.M28S7 v\' ... "^ "" .0^^ ^ox^.^-^o' '" J> .,^"^^^^^ "'^ -^" v '^jm^^\ -^^^^• -^, kV \." RIGHT AND WRONG, Or an account of the Pro- Slaver y Mob of October \Oth, 1836 : When an ./Int'i- Slavery Lecturer teas silenced by the beat of drums, c^'C. ^oiih some reasoning in favor of Emancipaticn. BY s\ CONTAINING A LIST OF OFFICERS AND MEMBERS OF THE MANSFIELD ANTI SLAVERY SOCIETY. PAWTUCKET, MASS. ROBERT snERMAN:::::::::::::pr.iNTER. 1837. Mansfield, Oct. 1836. To the Inhabitants of Mansfield^ Mass, Gentlemen and Ladies : — A friend to liberty and the rights of mankind wish- es to say a few words in regard to the late riot in Mansfield. The proceedings of the enemies of the abolition of American Slavery, on Monday the 10th day of October, 1836, will long be remembered as one of the grossest insults ever offered to the free and peaceable citizens of this town or any other. — Some facts in the case I will state, although they are undoubtedly familiar to you all. I do not do this to create an excitement^ that is already got up by the opponents of abohtionists. Can our dearest rights be thus trampled upon and violated and our minds not be indignant? But I write for the purpose of encouraging our citizens to be calm — to take the sub- ject into serious consideration. The abolitionists are not for getting up an undue excitemennt ; that belongs to their opponents; but they are friends of peace. They hold to the scripture doctrine of doing to others as we would wish them to do to us in like circumstances. They consider all mankind as breth- ren, irrespective of color or condition. They hold to loving their neighbors as themselves. They are op- ])os<\'l to war an(] tumult and bloody strife. Tlioy iiold indeed to a moral umrfarc aiven IVoni the pulpit of the same meeting house, and two oth- ers in town. Mr. Burleigh is employed hy the American Anti- Slavery Society as their Agent to lecture in tavor of emancipation. He had a right to lecture. The God of heaven gives him ihat right, and we have a right to hear. No man or hody of men has a right to take it away. It is inalienable. The Constitution of this state and of the United States recognizes this right, and any attempt to take it away is a violation of tiie laws of God and our Country. We have,there- fore, been most grossly insulted. Liberty is down in iVIanstield, unless its inhabitants exert themselves for its restoration. Some think it best to call a Town Meeting to take the minds of the people upon the subject. To see if the majority are willing to aid in the restoration of our lost liberties, or wish to toler- ate and acquiesce in such proceedings. If we are- willing to set tamely and submissively under the tri- umphs of mob-law, then indeed we are fit to become* slaves to southern nabobs. Rumor was aiioat the day before the lecture, that there would be a disturbance. That drums and oth- er music would be on hand — that a number had met at the tavern kept by O. S. Kingsbury, to conclude- how to manage — that a lawyer had been consulted to^ know hoiv far they could go and not expose them- selves to the penalty of the law — that the lawyer de- cided that if the mob was composed of less than thir- ty unarmed, or less than twelve armed, they could not be called to account; for it could not be called a riot, according to the statute, c^-c t^-c But the peaceable inhabitants could not believe that our fel- low townsmen were so lost to a sense of propriety, of morality, of self respect, of regard to the good and wholesome laws of the land, and regard to the feel- hvis €111(1 wishes of a larGjc part oftlic town, as to he- linvc tliat sucli a transaction would occur. Tlicy re- i.',ardc(l it as an idle throat — a menace, for the pur- pose of intimidating the friends of hberty. But had the ])eopIe been convinced that there would be a dis- turbance, I do not know that it was their duty to oI)ey tlie dictates of an unprincipled mob and refrain from holding the meeting. As tlie liour of meeting had arrived and a large concreiiation had Mssembled to hear the lecture, some dozen men and boys were seen comuig irom towards the store of iMaj. Elkanah Ba^es, and|the tavern owned by him and kept by O. S. Kingsbury, situa- ted opposite the store, and hurrying to the meeting house, joined by a few others, carrying with thein a large bass drum, a small drum and a bugle horn. — They rushed up the west gallery and commenced op- erations upon their respective instruments. The lec- turer h:id arrived. Kev. Martin M. Braley of this town commenced the services by a prayer. Not a word could be heard of the prayer till they ceased drumming for a few minutes, when they commenced again and contiiuied until the prayer was finished. — At the close of the prayer Mr. Burleigh arose to speak but could not be heard, although he raised his voice to the highest pitch. Finding it impossible to make himself heard, he stopped and sat down. The Con- stable, S. C. Cobb, did his duty manfully. He de- manded order by calling upon the rioters in the name of the commonwealth, to cease their disturbance or withdraw from the meeting. They listened while he spoke, but recommenced their riotous noise and re- fused to obey. 'J'he Constable then comuianded as- sistance — a few followed him up to the gallery,where he was seized by the mob, struck several times in the face and considerably injured. They also struck several others who came to his assistance. Several faces were bloody. Finding the mob obstinate, and the Constable feeling no disposition to fi;ilit, and thinking personal injury might be sustained, he and those employed to assist him withdrew. Tiie Con- stable then read the riot act. Chapter 129, page 735 of the Revised Statutes. The mob paid attention the most of the time it was reading, but refused to comply and remain quiet. He then went to Solomon Pratt, Esq. our First Selectman, with the Revised Statutes to show him his duty in regard to riots. — In the mean time a Mr, Foster Bryant^ lately from New York, who is engaged in the coal mining busi- ness, got up and delivered a Tirade against anti- slavery, from a book in manuscript which he took out of his pocket. It is with regret I have to state that the Chairman of the Selectmen, above named, who could but know that there was a disturbance, refused to exert his au- thority to quell it. He, at the commencement of the riot, was in front and w ithin ten feet of the meeting house, and when asked if it was not the duty of the Selectmen to endeavor to quell the riot, replied : — *•' I have nothing to do about, it is not our business; we have nothing to do about it." &c. repeating it over in words similar to the above. The followinu paragraph from the Revised Statutes will show his duty as well as the duty of other peace officers. " Section 3. If any Mayor, Alderman, Selectman, Justice of the Peace, Sheriff, or Deputy Sheriff,hav- ing notice of any such riotous or tumultous and un- lawful assembly, as mentioned in this Chapter, in the city or town in which he lives, shall neglect or refuse immediately to proceed to the place of such assem- bly, or as near thereto as he can with safety, or shall omit or neglect to exercise the authority with which he is invested by this chapter, for suppressing such riotous or unlawful assembly, and for arresting and securing the offenders, he shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and punished by a fine not exceeding throe hundred dollars." — Revised Statutes, Chcqj. 