^iiwiigiii \A\ r-^H,C^_AvX ^~-X historical ^^ ORGANIZED MAY 9, 1894. INCORPORATED dULY 9, 1894 Vol. I. Bulletin No. I. C) Makerism on y\antuckel nnce 1800, BY HENRY BARNARD WORTH. PUBLISHED BY Nantucket Historical Association, 1896. f--1 Wisloricai ORGANIZED MAY 9, 1894, INCORPORATED dULY 9, 1894 A^' Vol. I. Bulletin No. I. uakerism on /\anlucket ince 1800, BY HENRY BARNARD WORTH. PUBLISHED BY Nantucket Historical Association, 1896. 1^'^ nJ^ 2d PREFACE. The following essay was prepared for the purpose of indicating the causes that led to the melancholy disappear- ance of Friends from Nantucket. Facts were taken from original sources and statements of theological contro- versies, were quoted from books of unquestioned au- thority. Some historical digressions were necessary to explain the movements of the Nantucket Meetings. Terms used to designate different bodies of Friends, which were derived from the names of prominent leaders, are employed not in disrespect, but because no other terms are as clear. Henry B. Worth. New Bedford, August 1, 1896. CONDITION IN 1800. The Society of Friends on the Island of Nantucket reached its highest tide of membership and influence a few years prior to the opening of the present century. In the year 1792 they were using a meeting house located in the corner of their burying ground at the junc- tion of Main and Saratoga streets. This building was erected in 1730, and here the Friends had met for over sixty years. This location was once central and conven- ient, but the members had now moved nearer Nantucket harbor and their success in business suggested a change. "11th mo., 28, 1791. The Friends' Meeting decided that the remote situation of our meeting house being found in- convenient it gave rise in this meeting to a proposition of removing to a place more central and the propriety of dividing the body of Friends if a second house should be found useful." Two months later the committee reported favorably concerning both projects, "which being considered of is referred for further consideration to the next Monthly Meetinor. In the meantime Friends are desired to invest their minds with due attention to the subject." The next month was taken another cautious step. In order that the most careful consideration should be devoted to the subject and no feature overlooked, "2 mo., 27, 1792. This meeting appoints a committee of fourteen to investigate the expense of moving their meeting house and to enquire for a suitable place to build." The next month the committee reported "it would cost to move the old building and build a second one 900 pounds. One piece of land was by David Coffin's and the other between Jethro Starbuck and John Gardner." This report was accepted, and a building committee of " twelve was chosen to receive conveyances of the lots and procure materials for a new house." The conveyances, dated April 12, 1792, were taken in the names of Benjamin Barney, cooper, Jethro Mitchell, cooper, and Shubael Coffin, merchant, as overseers. One lot was bounded on the north by a highway, on the east by another highway, on the south by land of David Coffin, and on the west by land of Richard Mitchell. The streets of Nantucket were not then named. This lot was at the southwest corner of Main and Pleas- ant streets, where the dwelling house of the late Benjamin Coffin now stands. The other lot was "bounded on the south by a wide highway, on the east by land of Zacheus Macy, and west by land of Jethro Starbuck." The " wide highway " is now Broad street, and on this lot now stands the residence of the late Eben W. Allen, directly east from the Ocean House. These proceedings were well known to all the islanders. "The Congregational society having heard that the Friends were contemplating a change and that they might be put to some inconvenience for a place to meet in, passed a vote to offer the use of their meeting house to the Friends for the purpose of solemn worship whilst said re- moval might be accomplishing." But that committee of twelve had not overlooked such an important contingency. The meeting replied: "This meeting imprest with a due sense of their friendly intention & desirous to render them the acknowledgement do to so liberal & benevolent an offer, inform them that the necessity which they appre- hend is not likely to take place, this meeting having con- cluded to build a new house previous to the removal of the old." The new meeting house was fifty-six feet long and thirty-eight feet wide, and stood on the Broad street lot. On the Main street lot the old meeting house was re- built. Before the autumn of 1792 had passed the new house had been built and the old one removed. They paid for the change in two years. " 9 mo., 29, 1794. The building committee reported that they had completed building the new house and had moved the old one and had paid all the cost." At this time the population of Nantucket was about 5600 and nearly one-half attended Friends Meeting. DIVISION OF THE SOCIETY. When the Friends had completed the change and had two meeting houses ready for use it became expedient to divide the membership into two bodies, each of which should attend a separate house. Meetings for worship were larger than business meet- ings, for on First days many attended meeting who were not members. While they needed two meeting houses for worship, one was enough for business meetings. They selected the most natural line for division, although it did not divide the members into two equal parts. "12 mo., 31, 1792. The society is divided as follows : A line from the old wharf as far west as Sylvanus Star- buck's dwelling house (including said house with all who dwell on the south side of said street) beyond, taking its course in that direction to the shearing pen, with all who dwell to the south of said limits, to attend at the old meet- ing house, others to attend at the new meeting house." This line began at the Straight Wharf and extended westerly through the entire length of Main street and its continuations to the ponds. This division, however, was merely for convenience in worship. One corporation, the Nantucket Monthly Meet- ing, owned both buildings. The business meetings were held in the Main street house. Several meeting houses may belong to one Monthly Meeting. Monthly Meetings of a certain section are governed by an organization called a Quarterly Meeting. This is composed of delegates from each Monthly Meeting. The Yearly Meeting is the supreme body and meets once a year, and is composed of delegates from the Quar- terly Meetings. Nantucket Monthly Meeting belonged to the Sandwich Quarterly Meeting and to the New England Yearly Meet- ing. Not long after the division, those members who were as- signed to the Broad Street Meeting for worship desired to have a separate business meeting and to manage their affairs without connection with the Main Street Meeting. They desired to be a Distinct Monthly Meeting. " 1 mo., 27, 1794. The subject of a Distinct Monthly Meeting being allowed to the Friends who constitute the North Meeting referred to a committee." "2 mo., 21, 179-i. The committee after solid and weighty attention therein are generally of opinion it will be best for said Friends to be set off and be a Distinct Monthly Meeting." The consent of the Sandwich Qiiarterly Meeting was obtained, and the Nantucket Monthly Meeting for the Northern District was duly organized. 10 mo., 27, 1794. The North Meeting met for the first time, with William Rotch as clerk and Jethro Mitchell as treasurer. As near as can be ascertained the North Meeting included about one-third of the Nantucket Friends, but here were more persons of wealth than at the old meeting. The Mitchells, Rotchs, Rodmans, Gard- ners, Joys and Swifts were members of this meeting. When the nineteenth century opened there were two Qiiaker meetings largely attended and flourishing, and the only other sect on the island was still struggling and weak. The Friends had evidently founded an enduring strong- hold, and in the future were clear prospects of greater success. " The men and women sat, the elder folk facing the younger, from their rising seats, with faces grave beneath the stiff straight brim or dusky bonnet. On the highest seats, where the low partition boards sundered the men and women, there alone sat they whom most the spirit visited and spake through them and gave authority." Yet unknown to themselves they had reached the pin- nacle of their prosperity, and soon would begin the decline that would be steady and relentless, until they should disappear from the Island. They heeded not the clouds that warned them of coming storms, but condemn- ing all change as dangerous, they sailed on in the cause given them two centuries before by George Fox, until stranded, shattered, and wrecked on one rock after another, they have almost vanished from the sea, and rival sects are now in undisputed dominion on the island. If a vision of coming time could have been given them with its changes and sad decay, we cannot doubt that they would gladly endeavored to avert such a calamity. They would never have been willing to permit the labors of a century thus to come to naught. It is therefore not amiss to assume that they did not appreciate where their course would lead. To-day a large part of the Friends have seen the errors of their ancestors, and have changed their course and are having some prosperity. 8 But scattered through the world are small struggling bodies that claim to keep the faith and practice of their an- cestors without change, and although each year growing less and less, they cannot see that their forefathers were in any error. Such mistaken and misguided zeal seems un- accountable. They seem to hope that in some mysterious way they will be restored to their former power and pres- tige. CAUSES OF DECLINE. There were live principal causes that ltd to the decline of the Quaker society at Nantucket. 1. In the early years of this century considerable numbers of Nantucketers emigrated to Maine, New York and the West. Many of these were Friends, and their removal perceptably reduced the Nantucket meetings. 2. The loss to Nantucket merchants by French Spoliations and the war of 1812 caused great financial change to the Nantucket Quakers. Their property en- tirely disappeared. While it is true that Friends are under less expense than other people, yet there is great prestige in having wealthy persons among the members of a society. The losses by the Mitchells and Gardners and others must have had a depressing effect on the Nantucket Friends. 3. The literature of the year 1800 was very hostile to religious thought, and members who followed the sea could not help feeling its influence. They became in- diflerent when at home, and were disowned for not attend- ing meetings. 4. The establishment of a Methodist society on the island, which met in the attic of a house on Fair street. Here was the same zeal that now characterizes the Salva- tion Army, and the place was called "Glory Hole." Children of Friends were attracted by this vinorous reHgious body and left their parents' meeting. "5 mo., 20, 1821. E. S. disowned for attending the Methodist church." 5. But the most potent cause of decline was the en- forcement of their discipline. Here the Friends were un- relenting in disowning their members for acts not immoral. Their treatment was so severe that it brought discredit instead of respect, and on this account persons outside were disgusted. There is in mankind a sense of fairness which accurately measures all penalties. This sense must not be offended if any religious body would obtain additions from those outside. One Friend wrote : "It has been my lot to see many cases of disownment of members from which my own feelings revolted, and in which the benevolent feelinos of valuable Friends appeared to have been violated to uphold the discipline. I have seen men of natural kindness and tendencies become hard hearted and severe. I have seen justice turned back and mercy laid aside." At Nantucket, while the highest penalty was excom- munication, it was considered a great loss and disgrace, although the accused was conscious of no wrong. Then there were no degrees in the penalties. Disownment was the only penalty for all offences great and small. A few quotations will now be given of accusations for which persons were disowned. They are samples of large classes. " 2 mo., 27, 1800. Henry Barnard had gone to sea in an armed vessel." If they had known that he joined the Freemasons live years before, he would have been disowned sooner for that. " 1 mo., 28, 1801. L. H. was disowned for deviating from our principles in dress and address." lO He persisted in wearing buckles, and refused to say "thee" and "thou." "2 mo., 25, 1801. D. C. had married a member of another society, and J. J. was keeping company with a man not in membership with us and attended a place where there was music and dancing." " 10 mo., 28, 1801. Levi Joy was living in Hudson, New York, though still a member of the Nantucket Meet- ing. The Nantucket Meeting requested the Hudson Meeting to treat with him on account of a charge that he had joined the Freemasons. That meeting replied that Joy denied being a member of that society. This evasive reply was promptly rejected and the Hudson Meeting informed 'that the time and place of his initiation among them and the circumstances of the case have been ascertained,' and requested them to investigate further. Several months afterward the Hudson Meeting replied that 'Joy admitted that he was once among the Free- masons in their embodied capacity, and never but once, and had no desire to meet with them again in like manner,' and suggested that he be pardoned, which was done." "7 mo., 6, 1803. H. C. had deviated in dress and address from the plainness of our profession, and F. H. had deviated from our principles in dress, particularly in tying the hair." "4 mo., 30, 1806. D. G. had gone out in marriage with a woman in New York." " 11 mo., 29, 1806. H. B. G. had attended a marriage performed by a minister, where there was music and dancing, in which he was a partaker." " 10 mo., 31, 1810. N. M. attended a marriage per- formed by a minister." "3 mo., 26, 1812. M. R. had been dealing in and handling spirituous liquors." II " 11 mo., 25, 1815. S. C. had sailed in a privateer." " 10 mo., 29, 1818. H. G. had partaken too freely of spirituous liquors." "5 mo., 31, 1821. W. G. H. joined a company at a hall and was concerned in a lottery." "7 mo., 25, 1821. A. F. had permitted his daughter to be married in his dwelling house by a minister." " 5 mo., 30, 1822. C. G. C. had married a woman not a member." And yet for over half a century afterward he was one of Nantucket's most kindly and benevolent citizens and prominently connected with the Coffin school and Athe- neum. "5 mo., 31, 1824. L. C. had neglected the meetings and frequented those of the Methodist societ}^." Such were the austerities of their discipline. Dishonorable failures were promptly condemned. " 3 mo., 26, 1812. E. M. had launched into business beyond his ability and cannot pay his just debts." "6 mo., 9, 1813. S. M. had failed in the performance of his promises and cannot pay but a small dividend." It must not be concluded that such severity existed solely in Nantucket. It was everywhere the same. Persons marrying contrary to the society's rules were disowned unless they repented in writing. One woman said she was disowned for the best act of her life. In one case parents were forbidden to bequeath prop- erty to such a child who had been disowned. One physician was disowned for cei'tifying that certain soldiers were disabled by wounds and suitable for pensions. At one period Friends thought it justifiable to visit their members and with instruments remove ornaments from furniture. It was common practice for Friends to attend marriages 12 of their Gentile acquaintances, if only they were out of the room when the marriage ceremony was being performed. Once over thirty persons left the room and returned after the marriage had been performed by a minister, and thus escaped disownment. A prominent English Quakeress said : "I cannot deny that much as I love the principles of Quakerism, bitter experience has proved to me that Friends do rest too much in externals, and that valuable as are many of them yet there are also serious evils in our society among its mem- bers. These cause me real anxiety and pain and reconcile me to so many of my children being disowned." The far-reaching consequences of these numerous dis- ownments were never measured or considered. Ties of blood and marriage are always strong. If a member of a family was set aside for some frivolous offence, others of the family were likely to follow, and those disowned usually went to another meeting. These losses were not compensated by additions, for leaving out of account children of Quaker parentage who were members by birth, other additions were not over one in five years, while the disownments were often fifty a year. Although it is difficult to estimate the exact loss to the Quaker society on account of any particular cause, yet the influential cause was the enforcement of unnatural regulations regarding marriage. In this particular, expe- rience shows that the human heart generally without restraint follows its own inclinations. Sometimes educa- tion, public opinion, and persuasion may exert an influence on the choice, but compulsory requirements never will succeed. It has been stated without objection that fully one-third of the Friends who married before 1850 chose partners not members of the society, and thus lost their membership. 13 Of these almost none are reinstated, for having com- mitted no moral offence, and being disowned for an act that may have added greatly to their happiness they have no wish to return to a body towards which they entertain only feelincrs of disgust. From the beginning of this century to the present time such marriages have increased in frequency, and the fact that disownment for this course is now mentioned as a joke is a proof of the impotency of the penalty. In relation to this discipline it should be stated that in New England at this time are three sects of Qiiakers. 1. The Nantucket Meeting. 2. The Wilburite Meeting. 