THE PAPERS OF 
 SIR CHARLES R^T VAUGHAN 
 
 1825-1835 
 
 'B 
 
 Edited by JOHN A. DOYLE 
 
 REPRINTED FROM THE 
 
 glmenau gi^totial Mmm 
 
 VOL. VII NOS. 2 AND 3 
 
 JANUARY AND APRIL 1902 
 
[Reprinted from 'I'll K Amkrhan Historicai. Rkviiav, Vol. VII,, N'o. 2, Jan., 1902.] 
 
 DOCUMENTS 
 
 The Papers of Sir Charles Vaughan. 
 
 ( First fnstallment . ) 
 
 Most of those who have studied the social history of England 
 in the nineteenth century as revealed in memoirs and letters are 
 acquainted with the name of Sir Henry Halford, the physician to 
 the King. But in all likelihood only a few think of him as origi- 
 nally bearing the name of Vaughan and belonging to a family of ex- 
 ceptionally wide-spread and varied distinction. One of Sir Henry 
 Halford's brothers was a judge. Another was head of Merton 
 College, Oxford, and after the comfortable fashion of that age of 
 pluralities combined with that post the deanery of Merton. The 
 seventh son of the family, Charles, won a position in his own pro- 
 fession, that of diplomacy, fully as distinguished as that of any of 
 the family. A portion of his career should have a special interest 
 for American readers and with that I propose to deal. 
 
 That the two best known members of the family should have 
 won distinction through medicine and diplomacy was but appro- 
 priate. At a later day Charles Vaughan labored not a little to 
 trace his pedigree to the fountain-head and to establish a connection 
 with that great Welsh house which claimed the poet Henry Vaughan, 
 the self-styled "Silurist" as a member. No claim of connection 
 could be found and Charles Vaughan had to be contented with 
 tracing the family line back to his great-grandfather who graduated 
 in medicine at Leyden and who married the daughter of Sir Henry 
 Newton, a diplomatist of rare repute. Thus the chief traditions of 
 the family were in those lines, medicine and diplomacy, in which 
 two of the best known members of it afterwards won distinction. 
 
 Charles Vaughan was born on December 20, 1 774. He was 
 brought up at Rugby School and at Merton College, Oxford, and 
 was in 1798 elected to a fellowship at All Souls' College in that 
 University. That supplemented by the bequest of a small property 
 from one of his mother's kinsmen saved him from being driven by 
 need into any precipitate choice of a profession. His early as- 
 pirations were towards his father's calling, medicine, and before be- 
 coming a fellow at Oxford he studied medicine for two years at 
 
 304 
 
305 Documents 
 
 Kdinburi^di. There was, liowever, in Charles Vaughan something, 
 in the better sense of the word, of the adventurer and a good deal 
 of the citizen of the world. The tradition of Welsh descent was 
 as we have seen no more than conjecture. But there was assuredly 
 in Vaughan no small share of the winning and versatile tempera- 
 ment of the Celt. He was neither a profound thinker nor a pro- 
 found student. But he was acute and observant and such as his 
 mental resources were, natural and acquired, they were all in avail- 
 able small change. Of his own letters no great number are known 
 to be e.Ktant. Hut lie was addicted, to a perilous extent, to hoard- 
 ing the letters of his friends, and what a man receives is hardly less 
 a key to his nature than what he writes. The letters of Vaughan's 
 correspondents plainly show that he had the gift of winning confi- 
 dence and good-will readily from men of all sorts and conditions. 
 lie is constantly doing small kindnesses pleasantly and graciously. 
 His friends look to him for advice in practical difficulties. He is 
 one of those who, without theories of life, see the practical bearings 
 of an emergency and the safe way out of it. He had too the out- 
 ward graces which are helpful to men in most walks of life and 
 certainly not least in diplomacy. His portraits show us a face of 
 regular and high-bred beauty with an expression full of keenness 
 and purpose, and their evidence is confirmed by those who remem- 
 ber the original. 
 
 Vaughan's walk was assuredly that for which above all others 
 his temper and habit of mind fitted him. But the chief impulse 
 from without was given by what we call chance. In 1803 the 
 University of Oxford elected Vaughan to a travelling fellowship, 
 tenable for five years. These years were spent in France, Spain 
 and the Levant, and in adventurous wanderings through western 
 Asia which finally landed Vaughan at St. Petersburg. The re- 
 source, the knowledge of and interest in all sorts and conditions of 
 men, thus developed, were an invaluable portion of Vaughan's 
 training as a diplomati.st. He kept full antl it nui.st be confessed 
 often rather dull journals. Of these some were lost in a shipwreck 
 on the Caspian. But enough survive to show Vaughan's taste for 
 close observation, his keen interest in all the details of the economic 
 life which lie saw about him. Mis temper throughout is the 
 temper of the man of affairs, the shrewd, practical observer, inter- 
 ested in details and not fettered by theories. He has always a 
 keen and observ;int eye for economical matters. He admires 
 scenery conventionally ; he is genuinely interested in crops and 
 manufactures. The every-day comedy of life, the details of inci- 
 dent and character, attract him ; he is all the time developing a 
 
 P. 
 
TJic Papers of Sir Charles VauoJiaii 306 
 
 natural faculty for dcalin<^ promptly and on short acquaint- 
 ance with a succession of men wholly diffcrin^j in stations and 
 habits. 
 
 In 1 806 at St. Petersburg he formed the acquaintance of Charles 
 Stuart, afterwards Lord Stuart de Rothesay. That was in a sense 
 tlic turning point of Vaughan's life. Two years later Stuart was 
 sent out by the iMiglish government to watch British interests in 
 the Spanish peninsula and as opportunity offered to organize resist- 
 ance to Napoleon. Stuart saw that Vaughan's age, temper and 
 antecedents, especially the knowledge of Spain and of the Spanish 
 language, which he had acquired in his travels, would make him a 
 useful subordinate, and he appointed him as his private secretary. 
 Vaughan's sympathies with the Spanish cause soon found vent in a 
 practical and one may say in some sort a permanent form. In a letter 
 to his sister he says, " I must see the gallant Palafox before my 
 return to England." The design was carried out. Vaughan visited 
 Palafox, was entertained by him for a time and accompanied him as 
 a volunteer in the campaign. This intimacy and a visit to Sara- 
 gossa itself enabled Vaughan to produce a short account of the 
 siege of that town, which was published in England early in the 
 following year. Vaughan himself states in the preface that his main 
 object in publishing was a practical one, to raise a fund for the re- 
 lief of the people of Saragossa, distressed by one siege and threat- 
 ened by another. One can hardly doubt too that Vaughan felt that 
 he was at the same time in a perfectly legitimate way advancing his 
 own interests by establishing a reputation as an authority on Spanish 
 affairs. 
 
 In more than one respect Vaughan's Spanish experiences served 
 as a valuable training for his later American duties. One of the 
 problems forced upon his notice during his time of service at Wash- 
 ington was the internal condition of Mexico and also the relation of 
 Spain to her revolted dependencies. In both these matters it was of 
 great service to him to be familiar with Spanish habits of thought 
 and Spanish methods of political action. Throughout Vaughan's 
 career at Washington, his views are marked by what one may call 
 a sane optimism. He over and over again insists on the fact that 
 though American politicians may say unfair and indiscreet things, 
 though American citizens may collectively seem reckless and irre- 
 sponsible, yet there is always an underlying current of common 
 sense on which we may rely. To distinguish the surface froth from 
 the better elements which underlie it and which really go far to 
 make up national life, this was a lesson which Vaughan had mainly 
 learned from his experience of the Peninsula war. 
 
307 Doc7i??ie?its 
 
 Once entered on the career of diplomacy Vaughan's pro<:^ress 
 was at once rapid and sure. We find liim returning- to England 
 during the course of the war, consulted officially b}' the Marquis of 
 Wellesley ami j)ri\atcl}' b\' William Windham. One incident is 
 specially noteworthy. It was Vaughan's melancholy duty to convey 
 to Sir John Moore the news of the Spanish defeat at Tudela, news 
 which told the British general that his own position had become 
 untenable. Of Vaughan's intcrxiew with Moore only one recorded 
 incident remains, interesting enough in itself At a later day 
 Vaughan wrote that Moore Jiad told him it was impossible to de- 
 fend Portugal without having command of Spain, a view which, as 
 Vaughan points out, was disproved by Wellington at Torres 
 Vedras. 
 
 Upon the conclusion of the war and the restoration of Ferdi- 
 nand, Vaughan remained in office at Madrid as chief secretary to 
 the British embassy. If a full view of the worst and meanest side 
 of ro\'alty be a good training for one who has to deal with a dem- 
 ocracy, assuredly Vaughan enjoyed it to the full. During the dark- 
 est days of the struggle he had never lost heart and hope. But 
 there must have been moments afterwards when he was tempted to 
 ask 
 
 " In God's name then what curse befell us 
 To fight for such a thing." 
 
 Vaughan's papers are full of passages, illustrating the levity, the 
 moral worthlessness and the political incapacity of the King. While 
 the government is ostentatiously carrying on a crusade against 
 houses of ill fame, the person at the head of it is engaged in an 
 intrigue with a girl of low station. Political importance is given to 
 this by the fact that the mother of the royal mistress is trafficking 
 in public offices. 
 
 "The leading feature in the character of Ferdinand," Vaughan 
 writes, "is a distrust of every one but particularly of his Ministers 
 and an inclination to deceive them, and it is remarkable that all 
 those who have been suddenly di.sgraced by him and dismissed and 
 banished from his court have been convinced just previously to 
 their fall that they enjoyed the most unbounded favour and confi- 
 dence, some unusual mark of familiarity or acquiescence in their 
 oj)inions having been manifested towards them by the King. To 
 I'"erdinand's natural distrust and inclination to deceive is added a 
 temjjer incapable of forming any attachment or friendship." And 
 this last charge is suj)ported by numerous instances where he be- 
 trayed the adherents wIkj had stood by him in poverty and exile. 
 From Madrid Vaughan went in 1 820 to the embassy at Paris. Three 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles VaugJian 308 
 
 years later he was fcrr the first time placed at the head of an embassy, 
 that at Berne, and in 1825 he was appointed to Washington. 
 
 The best and simplest way of dealing with Vaughan's career in 
 America will be to consider in succession the various specific ques- 
 tions on which disputes or at least discussions arose and then to 
 touch on his despatches so far as they illustrate important issues on 
 the internal politics of the Republic. These topics include : 
 
 (i) Various questions which might arise out of the breaking up 
 of Spanish America into independent republics. (2) Disputes as to 
 the boundary which separated New Brunswick from Maine. (3) 
 Steadily increasing friction as to the reciprocal advantages to be 
 mutually awarded to America and Great Britain in commerce, es- 
 pecially in commerce with the West Indies. (4) That ever recurring 
 bone of contention, the right of search and impressment, complicated 
 and embittered by a cognate question, the suppression of the slave 
 
 trade. 
 
 By a fortunate chance Ward, the British representative in Mexico, 
 had been formerly a colleague of Vaughan in Spain. In 1827 Ward 
 was superseded in consequence of his extravagance and was suc- 
 ceeded by Pakenham, who had served under Vaughan at Berne. 
 Both were of something the same mental stamp, acute, self-reliant 
 and somewhat prejudiced ; both were copious letter-writers and thus 
 we get in their correspondence with Vaughan pictures of Mexican 
 politics and of the relations of Mexico towards Great Britain and the 
 United States, often no doubt prejudiced, but always vigorous and 
 original. Each regarded with intense suspicion the American min- 
 ister, Poinsett. There is a touch of irony in the fact that when all 
 memory of his supposed Machiavellianism has faded away, Poinsett 
 should be enjoying such immortality as the name of a flower can 
 bestow on its discoverer. 
 
 According to Ward, Poinsett was in everything aiming shrewdly 
 and somewhat unscrupulously at building up American influence 
 in Mexico ; he induced Mexico to consent to the doctrine that free 
 bottoms make free goods ; but he did so by a concession, embodied 
 in a secret article, to the effect that during the war between Spain 
 and Mexico all American vessels carrying Spanish goods, west of 
 San Antonio and fairly within the Gulf of Mexico should be lawful 
 prize. He was also purposely leaving the question of boundary in 
 a state of ambiguity so as to give opening for future aggression. 
 
 The chief difficulty in the relations between Mexico and the 
 United States, the struggle for Texas, is as yet no more than an un- 
 defined cloud on the horizon, but it is there. As early as 1826 
 Ward in a letter to Vaughan, to which I have already referred, dis- 
 
309 Documents 
 
 cusses the American designs on Texas. The boundary will be left 
 undecided. There will be a gradual influx of American settlers. 
 Already Poin.sett has been trying to float a land company for Texas 
 in New York and promising the support of the government. The 
 territor)- will have become American dc facto before the question of 
 right is fairly settled. There is also among Vaughan's papers a re- 
 markable memorandum dated Mexico, Feb. 18, 1830, and headed 
 secret. It does not read like the writing of Pakenham and is more 
 probably a translation of some document written by a Mexican and 
 addressed either to Pakenham or Vaughan. It sets forth the case 
 very clearly from a strongly anti-American point of view. It opens 
 by declaring that " the History of the United States is one of steady 
 and continuous encroachment, not with the noisy pomp of conquest, 
 but with silence, perseverance and uniformity." Mexican influence 
 in Texas is to be gradually undermined by a steady in-pouring of 
 squatters from the United States. Already the law of emancipation 
 passed by the Mexican government has been set at defiance. Yet 
 in a later paragraph the writer qualifies this by admitting that the 
 law as applied to Texas has been modified, owing to the difficulty 
 of enforcement. The writer goes on to point out the special value 
 of Texas as a province of Mexico for agricultural purposes, for the 
 production of ship timber and for internal navigation. Such a prov- 
 ince close at hand, enjoying the advantages of slave labor, will be a 
 formidable rival to the really Spanish portion of Mexico. Yet the 
 writer's remedial proposals are utterly futile. The coasting trade 
 between Texas and the rest of Mexico is to be developed. Texas 
 Itself is to be used as a settlement for convicts, and so garrisoned 
 against encroachments. It would be difficult to imagine a scheme 
 more certain to bring about the very result dreaded. We see from 
 Pakenham's reports that the ultimate annexation of Texas must not 
 be looked on as an isolated act, but as the culmination of a train of 
 events, of which, when once started, the conclusion was well-nigh 
 inevitable. 
 
 Another source of anxiety to Vaughan and his correspondents 
 IS the likelihood of Mexico in conjunction with one of the other 
 Spanish-American republics attempting to seize Cuba. Fortunately 
 the danger is lessened by a cumbrous provision in the Mexican 
 constitution which, while it left the President free to employ the 
 navy as lie pleased, made the concurrence of the House of Deputies 
 necessary for any land operations. Clay was the American foreign 
 secretary and he and Vaughan were fully agreed as to the necessity 
 for checking any such attempt. It might, Clay .sees, entangle 
 America in (iifficulties wilh the powers of the Old World and it 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles Vaitghaji 310 
 
 might bring about a servile insurrection, a prospect whicli at once 
 filled the South with the dread of '' proxiiiius aniit." Clay hopes 
 that some good may come from Russian intervention. Vaughan 
 has little hope in that quarter. He is more inclined to rely on 
 the fact that the Spanish Government has " most unaccount- 
 ably contrived to put Havannah in a respectable state of de- 
 fence" — a sarcasm clearly based on recollection of the Peninsula 
 war. 
 
 The danger of the United States's being dragged in is increased 
 by the fact that Porter, the commander of the Mexican fleet, was 
 an ex-ofificer in the United States navy. Poinsett too is, one may 
 say of course, suspected of giving underhand encouragement to 
 these schemes which his government disavows. Yet strange to 
 say Vaughan mentions a report current at Washington, that certain 
 Spaniards in Cuba were plotting a counter-revolution in Mexico 
 and that Poinsett was abetting them. It would seem as if Poinsett 
 was one of those unhappy men who through some defect of man- 
 ner and character, contrive to excite suspicion and to have a repu- 
 tation for duplicity far in excess of their real deserts. It is clear 
 too that the Mexican government was trying to play off the two 
 powers, England and America one against the other. Poinsett's 
 successor, Butler, apparently an upright and truthful man, told 
 Pakenham that he had been assured by the Mexican government 
 that in any quarrel with America, Mexico would have the support 
 of England. 
 