12f). p. 735. I'lip Constable showed our First Selectman the chapter in which the above paragraph is tbund, but he refused to look at it, and turned away his face in •a most scornful manner, saying: '' I have nothing to do about it; this meeting is not of my getting up. I do not believe in such meetings," &:.c. The Consta- ble then read the above paragraph to him, and re- quested him to exert his infiuence and authority to restore order and quell the riot. He was in his store a little distance from the meeting house, at the time. He walked the room in much agitation, talked loud, &,c. He at first refused to do any thing, but finally followed the Constable to the meeting house, ascend- ed the pulpit stairs and made a speech, saying: That he teas informed there was a riot there, but he did not knoiv of any. He saw no mob. He might, had he turned his eyes to the gallery, saw men with in- struments of annoyance. (He might have seen the big drum in full view of the whole audience, in the hands of a man ready to beat upon it. He might peradventure, have heard its sound as he entered the house. But it ceased playing when he entered.) — Among many other things, foreign to] the case, he stated that Mr. Cobb, (the Constable) had requested him to order the assembly to disperse. The Consta- ble replied, " not so, only the rioters." Esq. Pratt the Selectman said to Cobb, "when I have done, you may talk." He appeared much excited. He then addressed himself to the congregation on the lower floor of the meeting house, who were peaceable citi- zens and came to hear Mr. Burleigh lecture;* and requested them to disperse and go home. He did not direct his speech to the rioters at all. I did not *Except, perhaps, Mr. Bryant, who was there for the purpose, as the event showed, of infringing upon the order of the meeting, and lecturing against abolition, unsolicited by any authority. ol)serve him to even look at the mob in the gallery. As soon as he had finished, he walked out and was cheered by the mob, who clapped their hands, hal- looed, and beat upon their drums in token of appro- bation. The smile of satisi'action was plainly visible upon iheir countenances. The peaceable audience felt themselves most grievously insulted and did not one leave their seats. The mob felt themselves greatly encouraged. The people were astonished and surprised beyond measure at the unexpected stand assumed by Esq. Pratt. Hon. Solomon Pratt, Chief Magistrate of Mans- field, thus refused to quell the disturbance, and de- nied the existence of any mob or riot, and after he made his speech, w as not seen at the scene of the riot again that day. It was said he went to his house at a few rods only from the meeting house. The audi- ence after waiting some time to see if the rioters would not yield and give Mr. Burleigh an opportu- nity to go on with his lecture, began to move out at the front door, where, perhaps half of the men lin- gered waiting the result. Mr. Burleigh then came to the door and addressed them some time. The mob in the gallery, soon finding he was speaking so as to be heard, came down, went round in front and played away their discordant notes. He then turned to those in the meeting house and spoke several min- utes before the mob perceived that they were out- generaled. The mob then divided their company in- to two parts, the small drum and bugle forming one part, and the bass drum the other — one part remain- ing out at the front of the door, and the other part in the gallery. So they finally succeeded in preventing his being heard any more, but not until a constitu- tion for an Anti-Slavery Si^f iety had been circulated, and before the audience dispersed nearly fifty names were obtained. Mr. Burleigh then left, being invi- ted by Mr. Otis Allen to ride with him. They walk- ed across the common to the carriage, followed by the mob with huzzas, beat of drums and blowing the bugle till the carriage drove off, when they in a meas- ure ceased and the people scattered to their respect- ive homes. I wonder when the mob followed across the com- mon with drums beating and horn blowing with oth- er mobocratic noises, whether the chief magistrate of Mansfield thought it was muster day, but as he had never a military turn, being no military officer, al- though one of his sons bears the title of Major and his father was for a long time captain of a company of militia in Mansfield, yet as he had not a military relish, his curiosity did not induce him to look out of his dwelling to see what was going on. So he must be excused. Now, I would ask, are we willing to have our rights and privileges thus taken away and trampled under foot by a lawless and unprincipled mob, coun- tenanced and permitted by men in high standing? — If so, then we are indeed slaves. We have lost the spirit of freemen. We have degenerated from the spirit of hberty which burnt in the bosoms of our an- cestors. I would ask who were locked up in the belfrey ringing and tolling the bell during the time in which Mr. Burleigh was to lecture? Were they not men who ought to be ashamed of such a base and cowardly act? Was not one of them a person whom we had honored with our suffrages? Can our Town Clerk, Wm. B. Bates, give an honorable account of himself during the riot? Was he not one of those locked up in the belfrey engaged in ringing the bell to make a disturbance?* If the cause which Mr. Burleigh, or any other anti- •Charles "W illiams and James |V|. Wilbur, the two most conspicuous jn the mob of Oct. 10, 1836, have been convicted at the Court of Com- mon Pleas, at Taunton, in September, for an assault on Mr. §. C. Cobb, the Constable, while doing his duty ; and sentenced to pay a fine and «ost. November 1837. slavery lecturer advocates, appears to be erroneoqs in the opinion of his opponents, let them argue tHe case and discuss the matter with him fairly. When he lectured before in this town he offered to do it Mr. Burleigh was engaged to lecture, but a Mr. Foster Bryant, who has resided here but a few months had the impudence to get up and lecture against an- ti-slavery, and accused Mr. JSurleigh of making state- ments, at a previous meeting in another town, which he never uttered. He promised to give Mr. Burleigh an opportunity to reply, but as soon as he had done, he was cheered by the mob, and when Mr. Burleigh attempted to reply, the mob beat upon their drums and blowed the bugle, so that he could not be heard. Was any thing ever more impudent, daring and in- sulting? Can we rest easy under this state of things, like the poor degraded slave, accustomed to the yoke of bondage? I trust not. I trust we shall persevere in the most righteous cause of abolition, till every black man, as well as white man enjoys the inesti- mable blessing of freedom. Till we in Mansfield can peaceably enjoy the Hberty of speech. Till we can have an anti-slavery lecture without molestation from a lawless mob. Till we can have a lecture in favor of human liberty and the right of man unmolest- ed. Till men of aristocratic feelings shall cease to dictate to us what we shall hear and what we shall not hear, and cease to countenance mobocracy and connive at slavery. A gentleman in high standing, who resides near the centre meeting house, has re- peatedly said that we had one anti-slavery lecture and he thought that ought to satisfy us. That is to say; he and a few other " gentlemen of property and standing," our lords and masters, and dictators have wonderfully condescended to permit us, poor fellows to have one lecture^ at our request, in peace, without a mob, but we cannot have another such indulgence. We must hereafter be denied that privilege; andjf 10 we attempt to have a lecture without their leave, wo must expect to be mobbed.* Another gentleman, who was absent during the riot, 2^'i^ofesses deep regret at the transaction. Many think his sorrow is hypocritical, like the sinner on the eve of being punished for his iniquity, is sorry for his sins on account of the destruction it has drawn upon himself, and not on account of its moral turpi- tude and sin against God and duty. He may be sor- ry for the injury it has drawn upon his society — sor- ry because it did not have the effect to "-keep aboli- tion out of town," but the contrary. No doubt all those "gentlemen of property and standing," near the centre meeting house, disclaim any such thing as countenancing mobocracy. No, not they, — they are all honorable men. But I will leave it to the reader to judge whether it is not en- couraging the mob, when sev-eral in a store talk of mobbing a man, and one says that " Mr. Burleigh ought to be tarred and feathered — that he would fur- nish rotten eggs to throw at him if he attempts to lecture in Mansfield again," &c. and have the owner of the store join in the laugh, and not say a word against such language? This has been done, I am credibly informed, atthestore of Maj. Elkanah Bates in his presence, without a word of disapprobation of such threatening language, by him. Such things, most certainly give encouragement to mobs to pro- ceed in their work of disorder and outrage. I do not say that his intention was to incite the mob, but still the effect is the same. *I understand the gentleman alluded to, has since f=aid he thought thsre would be no disturbance again if an anti-slavery lecture was to be delivered there. That he had no objection to Elder O. Scott's lecturing there, &c. There is no doubt but that the mob finding they did not succeed in destroying the seed of abolition by their ing incendiary and seditious publications and prints among the slaves of the southern states, exciting them to rise against their masters and produce an insurrec- tion, ifec. I told him there was no evidence of that, but the contrary was the fact, and requested and challenged him to produce those publications, prints, c^c. which were sent for that purpose. He said he had not got them with him, but that he would pro- duce them ivithin one fortnight. I told him I had often heard those things stated before, among other slanders, by many, but those publications 2vere never forth coming — they had never been produced, and that he could not find any such papers — there never had been any such printed and sent to the south. — More than a month has now elapsed and he has not brought them forward — he cannot find them.