3. The Gurney Meeting, or New England Yearly Meeting. The censorious discipline is now carried out in its full- ness by the first two. In the Gurney body has been a great change. In the last book of discipline published by the New England Yearly Meeting marrying non-members is no cause for disownment. Attending meetings of other societies is not forbidden, and dress is no longer a subject for discipline. Members may belong to secret societies if "the cause of truth do not suffer," and they can hold public office. Before 1852 a Quaker burial ground resembled a pas- ture lot or hay field. Now there are seen grave stones fifteen inches high. Formerly there were twenty-seven causes for disown- ment, not including crimes. Now there are eleven de- linquencies for which members may be set aside. ^ In the Friends school at Providence, Rhode Island, which is managed by the New England Yearly Meeting, are provided for use of the students nine pianos, and music, vocal and instrumental, are on their curriculum. All these departures have been made in recent years in the New England Yearly Meeting of Friends. In a recent number of an English periodical in the interest of the strict class of Friends mention was made of honors conferred in English universities on children of Quaker parentage. One of these had taken first honors in insrtumental music. Thus they reduced their membership in excess of the additions. The interest of members in their meetings was sadly declining. Instead of two strong flourishing meetings, as at the opening of the century, there were at Nantucket two remnants, and it was thought best to combine them. The weakest body was at Broad street. It was therefore decided to discontinue it. "5 mo., 13, 1829. The Nantucket Meeting for the Northern District was dissolved and its property and mem- bers transferred to the old meeting." The Broad street meeting house was used as a place of worship until September, 1833, when it was sold by the Friends. It was afterwards rebuilt and became a part of the beautiful Trinity Episcopal church, which was burned in the fire of 1846. Such was the irony of Fate. A Q^iaker meeting was discontinued and its house of worship transformed into an Episcopal church, where the High Church ceremonials prevailed and the rector was a zealous disciple of Newman and the Tractarians. THE HICKSITE STRUGGLE. During the first thirty years of this century disownments were based exclusively on irregularities or omissions in conduct. None had been disowned on account of doctrinal views, but now a new and more insidious foe had appeared and was walking about the land. It had paused at Philadel- phia and New York, and had carried away captive large 15 numbers of Friends. Some of these in New York had relatives at Nantucket. Stalwart Friends in New York and Philadelphia, who had withstood the enemy, warned their brethren at Nantucket, who had time to prepare for the expected invasion. Several years they waited, and at last in the summer of 1830 it appeared on the island. It was merely a Hicksite preacher, but that meant a moun- tain. Elias Hicks, a Qiiaker Minister after a long ministry, was charged with teaching false doctrines. He lived on Long Island and carried on farming. His power as an orator has been likened to that of Webster and Everett. In his published sermons certain stalwart Friends in Phil- adelphia discovered evidences that Hicks doubted the inspiration of the Bible, the deity of the Messiah, and the .personality of the devil. So they led against him a fierce attack, which continued several years and resulted in a division of the society in Baltimore and Pennsylvania, and New York, in which a larger part approved Hicks' views and the smaller body remained orthodox. This was the first rift in the Quaker society. Each part claimed to hold the truth. On the controverted points Hicks denied that he held any views different from George Fox, who was the stand- ard. Judged by his sermons. Hicks was as orthodox as one-half of the Protestant clergy of to-day. It seems that in the early summer of 1830 a Hicksite minister visited Nantucket and appointed a meeting to be held in some building not a church. Qiiite likely he came from New York and was welcomed by the relatives of his New York Friends. Some of the members of the Nantucket Meeting "publicly gave countenance to this affair by assisting the minister to procure a meeting house other than that of Friends for a meeting called by that person not in unity with Friends, and they attended that i6 meeting, for which breaches of order no satisfaction was obtained from them." Friends could punish any disorderly conduct. So all that became necessary was to call any objectionable act a "disorder" and it could be punished. By the experience of several years, Friends in Nantucket were advised that this was the only safe way to deal with the Hicksite movement. If any member was discovered lean- ing that way, call him "disorderly" and disown him. It is altogether likely that the minister was known to them as a Hicksite by reputation. The only other fact was to ascer- tain who gave him any welcome and call it a "disorder" and disown them. So eager were they to throttle the in- vading monster that they never even charged that their members approved the minister's preaching. To punish these acts as "disorderly" was easy, summary and etTective, even if unjust. A busy summer followed. Gilbert Coffin, Silvanus Macy, Roland Hussey, Obed Barney, Daniel Mitchell, William B. Coffin, Charles Pit- man, Gideon Swain, Matthew Myrick, William Watson, Thomas Macy, Peter Macy, Obed Macy, and their wives and others had been in some way connected with the Hicksite meeting and were disowned. These persons were prominent and influential and were a loss to the meeting, both in membership and prestige. Nowhere else in New England did the Hicksite move- ment appear, and the reason for its appearance at Nan- tucket may be that the Hicksite leaders in New York City had relatives in Nantucket whom they had probably made familiar with Hicks' views. It is estimated that of the whole Friends society in the world two-tifths became Hicksites. In Nantucket the number scarcely reached one-fifth. The Nantucket Hicksites organized a meeting under the Westbury Qiiarterly Meeting on Long Island, and March 17 23, 1833, through their overseers, Gilbert Coffin, Obed and Peter. Macy, purchased a lot on Main street, where now stands the residence of William T. Swain. On this lot they erected a large meeting house, where they met several years. When their members became reduced the meeting house property was sold, and the building was afterwards used for the straw business and was called Atlantic Hall. A few years ago it was taken down and is now the middle section of Hotel Nantucket. The mem- bers who were left mostly attended the Unitarian Church, lending some credit to the popular impression that Hicks- ites are Unitarian Qiiakers. Thus the Nantucket Meeting successfully liberated them- selves from those they considered heretical parasites. It had been done quickly and easily. They did in two months what was pending several years in Philadelphia. Elias Hicks visited Nantucket in June, 1793, nearly thirty years before his name became associated with false doctrines. REMOVAL TO FAIR STREET. The Friends had not the control of the island as in former years. The Methodists had two churches, one on lower Fair Street and the other on corner of Centre and Liberty Streets. Here was fiery preaching, lively music and delirious excitement called "slaying power." Imagine the horror of those solid Friends at hearing that one of their members had attended a revival at the "Teaser" meeting house ! A Universalist society had become organized and had bought land for a meeting house. The North Congregational church was crowded and they were contemplating building a larger meeting house. Here and also at the Second Congregational Meeting 3 House on Orange street, now called Unitarian, was cul- tured preaching and Puritan music. "Solid men sat in the pews. Every Sunday millions of money listened to the preachers. The Unitarians were rich enough to build their church of mahogany." These were powerful forces and drew many from the Friends society. It was decided in the spring of 1833 to seek a different location. The meeting house on Main street was no longer convenient. So their overseers, Samuel Macy, Hezekiah Swain, Zenas Gardner, Cromwell Barnard, Kimball Starbuck, Prince Gardner, Laban Paddock, Peleg Mitchell and Charles G. Stubbs, purchased a lot on the west side of Fair street, between Ray's court and Moore's lane. On the south part of the lot was erected a meeting house, and in the building on the north side of the lot was maintained a Friends school, where at one time John Boadle taught down stairs and Alice Mitchell up- stairs. The meeting house stood where now is the residence of William M. Barrett, and the schoolhouse and lot are the property of the Nantucket Historical Association. "9 mo., 1, 1833. The new meeting house was used. The old meeting house was sold to Charles G. and Henry Coffin, and the building removed to the Commercial wharf for a warehouse." A singular experience befell one of these overseers. "6 mo., 27, 1833. Cromwell Barnard was drawn on the jury and inadvertently administered a formal oath to a witness. The meeting heard of it, and excused him only after he had made a written acknowledgement of his error." "4 mo., 26, 1835. A library of one hundred thirty- nine books was placed in the meeting house." It was evidently thought that if suitable literature could 19 be read by Friends some of the hostile influences of that day would be counteracted and members held faithful to the meeting. But notwithstanding all efforts to the contrary, during the decade from 1835 to 1845 there was a continually in- creasing indifference. Many were disowned for marrying contrary to the rules of the society and for not attending meetings. Their numbers were fast diminishing. " 8 mo., 31, 1843. Maria Mitchell, daughter of Will- iam Mitchell, was disowned because she had neglected the meetings, and told the committee that her mind was not settled on religious subjects and that she had no wish to retain her right in membership." The beauty of a thousand stars in the canopy of heaven was more congenial. The meeting was losing its power and prestige. The forcfe and influence of Quaker principles were on the wane. Some dread catastrophe was casting its shadow before. Those who had met the Hicksite invasion into New England, conquered it and seen it disappear from the island were now called to a more disheartening conflict. Their victory over the Hicksites had been easy, for they had the support of all the Friends in New England, but in the coming contest ever}^ meeting in New England would be against them, and they would themselves be conquered. The new enemy had already appeared even before the end of the Hicksite movement, but the attention of Friends was so engrossed by the latter that it for a time over- shadowed the former. Thus when the Hicksite struggle was ended and the two parties had separated, the Orthodox American Friends turned their attention towards the new heresy that was progressing in England and America. About the year 1818 a systematic study of the Scriptures 20 and catechising thereon was introduced in the Friends school at Ackworth. Joseph John Gurney is stated to have been the chief promoter of this change. His attempt to encourage a study of the Scriptures as the sole guide in religion brought on him severe attacks by Friends, who asserted that the Inner Light being the Divine Spirit shedding its light in the human heart was the primary guide and the Scriptures were secondary. Here began the thirty years' struggle commonly known as the Gurneyite movement, although it became well defined not before 1832. THE GURNEY DIVISION. Joseph John Gurney was the son of a wealthy English Qiiaker family ; was highly educated in English universi- ties, and by his eloquence and polished discourse became a preacher of great power in the Quaker society, and gained great popularity both in England and America. His sermons contained statements from which the stal- wart American Friends decided that here was a man more dangerous than Elias Hicks. They asserted that Friends could not tell beforehand what the spirit would direct them to do in a meeting, and as they were not moved until assembled in meeting there could be no preparation. There was no priest, no sacra- ment, no liturgy, no hymn book, not even a Bible. It was an assembly of human souls gathered in solemn still- ness, waiting until God should speak through one of them to the rest. If a minister was discovered making any prepara- tion for a meeting, she was said to be " going before her guide," and she was deposed and silenced. With this cardi. nal principle emphasized and reiterated on all possible oc- casions, it was with great uneasiness that American Friends learned that Gurney actually carried a Bible 21 to meeting and read from it. They also claimed that he prepared his discourses beforehand. This was not Quaker dependence on the Holy Spirit. The error of Hicks was in repudiating the Bible. The error of Gurney was in re- pudiating the Spirit. Gurney therefore was as dangerous as the other, and in 1838 the American Friends began a seven years' conflict with the purpose of having Gurney silenced by the London Yearly Meeting, Every move- ment must have a leader, and these persons attacking Gurney selected John Wilbur of Hopkinton, Rhode Island, whose vigor and rigor proved entirely adequate to the occasion. Gurney visited most of the meetings in America and Europe and met with great success. He visited Nantucket July, 1838, and was the guest of Cromwell Barnard. Wilbur by voice and pen met with less success, for in Great Britain all the meetings had approved Gurney's preaching. The bitterest contest was carried on in New England. It seems that Wilbur differed from Gurney in only four particulars : 1. Whether justification precedes or follows sanctifica- tion? 2. The true reason for observing the first day of the week instead of the seventh. 3. Whether in the next world will be given natural or spiritual bodies ? 4. Whether the Holy Spirit or the Bible is the true re- ligious guide? The first three points in dispute are entirely unessential and any discussion of them would be without profit. George Fox taught that the Holy Spirit could be received by believers so as to become an Inner Light, mak- ing clear the path to follow, and that no other guide was as infallible. The Bible was of secondary importance. 22 Until the time ot Gurney emphasis was placed on the Inner Light, instead of the Bible, but Gurney discovered an inconsistency among the Friends. Ministers had been ac- cused of teaching false doctrine. They claimed to speak what the spirit taught them, and yet they were condemned by the society of Friends and their teaching was proved to be false by quotations from the Bible. If a man's light differed from the Bible, he was judged not to have the true light. If, therefore, the Bible was the final authority, Gurney recommended that it be so considered ; that it be carefully studied by young and old ; that Bible schools be estabhshed ; that societies be organized for the wider cir- culation of the Scriptures. Some of Gurne3''s friends in England joined with a number of Episcopal bishops in the formation of a Bible society. This was highly offensive to the stalwart American Friends. Thus did the bitterest of conflicts proceed, and New England became divided into two bitter factions, the Gur- neyites and Wilburites. The crisis was reached in 1845 at Newport in the New England Yearly Meeting. In several of the Quarterly and Monthly Meetings, there had been divisions into Wilburite and Gurneyite bodies, each claiming to be the true organization. These and other matters came before the Yearly Meeting, the court of last resort for final adjudication. The larger part of the prominent Nantucket Friends had joined the Wilbur party, and were ready in the Yearly Meeting to offer stout resistance to the advance of the Gurney party. It was evident that the Yearly Meeting had overwhelm- ingly adopted the views of Gurney, and if majorities had ruled, as in other bodies, the Wilbur party would have had little opportunity to be heard. Owing to a curious feature in the government of the 23 Quaker society, a small minority has an opportunity to make a vigorous and often successful contest. It arises in the selection of a clerk for the meeting, whose power is almost supreme. Usually in secular bodies the first strug- gle is to obtain a majority in number, and then the majority by vote controls all subsequent matters. But in a Friends' Meeting there is no chairman and no voting ; conse- quently numbers do not count. The clerk decides what is the sense of the meeting and then he "makes a minute of it, "or makes a record of it. When a Friends' Meeting is to take action the clerk an- nounces the subject and awaits the expression of the members. After all the members that wish have ex- pressed themselves the clerk thereupon decides what is the solid weighty sense of the meeting. It may not be the view of the majority ; but taking into account the age, piety, experience and position of those expressing them- selves he decides what is the view of the solid and weighty members. This view must be what he thinks most sensi- ble. The sense of the meeting may become the view of the clerk. The difficulty and delicacy of the duty imposed on the clerk of collecting and recording the judgment of the meeting without a vote being taken is so great that in times of excitement and conflicting opinions few persons can be found competent to the task, for however impartial the clerk it is always difficult for him not to be influenced by his own views and sympathies. It therefore follows from this that the clerk may declare the judgment of the meeting to be according to the view of the minority, and so the minority governs the meeting. This actually happened in the city of Philadelphia. Nor does his power end here, for having decided what is the sense of the meetino- whatever record the clerk makes is conclusive and can never be altered, corrected or 24 changed. With such an opportunity for the minority to govern a few are often encouraged to convince the clerk that their view is the sensible one, and if successful he will make a minute in their favor. It should be stated that when there is a great difference of opinion among the members an impartial clerk will make a minute postpon- ing the subject till the next meeting, but usually the clerks in times of excitement are not so impartial but decide in favor of one party. The first act at the opening of a new meeting is to elect a new clerk. For this purpose the old clerk presides. Whichever party he favors will thereafter control the organization. For with a clerk in their favor a few could overcome a multitude. Such a decisive advantage is this that the entire contest in a division is waged on this point. If a contesting party cannot elect their clerk they always withdraw. This is their way of settling a di- vision. At this session of the Yearly Meeting the Wilburites, under the leadership of Prince Gardner of Nantucket, tried to secure the selection of Thomas B. Gould of New- port as clerk, but the clerk of the previous year, who was to decide the sense of the meeting, being a Gurneyite, found the sense of the meeting to be that he himself should continue to be clerk. When he made this minute the Wilburites withdrew to a Baptist Church near by and organized what they called the New England Yearly Meeting. Several years later the Supreme Court of Massachu- setts was sought to pass upon the respective rights of these two meetings. There is in Fall River on North Main Street a plain white building, which in 1844 belonged to the Swansea Monthly Meeting, which was largely Gurneyite. This meeting divided into two bodies, the Gurney body 25 being much larger, each claiming to be the true Swansea Monthly Meeting, and both selected overseers, who are the officers to take charge of the societies' property. The Wilburite overseers succeeded in getting control of the Fall River meeting house and would not surrender it. The matter was carried to the Quarterly Meeting, but here was a division. There was a Gurney C^arterly Meeting and a Wilbur Quarterly Meeting. So the Yearly Meeting was called upon to decide the controversy. But as here was also a division a suit was brought in the courts of Massachusetts by the Gurney overseers for possession of the Fall River meeting house. The Supreme Court, in a lengthy opinion, decided that the Gurney Yearly Meeting was the true meeting and that the Wilburites were seceders, and so not entitled to any of the property of the meeting which they had left. Moreover it was there stated by Judge Shaw that the unhappy division between the Wilburites and Gurneyites arose from an apprehension of the former that the latter were disseminating false doc- trines, "of which," he said, "there was no evidence." The points of difference seem to be exceedingly trivial, and one Friend told me that the real cause for the ill will which John Wilbur entertained towards Gurney was due to the fact that when Wilbur visited England he was not allowed to smoke in Gurney 's house. Thus was accomplished in the New England Yearly meeting a division into two bodies, of which the Gurney body comprised about nine-tenths of the meeting. After the contest between the two bodies in the Yearly Meeting at Newport some of the Wilbur party took a trip to Nantucket. At a first day meeting Thomas B. Gould arose to preach. Cromwell Barnard, who was the leading Gurney advocate at Nantucket, interrupted him, saying : "Friend, thee can sit down." Peleg Mitchell then said : 26 "Friend, thee can go on." Other elders expressed their views. Women were greatly agitated and in tears, and some went out. Gould continued and finished his dis- course. This disturbance indicated clearly how the two parties were arrayed, although there had been no separation. It was evident that a separation would result, and it was also certain that Cromwell Barnard, WilHam Mitchell and Abram R. Wing would lead one body, and that Prince Gardner and Peleg Mitchell the other. Soon after the occasion offered and the result was decisive. The division took place in July, 1845, when the Sand- wich Qiuirterly Meeting, which was largely Gurneyite, met in Nantucket, but the Nantucket delegates were Wil- burites. When the meeting was opened reports from every Monthly Meeting were presented except Nantucket, although the Nantucket delegates were present, also John Wilbur and some of his Friends. When the report of the Nantucket Meeting was requested Hezekiah Barnard stated that he had the report but they had concluded to withhold it, adding "that a separation must and would take place." An attempt was then made to appoint Peleg Mitchell as clerk. This was opposed by the Gurney party, as he had been identified with the separatists at Newport. John Wilbur and his friends when re- quested would not leave the hall, so the Qiiarterly Meet- ing adjourned until 4 o'clock in the afternoon. In the meantime the Wilbur party had remained and organized what they called the Sandwich Quarterly Meeting. At 4 o'clock, when the adjourned meeting reassembled, the Wilburites had gone. The Nantucket Meeting had thus withdrawn from the Qiiarterly Meeting, but there were members of the Nan- tucket Meeting that remained loyal. They were in 27 sympathy with Gurney. The Quarterly Meeting encour- aged them to continue the Monthly Meeting, which was accordingly done in July, 1845. There was effected a division of the Nantucket Meeting into a Gurney body and a Wilbur body. It is stated by the Gurney body that they numbered 88 and that the Wil- bur body numbered 140, and that 79 were either at sea or feeble, and were doubtful. Assuming that the doubtful ones were equally