 Mexico is not the only one of the newly created Spanish-speaking 
 republics of which we learn something from these papers. There is 
 among them a despatch from Colonel Campbell, the PLnglish repre- 
 sentative in Colombia, drawing a melancholy picture of that country, 
 honeycombed with intrigues and only redeemed by the honesty and 
 public spirit of Bolivar. One passage in a letter of Campbell's is 
 interesting as showing how among thoughtful Americans some- 
 thing of a reaction was setting in from the buoyant self-confidence 
 of Jefferson and his school. In April, 1829, Campbell writes to 
 Vaughan : " General Harrison [the American minister in Colom- 
 bia] declared in a large company in my presence that Federation 
 would be the ruin of any of the new States and that even in the 
 United States they found the greatest difficulty in making the sys- 
 tem work from the almost impossibility of distinguishing between 
 the powers of the individual state and the Union." There are 
 alarming rumours too of repudiation. But this will probably be 
 checked, Campbell thinks, by the respect which was felt in Colom- 
 bia for the public opinion of Europe. 
 
^ I I Dociuuents 
 
 The following letters reproduced as they appear in the Vaughan 
 papers' throw light on the question of the interoceanic canal, and 
 on other problems growing out of the South American conditions 
 as well as on other diplomatic questions of the time. 
 
 John A. Doyle. 
 
 1. Vaughan to Canning. 
 
 Washington. 2. Octdber 1826. 
 Mr. Catinitj}:;, 
 
 Sir, Mr. Palmer of New York, who calls himself the "gen- 
 eral Agent'' of the Central American and United" States Atlantic and 
 Pacific Canal Company,"^ has lately been at Washington, and I have. the 
 honor to inclose an article, which has appeared in the newspapers, pur- 
 porting to give an abstract of the terms and conditions of the contract 
 lately entered into by a company at New York and the Republic of 
 Cuatemala. 
 
 By the inclosed article it appears, that the canal across the isthmus 
 of Panama by the lake of Nicaragua, is to be navigable for ships: that 
 the Republic of Guatemala is bound to permit the cutting of timber for 
 the works — to furnish plans and charts, to procure workmen, and to 
 indemnify the owners of lands — ^^The accounts of the Company are to be 
 audited every six months by the Republic, and interest at the rate of 10 
 per cent, to be allowed upon the sums expended.- 
 
 The company is to receive two thirds of the amount of duties and 
 after the payments by the Republic of the capital vested in the canal, 
 the Company is to be entitled for seven years, to receive one half of the 
 nett proceeds, and to have the exclusive privilege of navigating the canal 
 with steam boats for 20 years, free of duties, the Company to fix the 
 amount to be paid for freight on board steam-boats, and for towing ves- 
 sels through the canal. 
 
 Thus the navigation of the Canal will be completely in the hands of 
 the Company formed in the United States, though the Contract provides 
 that the navigation shall be common to all friendly and neutral nations, 
 without any exclusive privilege. 
 
 ' At the death of Sir Charles Vaughan his papers passed into the possession of his 
 neiihew, the second .Sir Henry Halford, and passed from him to his son the third 
 baronet, upon whose death they were transferred to All Souls' College, O.xford. They 
 were left with the understanding that Mr. Doyle was to have custody and use of them. 
 I he collection is a miscellaneous one, a great mass of private correspondence, memoranda 
 of all sorts, pamphlets, news|)aper extracts, and copies of diplomatic correspondence, as 
 well as full journals of Vaughan's travels. Most of the letters printed above are them- 
 selves copies probably made by one of Vaughan's staff. — Ed. 
 
 *Sec Niles's A't^'iu'tr, Vol. 31, pp. 2, 3, 72, 73. — Kn. 
 
 'The directors of the Company were DeW'itl Clinton, Stephen Van Rensselaer, 
 Morris Robinson, Kdward Livingston, Charles J. Catlett. I'lill accounts will be found in 
 //oiisf /\'f/>orfs Thirtieth Congress, Second Session, No. I45, especially pp. 362-375. — En. 
 
Tlie Papci's of Sir Charles rauo/ian 312 
 
 It is said that tlie estimate of the expence to be borne by the Com- 
 pany, does not exceed half a million of Dollars, and that the subscrip- 
 tion has been filled up at New York. 
 
 As this Canal is to pass by the river San Juan and the lake Nicaragua 
 it is supposed that the excavation will not exceed seventeen miles. 
 
 II. Vaugiian to Canning. 
 
 Washington. 20. Octr. 1826. 
 iMr. Canning, 
 
 Sir, I have already taken notice to you of a company at 
 New York, which have obtained a contract from the Govt, of Guatemala 
 for making a ship canal across the Isthmus of Panama by the lake Nica- 
 ragua. Having observed, that the Agent of the Company was at Wash- 
 ington, about the time of Mr. Clay's return, I took an opportunity of 
 asking him what countenance this Govt, was likely to give to that scheme. 
 
 Mr. Clay informed me that the agent of that Company had been inde- 
 fatigable in his endeavours to engage through himself and other ministers, 
 the Government of the United States to take part in this contract, but 
 that it was resolved that the Govt, should have nothing to do with it in 
 any shape. 
 
 If the Canal was to be made by any foreign power he should not re- 
 gret that it fell to the lot of Americans to effect it, but that he was con- 
 vinced that it must be carried into effect with the consent of all nations, 
 studiously avoiding any privileges reserved for any one. 
 
 I could not collect from Mr. Clay, that his Govt, entertained a better 
 opinion of the capability of the company to effect the enterprize which 
 they have undertaken than which may be collected from public report. 
 
 III. Yaughan to Canning. 
 
 Washington. 30. Sepr. 1825. 
 
 Sir, the American Minister of State, Mr. Clay, has informed me, 
 that he has received from Mr. Rufus King, a report of an interview 
 which the latter has had with you, in which he tells me that a coinci- 
 dence of opinion, and a frank unreserved expression of your sentiments 
 had prevailed in a manner to render that report most interesting and 
 satisfactory. 
 
 Mr. Clay went on to tell me, that after the last battle which took 
 place in Spanish America, and which seemed to have completely de- 
 stroyed the Royalist army, the United States had conceived that it would be 
 worth while to endeavour to get the influence of Russia to bear upon the 
 Court of Spain, in order to bring about a peace between the latter and 
 its late American Provinces.* Mr. Clay then read to me a note, in which 
 the Govt, of the United States recapitulated to the Emperor of Russia 
 the leading features attending the separation of the Spanish American 
 Colonies, the importance of preserving to Spain the Islands of Cuba and 
 
3 1 3 DociiiucrJs 
 
 Porto Rico and pressed upon the consideration of the Emperor many 
 other points which it is unnecessary for me to attempt to recapitulate as 
 I understand that a copy of this representation has been laid before you.' 
 1 observed that it was dated the loth. of May 1825 and I understand 
 that no answer had yet been received to it. 
 
 Mr. Clay afterwards put into my hands, a letter which he had re- 
 ceived from Mr. Rufus King fa copy of which 1 have the honor to in- 
 close), in which he transmitted to Mr. Clay a copy of a letter which you 
 had addressed to him dated Wortley Hall August 7th. 
 
 Having been made accpiainted with these papers, I was naturally 
 anxious to collect what impression had been made by the proposition 
 contained in your letter to Mr. King. Mr. Clay observed to me, that it 
 was his conviction, that Spain was to be acted upon only through her 
 fears, or her interests, and that when Spain once felt secure about Cuba, 
 by the combined declaration of other powers, that she would then more 
 obstinately persist in refusing peace to her American Provinces. 
 
 Mr. Clay however seemed very sensible of the importance of any 
 measure that should bind France'^ within the same line of Policy and for- 
 bearance with regard to Cuba which was laid down by Gt. Britain and 
 the United States, and he read to me part of letter from the American 
 Minister at Madrid, dated in July last, from whence I inferred, that jeal- 
 ousy had been entertained here of the projects of France with regard to 
 Cuba, as the letter stated, that the most positive assurances had just been 
 given him that the King of Spain had never had the intention for a 
 moment of ceding either Cuba or Porto Rico to France or to any other 
 power. 
 
 Mr. Clay observed to me that if France continued to send large 
 Squadrons of ships of war into the West Indian Seas she must expect 
 that in future other States would require an explanation of their objects. 
 That the occupation of Cuba by a French force would be just grounds of 
 war on the part of the United States. He expressed to me his convic- 
 tion that sooner or later the Island of Cuba would become independent 
 of Spain — That its continued dependence on Spain, as at present, was in 
 his opinion, was the most desirable thing that could happen, it being 
 impossible to consent to its falling into the hands of any maritime State. 
 But its independence might recpiire the guarantee of those States, or it 
 might be annexed to the Republic of Colombia or of Mexico. His views 
 upon this subject as detailed to me, coincided with those which he had 
 formerly stated to Mr. Addington and which that gentleman reported to 
 you in his Dispatch marked separate of the 2rst. May 1825. 
 
 ' See Memoirs oj Joint Quincy Adams, VI. 544 ; VII. S-io, 15, '?^Z. — Ed. 
 
 2 This is brought out clearly as the policy of the government in Adams's conference 
 with the Russian minister, A/enioin., VII. 10. On August 21, some live weeks before 
 the (late of the letter above given, I'oinsett had written Clay concerning a rumored attack 
 by a French fleet upon Culia and Mexico. Tiie I-^nglish and American ministers acted 
 together on the matter and the Mexican government, with tlie approval of our minister, 
 referred in its notes to the i)rinciple of the Monroe doctrine. Am. St. Papers, For. Rel., 
 V. 909. — Kd. 
 
TJic Papers of Sir Charles WiugJian 314 
 
 Mr. Poinsett the Minister from the United States at Mexico, has given 
 information that the agents from the disaffected at Cuba are very busy in 
 that City, in persuading the C.ovt. to fit out an expedition for the liurjjose 
 of effecting their independence and Mr. Clay believes that the Republic 
 of Colombia is disposed to act in concert with that of Mexico.' It was 
 evident that Mr. Clay considered the dependence of Cuba ujion those 
 Republics, as preferal)le only to the intervention of any European Power, 
 that of the United States being impossible. 
 
 Though I did not feel myself called upon to give any opinion ujjon 
 the proposed jilans with which 1 had become acquainted, by the papers 
 which he had allowed me to read, I could not help expressing my satis- 
 faction upon finding that some means had been devised, which might 
 possibly end in calming all our uneasiness, about the intervention of the 
 French on the one hand in the valuable Islands belonging to Spain, and 
 on the other from the doubtful chance of any satisfactory settlement of 
 their independence of the new Republics of Mexico and Colombia. 1 
 ventured to observe also that if a suspension of arms could only be ob- 
 tained from the projected representation to the Spanish Govt., it would 
 have the best effect upon the interior of the Spanish American Provinces 
 and that it would contribute to check the piratical adventures upon those 
 coasts, which had given our respective Govts, so much trouble. 
 
 I am sorry that I cannot after all that passed between myself and Mr. 
 Clay, form any distinct notion of what will probably be his instructions 
 to Mr. King respecting the proposal for a combined representation to the 
 Spanish Govt. , and I was disposed to believe that the recent departure of 
 the President from Washington, on a visit to his Father, and which is to 
 occupy him a month had probably prevented due discussion of this sub- 
 ject previously to his departure, but I observed Mr. King's letter was 
 marked as received on the 15th. Sepr., and the President did not set out 
 until the 21st. inst. 
 
 I have every reason to be satisfied with the unreserved manner in 
 which Mr, Clay has communicated with me on this and other occasions, 
 and using all due discretion and reserve with regard to the information 
 which has been imparted to me, I shall take care to communicate to you 
 whatever may transpire, about the decision of the Govt. 
 
 IV. VaU(;HAN to ^\'AKI). 
 
 Washington.. Feb. 13, 1826. 
 
 I began my mission to the United States, under a conviction, that 
 he British Govt, attached great importance to its relations with this coun- 
 try. A spirit of conciliation pervaded both Govts., altho' certain points 
 of collision, such as the boundary line, the commercial intercourse with 
 British Colonies and the indemnification for slaves under the St. Peters- 
 burgh convention still subsisted, they were in the course of arrangement 
 by commissioners and negociations in London. It seemed therefore, 
 
 'See Adams's Memoirs, VII. l6. — Eu. 
 
3 I 5 DociDJicnts 
 
 that a very important part of my functions here, in order to facilitate the 
 adjustment of differences which were in negociation, was to conciliate 
 the good humour, and cultivate the good feelings, which both Govts. 
 were ready to assure me existed between them. 
 
 Now, 1 regret, that a jealousy should have been excited at Mexico, 
 by Mr. Poinsett's conduct, which is at variance with the tenor of the 
 declarations repeatedly made to me by this Govt., that the United States 
 seek no exclusive privileges in Spanish America. That they will follow 
 implicitly the open and avowed conduct of (it. Britain in that respect. 
 
 You will perhaps say, that this may be their policy, in their com- 
 mercial relations, but that they are seeking to make a general Federation 
 of America, which is to exclude, in every possible shape, European con- 
 nections, and that the United States .seek to be placed at the head of that 
 Federation, for the purpose of directing its oi)crations and feelings, and 
 that thereby in any future rupture between us, and the United States, a 
 power is to be thrown into the scale of our enemy. 
 
 I confess that I look upon the new States of America, as of value, 
 only, to the rest of the world, on account of the commerce to be carried 
 on with them, and that I am not under the slightest apprehension of 
 England being thrown overboard by Mexico, and the other States, or 
 even by the United States, .so long as raw produce must be exchanged 
 for manufactures, so long as the New States require assistance in their 
 great financial difficulties, and so long as they are so perfectly inadequate 
 to their own defence against the enterprizes of European Powers, without 
 the maritime friendship of England. 
 
 I confess that I do not fear that influence which the United States 
 may seek to obtain, by placing themselves at the head of an American 
 Confederation — I count upon the prejudices, the repugnance of all Span- 
 iards to listen to strangers, upon their fanaticism, as safeguards against 
 any overbearing influence of the United States until I find that they have 
 entered into stipulations positively injurious to European Powers. 
 
 With regard to the encroachments in Texas, I learn from the Mexi- 
 can Mission at Washington, that settlements from the United States were 
 established in that Country at the solicitation of the Mexican Govt. It 
 was lately stated in Congress here, that the Province of Texas had given 
 away as much land as is contained in the United States territory of Ar- 
 kansas, and that by those gifts a multitude of useful citizens had been en- 
 ticed from this country. It was stated that more than 20,000 persons 
 have left the Western States of this Govt, for the Province of Texas. It 
 docs not seem however that they amalgamated well with the old Spanish 
 settlers, as it is their custom, whenever crime is to be punished, or dis- 
 putes to be settled, to send for a judge to the neighbouring State of this 
 Union. 
 
 The encroachments in Texas have arisen therefore rather from the 
 
 imprudence of the Mexicans than the intrigues of Mr. Poinsett. There 
 
 must always exist between the United Slates and Gt. Pritain a certain 
 
 rivalry in commerce and navigation, but I have been lately under a con- 
 voi,. VII. — 21. 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles Vauj^han 316 
 
 viction, that our interests are compatible with each other, and inclined to 
 contribute all in my power, to the extinguishing of our old animosities, 
 and to the jointly profiting l*y the new commercial relations opened to 
 us, by the indei:)endence of the Southern half of America. 
 
 It will be long before the New States can tempt us into a closer Po- 
 litical connection, than that arising out of conmierce. Our connection 
 with the United States is of a different character, and I should regret the 
 possibility of your being obliged to act in opposition to Mr. Poinsett in 
 Mexico, in a manner that should induce an impression at Washington 
 that we are jealous of them in the New States. In my anxiety however 
 to cement the Union between Gt. Britain and the United States, I should 
 be anxious, in no shape to relax your vigilance in watching the conduct 
 of the Agents of the latter at Mexico. 
 
 I am very anxious to know the nature of the Treaty which Morier 
 and yourself negociated with the Americans, and also the nature of the 
 Treaty ' made by Mr. Poinsett, and which the Mexicans have lately re- 
 jected. The newspapers at Washington have told us, that one Article in 
 the British Treaty conceded the point of Neutral flags, making neutral 
 goods. The United States will be delighted at such a concession,' 
 (which we have hitherto refused at so much loss of life and treasure), as 
 I find that in discussions recently in Congress, it has been thrown out, 
 as an argument for assisting at Panama, that that question might there be 
 agitated, and the best effect might be produced by the New States of 
 America insisting upon that condition in their treaties with other Powers. 
 