* But, yet, I suppose he has not the moral honesty, or reso- lution to acknowledge his error, or cease to oppose the benevolent and godlike doings of the abolitionists. The first opposition, that 1 knew of by any person of influence in town, against abolition, or having a lecture delivered, was manifested by Maj. Elkanah Bates, one of the County Commissioners, on Wednes- day previous to Mr. Burleigh's lecturing,! This *More than twelve months have now expired, and Mr. Foster Bryant has not redeemed his pledge in producing those incendiary publications sent to the south. — Nov. 1337. +1 have hitherto had a favorable opinion of Maj, Bates, so much so, that when the Convention met at Taunton, which nominated County Commissioners, I was admitted as tlie only delegate from Mansfield, and made the nomination of Maj. Bates, which was sec- onded by Mr. Joshua Britton from Easton, who I had invited in. — Had it not so happened, I presume he would not have been put up. For this act I was severely censured when I came home, by Mr. Simeon Green of Mansfield, telling me that my confidence was misplaced, &e. Mr. Bales was put up on ihe lemperance ground. 18 has been alluded to before. On being asked if he would be pleased to attend and hear an anti-slavery lecture, replied rather petulently^ "No, I would go as far the other way !" When reasoned with on the subject of abolition he appeared excited, and said^ "I have done all I could to keep it [abolition] out of town.^^ Some present understood him to say that he '•'had done all he could, and should do all he could to keep it out of town." What success he has had the public may judge. For myself I had not the least suspicion that he had done any thing to " keep it out of town," only I knew he had refused to read those papers and books which treated upon the sub- ject when offered him. What he has done since to effect it, I have no more means of knowing than oth- ers. He has not, however, been very successful. — Although he has, undoubtedly, succeeded to keep " abolition out of" his own heart by refusing to read or hear lectures upon the subject, or to give it an im- partial examination, yet the cause has got good foot- hold in the town and progresses most wonderfully. — Many judge and condemn a cause without giving it an impartial investigation. Solomon, in the book of Proverbs says ; '*He that answereth a matter before he heareth it, it is folly and shame unto him."18c,13v. Abolitionism is condemned most by those who have examined it least. Anti-slavery has in its ranks men of purest sentiments, brightest talents, and the most noble christian graces. Many ministers of the gospel, and christians of all denominations. Are not their solemn warnings, admonitions, sentiments, views and opinions, worthy of the least notice and atten- tion? If they were all atheists, deists, infidels, and men of abandoned character, there might be some propriety in refusing to read their publications. But as it is, those who harden their hearts, and close their eyes, and stop their ears, have no excuse. No, no more than those who raised a mob, stopped their ears, and rushed upon St. Stephen and stonned him to death for preaching the truth, in opposition to a wicked world. The words of Solomon in the above text is very appropriate to those characters. FIRST INDICATION OF MOBOCRACY IN MANSFIELD. On Monday evening, August 29th, 1836, Mr. Bur- leigh lectured at the Methodist Meeting House, situ- ated in the easterly part of the town. There he and the friends of the cause, were annoyed by a set of noisy fellows, "0/ the baser sort,^^ who appeared tO' be alike regardless of good manners and the whole- some laws of the land. There was not enough noise or disturbance to prevent the lecture. After Mr. Bur- leigh had finished his lecture, Foster Bryant rose up and expressed a wish to take the sense of the meet- ing in regard to the lecture, and wished to have a moderator chosen. It was seconded by one of his party. Col. Josiah Bird, of Dedham, singing mas- ter, was declared to be chosen. He was the man who, in the lyceum in Mansfield, on the winter pre- vious, when the subject of slavery was debated, said the negroes do not belong to the human family; that they were not human beings, but an intermediate race between man and the monkey, ourang outang ! A very consistent advocate of slavery, truly ! After Col. Bird was chosen Chairman, Mr. Bryant read something in a low tone, which but few could hear. Said that slavery was justified by the Bible, r state, who arc held to serviee or lnl)or by the laws oi" that state. But it no nunv. i:;nai-antees slavery than it does apprenticeship, or the fullihiient of a con- tract, hy a pei'son who agrees to wa)rk for another, and runs away before he completes his engagement. Ac- cording to its literal meaning, taken just as it reads, it would not apply to slaves, as they cannot be said to owe their masters any thing — there can be no such ser- vice or labor due. The debt is the other way. The masters owe their slaves for their labor. But suppos- ing the Constitution guarantees slavery. Supposing it says, slavery shall be perpetual, and shall never be abolished? What then? Is there not a provision in the same instrument for amendments? Yes, and it has already been amended by the addition of twfilve new articles. The very first article of tiie amendments for- bids Congress to pass any law " abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the government for a redress of grievances." So it seems the Constitu- tion gives us the liberty to speak, talk, ivr^ite, print, publish, nnd to jjetition the government. Where is the guarantee, so much talked about, which prohibits our meeting and discussing slavery — which forbids the people of the north to speak or write against slavery? No where, but in the brain of some deluded anti-aboli- tion fanatic. But supposing our forefathers guaranteed slavery, are we, their descendants, and our posterity, forever under obligation to prolong its existence? If this principle is correct, it cuts off all reform, all im- provement w^hatever. Whatever is once established by law, according to this doctrine, must forever remain binding^ upon those who coirie after. According to this our forefathers did wrong in casting off the yoke of Great Britain. No ! away with such slavish doctrine. It is ind€ed a slavish doctrine, unworthy to be em- braced by freemen, and fit only for despots. But it is a doctrine much used by slave holders of the south and 4 31 ti.eir minions in the north, for want of hetter argu- ments. '• Drowning men catch at straws." The Constitution of the United States guarantees slavery, say the advocates of the system. We have seen in the preceding extracts from that instrument, which is all that can be construed to have a bearing upon the subject, that there is no such thing. There is nothing in the Constitution which forbids emanci- pation. Should slavery be immediately abolished it would be in harmony with the Constitution. But I can j)rove that the Constitution guaranties the abo- lition of slavery, and that our last treaty with Great Britain giiarantees its abolition. The tenth article of this treaty reads as follows: " Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcilable with the principles of humanity and justice, and whereas, both His Majesty and the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition^ it is hereby agreed that both the contracting parties shall use their best endeavors to accomplish so desirable an object," The eleventh article says: " This treaty shall be binding on both j)ar tie s.