divided between the two bodies there would have been about 130 Gurney and 180 Wilbur Friends. So the stalwarts at Nantucket were in the majority, which was not true in any other meeting in New England. The Supreme Court decision in the case of the Fall River meeting house leaves no doubt that the Wilbur body were separatists and the Gurney body were true continu- ing Friends, and as such entitled to all the property. The matter of property will be dealt with again in connec- tion with the meetings, each of which will now be treated separately. Before the separation the meeting had prop- erty that cost $21,000. This was held by the Fair Street Friends, together with many volumes of records of births, deaths, marriages, and doings of the meetings from their commencement to that date. These records while on Nantucket were not allowed to be examined by any one not a member. NANTUCKET MONTHLY MEETING (GURNEY). Those Nantucket Friends who continued loyal to the New England Yearly Meeting, under the advice of the Sandwich Qiiarterly Meeting, met in the house of Crom- well Barnard and denominated themselves the Nantucket Monthly Meeting of Friends. As Peleg Mitchell had identified himself with the other body he was adjudged no longer suitable as clerk, and in his place was chosen 28 his brother William, and a demand was made to the Fair Street Meeting for the records, meeting house and other property, to which demand no attention was given. They then appointed Cromwell Barnard, Obed Fitch and Kimball Starbuck overseers, Abram R. Wing recorder, and Seth Mitchell treasurer. "8 mo., 2, 1845. The committee reported that they had secured the house recently occupied by Elizabeth Chase on Winter street, which is in readiness for our meeting to-morrow." This was the Abner Coffin house and stood where is now the Coffin school. " 1 mo., 1, 1846. The committee had seen the agent of the Main street house built by the Hicksites, and he had agreed to let this meeting have it for $150 per year." Here they continued to meet until November 28, 1850, when the meeting house on Center street had been completed. Aside from attending to their own business, the Gurney meeting was now required to deal with the Friends who had separated. So a book was procured and in it were written the names of all the members before the separation. They then proceeded to disown those who attended the Fair Street Meeting. The following were among those disowned because they withdrew from fellowship with the New England Yearly Meeting : — Frederick Arthur, Rachel Hussey, Mary Arthur, David G. Hussey, James Austin, Elizabeth Hussey, John Boadle, Benjamin Hussey, Hezekiah Barnard, Gorham Hussey, Mary Barnard, Lydia M. Hussey, Susan Barnard, Hepsibeth C. Hussey, Alexander G. Coffin, Nancy Hussey, 29 John L. Coffin, Joseph G. Coleman, Phebe Coffin, Rebecca Coffin, Susan Coffin, John G. Coffin, Elizabeth Coffin, John Franklin Coleman Eliza Coleman, Anna Clark, James B. Coleman, L3^dia Coleman, Elizabeth Clark, Sally Easton, Eliza Ann Easton, John Folger, Lydia Folger, Hannah Maria Gardner, Prince Gardner, Mary Gardner, Benjamin Gardner, Rachel Gardner, Elizabeth Gorham, Lydia G. Hussey, Lydia Monroe, Alice Mitchell, Moses Mitchell, David Mitchell, Peleg Mitchell, Mary S. Mitchell, Susan Mitchell, Mary Macy, Deborah Paddack, Eunice Paddack, Laban Paddack, Mary Paddack, John Paddack, Sarah Paddack, Micajah Swain, Hezekiah Swain, Lydia Swain, Obed B. Swain, Eunice Swain, Margaret Swain, Joseph B. Swain, Richard G. Swain. The property held by the Fair Street Meeting com- prised the meeting house, poor house, burial ground, the old records, and about $7000. Possession could only be obtained by a law suit, and this the Yearly Meeting dis- couraged, as it would be a contest in which relatives would be at strife with relatives. The records were never afterwards demanded, and remained in the custody of the Fair Street Friends. In 1864 the Fair Street real estate was sold and the pro- ceeds divided between the two meetings. The money was divided by agreement. 30 According to the decision of the courts, the Fair Street Meeting had lost their rights to the burial ground. But this was not enforced, and the Fair Street Friends were permitted to use the south end and the others used the north end. So there are grave stones in the north part, but none in the south part. The members of the Gurney Meeting lost heavily by the great fire of 1846, and they were compelled to request assistance from the Quarterly Meeting. After this they improved in financial strength, and in May, 1850, a com- mittee was appointed to select the location of a meeting house. The next month they reported that a lot on Center Street would cost $500 and one on Liberty street would cost $350, and considering the cost they recommended the Liberty Street lot, where is now the residence of David W. Burgess. But for reasons not known the Center Street lot was selected, and November 28, 1850, William Mitchell and Herman Crocker reported that they had completed building the new meeting house, which cost separate from the land nearly $1500. An important addition to their numbers in 1857 was Christopher C. Hussey, who withdrew in 1860, and became a prominent clergyman in the Unitarian Church. The Center Street Meeting continued until 1866. Its membership became so reduced and scattered that it was deemed best to discontinue it, and its last meeting was held January 10, 1867, when it decided to be disolved and transferred with all its property to the New Bedford Monthly Meeting. This property comprised : — 1. Meeting house, Center Street. 2. Interest in Friends' Asylum. 3. One share in the old North Wharf. 4. Burial ground held with Fair Street Friends. 5. Cash, four hundred and fifty dollars. 31 The Center Street property is still owned by the New Bedford Monthly Meeting, and is used for worship when- ever thought desirable. During the thirty-two years of its existence five mar- riages took place in the Center Street Meeting. 1847. Edward Sutton to Sarah Gale. Moses Farnham to Mary B. Allen. 1850. Samuel P. Johnson to Martha Hussey. 1857. Presbrey Wing to Sarah Barker. Owen Dame to Eliza C. Mitchell. Thomas Macy, who was disowned as a Hicksite twenty- eight years before, in 1858 became a member of this meeting. At the present time there remain but two members who were enrolled in the organization in July, 1845 — Matthew Barney and William Hosier. FAIR STREET MEETING (WILBUR). After the separation in 1845 and the Gurney body had organized its meeting, it was at once denominated "spuri- ous" by the Fair Street Friends, and all who attended it were disowned from the Wilbur body. Among those disowned were the following, viz. : Elizabeth Austin, Miriam Starbuck, Cromwell Barnard, Abigail Allen, Susanna Coleman, Matthew Barney, Deborah Coffin, Lydia Bunker, 32 Lydia Coffin, Robert Coffin, ' Lydia Fish, Herman Crocker, Hannah Gardner, George Easton, Robert B. Hussey, William Hosier, Hannah Hussey, Lydia Hosier, Judith Hussey, Obed Fitch, Cyrus Hussey, Kimball Starbuck,- Lydia Hussey, Rachel Swain, Benjamin Mitchell, Abram R. Wing, William Mitchell, Lydia Worth. Having cleared their garments of the spurious Gurney- ites the Fair Street Meeting, although reduced in numbers, cheerfully travelled on like Gideon's famous army which, though reduced from thirty thousand to three hundred, yet put the enemy to flight. The most prominent minister, Christopher C. Hussey, was disowned for doctrinal reasons and afterwards became a member of the Gurney Meeting. Disownments for all the ancient causes were accom- plished as often as an instance occurred. In 1856. One member failed to pay his just debts and otherwise conducted his pecuniary affairs in a disreputable manner. 1858. Two brothers had married women not members. 1862. A member had been sailing in an armed vessel and engaged in war. 1864. A member had neglected the meetings and allowed a musical instrument in his house, and permitted his daughter to practice thereon. 1868. Several members neglected the meeting. 1869. A member married a man out of the meeting. 1871. Three members were attending meetings of an- other society. 1873. One member for neglecting meetings and one for marrying out of the meeting. 33 1874. A member had neglected the meetings. 1877. A member had neglected the meetings. 1878. A member had neglected the meetings. 1891. A member had neglected the meetings. 1892. A member had married a man out of the meet- ing. Since 1845 ten marriages took place. 1847. Samuel D. Otis to Elizabeth Gorham. 1847. John Folger to Phebe Coffin. 1849. William MeKeel to Mary Gorham. 1850. Obed B. Swain to Susan Hussey. 1854. John Boadle to Hannah M. Heaton. 1855. Benjamin Tucker to Mary S. Paddack. 1870. William MeKeel to Martha G. Hussey. 1876. Thomas Leigh to Elizabeth Foster. 1878. Morton A. Wamesly to Abbie L. Chase. 1887. John H. Foster to Mary E. Sinkinson. A singular incident is recorded concerning the ministry of Narcissa B. Coffin. " 10 mo., 24, 1858. This meeting after a time of weighty deliberation has united with the women in ap- proving the gift and public appearance in the ministry of Narcissa B. Coffin." "7 mo., 28, 1864. She was deposed and silenced by the Nantucket Meeting 'for not keeping on the watch and abiding in a state of humility and abasedness ol sell.'" She was a woman of a high order of ability, and none ever came into her presence without receiving a delight- ful impression. The Quaker society at Nantucket was fortunate in having a person among their members who could so persuasively present the principles of Quakerism, and they were indeed rich if they could dispense with the services of such a woman. Inquiry was made for the rea- son she was deposed. Answer was made that she went 34 "before her guide." This may have meant that she made preparation beforehand for some sermon. 8 mo., 28, 1889. After twenty-five years of silence Narcissa B. Coffin was restored to her ministry in the Nantucket Meeting. This was done in a dwelHng house in Lynn, and it ought not to remain unrecorded that they were all dead who silenced her a quarter of a century before. She immediately conducted a most successful missionary tour through the Scandinavian peninsular, giving strong evi- dence of the great amount of work she had been com- pelled to leave undone. After the separation in 1845, the Wilbur party organ- ized meetings throughout New England wherever their numbers would allow, and these were called "smaller bodies," in distinction from the large Gurney bodies. These "smaller bodies" in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Central New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania were in unity with each other, when another curious division took place that exerted an important influence on the Nantucket Meeting. The controversy occurred in the Central New York Meeting at Scipio in relation to a publication by that meeting of the journal of Joseph Hoag. In the original work Hoag had made some remarks derogatory to the temper and judgment of Job Otis, who lived in New Bed- ford during the early part of this century, and then moved to Scipio and continued to be one of the strictest of American Friends. He was highly respected by those whose censorious tastes inclined them toward a rigid and severe discipline. Hoag was a Qiiaker minister of great fame, whose views were not unlike those of Otis, but whose temper and judgment were much more pacific. In 1858 the Scipio Yearly Meeting decided to publish the journal, and the matter was left to a committee. The 35 friends of the Otis family desired to omit the criticism of Job Otis. The other members of the committee thought it best to piibHsh the book with no omissions. When the matter became fully known the members of this Yearly Meeting became divided into about two equal parties, the one party composed of the Otis family and their sympathizers, under the lead of James Otis, desired to have suppressed the criticism written by Joseph Hoag. The other party, under the lead of John King, claimed that if the journal was published at all it should be pub- lished entire. These two parties separated in 1859, and each party constituted a separate Yearly Meeting, the one with James Otis as clerk commonly known as the Otis Meeting, and the other with John King as clerk commonly called the King Meeting. Each of these meetings sought to obtain the support and recognition of the Wilbur Meeting in New England. For several years the New England Meeting, of which Peleg Mitchell was clerk, declined to approve either the Otis or the King Meeting, as no point of doctrine or discipline was involved. It was a difficult question to decide, for if they decided that the book should be published entire, there would appear a criticism on one of their leaders. If, on the other hand, they approved the suppression, they would be discreditably covering up an important statement of an eye witness. But in 1863 the question demanded decision, and it resulted in a division of the New England Meeting. About forty of them, a small part of the meeting, withdrew and under the leadership of Peleg Mitchell of Nantucket and Nathan Page of Danvers, formed a separate Meeting that at once approved and recognized the Otis Meeting of New York. The Wilburites that remained, recognized the King Meeting. The Nantucket Meeting as a whole was almost unanimously in favor of the Otis party. No 36 other New England Meeting went that way. So that there were scattered over New England on the main land, Wilburite Quakers who had favored the Otis party in New York and were not in unity with their own meetings. There was Nathan Page of Danvers, the Oliver fam- ily in Lynn, and the Foster family in Rhode Island. The Nantucket Meeting alone in New England held their views. So these persons joined the Nantucket Meeting. Thus the Nantucket Society separated itself from all other New England bodies and became in fact the only "Otis" Meeting in New England. These additions restored con- siderable vigor to the struggling society. For at this time it was weak and its numbers few. But it was thought best to maintain a smaller Meeting House. When they undertook to sell the real estate they found that the property was claimed by the Center Street Meeting. So they came to an understanding and both Meetings joined in the deed, selling the whole Fair Street property to Alfred Macy. Then the Fair Street Meeting bought back the north part and transformed the school house into a meeting house. This change took place in the summer and autumn of 186-1. From the beginning of the meeting, 4th mo. 28, 1708. Men and Women held separate meetings. 11 mo. 26, 1868. As their numbers had so diminished it was decided that their meet- ings should be held together. In the spring of 1894 as only one member of the Meet- ing lived at Nantucket it was decided to sell the Meeting House. It was therefore sold in June, 1894, to the Nan- tucket Historical Society. At this time the membership of the Nantucket Monthly Meeting of Friends comprised twenty-three persons, only two of whom were born at Nantucket. One lived at Nantucket, one in Boston, one in Danvers, ten in Lynn, and the same number in Provi- dence. If they had not received those additions in 1863, 37 the Meeting would now contain but two persons, one man and one woman, each well advanced in years. When the Meeting House was sold, the books of records, containing much valuable information about deaths, births and marriages of Nantucket people, were transported from the Island and are now in the custody of James W. Oliver in Lynn. So the Nantucket Monthly Meeting of Friends is now a misnomer. It began at Nantucket about the year 1700 and when the year 1900 opens, there may not be left on the Island a single Friend. The dominant members of the Nantucket Society, who controlled and directed its movements, seemed not to ap- preciate why the Creator painted the morning and evening sky ; colored the woods ; bestowed on the birds of the air matchless gifts of form, color and song ; caused the lilies of the field to grow in glory beyond the reach of earthly wisdom ; created man in his own image and placed him in this fair world with a mind demanding for its happiness to behold the splendors that surround him, to listen to the music that comes on the wings of the wind and in joy to open his heart in song, so they banished from human life much innocent and wholesome pleasure and forbid atten- tion to the beauties of form, color and song. The penalty came and Friends have almost disappeared from Nan- tucket. If they had adopted more liberal terms of fellowship ; if their religious services had been more varied ; if the gift of preaching had been more encouraged and less ham- pered ; if they had established a better proportioned theol- ogy ; if they had not obscured or undervalued any portion of Divine Truth, wherever revealed ; if they had abandoned their discipline and allowed the laws of the land to deal with offenders; if instead of expelling members for trivial offences, they had exercised towards them a wise charity ; 38 if instead of maintaining their society as an organization composed of men and women who never departed from rectitude, it had been regarded as a portion of the church of Christ, in which were men and women of every degree of moral acquirements ; if their beautiful system of sim- plicity had been built on the rock and not on sandy foun- dations, they might have been as vigorous today as they were a century ago. ^x^^ Historical ^^ # Organized May 9, i894 Incorporated July 9, i894 VOL. I No. 2 Timothy White Papers WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION BY MYRON SAMUEL DUDLEY NANTUCKET, MASS. 1898. 4-'/54Bo/ -i? Historical Organized May 9, i894 Incorporated July 9, 1894 VOL. I No. 2 Timothy White Papers WITH AN HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION BY MYRON SAMUEL DUDLEY NANTUCKET, MASS. 1898. Thomas Todd, Printer, 7-A Beacon St., Boston. PREFACE. The publication of these Papers was com- mitted to the editor by the Council of the Nantucket Historical Association., They are issued without previous reference to the Council, so that the editor assumes responsibility for all statements. He de- sires to make cordial acknowledgment to George E. Littlefield, Antique Bookstore, Cornhill, Boston, who put the editor on the track of these papers ; to Miss Helen B. W. Worth for efificient aid in copy- ing Mr. White's manuscripts and for searching the Town Records ; also to Hon. Samuel A. Green, LL.D., librarian of the Massachusetts Historical Society, for many helpful suggestions. There are three hundred and fifty copies in this edition. (Rev.) Myron Samuel Dudley. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION. These Papers came into the possession of the Nan- tucket Historical Association, under whose auspices they are now published, through the thoughtful consideration of the late Reverend Alonzo H. Quint, D. D., as the following letter to the editor shows : Congregational Library, Boston, Mass., June lo, 1895. My Dear Mr. Dudley: I send herewith to your care the Timothy White Papers which you have so persistently reminded me of. The fragment of Church record ought to belong to the Church, and I desire you to present it to that body. This fragment I printed in the Congregational Quarterly some years ago [October, 1872], but the original ought to be carefully preserved. The diaries cover several years of Mr. White's work, and the list of scholars in his day schools ought to interest Nantucket people. These documents and the few other papers I think might well be preserved by the Nantucket Historical Association, to which you called my attention. I desire you to give these diaries and papers to that society, with my cordial regards. All these Papers were given me, years ago, by Hon. John H. White, of Dover, N. H., a gentleman of education and high character who honored me with his friendship. He gave me these Papers and others to use as I pleased. Timothy White was, I believe, his great-grandfather. These Papers should be credited to the White family. With best regard, yours truly, Alonzo H. Quint. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. ANCESTRY OF TIMOTHY WHITE. William White, the first settler of this branch of the Whites, according to tradition was a native of Norfolk County, England. He was born in 1610. He was among the early settlers on the North Shore, landing at Ipswich in 1635. Thence he removed to Newbury before 1640. His first wife, Mary, was the mother of his only child, John. His second wife, Sarah Foster, widow of Reginald Foster, died in 1693. Mr. White died September 28, 1690. He was a member of the company of first settlers to occupy a portion of the territory known as Pentucket, which was incorporated as the town of Haverhill, Mass. They were twelve in number, and moved from Ipswich and Newbury. White was from the latter place.' William White, soon after a church was organized in the new settlement at Haverhill, became a member, and was one of its firmest supporters. He had the honor of the town much at heart, and was highly esteemed and trusted by its citizens, being frequently put in charge of its most important public business. He was a member of the first board of selectmen, chosen October 29, 1646. The first military company of Haverhill was organized in 1662, and William White was chosen captain. The only child of William White, John, Sr., was born in 1640, the year of his father's removal from Newbury to Haverhill. He married Hannah French, of Salem, August 25, 1662, and died Jan- uary I, 1669, aged 29, leaving one son, John, Jr., born March 8, 1664. This son married Lydia Oilman, daughter of Hon. John Oilman, of Exeter, N. H., October 24, 1687, and had many * The Descendants of William White, Haverhill, Mass., by Hon. Daniel A. White and Annie F. Richards. Boston, 1889. Congregational Quarterly, October, 1872. p. 553, fl. Chase's Haverhill (1861), pp. 53, 63. