under these circumstances, the Report was prepared. It commences with the proposition, " That there is a numerous and important class of persons — we may say — a distinct race of people, within our bounds, in perishing need of the Gospel, accessible, and wholly de- pendant upon us, to whom we have not imparted it, at least in such measure as their necessities and our duty re- quire." Next, it proceeds to show that the slaves are " destitute of the privileges of the Gospel,"— that is, they have not a suitable ministry, accommodations, encourage- ments, &c. It then sets forth " our duty to these heathen among ourselves." " We do not deny, says the Report, that many enjoy the means of grace, that there are a large number of professing Christians among them — but it is, at best, a day of small things : and although our assertion is abroad, we believe that in general it will be found to be correct." Such is the Report in its positions and plans. Now, sir, to try that Report in its harmony with my statements, take the 1CO,CCO souls in the city of New- York, said to be " destitute of the privileges of the Gos- pel," a large portion of whom, perhaps can neither read nor write. Let the Synod of New York attempt to set forth their destitution, ignorance and perishing condition, and the " duty of the church to these heathen among themselves." Would not the general language of our Rg" Betters on slavery. 77 port be applicable ? And yet they are not absolutely " deprived of the means of grace," and some among them may betray a spirit of piety, struggling through their igno- rance, superstitions, and popish bondage. Let, now, this Report be taken by a Temperance So- ciety, and would they not employ all its essential features^ in speaking of the whole class of drunkards, including all moderate drinkers, many of whom are in the church? In some respects, also, in which the language of the Report has been asserted to conflict with my statements, it will apply with equal truth to our white population in general. They, to an alarming extent, are destitute of a suitable, " regular ministry," — " of sufficient room in churches for their accommodation," — and " of free access to the Scrip- tures," by ability to read, — the vei-y particulars, in which the Report represents the negroes as " destitute of the privileges of the Gospel." But it is objected that I have said there are 45,000 " credible''^ professors of religion among the slaves of South Carolina. By " credible,''^ I understand those who are in regular standing in the church of Christ. But my charity judges the religious character of their ignorance, which connects, often, with their religious experience,—" dreams, visions, &c. "There are diversities of operation but the same spirit." It seems, then, that the Report is not nece^^an/y contra- dictory to my statements. As I have said before, it is a view of what we have do7ie compared with duly. My statements are a view of what we have done compared with nothing. The object of one was to press that duty where it rested ; the other to correct foreign misappre- hensions. When fairly expoimded, both are true in point of facts, and harmonious with each other. To show that the object of this Report as now ex- plained was prominent in the attention of the Synod, and progressive in accomplishment, I will give you brief ex- tracts from the Narratives of the state of relifrion for three successive years. In 1833, the Synod in their Narrative say, — " We rejoice to find that increasing attention is paid to it (the religious instruction of negroes) on the part of many, who are largely interested as owners in this class t^ LETTERS ON SLAVERY. of our population, and that there is an increasing disposi- tion, on their part, to receive and invite instruction for these heathen in our own land." In 1834, the Narrative (Says : — " Increasing efforts have been made, especially within the bounds of the Presbytery of Georgia, to im- part religious instruction to the negroes." In 1835, the Synod say in their Narrative^ — " Even the religious in- struction of our slave population, entirely suspended in some parts of the country through the lamented interfe- rence of the abolition fanatics, has proceeded with almost unabated diligence and steadiness of purpose through the length and breadth of our Synod." It seems, then, by the testimony of Synod that slave instruction is a subject of general and increasing attention throughout our churches. The perusal of this Report of Synod, and also Mr. Jones's Report on the moral and religious condition of the colored population must have convinced you that we en- joy at the South " liberty of speech and of the pre ss^"* — that we are not afraid to tell men their duty even on the sub- ject of slavery, — that we can do it, — that we do it. That you cannot come here and do it, must not, cannot surprise you. The wonder is that you are not satisfied that others are permitted to do it. The Report of that committee has been published in newspapers and pamphlets, and extensively circulated. A document of similar directness and energy on the same subject was also published in 1833 by Mr. Jones. Both of these had a wide circulation and exerted a great influ- ence. Several others of like character have been pub- lished by Presbyteries and individuals with happy effect. Now, my dear sir, while all this has been doing at the South, you will be surprised to hear that there are men, who have been directly employed in subverting this whole scheme of practical benevolence. You will be shocked to know, that while this very Report was silently produ- cing its effect on the'public mind, and working a great and salutary change, other hands were employed in an open enterprise to paralyze its influence. Your benevolence, I am assured, will be moved at this recital, and your indig- nation will burn to know and expose to public reprobation LETTERS ON SLAVERY, 79 those miserable men. I seem to hear you say, — " where are the wretches ?" "Mutato nomine, de te fabula narratur." " Thou art the many The abolitionists have done this ; with the best of motives, doubtless, and therefore inno- cently ; — in ignorance, and therefore pardonable. But now they know. Thus, sir, in an examination of your proofs adduced to show my statements " utterly valueless,^^ have I not fairly pinned the label on your proofs? I have shown that the testimony of Dr. Nelson and the Synod of Ken- tucky relate to a different matter, except by inference, and that inference is subverted by facts. They are like the witness, who saw a murder, but it was not the murder charged. Mr. Clay, summoned to your aid as a clergy- man, comes up in the character of a Georgia planter, and testifies point blank against you. Mr. Seabrook is next called. I have shov/n that you adduce his assumed doc- trines and opinions and have substituted them for testimony to facts. Mr. Jones' testimony, adduced by you, I have shown to be partial in its application, and powerless in aid of your argument — while I have on the other hand, brought his direct testimony in point to support my state- ments. Mr. Birney, classified in this arrangement with Mr, Thompson, rises or falls with the truth or falshood of the resolution. The Report of the Synod of South Caro- lina and Georgia has been shown, I trust, to be sufficient- ly in harmony with my statements, which I hope you are now satisfied are strictly correct. LETTER XI. Rev. Ppofessor Smyth: Dear Sir, — The arguments employed in your first communication, based on the truth of my statements, are shown to have been used ironically^ by your subsequent attempt to invalidate those statements. If I have suc- ceeded, as I think I have, in maintaining my ground, your first positions are redeemed from derision, and again de- mand serious consideration. You there argue " that 45,000 religious slaves in South Carolina must be fitted for freedom, and surely their controlling influence on the others must render it safe for all of them to be admitted to that boon." Admit all you ask — what then? You have proved that the slaves are fitted for freedom — proved it to yourself- — proved it, if you please, to me, — but you have 7iot proved it to their masters. That proof must come from the '•'■Maine Anti-Slavery Society" in the practical application of their noble resolution to ^^ liberate all their opponents luill educate." My complaint against you is, that to every moral efl^ect, the action of the abolitionists only embarasses the subject, and prevents, or defers their freedom. You may now dispose of your argument as you think will best relieve your difficulty. If you can influence the owners to give freedom to their religious slaves, I certainly will be the last man to object. I think many of them would, under suitable circumstances, make good free men. Many are suitably educated for freedom now, and all with proper attention, might perhaps be so educated in a short time. But how will you efiect their freedom ? I know of only three ways, in which it can be done. First, by purchase. But slaves are now "LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 81 held at a very high price, and I greatly fear that the be- nevolence of the Maine Anti-Slavery Society, as express- ed in their noble resolution, is in advance of their funds. Another way to free the negroes is to make open war upon the masters, and gain for them libert}^ in a fair fight. This, I presume, is not seriously contemplated by the abolitionists generally, although some have imprudently declared their readiness for it. The last, and only prac- ticable method is to induce the holders to give freedom to their slaves. Now, to this end, the whole action of the Anti-Slavery Society is directly opposed. Every thing you have done has prejudiced this object. If you had been the slaves' worst enemies, you could have done no more. I doubt whether the history of this whole contro- versy can furnish one instance, in which the abolitionists have gamed to their cause one of the advocates of slavery. Until this is done, nothing effective is done. On the contrary, you have confirmed thousands of slaveholders ia their reputed errors. The abolitionists seem to me not to be satisfied with what they can do. They must see what they can not do. I knew a man once, who took for his motto, " Some things ca7i be done as well as others.'''' With this he set out to see how far he could leap. This might have done very well, but he could never be satisfied until he proved how far he could not leep. He was never satisfied till he broke his neck ? We can, my dear sir, do much for the benefit of the slave. Let us do what we can, and not prevent all the good which is practicable, by assuming that every thing is noio practicable, or practicable by us, which we may think desirable to be done, or believe to be right in itself. St. Paul even said, "all things are lawful for me, but all thing are not expedient." That which is lawful i« not always expedient, and that which is right is not always practicable. Whatever is wrong is inexpedient ; but that which is right is not always expedient. It is right that I should have my horse which has been stolen from me, but it may not be expedient for me to assert that right while the thief is holding a loaded pistol at my head. It is right that the thief should be punished, but not expe- 82 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. dient for me to attempt the punishment in the premises. If not expedient it is not right, for my life is of more value to me and my family than my horse. Thus, my dear sir, if you will forbear, and endeavor by kindness to gain ac- cess and do good to the master and the slave, you may live to receive the blessing of both, but by taking the aho- litio7i leap, you place yourself beyond the power to benefit either. y Your whole course of action defeats the professed ob- ject, to relieve the slave. It rivets his fetters, abridges his privileges, increases his burdens. It unites the south- ern emancipationists with all others against them. The practical effect is to alienate the North and South, and to divide the Union. This, which is evidently the prac- tical issue, is now the avowed object of many. This is inevitable in the prosecution of your plans. The whole effect is a political one, exciting the worst passions, and the most inveterate jealousies, leading to disunion. You say it ought not to produce such lesults. We see, however, it does, it will, it must. In effect, it simply demands a reconsideration of the original com- pact, by renewing one of the most vexing questions set- tled in the compromise. The South is united in support of their own institutions. The abolitionists are united against them. The contest now is to gain the great mass of the people at the North, intelligent and patriotic, who have hitherto opposed these mad schemes. They will turn the scale. If they maintain their ground, all may 5 et be quiet. But let the abolitionist gain them, and the ground will be changed. The line will be drawn from east to west, and the contest will be between the North and the South. Such, sir, is "the issue." And now, if, as some says, it " deserves little regard," — if it " cannot have much in- fluence on the well informed," — if it " betrays great ignor- ance of the true ground of controversy," — if it "gives the religious statistics of South Carolina, the city of New- York and of Maine to prove that the slav.