 I do not know how to reconcile the supposed anxiety of the United 
 States to form a general Federation of America, with themselves at the 
 head of it, with the backwardness and the opposition which has been 
 manifested by both Houses of Congress, to accept the invitation to as- 
 sist at the Congress at Panama. Colombia, Mexico and Guatemala in- 
 vited the United States to send Representatives to Panama — The Presi- 
 dent accepted the invitation and named Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant 
 to go there — That appointment requires the confirmation of the Senate, 
 and immediately after the meeting of Congress, they were called upon to 
 ratify the appointment. Up to this day they have not decided whether 
 they will approve of the appointment or not. In the meantime the 
 House of Representatives, have discussed the question upon the pretext 
 of asking for papers respecting the invitation, and the result has been, a 
 strong manifestation of dislike to the United States entering into what 
 they call enianglitig alliances. 
 
 'Full particulars in American State Papers, For. Rel. folio edition, Vol. VI., 
 pp. 578 ff. Poinsett was instructed to secure a treaty of limits and also a treaty of 
 amity and commerce. The former treaty was made and adopted ; the latter was not 
 finally ratified by both parties. — Ei). 
 
 '"That free ships shall also give freedom to goods" was stipulated by Art. l6 of 
 the Poinsett treaty which was finally not adopted. The same stipulation appears in the 
 treaty of 1S31, .Article XV., I, and in almost the same words. The treaty of 1831 was 
 obtained by Bullcr, Poinsett's successor, but he seems to hare profited by Poinsett's 
 labors. — En. 
 
3 1 7 Docuvients 
 
 Pardon me, my dear Ward, for writing yon so long, so tiresome a 
 letter, but you seemed to wish to have my opinion upon some points, 
 and I am very anxious to encourage you to communicate with me in the 
 very satisfactory and interesting manner, in which you have done lately — 
 etc. etc. etc. (Signed) Chas. R. Vauchan. 
 
 V. Vai(;han id Ward. 
 
 Washington. 28. March 1826. 
 My liear IVani, 
 
 Since I last wrote to you I have been told by Mr. Obre- 
 gon the Mexican Minister to the United States, that Morier has returned 
 to Mexico, but I do not yet hear whether our Govt, has consented to 
 rectify [ratify?] the commercial treaty which you conjointly made. 
 
 Some light has been thrown upon that Treaty during the discussion 
 in the Congress of the United States, respecting the expediency of this 
 Govt, accepting the invitation made to it by Colombia, Mexico and 
 Guatemala to assist by Representatives at the Congress about to be held 
 at Panama. I send you two newspapers which contain the correspon- 
 dence between Mr. Clay and Mr. Poinsett, upon the subject of the latter 
 having decided to reject any article in the Treaty between the United 
 States and Mexico, of a nature similar to one said to have been inserted 
 in the British Trealy with Mexico, granting the concession to the New 
 States of special commercial privileges. You will see in the letter ot 
 Mr. Clay to Mr. Poinsett that this Govt, approves of the conduct of the 
 latter. 
 
 These papers however have brought on a discussion in Congress, 
 upon the subject of the pledge which Mr. Poinsett has undertaken to as- 
 sert to the Mexican negociators, that the United States have given to 
 bear the brunt of any contest which may arise out of the interference of 
 any European Power in the independence or Government of the New 
 States.' The House of Representatives disavows this pledge and de- 
 clares that it knows of no other foundation for it, than a passage in the 
 Message to Congress of Mr. Monroe Deer. 1823. In that message Mr. 
 Monroe observed that any interposition by any European Power, for the 
 purpose of oppressing or controlling the destiny of the States, whose in- 
 
 ' Poinsett was instructed to repeat to Mexico the substance of the Monroe Doctrine. 
 In a letter to Poinsett dated November 9, 1825, Clay said : "But when an attack is 
 ima^jined to be menaced by Europe upon tlie independence of the United Mexican 
 States, then an appeal is made to those fraternal sympnthics which are justly supposed to 
 belong to our condition as a member of the American family. No longer than about 
 three months aj;o, when an invasion by France of the island of Cuba was believed at 
 Mexico, the United Mexican (jovernment promptly called upon the Government of the 
 United States, thnjugh you, to fulfil the memorable pledge of the President of the 
 United States in bis message to Congress of December, 1823. What they would have 
 done had the contingency happened, may be inferred from a dispatch to the American 
 minister at Paris, a copy of which is herewith sent, which you are authorized to read to 
 the plenipotentiaries of the United Mexican States." {^American Slatf Papers, foreign 
 Rflalioiti, Vol. VI., p. 583. )— En. 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles VaitgJiaii 3 1 8 
 
 dependence of Spain the United States had acknowledged could not 
 be viewed in any otlier light than as " the manifestation of an unfriendly 
 disposition towards the United States." 
 
 There is a wide difference as you will i)erceive, between the pledge 
 asserted by Mr. Poinsett to have been given and the expression of the 
 Ex -President Monroe. The Congress has required from the President, 
 information, to know whether the executive (iovt. has subsetjuently given 
 instructions to Mr. Poinsett to hold out that the United States have given 
 the pledge which he puts forward as an argument to induce the Mexicans 
 to close with his terms for a commercial treaty. It is not doubted but 
 that Mr. Poinsett has no other authority for his assertion than the mes- 
 sage of President Monroe, which, I remember, made a strong impression 
 in Europe couched even in his moderate language. 
 
 I think it right to put you in possession of what may be collected of 
 the policy of this country with regard to Mexico and with the new 
 States in general, by adding a newspaper copy of the instructions of Mr. 
 Adams (now President) to Mr. Anderson when he was sent to Colombia. 
 
 The mission to Panama has met with considerable opposition in the 
 Congress. The President accepted the invitation from Mexico, Guate- 
 mala and Colombia, but his nomination of Mr. Anderson Cat present 
 Minister to Colombia), and of Mr. Serjeant a Lawyer of Philadelphia, 
 required the confirmation of the Senate. In that body a personal opposi- 
 tion to Mr. Adams exists, which has grown out of the past Presidential 
 election. Much time has been lost in taking the subject into considera- 
 tion — and great delay in bringing it to a decision. At length about the 
 15th. of March, the Senate decided to confirm the nominations made by the 
 President by a majority of 24 to 19. 
 
 In the House of Representatives the subject is still under discussion, 
 as they are required to make an appropriation for the expence of the 
 mission. I am assured by Mr. Clay that the measure will certainly pass 
 this House. 
 
 From the moment of the meeting of Congress in Deer, this question 
 has been in agitation. The Plenipotentiaries cannot yet depart for Panama 
 until the House of Representatives have voted the supply and they will 
 not debate the question before Monday 3rd. of April. A dislike of 
 meddling with the Congress at Panama at all, has been manifested in a 
 considerable degree, and all this delay does not indicate the eagerness of 
 the Nation in general to take their station, as the directing head of the 
 new Republics, according to the principles of Mr. Poinsett. 
 
 We must not however allow ourselves to be lulled into a negligent 
 observance of the conduct of the United States by their repeated declara- 
 tions of equality and reciprocity in commercial regulations and their ab- 
 horrence of entering into alliances, which may "entangle and compro- 
 mise" them — But at the same time I would inculcate great vigilance 
 respecting their political movements in the new States, I apprehend that 
 it is of great importance, not to risk the growing good-will between our 
 respective Govts, by any exposure of jealousy on our part, of the attempts 
 
3 1 9 Dociuiients 
 
 of the Agents from the United States, to obtain the ascendancy at which 
 they seem to aspire. 
 
 Depend upon it, that it will be but a fruitless effort on the part of 
 these people to win the affections of so bigotted, so prejudiced, so igno- 
 rant a people as the descendants from Spain in America and that too, in 
 opposition to all that they must owe to England for protection, for inter- 
 change of manufactures, for the produce of her mines which England 
 alone can enable her to procure, let alone the impression of her power 
 which the last contest in Spain against France must have left upon the 
 new States. 
 
 With regard to your colleague Mr. Poinsett I must tell you that he 
 enjoys a great reputation among the politicians of Washington and that 
 there is very little disposition to doubt about his judgment. 
 
 I wrote you, not long since by New York, but I do not know whether 
 a conveyance was found there for my letters. We are without news from 
 England later than the 20 Janry. Many packets are due. The last intel- 
 ligence received at New York, stated that Dawkins had been appointed 
 to go to Panama. I am anxious to hear from him upon the subject. I 
 think it is well that somebody should be sent to keep our Govt, acquainted 
 with what is going on. We are told that the Deputies from Peru, Chili 
 Me.xico, Guatemala and Colombia are already assembled. I'he Commis- 
 sioners from the United States will arrive in time, it is said, because the 
 business will be confined at first to the Belligerents. 
 
 VI. Ward to Canning. 
 
 Mexico. 7 April 1826. 
 The Right Honle. George Canning, 
 Sir, 
 
 It is with unfeigned satisfaction that I am, at length enabled to inform 
 you that M Camacho's mission to England has been sanctioned in the 
 Senate by a majority of 23 to 4. 
 
 The (juestion was not brought on till this morning, and the decision 
 was communicated to me almost at the same moment by a message from 
 the Senate, and by an Aide de Camp of the President. 
 
 After the apprehensions expressed both by Mr. Morier and myself, 
 with regard to the result of the discussion, you will probably be surjjrised 
 at the manner in which it has terminated : But in a country where pub- 
 lic opinion is not founded on any fixed principles and where the ignorance 
 and .suspicions of the leading men expose them to the attacks of those 
 whose interest it often is to turn this want of fixed principles to account, 
 you must not wonder at any fiuctuations, however sudden, or however 
 great the contradiction to which they must lead. 
 
 In the jjresent instance I am bound to state my conviction that the 
 Senate was surprised into the decision resjjecting the mission of M. Gomez 
 Pedraza, without being at all aware of the conse()Ucnccs, with which that 
 decision might have been attended. 
 
The J\ipcrs of Sir Charles Vaughan 320 
 
 The Government, from a foolish confidence in its own intluence, took 
 no steps to explain the real nature of the (juestion, or to clear away that 
 obscurity in which Mr. Poinsett had contrived to involve it ; nor was it 
 until (general \'i(loria was roused into action by the disgrace of one fail- 
 ure, and the apprehension of a second, that any efforts were made on the 
 part of the executive to carry a point of such vital im[)ortance to the 
 Country. 
 
 It would he doing the President great injustice however, were I to 
 refrain from stating, that, from the ])eriod of my conversation with him 
 (of which 1 had the honor of giving you an account in my Dispatch No 
 22) up to the present moment his exertions have been as indefatigable as 
 his inactivity in the first instance, was imprudent. To my knowledge, 
 he has even gone so far as to declare, not to one but several Senators, 
 that he would no longer remain at the head of affairs, if, upon such an 
 occasion the honour, and plighted faith of the Government were to be 
 again wantonly sacrificed. 
 
 I shall not attempt to explain, sir, the anomaly of such energetic 
 language being held at one time, and such unaccountable apathy dis- 
 played at another. It is one of those contradictions peculiar to this 
 country, which one must take advantage of, but which it is impossible to 
 account for. Certain it is, however, that upon the present occasion it is 
 to this change of conduct on the part of the President that we must at- 
 tribute in a great measure the sort of revulsion which has taken place, in 
 the feelings of the Senate with regard to Mr. Camacho. 
 
 I must confess likewise the utility of that delay which, in the first in- 
 stance, I was inclined to regard as disadvantageous. By putting off the 
 discussion time has been allowed for giving a wider circulation to those 
 opinions which it was absolutely necessary to disseminate, and I have 
 little doubt at present, that had the question been brought on a week ago, 
 altho' it might have been carried, the result would not have been nearly 
 so satisfactory. 
 
 Genl. Victoria has been seconded by men of all Parties : The arrival 
 of Genl. Bravo ' in the Capital, which took place about ten days ago, 
 secured the co-operation of all his friends ; all those who regard a con- 
 nection with England as essential to the interests of this Country of 
 course, sided with Government, and latterly, many, even of Mr. Poin- 
 sett's adherents, finding that there would certainly be a majority against 
 them, endeavoured to make a merit w^ith the President by offering him 
 their votes. 
 
 Amongst them Mr. Zavala's name must not be omitted who, with 
 that delightful inconsistency which I have so often had occasion to remark 
 upon here, after doing everything in his power out of the Senate to get 
 M Camacho's appointment thrown out, finished by speaking and voting 
 
 ' Nicholas Bravo, a Mexican general of distinction. Chosen Vice-President in 1S24. 
 In 1828 he was at the head of a rebellion against the government demanding the accept- 
 ance of the plan of Montano. lie was unsuccessful. He was president for a short tirat 
 in 1846. — Ed. 
 
3 2 I Documents 
 
 for him in the House. With General Bravo's frank and manly be- 
 haviour I have been much pleased ; when I first spoke to him upon the 
 subject of M. Camacho, soon after his return to the Capital, he told me 
 fairly that he could not perceive what interest England could have in in- 
 sisting upon the appointment of a Minister when there was evidently so 
 strong an objection on the i)art of the Senate to allow any one holding a 
 responsible official situation to leave the country. I explained in reply 
 the misapprehension under which he laboured, and had no sooner con- 
 vinced him, by shewing him the official correspondence (which, strange 
 as it may appear, had not been communicated to him by the President), 
 that our only an.xiety was to enable the Government to redeem a pledge, 
 which had been voluntarily given and not sought — much less insisted 
 upon — by Gt. Britain, then he assured nie that I might depend upon him, 
 and upon the vote of every individual over whom he had the least in- 
 fluence ; and such the event has proved to be the case. 
 
 With regard to the Senate, I must repeat, that it was surprised into 
 its former decision. 
 
 I have naturally been thrown into very close communication with 
 several members of that body during the last fortnight, and I have found 
 them certainly labouring under a false impression, but by no means un- 
 willing to allow that impression to be removed. Many were strongly 
 prepossessed against M. Camacho's mission, not because they did not at- 
 tach sufficient importance to the object of it, nor from any indifference 
 as to the results, but simply because they had been taught to believe, by 
 the American party, that M. Camacho was not the man to whom such a 
 mission ought to be confided. 
 
 It refjuired no little time or patience to convince men, thus schooled 
 betimes, that they had been most grossly imposed upon, and that the per- 
 sons who had shewn so much activity in endeavouring to mislead them were 
 perfectly aware that unless M. Camacho were intrusted with the nego- 
 ciation, its failure would be inevitable. In effecting this, the letter which 
 I had the honor of enclosing in my Dispatch No. 22 and of which sev- 
 eral copies were put into circulation, was of some use ; and though the 
 language used in that letter, was certainly strong, I can hardly regret the 
 circumstance which rendered that language necessary, for I am inclined 
 to believe, that the lesson which the Senate has now received will be of 
 use hereafter, by putting many well meaning men upon their guard 
 against the designs of a party which, in the present instance had so nearly 
 succeeded in involving them in a fatal contest with His M's Government. 
 
 For the line which I have myself taken in this discussion I shall make 
 no apologies : Convinced that exertions were imperiously called for on 
 our part when foreign influence was so openly exerted against us, and 
 trusting that you would not disapprove of an interference, however di- 
 rect, the object of which was, not to influence the decision of a cjuestion 
 purely Mexican, but to neutralize the hostility of the party opposed to 
 us, and thus to afford the Government and well-disposed portion of the 
 Chambers of Mexico an opportunity of giving His M's. Government a 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles Vajighan 322 
 
 proof of their real sentiments ; I have steadily adhered to the course which, 
 in my Dispatch marked separate, and dated iSth. March, I stated it to be 
 my intention to pursue. I have indeed, been forced to assume a higher 
 tone than I then thought necessary but His M's. Commissioners by keep- 
 ing in the background during the first discussion, had given their oppo- 
 nents an advantage which nothing but very decided measures could have 
 deprived them of: I did not therefore scruple to run the risk even of 
 widening the breach in the event of a second failure, in order to con- 
 vince the Mexicans of the extreme importance of the point which they 
 were about to discuss ; and I threatened them with a positive rupture 
 with Gt. Bfttain, as the best means of preventing that rupture from tak- 
 ing place. I am willing to confess however, that nothing but the suc- 
 cess with which it has been attended, could warrant the expedient to 
 which I resorted, and it is to your indulgence that I must look for my 
 justification. 
 