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 7 sons and daughters, "whose descendants are exceedingly- numerous." ' John White, Jr., is frequently mentioned in the public affairs of Haverhill, and was especially prominent in military matters, at a time when there were serious menaces to the peace of the struggling colonists from the surrounding Indians. In the records he bears the titles of ensign, lieu- tenant and captain. He is, also, highly honored in civil affairs, holding office as town clerk, representative in the General Court, and magistrate of the County Court. He had fourteen children. Timothy, the subject of this sketch, was the fifth son and the seventh child, born Novem- ber 13, 1700. He was graduated at Harvard College in the class of 1720. An ivory-headed cane, with the initials "T. W." cut upon it, and an English dictionary used by Timothy White at Harvard College from 1716 to 1720, are now in the possession of James Davis White, Haverhill, Mass. The book was " Printed by Peter Parker, at Leg and Star, over against Royal Exchange, in Cornhill, 1677. Price 2 shil- lings." Timothy White married Susannah Gardner, September 27, 1728. Susannah was daughter of John Gardner, of Nantucket, born at Mendon, Mass., January 12, 171 2. Dur- ing the later years of his life Mr. White taught school in Haverhill, also engaged in business, and occasionally sup- plied churches for absent pastors. In a Haverhill enroll- ment for military service for the spring of 1757 the name of "Timothy White, Cler.," appears on the "Alarm List," which included all between sixteen and sixty years of age who were exempt from ordinary military duty. In emergencies these were liable to be called to do duty in their own town.^ ' Chase's Haverhill, p. 53, note. * Chase's Haverhill, p. 347. 8 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. After leaving Nantucket, Mr. White was called to Narragansett, R. I., and to Chester, N. H., but ill-health prevented his acceptance. He died, suddenly, February 24, 1765. His children were thirteen in number. Only six survived infancy. His widow died in Ipswich, Mass., Octo- ber 28, 1789. These White Papers were inherited by Timothy White, second son of their compiler. He was born, according to Dr. Quint's notes, published in connection with the Church Record Fragment, October 29, 1733. In the records, a son of " Timo. White" was baptized by the name of "Timothy," August 24, 1735, Rev. Joseph Baxter, pastor of the church at Medfield, officiating. This son, Timothy, married Lydia, daughter of Rev. Amos Main, Rochester, N. H., lived and died in Dover, N. H. At his death the papers passed to his son, Amos, who lived and died in Dover, and they passed from him to his grandson, Hon. John Hubbard White. This gentleman gave them to the late Rev. Dr. Quint' These Papers reveal the variety and scope of Mr. White's work while a resident of Nantucket. He had to do with the religious instruction of the Indians and the early settlers. Among the Indians he entered upon a work already begun. His labors in behalf of the newcomers, it is probable, was largely initiative, though, if we can place reliance upon tradition, there was sufficient organized interest in the creed and polity of the New England colonies to lead to the erection of a meeting house for the Congregational or Presbyterian families many years previous to Mr. White's ' Congregational Quarterly, October, 1872, p. 559. Note. In the " Descendants of William White," the frontispiece is an illustration of the " White House," Haverhill, built about 1680, and occupied by the descendants of William and Mary White till 1874. At the death of William White his property inventoried at £$08 los, "a property far better than in those days was the custom with our yeomanry. His descendants through John's son John are very numerous, and have been among the most numerous and honorable of the land."^ ^ Descendants of William White. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 9 appearance at Nantucket. Though called Presbyterian in the early days, the church has never been other than a Con- gregational organization with marked tendencies toward independency — a condition due to its isolation. As an introduction to these records of the first preacher known to be a resident on the Island, of whose identity his papers afford documentary evidence, it is fitting to make note of the previous efforts put forth in the behalf of the red man and of the new settlers. This is done so far as the meager records afford material. THE W^ORK AMONG THE INDIANS. The Christianizing of the Indians of Nantucket was the work of the Mayhews, father and son, and was carried on in connection with the missionary work of Martha's Vineyard. It is difficult to determine, sometimes, whether the records refer to the Vineyard or Nantucket. Probably the work is looked upon as one. The Mayhews deserve to share with Eliot the title of Apostle to the Indians. They began their evangelizing efforts immediately upon occupancy of Martha's Vineyard. The father was designated Governor of the islands, and was the administrator of affairs. The son was devoted to the Indian work. These efforts began about 1642. This was seventeen years before the occupancy of Nantucket by white settlers. Thomas Mayhew, Jr., was lost at sea, on a voyage to England in 1656. His father deter- mined that the good work of his son should not perish. So he devoted much effort to sustaining and extending the Indian missions.' In a letter written September i, 1674, he describes the situation among the Nantucket Indians. "And for Nan- tucket there is a church relates to me. They, as I said, first joined into full worship here [at the Vineyard], and since be- » Mass. His. Coll., Ser. I, Vol. I, p. 205. lO TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. came a church orderly, and is increased. Upon that island are many praying Indians. Also the families of that island are about three hundred. I have often accounted the fam- ilies of both islands, and have often, these thirty-two years, been at Nantucket." In 1674 there was on the island one Indian church, of which John Gibbs, an Indian (Indian name Assasammoogh), was pastor. There were thirty persons in full communion, of whom twenty were men. Pastor Gibbs was assisted by three native teachers — Joseph, Samuel, and Caleb. The last, Indian name Weekochisit, was a Saga- more's son.' The number of baptized children and youth was about forty. At Nantucket, in 1674, there were three places where the Indians held their meetings, Oggawame, Wam- masquid, and Squotesit, and all the Indians were nominally Christian. Gookin says of these Indians : "I have seen and spoke with divers of the Indians of those islands [Martha's Vineyard and Nantucket] that usually, every summer, come up to our parts, about Boston and the towns adjacent, to work in the harvest labor and other employ. Many of them I have judged pious, and most of them sober, diligent, and industrious; which are commendable qualifications."^ The next record of the condition of the Indians before Mr. White's settlement in Nantucket is twenty years later, in 1694, in a letter written by John Gardner to Cotton Mather. Mr. Gardner for many years assisted these Indians by protecting them from the greed of their white neighbors, by instructing them in the lav/s of England, and by deciding difficult cases among themselves. Mr. Gardner reports great decay among the Indians, especially in num- bers, there being in 1694 only about five hundred grown persons. We may estimate probably less than one thousand in all. There were then three churches among the Indians, two Congregational and one Baptist, but the membership ' Mass. His. Coll. Ser. I, Vol. I, pp. 206, 207. * Gookin's Narrative, Mass. His. Coll., Ser. I, Vol, I, p. 207. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. II was small. Their physical decay Mr, Gardner attributes to their love of drink, their moral and religious decline, to growing formalism, and laxity in the observance of the commandments/ In less than one hundred years from the date of Mr, Gardner's letter the Indian population was reduced to one hundred and thirty-six individuals. In 1806 there were twenty, four males and sixteen females.^ THE RELIGIOUS WORK AMONG THE SETTLERS. From the time of the first settlement of the island, in 1659, till 1698, there is no evidence of any organized or even individual work on strictly religious lines. In view of the prominent place which religious institutions held in the life of the seventeenth century, it is hard to believe that the early settlers of this island were wholly destitute of these privileges. Especially is it hard to accept this conclusion in face of the religious activity among the Indians. But, before 1698, all records are absent and tradition is for the greater part silent. The earliest record of religious work, so far as the editor has been able to discover, is contained in the journal of Thomas Chalkley, an English friend, who visited the island in 1698. What is germane to the purpose of this introduction is quoted. His reference to the large attendance at one of his meetings certainly leads to the inference that there were other re- ligious assemblies. Also, he finds administer, so called," residing upon the Island, whose place of residence probably was the meeting place of those who inclined to his views. After a sail of about ten hours from Cushnet, Friend Chalkley and his party landed at Nantucket, remaining there several days and holding five meetings. He says in ' Mather's Magnalia, Book VI, Chap. VI, Sect. 2. "^ Mass. His. Coll., Ser. I, Vol. I, p. 207, note. 12 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. his journal: "Some of the ancient people said it was never known that so many people were together on the island at once. After meeting was over, one asked the minister, so called, whether we might hold a meeting at his house ? He said, with good will, we might. This minister had some discourse with me, and asked what induced me to come thither, being so young a man ? I told him I had no other view in coming than the good of souls. . . . Then he said, ' I wish you would preach at my house in God's name.' So, next day, we had a meeting at his house, and on the First Day we had the largest meeting that we had on the island. It was thought there were above two hundred people." "The chief magistrate of the Island [probably the Esquire. Gardner who withstood Friend Story a few years later] desired that I would have a meeting at his house, there being no settled meeting of the Friends before I came, and after meeting he disputed with me about religion. I thought we were both but poor disputants, and cannot remember all that passed between us." Friend Chalkley claims that from the time of his visit "forward, they have continued a meeting, and there is now a meeting house and a Yearly Meeting for Worship." I am not able to fix the date of writing this journal. Mr. Chalkley died September 4, 1740.' The next record is that contained in the journal of Thomas Story, an English Friend, who arrived at Point Comfort, Va., December 8, 1698, and spent nine years visiting the colonies from the Carolinas to Massachusetts. He reached Nantucket May 13, 1704, and remained till the 24th of that month. Friend Story's attitude toward the Christian church and its ministry is enlivened with a spirit of sharp controversy. In this he is quite the opposite of Friend Chalkley. Strangely, too, though Story followed the latter by only six years, he makes no allusion ' Journal of Thomas Chalkley. Edition, Friends' Bookstore, Philadelphia, Pa., p. 33, fl. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 13 to the visit of his EngHsh contemporary, and his record gives the impression that his efforts mark the beginning of organized Quakerism in Nantucket. Story's journal bears witness to the fact that there were attempts to establish a Christian church both at and before the time of his visit. The visiting ministers found it diffi- cult to maintain themselves because of the opposition of those inclining to Quaker principles and practices, especially the practice which opposed a fixed salary for the ministry. The work in behalf of the young settlement was done, for the greater part, by these visiting ministers or mis- sionaries.' Two of these visiting ministers were on the island at the time of Friend Story's visit. The name of one of these men, or " Hireling Priests," as it pleased the chronicler to call them, was Thomas West. He was present at one of Mr. Story's meetings, and remained through it, though he received some pretty severe prodding by allusions "con- cerning the Hireling Priests, the Merchants of Babylon," "their Doctrine and Maintenance," and he showed a very charitable, unresentful spirit in commending "the good life and power manifest in the meeting," having also a sharp eye for the heretical outcroppings. Mr. Story finds the people of the island divided in sentiment. Some are for a settled minister, but the ' These men do not seem to have made sojourns of any great length. So far no records of their visits have been found among the public or family records of the island. They may exist or they may turn up in the family papers of these visiting clergymen, or possibly in the church records of eastern Massachusetts. There is clear evidence that the ministers and churches of the older, more populous and prosperous communities of the New England colonies were deeply interested in the outlying frontier districts. "The honored ministers of Boston have abundantly testified their sincere desires of gospel iz- ing these towns of Freetown, Tiverton, Dartmouth, and Nantucket. . . . Being in our Province, if this Province do not take care of their enjoyment of the gospel light and privilege, who will or can?" See letter of Rev. Samuel Danforth, minister of Taunton, August 8, 1720. [Mass. His. Coll., Series IV, Vol. I, p. 255, fl.] 14 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. majority, he thinks, are against it.' It would seem that both parties were successful in establishing an organized body. For, although there is a singular and lamentable absence of records, there is a well-accredited tradition that two meeting houses were built at about the same date, 171 1 : one for the Quakers, the other for Presbyterian or Congre- gational people. This was seven years after Story's visit. The date, so far as it refers to the Congregational meeting house, rests upon the tradition of a bill for lumber against the Congregational Society, to be used for building a meet- ing house.^ The above is substantially all of note the editor has been able to discover that has reference to the religious history of Nantucket, in the line of the prevailing religious belief and polity of New England before the advent of Timothy White. Some of this material, hidden amid ancient archives, has been as good as lost. There may be still more light to break forth from dusty alcoves and corners, old chests and attics, where neglected but precious treasures are cast aside. As these White Papers, brought forth after many days of hiding and now given to the public, add some definite information to the times and conditions that were largely matters of conjecture or tradition, so may their publication be the precursor of richer and fuller discoveries. ' Journal of Thomas Story, pp. 350-359. ^ "It is stated by an individual remarkable for his knowledge of primitive events that he had seen a bill, dated 1711, found amongst old papers, against the Congregational Society, for timber which was used in building the original meeting house, and it is not improbable that there was a church organized on Congregational principles years before that meeting house was built, and might have assembled for divine worship in some private dwelling, or in some retired spot under the shade of the forest oaks." Ecclesiastical records of the First Congregational Church and Society of Nantucket, by Deacon Paul Folger, 1843. [Ss^ Quarterly Register of American Education Society, May, 1843, P- 499-1 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 15 JOURNAL OF TIMOTHY WHITE. 1728-1748. Timothy White born at Hav' Nov'' 13, 1700 Susanna Gardner born at Mendon Jan^ 30, 1712 and married at Nantucket Frydaj' Evening By M"" Baxter & G. Gardner Esq'' Sepf 27, 1728 Here follows a Record of their children — i/" A Son (Immature Birth) born & dy'd Saturday night be- tween 10 & II H""^ Apr^ 19. 1729. 2/'' a Dauter (an Immature Birth) born between 3 & 4 Mon- day Morning Aug. 31. 1730 and Dy'd the same morning 3/ a Daughter (Susanna) born Thursday morning between 7 & 8* H'-s Nov-^ 11-1731 4/ a Son (Timothy) born between 6'^ & 7* Hours Monday Morning Ocf 29 1733 5/^ a Son (an Immature Birth & still) born about 4 or 5 after- noon Tuesday May 20, 1735 6/" a son (an Immature Birth) born about n* Hour Thurs- day Morning & Dy'd a few hours after Apr^ 15, 1736 7/ a son (James) born about 8 Monday Morn May 2, 1737 8'' a son (John) born about 10 Wednesday Morning Feb. 21, 1738/9 and Dy'd Thursday night about 10 July 24, 1739 9/ a son (John) born between 12 & i Monday Morning April 7* 1740 10/ a Dauter Lydia born between i & 2 Saturday Morning March 20* 1742. II Mary Born between 6 & 7 Fryday Eve Sept 19. 1746 12" William born between 2 & 3 Monday Morn. Sept 5- 1748 & Dy'd Saturday Night Sepf 10* following 13^ Will"^ born (a little before day) Wednesday, Aug 23-1749 & Dy'd Thursday Sepf 14 1749 Lydia Dy'd at Nant. between 10 & 11 o'clock Thursday Ocf 23"^ 1760 in the 19* year of her age M'' Timo^ White Dy'd at Haverill about 11 o'clock Lords Day th Evening Feb^' 24 1765 aged 64 years & 3 months: l6 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS, Susanna Badger Dyed on Fryday Morning August 26* 1768 about I Clock in the 37"^ year of her age th M"'® Susanna White departed this Life at Ipswich Ocf 28 1789 Aged 77 years 8 months & 19 days. Note by Editor. — These biographical memoranda are written on the opening pages of one of the little home-made notebooks, in size three and one-half by five and one-half inches, in which Mr. White kept his records. They are not in the handwriting of Mr. White. They were evidently copied into this book, very probably from the family records. The writing which records the death of Mr. White is the same as that which precedes and follows. PREACHING SERVICES FOR INDIANS. I preached a Lecture to the Indians at Macoomit July 12. 1728. Preached a Second time at the Same Place Aug. 22. 1728, The Comission^ for the Indian affairs at Boston made known to me their desire of my taking upon me the charge of a Lecture to the Indians upon Nantuckett : Upon my understanding of which I sent an answer in the afifirmative and accordingly I began Oct. 3 1728 Preached a 2^ time Oct. 31, 1728 Preached at Miac. Nov. 28, 1728, 60. Dec. 26, 1728, 50. Jan. 23. 172I 50. Feb. 20 172I 40 or 50. Apr^ 17 1729. 30 May 15 1729 30 or 40. June 12. betw. 40 & 50 July 10. between 20 & 30. Aug. 7 at J. M. 20 or 30. Sept. 4 1729. 70 or 80. Feb. 17 17%% Recieved 15^ Began a new year at J. M. Oct 16 1729 above 20. th Miac. Dec. 11 1729 about 30. Miac. Jan. 8-30. Miac. Feb. 5* 30 or above. Miac. March 5 between 50 «S: 60 Miac. Apr'^ 16 : 30. Miac. May 14. about 30. Miac. June 11. above 30, Miac. Aug. 6. above 30. Miac. Aug. 20 about 30. Miac. Sept. 3. but too late. Feb. 10 1730/1 ReC^ p John Gardner ;^i5 n o 11 o TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 1 7 Began a ¥■■ at J. M. Oct. i. 1730. 21 Miac. Oct. 29. above 20. Miac. Nov. 26. about 30. upwards. Miac. Dec. 24. about 70. Miac. Feb. 4. between 40 & 50. Miac. Feb. 18. about 40. Miac. March 18. about 40. Miac. Apr' 15. about 50 Miac. May 13 upwards of 50 Miac June 10 between 30 & 40. Miac. July 8. between 40 & 50 Miac. Aug. 5. between 30 &.40 Miac. Sept, 2. about 20. Oct. 1 73 1 Reciev*^ of Col' Winthrop ;i^i5. the which I payed to M' Will™ Tyler at the same time. Began a new year at Miacoo : Nov. 25 1731. about 40 Hearers. Jan 20. 