-ry of the South involves no sin," — if it "is the apologist of slavery, or of mobs and violent acts of lawless men ; — then, indeed, I *' know not what spirit I am off," nor what I affirm. But IfiTTERS ON SLAVERlP. ^S if " the issue" shows the regular and necessary result of the measures now pursued by the abolitionists ; if the necessary action of those measures is to curse the slave with a heavier bondage, and to throw us back into the original elements of dissevered states, with a spirit of bit- terness and jealousy that shall beget eternal enmity,— if this be its point, then " the issue"'' is precisely what I in- tended it should be ; — it presents the true issue to the deliberate consideration of those who are now urged to join the abolition cause ; it presents the naked question, "the true ground of controversy" between the abolitionists and their opposers, and will be contemplated by few with- out emotion. Let none be so blind as to suppose that if the abolition cause, as now made, goes down, the fetters of the slave are irreversibly rivetted. The reverse is the fact. Noth- ing but the defeat of the abolitionists can prevent the worst of evils to the slave. The real friends of the slaves are at the South. Here, the argument must be made. Here, by consent of the master, the slave must be freed, if freed at all. When that, which is considered by the slaveholders a piratical crusade against their property, shall cease at the North, then the argument will be re- vived at the South, in our halls of legislation, and by slave- holders themselves. And the success of the argument here must give freedom to the slave, or he is irreversibly a slave, unless the "figure" is dropt and the "sword is drawn" in reality. g This, sir, is what I fear, what I deprecate, what as a citizen, a parent, a Christian, especially a Christian min- ister, I will ever oppose with my voice, my influence, my prayers, with my latest breath. This is the real point embraced in " the issued If the attitude in which I have endeavored to place that issue, shall lead to the clear ap* prehension and deliberate consideration of it, I shall not fear a prevalence of the abolition doctrine. There is, however, one position you have taken in re- gard to the resolution of the Anti-Slavery Society offerer by Mr. Thompson, to which, perhaps you still think ) ought to accord my assent. You say, " the resolution doe^ not by any fair principle of interpretation affii'm any thiri^ 8* 84 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. more than a general fact. But it does affirm that as a general fact,, as a hody^ the slaves in this Christian land are left to perish itithout the Bible and the miiiistry of the Gos- pel. And I ask if we are not fully borne out in this state- ment by the testimony of the Synod of Kentucky ^ If a general fact may thus be stated, and even if this could be fairly shown to be one of them, still I ask, in my turn, if it becomes the Anti-Slavery Society, at such a time, and on such a subject^ when engaged in a warm contest with the South, to speak thus wide of the excep- tions in the case 1 Suppose we should hold a meeting here and Resolve, — " that the practice of suffering one sixth part of the white population of the North to perish destitute of the ministry of the Gospel is inconsistent with the profession of zeal for the conversion of the world," — would not the general fact be numerically correct ? Undoubtedly, But Avould it be wise ? Would it do any good 1 Would it not be regarded as invidious^ sectional, unjust, especially if ac- companied wiih a phillipic against the North, full of exag- geration, uttered by a foreigner 1 Again, suppose we should form a resolution of like import against the manufacturing populaticn of the North, and insist that although they are constitutionally protected, yet the business and employment are wrong in principle and must be abandoned. You ask for Scripture authority, as wx claim no civil power to interfere. ^V'e take the broad and indisputable ground that no man can be at lib- erty to pursue any business which necessarily interferes with moral purity and jeopards his salvation or that of those employed in his business. You admit the principle but deny its application, and refer to high Scripture au- thority. " Tubal Cain was an instructor of every arti- ficer of brass and iron," and Paul was a maker of tents, &c. We still argue that manufactures are necessarily of immoral tendency, and the inmates of those establish- ments depraved. In proof of this, v.-e introduce some Mr. Thompson from Great Britain, who bears his pub- lic testimony in Charleston to the fact ; and docr;ments are introduced from the Synod of Ulster in Ireland to prove that according to their personal observation in their Dis- LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 85 trict it is so, and what is true there must be true every- where else. Here is the end of the demonstration. We write under Mr. Thompson's argument, Q. E. D. and there is no more to be said. What now are your assu- rances that in all your manufacturing establishments there are Bible Societies and a staged ministry ? The thing is proved. There is the testimony of the : /nod of Ulster; and there is Mr. Thompson's speech. You are an inter- ested witness. You live at the North. You were "alto- gether born in sin," or have lived there " eight or ten years," — "just long enough to become so familiar with the loathsome features of manfactories, that they cease to offend." All j^ou can say, therefore, only " proves the blinding influence, under which you have been placed." It has a very "blinding influence" to see both sides of a subject. Or suppose we should hold a great southern convention at Charleston, and adopt a similar resolution in regard to commerce and the 1,000,000 tons of shipping and the 50.000 seamen employed in American ships. The same course of reasoning might be presented on both sides ; — but we make out our moral demonstration and require you to seal up your ports, and burn your shipping on your do- mestic hearths, and take home your sailors. Every fam- ily can manufacture its ovvm clothing and articles of domestic use — and as for our cotton, why let England come and get it. She may take care of her own sins in this as well as in her slavery. She is a magnanimous nation and our Tnoiher country will no doubt do right to ail parties. Mr. Thompson says so. Now, sir, without any collusion, suppose all this should literally occur. What then ? Would not the Yankees say that the South were only jealous of their growing prosperity, that it was simply a traffiic opposing spirit. Would they not assign the worst of motives to those who thus should invade their purse strings, and would tl cy not unite as one man, all parties, to put down this dictation ? Could there be any othereffectthanadisastrousone,if such a course were prosecuted, and the South should become united in it 1 Would you not call it madness, the fruit of wicked and bitter jealousy, envy and revenge ? Such i^ 86 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. the effect of the resolution in question of the Anti-Slave* ry Society and similar operations. They awaken sec- tional prejudices and unite the South against a northern interference. They are assigned to the worst of motives, and create a reaction in favor of the very system which you aim to everthrow. You shut yourselves out from any further salutary moral influence on the South. You can approach the South on this subject no more, and no nearer, and with no more eftecn than the South could approach the North in the cases just supposed, and in reference to the subjects there brought to view. The South is just as much convinced that the action at the North on the sub- ject of slavery is the dictate of unworthy motive, as the North could be, were the opposite cases supposed to lite- rally transpire. Some indeed attribute it to fanaticism, while others pronounce it the effect of envy, jealousy or political ambition. We often lose much, my dear sir, by resting on one side, and refusing to change our positions. In this way it often happens that good and conscientions men become very inveterate in error. They knoic that they are right, even when in egregious error. This we have seen in men as good, liberal and conscientious as ourselves. And this should always make us extremely jealous of ourselves with a godly jealousy. The same shield may be both brass and iron according to the position from which the witness views it, — one side may be brass, the other iron. It may also for the same reason be either opaque or bright. One side may present a sombre bronze, the other a pol- ished mirror dazzling with its brightness. A change of position presents the difference, and of course would en- tirely change the testimony of a witness respecting the same object. So it may be with the subject of slavery as well as others. I testify to what I have seen. Do any,, who have occupied the same position testify differently ? We should be slow to condemn one another, for differ- ences for Avhich a reason may be found. Again, I have been giving testimony to one class of facts. There are others, which should not be overlooked in formins an estimate of the real condition of the slave.. Here is not a singular exercise of authority without op- LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 87 pression, of poverty without suffering, of ignorance with- out vice. They are all found in this slave country. But what I affirm is, that there is no greater amount of op- pression, suffering and vice than exist generally among the extreme poor, and less than are found among the Afri- can race in almost all other conditions. You have, in one of your communications, almost as a matter of course, run into the usual strain of declamation against the tears, and sweat, the whips and clanking chains, cennected with slavery. I say again they find but limited application here, and within the circle of my personal observation. My most favorable representations refer to the condition of those slaves employed in domestic labors, and those on the smaller plantations. They substantially apply, however, to all within my acquaintance. The greatest abuses are almost always on the larger plantations. Here, as every where, the rich are apt to oppress the poor, and " fall into temptation and a snare and many hurtful lusts, that drown men in destruction and perdition," LETTER XII. Rev. Professor Smyth : Dear Sir, — Although I have granted your argument going to prove that the religious slaves of South Carolina ought to be "immediately, unconditionally and forever emancipated," in order that I might thus show you some of the difficulties