 It now only remains for me to add that M. Comacho's health is com- 
 pletely restored and that he will take the very first opportunity which 
 presents itself of proceeding to England. 
 
 It would be presumption in me to express even a wish with regard to 
 the reception which His M's. Government may think proper to give to 
 the proposals of which he is the bearer ; but after the very signal defeat 
 which the American party has sustained upon the present occasion, I 
 should indeed be grieved if M. Camacho's mission were to terminate in 
 a manner which would inevitably throw the game here once more into 
 the hands of the United States. 
 
 I have the honor to be etc. etc. (signed) H. G. Ward. 
 
 vii. Ward to Vaughan. 
 
 Mexico. 23 May. 1826. 
 My dear Vaughan, 
 
 I am very glad to have so early an opportunity of acknowledging 
 your very interesting letter of the 28th. March. 
 
 The Packet by New York has not reached me, which I regret the 
 more as I do not perceive by that now before me that you have received 
 the copies of my correspondence with the Foreign Office, and other let- 
 ters which I sent you as far back as the 28th. of last November, and 
 which I should be sorry to think were lost. 
 
 It is true that you discuss the same subjects as those to which these 
 letters alluded ; but still they may have been brought before you merely 
 by the publication of Mr. Poinsett's correspondence. 
 
 Under this impression I send you a duplicate copy of a Dispatch, 
 which will give you a sufficient insight into the nature of the con- 
 test which I have had to sustain with Mr. Poinsett here. He has fought 
 a hard battle, and is, as you justly describe him, a man of great talent, 
 and, in every respect, a most formidable antagonist. Fortunately the 
 United States have many vulnerable points. They have thwarted the 
 
3-3 DocuDicnts 
 
 views of the Government with regard to the Island of Cuba, and the 
 strong language of the President on this subject is not at all liked. 
 
 They have offended Mexican vanity by putting in a claim to be con- 
 sidered as the heads of the great American Federation. 
 
 In the North, they are bad neighbors, and have excited serious ap- 
 prehensions with regard to Texas, by their systematic encroachments. 
 
 All these motives of dissatisfaction on the part of Mexico have been 
 in my favour, and I do not hesitate to confess that without them I must 
 have quitted the field. 
 
 With the best wishes to preserve that good understanding between 
 our two Governments which you justly deem so important, I have been 
 unable at times, to keej) on very friendly terms with Mr. Poinsett.. This 
 was more particularly the case just after Morier's departure, when the 
 question respecting Mr. Camacho's mission to England was still pending, 
 and when we were almost involved in a personal .piarrel. Since that 
 great point was decided, things have gone on more smoothly, and we 
 are now on very good terms. 
 
 I do not think that there is any immediate prospect of Mr. Poinsett's 
 bringing his negotiation to a conclusion : Mr. Camacho who is a firm, 
 and thoroughly honourable man, refuses, and I think with much reason, 
 to sign a commercial Treaty, without coming to some explicit under- 
 standing respecting Boundaries, and insists upon an official Declaration, 
 adopting the line fi.xed by the Treaty of lines and referring to a commis- 
 sion the correct geographical definition of that line. 
 
 Nlr. Poinsett wishes to keep the whole question open, to make it a 
 subject of a separate negotiation, and thus to afford time to the emi- 
 grants from the United States, who have already overrun a great part of 
 Te.xas, to establish themselves there so firmly, that it will be impossible 
 to expel them ; in which case he probably hopes that a cession of right 
 may be easily obtained. 
 
 Upon this point the Governments are at issue : Mr. Poinsett is pro- 
 crastinating in the hope that when Mr. Camacho goes to England, he 
 may succeed better with some other negotiator. 
 
 In this hope he will be disappointed ; for the President has given a 
 solemn promise to Mr. Camacho, that nothing shall be done during his 
 absence, and that no Treaty shall be signed without liim. I, therefore, 
 feel but little ajiprehension with regard to the result, and have likewise 
 the satisfaction of knowing, that, so far from obtaining any privilege or 
 advantage over us .Mr. Poinsett is forced to yield many of the points 
 which we have virtually carried, trusting to the stipulation that the 
 United States shall be regarded as the most favoured nation, for the at- 
 tainment hereafter, of those concessions which he ciinnot now obtain. 
 
 Mr. Camacho's health is quite restored, and he is now only waiting 
 for a proper conveyance which I am daily in exi)ectation of being able to 
 obtain for him. 
 
 A French general commercial agent (.Mr. .Marlinj has recently ar- 
 rived here ; he met with anything but a favourable reception at first, and 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles Vaiighan 324 
 
 it reciiiired no little labour to convince General Victoria, that even al- 
 though his credentials were exceptionable, it would, at all events, be 
 highly advantageous to Mexico to allow a man of respectability to reside 
 here, in order to counteract those reports, which Spain so assiduously cir- 
 culates with regard to the state of affairs in these countries. Intrigues 
 could not long be carried on without being detected, and when detected 
 might easily be cut short. 
 
 Mr. Martin appears to me a sensible and intelligent man, and noth- 
 ing can be fairer than his professions : If he acts up to them he may be 
 sure of my warmest support in every thing; for to induce the other pow- 
 ers of Europe to follow the example of (U. Britain, is, I know, Mr. Can- 
 ning's object, as it will be the best proof of the merits of his enlightened 
 policy. 
 
 The United States need be under no apprehension with regard to the 
 arrival of their Plenipotentiaries at Panama in time: The Mexican 
 Plenries. M. M. Michelena and Dominguez have only just left Acapulco : 
 They were to have sailed on board the Asia, but most fortunately for 
 them, a plan was discovered on the part of the crew, to make amends 
 for their treachery last year, by carrying the vessel into some Spanish 
 port, where they thought that such a peace-offering as the Plenries. to 
 Panama, would ensure them not only pardon, but rewards. 
 
 A law has just passed here abolishing all privileges and distinctions 
 of Nobility. 
 
 Another, (of some importance) making it high treason to propose 
 treating with Spain on any terms, but the unqualified recognition of the 
 Independence, under the present form of Government, and subjecting to 
 eight years imprisonment, any individual (whatever be his situation) who 
 shall, either publicly or privately, bring forward a proposition on the 
 part of the Spanish Government, or any other in its name, to grant to the 
 Mother Country any species of indemnity, or compensation for the loss 
 of her ancient supremacy — This will put an end to any idea of mediation 
 on the part of Great Britain, tho' I had seen too much of the obstinacy 
 of H. C. M. ever to think that Mr. Lamb's efforts on this subject would 
 be of any avail. 
 
 I have now, I believe, told you all that has passed here of late : I shall 
 therefore, conclude by hoping soon to hear from you again, and by assur- 
 ing you that I shall ever remain, 
 
 My dear Vaughan, 
 
 Most Sincerely yours 
 
 H. G. Ward. 
 
 VIII. Waru to Vaughan. 
 
 Mexico. loth. June 1826. 
 My dear Vaughan, 
 
 I have at last the pleasure of acknowledging the receipt of your letter 
 of the 13th. Feby., which has arrived from New York, just in time to 
 enable me to thank you for it by the Courier whom I am about to dispatch 
 this afternoon. 
 
325 Documents 
 
 I need not tell you that I am most sincerely grateful to you for your 
 advice, and honest opinion, nor will, I conceal from you the fact, that, 
 had we been in communication sooner, and I had been assured by a per- 
 son so well able to ascertain the truth, that Mr. Poinsett, in his plans 
 here was not acting in concert with either the (lovt. or the Congress at 
 home, my opposition to him would have been conducted in a very dif- 
 ferent spirit. 
 
 But, I must in justice to myself observe, that it was impossible for me, 
 or for any one here, to entertain a suspicion of the kind : who could sup- 
 pose that a man of Mr. Poinsett's standing and high character in his own 
 country, would expose himself to a disavowal like that which he has 
 recently met with ? Who could imagine that while taking a most decided 
 line here, he reckoned upon no support at home? — Who think, that 
 while speaking and acting in the name of his (jovt., and moving Heaven 
 and earth in order to establish his influence here upon the ruins of ours, — 
 that Govt, would be proclaiming principles perfectly consistent with that 
 spirit of fair competition, which it is neither the wish nor the interest of 
 Gt. Britain to oppose ? 
 
 I could only judge by facts which I had before my eyes, and those 
 facts are more than sufficient to bear me out in the line which I have 
 taken. 
 
 You must not, however, suppose, that while resisting, openly an open 
 attack, it has been at all my wish to excite sentiments of rivality, or throw 
 any obstacle in the way of those conciliatory views, which I knew to have 
 been adopted by Govt, with the United States. 
 
 My line has been, from first to last, a defensive one ; and so far from 
 opposing Mr. Poinsett where his views do not clash with our interests, 
 (for which I agree with you in thinking that there is no sort of necessity) 
 he will find me ready and willing to assist him whenever I can. 
 
 His power to hurt is gone, his influence has been upon the decline ever 
 since he failed so completely in the attempt to get Camacho's appoint- 
 ment thrown out, and the late proceedings at Washington have deprived 
 him even of his most zealous partizans. Personally I have never disliked 
 Ivir. Poinsett, tho' there has been once or twice a sort of collision between 
 us ; but let him but meet me half way, and he will find me most ready 
 to give up everything like opposition to him. But, I need dwell no fur- 
 ther upon this subject : the inclosed copy of a Dispatch written just 
 before your letter reached me, will shew you both the state of my feelings 
 upon the subject, and those of the people here. 
 
 IX. Ward to Vaughan, 
 
 Mexico. 27 Octr. 1826. 
 My dear Vaui^han, 
 
 The three Dispatches of which I inclose copies, contain, a peu pres, 
 all that I have to say, about the i)resent state of affairs here, in as far as 
 regards the points which are most likely to interest you. 
 
The J\ipeys oj Sir Charles VauohcDi 326 
 
 Canedo's motion, (No 114) like many other good ideas in this coun- 
 try, has led to nothing ; Esteva who is Grand Master of the New York 
 Lodges, has stopped proceedings entirely, by not sending in the infor- 
 mation which Gt. [government?] is requested to give, under the plea of 
 not having yet been al:)le to i)rocure it from the States. In the meantime 
 party quarrels are running higher than ever : The Press teems with libels, 
 — and so many gross personalities have been published, — so many old 
 Revolutionary stories brought to light, that if Si)ain were paying them to 
 destroy their own credit as a Nation, they could hardly perform the task 
 more effectually. 
 
 The contest for the Elections has carried this animosity into every 
 corner of the Federation. You hear everywhere of Yorkinos, and Bor- 
 bonistas, which term has, I think, been of late applied to almost every 
 one who does not belong to the New York sect, — but more particularly 
 to Genl. Bravo, and all his friends, whom it is the object of the Yorkinos 
 to exclude, at any price, from power. They do not reflect that a party 
 which comprises a very large portion of the wealth and talent of the 
 country, will not patiently see itself hunted down by a set of needy and 
 desperate adventurers — At least, they must not be driven to extremities, 
 or I see that the next Election for the Presidency, will not be decided 
 without an appeal to arms. 
 
 You can have no idea, My dear Vaughan, of the sort of men with 
 whom the Yorkinos have sought to fill their ranks :' Half pay officers, — 
 clerks in public offices, (particularly in those under Esteva's control) — 
 petty advocates, clergymen who are reduced to seek, by an affectation of 
 Liberal views, that promotion which their characters have prevented 
 them from obtaining before. Such are the elements of which the New 
 York Lodges are composed, — and, with a sprinkling of names which 
 ought not, certainly, to appear amongst such associates. Such the party 
 
 ' " Without "H' disparagement to its members, of whom many are both useful and 
 distinguished men, I may say that the largest proportion of the Affilies of this society 
 consisted of the novi homines of the Revolution. They are the ultra-f'ederalists, or 
 democrats of Mexico, and profess the most violent hostility to Spain, and to the Spanish 
 residents . . ." H. G. Ward, Mexico (London: 1829), Vol. II., p. 408. With re- 
 gard to Poinsett's influence in this matter see his defense in Niles's Register, Vol- 
 XXXIII., pp. 23-26. He published in Mexico Exposicion de la tonducta politica de 
 los Estados Unidos para con las nuevas republicas de America. The congress of Vera 
 Cruz declared that " he conceived a project the most disorganizing and terrible for the 
 republic ; which was nothing more nor less than the establishment of the lodgt of York 
 Free Masons.'' Niles, Ibid., p. 13. 
 
 An account is found in Ward's Mexico, Vol. II., pp. 407-408. Poinsett was instru- 
 mental in establishing York lodges of free masons. The Mexican masons had belonged in 
 most cases to the Scotch rite. He says himself: "The rite of York existed before his 
 arrival in this country. He found five lodges already established, and he done [sic] 
 nothing more than send for cliarters for them from the grand lodge of New York, at their 
 request to instal the grand lodge of Mexico." The " Yorkinos " and the " Escoceses " 
 became rival political parties ; the former the radicals and the latter the conservatives. 
 Extreme bitterness and rancor characterized the relations between the parties and the 
 accusations of each were in kind, though not in degree, very similar to those existing in 
 this country in Washington's administration. — Ed. 
 
327 Dociinicnts 
 
 which wishes to monopoli/e all Public Employments, and to form a New 
 York Congress, in order to give the Country a New York President also ! 
 
 Guerrero ' and Esteva are both talked of for this dignity. Genl. 
 Barragan likewise, who has been induced, very recently, to inscribe his 
 name upon the New York lists, in the hope of obtaining it. 
 
 I do not, however, think that the party has yet as much influence as 
 it imagines : The elections in the States have not gone in their favour at 
 all generally, and where they have succeeded (as at Toluca), the law of 
 elections has been so grossly violated, that it is probable that the elec- 
 tions themselves will be annulled. 
 
 In the meantime pecuniary difficulties are increasing in consequence 
 of the embarrassments of the house of Barclay and of the wise resolution 
 of our merchants not to send another vessel here, until the present ab- 
 surd system of duties is modified. In short, things are decidedly in a 
 bad state, and had Mexico an enemy of even common activity, the con- 
 sequences might be more serious than I have ever hitherto imagined. 
 
 I regret this the more because of the extent to which British capital 
 is embarked here — Our companies require nothing now but tranquillity, 
 and their success cannot be doubtful. 
 
 I am going to undertake a journey on the 1st. to Guanajuato and 
 Zacatecas : here I can do no good, at present, and I believe that if my 
 interference be required later, it will be the more effectual from my be- 
 ing known to be connected with neither of the great parties of the day. 
 Poinsett has certainly done himself no good ; by following a different 
 line : He has all the odium of having created the sect which has given 
 rise to those fatal Divisions by which the country is now torn to pieces, 
 while Esteva has completely supplanted him in the management of its 
 affairs. 
 
 X. Pakenham to Vaughan. 
 
 Octr. 18/27. 
 I have already been once robbed and narrowly escaped being mur- 
 dered at Noonday within pistol shot of the gate of the town ; there is not 
 such a cut-throat country I am sure in the world. Our house is opposite 
 to a sort of half prison, half hospital, where the killed and wounded are 
 deposited after every affray. Five minutes don't pass without our seeing 
 a wounded or a dead man carried in there. 
 
 XI. Pakenham to Vaughan. 
 
 Mexico. Sepr. 24. 1828. 
 My dear Vaughan, 
 
 The last letter I received from you was dated the 28th. May. I 
 now |)roceed to answer it by the New York Packet which promises to 
 sail from Vera Cruz on the ist. of next month. Since I last wrote 
 
 ' \ iccnlt tiutrrcro sujiprcssed the IJravo or Montafio rebellion of 1S2S ; candidate 
 for the presidency, 1828; defeated by Pedraza in th-- election. Rebellion ensued and 
 (iiierrcro became I'resident in 1829. — Ed. 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles I'augJian 328 
 
 to you the ([uestion which has exclusively occupied everybodys atten- 
 tion has been the election of the President who is to enter on his office 
 early next year. The States voted on the ist. of Sepr. and the result 
 has been a majority of two in favor Genl. Ciomez Pedraza — the present 
 minister of War — . You are already aware that the Yorkino party has 
 been for the last 3 years moving Heaven and earth to secure the election 
 of Guerrero — Their defeat, constitutionally speaking, is therefore com- 
 plete, — but they are not the sort of fellows to acquiesce peacably in an 
 arrangement which has no stronger foundation than a paper constitution 
 to which they have all sworn. They have now taken up arms, and seem 
 determined right or wrong to set aside the election of Pedraza and i)lace 
 Guerrero at the head of the Govt. 
 
