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Battle of Oriskany : 
 
 ITS PLACE IN HISTORY. 
 
 By ELLIS H. ROBERTS. 
 
 JL^T ADDBESS 
 
 AT THE 
 
 Centennial Celebration. 
 
THE 
 
 Battle of Oriskany : 
 
 ITS PLACE IN HISTORY. 
 
 AN ADDRESS 
 
 Centennial Celebration, 
 
 August 6, 1877. 
 
 By ELLIS H. ROBERTS. 
 
 UTICA, N. Y. 
 Ellis H. Roberts & Co., Book and Job Printers, 60 Genesee Street. 
 
 1877. 
 
o 
 
THE BATTLE OF ORISKANY. 
 
 The fault; attaches to each of us, that the share of the 
 valley of the Mohawk in the events which gave birth 
 and form to the American republic, is not better under- 
 stood. Our prosperity has been so steady and so broad 
 that we have looked forward rather than backward. 
 Other States, other parts of the country, have been re- 
 calling the scenes which render their soil classic, and 
 from the end of the century summoning; back the men 
 and the deeds of its beginning. A duty long neglected 
 falls upon those whose lot is cast here in Central New 
 York. These hills and these valleys in perennial elo- 
 quence proclaim the story of prowess and of activity. 
 To translate from them, to gather the scattered threads 
 of chronicle and tradition, to hold the place that has been 
 fairly won by the Mohawk valley, is a task which has 
 yet been only partially done. Some time or other it 
 will be fulfilled, for achievements have a voice which 
 mankind delights to hear. The jnivilege of this hour 
 is to revive the memories and to celebrate the heroism 
 of the battle of Oriskany. 1 Without anything of 
 narrow local pride, with calm eye and steady judgment, 
 not ashamed to praise where praise was earned, nor 
 unwilling to admit weakness where weakness existed, 
 let us recall that deadly tight, and measure its signifi- 
 cance and its relations to the continental strife in which 
 our republic was born. 
 
 1. See Appendix, p. 44, for tlie derivation and orthography. 
 
THE SITUATION BEFOEE THE BATTLE. 
 
 For in the autumn of 1777, it was clear that the 
 American colonies were fighting not for rights under 
 the British crown, but for free and separate life. The 
 passionate outbursts of 1775 had discharged their thun- 
 der and lightning. The guns of Lexington had echoed 
 round the world. The brilliant truths of the Declara- 
 tion had for a year blazed over the battle-fields of the 
 infant nation. They had been hallowed by defeat ; for 
 Montgomery had fallen at Quebec, Sullivan had met 
 with disasters at Flatbush, the British occupied New 
 York, and Washington had retreated through the 
 Jerseys, abandoning Long Island and the Lower Hud- 
 son. Sir Guy Carleton had swept over Lake Cham- 
 plain, fortunately not holding his conquest, and Bur- 
 goyne had captured the noted stronghold Ticonderoga. 
 But the nation had also tasted victory. In the dread 
 December days of 1776, Washington had checked the 
 tide of despair by his gallant assault at Trenton, and 
 General Howe had been forced to concentrate his army 
 against Philadelphia. Boston had seen its last of the 
 soldiers of George the Third. Better than all, the 
 States were everywhere asserting their vitality. Far- 
 off Tennessee indignant at his use of Indians in war, had 
 taken sides against the British king. Georgia had 
 promised if Britain destroyed her towns, that her peo- 
 ple would retire into the forests. The splendid defense 
 of Fort Moultrie had saved Charleston and proved 
 South Carolina's zeal for the republic which it was 
 afterwards to assail. Virginia had furnished many of 
 the civil leaders and the commander-in-chief to the re- 
 public, and had formally struck the British flag which 
 
bad floated over its State bouse. If Maryland hesitated, 
 New Jersey joined bands witb Pennsylvania and New 
 York, and all New England bad pledged itself to tbe 
 contest which it bad begun. In New York as well as 
 in other States, a State constitution bad been adopted, 
 and George Clinton bad been inaugurated as Governor 
 at tbe close of that disastrous July. Tbe tide of battle 
 surged wildest in that critical summer in Nortbern New 
 York. So in trying hours, tbe blood courses most 
 swiftly at tbe beart. Great results were expected. 
 Tbe Britisb fleet sailed up tbe Hudson. A British 
 general, favorite of the muses, and in after years notabh^ 
 fortunate,* came down Lake Chamjjlain to meet it at 
 Alban)'. A column formidable in its elements and led 
 by a commander chosen by the king for tbe purpose, 
 was to come from the north and west to complete the 
 irresistible triad. Tory bands were ravaging tbe coun- 
 try southward in Schoharie and towards Kingston, f 
 Cause of alarm there was to the patriots; ground of 
 confidence to the invaders. Tbe war bung on tbe 
 events in this field ; and the scales of destiny inclined 
 to tbe side of tbe kino;. 
 
 Tbe combatants bad learned to understand each other. 
 The burning words of Junius bad long rankled in the 
 British mind. Burke's magnificent plea for conciliation 
 had borne no fruit. Chatham had two years before 
 "rejoiced tbat America bad resisted," and told the 
 ministers they could not conquer America, and cripple 
 as be was be cried out: "I mio-ht as soon tbink of driv- 
 
 * General Burgoyne before the war sat in Parliment. He was agreeable 
 and clever as a dramatic poet. He became commander-in-chief of the British 
 forces in Ireland. 
 
 f J. R. Simms has clearly fixed the date of these raids, in the summer of 
 1777, (see his History of Schoharie county and Border Wars of New York,) 
 and not in 1778, as stated in Campbell's Annals of Tryon county. 
 
6 
 
 ing the colonies before me with this crutch ;" but in the 
 next spring he still clung to the hope that Britain 
 would yet prevent separation. The insolence of Lord 
 North had shattered the unanimity which King George 
 boasted the Declaration had produced, and Fox had 
 said if the dilemma were between conquering and 
 abandoning America, he was for abandoning America. 
 The citizens of London had appealed to the King to 
 stop the "unnatural and unfortunate war." General 
 Howe had already written to his brother, (April 2, 
 1777,) "my hopes of terminating the war this year are 
 vanished." In Britain, wise men had learned that the 
 war would be desperate. In America the magnitude 
 of the contest was felt. The alliance of France had 
 been diligently sought, and LaFayette had arrived and 
 been appointed major general, while Kalb's offer 
 had not been accepted. More than one general had 
 been tried and found wanting in capacity, and the jeal- 
 ousies of the camp were working mischief. The finan- 
 cial burdens weighed heavily, and paper money had 
 begun its downward career. Criticism of Washing- 
 ton's slowness was heard, and speculators were making 
 profit of the country's necessities. Bounties had been 
 offered and the draft employed for raising troops. The 
 loyalists were making the most of the hardships. The 
 land was rocking in "times that try men's souls." The 
 earlier part of the military campaign of 1777 had 
 not been propitious to the patriots. The dark- 
 ness rested especially on New York. Burgoyne 
 had penetrated from Canada to the Hudson with 
 the loss of only two hundred men. Clinton from the 
 bay threatened to advance up the river, as he finally 
 did, but fortunately not at the critical moment. The 
 success of the corps moving inland from Oswego, would 
 shatter the center of the American position. 
 
THE OBJECT OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1777. 
 
 The fight was for the continent. The strategy em- 
 braced the lines from Boston to the mouth of the Ches- 
 apeake, from Montreal even to Charleston. Montgom- 
 ery's invasion of Canada, although St. John's and Mon- 
 treal were taken, failed before Quebec, and the retreat of 
 the American forces gave Burgoyne the base for his 
 comprehensive campaign. Howe had been compelled 
 to give up New England, which contained nearly one- 
 third of the population and strength of the colonies. 
 The center of attack and of defense was the line of 
 New York and Philadelphia. From their foothold at 
 New York, on the one hand, and Montreal on the other, 
 the British commanders aimed to grind the patriots of 
 the Mohawk valley between the upper and nether mill- 
 stones. The design was to cut New England off from 
 the other States, and to seize the country between the 
 Hudson ami Lake Ontario as the vantage ground for 
 sweeping and decisive operations. This was the pur- 
 pose of the wedge which Burgoyne sought to drive 
 through the heart of the Union. In the beginning of 
 that fateful August, Howe held all the country about 
 New York, including the islands, and the Hudson up 
 to Peekskill; the British forces also commanded the 
 St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario, and their southern 
 shores, finding no opposition north of the Mohawk and 
 Saratoga lake. The junction of Howe and Burgoyne 
 would have rendered their armies masters of the key 
 to the military position. This strip of country from 
 the Highlands of the Hudson to the head of the Mo- 
 hawk, was the sole shield against such concentration of 
 British power. Once lost it would become a sword to 
 cut the patriots into fragments. They possessed it by 
 no certain tenure. Two months later Governor Clinton 
 
and General Putnam lost their positions on the Hud- 
 son. Thus far Burgoyne's march had been one of eon- 
 quest. His capture of Ticonderoga had startled the 
 land. The frontier fort at the head of the Mohawk was 
 to cost him the column on whose march he counted 
 so much. 
 
 FORT STANWIX AND ITS GARRISON. 
 
 Fort Stanwix 2 (known in this campaign to the pat- 
 riots as Fort Schuyler,) was built in 1758 against the 
 French. The next year, the French met with those 
 disasters which in 1760, gave Canada to the English, 
 and thereafter Fort Stanwix served only for pur- 
 poses of Indian trade, and as a protection to the carry 
 between the Mohawk and Wood Creek. It had been 
 a favorite place for peaceful meeting with the Indians. 3 
 Naturally it had lost its military strength, and when 
 in April, 1777, Colonel Gansevoort occupied it with the 
 third regiment of the New York line, it was sadly out 
 of repair. The plans for its reconstruction were yet in 
 progress when St. Leger appeared before it. But care 
 and labor had been so effectual that the broken walls 
 had been restored, and the ruins which the invader 
 came to overrun had given place to defenses too strong 
 for his attack. Col. Peter Gansevoort, who was in 
 command, was a native of Albany, now twenty-eight 
 years of age. He had been with Montgomery before 
 Quebec, and there won his rank as colonel. His con- 
 duct here was admirable. The courage of youth did 
 not prevent on his part a wisdom worthy of much 
 riper years. With him as Lieutenant Colonel was 
 Marinus Willett, a native of New York city, aged 
 thirty-seven, trained in the French war and the inva- 
 sion of Canada, a dashing soldier, ready for any adven- 
 
 2. See Appendix, p. 44. 3. See Appendix, p. 44. 
 
9 
 
 ture, and shrewd in all the ways of border war. He 
 had been in the expedition for which the fort had been 
 erected, and now helped to save it. The Chaplain of 
 the garrison was Samuel Kirkland, that sainted mis- 
 sionary to the Six Nations, to whom Central New York 
 is so much indebted in every way. He was probably 
 absent at the time, on service for the Congress, for he 
 was trusted and employed on important missions by 
 the patriot leaders.* 
 
 The garrison consisted of seven hundred and fifty 
 men. It was composed of Gansevoort's own regiment, 
 the Third New York, with two hundred men under 
 Lieutenant Colonel Mellon of Colonel Wesson's regi- 
 ment of the Massachusetts line. Colonel Mellon had 
 fortunately arrived with a convoy of boats tilled with 
 supplies, on the second of August, when the enemy's 
 tires were already in sight only a mi'e away. This was 
 the force with which Gansevoort was to hold the fort. 
 
 The British advance appeared on the second of Au- 
 gust. The investiture was complete on the fourth. 
 The siege was vigorously prosecuted on the fifth, but 
 the cannon "had not the least effect on the sod-work of 
 the fort," and "the royals had only the power of 
 teazing."f 
 
 st. legee's invasion. 
 
 The corps before Fort Stanwix was formidable in 
 every element of military strength. The expedition 
 with which it was charged, was deemed by the war 
 secretary at Whitehall of the first consequence, and it 
 had received as marked attention as any army which 
 
 *See Lothrop's Life of Kirkland, pp. 238, 245. Lectures by William 
 Tracy, p. 14. 
 
 f St. Leger's Narrative in Burgoyne's Defense, given in the tentli section 
 of this Appendix, p. 48. 
 
10 
 
 King George ever let loose upon the colonists. For its 
 leader Lieutenant Colonel Barry St. Leger had been 
 chosen by the king- himself, on Burgoyne's nomination. 
 He deserved the confidence, if we judge by his advance, 
 by his precautions, by his stratagem at Oriskany, and 
 the conduct of the siege, up to the panic at the rumor 
 that Arnold was coming. In the regular army of Eng- 
 land he became an ensign in 1756, and coming to 
 America the next year he had served in the French 
 war, and learned the habits of the Indians, and of 
 border warfare. In some local sense, perhaps as com- 
 manding this corps, he was styled a brigadier. His 
 regular rank was Lieutenant Colonel of the thirty- 
 fourth regiment. In those days of trained soldiers it 
 was a marked distinction to be chosen to select an in- 
 dependent corps on important service. A. wise com- 
 mander, fitted for border war, his order of march be- 
 speaks him. Skillful in affairs, and scholarly in accom- 
 plishments, his writings prove him. Prompt, tenacious, 
 fertile in resources, attentive to detail, while master of 
 the whole plan, he would not fail where another could 
 have won. Inferior to St. Leger in rank, but superior 
 to him in natural powers and in personal magnetism, 
 was Joseph Brant — Thayendanegea — chief of the Mo- 
 hawks. He had been active in arraying the Six Na- 
 tions on the side of King George, and only the Oneidas 
 and Tuscaroras had refused to follow his lead. He was 
 now thirty-five years of age; in figure the ideal Indian 5 
 tall and spare and lithe and quick ; with all the genius 
 of his tribe, and the training gained in Connecticut 
 schools, and in the family of Sir William Johnson; he 
 had been a lion in London, and flattered at British head- 
 quarters in Montreal. Among the Indians he was 
 pre-eminent, and in any circle he would have been 
 conspicuous. 
 
11 
 
 As St. Leger represented the regular army of King 
 George, and Brant the Indian allies, Sir John Johnson 
 led the regiments which had been organized from the 
 settlers in the Mohawk valley. He had inherited from 
 his father, Sir William, the largest estate held on the 
 continent by any individual, William Penn excepted. 
 He had early taken sides with the King against the 
 colonists, and having entered into a compact with the 
 patriots to preserve peace and remain at Johnstown, he 
 had violated his promise, and fled to Canada. He 
 came now with a sense of personal wrong, to recover 
 his possessions and to resume the almost royal sway 
 which he had exercised. He at this time held a com- 
 mission as colonel in the British army, to raise and 
 command forces raised among the loyalists of the valley. 
 Besides these was Butler — John Butler, a brother-in- 
 law of Johnson ; lieutenant colonel by rank, rich and 
 influential in the valley, familiar with the Indians and 
 a favorite with them, shrewd and daring and savage, 
 already the father of that son Walter who was to be 
 the scourge of the settlers, and with him to render 
 ferocious and bloody the border war. He came from 
 Niagara, and was now in command of tory rangers. 
 
 The forces were like the leaders. It has been the 
 custom to represent St. Lsger's army as a " motley 
 crowd." * On the contrary it was a picked force*, es- 
 pecially designated by orders from headquarters in 
 Britain. 4 He enumerates his "artillery, the thirty- 
 fourth and the King's regiment, with the Hessian rifle- 
 men and the whole corps of Indians," with him, while 
 his advance consisting of a detachment under Lieuten- 
 ant Bird, had gone before, and ''the rest of the army, 
 
 *Lossing's Field-Book, vol. 1, p. 242. Irving's Washington, vol. 3, p. 171. 
 4. See Appendix, p. 44, for the official order designating the troops. 
 
12 
 
 led bv Sir John Johnson," was a day's march in the 
 rear. Johnson's whole regiment* was with him together 
 with Butler's tory rangers, with at least one company 
 of Canadians. f The country from Schoharie west- 
 ward had been scoured of loyalists to add to this 
 column. For such an expedition, the force could not 
 have been better chosen. The pet name of the " King's 
 regiment" is significant. The artillery was such as 
 could be carried by boat, and adapted to the sort of 
 war before it. It had been especially designated from 
 Whitehall. J The Hanau Chasseurs were trained and 
 skillful soldiers. The Indians were the terror of the land. 
 The Six Nation* had joined the expedition in full force | 
 except the Oneidas and the Tuscaroras. With the lat- 
 ter tribes the influence of Samuel Kirkland had over- 
 borne that of the Johnsons, and the Oneidas and the 
 Tuscaroras were by their peaceful attitude more than by 
 hostility useful to Congress to the end. 5 ^[ The state* 
 ment§ that two thousand Canadians accompanied him 
 as axemen, is no doubt an exaggeration ; but exclusive 
 of such helpers and of non-combatants, the corps counted 
 
 * British Annual Register for 1877. See the fourteenth section of this 
 Appendix, page 54. 
 
 f Impartial History, (London, 1780, p. 499.) 
 
 \ Burgoyne's State of the Expedition, p. 67, and section fourth of this 
 Appendix, p. 45. 
 
 I Colonel Guy Johnson wrote, November 11, 1777, to Lord Germain, "The 
 greater part of those from the Six Nations with my officers in that country, 
 joined General St. Leger's troops and Sir John Johnson's provincials, and 
 were principally concerned in the action near Fort Stanwix." Colonial 
 History of New York, vol. 8, p. 727. This was in accordance with a dis- 
 patch from Brant to Sir Guy, in June or July, that the " Six Nations were 
 all in readiness, (the Oneidas excepted,) and all determined, as they expressed 
 it, to act as one man." Colonial History, vol. 8, p. 713. 
 
 * 5. *\ William Tracy in his lectures, p. 14, gives much credit for this re- 
 sult to James Dean. See Appendix, p. 46, for a characteristic letter of Rev. 
 Samuel Kirkland. 
 