in which you would find yourself involved, still I think there are many objections to your demand, besides the resistance of their owners, which you would meet at the threshold. And although you have made the demand with great confidence, and " without fear of con- tradiction," I will venture to suggest a few opposing thoughts for your grave consideration. The general positions, from which your reasonings proceed, may be resolved into these two : First, the slaves have an original, inalienable right to their freedom ; — and secondly, in view of other sentiments advanced, you as- sume that these 45,000 religious slaves are prepared for freedom. Some of your principles I entirely reject, and much of your reasoning and conclusions need to be modi- fied. . You say that " liberty is the birth-right of every human ' being." That is true, but not absolutely. Now I say dependence is the birth-right of every human being. Into this state we are all born. Some never recover them- selves from it. This dependence is of difi'erent degrees. So is liberty. All are not free alike and cannot be, even should the Liberator succeed in destroying all civil gov- ernments as " so many conventional expedients to gratify human selfishness, retaliation and power." No state of nature has brought to men full liberty, perfect indepen- LETTERS ON SLAVERY. BQ dence of one another. Nor can it. Your principle, as a mere abstraction, is worth nothing. Carry it through the whole theory of governments, and it is an abstraction still. The moment you apply it, it becomes a practical rule, and as such, must be adapted to the constitution of man. If you can learn nothing in the practice of government, you are driven to the positions of Mr. Garrison,.and that is anarchy. Is there no slavery there ? There are perhaps 20,000 members of the Christian church in the United States, yet in the minority. Can it be possible that these 20,000 of Christ's family on earth, who will reign witli him forever, should be unfit to exer- cise the rights of freemen, the rights to acquire and hold property, to vote, to marry, and give themselves in mar- riage, to hold public office 1 None will deny they are as well qualified to exercise all these rights as the slaves generally are. Ought they not to be "immediately, un- conditionally, and forever emancipated ?" By the princi- ples of the Liberator, they ought to be. Who would con- trol a free-born mind? Who, but himself, shall determine wheri he shall exercise his rights ? True, an old book says "children obey your "parents" — and "let every soul be subject unto the higher powers — whosover resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God." But then the same book also says, "servants, obey in all things your masters." But these are antiquated notions in modern codes, and are only " so many conventional expedients to gratify human selfishness, retaliation and power." For- give me, dear sir, for following so far the legitimate con- sequences of the principles you advocate, or excuse in the advocacy of others. I tremble at the temerity of the times, at the recklessness of men, who have not been wont to throw a loose rein on hazardous and doubtful ex- periment. Although not old, I am sure I have seen the day when such sentiments in the church in New Eng- land would meet with universal execration, and bring down on their advocates any thing but patronage and sup- port. Again, here are thousands of Christian men in the United States, lately arrived, who are foreigners, not per- mitted either to hold public office or to vote, and who suf- 90 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. fer other disabilities as aliens. Ought they not to be "immediately, unconditionally forever emancipated?" — Why should they be restrained of their liberty? Why disfranchised 1 Why, in any respect, under disabilities to acquire or hold property ? Are they not men, whose " birth-right is liberty ?" Was not Abraharn a slaveholder ? Were not the chosen people of God extensively, slaveholders 1 Were not the early Christians, some of them, slaveholders 1 And ought they not "immediately, unconditionally and forever to have emancipated slaves V^ Ought they not to have been taught so to do by those, on whom they depended for in- struction in duty ? Yet is it not quite singular that they were taught how to treat their slaves, and were not taught to emancipate them "immediately." If it be said that the sabbatical year and the jubilee brought them their free- dom, this very argument proves the existence of slavery, and it also proves that '■^immediate emancipation''' was not THE TRUE DOCTRINE. And notwithstanding these sep- tennial liberations, there always were slaves under the Jewish polity. Paul is very explicit, not only in enforcing obedience on the slave, but in opposing the doctrine of abolitionism. Hear him to Timothy vi. 1 — 5: "Let as many servants as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy of all honor and do them service . These things, teach and exhort. If any man teach otherwise he is proud, knowing nothing, but doting about questions and strifes of words, whereof cometh envy, strife, railings, evil surmisings, perverse disputings, &c." See also Titus ii. 9—14. To whatever extent we might agree on some parts of this subject, we differ, " toto celo^'' in the application of your principle, that " liberty is the birth-right of every human being." And yet you perceive that I do not differ more widely from you than you differ from Abraham, and the other patriarchs, and ancient men of God. Not more than you differ from Paul and Peter, and Him, who taught them to teach others. You affect to despise the liberality of the South in the cause of Christian benevolence ; while they " bring their Letters on slavery. 91 gifts to thealtar,^^ "wrung," you say, "from the tears and sweat of the slave." And did the Jews leave their lambs and new wine at the altar, and first go and emancipate their slaves before they offered their gifts ? Did those of Macedonia and Achaia, before they forwarded their con- tributions to Jerusalem ? Abraham, I believe, sometimes made an offering to the Lord, " wrung," doubtless, " from the tears and the sweat of the slaves," which were "born in his house, ox bought with his money." Yet Abraham, my dear sir, was blest, and he was made a blessing. He was blest by Melchisedec, that eminent type of Christ, priest of the most high God, — blest in the very act of paying to him, as a religious offering, a "tenth part of all," ^^ ivrung from the tears and sweat of his slaves ;" yea, and that offering, the spoils of a battle, ^vhich Abram ^ad just gained over Chedorlaomer and the kings that were with him, at the expense of the "tears and sweat" and blood of those very slaves. More than all this, Abraham was blessed of God as a master, commanding his children and household : and who shall curse him, whom the Lord has blest ? Other slaveholders, his successors, were blessed of God. Slaveholders in later times were blessed of God, taught by holy men, who were inspired and sent for that purpose. Slaveholders now are blessed of God; yea, some of them are made a blessing to others, to their slaves, to the church, to the world. And who is he, that will pro- nounce the curse on those, whom the Lord has blest? But religious slaves you think must be prepared for free- dom, and therefore, their freedom may be demanded. Not so fast, my dear sir. I cannot admit that. They may be prepared to do well as free men, and still a state of slavery may be better for them. This opinion has been adopted by some slaves themselves, who after a trial have return- ed to their masters, begging the privilege to be taken again under their protection. LETTER Xfir. Rev. Professor Smyth : Dear Sir, — You express your surprise that in the premises I have made out a case no more favorable for the slave, You say of me — "I expected him to affirm that the slave in South Carolina at least, is not. either by penal enactments or the general practice of the master, excluded from all knowledge of letters, and by necessary consequence, from all direct access to it. I expected he would have shown us the home of the slave, the family assembled around the domestic altar, the book of God open before them, and the Christian father reverently reading therefrom to his listening household. And as a proof, which might be known of all men, I expectedhim to declare that in the recent effort to supply every family in our land with a Bible, the poor slave, in this great work of mercy, was not of necessitity passed by. But does Mr. Baily furnish any such evidence as this ? No. All that he brings in support of his affirmation is, that the slaves of South Carolina are less destitute of the volume of revela- tion than five million Catholics of Ireland, and that to a great extent, they receive the pure word by oral imstruction." Now, my dear sir, however gratifying it might have been to me to fulfil your expectations to the utmost, I ara sure you Avill neither hold me responsible for the failure, nor seriously pretend that I have not redeemed my pledge. I have, at least, done all that I proposed to do when I bring in support of my afirmation, proof that the slaves of South Carolina are less destitute of the volume of revela- tion than the Catholics of Ireland ; and that to a great extent, they receive the pure word hy oral instruction^ The first part of this proof was intended to show that Mr. Thomp- son was looking at a " woie" through a " beam ;" and the last part was adduced to prove that the slaves of South Lt;TTERS ON SLAVERY. 93 Carolina, although less favored than most of us, might de- sire, were still furnished with the best kind of instruc- tion, the pure word by oral instruction. Passing any comparist)n of our slaves with the free blacks of New England, or with the poor of other coun- tries, in which it perhaps might be shown that we are not '• sinners above all," — I deem it proper to call your atten- tion, Professor Smyth, to the subject of oral instructiony so often made the object of sneer, but in the enjoyment of which, I say our slaves have the best kind of instruction ; and w^ere you to furnish them with all oth^r, omitting this, they still would lack the best. How prone we are to slight, and undervalue, and ne- glect the pvivikges we have, in a vain impatience for those we shall never attain ! Like fretful children, we dash the full cup from our lips because, though w^holesome, it is not filled with luxuries to the surfeit. But surely, if any doubt the value of oral instruction, it will not be called in question by a college Professor. You know, sir, that it is the approved way, in which the greater part of the most valuable instruction is, and always has been impart- ed, more efficient, and more valuable than any other, per- haps than all other. The living instructor presents truth the most clearly, and ahvays with explanation, if need be ; he aw^akens thought, and furnishes the most power- ful incentives to keep the mind awake. It always has been, and ahvays must be principally relied upon as the great instrument of education. Why then should it be counted as a thing of naught, then and then only, when it is brought to the relief of the slave, to whom it is tre- bly valuable and peculiarly suited ? Can you tell, sir ? Why this inveterate opposition to his most efficient in- struction in the most efficient way? Jesuitical cunning might be suspected of concealing its deadly enmity under such a ruse, but with those honest minds, who are em- ployed in decrying our labors, and interrupting our benev- olent plans for the instruction of the slaves, a just liberali- ty has very properly given it the name of fanaticism. Do you know the way, sir, in which the instruction of our slaves is conducted 1 Permit me to give you as a specimen, a brief account of the school which was held lander my superintendance the last year. The blacks 94 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. were assembled in the church immediately after the after- noon service. They