^^ This treaty, it will be re- membered, was signed and sealed at Ghent, the 24th Dec. 1814, and afterwards approved by the Presi- dent of the United States and the Senate. The President himself a slave holder — a part of the Sen- ators slave holders, and also some of the Plenipoten- tiaries. The Plenipotentiaries on the part of the United States, were John Ciuincy Adams, James A. Bayard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russel, and Albert Gallatin. Can there be a more solemn pledge to guarantee the abolition of this most infamous traffic? Great Britain has fulfilled her part of the treaty. — What are the United States doing to fulfil her part? Riveting the chains of slavery the tighter! While France and other nations of Europe are co-operating with England in capturing slave ships on the coast 32 of Africa, President Jackson refused to co-operate with them when appHed to by the government of Eng- land. Alas, my country! Look at the tenth article of the treaty of Ghent, as quoted above, and then ex- amine the sixth article of the Constitution of the United States. That article says: " All treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the Supreme law of THE land: and the Judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding. This treaty then binds every citizen of this nation, north and south, to use their best endeavors for the entire abolition o^ ihe iraf^c in slaves. The aboli- tionists are fulfilling the terms of the treaty, as much as they can, while their opponents are breaking them and violating the Constitution and the ^'Supreme law of the land.'''' To show still further the gross inconsistency of those who oppose abolition, I would state that I was talking with a man upon the subject, who opposed freeing the slaves of the Southern States, on the ground that the blacks were the only people who could endure to work in that hot climate — that the whites could not stand the heat to labor, &c. I ask- ed him if a black man could not work as a hired man stimulated by wages, as well as under the fear of the overseer'' s lash'] He confessed he did not know but he could. Very soon he took the ground that he should be willing to have the slaves freed if they could all be sent back to Africa. I asked him who, in that case would do the work as he had said the whites could not labor there? If any part ought to be sent away, surely the idle drones, the whites, ought to be sent off, and not suffered to live there, on the hard earnings of the poor blacks. Yes, he was wil- ling to have all the colored people sent out of the country, and leave the south without any to till the 33 land, rather than tlojustly by them by restoring them to Hberty and paying their laborers the proceeds of their labor. If the colored people are the only per- sons who can labor in that hot climate, surely they ought to remain, and if white people cannot endure to labor there, they are the ones who have no business there, but ought to depart forthwith. I think that the laborer who tills the land has the best right to the soil, and ought, if any one, to enjoy the fruit of his labor. The system of amalgamation which accompanies slavery, has rendered a large proportion of the slaves as white, nearly, as their masters, and if the slave holders send them off, they will send off many of their own children, and brothers and sisters. In process of time all the slaves will be as white as their masters, and then color will cease to be a badge of slavery — and then laborers of all classes must come under the yoke of bondage in the noi^th as well as in the south, and the prediction of Gov. M'Duffie will be realized. Nothing will save our laborers from all becoming slaves to the rich but the success of the principles of anti-slavery. Nothing will save the country from despotism and bondage but abolitionism. Let every man and woman do their duty and '^ come up to the help of the Lord against the mighty" and the coun- try will yet be saved. One of the chief arguments against us is, that we of the north are not interested in slavery, and there- fore have no business to discuss it. We might with equal propriety, whenever we receive a wound in the arm or leg, say that the head and rest of the body is not interested. Does not the whole system suffer? So does the whole system of the union suffer by the existence of slavery. The north and the south are united like different parts of the human body. When one member suffers all suffers. The only thing that endangers the union is slavery. Abolish it and the 34 union is safe. Continue it and the union is lost, or our liberties destroyed. Should tliere be a general insurrection of the slaves of the south, the militia of the north and free states are liable to be called out to suppress it. Are we not ''interested?" The South threatens to dissolve the union on account of slavery. Are we not then in danger? We are interested in demolishing slavery because our free citizens, when they go south, if they happen to have a colored skin are liable to betaken up. thrust into prison, and if they cannot prove their freedom by white witnesses, (colored people are not allowed as witnesses,) are sold for slaves to pay their jail fees, &c. 1 his has frequently been done. A free citizen of Massachusetts, named John Tidd, sailed in a ves- sel to New Orleans. While there the Captain thrust him into the callaboose end came away and left him. His case was made known, when some one applied to the Mayor of Boston, who wrote to the Mayor of New Orleans, stating the facts, and Tidd was releas- ed, thus proving that the color of his skin was the only thing for which he was detained. Had not the Mayor made application for him he would soon have been sold for a slave for life. We are interested in the slavery of the South, or any part of the United States, however remote, be- cause we are compelled to deliver up the runaway slave to his master, contrary to the plain declaration of the Bible, which says*, "Thou shalt not deliver unto the master the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee: He shall dwell with thee, even among you in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates where it liketh him best! Thou shalt not oppress him." — Dent. 26d cli. 15 &. 16 v. This is contrary to the principle of liberty; contrary to our benevolent feelings, and contrary to our con- sciences and our notions of right and wrong. We would rather help a fellow creature out of trouble tlian t(i thrust hiiii into it. i lie ri^lit of m coniinon liumiaaif^, aJl *wer [he wdyMi, -pleads t'br'fl«w>slave — Wherever man is suffering under i^noranee and op- pression he is entitled to our sympathy. If lie is as iar off as China or the i'^ast Indies, it is not only our right, but our duty to feel for him and aid him. Not many years will roll away before slavery will be abolished throughout the world. Ensiland has already aboHshed it in her dominions The former Spanish Colonics have done much in the work. — France is about it, and Spain and Portugal are pre- paring the way. The result of emancipation in the British West Indies is glorious. Must the United States, which boast so much o^ liberty^ be the laf^t to let go the iron grasp of slavery, and let the oppres- sed go free? The British government have applied to the gov- ernment of the United States to co-operate with thoin in putting an end to the slave trade by fitting out vessels and repairing to the coast of Africa, and cap- turino; all slavers found on the coast. To the dis- grace of our/ree(?) government, President Jackson, after delaying seven months to answer the request, positively refused to lend any assistance wliatever. In answer, whether this is not neglecting to fulfd our treaty with Great Britain, the reader is referred to an article on another page. Other nations are be- ginning to tail in with Great Britain and uniting with her to put an end to this nefarious traffic. How long will America stand back? Mansfield, Nov. 6th, 1837. This day the first annual meeting of the Mansfield anti-slavery society was holden lor the choice of offi- cers. The following gentlemen were chosen : President^ Dr, Hezehiah Skinner — Vice Presi- dents, Schuyler Shepard, Isaac White, Stephen S. Shernmn, Horace Skinner — Recording Secretary ^ 36 vViiliarn Grover — Corrcspmdiag Secretary^ Isaac JSiuce the memorable 10th of Oct. the doors of the Centre Meeting House have been closed against ab- olition — closed against pleading the cause of the poor, oppressed, degraded slave. Rev. Mr. Easton, a colored preacher, was permitted to hold an eve- ning meeting last spring at the Centre Meeting House to speak upon the case of the free colored population, and to solicit subscriptions to re-build a church for colored people in Hartford. But he was hampered and made to promise not to say any thing upon the dreadful exciting subject of abolition. So he had to be gagged before he could speak there. He men- tioned it in his discourse, and said he was not per- mitted to speak upon the subject of abolition howev- er near and it was to his heart. Rev. James H. Saywa'd asked his dismission, which was granted, and he gave up the pastoral charge at the Centre Meeting House, in June last. — He was settled there but two years. He had put his hand to the abolition plough and looked back. — His case ought to be a warning to others not to shrink from duty, or faint in the hour of trial. He and his friends were impressed with the idea that if he should withdraw from the charge of that society, those abolitionists who had left the society would