 § Dawson's Battles of the United States. 
 
13 
 
 not less than seventeen hundred fighting men.* King 
 George could not then have sent a column better fitted 
 for its task, or better equipped, or abler led, or more intent 
 on achieving all that was imposed upon it. Leaving 
 Montreal, it started on the nineteenth of July from Buck 
 Island, its rendezvous at the entrance of Lake Ontario. 
 It had reached Fort Stanwix without the loss of a man, 
 as if on a summer's picnic. It had come through in 
 good season. Its chief never doubted that he would 
 make quick work with the Fort. He had even cautioned 
 Lieutenant Bird who led the advance, lest he should 
 risk the seizure with his unaided detachment. When 
 his full force appeared, his faith was sure that the fort 
 would "fall without a single shot."f So confident was 
 he that he sent a dispatch to Burgoyne on the fifth of 
 August, assuring him that the fort would be his 
 directly, and they would speedily meet as victors at 
 Albany. £ General Schuyler had in an official letter 
 expressed a like fear. 6 
 
 THE PATRIOT RISING IN TRYON COUNTY. 
 
 St. Leger was therefore surprised as well as annoyed 
 by the news that the settlers on the Mohawk had been 
 aroused, and were marching in haste to relieve the fort. 
 
 * Gordon's History, (London, 1787,) vol. 2, p. 477, says St. Leger's " whole 
 force did not probably exceed 800 men :" p. 529, he credits him with "700 
 Indian warriors," This is loose talk. President Dwight, (Travels, vol. 3, p. 
 191,) who visited Fort Stanwix in 1799, places the number from 1,500 to 1,800. 
 
 f Colonel Claus had so promised the Indians. Campbell's Annals of Tryon 
 county, p. 68. Upon Arnold's approach, when St. Leger urged the Indiana 
 to stay, the chiefs replied: "When we marched down, you told us there 
 would be no fighting for us Indians ; we might go down and smoke our 
 pipes ; but now a number of our warriors have been killed, and you mean to 
 sacrifice us." Thacher's Military Journal, p. 90. 
 
 :£ Logging's Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. 1, p. 243. 
 
 6. See Appendix, p. 46, for an extract from the letter. 
 
14 
 
 He found that his path to join Burgoyne was to be 
 contested. He watched by skillful scouts the gathering 
 of the patriots; their quick and somewhat irregular 
 assembling; he knew of their march from Fort Dayton, 
 and their halt at Oriskany. Brant* told him that they 
 advanced, as brave, untrained militia, without throwing 
 out skirmishers, and with. Indian guile the Mohawk 
 chose the pass in which an ambush should be set for 
 them. The British commander guarded the way for 
 several miles from his position, by scouts within speak- 
 ing distance of each other. He knew the importance 
 of his movement, and he was guilty of no neglect. 
 
 THE AMBUSCADE. 
 
 From his camp at Fort Stanwix St. Leger saw all, 
 and directed all. Sir John Johnson 7 led the force 
 thrown out to meet the patriots, with Butler as his 
 second, but Brant was its controlling head. The Indi- 
 ans were most numerous; "the whole corps," a "large 
 body," St. Leger testifies. And with the Indians he 
 reports were "some troops." The presence of Johnson, 
 and of Butler, as well as of Claus and Watts, of Cap- 
 tains Wilson, Hare and McDonald,f the chief loyalists 
 of the valley, proves that their followers were in the 
 fight. Butler J refers to the New Yorkers whom we 
 know as Johnson's Greens, and the Rangers, as in the 
 eno-a^ement in lari>'e numbers. St. Le«;er was under 
 
 *The information came on the fifth from Brant's sister, who was a mis- 
 tress of Sir William Johnson. See Claus' letter in the Appendix, p. 58. 
 
 7. See Appendix, p. 46, for proof that Johnson actually led the British at 
 Oriskany. 
 
 f Captain McDonald of Johnson's Greens, and Captains Wilson and Hare 
 of the Rangers, are reported by Colonel Butler among the killed. Other 
 captains must have been on the field. While the title was perhaps loosely 
 used, it signifies prominence, and some followers. 
 
 \ Stone's Life of Brant, p. 243. 
 
15 
 
 the absolute necessity of preventing the patriot force 
 from attacking him in the rear. He could not do less 
 than send every available man out to meet it. Quite 
 certainly the choicest of the army were taken from the 
 dull duty of the siege for this critical operation. They 
 left camp at night and lay above and around the ravine 
 at Oriskany, in the early morning of the sixth of Au- 
 gust. They numbered not less than twelve hundred 
 men under chosen 'cover. 
 
 GENERAL HERKIMER^ RALLY. 
 
 The coming of St. Leger had been known in the val- 
 ley for weeks. Bnrgoyne had left Montreal in June, 
 and the expedition by way of Lake Ontario, as the ex- 
 perience of a hundred years prophesied, would respond 
 to his advance. Colonel Gansevoort had appealed to 
 the Committee of Safety for Tryon county, for help. 
 Its chairman was Nicholas Herckkeimer, (known to us 
 as Herkimer,) who had been appointed a brigadier gen- 
 eral by Congress in the preceding autumn.* His 
 family was large, and it was divided in the contest. A 
 brother was captain with Sir John Johnson, and a 
 brother-in-law was one of the chief of the loyalists. 
 He was now forty-eight years of age,f short, slender, of 
 dark complexion, with black hair and bright eyes. J 
 He had German pluck and leadership, but he had also 
 German caution and deliberation. He foresaw the 
 danger, and had given warning to General Schuyler at 
 Albany. On the seventeenth of July he had issued a 
 
 ™* Stone's Life of Brant, vol. 1, p. 181. His commission to this rank by the 
 New York convention, bearing date September 5, 1776, is in the possession 
 of the Oneida Historical Society, at Utica. 
 
 f Benton's Herkimer County, p. 1GS. 
 
 X Newspaper report of tradition in the Wagner family. 
 
10 
 
 proclamation, announcing that the enemy, two thousand 
 strong, was at Oswego, and that as soon as he should 
 approach, every male person being in health, and be- 
 tween sixteen and sixty years of age, should immedi- 
 ately be ready to march against him. Tryon county 
 had strong appeals for help also from Cherry Valley 
 and Ilnadilla, and General Herkimer had been south- 
 ward at the close of June to check operations of the 
 tories and Indians under Brant. The danger from this 
 direction delayed and obstructed recruiting for the col- 
 umn against St. Le^er. The stress was sreat, and 
 Herkimer was bound to keep watch south as well as 
 west. He waited only to learn where need was great- 
 est, and he went thither. On the thirtieth of July, 
 a letter from Thomas Spencer, a half-breed Oneida, 
 read on its way to General Schuyler, made known the 
 advance of St. Leger. Herkimer's order was promptly 
 issued,* and soon brought in eight hundred men. They 
 were nearly all by blood Germans and low Dutch, with 
 a few of other nationalities. The roster 18 so far as can now 
 be collected, indicates the presence of persons of English, 
 Scotch, Irish, Welsh and French blood, but these are ex- 
 ceptions, and the majority of the force was beyond ques- 
 tion German. They gathered from their farms and clear- 
 ings, carrying their equipments with them. They met 
 at Fort Dayton, near the mouth of the West Canada 
 Creek. This post was held at the time by a part of Col- 
 onel Wesson's Massachusetts regiment, J also represented 
 
 * All authorities agree that on receipt of Spencer's letter, Herkimer acted 
 vigorously. Stone's Brant, p. 233 ; Annals of Tryon county, p. 73 ; Ram- 
 sey's History of the Revolution, (1789.) vol. 2, p. 38, " collected" his men by 
 the third of August ; Lossing's Field-Book, vol. 1, p. 243; Benton's History 
 of Herkimer county, p. 76. 
 
 18. See Appendix, p. 63. for a roster collected with much care by the 
 Utica Herald, in July, 1877. 
 
 \ Benton's Herkimer county, p. 80. 
 
17 
 
 in the garrison at Fort Stanwix. The little army was 
 divided into four regiments or battalions. The first, 
 which Herkimer had once commanded, was now led by 
 Colonel Ebenezer Cox, and was from the district of 
 Canajoharie ; of the second, from Palatine, Jacob Klock 
 was colonel; the third was under Colonel Frederick 
 Visscher, and came from Mohawk; the fourth, gathered 
 from German Flats and Kingsland, Peter Bellinger 
 commanded.* 18 
 
 GENERAL HERKIMER^ ADVANCE. 
 
 Counsels were divided whether they should await 
 further accessions, or hasten to Fort Stanwix. Pru- 
 dence prompted delay. St. Leger's force was more than 
 double that of Herkimer; it might be divided, and 
 while one-half occupied the patriot column, the Indians 
 under tory lead might hurry down the valley, gathering 
 reinforcements while they ravaged the homes of the 
 patriots. The blow might come from Unadilla, where 
 Brant had been as late as the early part of that very 
 July. Herkimer, at Fort Dayton, was in position to 
 turn in either direction. But the way of the Mohawk 
 was the natural and traditional war-path. The pat- 
 riots looked to Fort Stanwix as their defense. They 
 started on the fourth, crossed the Mohawk where is 
 now Utica, and reached Whitestown on the fifth. 
 Here it was probably that a band of Oneida Indians 
 joined the column. From this point or before, Herki- 
 mer sent an express to Colonel Gansevoort arranging 
 for co-operation. He was to move forward when three 
 cannon signaled that aid was ready. The signal was 
 uot heard ; the messengers had been delayed. His 
 chief advisers, including Colonel Cox and Paris, the 
 
 * Calendar of New York Manuscripts, vol. 1, p. 123, (revised.) 
 18. See in connection with the roster in the Appendix, p. 63, the territory- 
 covered by these districts. 
 B 
 
latter a member of the committee of Safety, urged 
 quicker movement?. Fort Stanwix might fall, while 
 they were delaying, and the foe could then turn upon 
 them. Herkimer was taunted as a coward and a tory. 
 His German phlegm was stirred. He warned his im- 
 patient advisers that they would be the first in the face 
 of the enemy to flee. He gave the order " march on !" 
 Apprised of the ambuscade, his courage which had been 
 assailed prevented the necessary precautions. 
 
 THE FIGHT. 
 
 He led his little band on. If he had before been 
 cautious, now he was audacious. His course lay on 
 the south side of the river, avoiding its bends, where the 
 country loses the general level which the rude road 
 sought to follow, when it could be found. For three 
 or four miles hills rose upon valleys, with occasional 
 gulleys. The trickling springs and the spring freshets 
 had cut more than one ravine where even in the sum- 
 mer, the water still moistened the earth. These run 
 towards the river, from southerly towards the north. 
 Corduroy roads had been constructed over the marshes, 
 for this was the line of such travel as sought Fort Stan- 
 wix and the river otherwise than by boat. Herkimer 
 had come to one of the deepest of these ravines, ten or 
 twelve rods wide, running narrower up to the hills at 
 the south, and broadening towards the Mohawk into 
 the flat bottom land. Where the forests were thick, 
 where the rude roadway ran clown into the marsh, 
 and the ravine closed like a pocket, he 'pressed his 
 way. Not in soldierly order, not watching against the 
 enemy, but in rough haste, the eight hundred marched. 
 They reached the ravine at ten in the morning. The 
 advance had gained the higher ground. Then as so 
 often, the woods became alive. Black eyes flashed 
 
19 
 
 from behind every tree. Rifles blazed from a thousand 
 unexpected coverts. The Indians rushed out hatchet 
 in hand, decked in paint and feathers. The brave band 
 was checked. It was cut in two. The assailants aimed 
 first of all to seize the supply train. Colonel Visscher, 
 who commanded its guard, showed his courage before 
 and after* and doubtless fought well here, as the best 
 informed descendants of other heroes of the battle be- 
 lieve. But his regiment was driven northward towards 
 the river, was cut up or in great part captured with the 
 supplies and ammunition. In the ravine and just west of 
 it, Herkimer rallied those who stood with him. Back to 
 back, shoulder to shoulder, they faced the foe. Where 
 shelter could be had, two stood together, so that one 
 might lire while the other loaded. Often the fight grew 
 closer, and the knife ended the personal contest. Eye 
 to eye, hand to hand, this was a fight of men. Nerve 
 aud brawn and muscle, were the price of life. Rifle 
 and knife, spear and tomahawk were the only weapons, 
 or the clubbed butt of the rifle. It was not a test of 
 science, not a weighing of enginery, not a measure of 
 caliber nor an exhibition of choicest mechanism. Men 
 stood ao-ainst death, and death struck at them with the 
 simplest implements. Homer sings of chariots and 
 shields. Here were no such helps, no such defenses. 
 Forts or earthworks, barricades or abattis, there were 
 none. The British force had chosen its ground. Two 
 to one it must have been against the band which stood 
 and fought in that pass, forever glorious. Herkimer, 
 early wounded and his horse shot under him, sat on his 
 saddle beneath a beech tree, just where the hill rises at 
 the west a little north of the center of the ravine, 
 calmly smoking a pipe while ordering the battle. He 
 was urged to retire from so much danger; his reply is 
 the eloquence of a hero : " I will face the enemy." 
 
 * Stone's Life of Brant, vol 2, pp. 74, 75. 
 
20 
 
 The ground tells the story of the fight. General 
 Herkimer was with the advance, which had crossed the 
 ravine. His column stretched out for nearly half a 
 mile. Its head was a hundred rods or more west of 
 the ravine, his rear-guard reached as far east of it. 
 The firing began from the hills into the gulf. Herki- 
 mer closed his line on its center, and in reaching that 
 point his white horse was shot under him. The flag- 
 staff to-day on the hill marks his position. Then as 
 to-day the hills curved like a cimeter, from the west 
 to the east on the north side of the river. Fort Stan- 
 wix could not be seen but it lay in the plain just be- 
 yond the gap in the hills, six miles distant. The Mo- 
 hawk from the mouth of the Oriskauy curved north- 
 ward, so that here it is as far away in a right line, 
 perhaps a mile in each case. The bottoms were 
 marshy, as they yet are where the trees exclude the 
 sun. Now the New York Central Railroad and the 
 Erie Canal mark the general direction of the march of 
 the patriots from their starting-place hither. Then 
 forests of beach and birch and maple and hemlock 
 covered the land where now orchards and rich mea- 
 dows extend, and grain-fields are ripening for the 
 harvest. Even the forests are gone, and the Mohawk 
 and the hills and the ravine and " Battle Brook," 
 are the sole witnesses to confirm the traditions which 
 have come down to us. The elms which fling their 
 plumes to the sky, are young successors to the knightly 
 warriors who were once masters here. Through the 
 forests Herkimer from his elevation could catc 1 the 
 general outlines of the battle. Some of his advance 
 had fallen at the farthest point to Avhich they had 
 marched. Upon their left, the enemy had appeared in 
 force, and had closed up from the southward, and on 
 the east side of the ravine. The patriots had been 
 pushed to the north side of the road, away from the 
 
21 
 
 line which the corduroy still marks in the ravine, and 
 those who tied sought the river. Skeletons have been 
 found in the smaller ravine about two hundred rods 
 west, and at the mouth of the Oriskany, an extent of a 
 mile and a half; and gun-barrels and other relics along 
 the line of the Erie Canal, and down towards the river. 
 These are witnesses of the limits of the battle. They 
 mark the center here. Here gathered the brave militia 
 without uniforms, in the garb of farmers, for their fire- 
 sides and their homes, and the republic just born which 
 was to be. Against them here, in the ravine, pursuing 
 and capturing the rear-guard on the east of the ravine 
 or down in it, and thence towards the river, rushed 
 from the forests, uniformed and well equipped, John- 
 son's Greens in their gay color, the German Chasseurs, 
 Europe's best soldiers, with picked men of British and 
 Canadian regiments, and the Indian warriors decked in 
 the equipments with which they made war brilliant. 
 Some of this scene, Herkimer saw ; some of it extent 
 of space and thickness of forest hid from his eye. But 
 here he faced the enemy, and here he ordered the battle. 
 During the carnage, a storm of wind and rain and 
 lightning brought a respite. Old men preserve the 
 tradition that in the path by which the enemy came, 
 a broad windfall was cut, and was seen for long years 
 afterwards. The elements caused only a short lull. In 
 came at the thick of the strife, a detachment of John- 
 son's Greens ; and they sought to appear reinforcements 
 for the patriots. They paid dearly for the fraud, for 
 thirty were quickly killed. Captain Gardenier slew 
 three with his spear, one after the other.* Captain 
 Dillenback assailed by three, brained one, shot the 
 second, and bayoneted the third. Henry Thompson 
 grew faint with hunger, sat down on the body of a 
 dead soldier, ate his lunch, and refreshed resumed the 
 
 * Stone's Life of Brant, vol. 1, p. 239, 240. 
 

 
 fight. William Merckley, mortally wounded, to a friend 
 offering to assist him, said: "Take care of yourself, 
 leave me to my fate. 11 * Such men could not be 
 whipped. The Indians finding they were losing many, 
 became suspicious that their allies wished to destroy 
 them, and fired on them, giving unexpected aid to the 
 patriot band.f Tradition relates that an Oneida maid, 
 only fifteen years old, daughter of a chief, fought on 
 the side of the patriots, firing her rifle, and shouting 
 her battle cry. J The Indians raised the cry of retreat, 
 " Oonah !" "Oonali!" Johnson heard the firino; of a 
 sortie from the fort. The British fell back, after five 
 hours of desperate fight. J Herkimer and his gallant 
 men held the ground. 
 
 THE SORTIE. 
 