were divided into classes of from four to six, with an intelligent teacher to each class. The text book is Jones' doctrinal catechism, which com- prises a full system of theological instruction, with a practical application of the doctrines, accompanied with Scripture proofs. The teacher first states the proposition or doctrine ; each one of the class repeats it until it is fixed in the mind. They are then questioned and con- versed with until they are made to understand the terms of the proposition. The proof text from the pure icord of God is then repeated until they commit it to memory vei^- hatim. Then, comes its practical application. At the close, the superintendent recapitulates the lesson, with practical instructions, and exhortation, singing, and prayer. This lesson is the subject of their meditation during the week, and of their recitation on the next Sab- bath — when they receive a new lesson as before. Some of my reasons for regarding this as the best kind of in- struction for them, and far better than a reading ability, I will now state. First, it interests them. This proves to be the fact. The school, the conversation, the mutual comparison of thought, conflict of opinion under wise and competent teachers gain their attention, and interest them.. Secondly, it excites the mind, awakens thought and keeps- that attention alive. The lesson now taught is to be re- cited the next Sabbath. Each is anxious to understand it. It becomes a subject of conversation through the week, at evening, morning, in the house, in the field, in the little groups that assemble at a leisure hour. I have been deeply interested to find them through the week seeking explanation from their masters, mistresses or children of the family, on the absorbing subject of their next Sabbath lessons. If the practical effect of this plan could be ftdly known, I do not entertain a doubt that it would disarm the opposition of the abolitionists as well as of the wicked men, who oppose it here. I have never known it opposed here, Avhen fully understood, except by rank infidels, and "for the Gospel's sake."^ I firmly believe that if many Christians, privileged and lettered, whose Bibles lie neglected, could be reduced to an entire dependance on oral instruction, they would soon LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 95 advance in religious knowledge and experience. How many there are in our refined society, yea in the church of Christ, who depend entirely on the oral instructions of the Sabbath, who never open their Bibles from one Sab- bath to the next ! How extensively this is the fact, espe- cially among the poor, and laboring classes, every atten- tive pastor is able with a bleeding heart to testify. I am not decrying letters. I only say, and say confidently, that in oral religious instruction, our slaves have the best. I do not say that it would be undesirable they should read the Bible, bat I do confidently say, that reading it as a substitute for their present instructions, would be a calamity, a loss to them. Here, they have the pure word of God, the most important part of it, proof texts, trea- sured in their memories, with a commentary, the best com- mentary apprehended to each text. The great doctrines are few and simple. Children may understand them. The rules of life are reduced in the Scriptures, to very few propositions. Better have them understood and ap- plied, than laboring libraries, and lumbering tomes of spe- culative learning. Oral instruction is competent to lead in the way of salvation. There was no Bible, nor any portion of a Bible — unless Genesis is supposed to have been compiled from preexisting documents — until Moses was called A. M. 376.3. All this time, religious truth was communicated solely by oral instruction. So Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob trained up their families, and their slaves in the fear of God. They and the Israelites through their whole his- tory had many pious servants. And piety among masters and servants was just as great as it has ev^er been since. In David's time the Jews had not half our present Bi- ble ; nor even half of the Old Testament. Christianity was propagated by oral teaching, and not by books. Some churches, for a long time had no por- tion of the Christian Scriptures, and others, who lived in secluded situations, obtained portions of the New Testa- ment gradually. Even in those places most favorably sit- uated. Hug thinks that the full collection of the Cliris- tian Scriptures was made in the second century under Trajan. In the times of Origen, Jerom, Eusebius, many 9* 96 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. particular books of the New Testament were not received by some of the churches, and their claims to an inspired origin were doubted. According to Eusebius, the Epistles of James and Jude, the second of Peter, the second and third of John the Epistle to the Hebrews and the Apoca- lypse were the anti-legomena. All Christians, students excepted, obtain most of their religious knowledge by oral instruction. In adaptation to the constitution and circumstances of man, God has ap- pointed that sinners shall be in this Way brought to a knowledge of the truth and edified, by the "foolishness of preaching." By oral instruction, too, men learn their oc- cupations, in mechanics, husbandry and the various arts. And there are many men shrewd, contriving, judicious and successful in enterprise, who cannot read nor write. Oral instruction, rightly employed, is an adequate means of communicating instruction. So Socrates, Zeno and Pythagoras taught : so Homer, and all the bards : so He- rodotus and all the historians. Yes sir — by talking^ HEARING, and THINKING the greatest, most intellectual and polished of all nations, old Greece, was raised to her un- equalled eminence. So much, sir, for oral instruction, which it is not my design to magnify, but to save from misrepresentation, to rescue from affected contempt, and, for the benefit of our college halls and of truth ; to crown with merited re- spect in the pulpit its appropriate seat, in the Bible class, the professor's chair, the Lyceum, and family circle. If in the hands of the Roman priesthood it has been per- verted, and magnified beyond its merits, — so have books ; and under their fostering care, what has not ? If oral in- struction has been made ex cathedra, to perA'^ert and cripple the truth, yet who does not know that, in all countries, it is the herald and defence of liberty, giving freedom to- thought, and contibuting to the diffusion of knowledge? While in the use of this most efficient nieans of in- struction, and diligently employed with our schools for the slaves, a specimen of which I have already furnished, we have been suddenly arrested by a terrible commotion of the political elements. The quietude, and benevolent operations of the sanctuary are invaded and broken up. LETTERS OX SLAVERY. 9? Our slaves are sent home. We are interrupted, and oui" schools suspended. Why ? Because abolitionists pro^ nounce oral instruction inadequate, and undertake to change the prescription. Public indignation is excited against them. They are turned out of doors, and in the tumult, delay, and mutual ill blood, the patient dies of no- lect. Where lies his blood 1 O, sir, you may be an abo- litionist in Brunswick, and be saved. But with what I know, your sin to me would be damning. I speak what I feel, " more in sorrow than in anger." My heart bleeds over the miseries, moral desolations, and spiritual death, w^hich the operations of your society have spread over these lields w^hich we had just entered, and prepared for the harvest. Can your hands, by no means, be stayed ? I do not say that all is doing, or ever has been done for the religious instruction of the slaves, which ought to be done. But a fair beginning had been made, and but for the interposition of the abolitionists of the North, I do not hesitate to say, the slaves of this and the Atlantic neigh* boring states would now be generally enjoying a course of efficient and systematic instructions. I cannot but re- gard the failure as a melancholy instance of human frail- ty, showing a device of the devil in stirring up the bad passions of good men to prevent the very thing they desire. Nine years ago, I came into this state and found the public mind waking up to the duty of giving religious in- struction to the slaves. Although systematic plans were not then extensively matured, yet individual eiforts v/ere attended every where with valuable results. A cate- chism, suited to the colored population, was published and brought into use by one of the most influential minis- ters of Charleston in 1828. These facts, v/ith many others, w^hich might be mentioned, reaching still farther back, clearly show that the South began to av^ake to ac- tion on the subject while the abolitionists were yet in deep slum.ber. These aroused themselves long after the sun had risen, and with eyes yet but half opened, have been to this hour tugging at the wrong wheel, and trig- ging the other. It must be " blindness in part," with many of them. They are not bad men. Yet I am ready to ask^ when will they begin to see ? LETTER XIV. Rev. Professor Sjiyth '. Dear Sir, — When we assure you that you are doing incalculable injury to the cause of the slave, and entreat you to let us alone, you insist that the liberty of speech and of the press is invaded, that ice dare not speak the truth, and that in spite to the truth the slaveholder makes your fidelity the excuse for inflicting injustice on the slave. I will admit that these views may be sincerely expressed, for I knoAv that objects are very much modified in form, size, and every aspect, by the position we occupy, and the medium through which they are seen, as well as by the moral, intellectual, and even physical frame, under which our judgment acts. I will not, therefore, say that the abolitionists are maliciously the enemies of the slaves, liars against their brethren of the South, and uncharitable bigots, because they say and do such things. I will say they are mistaken, and if you will give me a candid hear- ing, I Avill show you that they are so. 1. In regard to liberty of speech and of the press, I think it is not true that the South are unfriendly to the full and free exercise of it, nor have they ever invaded it under any form, which lays them liable to this charge. That this liberty is freely enjoyed by southern men in speaking and writing on the agitating subject of slavery, I may refer you for proof to the Report of the committee of the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia in 1833, and the Essay of Rev. C. C. Jones, of the same year on the moral and religious condition of our colored population, from both of which you have quoted. Is there, in the fiinnals of the A.nti-Slavery Society, any thing more bold, LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 99 explicit, and uncompromising than the language of these documents? You will say, there is nothing. Those pa- pers, then, are a fair specimen of the language and man- ner, in which the subject is spoken and written upon here. You will say, the abolitionists themselves have said noth- ing worse of slavery, and nothing better for truth. Very well. What then 1 Why it proves that we can say to one another what you cannot say to us. That we can do among ourselves, what you cannot do. Is this strange ? Not at all. You have some neighbors, who are your com- petitors in business. Their jealousy, or prejudice, or other unworthy causes have rendered all your sympathies un- welcome, and every kind office impossible. What do you do ? You will not insist en mocking their feverish sensi- bility. Grant them entirely in the wrong and you entirely in the right, yet you v»dll not persist in a public exercise of your benevolence while they grow worse and worse under it. No, — I think you would, under the exercise of Christian prudence, and Gospel love, do like my neighbor, who offered to a very needy but proud man, once his rival in better days, a wagon