come back; but not one has returned, and there is not the least probability that they ever will, as long as the doors of that house are closed against free dis- cussion, They must be very weak and foolish to im- agine that the friends to liberty and the rights of the slave should come back while the pro-slavery spirit rules there. If the members of that society want them back, let them open their doors to abolition lec- turers and repent of iheir past conduct, and be on friendly terms with the lovers of freedom. Since a large part of Mr. Say ward's congregation 37 left his societ}' in consequence of beins; mobbed, a mem- ber of his church said, that he never enjoyed himself so well in his life, at meeting, as he has with the few that remains ; for said he''it is still times and they are not all talking about niggers, niggers." MR. C. C. BURLEIGH. This indefatigable laborer in the cause of the oppres- sed, has been laboring for some time in the state of Pennsylvania, where his lectures have been crowned with wonderful success. But his exertions in the cause have almost worn him out. By repeated speaking he has injured his lungs so as to become so hoarse as to be unable to speak loud. Thus we see the servants of liberty wearing themselves out, and all the thanks they have from the pro-slavery gentry, is to be mobbed and accused of lecturing for the sake of money, and to get office, &c. There are some among us who are so much like the ** Scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites!" of our Saviour's time that they are very particular to "pay tithe of mint, and anise, and cummin, and have omitted the weightier mailers of the law, judgment, mercy and faith : these ought they to have done, and not leave the other un- done." — Mat. 23 c. 2Sv. They are very much afraid that the sabbath will be violated by having lectures on slavery delivered on that day, when at the same time they " omit the weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy and faith." An excellent article appeared in Zion's Watchman, a Methodist abolition ])aper edited by Rev. LaRoy Sunderland and Rev. Timothy Mer- rit, New York, from the pen of Rev. George Storrs. In Bishop Hedding's Address before the Oneida and Genesee Conferences he says : *' Some of the lectur- ers have desecrated part of the holy Sabbath, by lec- tures on this exciting and political subject." Mr. Storris in reply says : " What, I ask, does desecrate signify? Answer, * To divert from the purpose to which any 38 t\\\u<^ is coiisrcratod.' To u hut is tl:e holy sabl)aili ("oiiscciiited? Lei our Lord inid Savior answer. 'The 8a[)hHth was made lor man and not man for the Sab- bath.' And what were some of lUft purposes, for man's benefit, for wliich olir Lord used the Sabbath ? His discipk^s phK'k(;d ears of corn on that daj to satisfy their hunger*, and when the Pharisees coniplained that they had ' desecrated the holy Sabbath,' our Savior justified them fully, and told their accusers if thej^ 'had known what this meaneth, I will have mercy and not sacrifice, ye would not have condemned the guiltless.^ It seems the Pharise es had great regard for the sacrifi- ces of the Sabbath, and what would be called in these days acts of devotion, while they set lightly by acts of mercy, or benevolence to men. Our Savior taught them that the latter were to be performed even though by doing them, the former were ielt undone, even on the Sabbath day. " In John, 5th chapter, w^e have an account of an act of our Lord in healing an impotent man on the ho- ly ' Sabbath ;' and ordering him to carry home his bed. The Piiarisees, indeed, believed it was not lawful for the man to carry his bed on that day. If it was unlaw- ful at all, it was doubtless, politically so ; for it must have been the political economy of the Jews that for- bade it, if it was forbidden ; and if so, did not our Sa- vior meddle with politics ? and what is more awful, too, on the ' holy Sabbath !' For this act of' desecrating the holy Sabbath,' the Jews sought to slay Jesus !" ^' Again in Luke 13th we are informed that our Lord healed a woman who had a spirit of infirmity eitheen years, on the Sabbath. What an ' exciting subject' that was ! Even the ruler of the synagogue could not keep his nerves still at seeing such a ' dese- cration of the holy Sabbath,' and he ' answered with indignation, because Jesus had healed on the Sabbath day, and said unto the people, there are six days in which men ought to work ; in ihem, therefore, come 5 39 and be healed, and not on the Sabbath day.' Hovr did our Lord answer this horror stricken ruler, who was so shocked for tear the holy Sabbath would be desecrated? ' I'hou hypocrite ! doth not each one of you, on the Sabbath, loose his ox or his ass from the stall, and lead him away to the watering? and ought not this woman, whom satan hath bound, lo, these eighteen years, be loosed from this bond on the Sabbath day?' But we, forsooth, must not say a word about loosing two and a half millions, on the holy Sabbath, it would desecrate it so, whom Satan and his agents have bound, lo, not these eighteen years, but they or their ancestors, these two hundred years, and 'bowed' them 'together,' so that they can in no wise 'lift up' themselves. Let us examine one case more, that of a man with a withered hand whom our Lord healed on the ' holy Sabbath.' " Luke informs us, that the Scribes and Pharisees 'watched Jesus whether he would heal on the Sab- bath day,' but the Savior said, ' I will ask you one thing; is it lawful on the Sabbath day to do good, or to do evil? to save life or destroy it?' He then pro- ceeded to heal the man; ' but it filled with madness,' those advocates of the holy Sabbath; they doubtless, considered it horribly 'desecrated.' They were so devotional on that day, that they could not desecrate it to the purpose of doing good to the bodies of men. Mark tells us, that our Lord ' looked round about on them with anger, being grieved for the hardness of their hearts V What anger must he feel, and grief^ towards some modern professors, w hose hearts are so hard, apparently, that it is a grief to them when their brethren, who feel themselves constrained by love to God and men, to open their mouths for the dumb, presume to ' desecrate the holy Sabbath,' by doing what they believe God requires of them. Yes, and straightway they forbid us, ' because we follow not Colonization, saying, WHOLLY REFRAIN.' 40 " Matthew, in Jus supported by the abolitionists and those opposed to mobocracy, and Pratt was supported by men of of difierent views. Esq Pratt finding he could not be clioscn and that it wns probable his opponent would be at the next ballot, stated to the meeting that he did not tvish to be chosen — that he would not accept if he had all the votes(?) He ought to have stated that before and saved the town all that lost time, and not sufiered himself to be balloted for six time's. As soon as he had made that statement, one of his party motioned to have the meeting adjourned, which was seconded. 1 here was ample time to bal- lot twice more, and there would probably have been a choice. The motion was tried in the Meeting House by holding up hands and decided by the Mod- erator to be one or two majority to adjourn. The vote was doubted. It was tried again, and decided to be three majority not to adjourn. It was doubted. 45 It was concliulcd to divide the hcuschy going out doofs ill from of ihe Mt'eliiig House, with iliuse in favor of adjourning on the right, and those against it on the leit. It was evident to me, and to many others, even some who voted to adjourn acknowledged it, that there was a majority against adjourning. It was, however, decided by the Moderator to be a majority \n favor of adjourning. The meeting is considered wholly illegal as the Selectmen had not furnished nor posted up a list of voters, as is required by the statutes. One of the Selectmen* was so ignorant as to afterwards declare that it was not ry^ssary only once a yea7\' The fol- lowing extract from the Revised Statutes may enlighten him. Chapter 3, Sec. 5. " The Selectmen shall, at least ten days before the first Monday in March, and at least ten days before the second Monday in November an- nually, make out correct alphabetical lists of all the per- sons qualified to vote for the several officers, to be elect- ed at those periods, respectively, and shall, at least ten days before the said elections, cause such lists, respect- ively, to be posted up in two or more public places, in their respective towns" The Selectmen had no such lists made out and post- ed up; and after the Town Clerk was declared to be chosen, they were called upon by aii elector to produce and read their list of voters. After much importunity the Moderator brought forward an old list and read it. It was found that many had voted whose names were not on the said old list, but the Moderator suflfered them them to vote at all the six ballotings afterwards, not- withstanding they were objected to. Mansfield^ April M. 1837. This day the voters of the town met, according to adjournment, to finish choosing our town officers, &c. At the first balloting for Selectmen, the whole number *EbeDezer Williaras. 