 The appearance of things is truly alarming — The insurrection began 
 at Xalapa in the first week of this month — where a General Santa Anna, 
 a character who has successively served and betrayed every party which 
 has figured in this country since the beginning of the revolutionary war, 
 headed a tumultuous meeting that was held for the*purpose of intimidating 
 the legislature of that State, Vera Cruz, to rescind the vote it had given 
 for Pedraza, and vote for Guerrero — the Congress had firmness enough to 
 resist, and to suspend Santa Anna from his functions of V. Gov. of the 
 State, accusing him of Sedition and directing the military commandant 
 to place him under arrest. 
 
 To this Santa Anna submitted for three days, — when having matured 
 his plans, he started from Xalapa with 300 men of the garrison whom he 
 had seduced from their duty, and took possession of the castle of Perote, 
 a fortress which commands the principal road from the Capital to the 
 coast, — where he has collected a force of about 1000 men, consisting of 
 deserters from Xalapa and Puebla, and mounted peasantry, a description 
 of force which is very efficient in the sort of desultory warfare which he 
 will probably endeavour to carry on. The Govt, are taking for this 
 country very energetic measures to suppress this insurrection, and the 
 Congress luckily are cordially seconding this effort. A great reaction 
 has certainly taken place in the public feeling since January last, when it 
 seemed all over with the ' Esoces ' interest, had the Govt, then had oc- 
 casion to apply to the Congress for any laws, which would have been con- 
 trary to the views of the Yorkino's, hardly a member of either character 
 would have been found to vote for them, — now several measures aimed 
 not only at .Santa Anna and his followers but at the whole Yorkino sys- 
 tem have been passed rapidly and without much discussion — ist. a law put- 
 ting Santa Anna and his companions [to death] if within a certain time 
 they do not lay down their arms — those who do will have their lives 
 spared but they will undergo any other punishment which a military tri- 
 bunal may think proper to sentence them to — 2nd. a law for the better 
 punishment of abuses of the liberty of the press — under the old law such 
 offences being tried before a committee of the municipality, blasphemously 
 called a "Jury," composed entirely of Yorkino's, condemned without 
 mercy any publications contrary to their views, while any attack however 
 
3-9 Documents 
 
 libellous or infamous against the opposite party enjoyed perfect impun- 
 ity. You can have no idea of the atrocious and barefaced partiality 
 with which the late law was administered, — There will be under the new 
 one some chance of fair play. 3rdly. extraordinary powers, something 
 like our suspension of the habeas Corpus act, have been voted to the 
 President, which will enable the Governt. to lay hold of the instigators 
 of the mischief, — a measure which is likely to have the best effects. 4th. 
 notice has been given for a motion for the suppression of Secret socie- 
 ties, — this is striking at the very root of the evil, and I sincerely hope it 
 may be passed. 
 
 You must not be surprised to hear soon that Mr. Poinsett has been 
 invited to walk off, — but I rather think that he is too cunning to let 
 things come to that, and that in a few weeks we shall have the satisfaction 
 of seeing him depart of his own accord.' 
 
 Now to return to Santa Anna,— you will find his plan detailed in the 
 No. of the Sol which I enclose, — to talk of annulling an election made 
 by the Legislative bodies, is imprudent enough but to say that they shall 
 proceed to elect such a particular person, is the greatest burlesque upon 
 the elective system that has yet been brought before the public. 
 
 You will see that he has made use of the popular cry against the old 
 Spaniards, — this will I think get him more recruits than the rest of his 
 professed objects not excepting that of the forced election of Guerrero. 
 
 The greatest danger the Govt, have to fear is the instability of the 
 troops, and the greatest precaution is required to be used in order not to 
 increase the strength of Santa Anna by the defection of the soldiers sent 
 against him. I do not however despair of the ultimate result, tho' I fear 
 that untill the interval which the Constitution most unaccountably inter- 
 poses between the election and installation of the new President as Gov- 
 ernor, we shall not have many quiet moments. 
 
 " Grifos" will of course, take place in other parts of the country — 
 but Santa Anna's is probably the worst we shall have to encounter. 
 
 •The plan of Montano issued by the Escoceses or Novenarios at the end of 1827 
 embraces four articles : suppression of secret societies ; dismissal of the cabinet ; dis- 
 missal of Poinsett ; scrupulous enforcement of the laws. See the document in Ward's 
 Mexico, Vol. II., p. 565. — Ed. 
 
DOCUMENTS 
 
 The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaughaii, 1825-183 5. 
 ( Concluding Installment. ) 
 
 Vaughan's arrival in America almost coincided with the open- 
 ing of the dispute concerning the northeastern boundary.' Those 
 who are famiHar with the difficulties about boundaries which fill so 
 large a place in the colonial history of the eighteenth century know 
 that in most cases the question became acute, not through any 
 formal assertion of a claim by a colonial government but through 
 the refusal of individual citizens to accept the jurisdiction of the 
 colony which claimed their allegiance, on the plea that they were 
 outside its boundaries. So it was in this case. The treaty of 1783 
 had arrived at a supposed solution of the boundary question which 
 was in reality no solution.' Owing to the lack of local knowledge 
 and a proper survey, terms were used to define the boundary which 
 were in reality unmeaning. But the zone of country affected, the 
 debatable land as one may call it, remained unoccupied and the 
 difficulty therefore unheeded down till about 1 825. Then as it would 
 seem, individual settlers from Maine began to dispute the authority of 
 the New Brunswick government surveyors. American land agents 
 too were impressing on the settlers that they must get titles for their 
 holdings from the governments of Maine or Massachusetts, as the 
 case might be. In March, 1827, we find Vaughan telling Canning 
 in a despatch that Clay has promised to restrain the governors of 
 Maine and Massachusetts from any encroachments on the territory 
 in di.spute. That this was not without effect is clearly shown by a 
 proclamation dated September 5, 1827, which is among the Vaughan 
 papers, by which the governor of Maine tells certain citizens to ab- 
 stain from any independent action of the nature of encroachment and 
 if they are wronged to trust to their government to obtain redress. 
 Yet it is clear from the correspondence between Vaughan and the 
 governor of New Brunswick^ Sir Howard Douglas, that encroach- 
 ments .still went on and that timber-cutting and occupation were 
 taking place on the territory in dispute. 
 
 Vaughan at once saw that the present loss or inconvenience 
 was a small part of the matter. The real danger was that the Amer- 
 
 ' The comments on the letters that follow are by Mr. John A. Doyle, who wrote the 
 
 introduction to the documents with a .sketch of Vaughan's early career. Ed. 
 
 500 
 
The Papej's of Sir Charles R. Vaughan 501 
 
 icans might secure a frontier so near the St. Lawrence as to be a 
 source of danger in time to come. One of his letters to Douglas 
 clearly shows that he had grasped the temper of New England. 
 " I find I have a tough, tenacious people to deal with here, which 
 requires great firmness and above all great temper in those who 
 have to deal with them." Vaughan's letters too show that he was 
 quickly beginning to understand the arcana imperii of the United 
 States. The Federal government is anxious to be just and even 
 conciliatory but it lacks firmness in dealing with its constituent 
 members. Even Jackson strong-willed as he is and well-disposed 
 to England cannot forget that he will be a candidate for re-election 
 and must consider the vote of Maine. And at a somewhat later 
 stage of the dispute Vaughan writes that Jackson is showing "not 
 the force .... of his own character, but the temporizing character 
 of Van Buren." He adds that "The United States Government is 
 always timid when it apprehends collision with any State." And 
 in the same strain he writes to Palmerston in April, 1831, " When- 
 ever the executive part of this government is by accident in collision 
 with the government of a State the policy of the former is generally 
 of a feeble and temporizing character." Yet Jackson in his message 
 of 1830 says that " the negotiations have been characterized by the 
 most frank and friendly spirit on the part of Great Britain and con- 
 cluded in a manner strongly indicative of a sincere desire to culti- 
 vate the best relations with the United States." It is clear enough 
 what was Jackson's attitude in this dispute. He was anxious to 
 avoid collision and willing to do much for that end. Yet he could 
 not afford openly and definitely to tell Maine and Massachusetts 
 that the Federal government would not support their claim. 
 
 In 1827 it seemed as if a solution had been found. The ques- 
 tion was referred to the King of the Netherlands as arbitrator. His 
 award was issued in 1831. Unfortunately it took a form which 
 rendered it open to dispute. He admitted that no exact boundary 
 as set forth in the terms of the treaty of 1783 could be found. But 
 he recommended the two governments to accept a boundary which 
 equitably represented the intentions of the treaty of 1781. The 
 American government declined to accept this on the plea that the 
 reference to the arbitrator simply authorized him to interpret the 
 treaty and that it was beyond his authority to recommend a com- 
 promise. Maine furthermore refused to accept the arbitration on 
 the curious plea that the King of the Netherlands was no longer in 
 the same position as when appointed as he had lost three-fifths of 
 his subjects by the separation of Belgium and was now dependent 
 on the good-will of Great Britain. 
 
 VOL. VII. — ;^i 
 
502 Documents 
 
 The further course of the dispute may be best learned from the 
 following papers : 
 
 XII. Charles R. Vauchan to the Earl of Aberdeen. 
 
 Washington. 12. Octr. 1830. 
 
 Afy Lord, — I received on the 12 Augst. a letter (a copy of which I 
 have the honor to inclose), dated the 5th. July, from Mr. Black, who in 
 the absence of His Majesty's Lt. Governor of New Brunswick, Sir Howard 
 Douglas, administers the Govt, of the Province. Mr. Black informed 
 me in this letter, that the marshal of a district, in the State of Maine, had 
 sent a deputy into the territory in dispute between his Majesty and the 
 United States, with instructions to take a census of the population, as 
 though the inhabitants belonged decidedly to the United States. 
 
 It appears by the copy of the instructions, inclosed in Mr. Black's 
 letter, given by the Marshal of Maine to his Deputy Genl. Webber, that 
 the census was to be taken in that part of the county of Penobscot called 
 the Madawaska Settlements and also in all the settlements upon the 
 Aroostook river. General Webber was ordered to desist from taking a 
 census by a magistrate acting under the Government of New Brunswick, 
 and he readily complied with his orders, and retired from the disputed 
 territory. As the General Government has not in any shape notified this 
 proceeding to me, from whence I infer, that they acquiesce in the right 
 of the British authorities to require the agent from Maine to desist from 
 taking a census, I have not thought it necessary to demand of this Gov- 
 ernment a formal disavowal of such conduct. 
 
 Ever since the election of General Jackson to be President of the 
 United States, the complaints on the part of the Government of the State 
 of Maine of the encroachments by British authority, upon the disputed 
 territory, which were so frequent under the preceding administration, 
 have been discouraged, and have ceased. I trust therefore that your 
 Lordship will approve of my having declined to renew the discussion of 
 jurisdiction in the disputed territory, while I have expressed to Mr. Black 
 in a letter a copy of which is inclosed, my readiness at all times to meet 
 the wishes of the Government of New Brunswick, and the satisfaction 
 which I derived, from the proper and successful resistance of the magis- 
 trates to the intrusion of General Webber. 
 
 xiii. Charles R. Vaughan to Viscount Palmerston. 
 
 London 
 
 30 July 1832 
 
 My Lord. . . . Certainly no people live under a form 
 of Government which offers so many difficulties and uncertainties, in 
 negotiations with Foreign Governments, as the United States. The ex- 
 amples are not unfrequent, of Treaties being rejected by the Senate, 
 which have been concluded after long and tiresome negotiations by Plen- 
 ipotentiaries appointed by the Executive. 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaitglian 503 
 
 As I have already stated the final settlement of the boundary question 
 is not of importance to the Americans, but in my opinion it is of urgent 
 necessity, on the part of Oreat Britain, if we wish to ])reserve undis- 
 turbed our relations with the United States. The mo:nent that the re- 
 jection of the decision of the arbitrator is decided u))on by the United 
 States, the Province of New Brunswick must be placed in a safe defen- 
 sive state by the arming of the Militia and the Governor will, as. 
 before the Arbitration, be in a constant state of collision with the State 
 of Maine about encroachments and disobedience of the Americans set- 
 tled in and near the Province, and about the exercise of jurisdiction", 
 over the disputed territory, which clearly belongs to England, until that 
 portion of New Brunswick which is yet in abeyance between the two 
 Governments, shall have been finally set off and separated by a settle- 
 ment of the boundary. 
 
 One essential point in that settlement is a secure communication 
 between the Province of New Plrunswick and Lower Canada, which I 
 have been given to understand might without difficulty be preserved, 
 should we be obliged to abandon the Post Route hitherto used through 
 the disputed Territory, by a very easy and practicable line, entirely 
 through British Territory. 
 
 XIV. Charles R. Vaughan to Viscount Goderich. 
 
 London 
 
 7th Feb. 1833 
 
 My Lord. ... In addition to the above motives for 
 not hastily closing with this offer to negotiate, a new pretension by com- 
 mand of the Senate has been inseparably attached to it, namely, a right 
 to the navigation of the river St John. To concede this right would 
 place the British subjects in New Brunswick in competition in their 
 valuable Timber Trade, with the Americans, who would find an outlet for 
 the timber from the vast Forests of Maine by that River, the military de- 
 fences of New Brunswick on the Frontier of the United States would be 
 turned, and the concession of the principal must open to the Americans 
 the Navigations of the St Lawrence. 
 
 I consider the last clause in the Offer to negotiate, as the probable 
 motive for the rejection of the decision of the King of the Netherlands. 
 The navigation of the St John's has long been an object of great im- 
 portance with the people of Maine. The facility with which the Amer- 
 icans put forward a pretention, and the pertinacity w'ith which they will 
 insist upon it, makes one inclined, at once, in such a case as the naviga- 
 tion of the St John's to insist upon its being withdrawn as connected 
 with the settlement of the Boundary as it involves interests which require 
 consideration. 
 
 It is my opinion that the sooner this pretention is rejected the better, 
 for so long as there is a chance of Great Britain adniitting it to be a ques- 
 tion fit for negotiation, in combination with the Settlement of the 
 
504 Documents 
 
 Boundary, there is no chance of the .Senate in some future Session re- 
 versing and revoking their rejection of the Boundary line suggested by 
 the King of the Netherlands. 
 
 There was a minority of 8 to 34 who voted for accepting that line. 
 The President and his ministers were disposed to acquiesce and I cannot 
 but feel inclined to believe that when the pretention to navigate the St 
 John's is decidedly rejected, that the Americans will be convinced that 
 they are putting themselves into the wrong, by not acquiescing, as Great 
 Britain has done, in the decision of the King of the Netherlands. I 
 take it for granted that H.M. Government are not inclined to retract 
 their declaration of declaration of willingness to agree to that line of 
 Boundary. 
 
 I submit these observations to H.M. Government, as I conceive that 
 the time is arrived when an answer must be given to the offer of the 
 President to negotiate and the rejection of the Navigation of the St 
 John's might be declared in any note which the British Government 
 might think it right to send to the Government of the United States, 
 should it be thought expedient formally and officially to demand further 
 explanation before it can decide upon the expediency of entering in-to a 
 negotiation. 
 
 I In my opinion, the best termination of the Boundary question, would 
 be that the Government of the United States should reconsider and ac- 
 quiesce in the Boundary proposed by the King of the Netherlands. 
 Should they ultimately consent to do so, it might afterwards be worth 
 while to remove them by negotiation from the St Francis River, and from 
 the Northern side of the St John's by some equivalent elsewhere. 
 
 There are certain difficulties attending all negotiations with the 
 United States, peculiar to their Constitution of Government, which ought 
 to induce a reluctance in Foreign Powers hastily to embark in negotia- 
 tions with them. I allude to the subserviency of the Executive to the 
 dictates and interests of the State to be principally affected by the re- 
 sult, and to the share or participation which the Senate has in making 
 Treaties. 
 