40 & upwards. Feb. 3. above 50. March 2"^ about 40. March 16. between 40 & 50. March 30. about 50. April 13 about 30. April 27 above 20. June 8* about 30. July 6. about 40. July 20 about 30 Oct 1733 Rec"^ ^15. June 22 1733 extraordinary services £10 Began a 5* year at Miac. Dec 7. between 30 & 40. Feb. I. 25. Feb. 15. above 30. March i 30. March 19. about 20 April 12. about 20 May 10. about 30. May 24 about 30 June 7 above 30 y Upon the L^^ Day 18 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. June 12. above 40 June 21 about 40 July 19 40 or more Dec. 1733 Received from the Comission""^ £2c^ 11 o Began a Sixth year at Miac. Nov. I. 23 Hearers. Dec'' 27. 23 Hearers. Jan. 20 about 60 Feb. 10 about 70 Feb. 24 about 80 March 10 about 60 April 14. 70 or 80 April 21. 60 or 70 June 13 about 20 July II 24 July 25 about 20 Oct. 17 27 Dec"" 1734 Rec^ of Coll Winthrop p. [per] Deacon Phillips ;^25-o-o Began a Seventh year at Miac. Oct. 24 Between 40 & 50 Peons. [Persons] Dec"" 25 about 20 Scias. Jan. 2^ 20 Miac. Feb. 6'^ 17 Miac. March 6* about 20 Miac. March 20* 13 Miac. Jun® 12 about 30 Miac. July 24 between 20 & 30 Squam Aug. 6. near 40 Miac. Aug. 7. 30 or more Squam Aug. 11 13 Miac. Aug 2 1 upwards of 40. Sept. Rec^ of Coll. Winthrop £25 .0-0. Began the 8* year at Miac. Dec"" 11 about 50 Psons Jan. 22, about 30 March 4*^ 25 June 3 above 30 June 24 near 30 Aug^' 5 about 20 I TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 19 Aug. II about 30 Sept. 16 about 30 Sept. 30 13 Scias. Ocf 14 upwards of 30 [illegible] to y® Baptissts about 30 Miac. Oct. 28 — 18 Rec'd by Father Gardner ^25-0-0 and the cash & Blankets for Indians Began the 9**^ year Nov"" 25^^ 15 Feb. 3^^ about 20 April 14. near 30 May 12 about 20 June 23 II Aug. 4. between 20 & 30 Aug. 31. I suppose 100 if not more Sept. 8. 16 Sept. 15. 30 Sept. 29 20 or more. Rec'^ the usual allowance. 1737/ Began y^ tenth year at Miohk. Nov"" 24. ab' 40 Dec"" 8* near 20 Jan^ 5* 22 Jan^ 19. between 20 & 30 May 25 about 20 June 22 21 July 6* near 40 July 20 upwards of 20 Aug. 17 between 20 & 30 Sept. 14 14 Oct^ 12 20 Ocf 20 upwards of 20 Feb. Rec'd 15^ ~| June lO;^ V . . . . 25-0-0 £^5 J Began the 11* year at Miohkorrs Nov"" 9 1738 to about 20 Persons. Dec"" 7 about 30 Feb. 15 II. July 12 about 20 Aug. 5 30 only Aug. 9. 20 or more TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Aug 2 2 perhaps 3 or 4 Serve. Sciass, Sept 20 near 30 Miach. Oct. 4 about 20. 18 — but no meeting Oct. 25 about 20/ June 1740 Rec'^ 2t^£ Began y^ 12*'^ Year at agawam Dec"^ 6 1739 about 30. Miac. Feb. 7. near 20. June 19. Went but no Meeting July 3. about 20. July 31 Upwards of 20 Aug. 14 Upwards of 20 Ocf 2 about 20. Ocf 9 about a Doz. Ocf 23 about 20 Nov"^ 6 near 20 March 2 1740/1 Rec^ ^25 Began y« 13 Y"" at Miohk. Nov. 20 12. Apr' 30 Upwards of 20 May 29 Upwards of 20 June 25 but no meeting A. M. to the Baptists -about 30 P. M. to the Presbyterians at Squam-20 or 30 July 23^ Miohk. between 20 & 30. July 28 Sciask. about 50 Sept. 3 above 20 Sepf 17''^ above 20 April 1742 Rec^ 25^ 25-0-0 Nov"" 1742 Rec^ 1 0-0-0 i743Recd^io 10 1744 Rec*^ Do ------- 10 1745 Rec*^ Do 10 1746 Rec^ Do 10 1747 Rec^ ;^i2-io 12-10- 1748 Rec"^ Do- 12-10- NoTE BY Editor. — The names and abbreviations "Macoomit," "Miac," "Miacoo.," "J. M.," "agawam," probably "Miohk.," " Miohkorrs.," all, undoubtedly, refer to the services held in the Indian village near Miacomet Pond on the south shore of the Island, about two miles from town in a south- westerly direction. The exact locality is at this date a matter of conjecture. The abbreviations "Sias.," "Siask.," "Sciass.," stand for Sciasconset. July 2^ TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. CHURCH RECORDS. the Children of Eben"- Calef Sell. Samuel Mary the Children of Hephzibah Coffin Ephraim Henry Scil. <| Jonathan I Ann I Mary. all these were baptized Sept. 29* 1728 by the hand of the Rev Children of Joseph & Lidia Chase ( Rachel ) 22 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. ^^ I ep zi a (^hjj^rgn Qf Hephzibah Coffin ( James ) ^ { Peter ) To i ^ ^ [ Children of Eb"- Calef ( Robert ) ( Hephzibah } To { o i Children of Rob'^ & Susanna Coffin ( Susanna ) To Joseph son of Tho® & Patience Brock To Sarah Daughter of Ann (who is wife to Jonathan) Rams- dell, a member of the Church at Charlestown. at which time the Covenant was owned by the widow Mercy- Coffin in order to the Baptism of her children ( Hannah I Mary as also by Elisabeth (the wife of Peter) Gardner in order to the Baptism of herself and her children ( Love ( Deborah and by Priscilla (the wife of Abel) Gardner in order to her own Baptism and the ordinance was administered to them all Deo Sit Gloria. on Sept. 17, 1732 The Rev"^ M"" Brown of Haverhil adminis- tered Baptism j Susanna Daughter of T. White I Elisabeth Dauter of Jos. & Elis. Coffin on August 24 1735 the Rev"^ M"" Baxter administered Baptism to the following Persons scil Timothy son of Timo. White Benjamin Son of John & Pris Gardner Joshua of Heph. Coffin Edward of Josiah & Elisa Coffin William of Tho^ & Patience Brock Katharine of Susa. Coffin And on Aug 31 Margaret of Tho* & Patience Brock Abigail ) o \ of Mercy Allen (once M. Coffin) busanna ) And Sept. 7. The Widow of Elean^ Coffin Cromwell Coffin & his child Susanna Mary of Douglas Black who then owned the Convenant and their children TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 23 Lidia the wife of John Coffin (both of which at the same time owned y® Gov') Kezia Peter Jethro { John Lidia Deborah Parnel Sept. 14 Abigail of Cromwell & Ruth Coffin Timothy ^ and > of Lois Gardner. Mary ) Elisabeth \ and > of Joseph Hooten who then owned the Gov* Sarah ) on July 22, 1739 were Baptized Scil. Richard of John & Lydia Coffin Q , [of Josiah & Elis. Coffin Andrew ) T , } oi Tho^ & Patience Brock. Janet ) Elisabeth ) ,^ ^ ^ , n ■p,, ^ } 01 Eben"" Calf [t. e. Calefj Caleb of Cromwell & Ruth Coffin Joseph of Mercy Allen Thomas of Mercy Newel who then owned the Covenant, and in the Evening of the same day were (by reason of bodily Indisposition) Baptized in a private House Tames ) Tohn 1 °^ "Timothy White And July 29* 1739 Were Baptized Scil. Abigail ) Hephzibah i °f ^^^^^y ^'^^^'' Hephzibah ,, ^ I of Susanna Coffin Margaret ) By the Rev"^ M"" Hobby of Reading. 24 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. July II* 1742 Owned the Covenant in order to Baptism. Scil. Content (the wife of Daniel) Russel. Mary Watson Susanna (Dau'ter of Rich*^) Folger. Dinah \ & > (Dau'ters of John) Clark Lidia ) Mary Gabriel Elisabeth (wife of Paul) Pease Jedidah (wife of Jon^) Pitts. Hannah (wife of Jn°) Medar. and were accordingly Baptized as also three children of Cont' Russels [names not given] Scil. two children of Elisab. Pease Scil Priscilla Elisabeth at the same time owned the Coven* in order to the Baptism of their children Scil. Margaret (the wife of Obed) Hussey (and her children Scil. Benjamin, Abiel, & Obed were Baptised) and Thankful (wife of Dan') Long whose children were baptized Baptized also John & Lidia [of i"] T. White Antipas of ]n° & Lidia Coffin. Ann of Josi. & Elisab. Coffin. Thomas of Tho® & Patience Brock. Mary of Susanna Coffin. Mary, Phebee & Francis of Joseph Hooten and two children of Mehetable (the wife of Jon^) Colman, a member of the Church at Falmouth Scil Jane & [blank] [Blank] of Mercy Allen. July 12 Mary of Mercy Kidder. July 18, Owned the Covenant and Baptized Scil. Elisabeth (wife of Sam') Maxey Rachel (wife of Joseph) Colman Margaret (wife of Benja.) Chase «> ^ t ^JS- tS •so TO 1? r 5 ^1 f3 SI 1 ^ ^ 1 J h r- Di r^^ 1 V 1^ , ! ^ It' 1 1^ r 1 1 1 .5" si :^r TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 25 Eunice (wife of Francis) Brown Beulah (wife of Joseph) Daws. Abigail (wife of Cornelius) Morselander Hephzibah Jones Hephzibah Gardner Deborah Baxter Christian Ellis. and at the same time the Covenant was owned by George Gardner & Elisabeth his wife & their child Jeremy was Baptized Baptized also Eunice of Cromwel & Ruth Coffin Mehetable of Beulah Daws Cornelius of Abigail Morselander Sarah of Eunice Brown Sarah of Susanna Folger William, Eunice & Martha of Douglass Black July 25 Owned the Covenant and Baptized Scil. Israel Luce, Eleanor Long and Mary Dykes — and at the same time Baptized the children of Mary Dykes Scil. Phebee. Francis. Sarah. John, Martha. Mary By the Rev"^ M"" Worcester of Sandwich. Oct"^ 31^* \ Baptized Mercy of Mercy Allen 1742 \ Stephen of Mercy Kidder by M'' Worcester, Aug. 13 1747 The Covenant was owned by Abigail Calef and her child (Peter) baptized. Aug. 16 The Coven* was owned by Benj^ Coffin 3*'"^ who was then Baptized. as also by Mary (wife of Henry) Coffin & her child (Elisab.) baptized. and by Priscilla (wife of Jon^ Coffin Jun'') & her Josh, baptized. Baptized also at the same time Abigail / T ^ , of Josi Coffin Esqr Janet ) •' ^ Ann ) p.. , I of Tho^ Brock 26 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Mary of Jn" & Lydia Coffin Ephraim \ Jethro > of Susan : Coffin Jon^ ) Margaret of Eb-- Calef. Obed of Crom : & Ruth Coffin Jemima TT • ( oi Mehetable Colman Kezia George ) ,:,,., I oi Geo : & Elisa. Gardner Elisha ) "' \ of Jos. Hooten Richd ■' Abigail of Abig^ Morselander Lucy of Mary Burridge once Mary Gabriel. James of Mercy Kidder Paul XT L 1 of Elisa. Pease Noah Elisab. ^ Judith > of Content Russel Silas ) Deborah of [blank] Swain By the ReV^ M'' Hovey of Metapoiset. Nov. 12. 1749 Baptized by Rev^ M"" Newman Scil Mary of Timo'' White James of Josiah Coffin John of George Gardner Henry of Mary (wife of Henry) Coffin Judith of Elisabeth Pease. Mary of Mary Burridge. An accompt of the money given me for preaching the Gospel at Nantuckett where I began May 9 1725 £ Aug- 18 ( Recieved of Jos. Coffin - - - 13 1725 I 13 = 00 = 00 June 27 ( ^ 1 of G. Gardner Esq'' 20=00 = 00 1726 ( ^ TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. July 27 ( £ . { of Eciw'^ Bromneld Esq"" at Boston 32 = 00 = 00 June 26 ( \ Recieved of Jn° Coffin - - - 41; = 00 = 00 1727 ( -^ Aug. 29 Reciev'd of M-" Bromfield zz£ - 32> 1727 Apr. 1728 Recieved of Cap* Gardner the Sum of 05 - 00 - 00 i Recieved of Jn° Coffin Sher. - 05 ' o "! of his Mother 02 = 00 = 00 1720 i V of Robert Coffin 02 = 00 = 00 Sep' 2 \ Recieved from the Society by y* 1728 I liands of J. Coffin 18 = 10=00 18 = 10= 00 Sep' 14 of Ed. Bromfield Esq"' 69 = 10 = 00 Nov, 25 £ 1728 Recieved by Jos. Coffin - - - 15 =05 =00 Feb. 25 172I By Jn° Coffin 15=00=00 May 27 By George Gardner Esq"" - - - 12=00=05 More 0-07-00 more about o-io-oo Jan. 9 1730 By Capt. Coffin - - - - - 17 11 00 11 00 More by y^ same hand - - 5 11 00 11 00 June 23 By John Coffin 20 11 10 11 00 June 20 By — Hatch 00 11 09 - 6 Aug. 15 By John Coffin 2 11 10 n 00 Sept. I. By Eb"" Calef -------- 9 11 10 11 00 By another hand i 11 15 11 o By another 1-6-0 Feb. 18 1 730/1 p J. G. --.-.-- 31 - o- o June 10 1731 p J. Johnson 00 11 10 11 o July — p — Hatch 4/6 0-4-6 Apr^ 1732. p M. G. 20/ i-o-o Jan. 24 173! p Jos. Coffin 50 : o : o Feb. 2. p E. Calef 60/ 3 11 o 11 o March 24 p Jos. Chase 90/ 4 11 10 11 o May 10 p Brock 80/ -------- 4110110 Aug. 1733 of Ebr. Calef 30/ i 11 10 11 o 27 28 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. of Jonath. Coffin Z. Bunker E. Bennit - 8 ii o ii o Dec"" Tho^ Brock i bl Beef 100/ - - - - 5 11 o 11 o Bayley about 35/ --- 1-15-0 Apr^ 1734 p Jos Chase - 6-0-0 p Calef 9 --- g_o-o May 6. p Elis. S. Z-^Z- '^ May 8. p Calef ---------- 8-0-0 May 15 p Calef - --------- 4-10-0 I from the Society p D. N. - - - 39 n on o ^^^' ^ \ p. D'l Hay 20/ - - - - - - 01 11 o 11 o Dec"" 17. 1734 p J. Chase ------ 2-0-0 Dec'' — p John White ------- o-io-o Jan. 7 1734/5 From the Society - - - - ;^44-3- o July 23 p Joseph Skiff 40/ ------ 2-0-0 Aug. 28* from the Society - 34-12-0 March i^t 1735/6 Rec<^ i:35 - - - - - - 35" °- o Aug. 17 1736 Rec^ ;^ 41 5/0 - - - - - 41-05-0 of Hagar 13/ --- 0-13-0 Jan^ of John White 19/6 -- 0-19-6 1737 March 26* of J. G. about 33 - - - - - 32-17-0 Sept. 6**^ p J. G. about - 31-15-0 Aug. 29. 1738 p J. G. about - - - - - - 50-0-0 p Hagar 10/ ---- o-io-o March ) p Kb-- Calef ------- 65 - 3. 1739/40 \ Ditto 160/ ------ 8-0-0 Apr' 17* 1741 p Eb"' Calef ------ 50- o- o Dec p R. Wyer 37/7 - - - - - - - - 1-17-7 May 20 1742 p M"" Calef - 62- o- o Apr' 14 1743 p M'' Calef - - 55-10-8 Apr' 18 1744 p M'' Calef 100- 0-0 Aug. 27 1744 p M"" Brock ------ ^o- o- o 1745 p M"" Calef ---------20-0-0 1746 Feb. 8"^ p M"" Brock - - 20-0-0 Apr' 28 1746 p M"" Brock 100- 0-0 E. G. 20/ 1747 May 8*p Capt Coff. -150- 8. 8 Aug. p M'' Cal.ef of Contribuf^ 200/ - - - 10 . - E. G. 20/ ----- I - - TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Dec. 12 1748 ReC^ of M-- Calef 192 - L. C. 20/ - H-r. 3/6 ------ I _ 2 - Dec'' 18 1749 ReC^ of M'' Calef - - - - - 31 _ Jan. 2^ Rec*^ of Cap* Coffin - - - - - -112-10- & to have of M'' Brock - - 50 - - 1750. May. Rec^ of M"- Calef 140/ - - - 7 - 1749 from Phillips 120/ Rec"^ out of y^ annual Collection at Boston 25- o- and from Mr Hubbard ------ ^ - - Oct. Rec'^ a Benefaction from Boston to y^ Value of - - - - - - - - - - - 57-10- 1750 Out of annual Collection at Boston [blank] Schooling ace* begin Jan>' 6 1745/6 @ 2/4 ^ week weeks Janet Brock 9 @2/ Tho^ Brock 12 I Calt" Bunker 13 I Jn° Bunker 10 I Geo: Bunker 14 I Tho^ Clark 8 Jos. Clark 9 I Edwd Coffin 9 And" Coffin 10 Richd Coffin 7 Josh. Coffin 10 I Calb Coffin II I Bart. Coffin 11 I Uri. Coffin 11 I Ann Cofifin 9 W™ Ellis 4 W™ Fitch 8 Coffin Fitch ix Shub^ Folger 7 Jn° Folger 7 Nath' Folger 7 30 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Ben. Gardner weeks 13 Enoch Gard"" I Ann Macy Mary Macy Joseph Macy Henry Macy Paul Macy Jn° Pinkham 5 p<^ 10/6 2 pd 4/8 8 12 II 8 r I I I Sam. Maxey 9 Franc* Worth 6 6/Par, Coffin 5 27/ Eliph. Coffin Feb. 5 I I Beth Gardner 3 j Eb>- Coffin 7 I 7 I March ^^ Eb. Calef 7 I Rob* Hunter 6 I Ob. Hussey 24/ James Chase 7 4 I Jer. Gardner 3 I 31/ Kath. Coffin 3 I Peter Clark 2 I Ben. (of D) Clark Church Clark 2 3 I I Jon^ Clark I Apri 7th Seth Worth 2 I Ben. Folger Geo : Smith 2 2 I I Rebek: Coffin I I 22/Jona Fitch I Uri. Bunk. I D° 1/2 I TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 3 1 Schooling ace* @ 2/ '^ week Began April 28 1746 Tho^ Brock 27 Sar. Brown 18 Jn° Bunker 8 Geo: Bunker 25 Uri. Bunker 24 Obed Bunker 24 Caleb Bunker 22 Joseph Clark 25 Ben Clark 26 Peter Clark 26 And"^ Coffin 9 Caleb Coffin 21 Eliph. Coffin ^7 Rebek. Coffin 12 Josh. Coffin 20 Judith Coffin 8 Bart. Coffin 17 Uri. Coffin 20 Eben. Coffin 25 Kath. Coffin Eben. Calef 26 Coffin Fitch 2 Jon^ Fitch 19 Beth^ Gardner 21 Jer. Gardner 25 Ben. Folger 26 Rob. Hunter 24 Isaac Meirack 21 Jn° Meirack 21 Henry Macy 16 Paul Macy 18 Jn° Pinkham 20 Obed Hussey 23 Geo. Smith 23 Church Clark I 97 113 116 119 32 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 5 < May ' Christ^'' Coffin Ben. Gardner Jn° Arthur [ Edwd Coffin 6/Tobit Seth Worth 12/W" Elles Jon=» Clark Abel Gardner May 13/Fr. Moors ( Sam^ Long 19 I Fr. Hooten ( Abiel Moors 26 Fr. Gardner Jos. Brock Will-" Brock And"" Brock June 2^ Par. Calef Elisa Calef 3./Tho^ Newel 4/Wn^ Black r Abi Allen Jos. Allen Ren. Allen C. Morselander Alex"" Coffin Chr. Stretton ( Ant. Stretton July 7 Ben. Stretton ( Eunice Coffin 14 ^ Peggy Coffin ( Mary Coffin 2i/Essex August 16^ 30 weeks 4 2 II 5 19 22 10 16 20 13 19 24 16 23 21 19 21 Jo. Macy 3 ii3 131 116 19 18 8@3/ 3 10 @ 3/ 3 36 9 @ 3/ 2 16 I Maxey i I Dikes I ID Russel I TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 33 { Abr'n Micah 10 ( Sam, Micah 10 Sept^ ( Jn° Woodbury 7 8 I Tho« Clark 10 ' — Hammond 4 Oct. 28 Jn" Folger S 15 Harker of R. Macy 9 22^ Joseph Gardner 8 ( Ann Elles I ^9 I Betty Barker 4P^7/ Oct 20* Sar. Coffin 6 j Nat, Folger S ' I Jan* Brock 4 Schooling ace* DeC i. 1746 3/ p Week @ 2/6 ^ week. W. Black 2 3/ Jo. Brock 10 W. Brock 8 An. Brock 9 Jan* Brock 9 Tho« Brock 14 13 Jno Bunk"- 16 2 Geo: Bunk"- 18 13 Cal. Bunk"- 17 7 Uri. Bunk, 2 Obed Bunk. 2 (107) Eb. Calef II II Tho« Clark 3 Jo. Clark 3 Ben, Clark 3 Pet. Clark Ed. Coffin 12 3 An. Coffin 14 3 Sar. Coffin 14 34 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Par. Coffin 12 Eb. Coffin 2 Alex Coffin 2 Cal. Coffin II 12 Eun. Coffin Josh. Coffin Dykes H. Folger 4 91 5 16 16 (88) 72 7 2 Jn° Folger 12 I Nat. Folger Ben. Card. 15 II 2 Jer. Card. Fr. Gardner 14 3 12 9 Eb. Marker Fr. Hooten 14 — 106 II Jo. Macy Hen : Macy Paul Macy S. Maxey T. Newel II 12 14 10 18 6 6 10 6 8 Jo. Gardner 16 12 Ob. Hussey 15 12 Jn° Pink°» 9 I W. Russel 9 Seth Worth I Abr. Micah 4 7 Sam. Micah Dec'- 8/ Syl. Bunk' Rich^ Coffin 4 — 124 10 II 8 @ 3/ p Week May Deb Coffin 6 18/ Ch. Coffin 5 22/B: Gardner Jan. 26 3 ( Jenkins Tho < Jenkins ( Jenkins Matt. Jenk° 5 10 ID 2 7 12 Alex. Moors 8 4 Feb. ij^ Ths Wilson 4 Wyer Wyer TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 35 23<^ Bethnel 6 i AbelG-r 6 13 March Josh. Coff. I Hunter 5 12 Trist. G. 4 II 9 I Elis. Ca 16. Sus. Coff. I ( Fr. Moors 3 M^y '''' Bek. Moors 2 March 3/ ^ Week ^ Uri. Bunker 2 23 ^ Obed Bunker 7 ( Morselander 14 30 Jn° Arthur 9 April. Jane Hunter 4 Nab. Morsetan 10 Peter Caleb 10 Han. (of Jn° Coff.) 6 Susa : Coffin 3 6< 27 ^ Geo: Smith 9 Armstrong 9 May SPinkham 4 Zach® Swain 8 Elisha Bunk. 9 j Isaac Mireck 7 ^^ ( John Mireck 7 Schooling ace' Began July 6 1747 @ 3/ "f week Tho^ Brock 22 Geo : Bunker 25 Elish. Bunk"^ 25 Obed Bunk"- I Eb. Calef 27 36 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Peter Caleb 8 Deb. Coffin II Charles Coffin II Ben : Folger 10 Abel Gardner 24 Franc. Gardner 20 Jer. Gardner 19 Jo : Gardner 26 Ob. Hussey 19 Rob. Hunter 17 Ths Jenkins 27 Ab"" Micah 12 Sam. Micah 12 Isaac Mireck 10 Jn° Mireck II C. Morselander 10 Ab^ Morsel 10 Paul Macy 7 Pinkham Zach^ Swain 10 Geo. Smith 15 Wm. Smith 15 Trist. Gardner 21 . Wyer . . . . . Wyer . . . . Fr. Hooten 23 B. Stretton 3 Ch. Stretton 4 Ant. Stretton 4 Fr. Moors 8 Sam: Maxey 20 Alex. Moors 2 John Jasper 9 Caleb Bunk' 24 Ben : Jenkins 28 Sept' 2 1 j Mary Coffin 6 I Ephr™ Coffin 19 Mary of J. G. 24 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 37 Ocf^ 5. Judith Barn'i 3 12/And'' Coffin 20 Nov' 2 Dykes 19 13/Mary Gardner | i ab' 2 16. Richd Coffin 17 Richd Coffin I Ann Coff. 4 Abi Coff 4 Josep Bunker 15 3° I Jo. Allen Dec"" 15*^ Ben : Gardner 14 Edw . Allen 11*^ Mary Gardner ^ ^ 2 h i 16 Obed Coffin 13 Will'a Gardner 25 June 12. Peter Gardner 3 20*^ Abigail Worth 2 rec^ 46/6 reed 35/8 223 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS, 39 Nov'' 2 1 th March 6 Schooling @ 3/7 "^ week part of time 4/ "^ week Aug. 15* Ab' (of Cromi) 6 Oct: 3. Ann Brock 12 10 Mary Coffin 17 3 1 /Dykes of R. G. 11 Henry Macy 12 Paul Macy 13 Jan^ 30 Elles (of El. A) 6 Feb. 13. Ben : Folger 6 Geo: Bunker 12 Elisha Bunker 24 Tho^ Brock 26 Ann Brock 26 Rich (of Jon^) Worth 2 Gardner 24 11™ Gardner 30 John Meyreck 30 Timo : Meyreck 30 Apr^ 24. Tristram Bunker 23 13- 14 (Jer. (Will May I ^' Meader 12 Reed 42/ D° 6/6 Giles 12 ReC^ 48/ Obed Coffin 3oh Armstrong 22\ Prier 8 Abel Gardner 21 May 8 ^ Nathan Gardner 21 Francis Gardner 24 Peter Gardner 25 ' Elias Coffin f 24 Prince Coffin f 27 9 ^ Zach" Coffin 1 22 James Coffin 1 23 10 Kidder h 21 86/ p<^ by M^ Br June — 19'h I klary Bunker 22 40 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Aug. 22 Abner Coffin 3 Elisha Bunker 9 Thos Brock I Ann Brock 7 Tristram Bunk^ 4 Oct. ID Mary (of J. G.) 6 Kidder S 1 6. Fr. Hooten 6 i8 Bayley (of J G) h 4 Schooling Ace' to June 30 1740 Cr. Timo^ Barnard 14/9 Tho® Brock 45/ ^ George Bunker 18/ Dan' Bunker ^3 John Bunker 27/ 27/ Eb' Calef 16/ David Clark 7/6 Nathi Clark 6/3 Will'" Clasby 7/5 John Coffin "/ Jon^ Coffin 13/6 a sheep Josiah Coffin 27/ I sheep sk. Micah Coffin 13/6 Fish Rob' Coffin 1/3 Humphrey Elles 13/6 Mowing 8/ T3 Nathan Coffin 22/ 56/7 Peter Fitch 13/6 U Barz. Folger 27/ 48/1 Shubi Folger 13/6 Timo^ Folger 13/6 Zac* Folger 27/ "0 Peter Folger 3/9 3/9 Tho« Arthur 1/3 Abel Gardner 5/ And"" Gardner 7/6 7/6 ii/ii Eb' Gardner 18/6 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 41 Grafton Gardner 14/9 John Gardner 12/6 James Gardner 13/6 Lois Gardner 13/6 13/5 Reub. Gardner ^3l(> Raymond Harker 13/6 Obed Hussey 13/6 Matt. Jenkins 2/6 Isaac Meyrick 7/ Dan* Paddack 18/6 Leah Paddack 18/6 Caleb Swain 5/ Rich'i Swain 21/6 Will"" Swain 27/ 9o*b B< Peleg Pinkham 8/ Sam* Russel 10/8 Jon^ Ramsdel 4/1 James Whippey 12/6 Nath* Woodbury 13/9 Richd Worth 5/4 Cal*' Stretton 21/1 Schooling Ace* to Sept. 29. 