46 of votes was declaied to be 209, necessary for a clioice 105; Capt. Edward Kingman was declared by Esq. Pratt, the Moderator, to have just that number and was chosen. At the second balloting for second Se- lectman, the whole number of votes was declared to be 207, necessary for a choice 104 ; Ebenezer Will- liams had just that number and was chosen. At the third balloting Mr. Warren Cobb was declared to be chosen by a little larger majority. When the first Selectman was declared to be chosep, the mobocratic party gave a shout and clapped their hands in token of triumph. James /y||Wilbiir, a young man who figured with the base drum at the mob on 10th Oct. 1836, stationed himself in the front gallery and bawled out so loud as to be heard by all present, and uttered /cwr words, out of contempt to abolition- ists, too profane and obscene to mention here. Some of his party felt ashamed of him and hung their heads. The Moderator took no notice of the disorder and did not even call to order. The anti-abolition party boast of the result of this election, but I think they have not much to boast of when all the circumstances of the case are considered. The anti-abolition party held a larg;e caucus a week or two previous, nominated their officers, and then used every effort to get out all their voters. All the enemies of temperance voted on their side, I believe, without exception. All the drunkards who were posted as such two or three years ago, voted on their side. All who are opposed to religion and revivals, voted on that side. All negro haters, and those who believe the negro race to be inferior to the whites, and that they were created on purpose to be slaves, voted on that side. All who possess aristocratic feelings and who look upon the la- boring class, both white and colored, with contempt, voted on that side. All dough faces, who with abject servility, cringe to the arrogance of the slave holders of the south, for fear the south will dissolve the union, and 6 47 that we shall not be able to sell cotton cloth and oth- er goods to so good advantage, voted on that side — All who were engaged in the mob of the 10th Octo- ber last to prevent the people hearing a lecture in favor of human freedom, voted on that side. All who were suspected of countenancing the above mob, "gentlemen (?) of property and standing," who, in mobs, would wish to keep behind the curtain, voted on that side. I will not say that there were not any honest, sincere, upright, conscientious men who vo- ted on that side. I believe there were several. Sev- eral who have not looked into the principles of the abolitionists, and who are kept from examining the subject by the misrepresentations of our opponents; but who will, by and by, when the light of truth has further spread itself, come on our side and be zeal- ously engaged in the good cause. Our opponents on another consideration have noth- ing to boast of. Almost every man of their party at- tended the meeting, while many abolitionists were absent. I have not the least doubt but that if every abolitionist voter had attended, and if some few tran- sient people who were admitted to vote on the other side, whose right to vote, to say the least, was doubt- ful, had not voted, we should have elected our men by a handsome majority. All those who are employ- ed by the rail-road company, and all those engaged in the coal mining business, who were admitted to vote, voted on the anti-abolition side. In short if none but native inhabitants of the town had voted, we should have had a large majority, notwithstanding many abolitionists were absent. Some were admit- ted to vote on the pro-slavery side who had mostly for a year past, resided in other places, merely on their claiming a right to vote and saying that they had their trunks kept in toivn. Whether they were emp- ty ones or not they did not say; nor was the question asked. 48 Abolitionists here have been blamed for " takino^ part in politics," as though they had no polilical rights, now our liberties are at stake. But it was very natural that they would turn out and vote against those engaged in the mob or suspected of giving countenance to mobocracy. Between the Town Meetings of the 7th of March and the adjourned one on April 3d, the Selectmen furnished a list of voters, and when they met to re- ceive the qualifications of voters, &.c. at the adjourn- ment, several who had voted on the 6th of March, were, by the earnest request of abolitionists, ques- tioned, and acknowledged themselves not to be in- habitants of this town, and their names were taken off the list, but still some names were retained and voted, unquestionably, who were not legally qualified voters. The three Selectmen were also chosen Assessors for the town. It has appeared that the Assessors were not qualified to make the taxes. Ihey applied to some abolitionists to make them, who very prop- erly refused. As they could not find any of their own party, belonging to the town, capable of making the taxes, they engaged a person who has resided but a short time in the town to make them. But it ap- pears that they were made very unequal. The town tax was the same in amount, that it was last year, but some who stand the same in the valuation as they did last year are taxed less, and some who stand the same in the valuation are taxed more. It is hoped that the town will, by another year, be brought to their senses so as not to choose ignorant men to manage our concerns, but choose men capa- ble of doing the business devolving "upon them with accuracy, and without assistance. Mansfield, Mv. }4>th, 1837. Yesterday was !he day to choose the Governor, 49 Lieutenant Governor, Senators and Representative* of Massachusetts. The voters of Mansfield met at the Centre iMeeting House, agreeableto the w^arrant, to cast in their votes forjthe aforesaid officers of the State Legislature, but we were not able to effect a choice for a representative. We ballotted three times, when a motion was made to adjourn the meet- ing. The motion was put by holding up hands, but as it was difficult to ascertain the vote, it was deter- mined to divide the house by going out doors as usu- al. It was decided, by the Selectmen, to be a ma- jority not to adjourn. It was then motioned not to send a representative. This was ultimately decided by going out doors and dividing into two lines. It was declared to be^a majority to send. As they were going into the Meeting House, one man inquired of Mr. ^***** (;^*****^ how the vote stood, who replied in a strong stentorian voice, ^'to send^Juil and dam- nation.^^ Ihose who heard that expression were shocked, and a member of the Methodist Church, ask- ed another member if he knew that the man who ut- tered those words was once a member of the Metho- dist Church! He was once a member, but became offended at the discipline, and withdrew or was ex- pelled, and soon after embraced universalism. • He is much opposed to abolitionism, and takes the Uni- versalist Trumpet, which is pro-slavery. He ought to read works on morality, and also Rev. Adin Bal- lou's discourse on slavery, delivered at Mendon, on the 4th of July last. A real abolition document, by a Universalist Minister. Immediately upon going in, a motion was made to dissolve the meeting, which motion was put by holding up the hand, and declared to be a vote to dissolve the meeting. Some held up both hands and one or two minors voted not to dis- solve. They are liable to a fine of $100. By this time there was much confusion and disorder, dis- graceful to thobe who participated in it, and to the 50 Chairman of the Selectmen, Capt. Edward Ring- man, who did not exercise his authority to preserve order, but rather joined in the clamor. He even clapped his hands, uttered a loud horse-laugh, and said, '' I cannot hear one word that is said." After it was declared to be a vote to dissolve the meeting, Mr. Bryant made a motion to adjourn which the Chairman put. Solomon Pratt, Esq. got up and said, that was not in order, as the majority was de- clared to be to dissolve the meeting. While Esq. Pratt was speaking, much noise was made, evident- ly purposely. Several who disliked his speaking jumped from the seats on which they had been stand- ing and stamped as they walked along. Some cried out