 A negotiation at Washington for adjusting the Boundary, would be 
 in fact a negotiation with the State of Maine carried on through the me- 
 dium of the Executive. The President Jackson having now secured his 
 re-election for the second term of four years, might be less inclined to 
 attend to all the interested views of Maine, than during the last summer, 
 but any Treaty concluded by Plenipotentiaries, and with his perfect ap- 
 proval, must be submitted to the Senate for their confirmation before it 
 can be offered for ratification. The Senate has repeatedly undertaken to 
 discuss a Treaty, as though it had not been framed by persons authorized 
 to make it, and to alter it at their pleasure and even to reject it. 
 
 A treaty ujjon the Boundary would be submitted to a Senate com- 
 posed of two thirds of the members, who have already prejudged the 
 British claims, and decided in favour of the claims of Maine, when they 
 rejected the line of lioundary proposed by the King of the Netherlands. 
 
The Papers of Sir CJiarlcs R. V'aughan 505 
 
 I venture tosuljniit to your Lordshii)'s consideration, the expediency 
 of making a stand upon the decision of the King of the Netherlands in 
 hopes that when the jirctention to navigate the St John's is positively 
 refused to be considered as a part of the Boundary Question, the Senate 
 may revise and revoke its resolution of July last. 
 
 I could not, without far exceediiiL^ the space at \wy disposal, trace 
 the complex disputes arising out of the commercial relations be- 
 tween the United States and Great Britain. If Vaughan's Ameri- 
 can informants arc to be believed, that dispute would in all likeli- 
 hood never have arisen, or never at least become acute, but for the 
 self-will and lack of candor of John Quincy Adams. Vaughan 
 gives an account of a remarkable conversation that he had with 
 Tazewell ' of Virginia. According to Tazewell, when Adams was 
 intrusted with the negotiations with Lord Castlereagh, he refused 
 certain commercial concessions which would have obviated all future 
 difficulty on the ground that they were dogged by conditions which 
 would give the British government influence over the Indians on 
 the American frontier. Castlereagh offered to revise these condi- 
 tions in whatever manner Adams would suggest. " Mr Tazewell," 
 Vaughan goes on to say, "assured me that he could never forgive 
 Mr Adams for sending to his Government the proposals of Lord 
 Castlereagh accompanied by a despatch containing his suspicions 
 without one word of the frank disavowal of Lord Castlereagh. Had 
 INIr Adams recommended the acceptance of these proposals, it has 
 been observed in a newspaper (New York Evening Post, October 
 6, 1830) ' twelve years legislative war would have been avoided, and 
 a commerce secured to the United States more valuable than with 
 any other country than Great Britain.' " , 
 
 To this Vaughan appends a marginal note " A committee of the 
 House pronounced these proposals to be the most rational and re- 
 ciprocally advantageous ever proposed." 
 
 Vaughan's arrival in America coincided with the conflict on the 
 question of trade assuming an acute form. Up to 1825 the only 
 measures of the nature of protection and exclusion had been on the 
 side of America. The natural conditions of West Indian trade were 
 that British vessels could load with West Indian produce and trans- 
 port it to the ports of the United States on cheaper and easier terms 
 than American vessels could. This, as a natural consequence by 
 handicapping American vessels on their return voyage, tended to 
 withdraw them altogether from the West Indian trade. Moreover, 
 although the British government did not exclude American goods 
 
 • Littleton W. Tazewell, 1774-1860; Senator from Virginia, 1825-1833 ; for some 
 time chairman of committee on foreign relations. — Ed. 
 
5o6 Dociinieiits 
 
 and American vessels from its colonial ports collectively, yet it did 
 in individual cases. By custom house regulations certain ports 
 were thrown open to certain goods. And it was alleged that this 
 was so arranged that American vessels were, not excluded, but de- 
 terred from attending those ports from which the return voyage was 
 most lucratixe. To meet these restraints the American government 
 imposed heavy differentiating duties depriving liritish vessels of 
 their advantage. An act of Parliament in 1825 authorized the 
 King by an order in council to close the British colonial ports to 
 American vessels until the discriminating duties were withdrawn. 
 
 The conflict of views in the United States was not merely a 
 question of local division. The tariff pressed with varying force on 
 different victims of the industrial community. This is clearly 
 pointed out in an extract from an American paper preserved by 
 Vaughan. Producers of protected goods were not the only peo- 
 ple who benefited by the tariff Small importers gained because 
 they were allowed credit for their duties and were thus mutually 
 enabled to borrow capital. Common brokers gained because they 
 charged their commission on .the " long price " as it was called, 
 that is the price paid by the importer after duty had been levied. 
 
 Vaughan's letters during 1826 and 1827 throv/ frequent light on 
 the course of the dispute.' On the 2d of October, 1826, he reports 
 a preliminary skirmish with Clay. The latter expressed surprise at 
 the Act of 1825 being passed without any attempt at negotiation. 
 Vaughan replied that the British government had given full notice 
 of its intention, and that since then there had been nothing in the 
 action of Congress to suggest any change of purpose. 
 
 In February, 1827, Vaughan wrote hopefully to Sir Howard 
 Douglas the governor of New Brunswick. The United States 
 government was, he thought, ready to meet Great Britain half way. 
 If the British government would relax their protective system, 
 America would, he believes, open her ports to British vessels and 
 abolish the differentiating duties. Moreover the United States 
 government would not demand that American produce imported 
 into the West Indies should be put on the .same footing as that 
 coming from British colonies in North America. 
 
 Vaughan saw too that in this matter the government of the 
 United States was not wholly in touch with public opinion. " With 
 regard to the impre.s.sion made upon the public as it is to be col- 
 lected from newspapers there is less expression of angry feeling 
 
 ' dallatin was appointed minister to succeed Kinp and to reacli ngf^reement with F.ng- 
 land on various controversies. Gallatin's letters on this subject are gathered in .-Adams's 
 IVritingf of Albert Gallatin, Vol. II. Correspondence between Vaughan and Clay can 
 be found in Atn. St. Papers, For. Rel., VI. pp. 257-259 ; 985. — Ed. 
 
TJic Papers of Sir Charles R. J^aiio/iafi 507 
 
 than is usual on such occasions and rather a regret manifested that 
 the Government should not have avoided by its measures the loss 
 of a very lucrative trade." 
 
 Ten days later Vaughan reports a conversation with Clay. 
 "Mr Clay has been in communication with the President who is 
 still absent from Washington, upon the sul)ject of the order in Council 
 and I learn from him that when that order shall be carried into effect, it 
 will in all probability be followed by a suspension on the part of the 
 United States, of all intercourse, with our West Indian Islands, and with 
 British North American Colonies. Upon my observing that according 
 to my reading of the order in Council, the last-mentioned Colonies were 
 exempted from the provisions of that order, he immediately replied that 
 the Government of the United States could not fail to perceive in that 
 exemi)tion, a plan for making the British North American Colonies the 
 deposits of American produce, to be carried afterwards from thence to 
 the West Indies. 
 
 "Mr Clay seemed to think that there would be great difficulty in 
 placing the trade between the United States and the British Colonies 
 upon a fair footing of reciprocity and equality. He informed me, how- 
 ever, that after diligent enquiry he had convinced himself, that the claim 
 was untenable which had been put forth by the United States, to have 
 the produce of this country received in the British West Indian ports 
 upon the same terms as the produce of British North American Colonies, 
 of a similar description. It appears that the President, who always in- 
 sisted upon this claim, has been persuaded by Mr Clay to abandon it and 
 that Mr Gallatin is instructed to give up the point in his negotiations in 
 London." 
 
 On the 30th of October Vaughan writes to Canning inclosing a 
 newspaper article which he regards as inspired by the American 
 government. Vaughan describes it as a labored justification of the 
 government for not having abolished the discriminating duties. 
 The noteworthy feature of the article is that it is not a defence of 
 the protective system in itself. The writer only pleads on behalf of 
 the government that the British government is not showing any 
 inclination to meet the United States half way. The refusal on the 
 part of the Senate to abolish the discriminating duties is justified 
 upon the expediency of awaiting the result of negotiating to which 
 it was necessary to resort, in order to settle a trade which had been 
 the subject of controversy for thirty years and which would, other- 
 wise, be still dependent upon acts of Parliament, upon orders in 
 council and liable to such duties as the colonial legislatures might 
 think proper to impose, from a view of their own insulated interests. 
 In proof of the latter, notice is taken of an act of the legislature of 
 Nova Scotia, imposing new duties upon articles imported from for- 
 eio-n countries, eisht months after the acts of Parliament of 1825 
 were published. 
 
 In this article it is stated, that a power was left with the Presi- 
 dent of the United States to suspend the discriminating duties when- 
 
50*^ Documents 
 
 ever satisfactory proof was given to him that like terms had been 
 granted to American commerce and navigation in British colonial 
 ports. This assertion is calculated to mislead the public, inasmuch 
 as ihe/iki- terms insisted upon included a relaxation of the whole 
 colonial system of Great Britain, and when it was proposed to give 
 that power to the President for the abolition of the discriminating 
 duties imposed upon British vessels in American ports from British 
 colonies, during the last session of Congress, the motion was 
 dropped in the House of Representatives without any definite deci- 
 sion. 
 
 This article concludes with expressing a hope, that mutual con- 
 cessions being made, the question " may come to an acceptable 
 issue, at no distant period and if practicable before that prescribed 
 for the recent sweeping order in Council to take effect shall have 
 arrived ; an order issued at nearly the very moment of the landing 
 of a new minister from the United States, without his having an op- 
 portunity to hold a single conference with regard to it." 
 
 Upon the article Vaughan makes the following comment : 
 
 "This is not exactly correct, as I understand that Mr Gallatin had 
 an audience with you, previously to the issue of the order in Council.' 
 
 " With regard to the hope expressed in this article, I shall attend to 
 the instructions which I have had the honor to receive from you con- 
 tained in your De.sjjatch No. 24, and I shall carefully abstain from giving 
 any expectation that anything which Mr Gallatin can now bring forward 
 will alter the determination of His Majesty's Government. 
 
 "The article which I have enclosed, taken from a newspaper published 
 at New York, contains a refutation of the arguments brought forward in a 
 Report of the Committee of Commerce against the abolition of the dis- 
 criminating duties, made durmg the last Session of Congress, and points 
 out many errors into which the Chairman of that Committee had fallen 
 when treating of the British regulations of Foreign intercourse with the 
 Colonies." 
 
 The matter was complicated by the existence of a trade between 
 the West Indies and the British dependencies north of the United 
 States, Canada and New Brunswick. It was possible for American 
 vessels starting from their own ports to appropriate a portion of the 
 carrying trade between these British colonies. This was facilitated 
 by the fact that for a portion of the year the St. Lawrence was 
 unnavigable. At such times the only outlet or inlet for Canadian 
 exports and imports was by land and through the United States. 
 It was, however, a fixed principle even with those who, like Hus- 
 kisson, were for encouraging intercourse within certain limits between 
 the United States and the West Indies that such intercourse should 
 
 'The order in Council is in fact dated July 27. fjallatin reached London August 7. 
 Gallatin had not seen the order on his first interview with Canning, .August 17. Am. 
 St. Papers, For. Rel., VI. 249, 346.— Eu. 
 
TJie Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaughan 509 
 
 not encroach on the trade between British dependencies. That was 
 as much an internal trade, a legitimate national monopoly, as the 
 trade between London and Newcastle. Again if the Americans 
 limited their retaliation simply to vessels coming from the West 
 India ports where the duties of which they complained were levied, 
 then in all likelihood vessels from Canada and New Brunswick 
 having free intercourse on the one hand with the United States and 
 on the other with the West Indies, would get the carrying trade 
 into their own hands. Clay's views on this latter point are referred 
 to twice in Vaughan's letters. 
 
 On December 5, 1826, Vaughan writes: 
 
 " Mr Clay is under a conviction that the ports of the United States 
 shall be closed to "ritish vessels proceeding from British Colonies in 
 which the late order in Council should be carried into effect, but that all 
 intercourse shall likewise be prohibited with the British North American 
 Colonies exempted from the operation of that order. 
 
 " Upon my observing to Mr Clay that in that case the new measure 
 recommended to the adoption of the Congress went far beyond the re- 
 taliation provided for and marked out by the Act of 1823, Mr Clay jus- 
 tified the extent to be given to the provisions of a new act upon the 
 grounds that the British North American Colonies could not be per- 
 mitted to profit by the interruption of the intercourse between the United 
 States and the West Indies." 
 
 And again on December 20th. 
 
 " I apprehend from my conversations with Mr Clay, that the Con- 
 gress will direct all intercourse with British Colonies by vessels of any 
 nation to be strictly prohibited.' Mr Clay observes to me, that to shut 
 the ports of the United States to British vessels proceeding from British 
 Colonial ports only, from whence vessels of the United States are ex- 
 cluded, is objectionable, as thereby the carrying of produce of the United 
 States to the West Indies would be thrown into the hands of the inhab- 
 itants of the British North American Colonies. To shut the ports of the 
 United States to all British vessels from all British colonies indiscrimi- 
 nately would throw the carrying trade between the United States and the 
 West Indies into the hands of the Danes and other powers. There is 
 therefore the only alternative left of preventing all intercourse with the 
 West Indies." 
 
 What follows is more hopeful. 
 
 "There is certainly a disposition in the Congress to call the Govern- 
 ment to account for having allowed the intercourse with the Colonies to 
 be in the state in which it now is, and this question has been discussed in 
 the newspapers and in society with more temper and moderation than I 
 could have expected. 
 
 " Mr Clay continues to repeat to me the complaint of this Govern- 
 ment that the bar to further negotiation respecting Colonial intercourse 
 was sudden and unexpected, particularly as they had been informed in 
 the month of March last, that His Majesty's Government was preparing 
 
 J Such a proclamation was issued March 17, 1S27. Am. St. Pap., For. ReL, VI. 
 985 ; State Papers, 1st Sess. 20th Cong., Vol. I., Doc. 2. p. 36. — Ed. 
 
5 1 o Documents 
 
 to resume the suspended negotiations, of which the Colonial trade was 
 a part. 
 
 " In answer to this, I have reminded Mr Clay of the remarkable for- 
 bearance shewn during the last year by the British Government. The 
 Acts of Parliament in ijuestion were passed in the month of July 1825, 
 and were to have been carried into effect in the month of January 1826. 
 But they were allowed to remain inoperative so far as regarded the United 
 States, until the late order in Council fixed upon the ist of December of 
 this year for that purpose. 
 
 " Mr Clay has comjjlained to me that these .\cts were not communi- 
 cated otificially to his Government, upon which I observed that I never 
 heard that it was the usage of nations to communicate to foreign Govern- 
 ments their legislative enactments for the better governing of their States : 
 that I did not understand that any official communication of these Acts 
 of Parliament had taken place to any other of the foreign countries, 
 equally interested in their operation as the United States. It could not 
 however be alleged, that this Government remained in ignorance of those 
 Acts, as I reminded Mr Clay, that it was in the month of December 
 1825, that on the occasion of a discussion in Congress relative to the 
 threatened closure of the port of Halifax, he sent his copies of the Acts 
 to the Congress, when they were ordered to be rei)rinted for the use of 
 members. 
 
 "The forebearance of the British Government continued throughout 
 the Session of Congress, during which the abolition of the American 
 discriminating duties was discussed, as the removal of them was felt to be 
 absolutely necessary, before the United States could participate in the 
 British Colonial trade under the new acts. 
 
 " I have reminded Mr Clay that the long forbearance of the British 
 Government had been met by a resolution of Congress to leave the abo- 
 lition of discriminating duties to be a subject of negotiation in London, 
 which it was clear it could not be after the measure of opening the trade 
 to the Colonies generally to all the world had been fixed bv an Act of 
 Parliament. 
 
 "In answer to this, Mr Clay has observed to me that he had now 
 discovered that if the Congress had abolished the discriminating duties, 
 they would have legislated in the dark. That it was now asserted that 
 the United States could not come within the conditions of the Act of 
 1825 unless the Act of Congress also was repealed which restricted 
 British vessels from clearing out in ports of the United States for the 
 British West Indies, unless they had proceeded in the first instance to the 
 American port from a British Colony. 
 
 " Mr Clay has also stated to me another objection to the conditions of 
 the Act of 1825. The United States have great difficulty in consenting 
 to treat British vessels, as the vessels of the most favoured nation, be- 
 cause by the engagements of the United States with Sweden and with 
 other countries, it is mutually agreed that the vessels of either nation 
 shall be at liberty to carry to the ports of the other the produce of any 
 country. 
 