 The sortie from Fort Stanwix which Herkimer ex- 
 pected, was made as soon as his messengers arrived. 
 They were delayed, and yet got through at a critical 
 moment. Colonel Willett made a sally at the head of 
 two hundred and fifty men, totally routed two of the- 
 enernj^s encampments, and captured their contents, 
 including five British flags. The exploit did not cost a 
 single patriot life, while at least six of the enemy were 
 killed and four made prisoners. It aided to force the 
 British retreat from Oriskany. The captured flags 
 were floated beneath the stars and stripes, fashioned in 
 
 * Simms' Schoharie, p. 263, 264. 
 
 f President Dwight (Travels, vol. 3, p. 193,) who in 1799, heard the stories 
 of persons living near the battle-field, relates this incident. 
 
 :{: Newspaper report of a tradition in the family of George Wagner, a 
 survivor. 
 
 || Dr. Moses Younglove, who was taken prisoner at the battle, fixes the time : 
 " Then we with equal fury joined the fight 
 Ere Phoebus gained his full meridian height, 
 Nor ceased the horrors of the bloody fray, 
 Till lie had journeyed half his evening way." 
 
 Appendix to Campbell's Annals of Tryon county, p. 32. 
 
23 
 
 the fort from cloaks and shirts ; and here for the first 
 time the flag of the republic was raised in victory over 
 British colors." 
 
 tup: losses. 
 
 The slaughter at Oriskany was terrible. St. Leger 
 claims that four hundred of Herkimer's men were 
 killed and two hundred captured, leaving only two 
 hundred to escape. No such number of prisoners was 
 ever accounted for. The Americans admitted two 
 hundred killed, one-fourth of the whole army. St. 
 Leger places the number of Indians killed at thirty, 
 and the like number wounded, including favorite chiefs 
 and confidential warriors. It was doubtless greater, 
 for the Senecas alone lost thirty-six killed, and in all 
 the tribes twice as many must have been killed. St. 
 Leger makes no account of any of his whites killed or 
 wounded. Butler, f however, mentions of New Yorkers 
 (Johnson's Greens) killed, Captain McDonald ; Captain 
 Watts dangerously wounded and one subaltern. Of 
 the Tory Hangers Captains Wilson and Hare (their 
 chiefs after Butler) were killed. With such loss of 
 officers, the death list of privates must have been con 
 siderable. The Greens alone lost thirty. In Britain it 
 was believed as many of the British were killed by the 
 
 * Lossing, Field-Book, vol. 1, p. 242, says the blue was taken from a camlet 
 cloak of Captain Swartwout, and the white from cotton shirts. General 
 Schuyler Hamilton in the Historical Magazine, for July, 1877, p. 420, states 
 on the authority of his grand-mother, a daughter of General Philip Schuy- 
 ler, that the stripes were made from a scarlet cloak belonging to one of the 
 women of the garrison. Willett says the blue cloak had been captured 
 from the British at Peekskill; Narrative, p. 42. All that relates to this flag, 
 the first ever lifting the stars and stripes in battle and in victory, has lasting 
 interest. 
 
 f Claus agrees substantially, and speaks of two or three privates killed. 
 Letter to Secretary Knox, in London ; New York Colonial History, vol. 8, 
 p. 721 ; see this Appendix, p. 58. 
 
24 
 
 Indians as by the militia.* The loss of British and 
 Indians must have approached a hundred and fifty 
 killed. Eye-witnesses were found who estimated it 
 as great as that of the Americans. + The patriot dead 
 included Colonel Cox, and his Lieutenant Colonel 
 Hunt, Majors Eisenlord, Van Slyck, Klapsattle and 
 Blevin ; and Captains Diefendorf, Crouse, Bowman, 
 Dillenback, Davis, Pettengill, Helmer, Graves and 
 Fox; with no less than four members of the Tryon 
 county committee of Safety, who were present as vol- 
 unteers. They were Isaac Paris, Samuel Billington, 
 John Dygert, and Jacob Snell. Spencer, the Oneida, 
 who gave the warning to the patriots, was also 
 among the killed. The heads of the patriot organiza- 
 tion in the valley were swept off. Herkimer's glory 
 is that out of such slaughter he snatched the substance 
 of victory. In no other battle of the revolution did 
 the ratio of deaths rise so high. At Waterloo, the 
 French loss was not in so large a ratio to the num- 
 ber engaged, as was Herkimer's at Oriskany; nor did 
 the allies suffer as much on that bloody field. 
 
 Frightful barbarities were wreaked on the bodies of 
 the dead, and on the prisoners who fell into the hands 
 of the Indians. The patriots held the field at the close 
 of the fight, and were able to carry off their wounded. 
 Among these was the brave and sturdy Herkimer, who 
 was taken on a litter of boughs to his home, and 
 after suffering the amputation of his leg, died on 
 the sixteenth of August, like a Christian hero. Of the 
 dead some at least lay unburied until eighteen days 
 later. Arnold's column rendered to them that last 
 service. J 
 
 * Gordon's History, (London, 1787,) vol. 2, p. 530. 
 
 f A. D. Quack enboss who was in the tight so believed. Stone's Brant, 
 p. 4G1 ; Neilson's Burgoyne, p. 5(5. 
 \ Jones' History of Oneida County, p. 361 ; Tracy's Lectures, p. 15. 
 
25 
 
 After the battle, Colonel Samuel Campbell* after- 
 wards conspicuous in Otsego county, became senior 
 officer, and organized the shattered patriots, leading 
 them in good order back to Fort Dayton. The night 
 of the tight, they bivouaced at Utica. Terrible as their 
 losses had been, only sixteen days later Governor Clin- 
 ton positively ordered them to join General Arnold on 
 his expedition with one-half of each regiment. 12 In his 
 desperation, Sir John Johnson " proposed to march 
 down the country with about two hundred men," and 
 Glaus would have added Indians;! but St. Leger dis- 
 approved of the suggestion. Only a raid could have 
 been possible. The fighting capacity of St. Leger' s 
 army was exhausted at Oriskany, and he knew it. 
 
 THE SIEGE. J 
 
 St. Leber's advance was checked. His junction with 
 Burgoyne was prevented. The rising 'of loyalists 
 in the valley did not occur. He claimed indeed the 
 "completest victory" at Oriskany. He notified the 
 garrison that Burgoyne was victorious at Albany, and 
 demanded peremptorily the surrender of the fort, 
 threatening that prolonged resistance would result in 
 general massacre at the hands of the enraged Indians. 
 Johnson, Clans and Butler issued an address to the 
 inhabitants of Tryon county, urging them to submit, 
 
 * Letter of his grandson, Hon. W. W. Campbell, in Utica Herald, July 
 27, 1877. 
 
 12. See Appendix, p. 47, for this important letter, which is copied from 
 the manuuscript in the State Library at Albany. 
 
 fClaus' letter to Knox; London Documents in Colonial History, vol. 8, 
 p. 721, and section seventeenth of tbis Appendix, p. 58. 
 
 JFor a sketch of the siege of Fort Stan wix presented to Colonel Ganse- 
 voort by L. Fleury, and with a map of tbe village of Rome overlaid upon it, 
 see Houft'li's Memoir of M. Pouchot. 
 
26 
 
 because "surrounded by victorious armies." Colouel 
 Gansevoort treated the summons as an insult, and held 
 his post with sturdy steadiness."* The people of the 
 valley sided with Congress against the King. For six- 
 teen days after Oriskany, St. Leger lay before Fort 
 Stanwix, and heard more and more clearly the rumbles 
 of fresh resistance from the valley. 
 
 THE RELIEF U^DER ARXOLD's LEAD. 
 
 Colonel Willett who led the gallant sortie, accompa- 
 nied by Major Stockwell, risked no less danger 0:1 a 
 mission through thickets and hidden foes, to inform 
 General Schuyler at Albany of the situation. In a 
 council of officers, bitter opposition arose to Schuyler's 
 proposal to send relief to Fort Stanwix, on the plea 
 that it would weaken the army at Albany, the more 
 important position. Schuyler was equal to the occasion,, 
 acting promptly, and with great energy. "Gentlemen," 
 said he, " I take the responsibility upon myself. Where 
 is the brigadier who will command the relief? I shall 
 beat up for volunteers to-morrow."f Benedict Arnold,, 
 then unstained by treason, promptly offered to lead the 
 army. On the next day, August ninth,;} eight hundred 
 volunteers were enrolled, chiefly of General Larned's 
 Massachusetts brigade. General Israel Putnam ordered 
 the regiments of Colonel Cortlandt and Livingston from 
 Peekskill to join the relief " against those worse than 
 internals. " 8 Arnold was to take supplies wherever lie 
 
 *The British Impartial History says " Colouel Gansevoort behaved with 
 great firmness," p. 475. 
 
 f Lossing's Life of Schuyler. 
 
 \ Letter of Schuyler in Annals of Tryon County, p. 88. 
 
 8. Manuscript Letter in the Clinton Collection, in State Library at Al- 
 bany. See Appendix, p. 47. 
 
27 
 
 could get them, and especially not to offend the already 
 unfriendly Mohawks. Schuyler enjoined upon him also 
 a as the inhabitants of Tryon county were chiefly Ger- 
 mans, it might be well to praise their bravery at Oris- 
 kany, and ask their gallant aid in the enterprise." Ar- 
 nold reached Fort Dayton, and on the twentieth of 
 August issued as commander-in-chief of the army of 
 the United States of America on the Mohawk river, a 
 characteristic proclamation, denouncing St. Leger as "a 
 leader of a banditti of robbers, murderers and traitors, 
 composed of savages of America and more savage 
 Britons." The militia joined him in great numbers. 
 On the twenty-second, Arnold pushed forward, and on 
 the twenty-fourth he arrived at Fort Stanwix. St. 
 Leger had raised the siege and precipitately fled. 
 
 St. Leger had been frightened by rumors of the rapid 
 advance of Arnold's army. Arnold had taken pains 
 to fill the air with them. He hadsent to St. Legei's 
 camp a half-witted loyalist, Hon Yost Schuyler, to 
 exaggerate his numbers and his speed. The Indians 
 in camp were restive and kept track of the army of 
 relief. They badgered St. Leger to retreat, and threat- 
 ened to abandon him. They raised the alarm, "they 
 are coming!" and for the numbers of the patriots 
 approaching, they pointed to the leaves of the forest. 
 
 st. leger's flight. 
 
 On the twenty-second of August, while Arnold was 
 yet at Utica, St. Leger fled. The Indians were weary ; 
 they had lost goods by Willett's sortie ; they saw no 
 chance for spoils. Their chiefs killed at Oriskany 
 beckoned them away. They began to abandon the 
 ground, and to spoil the camp of their allies. St. 
 Leger deemed his danger from them, if he refused to 
 
28 
 
 follow their councils, greater than from the enemy. 
 He hurried his wounded and prisoners forward ; he 
 left his tents, with most of his artillery and stores, 
 spoils to the garrison.* His men threw away their 
 packs in their flight. He quarreled with Johnson, and 
 the Indians had to make peace between them. St. 
 Leger indeed was helpless. The flight became a dis- 
 graceful rout. The Indians butchered alike prisoners 
 and British who could not keep up, or became sepa- 
 rated from the column. 14 St. Leger's expedition, as 
 one of the latest became one of the most striking illus- 
 trations to the British of the risks and terrors of an 
 Indian alliance. 10 
 
 The siesfe of Fort Stanwix was raised. The losnc of 
 the battle of Oriskauy was consummated. The whole 
 story has been much neglected, and the best authorities 
 on the subject are British. f The battle is one of a 
 series of events which constitute a chain of history as 
 picturesque, as exciting, as heroic, as important, as 
 ■ennoble any part of this or any other land. 
 
 II. 
 
 THE WEIGHT AND MEASURE OF THE BATTLE. 
 
 Oriskany it is our duty to weigh and measure. 
 Wherein was the stand of Greeks at Thermopylae 
 braver, than this march of Herkimer into the ravine? 
 
 * Gordon's History, vol. 2, p. 534, who cites Reverend Samuel Kirkland 
 " who was part of the time at the Fort," as his direct informant. 
 
 14. British Annual Register, for 1777. See Appendix, p. 57. 
 
 10. As a record not familiar to many American readers, see in Appendix, 
 p. 48, the Narrative of his Expedition by St. Leger himself. 
 
 f For portions of the record. Stone's Life of Brant must be excepted as a 
 faithful and accurate chronicle. 
 
29 
 
 Wherein have Norse vikings shown sturdier stuff in 
 fight \ Tell me when panoplied crusader ever made 
 more light of death than those nnmailed farmers of the 
 Mohawk. Cite from verse of ancient or modern poet 
 the elan of truer courage, the steadiness of sterner 
 determination, the consecration of more glowing patriot- 
 ism than held the pass at Oriskany. 
 
 THE STRATEGY HISTORIC. 
 
 The strategy of the British campaign of 1777 was 
 comprehensive, and it was traditional. With Canada 
 hostile to the country south of it, the plan of Burgoyne 
 was as natural as it is for a pugilist to strike with both 
 fists. Fronting southward, indeed, the blow by Lake 
 Champlain the Canadian forces deliver with their left 
 fist ; the route by Lnke Ontario through Oswego in- 
 land, invites the blow of the right hand. As early as 
 1687 the French sroverument received from Canada a 
 memorial which recommends : " The Iroquois must be 
 attacked in two directions. The first, and principal 
 attack must be on the Seneca nation, on the borders of 
 Lake Ontario ; the second, by the river Richelieu and 
 Lake Champlain, in the direction of the Mohawks."* 
 The French authorities never abandoned this purpose 
 until they were driven from the continent. Frontenac 
 wrote his name in fire and blood in the way Burgoyne 
 sought to travel. The co-operation of the fleet at the 
 mouth of the Hudson, was proposed by Mons. Cal- 
 lierres in lG89.f Montcalm J led the French by these 
 
 * Paris Documents, p. 321. f Paris Documents, p. 420. 
 
 % See the Memoir of the French War of 1755-60, by M. Pouchot, translated 
 by F. B. Hough. M. Pouchot, who Avas with Montcalm, could learn of no 
 routes from Canada to the English possessions except, 1, by way of Lake 
 Champlain ; 2, by the St. Lawrence to Oswego and the Oswego river ; 3, by 
 Lake Ontario to the Genesee river ; and 4, by way of Niagara to the Ohio 
 river. 
 
30 
 
 paths in 1756, when DeLsry penetrated to Fort Bull, 
 at the carry near the Mohawk, and the English power 
 yielded up Champlain and Lake George to the in- 
 vadeis. Holding the southern shores of Lake Ontario, 
 it was from Lake Champlain, with co-operation by a 
 force brought up the St. Law r rence, that the English 
 dealt the return attack in 1759, when Wolfe fell before 
 Quebec. At Ticonderoga and Crown Point, on the 
 path to the Hudson, and at Niagara on Lake Ontario, 
 the French power in America breathed its last. 
 
 In October, 1776, Sir Guy Carleton had swept over 
 Lake Champlain, and taken Crown Point, and only 
 waited for another season to carry his conquests south- 
 ward. It was, perhaps, because in London Burgoyne 
 criticised the neglect to send a corps by way of Oswego, 
 through the Mohawk valley, to assist in the campaign, 
 that he, instead of Carleton, led the invasion which 
 ended so disastrously for Britain. 
 
 But the British government had earlier precedents 
 than these for choosing these routes for the campaign 
 of 1777. The French migration came by them into the 
 wilderness which is now New York, and it was by 
 them that, at intervals for a hundred years the Iroquois 
 and their allies carried terror to the walls of Montreal 
 and Quebec."' The campaigns of the w^ar of 1812 re- 
 newed the traditions of the military importance of the 
 line of Lake Ontario and Lake Champlain. Oswego 
 and Plattsburg and McDonough's victory perpetuate 
 the series of contests in this historic field. The key to 
 the heart of the original Union lies in the heights from 
 which flow the Mohawk and the Hudson. 
 
 *The Mohawks and Oaeidas appeared before Montreal, August 12, 1602 ; 
 Brodhead's History of New York, vol. 1, p. 705. The Iroquois iu 1688; vol. 
 2, p. 507. 
 
31 
 
 st. leger's expedition a vital part. 
 
 Ill the original plan, St. Lager's expedition is stated 
 as a "diversion," both by Burgoyne and in the official 
 letter of Lord George Grermaine, the secretary of state 
 for war. The command was given to St. Leger from 
 Whitehall, on Burgoyne's nomination, so that it was an 
 independent expedition. The troops were in like man- 
 ner selected, because much depended on the movement. 
 Upon his success, as it proved, the campaign hung. 
 When Burgoyne explained his failure, he laid much 
 stress on the defeat of St. Leger,' and one of the chief 
 points to account for his own slowness, is ; " the time en- 
 titled me to expect Lieutenant Colonel St. Leger's corps 
 would be arrived at Ticonderoga, and secret means had 
 been long concerted to enable him to make an effort to 
 join me, with probability of success." And because 
 St. Leger "had been obliged to retreat," he assigns as 
 removing " the first plausible motive in favor of hazard- 
 ous battle," when he was near Saratoga. In the cam- 
 paign of 1777, the expedition to the Mohawk was one 
 of the two wings without which success was impossible, 
 which once clipped, crippled everything. The battle 
 of Bennington was brought on by a British movement 
 having two objects in view, first, to obtain supplies, 
 and second, to create a diversion to aid St. Leger.* 
 Every historian who writes of Burgoyne's. operations, 
 treats the expedition to the Mohawk as in a military 
 sen^e a vital element in them. 11 
 
 * Stedman's History of the Revolution, (one of the best British records of 
 the struggle;) Bancroft, vol. 5, p. 287. 
 
 11. See Appendix, p. 51, for authorities. Burgoyne himself in urging 
 considerations justifying his advance, in a letter to Lord Germaine, says, 
 (Defense, Appendix, p. xxii :) "Colonel St. Leger's operations would have 
 been assisted, a junction with him probably secured, and the whole country 
 to the Mohawk opened." 
 
32 
 
 EFFECT OF ORISKANY ON THE VALLEY AND THE INDIANS. 
 