1740 Dr. Cr. Tho^ Arthur 16/ Timo^ Barnard 12/4 Tho^ Brock 2- 5- George Bunker 16- John Bunker 16- 24/7 Eb>- Calef 16- John Chadwick 9- II Nath' Clark 16- Dan' Coffin 7- John Coffin 8- Jon^ Coffin i_ 3_ 9 Jos. Coffin I- 6- Micah Coffin 16- Nathan Coffin I - 12 - /I o U < O u 42 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Humphry Elles 16-0 Peter Fitch 16-0 Barzilla Folger I - 12 - Peter Folger 16-0 Shubi Folger 8- 9 Timo'' Folger 16-0 Zaccheus Folger I - 12 - Abel Gardner 6- 3 Andrew Gardner 16-0 21 - I - Dr. Eb'' Gardner 16/ Grafton Gardner 16/ James Gardner 16/ John Gardner ^5/ Lois Gardner 16/ Reuben Gardner 16/ Raym"^ Harker 16/ Obed Hussey 16/ Isaac Meyrick 16/ Dan' Paddack 16/ Leah Paddack 12/3 Jon^ Ramsdel 16/ Peleg Pinkham 13/6 Sam' Russel 16/ Rich'' Swain 2- 8-0 Will'" Swain I -13-0 Caleb Stretton 2- 8-0 James Whippey I - 12 - Nath' Woodbury 7-0 Richd Worth 16/ Will. Smith 6/3 20 - 6-0 W. Swain 8 Weeks 9-10 °'- Sum total '^'le-io- 6 Cr. 15 -II- 6 o— 19 - o .6/ Cr. c6/ O < o j2 U u TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 43 Schooling Ace* to Jan^ 3 1740/41 Timo^ Barnard 22/2 Tho^ Brock 39/ Geo. Bunker 22/2 Dan' Bunker 10/ John Bunker 25/10 Eb"- Calef 22/ Jn° Chadvvick 5/ Nath' Clark 5/ Dani Coffin 1/4 John Coffin 46/ Jona° Coffin 27/3 Josiah Coffin 25/10 Micah Coffin 13/6 Nathan Coffin 32/ Rob* Coffin 8/7 Humphrey Elles 3/9 Peter Fitch 16/ W'" Clasby 2/6 Barzil. Folger 27/6 Peter Folger 2/6 Timo" Folger 9/10 Zach® Folger 22/ 19- 14- 8 Abel Gardner 16/ And"" Gardner 13/10 Eb-- Gardner 6/3 Grafton Gardner 14/6 John Gardner ^5/ Lois Gardner 16/ Peter Gardner 8/ Reuben Gardner 13/10 Obed Hussey 16/ Isaac Meyrick 5/ Joseph Macey 5/ Dan' Paddack 12/ Elipht Paddack 10/ Leah Paddack 1 1/4 0/6 5C o u 16/ 5t! o ■p o o 44 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Peleg Pinkham 8/8 Jon^ Ramsdel 6/3 Sam^ Russel 5/ Rich'^ Swain 16/ Will'" Swain 9/io Caleb Swain 3/9 Caleb Stretton 17/4 Jon^ Pitts 4/8 James Whippee 9/10 W°» Smith 3/6 Peter Ray 5/ 12-12-3 « Schooling Ace* to April 2^ 1741 Tho^ Arthur 5/6 Time'' Barnard 8/ Thos Brock 2-17-0 Geo. Bunker I - 17 - Dan' Bunker 13-6 John Bunker 2 - 0-0 Eb^ Calef 6-9 W'" Clasby I - I - Jon^ Coffin I- 15-0 John Coffin 2 - 2-0 Wool Josiah Coffin 2 - 2-0 Peter Fitch -18-0 Barz. Folger 10 - Peter Folger 2-6 Timo^ Folger 2-6 Zacc^ Folger 9-6 Abel Gardner 16-0 And*" Gardner 6-9 Gr. Gardner 4-0 John Gardner I - 10- Lois Gardner 0-17-6 20/ Reub. Gardner 5-6 Nath° Coffin 13-6 Rob* Coffin 16-0 fee O IP V, u u o V U o y < 23 - 0-6 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 45 5/ O u < Obed Hussey 5-6 Dan' Paddack 9-0 Eliph. Paddack 1-3-6 Jon^ Pitts 4-6 W°> Oldridge 5-4 Caleb Swain I - - W"* Swain 9-6 Rich^ Swain 8-9 Henry Woosoo 2-6 Zach. Folger 9-6 as above 4-S-I Schoolii ig Ace' to July 2° 1741 Dr. Tho^ Arthur 16/ Cr. Timo'' Barnard 1-15- 9 Tho^ Brock 2-15- 9 Tho^ Bailey I - 2 - 2 Geo : Bunker 16/ Jn° Bunker 0-18- 6 18/6 Eb"- Calef I- 3- 6 Jn° Chadwick - 12 - 4 Dan' Chadwick 0- 9- 10 John Coffin 16/10 Jon^ Coffin I - I - I Josiah Coffin 16/ Nath'i Coffin I - 12 - Joseph Colman 12 - 4 Peter Fitch 16/ Barzil. Folger I - 12 - Peter Folger 16/ Tirno'' Folger 16 Zach^ Folger I - 12 - US o 20 - 9 - 4 10-15-2 12-4 Dr/ Caleb Stretton 10 . Rich^ Swain 32/ Will"" Swain 12/4 Jon* Upham 16/ Rob* Wier 9-11 Timo" Wier 7- 2 James Whippey 28/11 Dani Bunker 5/ Will"> Clasby 6- 2 Eliakim Swain 16/ Henry Woosoo 13/6 >^ .5 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Abel Gardner 0/ Andrew Gardner 16/ Grafton Gardner 9/" John Gardner is/ Lois Gardner 16/ Reuben Gardner i - 3-5 The* Gardner 12-4 Dan^ Hussey 6-2 Obed Hussey 16 Jn° Johnson 3^9 Tho^ Jones ^3 - 7 Peter Jenkins 11 -i ^ Tho^ Moors 14/9 W" Oldridge 16/ Peleg Pinkham 8/ Jon* Pitts 13/ ^3/ Dani Paddack 14/9 Leah Paddack 16/ Sam' Russel 8/ Sami Ray 3-9 Cr/ t6/ 28/11 ^ V. 1-1 .6/ ^ 7-17 - TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 47 1742/Schooling Accts to Sept^ 25 Dr/ Cr Tho^ Arthur 13 .6. Timo^' Barnard 10-8. Tho^ Brock I - 10 - Tho^ Bailey I - 9-6 Geo : Bunker 6-7. Jn" Bunker 14-9 17/ Eb-- Calef 1-13 • 3- . Jn° Chadwick 13-6 Dani Chadwick 13.6. Jn° Coffin 16-0 Jon^ Coffin 14 . 9 Josi. Coffin 14 . 9 Nath"! Coffin I - 9-6. Joseph Colman 14-9 Peter Fitch I - 9-6 Barz. Folger I - 9-6 Peter Folger 14-9 Timo^ Folger 14-9. Zach= Folger I - 17 -6 Abel Gardner 5-0 19 . 6 . Grafton Gardner 14 . 9. Jn° Gardner 13 • 9- Lois Gardner 14 . 9 Reub° Gardner 0-16-0 Tho^ Gardner 14 . 9. Obed Hussey 14 . 9. Jn° Johnson 14 . 9. Tho^ Jones 9 • 7 Peter Jenkins 14 . 9. Tho^ Moors 14 . 9. W" Oldridge 14 . 9. Peleg Pinkham 10 . Jon^ Pitts 6-7 Dan' Paddack 8-0 Leah Paddack 2 . 6. Sam' Ray 14. 9 o o u < o 33 V, u 48 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Peter Ray 7-1 Cal. Stretton 13-0 Rich^ Swain 16-0 W™ Swain 1-9.6 13 . 04 . 6 Dr Cr Eleakim Swain 14- 9 14/9 Jon^ Upham 13- 6. 16/4 Rob* Wyer 13-6 Timo'' Wyer II - II. James Whippey I - 4 - 6. 24/1 And"" Gardner 6- 7 4- 4 The above Ace*® carry'd off. Schooling Ace*® to Feb^ i®' 1 741/2 Dr/Tho® Arthur 12/4 12 - 4 Tho® Bayley - - - - 13- 3 Tho® Brock - - - - I - 12 - 6. Geo. Bunker - - - I - 7- I Dan^ Bunker - - - 9- 10. John Bunker - - - I -14. 2 W" Clasby - - - - 14- 9- John Coffin - - - - I -19- 5 Jon^ Coffin - - - - I • - 10 - 4- Josi. Coffin - - - - 2 ■ - 01 - II Rob* Coffin - - - - 3- 2. Barz. Folger - - - 2 ■ - I - II. Peter Folger - - - I - 3 Timo*' Folger - - - 5- Zac® Folger - - - - I - -17- Graft" Gardner- - - 17- 3 ]n° Gardner - - - 16- 3 Lois Gardner - - - 17- 3- Tho® Gardner - - - II - I Peter Fitch - - - - 9- 10 20-15- 7 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 49 DVObed Hussey - - 17- -3 John Johnson - - - 7- -4 Tho^ Moors - - - - 3- -9 Leah Paddack - - - 2 - -6 Paul Paddack - - - 10 - - Jon^ Pitts - - - - 12 - -4 Sam^ Ray - - - - 12 - -3 Caleb Stretton - - - 12 - -4- W« Swain - - - - I- 4- -8 Abig' Woodbury - - 16- - Jon^ Upham - - - 5- - 6- 3-5 The Ace* above carry'd off Schoohng Ace* to May i ^* 1742 Dr/ Old Ten>- Cr/ Tho^ Arthur 21/ - - I - I - Timo^ Barnard 16/ - 16-0 Tho^ Brock 42/ - - 2 - 2-0 Geo. Bunker 28/3 - - I- 8-3 Dani Bunker 8/9 - - 8-9. Jn° Bunker 36/5 - - 1-16-5. Caleb Bunker 6/3 - - 6-3 Eb"- Calef 20/0 - - - I - 0-0 W"> Clasby 21/- - - I - I - Jn° Coffin 45/9- - - 2- 5-9- Jon* Cofifin 32/3 • - I -12-3 Josi. Coffin 59/6 - - 2-19-6. Rob* Coffin 9/6 - - 9-6 Barz. Folger 54/4 - - 2-14-4 Peter Folger 11/3 - - 11-3 Timo^ Folger 10/ - - ID - Zach^ Folger 34/ - - I - 14 - Joseph Colman 3/9 - 3-9 ^23-13-0 50 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Cr/ Dr/ Old Tenour Grafton Gardner - - 0- 13 - Jn° Gardner 20/ - - I - - Lois Gardner 21/ - - I - I - Peter Gardner 9/1 j - 9- II. Tho« Gardner 10/ - 10 - Jn° Johnson 10/6 ID - 6. Tho* Jones 2/6 - - 2 - 6 Abel Gardner 2/6 - - 2 - 6. Obed Hussey 21/ - - I - I - Tho^ Moors 16/ - - 16- Leah Paddack 9/3 - 9- 3 Jon^ Pitts 14/ - - - 14- Caleb Stretton 14/ - 14- Sam^ Russel 5/ - - 5- Wn Swain 15/ - - - 15- Eliakim Swain 1/3 I - 3 Jon^ Upham 10/ - - ID - Rob* Wier 2/6 - - - 2 - 6. Abig^ Woodbury 17/6 - 17 - 6 Peter Fitch 1/3 - - I - 3 £^i- School ing Acc*^ to Aug. 6 1742 Old Ten"- Dr/Thos Arthur ■ Timo^ Barnard - ■ ■ - - 18 - ■ - 2 - 14 - Thos Brock - - - ■ - I - 10 - Geo. Bunker - ■ • - - II - Dan^ Bunker - - - 0-8-8 John Bunker - - Caleb Bunker - - • - - 18 - - I - 5- II Eb-- Calef - - - • - - 18 - VV" Clasby - - - John Coffin - - ■ ■ - - 18 - ■ - - 18 - Jon^ Coffin - - ■ ■ - - 19 - Josiah Coffin - ■ Joseph Colman ■ - 2 - 10 - ■ - - 18 - TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 5 1 Benja. Coffin - - - - 5 - Humphrey EUes - - - 5 - Peter Fitch - - - I - 8- 1 1 Barzil. Folger - - - I - 16 - Peter Folger - - - 18- Timo>' Folger - - - - 18- Zaccheus Folger - I - 16- 20- 9- 6 ■■ Old Ten"- Graf. Gardner - - - 15 ■6 John Gardner - - - 15 ■ Lois Gardner - - - 16 - Peter Gardner - - I -03 -6 Obed Hussey - - - 16 - Peter Jenkins - - - I -3 Tho^ Jones - - - - 6 ■3 John Johnson - - - I -3 Tho^ Moors - - - - 16 - Sam^ Russel - - - 2 -6 Jos. Rotch - - - - 2 -6. Cal. Stretton - - - 7 - 4 Eliak. Swain - - ■ 13- 6 Jon^ Upham - - - 16 - Rob^Wier - - - - 18 - Timo" Wier - - - - 12 -3 Betty Barker - - - 14 -9 Tho^ Gardner - - I - 13 - Note All the Debts which I have yet to demand for Schooling are contained in this Book St March i, 1732/3 T. White Entred y« f Fred. & Stephen of CI. Folger School J Wil" of David Clark March 5*^ ] Seth of Shubal Folger 1732/3 I Joshua of John Bunker 52 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. March 13 March 19 < Apr' 2 Apr' 9 of Tho* Crook Tho: Shubael two Boys of Dinah Ellis two Boys of W. Smith Dinah of Jn° Clark Rich^ of Im. Gabriel Ruth of D' Bunker David of Stubbs 1/8 Silvanus of Jos. Worth Ann of Jonath° Coffin Peleg of Theodate Coffin Schooling Ace* to March i 1732/3 — Clear — Tho® Brock 24/6 - i George Brown 95/ Primer 8^ . - . - 4 George Bunker -- o Dan' Bunker -- o John Bunker -- o Eb"- Calef Sum total - - 13 Joseph Chase 12/7 Wood 4/ - - - - - o John Clark 29/3 wood 10/ i Eb-- Coffin 28/9 --------- I James Coffin 39/9 wood 4/------ 2 Jonathan Coffin 19/3 -------- o Rich'i Coffin 12/5 - o Nath° Coffin 9/10 wood 5/ o John Coffin 5/ Paper 1/6 o Josiah Coffin 79/11 - 3 Tho^ Colman ---- o Hump. EUes 72/10 -- 3 Zacheus Folger 3/ wood 2/ ----- - o Tho® Brock 26/ - - i Carry'd off and paid ye ------- 4 George Bunker 10/- -- o Dan' Bunker 7/1 1 - - o John Bunker 25/ i E. C H. 13 : 8 : o II 4 II 6 II 15 II 8 II 10 II II 4 II II 16 II 9 II 8 II II 16 II 7 II 19 II 3 II 18 II 9 II 3 II 9 II 19 II 3 - 12 - 3 -14- 10 - 6- 6 II 19 II II II 14 II 9 II 12 II 10 II 5 II II 6 II II 15 II 8 II 10 II II 7 II II II 5 II o TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Jos. Chase p^ John Clark p'^ Eb-- Coffin 38/9 - I II 18 II 9 James Coffin Rye 24/ Corn 12/ Cash 20/ 2 11 16 11 o Jonathan Coffin 19/3 . . o 11 19 11 3 Richd Coffin p^ Nath° Coffin 15/10 --- 0.15. 10 John Coffin 29/3 --------- 1119113 Josiah Coffin 9/ Ditto 65/ Wool 2/ Tallow 4^^ 4 11 i 11 o Thomas Colman 14/- on 14 Humphrey Ellis -- 3 11 12 11 7 Immanuel Gabriel 25/6 ------- i_^_5 Joseph Gardner 21/2 - 1-1-2 Eb"" Gardner 42/ Wood 5/ 2-7-0 Jer. Gardner 12/2 ---- on 12 11 2 David Gwin 36/7 wood 4/ ----- - 2 11 o 11 7 Jonath° Moors 5-19-6 - - - - - - 5 11 19 11 6 Jonath" Ramsdel 31/2 Paper 2/ Ink 2/ - i : 15 : 2 Sam* Russel 33/1 --------- i h 13 11 i Wil'" Stubbs 12/6 wood 3/ ----- - o 11 15 11 6 Wil" Swain 2/1 --------- 01121I1 Barn. Pinkham 37/3 Wood 5/ 2 11 2 n 3 Jonath" Micah 66/ -------- 311 6 no Francis Coffin 9/7 ---- 0119117 David Clark n^ ......... o 11 on 11 Ishmael Hughes 27/4 ------- 1117114 Solomon Colman 1/ ------- - o 11 i 11 o Keturah Arthur 2/6 0112116 Jonathan Pinkham 1/6 ------- o n i n 6 Tabitha Brown 15/ -------- on 15 no Sam' Ray 19/6 --- - 01119116 Immanuel Gabriel 4'^'^ 28/ ------ i n 8 n o Joseph Gardner 21/2 -------- i n i n 2 Eb"" Gardner 47/ 2 n 7 n o Jer. Gardner 12/2 - o n 12 " 2 David Gwin p Jn° Macy 40/7 2 n o n 7 Jon a. Moors clear. Jonathan Ramsdel Labour - i n 10 11 6 Sam' Russel in Labour i n 13 n i 53 54 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Will"" Stubbs 15/6 o II 15 II 6 Will™ Swain clear. Barn. Pinkham clear. J. Mic. Cash 20/ wheat 21/ Cash 25/ - - 3 11 6 11 o Francis Coffin 9/7 on 9 11 7 David Clark ii*^ on on 11 Ishmael 2 Days Labour 14/ i bush' Rye 7/ i - i - o Saml. Ray 2 Tubs. Schooling Ace** to May 31 1733 D' Tho* Brock 10/ George Brown 20/ Daniel Bunker clear 13/1 John Bunker clear 11/9. Caleb Bunker lo'^ Psalter 2/4 Eb"" Calef 20/ Paper i/io David Clark 10/ John Clark 20/ Elean"" Coffin 20/ John Coffin 33/11. Cheese 8/6 Beef 7/6. Jonath" Coffin 10/ Josiah Coffin 21/2 Nathan Coffin 10/ Richd Coffin 1/6. Theod. Coffin 6/ Tho* Crook 18/6 John Ellis 17/ El'' Folger 20/ Primer 8<^ Shub' Folger 10/ Zach^ Folger 10/ Thos. Brock 10/ on 10 no G. Brown 20/ Dan' Bunker in Beaf 13/1 0-13-1 John Bunker 2/2 Cash 20/3 i n 2 n 5 Caleb Bunker 3/2 0H3N2 Eb^ Calef clear David Clark 19/1 onigni TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 55 El^ Coffin 20/ lb John Coffin 38 wool 76/ Jonathan Coffin 10/ Josiah Coffin Rhum Nathan Coffin 10/- Rich'^ Coffin clear Theodate Coffin 6/ Tho^ Crook by Jno Swain Jun>- 18/6 - - John Ellis 17/ El"" Folger clear Shubael Folger 10/ Immanuel Gabriel 11/6 Abel Gardner 2/8 Jer*^ Gardner 23/ Joseph Gardner 10/ Eb'' Gardner 10/ David Gwin 16/ Jonath" Moors 20/ Barn^ Pinkham 20/ Shubi Pinkham 7/6 Jon'^ Ramsdel 10/3 pair Hhs /3 over 2^ Sam^ Russel 10/ Will™ Smith 17/ Paper 2/ Will"" Stubbs 1/8 Joseph Worth 6/10 Immanuel Gabriel Labour 5/ 5/6 - - Abel Gardner 2/8 -------- Jer. Gardner 27/10 - Joseph Gardner 8/10 Ditto 1/2 - - - Eb'' Gardner 10/ David Gwin p Jn° Macy 16/ - - - - Jona. Moors carry'd off B. Pinkham carry'd off. Shubael Pinkham 7/6 ------ Jona. Ramsdel clear. Sam^ Russel 10/ Will"" Stubbs 1/8 Joseph Worth 6/10 - - O II ID II O O II ID II O o - 6 - o o- 18 - 6 O II 17 II o O II 10 II o 1 10 6 1 2 8 I ' 7 10 1 10 10 1 16 7- 6 o II 10 11 o on I II 8 OH 6 II 10 56 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Schooling Ace* to Aug. 31. 1733 This Ace* runs to Sept. 15* 1733/- D"" Tho® Brock 10/ Psalter 2/4 1-8 George Brown 20/ 3/4 Caleb Bunker 10/ t/8 Dan' Bunker 20/ Psalter 2/4 3/4 John Bunker 20/ clear 9/4 3/4 Eb"' Calef 20/ 3/4 Paper 2/ David Clark 10/ Psalter 2/4 1/8 EK Coffin 20/ 3/4 James Coffin 5/10 1/8 John Coffin 20/ Psal. 2/4 Prim 8^ Paper 5/ i 11 19 11 Jonath° Coffin 10/ 3/4 2/5 Josiah Coffin 20/ 3/4 Psalf 2/4 Paper 2/ Nathan Coffin 10/ 2 Test. 8/ 1/8 Theodate Coffin 10/ 1/8 Tho^ Crook 20/ 3/4 Aim. 5^^ John Ellis 13/ 1/8 El'' Folger 20/ 3/4 Shub' Folger 10/ 1/8 Zach^ Folger 10/ 1/8 ^^ Tho^ Brock 14/ and clear to Dec'' 10. G. Brown clear Caleb Bunker 16/10 Dan'BunkerinBeef 25/8 «& clear till Nov. 12* i - 5 - Jn° Bunker 26/4 & clear till Jan. i®* Eb'' Calef clear, David Clark clear El'' Coffin 19/6 James Coffin clear. John Coffin clear. Jonathan Coffin 10/9 30/ 2 11 o 11 Josiah Coffin clear Nathan Coffin 18/ Theodate Coffin 14/5 Tho^ Crook by Jn° Swain Jun'' 31/6 John Ellis 13/ El'' Folger clear Shubael Folger 10/ TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 57 Meervel Gabriel 10/ 1/8. 2 Aim. 10^ Abel Gardner 10/ 1/8 Eb'' Gardner 16/ 3/4 Jer. Gardner 30/ 5/ Joseph Gardner 10/ 1/8 David Gwin 22/ 3/4 Jonath° Moors 25/ 3/4 Barn® Pinkham 12/6 3/4 ShuW Pinkham 24/7 a Testam* 4/5 Jonath° Ramsdel 10/ 1/8 Ink 2/ Sam^ Russel 10/ Caleb Stretton 5/ Eliakim Swain o/io 1/8 Joseph Worth 10/ John Clark 6/8 Manuel Gabriel in Labour 19/6 Ditto 7/ Abel Gardner 17/2 ' ' th Eb"" Gardner cleared to Dec"" 10 Joseph Gardner 18/10 David Gwin p Jn° Macy 25/4 ----- i 11 5 11 4 Shubael Pinkham 17/6 37/ Sam' Russel 10/ - o-io-o El. Swain 2/6 o ii 2 11 6 Joseph Worth 10/ I Left off School by reason of Illness the middle of Sept. and began again November 5* 1733. Here follows a Catalogue of y® Scholars Nov"- Gardner Nov'' 5* -i John Josiah Jonathan (Exit — ) & James Coffin. Benj. & James Brown. Peter, Jethro & Jn° Cofifin. Christopher & Josh. Bunker. Jonath° & Will™ Moors. Joseph Bunker William Bunker Tho* Crook Shubael Pinkham. I Josiah Coffin. Legorie 58 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS, 6th ^ Paul Rawson Elisha Gardner Sami Calef & Peter Calef. John Brock James Gardner Peleg Coffin 7*'^ Peleg. Joseph G. Caleb Gardner. Chr. Gardner ( J. Ramsdel. Benj. Coffin & Titus. Robbin 12 < David Lawson. Benj. Pinkham. W™ Clark ( Seth Folger Nov'' 13* Eunice of Eb"" Gardner. 14* Ann of Eb"" Gardner. Ann of Jona° Coffin Boston of W™ Swain ( Christopher Coffin ^ \ Richd Pinkham. Exit Dec"- 28^ ( Frederick & Stephen Folger Benj. (of G. Bunker exit Feb. 28* John of W"' Stretton Edward ) , , • , of Manuel Gabriel. 19 27 1 26th Dec Richard 4. Will" of Tho» Gardner ( John Jones 10 I Mary. Coffin. Exit Jan. 10. ( Ruth Gardner Feb. 28th Jon. Coffin exit 13. Brown. P. Calef. Will, of S. Gardner March 15*!' E. Gabriel. Jn° & Mir. Stretton 24. Bartholomew Smith. ( William ( 25 < John I of Will" Smith. ( Abishai ( Jan. 7. George Pinkham. 21. Reuben of Jos. Worth. Feb. 4. Deb. & Mir. Stretton. Feb. II. Beriah Coffin. 6/ Feb. 25 James Russel. March 11. Mingo. J j W. Ramsdel. P ^ I Jos. Bayley April 22. Jona° Coffin. Ruth & Deb. Bunker. P. Calef. 22^ Frederick F. Apr' 2. Kesiah Elis. Folger. P. Gardner. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 59 Schooling Ace' to Jan^ 31, 173I Tho^ Brock clear 5/ glass 2^ o 11 5 11 2 George Brown 20/ glass 4^ - 1-0-4 Caleb Bunker clear 4/10 glass 2^ ..- 0-5-0 Dan^ Bunker clear 9/3 glass 2"^ - - - - 0-9-5 George Bunker 6/8 Feb. 28"^ 3/4 - - - o-io- o John Bunker 6/8 clear ------- o 11 6 11 8 Eb"" Calef 20/ glass 4^ ------ - i 11 o ii 4 David Clark 9/3 glass 2^ ----- - o 11 9 11 5 Elean"" CofBn 18/6 glass 4^^ o 11 18 11 10 James Coffin 9/3 glass 2'^ o 11 9 11 5 John Coffin 30/ 6^^ glass & 6<^ paper paper 7^^ 1 11 11 11 7 Jonathan Coffin clear 12/5 Legorie 3/4 - o 11 15 11 9 Josiah Coffin 23/8 glass 4^ ----- - i 11 4 11 o Rich'* Coffin 7/6 glass 2^ ----- - o 11 7 11 8 Rob' Coffin 9/3 - - - . o II 9 II 3 Theodate Coffin clear 6/6 ------ o 11 6 11 6 Tho^ Crook clear 2/5 o 11 2 11 5 Eb"' Folger 15/ glass 4^ - - o 11 15 11 4 Shub' Folger 9/3 glass 2^ o 11 9 11 5 Zacheus Folger 9/8 glass 2^ o 11 9 11 10 Manuel Gabriel 13/4 glass 2** - - - - - o 11 13 11 6 Abel Gardner 4/4 clear o 11 4 11 4 Eb'' Gardner clear 23/8 Catach. 6<* glass 4"* i 11 4 11 6 Jer. Gardner 15/9 glass 4^..---- 01116-1 Joseph Gardner 3/4 clear ------ o 11 3 11 4 14 II 7 II 9 Caleb Bunker 20/ George Bunker 10/ John Bunker 20/ El'' Coffin clear to Jan. 31. except 2/1 Rob' Coffin 2 bush'^ of corn Tho= Gardner 6/6 - o 11 6 11 6. Jonath" Moors 20/ i 11 o 11 o Barn^ Pinkham 3/2 on 3 11 2 Shub' Pinkham clear i/io o 11 i 11 10. Jonath. Ramsdel 9/3 -------- o 11 9 ii 3 Wil™ Smith 16/8 --------- o 11 16 11 8. Wil«^ Stretton 6/8 - o 11 6 11 8 6o TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 14 15 Wil" Swain 8/6 o 11 8 11 6. Joseph Worth 1/8 0111118 3 II A Whole Share 83 11 4 W p ■ °r m ^ c . w .^ 'c = -< ^. 6 ^- H 5 I i 1 i :S'§oS£S..S:^':UP^ -> .a; Will"" Swain Rye 14/ 0) -^/r^. tv, -^ clear money due from the respective Psons. May lo*"^ 1734 Tho^ Brock lo/X o George Brown 13/4 X 8 Caleb Bunker 10/ - - - - due to Caleb Bunk 5/ Dan' Bunker 15/ -------------i John Bunker 20/ X - o Eb^ Calef 16/ - 2 David Clark 10/ X - - - Aim 6^ i Elean-- Coffin 26/8 X - - - i James Coffin 10/ ....---....-o John Coffin 36/2 - - - - - Paper 6^ 15/11 Paper 1/ Jonath° Coffin 27/ 2 Josiah Coffin 20/ Cash 2/ - - 38/ Richd Coffin 2/7 X - - Rob' Coffin 10/2 Aim. - - except'g y^ Corn - Theod. Coffin 10/ ---.....-.. Tho^ Crook 10/ X ---..--... Eb"" Folger 15/10 X Nath' Folger 10/ - - - Shub' Folger 10/ ------------ Zach^ Folger 8/ - - - - - except'g y« Hair - Manuel Gabriel 15/- Abel Gardner 10/X---------- Eb'' Gardner 30/ X - - - Jer. Gardner 10/9 Jos. Gardner 10/ - Tho^ Gardner 3/4 x --------- - Jonath" Moors 20/ - - - - - - Barn. Pinkham 10/ - - - - excepting y^ Fish Shub' Pinkham 20/ J. Ramsdel pap"" 9^ 4/ - except'g Bedstead Pap Sam' Russel 6/8 2 aim. lo'^ Wm Smith 20------- 2 W" Stretton 13/4 Jos. Worth 10/ Tho^ Bayley 3/4 --. 15 " 2 12 II 8 4 II 5 6 II 8 12 II 6 4 " 9 8 II 9 IK II 6 I 1 1 4 11 I 1 1 14 II I 1 1 16 II I 1 1 12 II 5 3 " 1 15 II 2 1 1 10 = I = = I = I 2 1 1 4 II 6 1 1 6 II 6 1 1 14 II 4 2 1 1 14 II 6 2 II 17 II II 1 13 II 4 II 1 10 II 4 II 19 11 3 4 II II II 3 I II I II 10 2 II 9 II 4 2 II 1 IS II 8 I II 1 II 1 1 II 11 8 II 1 3 II 4 62 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. The Same continued- Jn° Clark - 3 ii 5 11 11 D. X Gwin X 4- I -II W, X Stubbs X 3 - 17 - 2 C. Stretton 0-5-0 o - 12 - 4 11 on - 10 - 1 - 1 - Credit Tho^ Brock 15/6 - - - - 3 11 12 11 8 George Brown Caleb Bunker clear Dan' Bunker 10/- - - - 2-0-0 John Bunker 6/8 & clear to Aug. 16 David Clark 24/9 - - - 1-4-9 Eb"" Cofifin 28/9 & clear to Aug. 16 1734 J. C. C 4i Tallow li Kitchen Stuff. Jonath" Coffin Cash 40/ Jos. Coffin clear to Nov"" 11. except 6/ Richd Coffin. 24/ Theodate Coffin 16/6 Tho® Crook 12/5 - - - El-- Folger 80/ - - - - Nathl. Folger 10/ - - Shubael Folger 21/1 Abel Gardner clear Eb"" Gardner clear Jer. Gardner 57/ - - - Tho^ Gardner 10/ - - Jon° Moors cr. p Alex"" Coffin 10/ Shub' Pinkham 21/10 J. Ramsdel clear Sami Russel 7/6 - - - o 11 7 11 6 Jos. Worth 1 1/6 Began to keep School June 17 1734 on which day the follow- ing Psons came in Caleb Gardner. Chris. & Josh. Bunker Joseph Bunker — Wil"" Bunker Nath' Gardner — James Brown Wil™ Moors — James Russel. John Brock, — Josiah Coffin. Rich^ Gabriel — Joseph Bayley Peleg & Jos. Gardner — Jon. Moors Paul Rawson W™ Ramsdel jg ( Barth. & Abishai Smith \ Peleg Coffin — Mingo 17 10 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS, 63 ig Peter. &. John Coffin. 20 Jethro Coffin. ( Peter Sam^ & Joseph Calef exit Aug. i«' ^ \ James Gardner — Titus J ] J Benj, Coffin, — James Coffin ^ ^ ^' ( Benj. & Shubael Pinkham July 8* David Lawson. Wil°i (of Dat.) Coffin July 15. Ruth Gardner. July 29. Edw"^ Gabriel. Owen. ACCOUNTS. Jan" 1745/6 ii/Pd to John Long 28/ 1 2 /To Mary Barnard 7/6 15/T0 Rich"^ Maecy for Corn 12/ for Rye 13/ - - - - i _ 5 _ o and 75/ over Rec^ Wheat 16/ 24/ Jan^ 17 cleared with Mary Barnard paying 10/ and overp'^ 2/8 Feb 8* 1745/6 Ballanc'^ Ace** with Jn° Beard Paying in Cash 5 - 12 - 9 c qr lb Feb. 14 P'^ Obed Hussey for a bl Sugar (2-0-21) 15-6-3 P"^ to Alice Paddack for 4 y^* cloath (^12/5- 2-8-0 March x8 1746 cleared with Dan' Hussey paying 16/2 Apr' 4* Pd to Rich'i Macy 40/ May To Nath^ Macy for Bone 22/ June To Rich'^ Macy 60/ To M'-s Choke 160/ To Will'" Coffin 60/ 28/Pd to — Chase for Frei't of Cow & Calf 20/ and to James Gardner for ^c of Sugar @ 2/6 p lb 70/ July P - ^^ - Z Feb. 6 to Rich^ Macy --------- 2-0-0 Borrow'd of D'' Whitney i-o-o Feb. 17* P'^ to D'' Whitney ------- 2-0-0 and to Rich'^ Macy Sent ------- ^-q-o Apri Sent to Pris. Calef for Jer Jo. & Will. Bunker 16/6 V^ to Burnels Wife 1-2-6 May 29 To — Hubbardfor ioy'^^Towcloath@9/ 4- 10 - o June 2^ To M''^ Jones for a Cord of Wood 80/ 4 - 0-0 4./pd to Deb. Burnel -- 3-8-0 5, To G. Gardner Esq"" for 2 Skins in 1745 - - i - o - o June/To — for Cloath -- 5-6-0 2o/cleared w*^ D'' Whitney Paying 40/ --- 2-0-0 P"^ to Jn° Beard 3-1-4 July 25 1747 Rec'd of Father Gardner on Ace* Benj. Gale 20-12-0 P^ the Same to s^ Gale in 1750 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 6S July 29 P"^ to Eldridge for a Cord of Wood 95/ Aug. to Sister Craigie for J^ Gailix - - . . 