 "I'he l^ritish Navigation Act, Mr Clay observes, would i)revent any 
 reciprocity between Great Britain and the United States, which should 
 give a similar lattitude with regard to the produce which their vessels 
 might import. 
 
 " With regard to the abolition of the discriminating duties, I ought to 
 inform you that during that discussion in the last Session of Congress, I 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaughan 5 i i 
 
 gave Mr Clay to understand confidentially that Cireat Uritain would, 
 whenever the American duties were abolished, abolish the equivalent 
 duty which had been imposed on American shipping in British Colonies." 
 
 The following letters illustrating the complexity of the situation, 
 hardly admit of an epitome. 
 
 XV. Charles R. Vaugh.an to George Canning. 
 
 Washington 
 
 Feb. 28th 1827 
 Mr Canning. 
 
 Sir, The Act, which the Committees of Congress proposed 
 to pass in consequence of His Majesty's order in Council, closing the 
 Ports of the West India Islands to vessels of the United States, has at 
 length been taken into consideration in one of the Houses of Congress, 
 
 the Senate. 
 
 On Feb 21st the passing of the Act was called for by Mr Johnston, 
 the Chairman of the Committee, and General Smith opposed the Bill, 
 and offered an amendment. The purport of it was to open the ports of 
 the United States, from and after the 31st December next to all vessels 
 from ports of British Colonies which are already established or may be 
 established hereafter as free ports, upon paying the same duties as upon 
 cargoes in American vessels— and to suspend until the 31st December 
 the Acts of Congress of March 1823— May 1820, and April 1818, ex- 
 cepting so much as imposes discriminating duties on the tonnage of For- 
 eign Vessels and their cargoes. 
 
 General Smith recommended the adoption of his amendment, as 
 being of a more conciliatory character, than the Act proposed in its 
 present shape, which in his opinion implied a menace in the event of 
 the British Government not agreeing to change its policy. 
 
 This amendment was favourably received by the Senate and ordered 
 
 to be printed. 
 
 On the following day Mr Holmes a Senator from the State of Maine, 
 moved to substitute for the amendment proposed by General Smith, one, 
 which should declare, that the Act proposed by the Committees of Com- 
 merce, should be in force, unless the President should receive information 
 before the ist of August, that the British Colonial Ports were open to 
 vessels of the United States— and that discriminating Duties on British 
 Vessels and Cargoes should cease. 
 
 This amendment of Mr Holmes was rejected by 32 Votes to 13. 
 
 On the following day the 23rd February, the debate upon the 
 Colonial Act was resumed by Mr Johnston, who replied to General 
 Smith and supported the act brought forward by him as Chairman of the 
 Committee. He was followed by Mr Holmes, who moved an amend- 
 ment, the object of which was, to interdict the trade with the British 
 Colonies, both by land as well as sea, as he beleived that so long as 
 the trade through the Canadas should remain open, the object of the Bill 
 
5 I 2 Dociuncnts 
 
 would not be obtained, which was, the coercion of Great Britain into 
 the measures sought by the United States. 
 
 This amendment was opposed by Mr Sandford of New York, who 
 considered the Bill under discussion, as very distinct from a commercial 
 enactment, and to be considered as a Navigation Act, the object of 
 which was to touch the Navigating interests of Great Britain, rather than 
 to regulate the internal trade with the Canadas, through which very 
 little flour was sent from the United States to the British West Indies. 
 
 Mr Holmes while supporting his amendment, confessed the injury 
 which the measure he had proposed would do to the interests of the State 
 of New York, and that the State of Maine which he represented would 
 likewise be injured by it : as the act once passed, passed in the form pro- 
 posed by the committee, the port of Eastport in Maine must become a 
 depot for the produce of the United States, to be conveyed thence to the 
 British Colonies by the Island of Campo Bello (within two miles of it) 
 which would be declared immediately a Free Port. 
 
 Mr Tazwell, who generally opposes the measures of the Govern- 
 ment, spoke in favour of Mr Holmes proposal, to close the intercourse 
 with the Canadas by land. He felt the injustice of leaving a trade, to 
 be carried on by the State of New York and the Eastern States, which 
 was to be entirely lost to the Southern States. He took occasion to de- 
 precate the restrictive system in commerce, vvhich the present adminis- 
 tration of this country had manifested so strong an inclination to follow, 
 and which must ultimately lead to a separation among the States. 
 
 The amendment of Mr Holmes closing the intercourse with the Can- 
 adas by land as well as by sea, was adopted by 32 votes to 12. The 
 House was afterwards adjourned l)y the casting vote of the President. 
 
 On the 24th the discussion Avas renewed, and after several additional 
 amendments had been proposed, the vote of the Senate was at length 
 taken upon the passing of the Bill as proposed by the committee, when 
 it was decided to reject the Bill by a majority of 9 votes. 
 
 I understand that it now remains to reproduce the Bill, altered ac- 
 cording to the various amendments which have been proposed. 
 
 The Session of Congress must close on the 3rd of March, there is 
 scarcely [time], therefore, for the Senate to agree upon an act in another 
 form (considering the great variety of amendments which have been 
 offered), which shall meet with the concurrence of the House, and it can 
 scarcely be expected that a new act should originate in the House of 
 Representatives where the discussion has not yet commenced, in time for 
 the Senate to accede to it. 
 
 As I feel it my duty not to lose the opportunity of sending you some 
 account of the jiroceedings in the Senate by the first Liverpool packet 
 which sails from New York and as the sitting of the Senate was not over 
 until a late hour last night, 1 cannot yet inform you of the course which 
 it is jjrobable will be pursued upon the rejection of the Bill as proposed 
 by their committee of (Commerce. 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaughan 5 1 3 
 
 XVI. Charles R. Vaughan to George Canning. 
 
 Washington 
 
 3rd March 1827 
 Mr Canning, 
 
 Sir, I had the honor to inform you in my dispatch No. 9, 
 that the act respecting commercial intercourse with the British Colonies, 
 which had been offered by the Committee of Commerce, to both Houses 
 of Congress, was rejected in the Senate. On the 28th February an 
 amendment [proposed by Cieneral Smith was carried by a majority of 32 
 to 10 and passed in the Senate as an act substituted for the one proposed 
 by the committee. 
 
 I have the honor to enclose a cojjy of this act as it was transmitted 
 to the House of Representatives, which at the moment of its being com- 
 municated was engaged in discussing the act as proposed by their com- 
 mittee, but it was agreed to suspend the debate and on the ist inst. the 
 act received from the Senate was taken into consideration. 
 
 The first section of this act provides that from and after the 31st 
 December next, no other or higher duties shall be levied upon British 
 vessels and cargoes arriving from any British Ports, declared by the Brit- 
 tish Government to be free. Free Ports, in the ports of the United 
 States, excepting Florida, than upon vessels and cargoes belonging to 
 the United States. 
 
 By the 2nd section of the Act of the Senate, the Acts of Congress of 
 the ist March 1823 — of the 15th May 1820 and of the i8th of April 
 18 18 are suspended until December 31st next, excepting so much thereof 
 as imposes Discriminating duties on the tonnage of Foreign vessels and 
 cargoes. 
 
 By the 3rd section it is provided that if at any time before the 31st 
 December next the President of the United States should receive satis- 
 factory evidence, that the prohibition to commercial intercourse between 
 vessels of the United States and the British Colonies, mentioned in the 
 order in Council of the 27th July 1826 has ceased or been removed and 
 that no discriminating duties of tonnage or impost are levied within the 
 British Free Ports, upon vessels and cargoes from the United States, the 
 President is authorized to issue his proclamation, declaring that the acts 
 mentioned in the 2nd section are altogether suspended and repealed. 
 
 In the House of Representatives on the 2nd of March Mr Tomlinson 
 the chairman of the committee of commerce moved an amendment of the 
 3rd section of the act received from the Senate, a copy of which I have 
 the honor to inclose. 
 
 The purport of it seems to be, to engage positively for the act of 
 1818 and 1820 being put into force on the 31st December next and for 
 the repeal of the act of 1823, in the event of the President not having 
 received information by the 31st December that should justify the issuing 
 of the Proclamation as authorized by this act. 
 
 This amendment was opposed but carried by a majority of 80 to 56. 
 
5 1 4 Documents 
 
 The Senate has refused to agree to this amendment after a conference, 
 and the House of Representatives has resolved to adhere to it by a vote 
 of 75 to 65. 
 
 The session of Congress must terminate to-morrow the 4th of March 
 and as I understand that the question of Colonial intercourse is not to be 
 again renewed in any shape in either House before the final close of the 
 session, the Bill is lost, and that question must remain in the same state 
 as upon the opening of this Session. 
 
 By the 6th section of the Act of Congress of March ist 1823, the 
 President is directed to issue a proclamation to put in force and revive the 
 acts of Congress of the iSth of April 1818 and of the 15th May 1820, if 
 at any time the intercourse between the United States and the British 
 Colonial Ports should be prohibited by an order in council or an act of 
 Parliament. The President stated to the Congress that he had thought 
 it expedient, not to exercise the authority given to him by the act of 
 1823, when the order in Council was issued by His Majesty, but to leave 
 it to the Congress which was about to meet, to decide upon what meas- 
 ures it might be advisable to adopt, as the Congress has thrown back upon 
 the President, the adoption of measures, by the rejection of the Bills 
 which have been under discussion, it is presumed that no alternative re- 
 mains, than for the President to issue his Proclamation, putting in force 
 the acts of Congress of 1818 and 1820. 
 
 These acts close the ports of the United States to British vessels from 
 Colonies closed to the Americans and the act of 1820 closes the ports to 
 British vessels from Lower Canada and New Brunswick and limits the 
 import from certain British Ports enumerated and the produce of the 
 country from whence they sailed. 
 
 Although the Congress of the United States has had before it the 
 Bill recommended by the committees ever since the commencement of 
 the Session, it has not been taken into consideration until within ten days 
 of the close of the Session in either House, when amendments have been 
 offered by members in both Houses according to the local interests of 
 their respective States. 
 
 An amendment of the Bill was strongly supported in both Houses, 
 which went to close the intercourse with the Canadas by land as well as 
 by sea. Such an amendment though not finally put into the Bill was car- 
 ried by a majority in the Senate of 32 to 12 and a similar amendment to 
 the 15ill from the Committee of Commerce was carried in the House of 
 Rejiresentatives. 
 
 In the course of the Debate it was remarked, that for a length of time 
 Great Britain, has been endeavouring to improve the resources of the 
 Canadas, and to raise them up as rivals to the United States. The Rep- 
 resentatives of the State of New York, Vermont, and the majority of 
 those from Maine, resisted the closing of the intercourse by land with the 
 Canadas. They estimated the value of the trade so carried on at 1.800. 
 000 Dollars, of which sum, not 50.000 dollars, ever found it way to the 
 West Indies. Many coarse articles of manufacture are furnished, it was 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaughaii 5 i 5 
 
 said, by the United States to the Canadas and they are dejjendent for 
 their supply of salt, upon the State of New York. To close that inter- 
 course went beyond the present object of repelling the measures adopted 
 by Great Britain, and to do so was to enter at once into a contest for the 
 balance of commercial advantages. 
 
 It was stated in Congress that though the navigation of the Lake On- 
 tario was equally divided between the British and Americans, upon Lake 
 Champlain 260 American vessels were exclusively employed. (Quebec 
 furnished a ready market for the produce of Vermount and the valley of 
 the Lake Champlain the intercourse was greatly exceeded in value, by the 
 trade which takes place between the western part of the State of New 
 York and Montreal. 
 
 During the late discussion it was asserted, that the value of the trade 
 between the United States and the whole of the West Indies (not the 
 •British alone), amounted to 7,156,000 Dollars, in 1821 it employed 
 32,000 tons — in 1823 — 70,000 tons, and in 1825, 101,000 tons of 
 shipping. 
 
 The State of North Carolina, alone, employed in that trade 20.000 
 tons of shipping, and it was asserted that the West India Trade gave to 
 the Navy of the United States 10.000 seamen. 
 
 I have ventured to notice some of the Statements which have been 
 made during this discussion, without being able in any shape to vouch 
 for their accuracy. It was observed by Mr Camberleng of New York,' 
 that the Congress might rest assured, that if this branch of commerce was 
 to be recovered, they must make very liberal offers to Great Britain. 
 
 The result of the discussion in the Congress, is, to leave the question 
 where it was at the commencement of the Session. The conduct of the 
 Government has been blamed for having left to negotiation, what should 
 have been done, during the last Session, by Legislation ; and a convic- 
 tion prevades both the Government and the Country, that the United 
 States have only themselves to blame for the situation in which they are 
 at present. 
 
 The decisive measure of His Majesty's Government has had the 
 effect of producing the consent of this Government to several points long 
 disputed, and I trust that it may prove a seasonable check upon those 
 exaggerated pretensions and that tenacity of opinion which has some- 
 times marked the negotiations with the United States. 
 
 XVII. Charles R. Vaughan to George Canning. 
 
 Washington 
 
 13th March 1S27 
 Mr Canning, 
 
 Sir, I am not yet able to state to you in what manner the 
 
 President means to carry into effect by his proclamation the closing of 
 
 the Ports of the United States against vessels from British Colonies, the 
 
 ports of which have been closed to American shipping by His Majesty's 
 
 1 C. C. Cambreleng.— Ed. 
 
5 1 6 Documents 
 
 order in Council. Mr Clay has this day informed me, that he had ex- 
 pected that he should have been able by this time, to have made to me a 
 communication upon the subject, but after several meetings of the Presi- 
 dent and the Ministers, nothing had yet been finally resolved upon ; he 
 has given me to understand, however, that a proclamation will certainly 
 be issued by the President in conformity with the provisions of the Act 
 of Congress of 1S23, but at what time and in what manner the Procla- 
 mation should be carried into effect had occasioned repeated deliberations. 
 Mr Clay has assured me that it is the intention of the Government of 
 the United States to apply the measure pointed out in the Act of Con- 
 gress of 1823, with as little risk of injury to British subjects engaged in 
 the Colonial trade as possible, of the propriety of which, I told him, 
 that there could not be a doubt, after the forbearance shown by Great 
 Britain in carrying into effect the Act of Parliament of 1825, and the 
 order in Council of the 27th July 1827, and after all parties in the dis- 
 cussion which had recently taken place in Congress agreed in one point, 
 that of not carrying into effect any one of their proposed restrictive 
 measures without due notice. 
 
 The President and his Ministers are again to assemble to-morrow 
 upon this subject, and I have no doubt but that their final decision will 
 soon be known. 
 
 1 think that the Government of the United States has been anxious 
 to receive some communication from Mr Gallatin before any decisive 
 measure was taken and I learn that Mr Gallatin's dispatches lately 
 received do not hold out to this Government, any hopes of a reconcili- 
 ation of the views of Great Britain and of the United States upon the 
 subject of Colonial intercourse. 
 
 XVIII. Charles R. Vaughan to George Canning. 
 
 Washington 
 
 21 June 1827 
 Mr Catmint^, 
 
 Sir. Although reports have reached Washington, of changes 
 having taken place in His Majesty's Councils, as I have not yet received 
 official advice of the change which may have taken place in the For- 
 eign Department, I continue to address my Dispatches to yourself. 
 
 As the Secretary of State is absent from Washington, a temporary 
 suspension of intercourse has taken place, between the General Govern- 
 ment and Foreign Ministers, which must plead an excuse for my reports 
 being now less frequent than usual. 
 
 The Legislative .Assemblies of the State of Massachusetts have made 
 choice of Mr AVebster to represent that State in Congress as Senator, and 
 the President and his ministers are thereby deprived of a powerful sup- 
 porter of their measures in the House of Representatives, but he will con- 
 tinue to support them in the Senate, where a more formidable opposition 
 will render his services e(|ually acceptable to them. 
 
 I have learned from Mr Ward, who visited Washington on his return 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaiighan 5 i 7 
 
 home from Mexico, that the Representatives of that Republic, have re- 
 jected the commercial treaty negotiated by Mr Poinsett, the minister 
 from the United States. Whenever this event is generally known in this 
 country, it will probably contribute to exasperate the feelings against the 
 President, which have been excited by the loss of the Colonial trade, 
 which has been attributed to his mismanagement. 
 