load of corn from the harvest field. It was rejected with w^onted disdain, and that too, while his family were suffering at home. My neighbor, w^hom I am sure you would desire to imitate, did not thrust the corn down his throat ; — he immediately went to a known confidential friend of this poor man, and procured his kind and acceptable offices in passing over the same load of corn to the relief of the same needy family. He enjoyed then the luxury of doing good, although another was made the almoner of his bounty. You wall admire not only the be- nevolence but the prudence and efficient zeal of this ben- efactor. He was right and the beneficiary was vvrong. " Snch is our God, and such are w^e," on whom he makes his sun to rise, and the rain to descend. Bear v^ith me, my brother, if I exhort you in this matter to imitate the divine example, so commendably practiced in the anec- dote, by w^hich I have just sought to enforce it, and to which I could furnish names of persons if it were prudent. If you cannot speak and write profitably on the duties of the slaveholder here, let us do it. You are not excluded by any spirit unfriendly to the freedom of speech, but if 100 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. you please to say so, by a sinful prejudice. If your dying neighbor will not receive a remedy from your hand, don't let him die, let another hand administer the cup. But I cannot permit even the injustice here implied to be done to the South. There is another reason why we can speak with a freedom on this subject, which yow can- not use. It is this — Wc speak the truth, unmixed with those errors into which, on this subject, you are constant- ly, though unconsciously betrayed. We shape our argu- ment intelligently to the facts in the case. There is, therefore, no misapprehension of our words, motives, or true action. Hence, we are perniitted to speak when you cannot. Our words are like oil on troubled Avaters, while yours are like borean blasts, which lash the troubled waters into rage. But let us turn to history. Does that record any facts, which go to prove the South unfriendly to the liberty of speech or of the press ? I think not. The South never opposed the discussion of this subject in any of the ordi- nary forms of discussion. 'They never have said that the people of the North might not discuss it among themselves in any form they pleased. They never opposed the ordi- nary circulation of those discussions in the ordinary way at the South, Newspapers containing them came to sub- scribers as usual. Or if some quietly withdrew their pat- ronage from those prints professedly devoted to abolition- ism, others from cvuiosity, or a desire of information, or for other reasons sent on their subscription. The ordinary course of things was pormitted to proceed. What then have the South done ; I wdll tell you. When the Aboli- tion Society, assuming that the slavery of the southern states ought to cease and shall cease immediately, proceed- ed to raise large sums of money to accomplish this object; when they in 1833 — 4, had expended these funds in pub- lications of a character most offensive in language, illib- eral in spirit, and untrue in fact, as the slaveholders assert andbelie\e; when these publications were thrown into the South by every avenue that was open, both public and private ; w^lien the country thus became literally flooded with them, and they were picked up in every direction, and by persons of every class; — then, and not till then, Lettehs on slavery. l6l tlie South took the ground that a special exigency had ar- rived, which called for prompt and extraordinary action. They believed the pamphlets incendiary, their firesides in- vaded, their property, lives, and liberties in danger — and under this conviction, deep and strong, the laws were in several instances suspended, while they uttered the dec- laration and made it to be heard on the other side the Potomac — " You shall not speak and write to us and appear among us in this way.'''' This is the front of their offend- ing. I will not now stop to prove that they had good reason to assign the particular character to the exigency which they did, or to justify their course even if this po- sition were established. What I say is, that these were the circumstances and convictions under which they act- ed, and not from an unfriendliness to '■'■freedom of speech or the press." They acted as men are accustomed to act whenever you furnish them with similar circumstances, whether at the North or the South, the East or West. The South, therefore, have not shown themselves opposed to "the freedom of speech and of the press," as that lib- erty is understood and practiced in our "country of laws." 2. That we dare to speak, and write and publish the truth on the subject of slavery as well as others, I need only to refer you again to published documents of our ec- clesiastical bodies, published sermons of our ministers, the newspapers of the day, the conversation every where publicly held, and the discourses from our pulpits through the land. These are the only competent witnesses in the case, and it seems to me they are decisive, unless it be necessary to make our daring meritorious. 3. It has been sometimes said that the fidelity of the abolitionists increases the burdens of the slave, and there- fore the master is doubly criminal. Not, my dear sir, the fidelity of the abolitionists but their imprudence, to use the least offensive term. Self-preservation is a law of nature, and while the master continues to hold his slaves, he will provide for his ov/n safety, at every expense. The course pursued by the abolitionists does, in the opinion of the master, endanger his own safety and interests, and, there- fore, he abridges the privileges of the slave for his own protection. Who then is in fault ? The increased op- 103 liEtfERS ON SlAV£Ry» pression suffered by the slave, the curtailment of his priv- leges, his prolonged bondage are all the necessary and only result of your benevolence and persevering obstinacy in a mistaken course. Here I have ever been the advo- cate and defender of the abolitionists against indiscrimi- nate and uncharitable impeachment of their motives. I can easily conceive how benevolent and pure minds, under the influence of false or exaggerated pictures of distress, could adopt the principles and practice of the abolition society, but how those same minds can now persevere in the cause, I find is not so easy to concede. The conse- quences, evil and only evil heretofore, necessarily evil in perpetuity, lie at the door of the abolitionists. So we sincerely believe. So will an awful catastrophe, I fear, pronounce, unless you change your course. LETTER XV. Rev. Professor S.myth : Dear Sir, — I have addressed to you these letters, now to be brought to a close under a deep sense of duty, and with the hope that I might contribute to suppress or mitigate what I deem a great evil. Such, in my appre- hension, is the present spirit of abolitionism in all its bearings on the social, political, and religious interests of our country. Such it must be in it=iissue as now made, if prosecuted, and especially if successful. That issue, I must entreat you to review and consider Avell. It is an issue of blood, in the disruption of political bonds, compact, and plighted faith. It is the dismemberment of our Union, the violation of constitutional law, order and political existence. For all this, it is the substitution of anarchy, misrule and licen- tiousness. Who is prepared for it ? Does your benevolence burn, and are your desires irre- pressible to do good to the African race, and to redress their wrongs ? I, too, am their friend^ I claim a fellow feeling, and perhaps am not beliind you in a present devo- tion to their interests. My feelings are active, aud live in actions, which are always louder than words, and those actions are in contact with their object. Do you ask for an object on which to expend your benevolence in acts of love ? I answer. First, seek those who are around you and dwell by you. Do them good. Redeem from ig-no- rance and vice the black men of Maine. If I mistake Hot the spirit of Gospel benevolence, it is appropriately,, if not intentionally, expressed by the poet. " Friend, parent, neighbor, first it will embrace,. '^His country Jiext , and next all human race*"' 10 106 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. Vv''hen you have set in operation suitable means for the relief and benefit of those around you, then in the true missionary spirit, go abroad. • Avoiding scrupulously all interference with politics, and the civil institutions of every community, with true apostolic zeal and prudence, seek out the black man wherever you can find access to him to do him good. Especially seek him in the native land where he lives in thick, deep and damning darkness, depravity and moral ruin. Seek to cicvaie the race. Until you do this, you may clip the branches, but the root will be vigorous still. Why is Africa emphatically the land of slavery, and the Africans a race of slaves ? Not because two millions of her sons are in bondage here.. This is numerically a small fraction in the aggregate of African slavery. It is be- cause Africa, with a population of one hundred millions has the system of slavery pervading the whole country, and embracing, perhaps, one half its whole population. It is because, as a race^ the Africans are sunk in igno- rance, degradation and vice. It is because, in this con- dition, they cannot govern themselves, nor form any ele- vated standard of conduct and character. Do you suppose it would be possible to make slaves of any portion of our American Anglo-Saxon race ? No. And why ? Because the race is elevated above it, and know how to assert and estimate their liberty. Let but half a dozen common sailors, let even one of our hum- blest citizens be made a galley slave, and the whole race is united to liberate him. Does Africa do this 1 No. She is the maker of slaves, subjugating her own sons. She is properly the great mart, where they are sold for transportation to other and distant countries. To a great extent, therefore, the transfer of Africans to this country did not make them slaves — it only changed^ the place of their servitude. So far as they are seriously afiected by this change they are favorably affected. Who will denv that the slavery of this country is m.ore tolerable than the slavery of Africa. The most ignorant, degraded and vicious are the native Africans. The race here is intelli- gent, industrious and moral in almost exact proportion as their generations recede from the African stock. This, LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 107 though true, is not adduced and cannot avail to justify the slave trade, which is execra,ble and condemned by other facts, and principles of elementary rights. What then should we do ? What can we do ? I ansv/er. Elevate the race. This we can do. They are capable of it. This we oyglit to do. This is precisely and eminently the effect of the efforts made by the Colo- nization Society. They go to Africa. They plant the Gospel there. They erect hospitals. They establish schools, and found colleges. They seek to elevate and regenerate the race. Planting themselves between the slave ship and the slave, they interpose the laws of na- tions to interdict the trade. At the same time, they shed abroad the light and warmth of Gospel truth to soften and humanize the hearts of the Africans themselves, cultiva- ting among them the arts of life, and diffusing the bles- sings of civil and self government. This, too, is precisely the object of the " Maine Union in behalf of the colored race." They seek to " elevate the condition and promote the best interest of the free people of color to whom they can gain access" — and to effect the " final extinction of slavery, so soon as it can be done with the free will and consent of the slaveholder." A similar object is promoted by the whole system of instruction attempted in the slave states. This prepares for the blessings of freedom, those who may be set free by their masters, and makes that freedom an acceptable boon, while it mitigates the evils of slavery, if it does not entirely extinguish them, to those who are retained in slavery. What then will be the result ? Wliat the issue ? Why, let this system go on. Let Africa becom.e enlightened, christianized, redeemed from her present degradation at home. Let the race all over the Avorld, through the be- nevolent exertions of those, who love their species, be taught, enlightened and elevated. What then ? Can they be a nation of slaves ? They cannot. Their wrongs will be redressed. They Avill become " emancipated and free." If they are not amalgamated, — which " may hea- ven forefend," — they will be placed on a footing M'hh other enlightened and industrious poor. If slavery is not anni- 108 LETTERS ON SLAYERY. hilated, it will be modified, and be relieved of its op* pression. Now, what, on the other hand is the action of the Anti- Slavery Society ? The first thing they do is to place the men wdiom they would benefit, beyond their reach. Ther> by an abstraction, they would redeem two millions of Af- ricans to a w^orse condition than the present. They would annihilate at a stroke the Colonization Society, and extinguish the lights of life they have kindled alt along the coast of Western Africa. They would call away the Gospel heralds from Lil)eria, Cape Palmas, and Sierra Leone. They would annihilate the " Maine Un- ion," and theorise Africa and our southern slaves into good free men, and intelligent Christians. Was ever fanati- cism more palpably blind and fatal to its objects? 