20 Sepf 2 To Pris. Gardner 7/ Sent by Pris. G — r £6 — Rec^ in Sundries. Sepf 8 To a York-man for Flower ----- g _ 15/P'* Jn° Macy 120/ which was chiefly for Beef 6 - For a cheese 22/6- --- i- 22/ To Caleb (of Rich^) Macy for 2 Bushes Wheat 2 - ( To Jn° Beard for Sundries 125/ P ( To Benja. Stubbs 35/ OctV Sent to Couz. W" White (by Benja : Fosdick) 52/ Pd to Jn° Beard for ^c Sugar 160/ - - - - 8 - P'^ to David Gardner for Beef & Fat - - - 6 - p'^ to Benja. Stubbs i- To Ch. Gardner 80/ -- 4- To Mary Elles 60/ - 3 - To Joseph Daws 20/ -- i- 1747/Nov'' 161?^ to Y}^ Gardner for Leather 68/ - - - - 3 - and on former ace** 2I -------- o - DecV 5/T0 Rich-of J. G. ;^I7 Iron Sent to Jo. Hovey's lb oz lb oz Bar 6-9. — old Tongs & handle Shovel 2-10 Sloop's first cost ^137 - 10. Charge made up 40-11-1- - - - - 178- i-i Gains already received (except y® Nails) - - 145 - 10 - 5 Oct. 1734 Sold of Mothers Cloath To T. W. 2iy'''@i3/ - - - 32/6 I -12 -6 Sept./Paid on mothers ace* for Books 20/ Sold to T. W. above 2 y^^ 29/3 Ditto i^ y'^ 16/3 -- 2-5-6 To John Gardner 5J y'^^ @ 13/ 3-8-3 To Josiah Coffin ^h y^ @ 13/ 0-19-6 D. Newel xii yd XI 6/3 T, Brock xi^y^ >; 16/3 x i - 12 - 6 Rob* Coffin 5^ y^^ 66/8 - - Rec^ 16/3 - 3-6-8 July 1734 Reckoned with Zach. Hoit and Due to me 9/ July 22 Lent him 10/ - - - - 0-19-0 Oct. 14. Lent to Zach. Hoit 10/ o-io-o Jan. Rec^ 2 Bushels Corn @ 6/6 In Cash 16/ - 9-0 - 13-0 - 16-0 I - 9-0 Sept. Lent x to Broth'' John x White 40/ x - - 2-0-0 1734/Sent to Bro"" Ayer by Edw"^ Clark - - - 35 - o - o Oct. James Ayer D"^ i Quintal Fish ---- 1-16-0 Nov"" or D"" p Deacon Phillips (as he Saith 22-6 — - - - - - - 22 II 6110 Oct. 22. 1734 Eb-- Calef D-- To 2 Accidences* @, 2/6 0-5-0 ^ ^ ( John Coffin x 2 Accidences ---- 0-5-0 Oct. 2X < •' -^ ^ ( Eb-" X Gardner i Ditto x - - - - - 0-5-6 p. j Joseph Gardner x Esq"" i Ditto June - 0-2-0 1 Tho^ Brock x i Ditto x - - - - - 0-2-6 * Accidence: a little book commonly so call'd, which contahis the first Principles of the Latin Tongue. The New World of Words. Comp'l'd by Edward Phillips. London, 1720. 72 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Oct. 30 X Shubael x Pinkham x i Ditto x - - Dec"" Dan^ Bunker x i John x Bunker i x - - J. X Ramsdel x i Eb"" x Barnard i x - - - Feb. 173^ Let Eben. Cain have 5/ the which he promised to repay in Feathers within 8 or ten Days June 6* Rec^ of Eben. Cain July 1735 Let Zach. Hoit have upon y® ace* of Corn - - Aug. 30. Ditto 20/ Recieved the above in Corn. Josiah Coffin clear to June 16 1735 Jon* Coffin cred. in wool 31/9 EK Coffin in wool 26/10 Eb"" Gardner in wool 1 1/3 Rob' Coffin in x wool 15/7 Debt -X- -X- -12-6 ox 2x6 o- 5-0 o - 5-0 o- 5-0 o- 5-0 I - 0-0 paid - - - 3/- 1 J. G. I Aim. [Almanack] 6^ W. Stretton Ditto 6'^ W. Swain x 2. Draper x i. Jos x Gardner x 2. El"" Coffin X I. Jos x Chase x i. El. Swain 2. Calef i. Eb"" Gardner i. D. Newel x i. Jos. Coffin i. Justin Coffin i. Rob' Coffin i. W x Worth i X Clasby x i. Caleb Swain i, J x Rayner x i, R. X Macey x i. El. x Coffin x i. J. x Pinkham x i. Jon* X Gardner x i, Eb"" Barnard i. 1735/Laid in for y^ Whaling voyage i bl of Beef, i bl. 2 Ditto p T. C. X 4 Ditto. Full binding by J. Clark 22 bis 44/ 1735 Ship'd on board Bark for Boston 10^'* Oyl first Trip. I bl to J. G. 15 b'^ of the 2^ Trip. Ship'd in Nathan Coffin. 3^ Trip. W. Swain i bl. In the Brigg consigned to Brock 4'h Trip. 1734/The Disposal of y^ Whaling Voyage got in mate Ship with Bethnel Gardner TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 73 Oyl To Brock on Jn° Coffin's ace' 2 B^^ Oyl on Rob* Coffin's ace' ib' on David Newel's ace' i.b' on Black Andrew's ace' -------- ib' May/Ship'd on board Sylvanus Hussey for Boston 33 or 34 b'^ May 9. Ship'd onboard Eb"" Gardner for Boston 16 b^^ - 16 b'® lb Sold to Sylvanus 722 Bone which is besides y^ 119 lb of his weighing 841 Shipped aboard Roch 28 b^^ Ditto 22 '''* 50 D. Newel 2 b'* of oyl. J. G I Stick of bone 3^ ^^ -' '-' - lb oz Simeon Bunker (p D"^ Hay) 3-7 James Coffin (p D-" Hay) 61^ 7°^ Nathan Coffin i Stick of Bone T. W. 3^^ D. Newel 25^'^ Ship'd aboard Sylvanus 26 b^ of oyl Ditto 37 b!s Sylvanus Hussey 2 whales bone the one 784 the other 778''' -- 1562 lb oz Rob' Coffin (p Young Kerans) 3 2 Ship'd aboard Peter Folger for Boston 17 Bar'^ of Oyl & 4 of Head- ----------- 21 Put aboard Paul Starbuck 4 b'® of oyl but i leaked out Put on board Chase i b^ of y® first Voyage, & 12 of y® new. T. W. 2 b's Head. D. Newel i b^ Head. T732/My Frei't of Wood (13 load) ----- 2 - 8 - 3 Reeieved of Cr. Coffin for freight 59/ - - - 2-19- o j 16 Cord from ys Viney'J — 48/ - - - - 2-8-0 (15 from Dartmouth 50/ ------2-10-0 I am to pay to Sylvanus Hussey on y^ Sloops acc'V^S^ltod - - - - 33 II 5 I' II ^i733-> To G. Brown ...-_ 6 11 3 11 6 To John Coffin (or Eb"" Gardner) ----- 6 11 o 11 o To Sail makers ----- 5 11 9 11 10 1730 ( I am to pay to Sylvanus Hussey - - - 5-18-0 1731 (& have paid to G Brown in Schooling - 5 - 19 - 10 74 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. T733 To draw upon S. Hussey - - - - - - 8- 18 -11 1 734/1 have to pay to y^ Sloop ------ 2- 13 -i toS. H. -------------32-10-6 Barrels by me put in for Oyl of Bethnel Gardners whale 4. — Grafton's whale i. July I bar' 1733/J0S. Daws 2 Almanacks lo'^ X Peter Gardner x i Aim. x i Wats's Josiah X Coffin 2 Aim Clasby i x Aim. David X Clark i Aim. Theoph. X Pinkham i Aim. Rob^ Coffin X 2 Aim. lo'^ Jos. Hooten Taken &c : 3/ James Coffin x i Aim. Sam' Russel 2 Aim. X Moab. X old Squaw x at Miac. x Zach. Mother x Sente- quadec. x Esther, x Joel, x Tauturagen. x George's x Widow. X Squaw at Mattekecham. Old Mashquet's x Widow. 1734 X Lame Jon. Mother. Old Jo'cls Squaw. Old x Squaw at Jn° Chipenore's Sons, x Zach. Mother x [illegible]. Tomy's X Mother, x Padshany Jochets x widow x Moab. Betty x Cook. X Henry's x Mother in Law Mashquets Widow An ace' of my charge about y^ Well. To Russel for making a Curb 9/ Humphrey Ellis digging Nov. 14. 15 J of 17. 22 23 24 29. Dec"" 5. 6. 7. 8. - - - - £t) = 13 = 6 Manuel \ day 22. 23. 24. Dec'' 5. 7 Stephen Arthur i^ day. i — (i.) Sam' Russel part of 19*. 21. 22. 23. 24. 27. 29. Dec. 5. 6. 7. 8. 14. 15. - - - - - £^- 8- o Rails 45/. 8000 Bricks 104/3 John Jones i. Dec"" 14. Borrowed of Jonath" Russel 700 Well Bricks. Aug. 19. P^ to Jon° Russel 500 well Bricks Sept. Paid to Jon° Russel 200 700 Labour in Shoveling Sand 7/6 — Carting Pump-Iron Work - - - - - - - - - 3- 16 -11 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 75 Dec"^ 3^^ 1733 Paul Starbuck's Boy Mending the Town House glass 5/10 C iC^ A. G. 2^ Jn° Bunker 4^ Sh. P. 2^ Jos. Gard. 2^ May 14. p*^ to Paul Starbuck y® 5/10 Wood Stoves for 1733/4 Joseph Gardner i [illegible] Load Jonath° Coffin i Cart Load El-- Coffin. Jn° Gardner. Cal. Bunker April 27 1733 Recieved from M"" Brown 5 bis Cyder to be disposed of for him — which is thus disposed of Scil. John Gardner ib^at -------- 22 John Coffin Jun*" ib' -------- 22 Josiah Coffin ib^ ---------- 22 Robert Coffin 2 b'^ - - 42/ 5 II 8 II o Frei't of Cyder 17/6 o 11 17 11 6 Neat Proceeds ----- 4 11 10-6 Pai*^ of y^ afores'^ Debts in Wool 50/6 In Fish 40/ -.--.-- 4 II 10 II 6 July 2. Put on board Woodman the above s'^ Effects for M"' Brown. June 1733/Rec'^ from Mother White i Cov- erlett — Aug. 1733. Sold the s<^ Coverlett to Josiah Coffin, (to be p^ for in wool) at 60/ - - - 3 11 o n o Rec^ the above mentioned wool, and Sent it by Worcester. ReC^ 3 pieces of cloath from my Mother — And Sold — To Eb"" Gardner 5^ yds @ 13/ - . - 3" 11 For w'' I've rec^ 20^^* wool at 2/ Cash 13/6 3 n u Sold to Clasby 4^^ y^^ (^ 12/5 - - - - 2 11 6 Rec'^ 25^*^ wool @ 2/ Cash 6/3 - - - 2 11 6 Sold to D. Newel 3I y^^^ @ 13/6 - - - 2-7 Paid y^ above Sums except 1/9 1734 June < 1734 14- 2-9 8- Z-Z 76 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Feb. 3 1732/3 paid to Eb'' Gardner in Cash 60/ 3 11 on o Aim. & Books 2/6 — 3 Primers 2/ - - - - o n 4 11 6 Eb"" Gardner Credit 164 Feet of Joice -^"g- 1733 Eb"" Gardner D'' to 63 y'*^ Cloath - 3 11 7 11 6 Aug. 16. To a Bible 12/ 2 Almanacks - - 12-10 Dec"" 7 1733 Ballanced ace'* with E. Gardn'' but the 18/ for Salt charged to me thro' a mistake 2 years before, omitted. June 1734 E. G"" D"" x to 15^ yds ticking @ 8/- ^6 11 4 - o July 1733 Lent to Little Caleb 4/6 to be paid in Wheat the next Wheat Harvest Rec<^ by Tho^ Gardner 4/6 I. Put on board Sylvanus's Schooner for Boston 8 b'* of Oyl, 3 of Head marked J G 3. Put on board Andrew Gardner for Boston 18 b'^ of Oyl ; 4 of Head J. G. i bi Oyl G. G. Jonath"^ Pinkham i b^ Oct. 1732 Paid to Sam' Barker for his Horse to Haver' 60/ and in the Winter Following 20/ - - - - May 9. 1733 Paid to Coker of Stretham for Boards 30/ - - May II. Paid to the Same Man 15/ - - - - May 15. Paid to John Macy for wheat - - - T ( Paid to Sam' Barker p Ton"^° Folger- June 15 •< . ^ ■' . ( Paid to Jonathan Folger for a Spit &c June Paid to M*" Woodman for boards - - - J , ( P^M'' Woodman 22^ lb wool for boards ^X and for malt 8"' - 2 °" •July I. T^ to Jonaf^ Folger 5/ Ship'd aboard M'' Woodman for John White of Haver', to be paid for in Apples or Cyder or both Scil. On Jn° Coffins ace* 11"' wool ------ 1-2-0 on ace' Jn° Gardner lo"' ........ i_o-o on ace' T. White 37"^ 3-14-0 At the Same time Ship'd for Mother for her Cloath 166"^ of wool. 3 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 I II 1 10 1 1 II 15 ' 1 I 1 1 3 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 10 1 '1 2 1 1 18 1 1 6 2 1 1 5 1 II 1 1 16 1 '1 3 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 77 Aug. 7. 1733 P*^ to Joseph Dawes p James Russel 65/ 3-5:0 March -o x Rob* Coffin i hair covering 3/ I Primer x S^. Paper 2/ - 5^8 John X Coffin x i Primer S'^ May 4, 1733 Sent to Aunt Elisa. 34/ Jos. Coffin thread 3/4 Paper i/io Caleb X Bunker A Psalter 2/4 John Coffin x a Psalter x 2/4 Paper x 6^^ D. X Bunker + i Psalter 2/4 T. x Brock x i Psalter 2/4 . ) X Shubael X Pinkham X I Testament 4/ Aug. 22. >- ^' ) Nathan x Coffin x 2 Ditto 8/ Weight of Cable 7 11 i 11 25 April 17 1740 Ballanc'd Acc*^ with David Newel — paying Scil. by W" Clasby 2-0-9 Cloath 30/ weaving 9/r - - 1-19-1 Schooling, Paper- Primer 2-11-7 and in Cash 7~i7~7 £14- 9-0 April 30. Isaac Woosoo Corn 2/6 May 8. Ballanc'd Acc^^ with Abishai Folger paying by Schooling 2/6 Cash 66/3 May 10 Paid to Sylv^ Hussey 60/ 12 to Pitts's wife for weaving 8/ i6/Paid to M"" Brock Cash ^21 and in School- ing £^2 24./Sent to Isaac Woosoo by his Daughter 5/ May 31. Paid to the Negro Doctor 5/ June 3. /Ballanc'd ace'® with Sister Craigie be- ing 84/6 June 7* Isaac Woosoo 2/6 June 14 Zachy Hoit D"- i Bushel Corn 8/ June 19 to Cap* Woodman for cloath, Rake and Basket — 281 ib Wool @ 3/ yS TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. June 25/Recd of M"" Brock the money which he bro't from Comiss''^ and y® annual Collec- tion (or Deacon Phillips) in Boston Scil. 89 and paid to Prise. Gardner for Nurs- ing 60/ July 4 Let Zach. Hoit have 10/ July 9 P^ Maxey for Leather 20/ July II* Setled Acc*^ w* Martha Joel and Due in my Favour 40/3 at which time Rec"^ (in part) Hay 30/7 July 14. Reed of Sam. Benj. i hund of Hay. July r5 pd Rich^i Coffin 20/ for y^ Leather 30 Zach, Hoit D"" to a pair of Shoes 8/ and i Bush' Corn 8/6 Aug. 8. Paid to John Beard for Corn @ 8/ p Bushl. 80/ ------.--.- 4_o-o 9. Paid to Tupper of Rochester for 12^ Cords of Wood - - - - - - - - - - - -^17-1^-0 and Ballanc'd with M. Norton paying 1/ Aug. 9 Let Zach, Hoit have a pair of Breeches Shirt & Hat Paid by Carting Wood Aug. 12 Zach. Hoit D^ for Wood 6/ Aug. 14 Zach Hoit D"^ Cash 3/ Isaac Woosoo 10/ Aug. 18 Cleared with James Robbin p Hann. Peter for the Boy's breaking his window : paying 4/ and in y^ Spring 1/ In all 5/ ( Aug, 21 Let Zach. Hoit have 10/ < and 19 day — a pair of Shoes at David ( Clark's 20/ Aug. 26 Let Zach, Hoit have a Jacket; for which he is to pay y^ next Fall 6^ Bushels of Corn. Aug. Pd Richd Coffin (by the Nav^ Officer) for for the Sole Leather 12/ Sepf I. To Jos. Daws for Labour i pair of Knee-Buckles @, 4/ 5/T0 Joseph Daws for Ditto 20/ 8/Pd to Obed Japhet for Rye @S/p Bushel 11/ 1 1 - o TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 79 lo/Ballanc'd with Benj. Barney Paying 50/ 20 Paid to Nathan Coffin for Wheat — Cash 100/ Schooling 58/5 Sept. 20 P*^ to Butler for 79 lb Beef @ 7 2-6-1 and for fat--- 18-4 Sept. 22 P"^ to y'' Same man for Fat 24/ 24/P^ to Obed Japheth the Remainder of his due for Rye Scil. t^jS 26/P<^ to Jos. Daws, the (p M"" Brock) the Re- mainder of what was due to him for Stitch- ing. Scil. 16/ 26. Rec'' of James Gardner for Schooling Gall. of Molasses @ 5/ ^ 29 Bou't of John Bunker loi of cheese @ 1/ and p*^ in Cash 40/ & Schooling 61/ -- 5-1-0 Put into y® Voyage 9 b'^ (or 10) Ocf 3 P^ to Richd Coffin 10/ w'^h is /g more than the Ball, of my Ace* Ocf Reed of Bailey i bl Cyder 28/ Ocf 28 Rec^ of Th. Pinkham 2 Bushels & i Peck Apples. Nov P^ to M": Wass by M"" Brock for Fatt 10/ for I lb Beef @ 6\ d. Nov'' 21 P*^ Nathl Paddack 10/ and last y' a Primer 1/2 Feb. 1 740/1 cleared with Nath^ Paddack and overpaid him /6. June P"^ to Brother Craigie for Sundries — 22^ lb Bone 13-4-0 Cash by Nathan Coffin (Borrow'd) ---- ^-4-0 June 6* Rep"^ to Nathan Coffin ------ 3-4-0 June 24 P*^ to Jos. Daws's Wife for Weaving 20/ June 24 Let Sam. Pamhame's Wife have toward Hay 1/6 Aug. 1 741 Ballanc'd Acc*^ with Nath^ Paddack paying 18/7 Sepf 1741 Paid to Tho^ Carr for Rice — Cash 7/ School^ 1/-8/ 8o TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Nov'' 4 1 741 P'^ to W" Russel (or Rob* Gard- ner's wife on his Ace*) for fat 45/6 1741 Nov II* P'^ to Matthew Norton for Beef and Fatt 105/8 -- 5-5-8 Dec"" 12 P"* to B Russel for keeping Cows 25/ - 1-5-0 March 1742 P*^ to S. Hussey for Flower @ 70/ p c in Cash 122/ 6-2-0 and p S. Ray 9/3 9-3 ;^6 - 1 1 - 3 April 24 1742 P'^ to Jon^ Folger 22/ which is in full --- ;^i-2-o Apri F^ to Nath' Coffin 4-0-0 May P^ to Nathi Coffin 2-0-0 June to a York-Man for 2 b'^ Flower @ 62/6 pc 11- 0-0 June P'' to John Harper 3-0-0 Nov"" II 1742 P"* to Benja. Coffin on Ace* of John Johnson of Hav' 7-3-0 for which I have his Rec* Nov'' 20 1742 P^ to Mordecai Elles for keeping of Cows 21/ Dec^ 5*^ P'^ to John Coffin 3''"= for Frei't of wool to Newbury and Apples & Cyder from thence Soil. Cash 80/ - - - - ^ _ o - o Dec"" P'^ to George Kenny for his part of the Hay 5/ at the Same time let him have Paper /6. Jan. i^* P'^ to old Eve toward Hay 2/ Jan>' 24 P'^ to Jn" Coffin 3""= toward Frei't from Newbury Cash 40/ Jan^ 25. 4/ --- 2-4-0 Ballanc'd w* Mord. Elles. March P"* to Eve y® Remainder for y® Hay Scil. 6/10 March Ball, with Broth"" Craigie 14th pd g^Qr Newel for i Piece Garlix* - - - 5-7-6 * A textile fabric. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 8 1 March 14 1742/3 Sent by Bro'' Craigie (to Pay to Couz. W^ White for a Piece of Callico, and to get Sundries) Scil. 8. And 10/ for American Magazine Reed, from Mother Craigie March ^i^^ 1743 — Sundries to the Value of ----- jj - ^ - q Including 70/ p"^ to W. White, and 5/ omitted in our last Reckoning : So that now due to him .--.--..- g_^_o P"^ by S. Hussey y« above Debt May P^ to T. Carr for a bl of Flower @ 45/ pC. June II 1743 P"^ on board Capt. Bayley for Still"^' 25/ for a Skimer 10/6 Tub. can & cloath 20/ and to And'' Mireck - 5-0-0 Aug. 23 1743 P'^ to Richd. Macy for 12 Bush'^ of Wheat @i6/ - - 9-12-0 31 P'^ to Martha Potter toward 58^^ Fish (@ 26/) i- 4-6 Sepf 10* P'' to Deacon Tupper for a cord of wood 40/ J2thy'pd j^Q ^ Connecticut man for 10 Bush'^ of Corn @ii/ 5-10-0 and to Philip Pollard 40/ 2-0-0 Sepf 24 P'' (by my Dau'ter) to Silvanus Hussey 10 - 0-0 26* Sent by Cromwel Coffin to M''Eliak. Willis 5 - 0-0 Money Return'd and for Apples & Cheese 5-0-0 Reed cheese 60/ apples 15/ charge - - 5-0-0 Sepf 28 Sent by James Chase for Vin. treacle & Cocheneal 20/ Reed the Treacle & Cocheneal. Ocf 6 1743 P"* to Dan^ Folger (by his Son) for 161 lb Beef @ lo"^ in Cash -------- 6-14-2 & toward Rye 5-10 7-0-0 82 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Ocf lo* P^ to M"- Darby for Apples & [illegible] 3 - lo - 2 Ocf 19 P'l to M-- Tucker for cheese 37 lb @ 1/6 2 - 16 - o Ocf 20* Delivered to Nath^ Allen to purchase me a Load of Wood £\'j Rec<^ the Wood. Ocf 31 Sent by Dan^ Vinson (for which I have his Receipt) £\Z, to be delivered to Tho^ Dagget for a Cow had of him. Nov'' i^t P'^ to Harper for bringing the Cow 10/ Nov'' i=t Repaid Nath' Allen the money he laid out on my ace' at Martha's Vineyard Scil. 2 - 16 - o Nov 14. Pd Sam' Coffin for 2 Bush'^ of Turnips @ 7/ - - - 14-0 Feb. 18. 1743/4 P'' to Cap' Brooks for Bread & Flower - - 7-4-0 Apr^ 1744 P"^ to David Gardner for 22 lb cheese @ 1/8 - - - . - I _ 16 - 8 and for Currying Leather 5~4 Sent to M"- Willis 5-0-0 P'* to Dani Folger 0-4-5 May for 2 b^^ Flower y_5_o May 16 Paid to Cap' Woodman for Boards 47/3 2-7-3 May 21 Ballanc'd with Sam^ Maxey Paying 36/ May 19. P** to Jn° Meader for Pasturing 10/ May 25. P'* to Maxey for Linings 15/ and 20/ to rectify (as he Saith) a mistake May 24 1744/ P'^ to Mary Barnard 3/ and 2/ for Rats-bane then had. May 30 P'^ to M"" Chalker for 10 bush'^ Wheat @X4/ 7-0-0 June I. Sent (by P. Pollard) 80/ to Sister Crai- gie for Sundries and by Lydia Barney (or Rich'" Mitchel) 120/ to Rhode-Island for a piece of Striped Cot- ton. — Rec'" June 13. P to Jn° Meader 10/ June 14 P'" to M''^ Osborne for 11 V'cloath 8/6 - - - 4-13-6 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 83 June 15 P^ to MI'S Osborne 5^^ of Sperma Ceeti @ 7/ for Pot of Butter June 18 P'^ Ruth Cromwel for Wool — Cash - g_ o- o June 20 1744 This day Tho® Dagget of Edgar- town inform'd me that the money (Scil. ;^i8) which I sent him the last year for a Cow was delivered to him. Feb: 7th 1756 Due ^86-12- o 10 Loads Wood @ 40/ 20- Hangs ;^66 - 12 - o Equal to ;^55 - 10 Mass. ;^55 - 10 - 1757 Int^t 66/7 3-6-7 58-16- 7 1758 Int^t 70/7 3 _ 10 - 7 62 - 7 - 2 1759 Int^t 74/10 3 -14 -10 66 - 2 - o 1760 Int^* 79/2 3-19-3 70- I - 3 Int^t to Sepf 7* 49/ - 2-9-0 72-10- 3 84 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. VARIOUS CORRESPONDENCE. Sept. 15 1725 Sister Abi I must confess you did eno' to Shame me, by catcliing at an opportunity to write, wliile I was careless to improve the many which presented. But you have heard, I conclude, altho' you dont know by experience, that, when Persons are Stifly engaged in Courting, they are very forgetful of those lesser things. I know not to whom you were beholden for your Information, but I can inform you that I was not so far gone in it but that I had Determined to quit the place & all the things in it, till I heard from Boston, when your Letter came ; and have not laid my Self under Such Strong obligations yet, but that I can easily let the action fall, if you have anything material to object. Whether the reason is, because my Company is so very delightsome & charming, or what it is, I cant tell, but it has been my Portion to be honour'd with Such Suspicions, wherever I have yet lived for any time. But if this be not true, I could wish it were, for I am no Enemy to proceedings of this Nature. I am as I have hitherto been in very good health ; Let the praise be to whome 'tis due. — And I am, I think, fixt for this Winter. I hope you are careful to improve every opportunity for the advancement of your temporal good, but above all, that you are Sollicitous for the prosperity of your Soul, as knowing that to be y^ main concern. Your advantages are great for which an account must be given ; Let your Behaviour be such, in this your State of pro- bation as that you may at length be admitted to Spend an eternity in the enjoyment of uninterrupted happiness. I wrote to M"" Phillips about Some Stockings you are to get for me ; if they are to be had, let them be home Spun Stone gray worsted ; but if you cant find Such get me a pair or two of cheap Sale Stockings Kind Service to Lanlady & all Friends [Addressed to] M« Abigail White TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 85 Boston, Octo. 19, 1727. R. & D. Sir. Yours of ye 21. Septem. I read to the Hon. & Rev. Gentle- men of ye Committee this day, & after consideration had thereof, they came unanimously into ye following Votes or Resolves, "That one hundred pounds be fortwith advanced to M"" Timothy White, now ministering to ye People of Nantuckett, to encourage & bring on his Settlement in ye Work of y^ Min- istry there ; & Fifty pounds more at the end of two years; Upon ye following Conditions. First that ye Said M'' White do willingly devote himself to ye Service of Christ and Souls on that Island ; Seriously endeavour- ing by ye help of God, for ye space of five years to come, to intro- duce & establish the Settlement of a Church state there. And secondly. That ye People of Nantuckett, to whom he is & has been ministring. do signify to us their desire of M'' Whites continuing & labouring among them to this end. Voted, That M"" Colman be desired to write Letters both to M"" White, & also to ye Brethren at Nantuckett, which may signify to them what may be proper respecting ye Premises. Sir, I do therefore in ye name of ye Committee acquaint you with ye Votes above, & pray you to take them into your Serious Consideration. You see that ye moneys to be advanced to you are not encumbered with any word of refunding them, provided that the Conditions specified be on your part performed by ye will of God : For ye performance whereof we expect your very solemn profession & promise in writing, as God shal enable you : And ye Committee have a special confidence in your truth & fidelity by the Grace of God with you. Moreover Sir, you must speedily inform ye principal persons, your stated hearers & contributors, of our desires to know their minds ; Whether they consent & concur with us in desiring your continuance & labours among them, in order to a Settlement with them in the Ministry of ye Gospel, in Gods time. We therefore inclose a Letter, which I pray you to direct unto two or three of ye Brethren, to be communicated to ye rest. We know not what names to insert in ye Superscription but leave that to you. When you have read, Seal it. 86 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. If you receive this hundred & fifty pounds, you apprehend (I suppose) that it is all that you must expect from ye Committee ; besides ye making up from March last thirty Shillings p Sabbath. And I pray God to bless it abundantly to you, & increase it a hundred fold, in addition to the spiritual and heavenly rewards of Grace here & Glory hereafter. Sir, Let us hear from you as soon as may be. I am your affectionate Brother Benj^ Colman, If you undertake ye Service proposed, & it be needful you receive Ordination, that you may baptise &c, the Ministers incline to encourage it. D"" Mather tells me. That he hopes if you continue at Nan- tuckett that ye Commissioners for ye Indian Service wil have some considerations in your favour. I hope you might receive twenty pounds p annum this way. [Address] For M"- Timothy White Preacher of the Gospel Nantuckett To THE Ministers of the severall Indian Congregations on the Island of Nantucket This is to signify to you that the Honourable Commissioners of whom His Excellency the Governour is one from whom you receive your Yearly Salaries, have appointed the Rev"^ M"" Timothy White to preach Lectures to you, to oversee counsell & advise you from time to time as occasion shall require, and to inspect the Schools & Churches & to Catechize the Children & such as are proper for it, & you & all concerned are to pay a proper regard to him accordingly — Pursuant to a Vote of the Commiss''^ this is ordered to be sent to you Boston Adam Winthrop Nov"" 17* 1733. Treasurer &c. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 87 Rev^ & Dear Sir. Boston 21^' June 1748 Sometime ago D'' Sewall put into my hands a Letter from yourself, representing the low Circumstances of Life your Situa- tion in the World had exposed you to, upon which I communi- cated the Same to severall of the Members of the Generall Court, but found it was beyond their power to help you in a publick Station, w"^ I am persuaded they would gladly have done, if they could ; whereupon I returned y^ Letter to the Doctor, with four pounds Cash from my Self, to be sent you p the first Oppurtunity, (which I now crave your Acceptance of). Docf Sewall after this communicated your Letter to the Convention of Ministers, who readily voted you Twenty pounds (Old Tenor) out of the Collec- tion, which the Doctor has been seeking an oppurtunity to send you for some considerable Time, at last he put it into my Care, & now by M"" Abijah Folger I have sent you Twenty four pounds, which I wish safe to hand, and pray your advice of as soon as you can I heartily wish your health & prosperity, more especially in your Lords work & hope that some Door or other may in Time be opened for your Comfort & Relief; My hearty Service con- cludes me Sir D'' Sewall gives his y"" Very humb. Serv* Service to You Tho^ Hubbard. [Address] To The rev'^ M"" Timothy White In p M"" Folger Nantuckett [Abbreviated memorandutn on the blank spaces of Mr. Hubbard' s letter, evidently of an anszver to his letter.'^ S"" the Unexpected Expresson of your Compass" our love wins. Since came to hand (at least y^ Letter — and I Suppose y^ Cash only waits my Call) But tho' it finds me upon my Bed (to w'' I've been confin'd by y*' prevailg malady abt a Week) yet I cant forbear some acknowl. of your Goodn. to me & tis by y® opp. w^ now seems to offer, tho' I'm Surp. it shd be Encouragg to me to find a Charita' Disposit" abr'* yet tis really irksome to think of adding to the Burth" of those to wh"" I've heretofore been so much obliged, & 88 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. who have now so many ways to reach out y^ Char. Hand — the Ld j-ew"* you and add to y'' work. the Enclosed has been for Some time Laying before me — (the enc I now break open, — and am Somewhat Encouraged to find from a kind Stroke in your Letter. — To your Determination S"" I Leave it, whether tis worth y*^ while to trouble y^ D'' witii y^ gist of it — or yet or whether it be worthy of any oth"" tr. to you than the Pains of Comitt'g it to y^ flames. M"" White Boston, August 31, 1749 Dear Sir, I was last Monday Evening in Company with a Number of Worthy Gentlemen in Town, when our good Friend John Phillips Esq"" coiiiunicated to us a Letter he had lately received from you, Giving an Account of your bad State of Health, and of the great Discouragments you were under with respect to your Ministry at Nantucket. We heartily Sympathize with you undr your bodily Indisposi- tions, and hope, by y^ Blessing of God, in y^ Use of proper Means Shortly to hear of your Recovery to Health again. But our greatest Concern was to hear that your other Dis- couragments were So many and great. That you Seem resolved in a little Time, to take your Leave of y® poor People in whose Service you have Spent a great part of your Life already. We are Sensible, indeed, your Services among them have been attended with many peculiar Difficulties ; and that you have been but poorly requited by Man for your Laborious En- deavours to Serve y® Kingdom and Interest of our Lord Jesus Cht in y« place where you are. But remember, Dear Brother, we serve a good Master, who will one Day richly Reward the little he enables us to do in his Service. And as you have been long acquainted with that People, and, we hope, have a great Interest in y^ affections of many of them ; we cant but fear your Leaving them in their present State will greatly disserve * y^ Cause of Cht and his holy Religion, which, we trust, are exceeding dear to you. Wherefore, dear Sir, if your State of Health will, by any Means, admit of it, My Request to you in y^ Name of y^ above- * Phillips Dictionary, 1720 — Disserve: to do one a prejudice, or injury. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 89 mentioned Gentlemen, is, That you wou'd, at least for some time longer, continue your Preaching, and other good Services, for y^ Spiritual wellfare of that people ; Still waiting upon y® Great and Glorious Head of y*^ Chh, for y® Success of your Labours. And I have Leave to assure you from them That they purpose Speed- ily, as God Shall enable, to Send you Somewhat for y« present Supply of your and your Families Necessities : and will endeavour hereafter to use their Interest, That you may have a more com- fortable Support than you have yet had, while you continue in y'^ Service of Cht and Souls, in the place where you have for So many years been bearing y® Heat and Burden of y'' Day. I pray God to restore and confirm your Health ; and that he wou'd more abundantly Strengthen, Succeed and Comfort you in y® Service of his Dear Son. I am, dear Brother, yours most affectionately in our Lord Jesus Cht, John Webb. [Address] For the Revernd M-- Timothy White Preacher of the Gospel at Nantucket. Respecf* friend ) Nantucket July 3*^ 1750 Timothy White I Remember that I tould thee I vi^ould write to My friend at phelladelphia to fill Cap* Chase up & So I have wrote to John Misslen but if thou art affrade to trust to that thou Must tell what part of the Veasel I Shal Load & gitt a Charter party write for if I know what part I have to Load My friend Can be gifting it Reddy while Cap* Chase is doing what he will have to Do but if thou means to Load what part thou pleases and not tell what part it is I know no other way then to write to my friend to put in what is wanting wich I have Done as for Sending orders for Such things it is not the way amongst Merchants when I Sent Cap* Chase Last year I never had any agreement with any man but Sent him to John Misslen & Desir*^ him to Load his bark therefor I must have a Certen part of the Veasel or quantity of goods Now be- fore She goes on thou Must trust to me & my friend to fill the Veasell up I am thy friend Jos Rotch go TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Boston Feb^y i8* 1752 — S' Your fav""^ of 27'^^ Nov"' & 12* Feb'^ I rec-' & have spoke with M"" Prout several times respecting your acco* but have done noth- ing as yet, tho he has promised he will do something upon it soon, which shall press him to, desire you would give yourself no uneasi- ness about the small sum you owe me, but let it lay till this of M"" Prouts is settled. I am glad to find your inclinations continue still to the Min- istry, doubt not some door will soon open to your liking, but in case there should not & you should enter upon Trading, doubt not my Aunts capacity to manage the business at home. I shall be ready to give you any assistance that my business will admit of, tho I dispose of no goods for other Governments mony. I have spoke with M'' Benj^i Prat respecting the Bonds you mention, he thinks it best you should not prosecute them till you have moved out of the Province if you desighn it, otherways does not see but you must take the Oath. Since writing the foregoing respecting M"" Prout have see him and he has examined your acco' and gives for Answer he does not know how it comes that the Vessell had not Credit till 4*'^ Sep"" but thinks there was some reason for it, tho it appears by his acco** she was not discharged till then, the Hospital mony he says he has nothing to do with for he paid Cap* Clark in full of his port- ledge Bill and you must look to him for it as also for the Pitch especially as he was a Master of your own puting in, he will make no allowance in the demarage but says he ought to have charged more and he thinks the Charter partys cost ;^5 . . . • that see no prospect of my settling of it with him, therefore have inclosed the acco* & Charter party herein Please to give my Duty to Aunt &. Love to Couzins I remain Y"^ Afifecti : Kinsman & humb^ Serv* W"^ Phillips To M"- Timothy White at Haverhill P faV of M"- Herod. TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 9I Haverhill Dec"' 2^ Mess""® 1752 Being about 150 Miles from Nantuckett I can but Seldom get any Intelligence from thence of the managements of my Partners in the Sloop Susanna — But if (agreeable to my motion) any thing has bee-n put into your hands by them, please to Ballance my ace* & Send my Dues, in what you think will answer best, directing it to Cap* Andrew Craigie in Boston — my Interest is ^ part. Having tho'ts of entring into Partnership with one or two Skilful & Succesful Traders, I should be glad if it would Suit you to trade with us for Shiping of any Sort — I'm now Scituated in the Countrey upon merrimack (comonly called Newbury) River, about 15 miles above Newbury, where we abound with the best of Plank & Ship timber, (Supplying New- bury almost wholy with Stuff for building : & Boston in Some Measure) — and carry on a large Stroke at building, which in- creases Yearly, having expert workmen, and build cheaper than either Boston or Newbury — We abound also with Staves, both white & Red Oak, & with Boards, clapboards & Shingle, fit for the West India trade — and are getting into the Tarr & Turpentine trade, — a large Countrey just upon our back, well admitting of it — and considerable of plenty of Some kind of Furrs which are transported to England. If the Proposal Suits, & you See fit to Send over a Quantity of Goods either to be disposed of upon Comissions (as I am told Some Liverpool Merch'^ do, a few miles below us) or we to receive the Goods in England, & you to take the Shiping here, it will be readily reed, by — Your humble Serv*^ Timothy White & Comp. N. B. My meaning is — Either you to allow Commissions — or to Ship the Goods upon our Risque &: charge — receiving your pay in Shiping here. P. S. What Suits best with us are — Woolen's & Linens both for Men's & Women's wear — but none high prized white & black Gloves, & other mourning — Soft Pewter — Nails but not under 4^ Cutlery — & Haberdashery — the Liverpool Merch'^ send over their Iron (as well as Canvas & Riging) for what they build here. 92 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. Being very well Scit. for trade upon Merrim. (comonly called Newb.) River ab' 15 miles from Newb. I've made a Small begin- ning, but find'g money So Scarce here think of entr'g Partnership w* one or two Skilful & succesful Trad''^ Especially if it will Suit you to trade w* us for Shiping of any kind — Our Countrey ab^* w* y*' best of Plank & Ship Timb''® — from us Newb. has almost all her Supplies — & Bost. in some measure — So y* we can build considerably cheaper here than other Places — We've also good w'kmen & a gr* deal of Employ in our Ship yds ■y^,h ig increasing Vly — We abound also in Staves both white & Red oak, boards, clap boards & things fit for y^ W. Ind. trade and y^ Spreading Count, upon our back (w'^ Settles to admirat") will probably in a few Y''^ yield a large trade in Tarr & Turp. — also Some Furrs. Our Trad""^ make good advant. by send'g y"" Lumber to Newb. or Boston but especially by purchas'g w'^'^ Silver thr'out of Shops. If y^ Proposal Suits & you See fit to Send over a Quant, of Goods, either to be disposed of upon Comiss"® (as I'm told Some Liverp^ Merch*^ do to Newb.) or y® Goods to be Ship'd by you upon our Risque, and we to pay you here in Shiping, you may dep"^ upon being faithfully Served by your humble Serv' — T. W. & Comp. N. B. W' Suits best w* us are — Wool & Lin, both for men's & w. wear, but noth'g high prized — White & black Gloves & oth"' mourning — Blanketts — Soft Pewter — Nails, but not under 4'* Cutlery — & Haberdashery — The Liverp' merch*^ Send over y^ Iron as well as Canvas & Cordage for what t^ build here [Address] For Mess''^ Stork & Champion Merchts in London Brother Boston Jan"^ 2^ 1754 I rec'^ your favours of the 25*Ult: And am very Sorrie to hear of Your Presant State, as you Seem to write of your Scarsety of Paper - and Hard Labor as Beetle and Wedges, the Last of which would Not Agree with My Constetution Soe well as it Seems to doe with yours. But I Should rather think that i^ TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 93 you was to take a ride to Boston it would be Belter for your health then hard Labour at Home and I could Better Advise you by word of Mouth then with Pen and Ink. for it was always My thought that you might doe Better in Boston then Haverhill and as for a Scool I think you need not Doubt of it . . for if you would Come and Bring Sister with you you I dont Doubt but that youl find it worth your While — Turn Over So Come very Soon for if you incline to Setle in Boston its better to resolve in time because Piopel will be Moveing from one Place to another as the Spring Comes on for I Expect to have a House Near by us that the Piopel is goeing out very Soon which would be a good Opertunety for you. to have it if you Speak in time I Shall Expect you or your Answer as Soon as May be and in the Mean time wishing you Health and well Settl'd here in Bos- ton which is the Sincere Disire of your Brother And™ Craigie S' In the year 1732 I receiv'd a Letter from the Rev<^ D''Colman to Inform me that he had a Sett of M'' Baxters Works to bestow upon me in Case I look'd upon my Self as Setled at Nantuckett — To which my Reply was that tho' I did not think my Self to be fixed for Life where I then was yet I should be glad of the Books tho' I were obliged to Return them when call'd for — Whereupon the D"" Sent me the Books with the following Instructions — "these four volumns of y^ Practical " Works of y« Rev<^ M-" Rich"* Baxter " are given by Sam^ Holden Esq"" "Governor of the Bank of England "by y® Special Disposition of Benjamin " Colman, Pasf of a Church in Boston " to the Presbyterian Congregation "at Nantucket now under the " Ministry of the Rev^ M-" Timo^ White "on the following Conditions — i/"That y^ S^ M"" White & some of the " principal Members of y^ Congregation " do receive them & keep them Safe " for y® benefit of y* Teacher & Society 94 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. " of y^ Presbyterians on S"^ Island, & " will be responsible for y"" so as to " Return them in Case the public " Worship, according to the Presbyterian " method fails on y® Island. 2/" It is also y® Donors Will & Desire " that y® minister for y® time being " & two of y® members of y*' Congregate " Shall be counted Trustees for this Gift. 3/" If there be a number of People " that tarry at the Place of Worship " after Sermon, one Volumn shall be "kept there for their Use if it may "be with Safety. 4/" The other volumes may be Lent " one at a time for three months " to any Members that desire to "borrow them — 5/" The Minister or Trustees shall keep an " Account of y^ Loan, & Return of S"" Books. Now S*" the Books are yet in my hands (there being no Preacher upon the Island when I left it, and both the Trustees being dead, as well as D"" Colman) and there is a variety of Senti- ments about the disposition of them One is that the S'' Books ought to be Sent back to Nantucket tho there be neither Minister nor Trustee to receive them : Another is — that they should be deliver'd up to D"" Colman's Successor in that Trust if Such there be And Another is — that Inasmuch as I Supplied that Pulpit for more than Eighteen years after they were put into my hands, & during this term of years Liv'd chiefly upon my own means, I am Justified in accounting them my own : — But not being so clear as to what ought to be done in the matter I should be glad you would, at some conven- ient Season, lay the Case before your association, & favour me with their tho'ts upon it which will (probably) be a Guide to the Proceedings of — Hav' Sepf 13* Your's 1755 Timo" White To the Rev'' M7 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. 95 APPENDIX A. In the office of the Registrar of Deeds are records of the following land transfers : 1. Deed of John Gardner, and his wife Priscilla, to their son-in-law, Timothy White, and his wife Susanna, for a lot of land on the corner of what are now known as West Liberty Street and Cliff Road. At the date of the deed, August, 1730, Mr. White was building a house on this lot. The deed also conveyed a garden plot farther from the street, and a right of way to it through Mr. Gardner's land. (Book IV, page 134.) 2. A deed of the above land, and dwellings on it, by Timothy White, Jr., through power of attorney from his father, to Edward Coffin, dated. (See Town Records — Deeds, Book 5, page 352.) The site of the Timothy White house is the vacant lot oppo- site the residence of the late Josiah Gardner, Esq., now occupied by Captain and Mrs. John Brooks. Mrs. Brooks is a daughter of Josiah Gardner, and a descendant of Capt. John Gardner, in direct line, and inherits and occupies a portion of the original Gardner landed estate. g6 TIMOTHY WHITE PAPERS. APPENDIX B. The Old North Vestry. (See frontispiece.) This picture shows the meeting house, built according to tradition in 17 ii, as it appeared on its third site in 1897. Its dimensions are 40 by 60 feet. The lean-tos are of later date. The building originally had two rows of windows like the one showing in the upper left-hand corner of the illustration. The sash of this window and those at the north end of the vestry, upper row, are of oak and hand made. This building was erected on the rising ground north of No-bottom Pond ; moved to Beacon Hill on Center Street, in 1765, upon the site of the present church building showing in the background of the picture ; moved again to present site in 1834. Its entrances, when used as a church on Beacon Hill, were on the east side, toward Center Street, and south end. From about 1790 to 1834 there was a tower on the south end, with entrance through it. This building is now used for the Sunday school and the social meetings of the church. The Floor Plan. (See illustration opposite page 24.) The floor plan of the First Congregational Meeting House as originally laid out in 171 1, with the names of the pew owners at about 1820. The audience room was fitted with high box pews, many of them square, or nearly so. The seats in many cases were on hinges. The pulpit was high, with sounding board over it ; and there were galleries on the two ends and the side opposite the pulpit, with a stairway in the northeast corner ; this was an open stairway. This plan was kindly drafted by William F. Codd, from a pencil sketch made by Mrs. Anna Chase Derrick and Mrs. Eliza Plaskett Mitchell. >^ t A