 But we get a faint view of the purpose of the expe- 
 dition, and of the significance of Oriskany, if we look 
 only at military considerations. Its moral influence was 
 great and far-reaching. Sir John Johnson boasted that 
 the tories were as five to one in the Mohawk valley, 
 and when he came at the head of a British army, they 
 would rise for the king. Through Johnson and Brant, 
 the design was fostered of holding the Six Nations 
 closely to the royal cause, and thus crushing out the 
 whole patriot influence west of the Hudson. Both 
 purposes were shrewd, and had fair grounds. The 
 patriots knew of these dangers. In the summons which 
 had aroused Tryon county, they had been told : " one 
 resolute blow would secure the friendship of the Six 
 Nations." The committee of Safety knew the efforts it 
 cost to maintain the authority of Congress. Herkimer 
 fought at Oriskany against a tory rising at Johnstown, 
 against the complete enlistment of the Iroquois with 
 the British. His victory is measured only when we 
 remember that no tory rising ever disgraced the Mo- 
 hawk valley, and that from that hour the Indians were 
 a source of terror and of weakness to the forces of 
 King George. 
 
 EFFECT ON THE COUNTRY. 
 
 The effect of Oriskany, on the Americans, was elec- 
 tric. Washington said " Herkimer first reversed the 
 gloomy sceue" of the campaign. General Gates w^rote 
 of "the severe Wow General Herkimer gave Johnson 
 and the scalpers under his command." General Schuy- 
 ler in replying to General Herkimer's report, said: 
 "The gallantry of you and the few men that stood 
 w T ith you and repulsed such a superior number of sav- 
 
83 
 
 ages, reflects great honor upon you." Governor George 
 Clinton expressed, " the highest sense of the loyalty, 
 valor and bravery of the militia of Tryon county, man- 
 ifested in the victory gained by them under the com- 
 mand of their late worthy General Herkimer, for which 
 as the chief magistrate of the free and independent 
 State of New York, they have my most hearty 
 thanks." 12 The defense of Fort Stanwix led John 
 Adams to declare that "Gansevoort has proved that it 
 is possible to hold a post," and the Oneida Spencer had 
 warned the Tryon patriots not to make a Ticonderoo-a 
 of Fort Stanwix. 
 
 These wise leaders estimated the battle better than 
 writers like Irving,* who intimates that " it does not 
 appear that either party was entitled to the victory," 
 or Doctor Thacher,f who can only claim that "St. 
 Lager's victory over our militia was purchased at a 
 dear price," or LossingJ who bluntly speaks of "the 
 defeat of Herkimer." The patriots held the ground, 
 and carried off their wounded at leisure. Of the tory 
 wounded Major Watts lay two days uncared for. By 
 the battle St. Leger was bottled up in his camp ; by it, 
 the forces ordered with Arnold, and probably also, the 
 Massachusetts troops who took part in Wiilett's sortie, 
 were able to join in the operations against Burgoyne 
 and were in the first battle of Stillwater.! The whole 
 
 12. See Appendix, p. 52, for the letter copied from the original manuscript 
 at Albany. 
 
 *Life of Washington, vol. 3, p. 176. 
 
 f Military Journal, p. 89. 
 
 \ Pictoral Field-Book of the Revolution, vol. 1, p. 250. 
 
 || Lossing's Field-Book, vol. 1, p. 51, enumerates at Stillwater, all the regi- 
 ments which marched up the valley with Arnold, and Colonel Wesson's 
 Massachusetts regiment, of which was the detachment which reached Fort 
 Stanwix on the second of August. 
 
34 
 
 valley of the Mohawk cast itself into the scales for the 
 victory of Saratoga. 13 
 
 Herkimer started for Fort Stanwix, and his force ex- 
 cept a few scouts did not reach it. His little army 
 was broken up. But its sacrifice, costly as it was, 
 saved the valley. The frightful slaughter of their 
 leaders at first paralyzed the settlers, but they rallied 
 without delay and joined Arnold's relief army in large 
 numbers.' 35 ' The battle penned St. Leger and Johnson 
 and Brant before Fort Stanwix. It raised the spirits 
 of the beleaguered garrison to a high pitch. 9 With Ben- 
 nington which came afterwards, the Americans felt it 
 gave them " great and glorious victories,"-^ and u noth- 
 ing exceeded their exultation '' over them ; and the 
 " northern militia began now to look high, and to for- 
 get all distinctions between themselves and regular 
 troops." This confidence was worth armies. Congress 
 voted a monument to Herkimer, not yet erected save 
 in the hearts of the people, and no one questioned that 
 the gallant chief had earned the distinction. To Col- 
 onel Willett a sword was presented by Congress for his 
 noble exploit, and Colonel Gansevoort received the 
 thanks of Congress, a colonel's commission, and a 
 special designation as commandant of the Fort which 
 he had so bravely defended. 
 
 AIMS AND ESTIMATES ON BOTH SIDES. 
 
 The battle of Oriskany and the defense of Fort 
 Stanwix are Siamese twins. Separate events, they are 
 
 13. See Appendix, p. 53, for testimony from leading British, authorities, 
 as well as others. 
 
 * Arnold's letter to Colonel Gansevoort, August 22, 1877. 
 9. See Appendix, p. 47, for Governor Clinton's letter to Committee of 
 Safety, August 22d, in New York State Library. 
 
 14. British Annual Register, 1777; see Appendix p. 57. 
 
35 
 
 so conjoined that they must be treated as inseparable 
 in fact. The battle so paralyzed St. Leger and demor- 
 alized his army, that the siege became a failure. It is 
 notable that British historians nearest to the event, 
 give to Oriskany a degree of prominence which our 
 own writers have hardly equaled. The defeat of St. 
 Leger's expedition British writers of that day, recog- 
 nize as one of the pivots on which Saratoga was lost 
 and won, and British sentiment agrees that " Saratoga 
 was indeed the turning point of the American strug- 
 gle."* The British Annual Kegister, noteworthy be- 
 cause established by Edmund Burke, and because its 
 historical articles were still revised if not written by 
 him, in the volume for 1777, published the next year, 
 clearly indicates that the valley of the Mohawk was 
 the very eye of the campaign. 14 This judgment is the 
 more important because the identical text is embodied 
 in the History of the War printed in Dublin, 1779, 
 and has become standard in England. In the Impar- 
 tial History, after Burgoyne's arrival at Ticonderoga, 
 the author says : " It is not to be wondered at, if both 
 officers and private men (in Burgo}me's army) were 
 highly elated with their fortune, and deemed that and 
 their prowess to be irresistible ; if they regarded their 
 enemy with the greatest contempt, and considered their 
 own toils to be nearly at an end ; Albany to be already 
 in their hands, and the reduction of the northern prov- 
 inces to be rather a matter of some time, than an 
 arduous task full of difficulty and danger."f Erron- 
 eously referring to Bennington, the same author uses 
 words justly applicable to Oriskany: J "This was the 
 
 * English Cyclopedia, article on Burgoyne. 
 
 14. See Appendix, p. 54, for the words of the Register. 
 
 f Impartial History of the War in America, London, 1780, p. 460. % The 
 same, p. 472. 
 
36 
 
 first instance in the present campaign, in which fortune 
 seemed even wavering, much less that she for a moment 
 quitted the royal standard. The exultation was accord- 
 ingly great on the one side ; nor could the other avoid 
 feeling some damp to that eagerness of hope, and 
 receiving some cheek to that assured confidence of 
 success, which an unmixed series of fortunate events 
 must naturally excite." The shield had been fully 
 reversed, within a single month. 
 
 St. Leger claimed that Johnson won "the completest 
 victory," but this was on the assumption " that the militia 
 would never rally." 15 He miscalculated the blow; it 
 was not fatal to the patriots; its consequences were 
 fatal to his plans. The check which he received at 
 Oriskany and his consequent delay, forced Burgoyne to 
 take the risk which brought on him the defeat at Ben- 
 nington. Although second in importance as well as in 
 older of time, Stedman, 10 one of the best British 
 authorities, names the Vermont fight first in order, as 
 does the British Impartial History, (London, 1780,) 
 fixing Bennington properly on August 16th, but for the 
 affair on the Mohawk, naming no date until St. Leger's 
 flight oil the twenty-second of August. The " History 
 of the War" published in Dublin, 1779, places the bat- 
 tle of Oriskany on the sixteenth of August, on the 
 same day as that of Bennington.* In spite of this 
 reversal of the order of time, all these authorities con- 
 cede to the affair at Oriskany, a measure of importance 
 which the occupants of the historic field only begin to 
 assert. As the first blow of the campaign, Oriskany 
 
 15. Letter to Burgoyne, August 11, 1777. Remembrancer, 1777, p. 392. 
 See Appendix, p. 58. 
 
 16. See Appendix, p. 58, for the citation. 
 * Pages, 291-293. 
 
37 
 
 has to the campaign of 1777, the primacy which Lex- 
 ington has to the whole war. 
 
 The failure of St. Leger cut off the right arm of Bur- 
 goyne. Bnrgoyne still clinging to his hopes, believed 
 if Sir Henry Clinton had reached the Highlands earlier, 
 as he did when too late, he "should have had his way."* 
 But his own detailed statement proves that he felt that 
 the grave of his campaign was dug when a loyalist 
 rising was prevented in the Mohawk valley ; 13 and 
 that was the achievement of Herkimer and the heroes 
 of Oriskany. 
 
 The success of St. Leger at Oriskany and Fort Stan- 
 wix would have been fatal. The Mohawk valley would 
 have been overrun by the tories. Albany would have 
 fallen, and Gates been overpowered. Defeat, decided 
 and prompt, would have turned St. Leger back to Os- 
 wego, and enabled him with the remnant of his 
 corps, to open a retreat for Burgoyne .as the latter 
 intimates had been contingently concerted. f For the 
 emergency of a defeat which closed the Mohawk 
 valley, and of a siege which held him for three 
 weeks before Fort Stanwix, no calculation had been 
 made. It was this combination which proved so fortu- 
 nate for the republic. 
 
 DIVISIONS IN THE VALLEY: DANGERS AVERTED. 
 
 The dangers to the American cause in the valley, 
 were peculiar. To the German settlers King George 
 had always been a foreign king. They owed him 
 neither affection nor allegiance. It was easy for them 
 to sustain Congress and to fight for independence. 
 
 * Defense, p. 17. 
 
 13. See Appendix, p. 53, for his own words. 
 
 f Burgoyne's Defense, (London, 1780,) p. 15. 
 
38 
 
 They had been jealous of the influence of the John- 
 sons over the Indians, and over the valley, and that 
 pique was fully reciprocated. Besides the ties of family 
 favor and apparent interest, the Johnsons clung all the 
 more closely to the royal cause, because the Germans 
 took the other part. Something of religions feeling 
 entered into the division, for the Johnsons stood for 
 the Church of England, and Kirkland and other dis- 
 senting ministers had been pressing for independence 
 in faith and practice.* The interior of New York had 
 felt little or nothing of the burden of taxes which had 
 stirred the other colonies. No royal charter had ever 
 been in force over the State. The settlers who came 
 from Britain hither lacked the causes for separation 
 which stirred New England and the South, and when 
 the immigrants from other lands enlisted for Congress, 
 the tory leaders confidently trusted that they could 
 carry the British colonists for King George. Many 
 causes prevented. The patriot leaders were shrewd 
 and diligent, and they were on the soil, while the tory 
 chiefs were absent. For no long time is it possible that 
 New York shall be alien from New England and the 
 States on our southern borders. But the fight at Oris- 
 kany came at the right time to kindle the patriot fires, 
 to draw the lines between the belligerents, to merge old 
 world antagonisms into American patriotism. In the 
 blood shed in that historic field, New York was bap- 
 tized as a State, and as a State in an enduring republic, 
 in a united nation. 
 
 SIGNIFICANCE FROM LOCATION. 
 
 The battle of Oriskany was the more significant be- 
 cause it was fought near the center of the Long House 
 
 * See Lothrop's Life of Rev. Samuel Kirkland, p. 233, for a notable illustra- 
 tion. 
 
39 
 
 of the Iroquois. Indian phrase had so styled the val- 
 ley, for which they placed the western door at the 
 opening of the waters" at Niagara, and the eastern door 
 where the Mohawk seeks the Hudson.* It was held 
 with its approaches, when the white men came, by the 
 Six Nations, the master tribes among the Indians. 
 They had discovered its fitness for the path of empire 
 and the seat of dominion. Cadwallader Colden, in 
 1738, in an official report,f noted the peculiar feature 
 that here " some branches of the largest rivers of North 
 America, and which run contrary courses, take their 
 rise within two or three miles of each other ; " the Mo- . 
 hawk flowing into the Hadson, the St. Lawrence finding 
 affluents to carry northward, the Susquehanna to add 
 to Chesapeake bay ; and from the western walls of the 
 Long House, waters seek the Mississippi and the Gulf. 
 This configuration gave, naturally, political and mili- 
 tary significance to what is now the center of New 
 York. J The Iroquois from it became little less than 
 lords of the continent. Into it the French missionaries 
 early came to spy out the land, with that devotion 
 which led Father Jogues| to "write the name of Jesus 
 on the barks of trees in the Mohawk Valley," in 1642, 
 and that foresight which for generations prompted the 
 French Governors of Canada to aim to expel the 
 English by the instrumentality of the Iroquois.§ In 
 critical periods the British found the Iroquois, by their 
 fidelity and prowess, a sufficient bulwark against French 
 encroachments. *|[ From Manhattan the Dutch had 
 
 * Morgan's League of the Iroquois, p. 40. 
 f Documentary History of New York, vol. 4, p. 112. 
 
 \ DeWitt Clinton's Address on the Iroquois. Campbell's Life of Clinton, 
 p. 210. Brodhead's History of New York, vol. 2, p. 8. 
 || Bancroft, vol. 2, p. 310. 
 
 § Paris Documents, Documentary History, vol. 9, p. 954, 958. 
 1 Bancroft, vol. 2, p. 152. 
 
40 
 
 reacted out, and planted Fort Orange at Albany, and 
 had made friends and kept friends with the Iroquois. 
 Over from the New England settlements the English 
 crowded into lands whose advantages they clearly saw, 
 and the English Governors at Manhattan were glad to 
 frame treaties to grant to the Iroquois the same advan- 
 tages which they had enjoyed from the Dutch." Yet 
 the first permanent settlers in a portion of the valley 
 were Germans from the palatinate, who came hither in 
 1712-13, after stopping on the Hudson.f Sir William 
 Johnson, himself an Irishman, took great pains to 
 gather British colonists about him, and was in large 
 measure successful, and the Scotch colony was influ- 
 ential and self-asserting. As from the Long House of 
 the Iroquois, waters flow in all directions, so into it 
 tended currents of population from all directions. The 
 Dutch proprietors could not stop this cosmopolitan 
 drift. The German immigration prevented tendencies 
 so distinctively British as prevailed in other colonies. 
 The large share of northern New York in the Anglo- 
 French wars, continued its traditional importance. J 
 
 Here between Ontario and Champlain, it was decided 
 that the nascent State should be cosmopolitan and not 
 Dutch. I Here in large part it was decided, if not that 
 the political relations of the State should be British 
 and not French, that the language, the civilization, the 
 
 *Brodhead's History of New York, vol. 1, p. 744. 
 
 f Certain Germans who had sought England for a refuge, it is said, became 
 interested in the Mohawks who visited Queen Anne, and were by the chiefs 
 induced to migrate to America. 
 
 £ Ex-Governor Horatio Seymour, in his lecture on the History and Topog- 
 raphy of New York, has admirably presented the relations of the State, 
 growing out of its natural situation. 
 
 || August 1, 1802, Rev. John Taylor, a missionary from New England,, 
 visited Utica on his way west, and says of it : " Utica appears to be a mixed 
 mass of discordant materials. Here may be found people of ten or twelve 
 different nations, and of almost all religions and sects." 
 
41 
 
 social tendencies should be cast in the mold of Hampden 
 and Milton and Shakspeare, rather than in those of Paris 
 and Versailles. This whole region had indeed been 
 included in New France. Louis XVI and his minis- 
 ters watched events here with especial interest, and 
 naturally desired that Britain should not continue to 
 possess what France had lost. If St. Leger was 
 beaten where Frontenac and Montcalm had swept in 
 victory, the infant republic, with French aid, might 
 stand and grow a rival to British power. Here large 
 impetus was given to the decision that this continent 
 should be American and not British. 
 
 The location of Oriskany rendered the battle con- 
 trollino; in determining the attitude of the Mohawk 
 valley, and in putting an end to British hopes of loyal- 
 ist uprising there. It shattered aud rendered useless 
 the British alliance with the Indians. It helped to in- 
 sure French co-operation with the colonies,. and brought 
 us the fleet of D'Estaing the next summer. It paved the 
 way to the victory over Burgoyne. Without Oriskany, 
 there could have been no Saratoga. Herkimer laid in 
 blood the corner-stone of that temple of unwinged 
 victory, which was completed on the heights where 
 Burgoyne surrendered. Afterwards through the long 
 contest, although local raids and savage butcheries 
 were perpetrated, no operations of grand war were 
 attempted in these historic regions. While nominally 
 British purposes were unchanged, the colonies north 
 and east of New York bay escaped the ravages of 
 broad conflict, and entered upon their career of national 
 growth and prosperity. 
 
 CONCLUSION. 
 