nigger, nigger, abolition. It occurred to me that Esq. Pratt could not but see a little of that mob- ocratic spirit, which hefailid to discern onthe^joted 10th of Oct. 1^36. But times are ever changing, and with it men's opinions. Esq. Pratt insisted up- on the necessity of the Chairman's declaring the meeting dissolved. Finding the clamor and confu- sion increasing, and that he could not get along, and it being after son set, when it would be illegal to pro- ceed, after much delay, declared the meeting dissolv- ed. That evening a number met at the tavern and held a caucus and determined to petition to have another meeting to be held on the fourth Monday of this month, for the purpose of choosing a representa- tive. The abolitionists most generally voted not to send in consequence of not agreeing upon one can- date, and also voted to dissolve the meeting. Mansjirld, JVov. 21th, 1837. A Town Meeting was held this day agreeable to a warrant to choose a Representative to the General Court. A motion was m;ide to not send a Represen- tative. It was tried by yeas and nays and resulted in a vote not to send. Nays 98, Yeas 61. Aboli- tionists most generally, voted not to send. Fruit of M bocracy — Rev. Elijah P. Lovrjoijy Murdered at Alton, Illinois. AVe have before us, in the murder of Elijah P. Lovejoy, that friend to hberty and tlie rii;hts ot'man, the legithiiate fruits of ihat spu'it of mohocracv v.li ch has been acted out in tiiis town, and throuuhout tlie country. All those who liave directly or indirectly encouraged or countenanced, or have been actors in mobs, to put down free discussion, or silence aboli- tionists, are accessory to that murder. I hey are ac- cessory in fomenting that spirit whicli has led to mur- der — to the murder of that inestimable and worthy philanthropist, Elijah P. LoveJ! y. That spirit of mobocracy; that spirit of opposition to liberty had, previously to this fatal catastrophe, destroyed his j)rintiiig press two or three times. The first time it was destroyed was in St. Louis, Missouri, a slave holding state, A lawless mob destroyed it because the paper had the moral courage to speak in favor of human liberty and against that awful deed of moral turpitude transacted there — I mean the burning a colored man to death by a slow fire by a mob. 1^1 r. Lovejoy's paper, the St. Louis Observer, boldly pro- tested against such a deed of moral depravity. For this his press was destroyed and his life threatened. As he found he could not enjoy the liberty of publish- ing truth in a slave holding state he moved into the nomma//i/ free state of Illinois. Here the minions of slavery followed him and with the spirit of demons twice destroyed his press and thirsted after his blood. And on the niiiht of Nov. 7, 1837, the mob accom- plished their savage and diabolical purpose. They shot him dead — they took his life. Then, as soon as the ruffians found that they had done the deed, the air was rent with savage yells of infernal gratification surpassing the Indian v/ar whoop. But his blood 52 cry^ih from the u round tor veniieance. Vengeance upon tke odious system of slavery by wliose spirit the dreadful deed u as committed. The death war- rant of slavery is svrncd! A jireat change is takinfj place all over the coun- try in favor of the abolition of slavery. The Hon. Ifichard Fletcher, Representative in Connfress from Boston district, at the noted Faneuil Hall meetinir two years ago, denounced abolitionists by a speech, which has been considered to have been the cause ot tlu; Boston mob, and others, but now offers to bear one thrd of the expense of re-establishing the Alton Observer. The old lion of Ifeio England is rouscd! CONCLUSION. • When I comjiienced the preceding paragraphs, I had not the most distant idea of extendinjj them to the length I have: neither did I expect to have it pub- lished. But yielding to the solicitations of friends, (as I have a few lett, notwithstanding the attempts of anti-abolitionists to crush me,) I have concluded to have it appear in print, that the public may have an opportunity to judge of the base attempt to crush free discussion in Mansfield. In doing this I have stated nothing hni facts, most of which I was an eye and ear witness of I have done it as impartially as I was able, without fear, favor, or atfection. I have not written with any ill will to any person, nor for the purpose of courting the favor of any sect or par- ty. \^ I am indiscreet in so doing it is owing to the predominant principle of liberty by which I am ac- tuated. I have been accused by the enemies of ab- olition and promoters of mobs, of being the whole cause of abolition sentiments spreading throughout the town, (as though that was a crime,) and thereby being the cause of the mob of Oct. 10,1836. If I have done any thing to forward the cause of Anti- Slavery, I rejoice, but I reprobate the idea of being tbe cause of mobs. They originate from men ofdif- 5^ ferent principles. T he part vvliich I have taken in the Anti-Slavery cause has exposed me to much obloquy and reproach. It is true that I have taken considera- ble pains to circulate anti-slavery publications, })articu- larly at the commencement of light on the subject in this town, if I have been the means of enlighteniiio; my fellow citizens on this question, I am gratified ; and if I am reproached by the enemies of the cause, for so doing, I shall consider it my highest honor. But I am sorry that any person should be found fighting against the truth. Some anti-abolitionists have accused me of being actuated by a mercenary spirit ; that I am a hire- ling and do it to get money. Others of the same class accuse me of neglecting my proper calling, spending my time for nothing, when I ought to be earning some- thing for the support of my family, &c. It is true that 1 have spent considerable time to disseminate publica- tions and light upon the subject, and to obtain signa- tures to petitions to Congress, for which I have not had any pay.* I have not done it for money. I have spent both time and money in the cause cheerfully. Mv anxiety to see the cause prosper has induced me to do it. 1 think it time for others to wake up and work while the day lasts. We want more working men and working women in this cause to insure it success. Ev- ery man and woman ought to take hold of the work in earnest. Surely if they had near and dear relatives in such slavery as the colored people of the south are op- pressed with, they would not be idle. They would then think it time to do something. They would awake out of sleep. Perhaps the reader of the preceding pages will ex- pect some apolofry for its imperfections in style and grammar, &c. My apology is that I have had nothing but a common country school education, and that farm- *One man in town gave me one dollar, and another in an adjoin- ing town gave me fifty cents, which is all 1 have received, except mf fare to and from ati Anti-Slaverjr Convention, when a Delegate. 54 iijo; has been my chief cinployment. Such as it is I give it lo the public, hoping tiiat whoever tnkes the tiijuhle lo read it will pass by "like the idle wind" its iin perfections. As the Ami-Slavery cause grows popular, many men cf " property and standing," who aspire to political ])refermeni, will crowd into the anti-slavery ranks. — This was evident in the recent election in this state. — One of the Whig candidates for Senators in the Coun- ty of Bristol, JMr. Eddy, it was said, assisted a year or two since in breaking up an abolition meeting in Fall River, but now comes ioruard in a letter to Mr. Rob- eson, President of the Bristol County Ami- Slavery societ^ , in favor of abolition, jwsi before ehction. He was therefore elected. E^ en Gov. Eveiett, it is said, favors abolition, when not two years ago, he declared ill his speech to the legislature, that the doings of abo- litionists vsere '-'■ indictable at ccmmcn lew.'''' I ex- pect some of the leading men of this town will soon be courting the abolitionists votes. They will pretend to be on their side. Yes, men who not fourteen months ago stood by and saw us mobbed without so much as lifting a finger or saying a word to prevent it. Not only so, but said and did those things which encour- aged the mob. Abolitionists ought to be warned not to trust such men. Their own selfish ends are all they are seeking after. Our preference ought to run in fa- vor of those who have born calumny and reproach in favor of the cause. To see a man come out publicly and fearlessly in favor of abolition when it was unpop- ular and he was subject to obloquy and reproach, and had to suffer persecution for bearing testimony in fa- vor of truth, argues that the man is sincere and acts upon principle. Abolitionists need not fear to trust such men. Time serving politicians we ought to shun. With these {qw remarks I close, and subscribe myself, Your Humble Servant*, ISAAC STEARNS. 