1 have now, sir, borne my testimony, and resisted the impeachment of it. This testimony was first given in an- swer to frequent inquires after the truth, and its defence, attempted in these letters addressed to you, is a just re- quital of the ingenuousness, which placed your proper signature to your communications. If I have been betray- ed into ill temper or unkind personalities in a single in- stance, it has been against my settled purpose, and re- mains still unperceived by me. I am not too blind, how- ever, to suspect myself of a liability to err in these respects. Debate, whether on principle or facts, is too apt to awaken, a spirit of acrimony, and end in bitter personalities. Thus, an impulse is received, which often drives to ex- tremes those, who commenced with candor. Under the distinct apprehension of these dangers, I determined to make my statements and retire. Nothing has changed this determination bnt a denial of the correctness of my statements under a responsible name. Having now con- firmed my former testimony, it is left to do its office. It is humiliating to refle'^t how much we are liable to- the influence of prejudice and passion, how distorted the truth may become in our own handling, or per- verted when looked at through the most correct paintings of others. Such facts should ever make us suspicious of ourselves ; since what is true of the species, must per- tain to the individuals of that species, and what is general LETTERS ON SLAVERY. 109 may attach unconsciously to ourselves. During a life not yet long, I have learned to fear the extremes almost inva- riably taken by parties under excitement, and to look with much charity on the acts of those who take them. During the operation of the " restrictive system," so called, under Mr. Madison's administration, I resided iu Fortlaiii, Tiivj v)Glitical parties were then in the highest state of excitement, and apparently ready for revolution. Social intercourse between them was almost broken up. Society was split, cleft asunder by the wedge of politi- cal rancor. Political integrity and common honesty were hardly awarded in the judgment of one man to his politi- cal opponents. The demon of discord was in the ascen- dant, and all was bitterness, sometimes even in the cup of a common table. Families were divided, children disin- Jierited, even the elements of a man's own spirit seemed to be turned to gall within him, pervadinghis entire thought, feeling and action. Too young then to receive the virus, though youth were not entirely exempted from the conta- gion — I looked on with more of the philosopher, perhaps, than some who had studied philosophy as a science. My observations, then made, have been of lasting benefit. The lapse of a few months made great alterations. A few more months changed the state of parties, formed wew combinations, joined new hands, and separated old attachments. Thus, witliin a period too short to prove the real reformation of a villian, these men, who lately acted under the most profound belief of each other's ras- cality were joined hands and hearts, and were soon *' nestling together heads and points, in the same truckle bed." The fact was, they were both honest, and when passion and prejudice had subsided, they both saw the truth. They all loved their country, and sought accord- ing to their judgment, its best interests. In the late political struggle on the tariff, I have re- sided in South Carolina. Here, we have had our " Union men," and "Nullifiers." The same excited feeling, pas- sion, prejudice, and bitterness have pervaded society and interrupted its harmony. Although now a man, yet being a minister of religion, I have never become a politician. Enjoying independently my own opinions, I have stood 110 LETTERS ON SLAVERY. aloof, having never yet, during a life of more than forty years, gone down to the ballot box, nor identified myself with a political party. I have, therefore, still been an observer. During the recent contest, I have sat at the table of one of my congregation, and heard the intelligent and respectable head of the family declare that he believed from his ulmost boul thu^ it was impossibls for a " Un- ion" to be either a Christian, an honest man, or a patriot. The next day, I dined with another member of my church of the opposite party, and in similar words of bitterness, and uncharitableness, he denounced the " nullifiers." Such was the general state of society and party feeling. Yet the lapse of two or three years has here also broken up these old parties, formed new ones, and entirely re- formed these rascals, who are now good men and true in the estimation of those, who were then their bitterest ene- mies. And yet they are the same men — all honorable, honest, lovers of the country, and ready to die for it. Such also is the state of parties on most of those sub- jects that go to make up the aggregate of an unparalled degree of excitement, which now disturbs the political elements, and moves the foundations of society. Even towards the abolitionists, in my apprehension the most unreasonable, the most inveterately obstinate and danger- ous of all, I have never permitted myself to entertain any sentiments but those of forbearance and charity. Although I have spoken freely of their errors, I have no doubt there is among them a great deal of true patriotism and moral honesty. I do not know a man among them, toward whom, on this account, I could decline society or Chris- tian fellowship. They are honest as a party, and there- fore are capable of reformation. I believe they will see their error, and the fanaticism will evaporate. In accord- ance with these sentiments, I have now only to express toward you my personal respect, and proffer you a broth- er's hand. R. W. Bailey. 10 BOOKS PtJBLISHED AND FOR SALE BY JOHN S. TAYLOR, THEOLOGICAL AND SUNDAY SCHOOL BOOKSELLER, BRICK CHURCH CHAPEL, CORNER OF PARK-ROW ANU NASSAU-STREET, OPPOSITE THB CITY-HALZ* NEW-YORK. SELECT REMAINS OF THE LATE WILLIAM NE- V[NS, D. D. with a Memoir. Price $1 00. From the New- York Weekly Messenger. Select Remains of the Rev. William Nevins, D. D., with a Memoir. — " The righteous shall be had in evcrlastmg remembrance." They erect for themselves a monument, enduring as the throne of God, imperishable as the crown of glory which bedecks the brow of him who is Lord of all. These ligiits of the \7orld are never extinguished ; but while their mortal remains are mouldering in the tomb, the recollection of their graces enkindles in those who remain, a flame of holy emulation and zeal. Such is, and will be the case, with respect to the lamented divine whose honored name stands £.t the head of this notice. Dr. Nevins was a man of eminent piety and great talent, a2id though he requested that no extended memoir of him might be attempted, yet it was never likely but that some account of him should he written and published. This has been done, and the usefulness of the work before us cannot fail to be co-extensive v/ith its circulation. The prominent features of Dr. Nevins' character are worthy of universal imita- tion. His talents and acquirements Vv'ere superior, his piety sincere, and his wis.lom practical. Humility and amiability, diligence and punctuality, were traits acknowledged by all who knew him. He was a powerful writer, and tliose productions of his pen which appear in this volume as " Select Re. mains," arc "as apples of gold in pictures of silver" — "words fitly spoken." In addition to all the excellencies with which this volume abounds, wo are happy to mention the neatness and beauty of its typography, the white- ness of the paper, and the exquisite delicacy of the beautiful likeness of Dr. Nevins with which the book is embellished. We shall cease to mention London books as standards of taste and elegance, if such volumes as this arc presented to us from a New York press and bindery. We recommend vliis work to universal attention. From the New-York Evangelist. Nezins' Reinains. — A ?vIemoir of the late Rev. William Nevins, with S&- bet Extracts from his unpublished writings. The public wore informed, at the time of Dr. Nevins' decease, that h». 3 ADVERTISEJIENTg. papers had been placed, by himself, in the hands of Rev, William Plumer^ lo he used at his discretion. The volume before us is the result, arid shows that the discretion ha.3 been uiscrecilj exercised. The memoir is brief, in decorous conformity to the expressed wish or the decesised. Tlie selections ai-e mostly paragraphs and short esdays, such as Dr. N. was accustomed to write for the papers. Probably none of our readers have yet to learn the character of Dr. Ne vins, as a Christian of rich experience, a pastor of tried fidelity, and a writer of religious essays unsuipassed in our day. To all his friends this volume will be a valuable momcnto. The pablishcr has spared no pains in the ex. ternal appearance of the book, wliicli is equal to tlie fmest productions of the English press. The portrait is very fine. From ihe New-York Observer. Select Remains of Rev. William Nevirjs, D. D., with a MeJnoir. — This valuable work has jast been publis!;e.l by Mr. John S. Taylor, corner of Park-row and Nassau-street. It is a liandsome octavo of 398 pages, con- taining a portrait engraved on steel. About 80 pages arc occupied with a biographical notice of Dr. Novins and extracts from his diary. From 1830 until 1835, they are given in an unbroken sericF. We have seldom read a diary v/ith deeper interest. It becomes richer and riclier in lieavenly thoughts as the author drew near the end of his earthly labors. Tiie book consists chiefly of selections from liis ur.paulislied v/ritings, which are replete with the purest and most exalted sentiments, expressed with simplicity, con- ciseness, and point. To all who have read Mr. Nevins' Essays in the New- York Observer, over the fjignatm-e of M. S. it is needless to remark upon the excellence and peculiar charm of his writings, which combine senten- tiousness and pungency v/ith deep and living piety. Tiie work may be recommended as useful in foriuinj.