 Extravagaut eulogy never honors its object. Per- 
 sistent neglect of events which have molded history, is 
 
42 
 
 not creditable to those who inherit the golden fruits. 
 We do not blush to grow warm over the courage 
 which at Plataea saved Greece forever from Persian 
 invasion. Calm men praise the determination which at 
 Lepanto, set limits to Turkish conquests in Europe. 
 Waterloo is the favorite of rhetoric anions: Enoflish- 
 speaking people. But history no less exalts the Spartan 
 three hundred who died at Thermopylae, and poetry 
 immortalizes the six hundred whose leader blundered 
 at Balaklava. Signally negligent have the people of 
 Central New York been to the men and the deeds that 
 on the soil we daily tread, have controlled the tides of 
 nations, and fashioned the channels of civilization. 
 After a hundred years we begin to know what the 
 invasion of St. Leger meant. A century lifts up Nicholas 
 Herkimer, if not into a consummate general, to the plane 
 of sturdy manliness and of unselfish, devoted patriot- 
 ism, of a hero who knew how to fight and how to 
 die. History begins to appreciate the difficulties which 
 surrounded Philip Schuyler, and to see that he appeared 
 slow in bringing out the strength of a patriot State, 
 because the scales of destiny were weighted to hand 
 New York over to Johnson and Burgoyne and Clinton 
 and King George. His eulogy is, that when popular 
 impatience, and jealousies in other colonies, and ambi- 
 tious in the army, and cliques in Congress, superseded 
 him in the command of the northern armies of the 
 United States, he had already stirred up the Mohawk 
 valley to the war blaze at Oriskauy ; he had relieved 
 Fort Stanwix and sent St. Lester in disgraceful retreat ; 
 Bennington had been fought and won ;* he had thus 
 shattered the British alliance with the Indians, and had 
 
 * General Gates took command of the army before Burgoyne, August 
 14, 1777, but had nothing to do with Bennington. 
 
43 
 
 trampled out the toiy embers in the Mohawk valley ; 
 lie had gathered above Albany an army flushed with 
 victory and greatly superior to Burgoyne's forces in 
 numbers, and it was well led and adequate to the task 
 before it. 
 
 Oriskany, the Indians interpret, is the Place of 
 Nettles. Out of that nettle danger, Herkimer plucked 
 for the Mohawk valley, and through it for the republic, 
 the flower safety. In that Place of Nettles, Central 
 New York may find much to stir it to deeper knowl- 
 edge of its history and its relations, to greater anxiety 
 to be just to those who have served it worthily, to 
 keener "appreciation of the continental elevation which 
 nature has reared for us, and upon which we may build 
 a structure more symmetrical and more beneficent than 
 the Parthenon, — a free State based on equal justice, 
 strong in the virtue of its citizens, devoted to all that 
 is best and most beautiful in mankind, inspired by the 
 noblest achievements in history, manfully meeting the 
 humblest duties, and struggling upward to the highest 
 ideals. Names and deeds that live a hundred years, 
 change hills and valleys into classic ground. The cen- 
 tury which runs backward is only the dawn of those 
 which look into the future. Central New York must 
 have a worthy career before it to justify the traditions 
 of the Long House of the Iroquois ; of the real states- 
 manship of the League of the Six Nations, and of the 
 eloquence of their chief men; of the Jesuit missiona- 
 ries and the Samuel Kirklands and the Lutheran cler- 
 gymen, who consecrated its waters and its soil and its 
 trees; of those who saved it from French occupation; 
 of those who kept out the Stuarts and drove out King 
 George. 
 
APPENDIX 
 
 1. The Name Oriskany. (Page 3.) 
 
 The orthography of Oriskany has been settled by custom contrary to In- 
 dian euphony. St. Leger writes it Oriska ; Colonel Willett changes the 
 initial to Eriska ; Captain Deygart (Clinton manuscripts) writes Orisco. In 
 London documents, (Colonial History, vol. 8, p. 690,) we find Oriske. 
 
 In a " Chorographical map of the Province of New York," London, 1779, 
 is Ochriscany Patent granted to T. Wenham & Co. In a map of 1790, this 
 becomes Ochriskeney (Documentary History of New York, volume 1.) 
 
 In his League of the Iroquois, L. H. Morgan gives the Indian derivation, 
 showing that the name comes from the Mohawk dialect, and the last syllable 
 is a corruption. In the several dialects the form is as follows : 
 
 Seneca dialect, O-his-heh ; Cayuga, O-his-ha ; Onondaga, O-his-ka ; Tusca- 
 rora, Ose-hase-keh ; Oneida, Ole-hisk ; Mohawk, Ole-his-ka ; the significance 
 in each case being the Place of Nettles. 
 
 2. Building of Fort Stanwix. (Page 8.) 
 
 The building of Fort Stanwix in 1758 is recorded in Documentary History 
 of New York, vol. 4, p. 323, and a topographical map is given of the country 
 between the Mohawk and Wood Creek, from an actual survey in November, 
 1758. General Abercrombie's order to General Stanwix to erect the fort is 
 there preserved. Fort Williams had at an earlier day stood in the neigh- 
 borhood. Fort Stanwix was not finished in 1700, when M. Pouchot passed 
 it. (Hough's Translation of his Memoir, p. 138.) 
 
 Out of compliment to General Philip Schuyler the attempt was made to 
 change the name of this Fort, but old Peter Schuyler had given the title to 
 the old Fort at Utica, and Stanwix has clung to the historic work at Rome. 
 
 3. Peace Councils at Fort Stanwix. (Page 8.) 
 
 In 1768 it had been the scene of an important council, when thirty-two 
 hundred Indians of the Six Nations assembled to treat with representatives 
 of Virginia, Pennsylvania and New Jersey. Sir William Johnson then closed 
 the " Treaty of Fort Stanwix." The original record will be found in the 
 Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York, vol. 8, p. Ill and 
 follow ii!g. 
 
 In 1784 a grand council was held here between the chiefs of the Six 
 Nations and Commissioners on the part of the United States, and a treaty 
 of peace was negotiated. 
 
 4. St. Leger's Troops Designated in London. (Page 11.) 
 
 This extract from an official letter from Lord George Germaine to Gen- 
 eral Carleton, dated Whitehall, twenty-sixth March, 1777, is taken from the 
 
45 
 
 " State of the Expedition from Canada," published in London, 1780, by Gen. 
 eral Burgoyne in his own defense : " With a view of quelling the rebellion 
 as quickly as possible, it is become highly necessary that the most speedy 
 junction of the two armies should be effected, and therefore, as the security 
 and good government of Canada absolutely require your presence there, it is 
 the King's determination to leave about 3,000 men under your command, and 
 to employ the remainder of your army upon two expeditions, the one under 
 the command of Lieutenant General Burgoyne, who is to force his way to 
 Albany, and the other under command of Lieutenant Colonel St. Leger, who 
 is to make a diversion on the Mohawk River. 
 
 "•As this plan can not be advantageously executed without the assistance of 
 Canadians and Indians, His Majesty strongly recommends it to your care to 
 furnish both expeditions with good and sufficient bodies of those men ; and 
 I am happy in knowing that your influence among them is so great that there 
 can be no room to apprehend that you will find it difficult to fullfil His Maj. 
 esty's expectations. * * * * * * 
 
 It is the King's further pleasure that you put under the command of Colonel 
 St. Leger: 
 
 Detachment from the 8th Regiment 100 
 
 Detachment from the 34th Regiment 100 
 
 Sir John Johnson's regiment of New York 133 
 
 Hanan Chaff eurs 342 
 
 675 
 
 together with a sufficient number of Indians and Canadians, and after having 
 furnished him with proper artillery, stores, provisions and every other nec- 
 essary article for his expedition, and secured to him every assistance in your 
 power to afford and procure, you are to give him orders to proceed forthwith 
 to and down to the Mohawk river to Albany and put himself under the com- 
 mand of Sir William Howe. 
 
 " I shall write to Sir William Howe from hence by the first packet ; but you 
 will nevertheless endeavor to give him the earliest intelligence of this meas- 
 ure, and also direct Lieutenant General Burgoyne and Lieutenant Colonel St. 
 Leger to neglect no opportunity of doing the same, that they may receive in- 
 structions from Sir William Howe. You will at the same time inform them 
 that, until they shall have received orders from Sir William Howe, it is His 
 Majesty's pleasure that they act as exigencies may require, and in such man 
 ner as they shall judge most proper for making an impression on the rebels 
 and bringing them to obedience ; but that in so doing they must never lose, 
 view of their intended junctions with Sir William Howe as their principal, 
 objects. 
 
 " In case Lieutenant General Burgoyne or Lieutenant Colonel St. Leger 
 should happen to die or be rendered, through illness, incapable of executing 
 these great trusts, you are to nominate to their respective commands such 
 officer or officers as you shall think best qualified to supply the place of those 
 whom- His Majesty has, in his wisdom, at present appointed to conduct these 
 expeditions." 
 
40 
 
 5. KlRKLAND AND THE INDIANS. (Page 12.) 
 
 Reverend Samuel Kirkland wrote to the committee at Albany, June 9, 
 1775, " Colonel Johnson has orders from government (of course the British 
 government) to remove the dissenting minister from the Six Nations till the 
 difficulties between Great Britain and the colonies are settled. * * All 
 he has against me I suppose to be this : A suspicion that I have interpreted 
 to the Indians the doings of the Continental Congress, which has undeceived 
 and too much opened the eyes of the Indians for Colonel Johnson's purposes. 
 I confess to you, gentlemen, that I have been guilty of this, if it be any 
 transgression. * * I apprehend my interpreting the doings of the Con- 
 gress to their sachems has done more real service to the cause of the country, 
 or the cause of truth and justice, than £500 in presents would have effected." 
 Jones' Annals of Oneida county, p. 852. 
 
 6. General Schuyler's Fear. (Page 13.) 
 
 In a letter to the Committee of Safety, dated July 24, 1777, General 
 Schuyler says : 
 
 "If Bnrgoyne can penetrate to Albany, the force which is certainly com- 
 ing by way of Oswego, will find no difficulty in reaching the Mohawk river, 
 and being arrived there they will be joined by tories not only, but by every 
 person that finds himself capable of removing, and wishes to make his 
 paace with the enemy, and by the whole body of the Six Nations." 
 
 7. Sir John Johnson the British Leader at Oriskany. (Page 14.) 
 
 William L. Stone, to whom so much is due for a fair statement of the battle 
 of Oriskany, insists that Sir John Johnson was not in the battle at all, nam- 
 ing Watts, Butler and Brant, in this order, as leaders. And W. W. Campbell, 
 in his Annals of Tryon county, places the " Indians and tories under Brant 
 and Butler." Irving in his life of Washington follows these authorities. 
 Stone justifies his denial of Johnson's presence in the battle by Colonel Wil- 
 lett's assertion in his narrative, that Singleton, one of the prisoners taken in 
 the sortie, told him that "Sir John Johnson was with him (Singleton) when 
 the camp was attacked." These words of Willett are in the paraphrase by 
 Willett's son, (Narrative, page 53,) transformed into a statement that Johnson 
 was " in his tent with his coat off, and had not time to put it on before his 
 camp was forced." 
 
 In view of the importance of the operations in progress, this statement is 
 intrinsically improbable. It is contrad icted by the positive language of St. 
 Leger, who, in his Narrative (Burgoyne's Defense) clearly says: "Sir John 
 Johnson put himself at the head of the party," which went to Oriskany, 
 " and began his march that evening at five o'clock, and met the rebel corps 
 at the same hour the next morning." St. Leger attempted a movement 
 against the sortie, but he used Lieutenants only as he could not have done if 
 Johnson had been in camp. See the tenth section of this Appendix. 
 
 In an official letter from Colonel Daniel Claus, (St. Leger's superintendent 
 of Indians.) he distinctly avers: " Sir John Johnson asked leave to join his 
 company of light infantry and head the whole, which was granted; Colonel 
 
47 
 
 Butler and other Indian officers were ordered with the Indians." Colonial 
 History, vol. 8, p. 721. 
 
 President Dwight (Travels, vol. 3, p. 194,) who made the battle a study in 
 1799, at Whitestown and Rome, says : " Sir John had scarcely left the 
 ground to attack General Herkimer." And again after the battle : "At the 
 return of Sir John," p. 195. This was the clear understanding of the gen- 
 eration to whom about the battle-field and the Port, the fight was as the 
 alphabet ; and it has the weight of authority in its favor. 
 
 Indeed, taking the language of St. Leger and Claus together, it is abso- 
 lutely incontrovertible. 
 
 8. General Putnam Aids in the Relief. (Page 26.) 
 
 In the Clinton Papers at Albany is the original of the following letter : 
 
 " Peck's Kill, August 14, 1777. 
 
 "Dear Sir: — Received yours of the fourteenth inst. In consequence of it 
 and former orders received from General Washington have ordered Colonel 
 Cortlandt's and Colonel Livingston's regiments to march immediately to the 
 northward to the relief of Fort Schuyler, or as you shall see fit to direct 
 them. 
 
 " I wish them a speedy and safe arrival and you most successful enterprise 
 against those worse than infernals. 
 
 " With great respect, I am your obedient humble servant, 
 
 " ISRAEL PUTNAM." 
 " To his Excellency, Governor Clinton." 
 
 9. Governor Clinton to the Committee op Safety. (Page 34.) 
 
 The following is the text of a letter from Governor George Clinton, copied 
 from the original in the State Library at Albany: 
 
 " Albany, August 22, 1777. 
 
 " General Harchheimer is dead of his wounds. His leg was taken off and he 
 survived it but a few hours. General Arnold with his party is at Fort Dayton. 
 About 100 of the militia of Tryon county only are with him. I have issued 
 my positive orders to the officers commanding the respective regiments there 
 to detach one-half to join General Arnold's army. Colonels Cortland's and 
 Livingston's regiments marched this evening for his further reinforcement. 
 
 " The enemy in that quarter having acquired a considerable accession of 
 numbers from Indians and tories, the above measures were rendered neces- 
 sary. The garrison, however, by very late accounts, are high in spirits and 
 well provided, and I have no doubt we shall in a few days receive the most 
 agreeable intelligence from that quarter. From the Oneidas and Tuscaroras, 
 whose chieftains are now with General Arnold, we have the fullest assur- 
 ance of assistance but have nothing to expect from any other tribes of the Six 
 Nations until our successes intimidate them into friendship. Since the affair 
 at Bennington the scalping business seems to have ceased." 
 
48 
 
 10. St. Leger's Own Narrative. (Pages 9, 28.) 
 
 General Burgoyne published in London, in 1780, a defense of his campaign 
 in America, under the title : "A State of the Expedition from Canada, as 
 laid before the House of Commons." In the Appendix is the following in- 
 teresting document : 
 
 "Colonel St. Leger's Account op Occurrences at Port Stanwix." 
 
 " A minute detail of every operation since my leaving La Chine, with the 
 detachment entrusted to my care, your excellency will permit me to reserve 
 to a time of less hurry and mortification than the present, while I enter into 
 the interesting scene before Fort Stanwix, which I invested the third of 
 August, having previously pushed forward Lieutenant Bird of the King's 
 regiment, with thirty of the King's troops and two hundred Indians, under 
 the direction of Captains Hare and Wilson, and the Chiefs Joseph and Bull, 
 to seize fast hold of the lower landing place, and thereby cut off the enemy's 
 communication with the lower country. This was done with great address 
 by the lieutenant, though not attended with the effect I had promised 
 mvself. occasioned by the slackness of the Messasagoes. The brigade of 
 provisions and ammunition boats I had intelligence of, being arrived and 
 disembarked before this party had taken post. 
 
 "The fourth and fifth were employed in making arrangements for opening 
 Wood Creek, (which the enemy, with the indefatigable labor of one hundred 
 and fifty men, for fourteen days, had mo3t effectually choaked up,) and the 
 making a temporary road from Pine Ridges, upon Fish Creek, sixteen miles 
 from the fort, for a present supply of provision and the transport of our 
 artillery ; the first was effected by the diligence and zeal of Captain Bouville, 
 assisted by Captain Harkimer, of the Indian department, with one hundred 
 and ten men, in nine days; while Lieutenant Lundy, acting as assistant 
 quarter-master general, had rendered the road in the worst of weather, 
 sufficiently practicable to pass the whole artillery and stores, with seven 
 days' provision, in two days. 
 
 "On the fifth, in the evening, intelligence arrived by my discovering 
 parties on the Mohawk river, that a reinforcement of eight hundred militia, 
 conducted by General Herkimer, were on their march to relieve the garrison, 
 and were actually at that instant at Oriska, an Indian settlement, twelve 
 miles from the fort. The garrison being apprised of their march by four 
 men, who were seen to enter the fort in the morning, through what was 
 thought an impenetrable swamp, I did not think it prudent ,to wait for them, 
 and thereby subject myself to be attacked by a sally from the garrison in the 
 rear, while the reinforcement employed me in front. I therefore determined 
 to attack them on the march, either openly or covertly, as circumstances 
 should offer. At this time, I had not two hundred and fifty of the King's 
 troops in camp; the various and extensive operations I was under an abso- 
 lute necessity of entering into, having employed the rest ; and therefore 
 could not send above eighty white men, rangers and troops included, with 
 the whole corps of Indians. Sir John Johnson put himself at the head of 
 this party, and began his march that evening at five o'clock, and met the 
 rebel corps at the same hour the next morning. The impetuosity of the 
 
49 
 
 Indians is not to be described on the sight of the enemy (forgetting the judi- 
 cious disposition formed by Sir John, and agreed to by themselves, which 
 was to suffer the attack to begin with the troops in front, while they should 
 be on both flanks and rear,) they rushed in, hatchet in hand, and thereby 
 gave the enemy's rear an opportunity to escape. In relation to the victory, 
 it was equally complete, as if the whole had fallen ; nay, more so, as the two 
 hundred who escaped only served to spread the panic wider ; but it was not 
 so with the Indians ; their loss was great, (I must be understood Indian 
 computation, being only about thirty killed and the like number wounded, 
 and in that number some of their favorite chiefs and confidential warriors 
 were slain.) On the enemy's side, almost all their principal leaders were 
 slain. General Herkimer has since died of his wounds. It is proper to 
 mention, that the four men detached with intelligence of the march of the 
 reinforcement, set out the evening before the action, and consequently the 
 enemy could have no account of the defeat, and were in possession only of 
 the time appointed for their arrival ; at which, as I suspected, they made a 
 sally with two hundred and fifty men toward Lieutenant Bird's post, to 
 facilitate the entrance of the relieving corps, or bring on a general engage- 
 ment, with every advantage they could wish. 
 