7 CONSTITUTION OF THE MANSFIELD ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. PREAMBIB. Whereas we believe Slavery to be a violation of the principle of right, of equal justice between man and man; of the ordination of God and nature; of the precepts of Christianity, and a great sin which ought to be immediately abolished: and whereas we believe that the inhabitants of any town, state, or na- tion of the world have not only the right to protest against it, but are under the highest moral and re- ligious obligations to seek and strive for its removal by moral means : and whereas we believe and are fully persuaded that the free people of color are sub- ject to an unrighteous prejudice and are unjustly op- pressed, and stand in need of our sympathy, and be- nevolent assistance; therefore recognizing the inspir- ed declaration that God has made of one blood all the nations of the earth, and believing the sentiments of the Declaration of American Independence, that '^ We hold these truths to he self evident, that all men are created equal'^ that they are endowed by their Creator ivith certain inalienable rights'^ among these are life, liberty^ and the pursuit of happiness y'^'' we agree to form ourselves into a Society, and to be governed by the following Article 1. This Association shall be called the Mansfield Anti-Slavery Society, auxihary to the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. Article 2. Any person who consents to the prin- ciples contained in this Instrument, may become a member of this Society, by signing the Constitution. Article 3. The funds of the society shall be ap- propriated to the dissemination of truth upon the subject of slavery, and the improvement of the moral and intellectual character of the colored population, and shall be expended under the direction of ihe Ex- ecutive Board, unless the Society shall order a spe- cial appropriation. Article 4. The government of the Society shall be vested in a Board of Officers, consisting of a Presi- dent, four Vice Presidents, a Recording Secretary, a Corresponding Secretary, and a Treasurer. Article 5. An annual meeting of the Society shall be holden on the first Monday in November, at which meeting the Treasurer shall make a report of the condition of the Treasury, and the Report of the Executive Board shall be read. At this meeting the officers for the ensuing year shall be chosen. Article 6. The society shall hold quarterly meet- ings on the first Monday of February, May and Au- gust, and the Executive Board may engage some person to lecture on the subject of slavery at the quarterly meetings, and whenever they shall judge it expedient for the advancement of the cause of aboli- tion. Article 7. This Constitution may be amended at any regular meeting of the Society by a vote of two thirds of the members present, provided the amend- ment proposed has been submitted to the society at any previous meeting. APPENDIX. The Mansfield Anti-Slavery Society met for the first time, on Monday, Dec. 3, 1836, at Rev. Mr. Morton's Meeting House, for the purpose of organi- zing themselves and choosing their officers. The fol- lowing constitute the board of officers, and were chosen by a unanimous vote. President — Dr. Hezekiah Skinner. Vice Presidents — Capt. Schuyler Shepard, Otis Allen, Knight Day, Stephen S. Sherman. Recording Secretary — William Grover. Corresponding Secretary—Is^iac Stearns, Jr. Treasurer — Stillman Cobb. MEMBERS. Otis Allen, > Susanna Allen, 3 Avery D. Allen, Abigail Allen, Davis Allen, Wm. M. Allen, Fanny Allen, Micah Allen, Anna Allen, Anna Allen,2d Eunice Allen, Daniel Atherton, Stirnpson Austin, Sally Austin, Stirnpson L. Austin, Julia^A. Austin, Malancy B. Balkcom'3 Jacob Bailey, Abigail Bassett, Ruth Bassett, Willard Billings, ) Eunice Billings, 5 Jacob Briggs, > Nancy Briggs, ) Albert P, Briggs, Solomon Briggs, Elizabeth Briggs, Edmund Briggs, Nancy Briggs 2d. Martin M. Braley, } Cynthia C Braley, ^ Nicholas Brown, ) Fanny C Brown, ) Asa Clark, ) Mercy Clark, ] Stillman Cobb, Phebe Cobb, Eliza H. Cobb," David Cobb, ) Elizabeth Cobb; 3 Lura Cobb, George Cobb, Jason Cobb, ) Jerusha Cobb, J James E. Cobb, Samuel C. Cobb, j Huldah Cobb, < Jason H. Cobb^ Willard Cobb, > Lydia J. Cobb, ) Rachael Cobb, Caroline F. Cobb, Luther Clapp, } Virtue Clapp, \ Wm. A. Clapp, Erastus Clapp, John S. Codding, Elmira Codding, Wilham Codding, A hi Codding, William Cole, Amasa Copeland, Fanny Copeland, 58 Leonard Corey, Adah Corey, Maria J. Cummings, Sally Crossman. Robert Davis, Clarissa A. Day, Charles Day, Eliza Day, Knight Day. Martha Day. Henry Day. Maria Day. Mehitable H. Dean. Betsey Derby. Fanny Drake. Jane A. Dunham. 'Sarah A. Dunham. Charles Eaton. M. D. Eddy. Jemima Eldridge. Tabathy Eldridge. Julia A. Eldridge. Charles W. Evans. Daniel Fisher. Hepzibah Fisher. Daniel Fisher Jr. IViary B. Francis. Abigail Frost. Harrison Fuller. Mary P. Fuller. Hosea Grover. Jerusha Grover. Loretta o rover. Juline Grover. Betsey Grover, Wm. O. Grover. David Grover, Martha Grover, Robert B. Grover, Mary Grover 2d, George Grover, J^Iary Grover, Lemuel Grover, Sarah Grover, Eunice Grover, Cephas Grover, Bradbury E Grover, William Grover, Betsey C. Grover, Levi Grover, Mehitable Hall, Nehemiah Hall, Asenath Hall, Herman Hall, Fanny C Hall, Amasa Hardon, Lucy Hardon, Wm, H. Hardon, Wilson Hardon, Nathan Hardon, Sally Hardon, Maria Hardon, Angenette Hardon, Comfort Hardon, Nancy H. Hardon, Susanna Hardon, Fanny Hardon, Simeon Hardon, Polly Hardon, 59 Juiine Hanlon, Nancy Hicks, Rosanna Hearspy, Elisha Hodges, Sarah A. Hodges, Abigail Hodges, Jesse Hodges, Susan Hodges, Quincy Hunt, Peddy Hunt, Eunice Hunt, Henrietta M. Hunt, Mary Johnson, Artemas King, Sally King, Elizaheth Lambert, Wm. S. Lane, Emy Lane, Vesta Lathrop, Silas Leonard, Clarissa Leonard, Serena Leonard, Sally Leonard, Nehemiah Leonard, Louisa T. Lincoln, Stephen T. Lincoln, Wm. S. Lincoln, ^masa Lovell, Bethany Lovell, Daniel Martin, Rachael Martin, Daniel Martin, Jr. Salome Martin, Linus Martin, Ruth Y. Martin, Nancv Martin, Albert G. Morton, Fanny Morton, Milly Morse, Chester F. Morse, -^urilla Morse, Thomas Newcomb, Fanny New comb, Maria Newcomb, Almira Newcomb, Martha Newcomb, Abigail Newcomb, Rachael Nevvcoinb, llachael Newcomb, 2d. John E. Newland, Joseph H. Paine, Nelson Paine, Belinda Paine, Isaac Paine, Polly Paine, Wm. A. Paine, Rhoda R. Paine, Hosea E. Paine, Betsey Paine, Azubah Paine, Eunice L. Paine, Betsey Parker, Stephen C. Perry, Ann Perry, Harriet Perry, Koanna W. Perry, Amasa Pratt, Sally Pratt, Luther Phillips, Eleanor Phillips, 60 James Reed, Rachael Reed, Ira Richardson, Eveline Richardson, Kingman Richmond, Sarah Richmond, Caroline A Richmond Alexander Richmond Geo. W. Richmond, Mary A. Richmond, Ozias Robinson, Rachael J. Robinson Sally F. Shaw, Seth Shepard, Lydia Shepard, Schuyler Shepard, Aurilla Shepard, Welcome Skinner, Mary Skiimer, Hezekiah Skinner, Sally Skinner, David Skinner, Abi Skinner, Horace Skinner, Fanny H. Skinner, Zebediah Skinner, Hannuh Skinner, Otis Skinner, Ruth Skinner, Abigail S. Skinner, Rufus Skinner, Elizabeth Skinner, Sybil Skinner. Harrison Skinner, Lettice Skinner. Sarah Skinner. Eunice Skinner, Elias Skinner, Susanna Skinner, Luther F. Skinner, Julius Skinner, Julia Skinner, Dency Skinner, Anna Skinner, Fanny Skinner, Louisa Skinner, Isaac Skinner, Isaac Skinner, Jr. Fanny Skinner, Stephen Sherman, Abiah Sherman, Susan Smith, Isaac Stearns, Sarah Stearns, William Stearns, Nancy H. Stearns, Rachael R. -Stearns, Sa\\y Stearns, Polly AStearns, Nathaniel 5'tone, ] Jane A^tone, Catharine iStone, Charles ^tratton, George Thurber, Louisa Tift, John T. Tobit, Eliza A. Tobit, iSophrona W. Wheeler, .Sally White, William White, 61 Almira White, Esther Wliite, Anna White, Polly White, Abiaail White, Huldah White, Isaac White, ^Sophia White, 6'ophiaH. White, Clarissa H. White, Isaac H. White, Simeon White, Polly C. White, Charles P. White, Eunice T. White, Hiram H. White, %CJ° Since the article Lydia White, Franklin White, 8arah H. White, Emily A. White, Daniel Williams, Nancy Willams, Nancy Williams 2(1. Daniel Williams Jr. Lavina Williams, Nahum Williams, Clarissa Williams. Nancy H. Williams Thomas Wilmarth, Ann G. Witherell, Joseph Wood. relating to the Methodist Society ivas written and sent to press, I have been informed that the Committee and Minister of the Society are ivilling to have Anti- Slavery Lectures in their house. pfl " 1 8 1 -y-UJ^-"'^-' ^l"' > V .^^ \ .& V .sj is' ~2^ * ^O ^ ^O^ -=0-A \C^^ "^ <^ .5 °^ .^ V' ■ -^0 LIBRARY BINDING -J ^P O^ ■* i .^ .^ ° " ° V {( ST. AUGUSTINE -^ > -.^^ .^^