^and strengthening, and maturing the Christian graces. From the Newark Daily Advertiser, Select Remains of Rev. Williarn Nevins, D. D. with a Memoir. — An elegant octavo of 400 page-, with a spirited portrait from a pamting by In- man. The v.'ork Ls m all respects — pnpcr, print, hiiidir.g, contents — a l^eautlfiil memorial of an amiable and lamented divine, wJiose pure light ehone brightly in the church. Tiie memoir is brief and modest, consisting chiefiy of extracts from hio correspondence with his friends. The " Re- mains" comprise a great variety of extracts from Dr. Nevins' writings, con- taining his views on most leailing questions v/liich interest the attention of the christian world. After straining the ejc over the full and condensed pages of the popular publications of the day, wo experience great relief from the bold typography, open page, and clear broad margin of an old-fasliioned volume like this. The publisher has given us a noble specimen of his art. From the Conimercial Advertiser. Remains of Nevins. — John S. Taylor lias just published a large and ele- gantly printed and bound, 8vo, entitled " Select Remains of the Rev. Wm. Nevins, D. D., v;ith a Memoir." Tlie name of the author and compiler is not given , but he has executed Ids labor with excellent judgment and taste. The haemoir is a rapid sketch of the life of Dr. Nevins, for wliich, although ADVERTISEMENTS. 3 by no means devoid of interest, it appears that few materials had been pre- served. The " Select Remains" consist, for the most part, of short sketches and fragments of compositions, devout meditations, reflections, &,c. upon a great variety of religious and moral subjects, with a collection of select sentences, aphorisms, &c. &.c. found scattered among the papers of the deceased. Among these are many bright and beautiful thoughts, and the whole work is interspersed with such a rare spirit of meek and gentle piety as is but sel- dom to be found in the compositions of the best. He was a man who al- most literally " walked with God." From the American Citizen. Select Reviains of the Rev. William Nevins, D. D., with a Memoir. — This work (to adopt the language of the Newai'k Advertiser) is, in all re- spects — paper, print, binding, contents — a beautiful memorial of an amiable and lamented divine, whose pure light shone brightly in the Church. The memoir is brief and modest, consisting chiefly of extracts frojn his corres pondence with his friends. The " Remains" comprise a great variety of ex tracts from Dr. Nevins' v.ritings, containing his views on most leading ques- tions which interest the attention of the Christian world. The volume is an octavo of 400 pages, is printed on large open type, has a spirited likeness of the subject of the Memoir, painted by Inman, and en- graved by Paradise, and is otherwise well " got up.'' Though Dr. Nevins died young, his fame (if the word may be pardoned) as a preacher and writer, was wide spread, and we cannot but trust that the good taste and liberal spirit of the publisher, as evinced in this instance, will be duly appreciated and re- Avarded. Indeed, the public — the religious public especially — are much in- debted to Mr. Taylor for their previous acquaintance with the author of these Remains, through the " Practical Thoughts,''^ and the " Thoughts on Po- pery," the first of which works is every where read with pleasure, and both, it is hoped, with profit ; and they have doubtless prepared the way for the favorable reception of tlic present volume. Dr. Nevins v/rote mucli, and ail who read, will acknowledge tliat he wrote well. From the Evening Star. Select Remains of the Rev. William Nevins, D. D., with a Memoir. — The subject of this memoir was a pious and unpretending divine, in posses- sion of strong faculties and many great virtues. His life was one of great usefulness, and much of his time devoted to the relief of the distressed and the alleviation of the misfortunes of his brethren. The style in which this work is sent forth deserves the highest commendation. ' The type is large, full, and handsome, and tlie paper is v/hite, clear and lustrous, and presents a beautiful specimen of typographical neatness. From the Journal of Comnicrco. Memoir and Remains of Rev. Dr. Nevins, late of Baltimore. — An m- telligent friend who has read this work, (which we have not yet found time to do,) speaks of it as " a beautiful volume, and as useful as it is beautiful." He adds — " The Memoir is prepared by a judicious friend of the deceased, whose name is not given, and the Remains consists of short reflections on va- rious subjects of every day utility, for v^^hich the lamented author (alas ! too soon removed to his reward) was so celebrated. The mam^.er in which it is 4 ADVERTISEMENTS. got up, is very creditable to the publisher, Mr. John S. Taylor, of Park Row, Chatham street. We need such aids to reflection, and we hope our readers will patronize this book, and make themselves familiar with the precepts and example of the worthy disciple of our Savior." From the New-York American. Select Remains of the Rev. William Nevins, D. D., with a Memoir. — The life of a pious, unpretending, and zealous Clergyman, offers little out of which to make a book suited to the popular taste — but affection loves to per- petuate the memory of its objects, and affection has ushered forth this vol- ume, beautiful in its materials and typography, and well fitted to instruct, refine, and purify by its contents. The extracts from the diary of Dr. Nevins present him in a most favorable light, as a cheerful, humble and resigned clergyman — ^who found in the midst of severe domestic affliction that his religion was a reality, and that its pro- raises were not in vain. The greater part of the volume is made up of miscellaneous extracts on different subjects, all connected with religion, from the manuscript papers of Dr. Nevins. From the Philadelphia Gazette. Dr. Nevins. — We find upon our table a beautifully printed octavo volume, entitled " Select Remains of the Rev. William Nevins, D. D., \vith a Me- moir ;" and we obser\^e also, a well engraved likeness of the estimable subject of the Memoir. We found time to read only the Memoir and some of the " Remains." We share, we suppose, with most persons the pleasure of read- ing diaries, auto-biographical sketches, and short memoirs. I'hey open up the heart to the reader, and, as face answers to face in the glass, one finds his own heart beating responsive to the pulsations of his whose experience he is gathering. Dr. Nevins was a man of deep affections — ^while he seem, ed to direct all its streams towards objects of eternal interest, there was a swelling up and gushing forth for home and the fire-side circle, that showed how salutary are the touches of religion upon earthly love ; the true exercise of the latter being the best evidences of the existence of the fonner. The " Remains" are extracts from the sermons and occasional writings of Dr. Nevins, and show a ripe scholar, a clear thinker, and good writer. We commend the book to those who like religious reading — ^they will find plea- sure in its perusal. We commend it more to those who do not like religious reading — they will find profit from its study. From the New-Yorker, * Select Remains of Rev. William Nevins, D. D., with a Memoir." — Rarely have we welcomed to our tabic a volume so strikingly creditable to the American press as that now before us — a beautifully and richly executed octavo of 400 pages. The matter is worthy of the garb in which it is pre- sented. The divine whose " Remains" are thus given to the public, was a burning and a shining light in the Presbyterian Church, and his decease was deeply and widely felt by his brethren in faith, but especially at Baltimore, the theatre of his labors of love. The volume now published consists of choice extracts from his sermons, his letters, and his contributions to reli- gious joui'nals. It is embellished by a beautiful likeness, and deserves an Honorable place in the library of the orthodox Christian. ADVBHTISEMENTS. 5 From the New-York Exprees. Select Remains of the Rev. Mr. Nevins, D. D., with a Memoir.— New - York, John S, Taylor, corner of Park Row and Nassau-street; an elegant octavo of 400 pages, with a spirited portrait from a painting by Inman. TJze work is in all respects — paper, print, binding, and contents — a beauti- ful memorial of an amiable and lamented divine, whose pure light shone brightly in the church. The memoir is briei" and modest, consisting chiefly of extracts from his correspondence with his friends. The " Remains" com- prise a great variety of extracts from Dr. Nevins' writings, containing his views on the leadbig questions which interest the attention of the cliristian world. From the Morning Star. Select Remains of the Rev. Mr. Nevins, D. D., with a Memoir, with an tlegant portrait, from a pamting by Inman. This is a most beautifal work. In paper, print, and binding, it exceeds any new work that we have seen. The Memoir is correct and brief. The Remains comprise a variety of the finost extracts from the writings of this eminently talented and lamented divine : several of them are on the doc- trines which now agitate the church. From the American Baptist. Select Remains of the Rev. Wiilimn Neci.-is, D. D. With a Memoir. 8vo. pp. 398. With Dr. Nevins, it was never our happiness to be perfionally acquainted. But the peri:|J|l of this work has left a deep yet unavailing regret, that we should have been contemporary with such a choice spirit — should have dwelt in the same city with hmi, and it may be, have sided by him in the crowded street, and yet never have seen, and never have known him ! And so will it be with many, now pressing with us for tlio goal, who, when they have outrun vis in the Christian stadium, have seized the gar- land, and their virtues and their victories iiave been heralded to the churcli and to the world, we shall regret that we saw them not, and wonder most of all, that living m the same age, sojourning in the same cities, and perhaps for a time sheltered beneath the same roof, we yet sJiould have let pass un- improved the golden opportunity of enriching our stores of piety and intelli- gence by an cnuca.red and confiding intercourse. To us the very sight of a holy man is sanctifying. We love to gaze on his resemblance to his Lord, till we catch his spirit and are changed into the same image ! What gainers then might vv'e have been, had we been brought within the influence of a man, a Christian, and a minister, so richly endowed with piety and intellect, and around v/hom there was thrown, in foldings of ' such richness and grace, the beautiful robe of humility, as was Nevins ! What lessons might we have drawn from his holy walk, hi:, stern principles of integrity, his untiring industry, his vaiious and successful plans of use- fulness, and the spirit of self-annihilation which enshrined all in its burning lustre ! Bat we have formed an intimacy with him through his " Remains,'* — alas I that the response should be from the grave ! — and their perusal has left upon the heart the faint impress of a character, which, in its living in- fluence, must have been peculiarly and eminently spiritual. The " Memoir" which introduces the " Remains," though brief, possesses yet a chn.rm which other and more elaborate biographies can seldom clahn — that of permitting the subject himself to speak out the history of his ov>'n life and oxpcricneo — 1* 6 ADVERETISEMENT9. SO that the memoir of Nevins might be justly styled an auto-b»ography The extracts from his diary and letters will be read with deep interest — and cold and unfeeling must be the individual who can linger around the touch- ing picture of his desolated and broken heart, mourning over the grave of her who was the wife of his youth and the charm of his life, and feel no thrilling emotion. The Christian, too, who is, as was the departed Nevms, all his life-time in bondage through the fear of death, as he stands by his bed-side, and beholds him with unshaken faith in the faithfulness of God^ and listens to his song, though tremulous in death, of joy and trimnph, will dismiss his fears, and commit liis soul afresh to Hun who is able to keep it against that day. But of his " Remains," what shall we say ? We have perused, and re. perused, and will peruse them yet again, so elevated in thought, so pure in style, so eloquent in language, and so rich in piety are they. We