 " Captain Hoyes was immediately detached to cut in upon their rear, while 
 they engaged the lieutenant. Immediately upon the departure of Captain 
 Hoyes, having learned that Lieutenant Bird, misled by the information of a 
 cowardly Indian, that Sir John was pressed, had quitted his post to march to 
 his assistance, I marched the detachment of the King's regiment, in support of 
 Captain Hoyes, by a road in sight of the garrison, which, with executive fire 
 from his party, immediately drove the enemy into the fort, without any further 
 advantage than frightening some squaws and pilfering the packs of the 
 warriors which they left behind them. After this affair was over, orders 
 were immediately given to complete a two-gun battery, and mortar beds , 
 with three strong redoubts in their rear, to enable me, in case of another 
 attempt, to relieve the garrison by their regimented troops, to march out a 
 larger body of the King's troops. 
 
 "Captain Lernoult was sent with one hundred and ten men to the lower 
 landing place, where he established himself with great judgment and 
 strength, having an enclosed battery of a three-pounder opposed to any sally 
 from the fort, and another to the side of the country, where a relief must 
 approach ; and the body of his camp deeply entrenched and abbatised. 
 
 " When by the unabating labor of officers and men, (the smallness of our 
 numbers never admitting of a relief, or above three hours' cessation for sleep 
 or cooking,) the batteries and redoubts were finished, and new cheeks and 
 axle-trees made for the six-pounders, those that were sent being reported 
 rotten and unserviceable. 
 
 " It was found that our cannon had not the least effect upon the sod-work 
 of the fort, and that our royals had only the power of teazing, as a six-inch 
 plank was a sufficient security for their powder magazine, as we learnt from 
 the deserters. At this time Lieutenant Glenie, of the artillery, whom I ap- 
 pointed to act as assistant engineer, proposed a conversion of the royals (if 
 I may use the expression) into howitzers. The ingenuity and feasibility of 
 this measure striking me very strongly, the business was set about immedi- 
 
50 
 
 ately, and soon executed, when it was found that nothing prevented their op- 
 erating with the desired effect but the distance, their chambers being too 
 small to hold a sufficiency of powder. There was nothing now to be done 
 but to approach the town by sap to such a distance that the rampart might 
 be brought within their practice, at the same time all materials were prepar- 
 ing to run a mine under their most formidable bastion. 
 
 " In the midst of these operations intelligence was brought in by our 
 scouts of a second corps of 1,000 men being on their march. The same zeal 
 no longer animated the Indians ; they complained of our thinness of troops 
 and their former losses. I immediately called a council of the chiefs ; en- 
 couraged them as much as I could ; promised to lead them on myself, and 
 bring into the field 300 of the best troops. They listened to this, and prom- 
 ised to follow me, and agreed that I should reconnoitre the ground properest 
 for the field of battle the next morning, accompanied by some of their chief 
 warriors to settle the plan of operations. When upon the ground appointed 
 for the field of battle, scouts came in with the account of the first number 
 swelled to 2,000 ; immediately after a third, that General Burgoyne's army 
 was cut to pieces, and that Arnold was advancing by rapid and forced marches 
 with 3,000 men. It was at this moment I began to suspect cowardice in 
 some and treason in others ; however, I returned to camp, not without hopes, 
 with the assistance of my gallant coadjutor, Sir John Johnson, and the in- 
 fluence of the superintending colonels, Glaus and Butler, of inducing them 
 to meet the enemy. A council, according to their custom, was called, to 
 know r their resolutions, before the breaking up of which I learned that 200 
 were already decamped. In about an hour they insisted that I should re- 
 treat, or they would be obliged to abandon me. I had no other party to 
 take, and a hard party it was to troops who crmld do nothing without them, 
 to yield to their resolves ; and therefore proposed to retire at night, sending 
 on before my sick, wounded, artillery, &c, down the Wood Creek, covering 
 them by our line of march. 
 
 " This did not fall in with their views, which were no less than treacher- 
 ously committing ravage upon their friends, as they had lost the opportu- 
 nity of doing it upon their enemies. To effect this they artf ully caused mes- 
 sengers to come in, one after the other, with accounts of the near approaches 
 of the rebels ; one and the last affirmed that they were within two miles of 
 Captain Lernoult's post. Not giving entire credit to this, and keeping to 
 my resolution of retiring by night, they grew furious and abandoned ; seized 
 upon the officers' liquor and cloaths, in spite of the efforts of their servants, 
 and became more formidable than the enemy we had to expect. I now 
 thought it time to call in Captain Lernoult's post, retiring with the troops in 
 camp to the ruined fort called William, in the front of the garrison, not 
 only to wait the enemy if they thought proper to sally, but to protect the 
 boats from the fury of the savages, having sent forward Captain Hoyes with 
 his detachment, with one piece of cannon, to the place where Bull Fort 
 stood, to receive the troops who waited the arrival of Captain Lernoult. 
 Most of the boats were escorted that night beyond Canada Creek, where no 
 danger was to be apprehended from the enemy. The creek at this place, 
 bending from the road, has a deep cedar swamp between. Every attention 
 was now turned to the mouth of the creek, which the enemy might have 
 possessed themselves of by a rapid march by the Oneyda Castle. At this 
 
51 
 
 place the whole of the little army arrived by twelve o'clock at night, and 
 took post in such a manner as to have no fears of any thing the enemy 
 could do. Here we remained till three o'clock next morning, when the boats 
 which could come up the creek arrived, or rather that the rascally part of 
 all nations of the Indians would suffer to come up ; and proceeded across 
 Lake Oneyda to the ruined Fort of Brereton, where I learnt that some boats 
 were still laboring down the creek, after being lightened of the best part of 
 their freight by the Messasagoes. Captain Lernoult proposed, with a boat 
 full of armed men, to repass the lake that night to relieve them from their 
 labor, and supply them with provision. This transaction does as much honor 
 to the humanity as to the gallantry of this valuable officer. 
 
 " On my arrival at the Onondago Falls I received an answer to my letter 
 from Your Excellency, which showed, in the clearest light, the scenes of 
 treachery that had been practiced upon me. The messenger had heard in 
 deed on his way that they were collecting the same kind of rabble as before , 
 but that there was not an enemy within forty miles of Fort Stanwix. 
 
 "Soon after my arrival here I was joined by Captain Lernoult, with the 
 men and boats he had been in search of. I mean immediately to send off for 
 the use of the upper garrison, all the overplus provisons I shall have, after 
 keeping a sufficiency to carry my detachment down, which I mean to do 
 with every expedition in my power the moment this business is effected, for 
 which purpose I have ordered here the snow. The sloop is already gone 
 from this with her full lading. 
 
 " Officers from each corps are sent to Montreal to procure necessaries for 
 the men, who are in a most deplorable situation from the plunder of the sav- 
 ages, that no time may be lost to join your army. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, sir, Your Excellency's 
 most obedient and most faithful servant, 
 
 "BARRY ST. LEGER." 
 
 "Oswego, August 27, 1777. 
 
 "His Excellency General Burgoyne. " 
 
 11. British Authority on the Importance of St. Leger's Expedi- 
 tion. (Page 31.) 
 
 The first authority on this point is General Burgoyne, who in his paper 
 " for conducting the war from the side of Canada," urges the expedition by 
 " the Lake Ontario and Oswego to the Mohawk River, which," he says, " as 
 a diversion to facilitate every proposed operation, would be highly desirable." 
 (Defense, Appendix, p. vi.) 
 
 Second. It will be remarked in the letter of Lord George Germaine, he an- 
 nounces " the King's determination " to employ the army in Canada ' ' upon 
 two expeditions," one by Burgoyne and the other by St. Leger, thus placing 
 both on the same footing. See the extract from the letter in the fourth sec- 
 tion of this Appendix, p. 45. 
 
 The third authority to be cited on this point is the British Annual Register 
 for 1777, (under the auspices at least of Edmund Burke,) where we read : 
 " In these embarrassing and difficult circumstances General Burgoyne re- 
 ceived information that Colonel St. Leger had arrived before and was con- 
 ducting his operations against Fort Stanwix. He instantly and justly con- 
 ceived that a rapid movement forward at this critical period would be of 
 
02 
 
 utmost importance. If the enemy proceeded up the Mohawk and that St. 
 Leger succeeded, he would be liable to get between two tires, or at any rate, 
 General Burgoyne's army would get between him and Albany, so that he 
 must either stand an action or by passing the Hudson's River, endeavor to 
 secure a retreat higher up to the New England provinces. If, on the other 
 hand, he abandoned Fort Stanwix to its fate, and fell back to Albany, the 
 Mohawk country would of course be entirely laid open, the juncture with 
 St. Leger established, and the entire army at liberty and leisure to prescribe 
 and choose its future line of operation." 
 
 General Burgoyne in his Defense (p. 102) uses these words : " It will like- 
 wise be remembered that Lieutenant Colonel St. Leger was at this time be- 
 fore Fort Stanwix ; every hour was pregnant with critical events." 
 
 The History of the Civil War, by an Officer of the (British) Army, Lon- 
 don, 1780, p. 384, says: 
 
 " Foitune, which had been hitherto favorable to General Burgoyne, now 
 be°"an to withdraw her caresses, and like a flirting female, broke from him in 
 the moment of possession." 
 
 Consult also section thirteenth of this Appendix, (p. 53.) 
 
 12. Governor Clinton on the Battle op Oriskany and the Tryon 
 County Militia. (Pages, 25, 33, 34.) 
 
 The following important letter is found in the original manuscript in the 
 State Library at Albany. It was addressed to the several colonels in Tryon 
 county : 
 
 "Headquarters, Half Moon, 22d August, 1777. 
 
 " Sir : While I have the highest sense of the loyalty, valor and bravery of 
 the militia of Tryon county, manifested in the victory gained by them under 
 the command of their late worthy General Herkimer, for which, as the chief 
 magistrate of the free and independent State of New York, they have my 
 most hearty thanks, it gives me the greatest pain to be informed that any 
 difficulty should arise in their joining the army under General Arnold, and 
 thereby enabling him to finish the war in that quarter by raising the siege 
 of Fort Schuyler and destroying the enemy's army in that quarter, and re- 
 storing peace and safety to the inhabitants of Tryon county. Their noble 
 exertions against the common enemy have already gained them the greatest 
 honor, their perseverance will secure them peace and safety. In both I am 
 greatly interested, and it is my duty and I hereby most positively order that 
 you immediately join General Arnold with one-half of your regiment com- 
 pletely armed, equipt and accoutred, and march under his command to the 
 relief of Fort Schuyler. As soon as the service will admit General 
 Arnold will dismiss you. If any are hardy enough to refuse to obey your 
 orders given in consequence of this, you are immediately to report the names 
 of the same to General Arnold, who will transmit the same to me, that they 
 may be dealt with with the utmost rigor of the law. 
 
 " I am your obedient servant, 
 
 "GEORGE CLINTON." 
 
 Frederick Sammons in his manuscript narrative, states that Arnold, after 
 lie had relieved the Fort, " directly marched his troops to Stillwater." Sam- 
 mons was in this army. He had been off on duty as a scout in the early days 
 of August. 
 
53 
 
 13. The Mohawk Valley at Saratoga. (Pages 34, 37.) 
 
 The "History of the Civil War in America, by an Officer in the British 
 Army," Captain Hall, London, 1780, says, p. 397: " The retreat of Colonel 
 St. Leger inspired the enemy with fresh ardor, and as they had now no 
 longer any thing to fear on the Mohawk river, a numerous and hardy militia 
 from that country immediately joined their army in the neighborhood of 
 Albany, which now advanced and took post near Stillwater, where they 
 were also joined by a body of troops under Arnold, who had, in fact, been 
 detached to the relief of Fort Stanwix, though he was at a great distance 
 when the finesse of the garrison succeeded in saving the place." 
 
 "Botta's History of the United States" declares specifically: "The suc- 
 cesses of the Americans under the walls of Fort Schuyler, (Stanwix,) besides 
 having inspired the militia, produced also the other happy effect of enabling 
 them, relieved from the fear of invasion in the country upon the Mohawk, 
 to unite all their forces against the army of Burgoyne." (Vol. 1. p. 465.) 
 
 In the "History of the war with America, France and Spain, by John 
 Andrews, LL. D.," (London, 1786,) vol. 2, p. 402, the case is thus stated: 
 "The failure of the expedition against Fort Stanwix, together with the 
 defeat of Bennington, were very severe blows to the British interest in those 
 parts. They animated the Americans to a surprising degree. They began 
 now confidently to promise themselves that General Burgoyne himself would 
 share the same fate as his officers." 
 
 General Burgoyne in a letter to Lord Germaine, dated Camp, near Sarato- 
 ga, August 20, 1777, says : " I am afraid the expectations of Sir J. Johnson 
 greatly fail in the rising of the country. On this side I find daily reason to 
 doubt the sincerity of the resolution of the professing loyalists. I have 
 about four hundred, but not half of them armed, who may be depended 
 upon ; the rest are trimmers, merely actuated by interest. The great bulk 
 of the country is undoubtedly with the Congress, in principle and zeal ; and 
 their measures are executed with a secrecy and dispatch that are not to be 
 equaled." 
 
 General Burgoyne, in his defense, (p. 114,) presents this as a conclusive 
 argument in his own behalf : 
 
 "The circumstances of the action at Bennington established a yet more mel- 
 ancholy conviction of the fallacy of any dependence upon supposed friends. 
 The noble Lord has said, that. ' I never despaired of the campaign before 
 the affair at Bennington ; that I had no doubt of gaining Albany, in as short 
 a time as the army (in due condition of supply) could accomplish the march.' 
 I acknowledge the truth of the assertions in their fullest extent ; all my 
 letters at the time show it, I will go further and in one sense apply with the 
 noble lord the epithet ' fatal ' to the affair of Bennington. The knowledge I 
 acquired of the professors of loyalty was ' fatal ' and put an end to every ex- 
 pectation from enterprise, uusustained by dint of force. It would have been 
 excess of frenzy to have trusted for sustenance to the plentiful region of 
 Albany. Had the march thither been unopposed, the enemy, finding the Brit- 
 ish army unsupplied, would only have had to compel the tories to drive the cat- 
 tle and destroy the corn, and the capitulation of Albany instead of Saratoga 
 must have followed. Would the tories have risen V Why did they not rise 
 around Albany and below when they found Mr. Gates' army increasing by 
 
54 
 
 separate and distinct parties from remote distances? They were better 
 qualified by their situation to catch the favorable moment, than I was to 
 advise it. Why did they not rise in that populous, and, as supposed, well 
 affected district, the German Flats, at the time St. Leger was before Fort 
 Stanwix ? A critical insurrection from any one point to create diversion would 
 probably have secured the success of the campaign. But to revert to the 
 reasons against a rapid march after the affair of Bennington. It was then 
 also known that by the false intelligence respecting the strength of Fort 
 Stanwix, the infamous behavior of the Indians and the want of the promised 
 co-operation of the loyal inhabitants, St. Leger had been obliged to retreat. 
 The first plausible motive in favor of hazardous haste, the facilitating his 
 descent of the Mohawk, was at an end." 
 
 It is pleasant to add to this testimony the following : 
 
 Council of Safety to John Hancock, President of Congress. 
 
 " Kingston, August 26, 1777. 
 " Sir : I have the pleasure of transmitting to you the letters of General 
 Schuyler and Governor Clinton, giving us the agreeable intelligence of the 
 raising of the siege of Fort Schuyler. The gallantry of the commander of 
 the garrison of that Fort and the distinguished bravery of General Herki- 
 mer and his militia, have already been productive of the most desirable con- 
 sequences. The brave and more fortunate General Stark with his spirited 
 countrymen hath, as you know, given the enemy a signal coup at Benning" 
 ton. The joint result of these providential instances of success hath revived 
 the drooping hopes of the desponding and given new vigor to the firm and 
 determined. We have therefore the pleasing expectation of compelling Gen- 
 eral Burgoyne in his turn to retire. 
 
 " I have the honor to be, &c, 
 
 "PIERRE VAN CORTLANDT." 
 
 14. The British Account of the Affair. (Pages 28, 34, 35.) 
 
 The British Annual Register for 1777 makes the following statement of 
 the affair, which has become the standard British history : 
 
 " St. Leger's attempt upon Fort Stanwix (now named by the Americans 
 Fort Schuyler,) was soon after its commencement favored by a success so 
 signal as would, in other cases and a more fortunate season, have been de- 
 cisive, as to the fate of a stronger and more important fortress. General 
 Herkimer, a leading man of that country, was marching at the head of eight 
 or nine hundred of the Tryon county militia, with a convoy of provisions, to 
 the relief of the fort. St. Leger, well aware of the danger of being attacked 
 in his trenches, and of withstanding tli3 whole weight of the garrison in some 
 particular and probably weak point at the same instant, judiciously detached 
 Sir John Johnson with some regulars, the whole or part of his own regiment 
 and the savages, to lie in ambush in the wood and interrupt the enemy upon 
 their march. 
 
 " It should seem by the conduct of th.9 militia and their leader, that they 
 were not only totally ignorant of all military duties, but that they had even 
 never hear! by report of the nature of an Indian war, or of that peculiar 
 
service in the woods, to which from its nature and situation this country was 
 at all times liable. Without examination of their ground, without a recon- 
 noitering or flanking party, they plunged blindly into the trap that was laid 
 for their destruction. Being thrown into a sudden and inevitable disorder, 
 by a near and heavy fire on almost all sides, it was completed by the Indians 
 who, instantly pursuing their fire, rushed in upon their broken ranks and 
 made a most dreadful slaughter amongst them with their spears and hatchets. 
 Notwithstanding their want of conduct the militia shewed no want of cour- 
 age in their deplorable situation. In the midst of such extreme danger, and 
 so bloody an execution rendered still more terrible by the horrid appearance 
 and demeanor of the principal actors, they recollected themselves so far as 
 to recover an advantageous ground, which enabled them after to maintain a 
 sort of running fight, by which about one-third of their number was pre- 
 served. 
 
 " The loss was supposed to be on their side about four hundred killed, and 
 half that number prisoners. It was thought of the greater consequence, as 
 almost all those who were considered as the principal leaders and instigators 
 of rebellion in that country were now destroyed. The triumph and exulta - 
 tion were accordingly great, and all opposition from the militia in that coun- 
 try was supposed to be at an end. The circumstance of old neighborhood 
 and personal knowledge between many of the parties, in the present rage and 
 animosity of faction could by no means be favorable to the extension of 
 mercy ; even supposing that it might have been otherwise practiced with 
 prudence and safety, at a time when the power of the Indians was rather 
 prevalent, and that their rage was implacable. For according to their com- 
 putation and ideas of loss the savages had purchased this victory exceeding 
 dearly, thirty-three of their number having been slain and twenty-nine 
 wounded, among whom were several of their principal leaders and of their 
 most distinguished and favorite warriors. The loss accordingly rendered 
 them so discontented, intractable and ferocious that the service was greatly 
 affected by their ill disposition. The unhappy prisoners were, however, its 
 first objects, most of whom they inhumanly butchered in cold blood. The 
 New Yorkers, rangers and other troops were not without loss in this action- 
 
 " On the day, and probably during the time of this engagement, the gar- 
 rison, having received intelligence of the approach of their friends, endeav- 
 ored to make a diversion in their favor by a vigorous and well-conducted 
 sally, under the direction of Colonel Willet, their second in command. Willet 
 conducted his business with ability and spirit. He did considerable mischief 
 in the camp, brought off some trophies, no inconsiderable spoil, some of 
 which consisted in articles that were greatly wanted, a few prisoners, and 
 retired with little or no loss. He afterwards undertook, in company with 
 another officer, a much more perilous expedition. They passed by night 
 through the besiegers' works, and in contempt of the danger and cruelty of 
 the savages, made their way for fifty miles through pathless woods and un- 
 explored morasses, in order to raise the country and bring relief to the fort. 
 Such an action demands the praise even of an enemy. 
 
 " Colonel St. Leger left no means untried to profit of his victory by intimi- 
 dating the garrison. He sent verbal and written messages stating their 
 hopeless situation, the utter destruction of their friends, the impossibility of 
 their obtaining relief, as General Burgoyne, after destroying everything in 
 
5G 
 
 his power, was now at Albany receiving- the submission of all the adjoining 
 counties, and by prodigiously magnifying his own force. He represented 
 that in this state of things if through an incorrigible obstinacy, they should 
 continue hopeless and fruitless defense, they would according to the prac- 
 tice of the most civilized nations be cut off from all conditions and every 
 hope of mercy. But he was particularly direct upon the pains lie had taken 
 in softening the rage of the Indians from their late loss and obtaining from 
 them security that in case of an immediate surrender of the fort every man 
 of the garrison should be spared, while on the other hand they declared with 
 utmost bitter execrations that if they met with any further resistance they 
 would not only massacre the garrison, but that every man, woman and child 
 in the Mohawk country would necessarily, and however against his will, fall 
 sacrifices to the fury of the savages. This point, he said, he pressed entirely 
 on the score of humanity. He promised on his part, in case of an immediate 
 surrender, every attention which a humane and generous enemy could give. 
 The Governor, Colonel Gansevoort, behaved with great firmness. He replied 
 that he had been entrusted with the charge of that garrison by the United 
 States of America ; that he would defend the trust committed to his care at 
 every hazard and to the utmost extremity, and that he should not at all 
 concern himself about any consequences that attended the discharge of his 
 duty. It was shrewdly remarked in the fort that half the pains would not 
 have been taken to display the force immediately without or the success at a 
 distance if they bore any proportion at all to the magnitude in which they 
 were represented. 
 
 "The British commander was much disappointed in the state of the fort- 
 It was stronger, in better condition, and much better defended than he ex- 
 pected. After great labor in his approaches he found his artillery deficient, 
 being insufficient in weight to make any considerable impression. The only 
 remedy was to bring his approaches so near that they must take effect, 
 which he set about with the greatest diligence. 
 
 "In the mean time the Indians continued sullen and untractable. Their 
 late losses might have been cured by certain advantages, but the misfortune 
 was they had yet got no plunder, and their prospect of getting any seemed 
 to grow every day fainter. It is the peculiar characteristic of that people to 
 exhibit in certain instances degrees of courage and perseverauce which shock 
 reason and credibility, and to portray in others the greatest irresolution and 
 timidity, with a total want of that constancy which might enable them for 
 any length of time to struggle with difficulty. 
 
 " Whilst the commander was carrying on his operations with the utmost 
 industry the Indians received a flying report that Arnold was coming with 
 1,000 men to relieve the fort. The commander endeavored to hasten them, 
 by promising to lead them himself, to bring all his best troops into action, 
 and by carrying their leaders out to mark a field of battle, and the flattery 
 of consulting them upon the intended plans of operation. Whilst he was 
 thus endeavoring to soothe their temper and to revive their flagging spirits, 
 other scouts arrived with intelligence, probably contrived in part by them- 
 selves, which first doubled and afterwards trebled the number of the enemy, 
 with the comfortable addition that Burgoyne's army was entirely cut to 
 pieces. 
 
57 
 
 " The Colonel returned to camp, and called a council of their chief s hoping 
 that by the influence which Sir John Johnson and Superintendents Claus and 
 Butler, had over them, they might still be induced to make a stand. He 
 was disappointed. A part of the Indians decamped whilst the council was 
 sitting and the remainder threatened peremptorily to abandon him if he did 
 not immediately retreat. 
 
 '•The retreat was of course precipitate, or it was rather, in plain terms, a 
 flight, attended with disagreeable circumstances. The tents, with most of 
 the artillery, fell into the hands of the garrison. It appears by the Colonel's 
 own account that he was as apprehensive of danger from the fury of his 
 savage allies, as he could be from the resentment of his American enemies. 
 It also appears from the same authority that the Messasagoes, a nation of 
 savages to the West, plundered several of the boats belonging to the army. 
 By the American accounts, which are in part confirmed by others, it is said 
 that they robbed the officers of their baggage and of every other article to 
 which they took any liking, and the army in general of their provisions. 
 They also say that a few miles distance from the camp they first stripped 
 of their arms and afterwards murdered with their own bayonets, all those 
 British, German and American soldiers, who from any inability to keep up, 
 fear or any other cause, were separated from the main body. 
 
 "The state of the fact with respect to the intended relief of the fort is, 
 that Arnold had advanced by the way of Half Moon up the Mohawk river 
 with 2,000 men for that purpose ; and that for the greater expedition he had 
 quitted the main body and arrived by forced marches through the woods, 
 with a detachment of 900 at the fort, on the twenty-fourth in the evening, 
 two days after the siege had been raised. So that upon the whole the 
 intractableness of the Indians with their watchful apprehension of danger 
 probably saved tbem from a chastisement which would not have been 
 tenderly administered. 
 
 " Nothing could have been more untoward in the present situation of 
 affairs than the unfortunate issue of this expedition. The Americans repre- 
 sented this and the affair at Bjnnington as great and glorious victories. 
 Nothing could exceel their exultation and confidence. Ganesvoort and 
 Willet, with General Stark and Colonel Warner, who had commanded at 
 Bennington, were ranked among those who were considered as the saviours 
 of their country. The northern militia began now to look high and to forget 
 all distinctions between themselves and regular troops. As this confidence, 
 opinion and pride increased, the apprehension of General Burgoyne's army 
 of course declined, until it soon came to be talked of with indifference and 
 contempt, and even its fortune to be publicly prognosticated." 
 
 The account in Andrews' History of the War in America, (London, 1786,) 
 is a simple condensation from the Register. The Dublin History borrows 
 the identical words. 
 
 The History of an "Officer of the Army," London, 1780, has no new 
 authorities, and sheds no different light. 
 
 The " Impartial History of the Civil War," London, 1780, treats the affair 
 in the same spirit. 
 
 William Gordon, D. D., in his " History of the Rise, Progress and Estab- 
 lishment of the Independence of the United States of America," (London, 
 1788,) claims to have had access to the papers of Washington and other 
 
58 
 
 American generals, and writes with the freshness of gossip. His story of 
 Oriskany and Fort Stanwix has this character, and he states that he had some 
 of his facts from Reverend Samuel Kirkland. Besides the references else- 
 where made, he adds only a few touches of color to this local chronicle. 
 
 15. St. Leger's Boast and Confidence. (Page 36.) 
 
 The following extract of a letter from Lieutenant Colonel St. Leger to 
 Lieutenant General Burgoyne, brought through the woods by an Indian, dated 
 before Fort Stanwix, August 11, 1777, is copied from Almon's "American 
 Remembrancer for 1777," p. 392 : 
 
 "After combating the natural difficulties of the river St. Lawrence and the 
 artificial ones the enemy threw in my way at Wood Creek, I invested Fort 
 Stanwix the third instant. On the fifth I learnt from discovering parties on 
 the Mohawk river that a body of one thousand militia were on their march 
 to raise the siege. On the confirmation of this news I moved a large body of 
 Indians, with some troops the same night, to lay in ambuscade for them on 
 their march. They fell into it. The completest victory was obtained ; above 
 four hundred lay dead on the field, amongst the number of whom were 
 almost all the principal movers of rebellion in that country. There are six 
 or seven hundred men in the fort. The militia will never rally ; all that I 
 am to apprehend, therefore, that will retard my progress in joining you, is a 
 reinforcement of what they call their regular troops, by the way of Half 
 Moon, up the Mohawk river. A diversion, therefore, from your army by that 
 quarter will greatly expedite my junction with either of the grand armies." 
 
 The Remembrancer for that year gives as a letter from Sir Guy Carleton a 
 statement " That Colonel St. Leger, finding Fort Stanwix too strongly for- 
 tified and the garrison too numerous to be taken by assault, and the Indians 
 being alarmed by a false report of the approach of a large body of the rebel 
 continental troops, he had given over the attempt of forcing a passage down 
 the Mohawk river, and returned to Montreal, from whence he had proceeded 
 to Ticonderoga, intending to join Lieutenant General Burgoyne by that route." 
 
 16. Bennington Counted Before Oriskany in Time. (Page 36.) 
 
 Stedman's (British) History of the Revolution, p. 353, says : 
 " The defeat of Colonel Baum, Breyman and St. Leger enervated the British 
 cause in no extraordinary degree. There were many of the inhabitants not 
 attached to either party by principle, and who had resolved to join them- 
 selves to that which should be successful. These men, after the disasters 
 at Bennington and Stanwix, added a sudden and powerful increase of strength 
 to the Americans." 
 
 17. Colonel Claus' Letter to Secretary Knox at London. 
 (Pages 14, 23, 25.) 
 
 In the eighth volume of the Documents relating to the Colonial History of 
 New York, (p. 718 and following,) is an official letter from Colonel Daniel 
 Claus, written from Montreal, October 16, 1777, which was brought to light 
 after all the histories of the Battle of Oriskany, which are generally familiar, 
 w^re written. It is necessary to complete the record. Colonel Claus writes-' 
 
 " Sir: I take the liberty to give you such an account of the expedition I 
 was appointed to this campaign, as my capacity will permit me, and which 
 though tedious, I used all the conciseness in my power. 
 
59 
 
 "On my arrival at Quebec the first of June, Sir Guy Carleton being at 
 Montreal, my letter from my Lord George Germaine was forwarded to him 
 by Lieutenant Governor Cramahe that day, and myself arrived there a few 
 days after. I waited upon Sir Guy, who acknowledged the receipt of the 
 letter, but said nothing further upon it, than addressing himself to Captain 
 Tice, who was in England with Joseph (Brant,) and there at the Levy, that 
 I had now the command of him and those Indian officers and Indians that 
 were destined for Brigadier St. Leger's expedition. A day or two after I 
 waited on him again for his orders and instructions, and asked what rank 
 I was to have on the expedition. He replied on the latter ; that it could not 
 be settled here. ********** 
 
 " Some time before our march I informed myself of Sir Guy Carleton, of 
 the state Fort Stanwix was in ; he told me that by the latest accounts from 
 Colonel Butler, there were sixty men in a picketed place. Determined to 
 be sure, I despatched one John Hare, an active Indian officer, with the 
 Mohawk chief John Odiseruney, to collect a small party of Indians at 
 Swegachy and reconnoitre Fort Stanwix, as well as possible and bring off 
 some prisoners if they could. 
 
 . " On the twenty-third of June, I set out from La Chine near Montreal, 
 The Brigadier who was getting the artillery boats ready to take in two sixes, 
 two threes, and four Cohorns, (being' our artillery for the expedition,) was to 
 follow the day after ; and proceeded for an island destined for our rendezvous 
 in the entrance of Lake Ontario, called Buck island, in company with Sir 
 John Johnson and his regiment. In my way thither I collected a body of a 
 hundred and fifty Misisagey and Six Nation' Indians. All the Indians of the 
 inhabited part of Canada whom I had under my care for fifteen years, and 
 was best acquainted with, were destined for General Burgoyne's army. The 
 Misisagey and Six Nations, the Brigadier intended should accompany him in 
 an alert to Fort Stanwix, by a short cut through the woods, from a place 
 called Salmon Creek on Lake Ontario, about twenty miles from Oswego, in 
 order to surprise the garrison and take it with small arms. 
 
 " Between sixty and seventy leagues from Montreal my reconnoitering party 
 returned and met me, with five prisoners (one lieutenant) and four scalps, 
 having defeated a working party of sixteen rebels as they were cutting 
 sod towards repairing and finishing the old fort, which is a regular square, 
 and garrisoned by upwards of six hundred men, the repairs far advanced and 
 the rebels expecting us, and were acquainted with our strength and route. 
 I immediately forwarded the prisoners to the Brigadier who was about fif- 
 teen leagues in our rear. On his arrival within a few leagues of Buck Island 
 he sent for me, and, talking over the intelligence the rebel prisoners gave, 
 he owned that if they intended to defend themselves in that fort our artillery 
 was not sufficient to take it. However, he said, he has determined to get 
 the truth of these fellows. I told him that having examined them separately 
 they agreed in their story. And here the Brigadier had still an opportunity 
 and time of sending for a better train of artillery and wait for the junction 
 of the Chasseurs, which must have secured us success, as every one will 
 allow. However, he was still full of his alert, making little of the prisoners' 
 intelligence. 
 
 " On his arrival at Buck Island the eighth of July, he put me in orders as 
 superintendent of the expedition and empowered me to act for the best of 
 my judgment for His Majesty's service, in the management of the Indians 
 
60 
 
 on the expedition, as well as what regarded their equipment, presents, &c, 
 he being an entire stranger thereto. There was then a vessel at the Island 
 which had some Indian goods on hoard, which Colonel Butler had procured 
 for the expedition, but upon examination I found that almost every one of 
 the above articles I demanded at Montreal were deficient and a mere impos- 
 sibility to procure them at Buck Island, had I not luckily provided some of 
 those articles before I left Montreal at my own risk, and with difficulty 
 Brigadier St. Leger found out thirty stand of arms in the artillery stores at 
 Swegachy, and I added all my eloquence to satisfy the Indians about the rest. 
 
 " The Brigadier set out from the Island upon his alert the nineteenth of 
 July. I having been ordered to proceed to Oswego with Sir John Johnson's 
 regiment and a company of Chasseurs lately arrived, there to convene and 
 prepare the Indians to join the Brigadier at Fort Stanwix. On my arrival 
 at Oswego, twenty-third July, I found Joseph Brant there, who acquainted 
 me that his party, consisting of about three hundred Indians, would be in 
 that day, and having been more than two months upon service, were desti- 
 tute of necessaries, ammunition, and some arms. Joseph at the same time 
 complaining of having been very scantily supplied by Colonel Butler with 
 ammunition when at Niagara in the spring, although he acquainted Colonel 
 Butler of his being threatened with a visit from the rebel General Herkimer, 
 of Tryon county, and actually was afterwards visited by him with three hun- 
 dred men with him, and five hundred at some distance ; when Joseph had 
 not two hundred Indians together, but, resolutely declaring- to the rebel Gen- 
 eral that he was determined to act against them for the King, he obliged 
 them to retreat with mere menaces, not having twenty pounds of powder 
 among his party. 
 
 " The twenty-fourth of July I received an express from Brigadier St. Leger 
 .at Salmon Creek, about twenty miles from Oswego, to repair thither with 
 what arms and vermilion I had, and that he wished I would come prepared 
 for a march through the woods. As to arms and vermilion I had none, but 
 prepared myself to go upon the march, and was ready to set off, when Joseplr 
 came into my tent and told me that as no person was on the spot to take care 
 of the number of Indians with him, he apprehended in case I should leave 
 them they would become disgusted, and disperse, which might prevent the 
 rest of the Six Nations to assemble, and be hurtful to the expedition, and 
 begged I would first represent these circumstances to the Brigadier by letter. 
 Brigadier St. Leger mentioned indeed, my going was chiefly intended to quiet 
 the Indians with him, who were very drunk and riotous, and Captain Tice, 
 who was the messenger, informed me that the Brigadier ordered the Indians 
 a quart of rum apiece, which made them all beastly drunk, and in which 
 case it is not in the power of man to quiet them. Accordingly I mentioned 
 to the Brigadier by letter the consequences that might affect his Majesty's 
 Indian interest in case I was to leave so large a number of Indians that were 
 come already and still expected. Upon which representation and finding the 
 Indians disapproved of the plan, and were unwilling to proceed, the Briga- 
 dier came away from Salmon creek and arrived the next day at Oswego with 
 the companies of the eighth and thirty-fourth regiments and about two 
 hundred and fifty Indians. 
 