think, in each of these particulars, they will rank with " Pascal's and Adam's Thoughts," and with " Searl's Christian Remembrancer." By their side, on our biographical shelf, we have placed the " Remains and the Memoir of William Nevins." The work, as presented to the public by its enterprising publisher, John S. Taylor, Park Row, New- York, is a beautiful specimen of neatness in typography, and elegance in binding. Its appearance will vie with any book in this department of literatin"e which we have yet received either from the English or the American press. That the fondest hopes which influ. enced Nevins in writing, Plumer in compiling, and Taylor in publishing this work, may reach the utmost limits of realization, is our sincerest wish. From the Long-Island Star. ^ Select Remains of the Rev. William Nevins, D. D. with a Memoir — New-York — John S. Taylor. The gifted author of these posthumous frag, ments, while in the midst of his deeds of charity and love, and before he had reached his manhood's prime, was summoned from the field of his laboiii and conflicts to " Join the caravan that moves " To the pale realms of shade." Perhaps the usefulness of the art of printing is never so forcibly felt ae when death suddenly severs a great mind, and extinguishes a flaming light from among the living. The press seems to grasp and converge the rays that gather over the death-couch of the devoted in piet]'' and strong in inteL lect and pours them out again in their full effulgence, " The round of rays complete," upon a benighted world. The press, into the everlastmg ear of its memory, seems to drink up the last impressive lesson and parting benediction of the departing patriarch, as he takes his departure to mingle with those beyond the flood, and imparts to them an immortal voice, whereby " being dead, he yet speaketh." Truly may it be said of the lamented Nevins, " being dead, he yet speaketh" — speaketh in the kindness of heart by which he was en. deared to the social circle — speaketh by his good works, for which the widow and the fatherless still bless his memory — speaketh in his exemplary piety, whicli made him a " burning and a shining light" to a captious and infidel people — speaketh in the language of his eloquei.t teachings and aspiu rations, preserved in the volume before us, for the enlightenment and consa. lation of the way-farer on life's bleak journey. ADVERTISEMENTS. 7 From the Rev, Wm. Adams, Pastor of the Broome-st. Church, New-York. Memoir and Select Remains of Nevins. — It would be difficult to men- tion a book which does more credit to an author or a publisher than this. The contents are like " apples of gold in pictures of silver." Who that knew the lamented author, does not sec his image reflected from these pages — refined, ornate, thoughtful and spiritual. We see him again passing through his various and diversified trials — prosperity and ad- versity, sickness and death, and coming out like silver that has been tried. We commend especially the fragments which were written under the great- est of all earthly losses, and in near prospect of his own departure. They breathe the spirit of heaven. Blessed be God for such an exemplification of faith and patience — for this new evidence of the reality and stability of our hopes. He was a burning and a shining light, and many have and will re- joice in that light. The fragmentary form of these articles will insure frequent perusal. They are the best specimens of this description smce the Remains of Cecil ; with less of his mannerism and style, there is more of simplicity and adapt- edness to general readers. In a time of haste and little reflection, their brilliant thoughts may arrest attention, and lead others to reflect also. In unqualified terms do we commend this volume, for the richness of its contents and the uncommon elegance of its form. William Adams. PRACTICAL THOUGHTS. By the late Dr. Nevins, of Baltimore THOUGHTS ON POPERY. By Dr. Nevins, of Baltimore. From die New-York Observer of April 9ih, 1836. Tiie Practical Thoughts consists of forty-six articles on prayer, praise, professing Clirist, duties to Sabbath Schools, the monthly concert, the con- version of the world, violations of the Sabbath, liberality, man's inconsis- tency, the pity of the Lord, Christian duty, death, &,c. ; the last of whicli are " Heaven's Attractions" and " The Heavenly Recognition," closing with the words, " By the time we have done what I recommend, we shall be close upon the celestial confines — perhaps within heaven's limits." * * There the sainted autlior laid down his pen, leaving the article unfin- ished, and went, none can doubt, to enjoy the blest reality of the scenes he had been so vividly describing. These articles combine great simplicity, attractiveness, and vivacity of thought and style, with a spiritual unction scarcely to be found in any other writer. Thousands of minds were impressed with them as they first ap- pcared ; they reproved the inconsistent Christian, roused the slumbering, and poured a precious balm into many an afflicted bosom. While writing them, the author buried a beloved wife, and had daily more and more sure indications that the hour of his own departure was at hand ; and God ena- bled him, from the depth of his own Christian experience, to open rich foun- tains of blessing for others. The Thoughts on Popery are like, and yet unlike, the other series. There is the same sprightliness of the imagination, the same clearness, ori- ginality, and richness of thought, with a keenness of argument, and some- times irony; that exposes the baseness and shamelessncss of the dogmas and Buperstitions of Popery, and that must carry home conviction to the under- 8 ADVERTISEMENTS. standing ant heart of every unprejudiced reader. Piece by piece the delu- sion, not to say imposition, of that misnamed church are exposed, under the heads of the Sufficiency of the Bible, the Nine Commandments, Mortal and Venial Sins, lafallibility, I Jolatry, R-jlics, the Seven Sacraments, Penance, the Mass, Celibacy of tiie Clergy, Purgatory, Canonizing Samts, Lafayette not at Rest, The Leopold Reports, Supererogation, Convents, &.c. We know of nothing that has yet been issued which so ls.ys open the deformities • of Popery to coimnoa luhids, or is so admirably adapted to save cm* country from its wiles, and to guard the souls of men from its fatal snares. HINTS TO PAREZ\TS ON THE EARLY RELIGIOUS EDUCATION OF CHILDREN. By Gardiner Spring, D. D., Pastor of the Brick Presbyterian Church, New-York^ 18mo. v/ith a steel engraving. Price 37^ cts. From the New-York Weekly Messenger and Young Man's Advocate. Dr. Springes Hints to Parents. — One of the prettiest little works of this class that we have ever m?t with, is just published ; it is called " Hints to Parents on the Religious Education of Children. By Gardmer Spring, D. D." The author has been long and favorably known to the public as a chaste, powerful, and popular writer. The subject of the present v/ork is one of great moment — one in Vi^hich every parent has a real interest. And we commend this little A'olume, not only to pious parents, but to all who de- sire to bring up their children in such a manner as to make them an honor to themselves and a blessing to their fcllov/-men. \^Oii\ the Commercial Advertiser. Hints to Parents on the Religious Education oj Children. By Gardi. ner Spring, D. D. — This beautiful little volume, coming out at this time, will be peculiarly acccpt?Jjle to the congregation of the able and excellent author, and will have the eifcet of a legaej'^ of his opinions on a most important sub- ject, now that for a time they are deprived of his personal instructions. It is a work that should bo in the hands of every parent throughout our country, who has the temporal and eternal interest of his offspring at heart. The few and leading maxims of the Christian religion are plainly and practically enforced, and the parent's duties are descanted on in a strain of pure and beautiful eloquence, which a father's mind, elevated by religion, only could have dictated. We b;dieve that a general knowledge of this little volume would be attended v/ith consequences beneficial to society, since a practice of its recommendations could scarcely be refused to its solemn and affectionate spirit of entreaty. THE MINISTRY WE NEED. By S. H. Cox, D. D., and others. 37^ cents. From the Literary and Theological Review. This neat little volume comprises the inaugural charge and address which were delivered on occasion of inducting the Professor of Sacred Rheto- ric AND Pastoral Theology in the Tueological Seminary at Auburn. Tho friends of Dr. Cox will not be disappointed in his inaugural address. It bears the impress of his talents and piety — his enlarged views and Catholic spirit. To anaJyze it would convey no adequate idea of its merits. Hia theme is the ADVERTISEMENTS. 9 ministry of reconciliation — •» the chosen medium by which God conciliatea men — the mighty moral enginery that accomplishes his brightest wonders — the authentic diplomacy of the King of kings working salvation in the midst of the earth." The manner in which he treats his subject, in relation to the importance of the Christian ministry, and the kind of ministry needed in this age and nation, we need hardly remark, will amply repay the perusal of hia brethren, if not be interesting and instructive to the Church at large. " Error.scenting notoriety" may not altogether like the odor of this little book ; and the " lynx-eyed detecters of heresy" will not be forward to ap- prove a work in which they are handled with unsparing severity ; but by " all the favorei's on principle of a pious, sound, educated, scriptural, and accom- plished ministry in the Church of God, and throughout the world, as the MINISTRY WE NEED, to whom tliis little volume is most respectfully inscribed," it will be read, and, we trust, circulated. THE LILY OF THE VALLEY. 18mo. Price 37^ cents. From the Methodist Protestant, Baltimore. This is a neat and very interesting little volume. The narrative through- out will be read with pleasure, and some portions of it with thrilling interest. The story is natural, and told in very neat language and with admirable sim- plicity. It is not only calculated to please and interest the mind of the reader, but also to make m-oral and religious impressions upon the heart. We are well assured, if its merits were generally known, that it would find its way mto many families and Sabbath school libraries, as it is particularly adapted to please and engage the attention of Juvenile readers. From the Christian Intelligencer. This is a republication of a small narrative volvune published in England. The narrative is written with beautiful simplicity, possesses a touching inte- rest, and is calculated to leave a salutary impression. It is well fitted for a present by parents or friends to children, and is worthy of a place in Sabbath school libraries. From the Ladies' Morning Star of Aug. 2G, 1836. The above is the title of a very interesting little work of 12.3 pages, recently published and for sale by John S. Taylor, Brick Church Chapel, New-York. It is a simple though beautiful narrative of a young female, some portions of which are of the most pathetic and affecting character, particularly designed for the edification and instruction of young females, and a most excellent work to introduce into Sai)bath schools. Its tendency is to kindle the flames of piety in the youthful bosom, to instruct the understanding, and to warm and improve the heart. Its intrinsic though unostentatious merits, should furnish it with a welcome into every family. Commendatory Notice, by the Rev. W. Patton. Mr. J. S. Tavlor, — It affords me pleasure to learn that you are about to republish the little work called " The Lily of the Valley." Since the time it was presented to my daughter by the Rev. Dr. Matheson, of England, it ha« been a great favorite in my family. It has been read with intense interest by many, who have from time to tune obtained the loan of it. Indeed it has but f