 " Having equipped Joseph's party with what necessaries and ammunition I 
 had, I appointed the rest of the Six Nations to assemble at the Three Rivers,. 
 a convenient placj of rendezvous, and in the way to Fort Stanwix, and 
 
61 
 
 desired Colonel Butler to follow me with the Indians he brought with him 
 from Niagara, and equip them all at the Three Rivers. 
 
 "The twenty-sixth of July left Oswego, and second of August arrived 
 with the Brigadier and the greatest part of the troops before Fort Stanwix, 
 which was invested the fame evening. The enemy having stopped up a 
 narrow river, called Wood Creek, by cutting of trees across it for about 
 twenty miles, along which our artillery, provisions and baggage were to pass, 
 which passage to cut open required a number of men, as well as cutting a 
 road through the woods for twenty-five miles, to bring up the artillery, 
 stores, &c, that were immediately wanted, which weakened our small army 
 greatly. 
 
 "The third, fourth and fifth the Indians surrounded the fort and fired 
 from behind logs and rising grounds, at the garrison, wherever they had an 
 object, which prevented them from working at the fortifications in the day. 
 The fifth, in the afternoon, accounts were brought by Indians, sent by 
 Joseph's sister from Canajoharie, that a body of rebels were on their march 
 and would be within ten or twelve miles of our camp at night. A detach- 
 ment of about four hundred ludians was ordered to reconnoitre the enemy. 
 Sir John Johnson asked leave to join his company of light infantry and head 
 the whole, which was granted. Colonel Butler and other Indian officers were 
 ordered with the Indians. 
 
 " The rebels having an imperfect account of the number of Indians that 
 joined us, (being upward of eight hundred,) not thinking them by one-fourth 
 as many, and being sure as to our strength and artillery, (which we learned 
 by prisoners,) that they knew it from their emissaries before we left Canada, 
 They therefore, on the sixth, marched on, to the number of upwards of eight 
 hundred, with security and carelessness. 
 
 " When within six miles of the Fort they were waylaid by our party, 
 surprised, briskly attacked, and after a little resistence, repulsed and de- 
 feated ; leaving upwards of five hundred killed on the spot, among which 
 were their principal officers and ringleaders ; their general was shot through 
 the knee, and a few days afterward died of an amputation. 
 
 "We lest Captains Hare and Wilson of the Indians, Lieutenant McDonald 
 of Sir John's regiment, two or three privates and thirty-two Indians, among 
 which were several Seneka chiefs killed. Captain Watts, Lieutenant Single- 
 ton of Sir John's regiment, and thirty-three Indians wounded. 
 
 ' During the action when the garrison found the Indians' camp (who went 
 out against their reinforcement) empty, they boldly sallied out with three 
 hundred men, and two field pieces, and took away the Indians' packs, with 
 their cloths, wampum and silver work, "they having gone in their shirts, as 
 naked to action ;" and when they found a party advancing from our camp, 
 they returned with their spoil, taking with them Lieutenant Singleton and 
 a private of Sir John's regiment, who lay wounded in the Indian camp. 
 
 " The disappointment was rather greater to the Indians than their loss, for 
 they had nothing to cover themselves at night, or against the weather, and 
 nothing in our camp to supply them till I got to Oswego. 
 
 "After this defeat and having got part of our artillery up, some cohorn 
 shells were thrown into the Fort, and a few shots fired. A flag then was 
 sent with an account of the disaster of their intended relief, and the garrison 
 was summoned to surrender prisoners of war, to be inarched down the 
 country, leaving baggage, &c, behind, to satisfy the Indians for their losses^ 
 
62 
 
 "The rebels knowing their strength in garrison, as well as fortification, 
 and the insufficiency of our field pieces to hurt them, and apprehensive of 
 being massacred by the Indians for the losses they sustained in the action ; 
 they rejected the summons and said they were determined to hold out to 
 the extremity. 
 
 " The siege then was carried on with as much vigor as possible for nine- 
 teen days, but to no purpose. Sir John Johnson proposed to follow the blow 
 given to the reinforcement, (who were chiefly Mohawk river people,) to 
 march down the country with about two hundred men, and I intended join- 
 ing him with a sufficient body of Indians ; but the Brigadier said he could 
 not spare the men, and disapproved of it. The inhabitants in general were 
 ready (as we afterwards learned) to submit and come in. A flag then was 
 sent to invite the inhabitants to submit and be forgiven, and assurance given 
 to prevent the Indians from being outrageous ; but the commanding officer 
 of the German Flats hearing of it, seized the flag, consisting of Ensign But- 
 ler of the Eighth Regiment, ten soldiers and three Indians, and took them 
 up as spies. A few days after General Arnold, coming with some cannon 
 and a reinforcement, made the inhabitants return to their obedience. The In- 
 dians, finding that our besieging the fort was of no effect, our troops but few, 
 a reinforcement, as was reported, of fifteen hundred or two thousand men, 
 with field pieces by the way, began to be dispirited and fell off by degrees. 
 The chiefs advised the Brigadier to retreat to Oswego and get better artillery 
 from Niagara, and more men, and so return and renew the siege ; to which 
 the Brigadier agreed, and accordingly retreated on the twenty-second of 
 August. On our arrival at Oswego the twenty-sixth and examining into the 
 state of the troops' necessaries, the men were without shoes and other things 
 which only could be got at Montreal, the Brigadier at the same time having 
 received a letter from General Burgoyne to join him, either by a march 
 through the woods back of Tryon county, (which was impracticable,) or the 
 way he came. He adopted the latter on account of procuring necessaries for 
 the men. The Indians were as much as possible reconciled to this resolution, 
 with a promise that they should be convened as soon as Colonel Butler could 
 return from Montreal with some necessaries for them. There being Indian 
 traders at Oswego, I saw myself under a necessity to clothe those Indians that 
 lost their packs by the rebels at Fort Stanwix, which made them return 
 home contented. 
 
 " Thus has an expedition miscarried merely for want of timely and good 
 intelligence. For it is impossible to believe that had the Brigadier St. Leger 
 known the real state of the fort and garrison of Fort Stanwix, he could pos- 
 sibly have proceeded from Montreal without a sufficient train of artillery 
 and bis full complement of troops. And yet by what I find, very large sums 
 have been expended on account of government at Niagara upon the Indians 
 these two years past, and they at the same time kept inactive ; whereas, had 
 these presents been properly applied, the Six Nations might not only prevent 
 Fort Stanwix from being re-established, but even let not a rebel come near it 
 or keep it up ; it being almost in the heart of their country, and they with 
 reluctance saw the Crown erect a fort there last war. All the good done by 
 the expedition was, that the ringleaders and principal men of the rebels of 
 Tryon county were put out of the way ; but had we succeeded it must be of 
 vast good effect to the Northern operations, and its miscarrying, I apprehend, 
 ' to my deep concern, to be the reverse." 
 
63 
 
 18. Roster of Oriskany. (Page 16, 17.) 
 
 For several weeks in June and July, 1877, the Utica Herald appealed to 
 descendants of those engaged in the battle, and to all others, for names to 
 make up a Roster of Oriskany, to preserve the names of all persons who 
 took part in that important action. As the sum of its efforts, from all 
 sources, that journal gathered the following list : 
 
 Roster of Oriskany. 
 
 * Brigadier General Nicholas Herkimer, Danube; Captain George Herki- 
 mer, Danube; * Frederick Ayer, (Oyer) Schuyler; % Major Blauvelt, Mo- 
 hawk ; f Captain George Henry Bell, Fall Hill; * Joseph Bell, Fall Hill; 
 Nicholas Bell, Fall Hill; f Captain John Breadbeg, Palatine; Adam Bell- 
 inger; Colonel John Bellinger, Utica; Colonel Peter Bellinger, German 
 Flats; \ Lieutenant Colonel Frederick Bellinger, German Flats; * Samuel 
 Billington, Palatine, Committee of Safety; Billington, Palatine; 
 
 * Major John Blevin; f Captain Jacob Bowman, Canajoharie; John Boyer; 
 Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Campbell, Cherry Valley ; * Lieutenant Robert 
 Campbell, Cherry Valley; Major Samuel Clyde, Cherry Valley; Jacob Cast- 
 ler; JohnCastler; AdamCassler; Jacob Clemens, Schuyler; Captain A. 
 Copeman, Minden ; Richard Coppernoll; Colonel Ebenezer Cox, Canajo- 
 harie; William Cox ; * Robert Cruise, Canajoharie; * Benjamin Davis; 
 
 * Captain John Davis, Mohawk; Martin cs Davis, Mohawk; Nicholas De- 
 Graff, Amsterdam ; Captain Marx DeMuth, Deerfield ; * Captain Andrew 
 Dillenback, Palatine ; John Doxtader, German Flats ; Captain Henry 
 Diefendorf, Canajoharie ; Hon (John) Peter Dunckel, Freyspush ; Hon 
 Garret Dunckel, Freysbush; Hon Nicholas Dunckel, Freysbush; Fran- 
 cis Dunckel, Freysbush; * John Dygert, Committee of Safety; Captain WiL- 
 liam Dygert, German Flats; * Major John Eisenlord, Stone Arabia; Peter 
 Ehle, Palatine; Jacob Empie, Palatine; Henry Failing, Canajoharie ; Jel- 
 les Fonda; Captain Adam Fonda; Valentine Fralick, Palatine; f \ Major 
 John Frey, Palatine ; * Captain Christopher P. Fox, Palatine ; Captain 
 Christopher W. Fox, Palatine ; Charles Fox, Palatine ; Peter Fox, 
 Palatine ; Christopher Fox, Palatine ; George Geortner, Canajoharie ; 
 Captain Lawrence Gros, Minden ; *Nicholas Gray, Palatine ; Lieutenant 
 
 Samuel Gray, Herkimer ; Captain Graves ; Captain Jacob Gardi- 
 
 nier, Mohawk ; Lieutenant Samuel Gardinier, Mohawk ; Lieutenant 
 Petrus Groot, Amsterdam ; Henry Harter, German Flats ; John Adam 
 Hartman, Herkimer; John Adam Helmer, German Flats; * Captain Freder- 
 ick Helmer, German Flats; John Heyck, Palatine; Nicholas Hill; Lieu- 
 tenant Yost House, Minden ; Christian Huffnail, Minden ; * Lieutenant 
 Colonel Abel Hunt, Canajoharie ; Andrew Keller, Palatine ; Jacob 
 Keller, Palatine; Solomon Keller, Palatine; * Major Dennis Klap- 
 sattle, German Flats; Jacob Klapsattle, German Flats; Peter Kilts, 
 Palatine ; Colonel Jacob G. Klock, Palatine ; George Lighthall, Min- 
 den ; George Lintner, Minden ; Henry Lonus, Minden; Solomon Long- 
 shore, Canajoharie; * Jacob Markell, Springfield; * William Merck- 
 ley, Palatine ; John P. Miller, Minden ; Jacob Moyer, (now Myers, 
 German Flats ; Lieutenant David McMaster, Florida ; Adam Miller, 
 Minden,; Henry Miller, Minden; David Murray, Fonda; Christian 
 
Nelles ; John D. Nellis, Palatine ; Peter Nestle, Palatine ; * Hon- 
 orable Isaac Paris, Palatine, and his son who was also killed ; John 
 Niarri Petri, Fort Herkimer; * Lieutenant Dederiah Marx Petkie, 
 Herkimer; Doctor William Petry, Fort Herkimer, Committee of Safety; 
 f Joseph Petry, Dayton ; * Captain Samuel Pettingill, Mohawk ; 
 | Adam Price, Minden; Nicholas Pickard, Minden; Bichard Putnam, Mo- 
 hawk; Abraham D. Quackenboss; f Jacob Rachiour, Minden; George 
 Raynor, Minden ; Captain Nicholas Rector, Garoga ; John Roof ; John 
 Rother ; Mark Raspach, Kingsland ; Henry Sanders, Minden ; Samson 
 Sammons, Fonda, Committee of Safety; Jacob Sammons, Fonda; "William 
 Schaver ; Ensign John Yost Scholl, Palatine ; * Colonel Saffreness 
 Seeber, Canajoharie ; f Captain Jacob Seeber, Canajoharie ; f Lieutenant 
 William Seeber, Canajoharie; f Henry Seeber, Canajoharie; * James 
 Seeber, Canajoharie ; Lieutenant John Seeber, Minden ; * Audolph See- 
 ber, Minden ; Peter Sitz, Palatine ; Rudolph Siebert ; Henry Spencer, 
 Indian Interpreter ; Christian Schell, Little Falls ; George Smith, Pala- 
 tine ; Colonel Henry Staring, Schuyler ; Captain Rudolph Shoemaker, 
 Canajoharie; * Joseph Snell, Snelllmsh, now Manheim ; * Jacob Snell, 
 Snellbush; Peter Snell, Snellbush ; George Snell, Snellbush ; *John 
 Snell, Stone Arabia ; * John Snell, Jr., Stone Arabia ; * Frederick Snell, 
 Snellbush ; Lieutenant Jeremiah Swarts, Mohawk ; John G. Sillenbeck ; 
 John Shults, Palatine ; George Shults, Stone Arabia; Peper Summer; 
 Adam Thumb, Palatine; Jacob Timmerman, St. Johnsville; Lieutenant 
 Henry Timmerman, St. Johnsville ; Henry Thompson, Fultonville ; Lieu- 
 tenant Martin C. Van Alstyne, Canajoharie; *John Van Antwerp; 
 George Van Deusen, Canajoharie ; Henry Vedder ; f Conrad Vols, (now 
 Foltz,) German Flats ; Lieutenant Jacob Vols, German Flats ; * Major Har- 
 manus Van Slyck, Palatine; * Major Nicholas Van Slyck; Colonel 
 Frederick Vissciier, Mohawk ; Captain John Visscher, Mohawk; \ Lieu- 
 tenant Colonel Henry Walradt, German Flats ; Garrett Walrath, 
 German Flats; George Walter, Palatine; Lieutenant Colonel Peter 
 Waggoner, Palatine; Lieutenant Peter Waggoner, Jr., Palatine; 
 George Waggoner, Palatine ; John Waggoner, Palatine ; Jacob Wag- 
 ner, Canajoharie ; John Wagner, Canajoharie ; Peter Westerman, Can- 
 ajoharie; * John Wollover, Fort Herkimer; Abraham Wollover, Fort. 
 Herkimer; f Peter Wollover, Fort Herkimer; * Richard Wollover, 
 Fort Herkimer ; Jacob Wever, German Flats ; Peter Jams Weaver, Ger- 
 man Flats; Michael Widrick, Schuyler; * Lawrence Wrenkle, Fort 
 Herkimer ; f Doctor Moses Younglove, Surgeon ; Captain Robert Yates ; 
 f Nicholas Yerdon, Minden. 
 
 The regiments as stated in the text, (page 17,) were raised by districts. 
 Try on county had four. The Mohawk district lay lowest down the river. 
 Next west, and to the south of the river, was the Canajoharie district, reach- 
 ing to Little Falls and to Cherry Valley. Palatine district lay north of the 
 river, and extended west from the Mohawk district to Little Falls. The 
 district of German Flats and Kingsland included all the territory west of 
 Little Falls on both sides of the river. 
 
 Colonel Cox's'regiment had been ordered to Ticonderoga in the preceding 
 winter, as the manuscript narrative of Frederick Sammons, states. It is now 
 in the possession of Colonel Simeon Sammons, of Fonda, who has kindly 
 permitted the writer to peruse it. 
 
 * Killed. t Wounded. X Taken prisoner. 
 
CONTENTS, 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 I. 
 
 Page. 
 
 Tiie Situation before the Battle, 4 
 
 The Object op the Campaign of 1777, 7 
 
 Fort Stanwix and its Garrison, 8 
 
 St. Leger's Invasion, 9 
 
 The Patriot Rising In Tryon County, 13 
 
 The Ambuscade, 14 
 
 General Herkimer's Rally, 15 
 
 General Herkimer's Advance, 17 
 
 The Fight, 18 
 
 The Sortie 22 
 
 The Losses, 23 
 
 The Siege, 25 
 
 The Relief under Arnold's Lead, 26 
 
 St. Leger's Flight, 27 
 
 II. 
 
 The Weight and Measure of the Battle, 28 
 
 The Strategy Historic, 29 
 
 St. Leger's Expedition a Vital Part, 31 
 
 Effect of Oriskany on the Valley and the Indians, 32 
 
 Effect on the Country, 32 
 
 Aims and Estimates on both sides, 34 
 
 Divisions in the Valley : Dangers Averted, 37 
 
 Significance from Location, 38 
 
 Conclusion, 41 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 The Name Oriskany, 44 
 
 Building of Fort Stanwix, ,44 
 
 Place of Peace Councils, 44 
 
 St. Leger's Troops Designated in London, 44 
 
6(3 
 
 klrkland and the indians, 46 
 
 General Schuyler's Fear, 46 
 
 Sir John Johnson the British Leader at Oriskany, 46 
 
 General Putnam Aids in the Relief, 47 
 
 Governor Clinton to the Committee op Safety, 47 
 
 St. Leger's Own Narrative, 48 
 
 British Authority on the Importance of St. Leger's Expedition, 51 
 Governor Clinton on the Battle of Oriskany and the Tryon 
 
 County Militia, 52 
 
 The Mohawk Valley at Saratoga, 53 
 
 Council of Safety to John Hancock, 54 
 
 The British Account of the Affair, 54 
 
 St. Leger's Boast and Confidence, 58 
 
 Bennington Counted before Oriskany in Time, 58 
 
 Colonel Claus' Letter to Secretary Knox at London, 58 
 
 The Roster of Oriskany, 63 
 
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