 The newspapers attached to this Government are still employed in 
 giving a colour to the late discussions upon that subject, w^ith His Majesty's 
 Government, favourable to the American ministers and I presume that 
 the subject will be renewed in some shape or other, very soon after the 
 meeting of Congress on the 4th of December next. 
 
 It is known here that representations have been made by the people 
 of the British North American Colonies, to induce His Majesty's Govern- 
 ment to continue the present suspension of intercourse between the United 
 States and the British West Indies, which will probably lead to a renewal 
 of the proposals which were so favourably received during the last Session 
 of Congress, for throwing every obstacle in the way of conmiercial inter- 
 course by land with the Canadas. It is conjectured that efforts may be 
 made to regain the Colonial trade by acts being passed in Congress which 
 should place, unequivocally, the United States within the conditions of 
 the Act of Parliament of 1825. 
 
 I should be happy to learn in what manner any such measures would 
 be received by His Majesty's Government that in my intercourse with 
 the several parties here my language might be in strict conformity with 
 those views. 
 
 The following letter from Huskisson, preserved among Vaughan's 
 papers is full of interest as explaining the policy which greatly pre- 
 vailed. It shows too how carefully Huskisson, aided by Vaughan, 
 was feeling the pulse of American opinion, though in one instance 
 he committed himself to a rash prophecy. 
 
 XIX. William Huskisson to John Backhouse. 
 
 Richmond Terrace, 
 
 15th June 1829. 
 To Air Backhouse, 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I called the attention of the House to the American 
 Tariff at the close of last Session, the day before I left town for the Con- 
 tinent, i8th July. I have this morning looked at the report of what I 
 said in Hansard's Debates,' but it is very incorrectly given. I do not 
 
 'Vol. XIX, new series, pp. 176S-1775. " The rice of India would soon (indeed 
 it was already doing so) usurp the place, in our list of imports, which that of Carolina 
 had done. In other articles the same change would soon be observed. With reference 
 to cotton, that raw article so essential in our great staple trade, it was only necessary to 
 give its culture in India the same encouragement which the indigo trade had obtained, 
 to ensure its cultivation with equal success." 
 
 William Huskisson, 1770-1830, represented Liverpool in Parliament. He was for 
 a time President of the Board of Trade and afterwards Secretary' of State for the 
 Colonies. — Ed. 
 
 VOL. VII. — 34. 
 
5 1 8 Docu??ie}its 
 
 recollect any other occasion upon which I adverted directly to the Amer- 
 ican Tariff, but I have frequently had imposed upon me the duty of ex- 
 pounding the principles generally applicable to matters of this nature. 
 The only speeches which I recollect to have revised and printed sepa- 
 rately, in which those subjects are incidentally discussed were, — ist. one 
 on Foreign Commerce. 25th March 1825. 2nd one on our Colonial 
 Policy, 21st March 1825. 3rd. one on shipping and Emigration, 12th 
 May 1826, — and 4th. another on the same subject, 7th May 1827. All 
 published at Hansard's. I do not recollect to have read any publica- 
 tion on the American Tariff except an article (not a very able one) in a 
 late number of the Edinburgh Review. 
 
 The object of my speech last year, was to alarm the Southern States 
 in respect to the means within our power, of drawing from other coun- 
 tries the articles with which we are now supplied principally from those 
 States; and to show them (whether we resorted to those means or 
 not) that in proportion as British manufactured goods were rendered 
 dear to the American consumers, would the expense of raising their raw 
 materials be increased, and our power, as well as our disposition, to pur- 
 chase them be diminished. I was not for holding out threats of retalia- 
 tion, at least in the first instance, and I am sure the Government has 
 acted very wisely in avoiding any such course. It would have enlisted 
 national feelings of a different description into a question altogether com- 
 mercial, and have prevented the possibility of the Washington Govern- 
 ment doing what it is now, I am glad to see, inclined to attempt, on 
 grounds purely American. I trust this attempt will be successful, but if 
 it should be defeated, as Mr. Vaughan apprehends it will, by the strength 
 of Adams' party, it will expedite an event inevitable, I think, at no dis- 
 tant period — the separation of the Southern States — provided we cau- 
 tiously abstain from taking any part in their domestic differences, and 
 can avoid any dispute which might merge their internal dissensions in a 
 feeling of general hostility to this Country. 
 
 1 will only further state that I am perfectly satisfied that we have it 
 in our power to encourage the supply of cotton and rice, from other 
 countries, particularly Brazil and British India, and perhaps Egypt, in a 
 manner that would, in a few years, render us far less dependent than we 
 now are on the U.S, and that the means for this purpose may be carried 
 into effect without any infraction of the existing Convention with the 
 U.S. It will be most prudent, however, not to bring them forward till 
 we see what Jackson can and will do. 
 
 Yours truly, 
 
 W. IIUSKISSON. 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. J ^lughan 5 1 9 
 
 XX. Charles R. Vaughan to John Backhouse. 
 
 Boston, 
 
 28th August 1829. 
 My dear Sir, 
 
 I am very much obliged to you for the promjit attention which 
 you have paid to my request, to be furnished with information respecting 
 the operation of the last American Tariff, and with any arguments which 
 might tend to shew the impolicy of that measure with regard to the in- 
 terests to the Americans themselves. I have to thank you for a copy of 
 the Edinburgh Review, and for some speeches of Mr Huskisson, but 
 more particularly for the note addressed by him to yourself, from which 
 I collect, with great pleasure, the facts that it is not the intention to bring 
 forward at present any measures of retaliation in the British Parliament. 
 I am very anxious that the question of the repeal of the tariff in the 
 American Congress next winter, shall in no shape be injured by any in- 
 discreet putting forward of English interests. If the repeal is to take 
 place it must result from a conviction of the impolicy of the tariff as re- 
 gards American interests. I have suggested to those who are anxious to 
 get rid of the tariff, the necessity of applying with the utmost diligence 
 to the amassing of information before the Congress meets, respecting the 
 exact state of loss and profit in the manufacturing establishments which 
 have sprung up under the exorbitant duties imposed on foreign manu- 
 facture. I have lately passed through some of the New England States, 
 and wherever I have found manufacturing establishments, many of which 
 are upon a large scale, I have invariably heard rumours of their very 
 depressed state and of the prospects of their being abandoned. It 
 has been stated to me that shares in manufacturing establishments which 
 sold at 15 per cent advance on each share twelve months ago, are now 
 at a discount of 75 per cent — this however is merely vague report. 
 
 Notwithstanding the President's determination to get rid of or to 
 modify at least the tariff, I confess that I am under great apprehension 
 that he will fail. It will be made the great question on which the parties 
 of the Ex President and the present President will try their strength. 
 The administration formed by General Jackson carries with it but little 
 weight of talent or character, as it is at present constituted it has disap- 
 pointed general expectation. It will be opposed upon the tariff question 
 by a combination throughout one half of the States of persons who have 
 vested their money in manufactures and of political characters who are 
 pledged to support the American system. 
 
 In passing through the town of Lowell in New Hampshire I saw a 
 fair specimen of the excess to which the national rage for becoming 
 manufacturers has driven the people of the United States. I believe 
 that I do not exaggerate the number of establishments in Lowell for the 
 manufacture of woollens and cotton, if I rate them at 30, all large, well 
 built piles of buildings. This rage for manufactures seems to indicate 
 that notwithstanding temporary difficulties and losses the L^.S. must 
 ultimately afford a very contracted market for foreign goods : nor do I 
 
520 Dociimc7iis 
 
 believe that any free admission of American corn into British Ports will 
 materially check the rage I allude to. The embargo and non importa- 
 tion acts which preceded the war of 1812 first gave the impulse to man- 
 ufactures, and when the merchants in the United States were glutted with 
 foreign goods [upon place taking place] ' the outcry began of those who 
 had embarked capital in manufactures for the protection of the Govern- 
 ment which has been afforded by repeated tariffs in the most extrava- 
 gant manner. 
 
 I beg your pardon for having ventured to write you so much upon 
 this subject. I cannot conclude without requesting that you will have 
 the goodness to continue to furnish me with any publications which may 
 appear in England, from whence anything can be gleaned of service to 
 those who are engaged in opposing the tariff. 
 
 It is remarkable that from the accession of Jackson we find next 
 to nothing in Vaughan's papers which bear on the tariff question. 
 With Jackson personally his relations were from the outset most 
 friendly, and it is clear that Vaughan rated his character and ability 
 highly and credited him with a cordial feeling towards England. 
 Nor is there any trace of friction in Vaughan's dealings with Van 
 Buren, and at a later date they were intimate. But it is plain that 
 up to 1828 Clay was the American Politician with whom Vaughan 
 was most intimate, that no one in the new Cabinet seems ever to 
 have taken his place. 
 
 In March 1830 we find Vaughan writing to Lord Aberdeen that 
 no relaxation of the tariff was to be expected. Northern opinion, 
 he says, is too strong for Jackson to defy. The same view is ex- 
 pressed a fortnight later in a despatch to Parliament. 
 
 There is however a significant passage in that despatch. " Ameri- 
 can opinion," Vaughan says " has been quite precipitated by the 
 language used in Parliament, and especially by Peel." Peel was 
 only following the lead of his colleague Huskisson. Before the 
 year was out the patient and tactful firmness had its reward. Jack- 
 son and McLane the American representative in England were both 
 honestly anxious to come to terms and the discriminating duties 
 were withdrawn.^ 
 
 The troubles arising out of protection and out of the fiscal sys- 
 tem favored by Clay, and by the Northern manufacturers were far 
 from being over. They soon entered on an acute phase of which 
 
 'The words bracketed appear in the copy. I have inserted brackets to make mean- 
 ing clear. — En. 
 
 *Mr. McLane, as minister to Enf,'land, received humble and deprecatory instructions 
 from Van liuren which have become somewhat celebrated because of the space given 
 them in Benton, Thirty Years Vieiu, I., 216. Mr. Adams calls them "objectionable." 
 Life of Albert Gallatin, p. 618. For the acts and proclamation ending the dispute see 
 Herstlel's, Commercial and Slave Trade Treaties, Vol. IV. 512 ff. — Eu. 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vauo/uiti 5 2 1 
 
 we can learn mucli from Vaughan's later papers. IJut the difficul- 
 ties were purely internal and affected Great Britain only remotely 
 and indirectly. 
 
 Vaughan's actual share in the settlement of the commercial diffi- 
 culty was but slight. Yet no one can read his papers and doubt 
 that his influence counted for a good deal. His observation of the 
 conditions of the dispute was keen, accurate and minute. He saw 
 himself, and he kept clearly before his government, the main forces 
 at work, and never suffered them to be obscured by temporary or 
 personal issues. And it is clear too that his influence was steadily 
 and succes-sfully directed to modifying the temperature whenever it 
 threatened to reach a dangerous heat. 
 
 As the following despatch shows, one of the great questions that 
 Vaughan had to take in hand was that of the slave trade. For 
 American statesmen the question bristled with difficulties and these 
 were complicated by the fact that the suppression of the slave trade 
 could not be kept distinct from that thorny business, the right of 
 search. 
 
 XXI, Charles R. Vaughan to George Canning. 
 
 Washington, 
 
 30th September 1825. 
 Sir, 
 
 I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt on the 26th inst. by the 
 Packet King Fisher, of your dispatch No. 3. accompanying a full power, 
 with which His Majesty has been pleased to invest me, to enable me to 
 sign a treaty, with the Government of the United States, for the more 
 effectual suppression of the Slave Trade. 
 
 By the receipt of this full power, I am placed in the same situation, 
 in which His Majesty's Government had placed Mr Addington, the late 
 Charge d' Affaires, who was empowered to conclude a treaty upon terms 
 precisely laid down at the end of the last year, whenever the Govern- 
 ment of the United States should manifest a determination to accede to 
 those terms. 
 
 Of the nature of those terms this Government has been already fully 
 apprised, and I have contented myself therefore with announcing, ver- 
 bally, to Mr Clay, that I have received His Majesty's Full Power, which 
 I shall be ready to act upon, whenever I shall learn from him that the 
 American Government wished to carry the proposed treaty into effect. 
 
 Before I venture to shew any solicitude to reopen the question of the 
 treaty, it appears to me absolutely necessary to ascertain the probable 
 result of a renewed discussion in the Senate, particularly, as I am directed 
 to submit to His Majesty's Government no other than a complete Instru- 
 ment, one that shall have already received the ratification of that body. 
 
 In order to ascertain the feelings of the Senate, we must await its 
 assembling in the month of December, as the opposition to the treaty 
 
^ - 
 
 T -> 
 
 Documents 
 
 when last submitted to it, was in part attributed to the violence of Party 
 spirit which chose to make the supposed cession of a limited right of 
 search, a means of rendering Mr Adams unpopular, who was one of the 
 candidates for the office of President, some hope might have been reas- 
 onably entertained, that the feelings of the Senate when it next as- 
 sembled, would probably be changed. Mr Clay, however, reminded 
 me, that the Senate had subsequently refused their ratification of a treaty 
 with Columbia, because it contained a concession, similar to the one ob- 
 jected to in the convention with Great Britain, and he confessed that he 
 did not see any reason to expect that the feelings were materially altered — 
 at the period of the last discussion, Mr Monroe was President, and was 
 very anxious that the treaty should be ratified. Mr Clay confessed that 
 Mr Adams, who then had the department of state, was of a different 
 opinion. The favourable disposition however, of the executive part of 
 the Government is of less consequence, as it cannot exercise any control 
 over the Senate. It must be recollected that the Committee of the 
 House of Representatives to which the papers had been referred, pre- 
 viously to the breaking up of the Congress, presented but a vague report, 
 unaccompanied with any recommendation to the House to reconsider the 
 question. This was followed by a motion of Mr Forsyth expressive of 
 disapprobation of any cession of the right of search. 
 
 Mr Clay said that the only circumstance which he had observed, 
 indicating a change in favour of the Treaty, was in an article which had 
 appeared very lately in a great number of Provincial newspapers pur- 
 porting to be a letter from Sierra Leone, announcing that three American 
 vessels had lately engaged in the slave trade, profiting by the absence of 
 all American cruizers, and great regret was expressed in this article, that 
 the proposed treaty with Great Britain had not taken effect last year, as it 
 would have enabled the British Cruizers to seize the three American vessels. 
 
 Referring to all that has passed relative to the treaty for the sup- 
 pression of the slave trade last year, and in the want of instructions upon 
 the subject, and knowing that the senate has not undergone any such 
 material change in its composition as can reconcile one to running the 
 risk of again calling for the submission of the treaty to the ratification of 
 the very same individuals who so lately manifested their dislike of the 
 stipulations which caused its rejection, I shall content myself with having 
 announced to the ministers of state that I am in possession of full powers 
 until I receive fresh instructions from His Majesty's Government. 
 
 The paucity of any later references to the business show that 
 both Vaughan and the government for which he acted had but 
 scanty hopes of successful negotiation on this point. In this matter 
 Jackson inherited and continued the policy of Adams. On one 
 occasion we find that Jackson refused to sign a convention for the 
 suppression of the slave trade on the ground that it would give 
 British officials the opportunity and pretext for interfering with 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. ]'augha7i 523 
 
 American vessels. And scattered references show that on more 
 than one occasion Vaughan's tact and power of concihation were 
 called into play to settle differences arisin^^ out of an alleged abuse 
 of the right of search. 
 
 So far I have confined myself to those definite questions of in- 
 ternational relations of which the history can be traced out in full, or 
 at least largely illustrated, from Vaughan's despatches and the 
 papers which accompany them, I now propose to deal shortly with 
 those passages which throw light on the various pictures of national 
 life which came under his notice, and on the working of American 
 constitutions and the character of leading statesmen. 
 
 It was Vaughan's practice throughout life to leave memoranda 
 of remarkable incidents, possibly designed to serve either himself 
 or those who came after him as materials for a connected biography. 
 Of such the following is an interesting specimen. Probably most 
 students of American history will think that Vaughan's informants 
 overrated Monroe's faults, and did inadequate justice to his merits. 
 
 XXII. Memorandum by Charles R. Vaughan. 
 
 Mr Monroe — Ex President of the United States. 
 
 Mr Archer of Virginia and Mr George Erving discussing 
 at my table the character of Mr Monroe on the 3rd January 1830, made 
 it appear that he was a very inferior man in point of talent, with great 
 indecision of character, and perfectly unfit to manage any affairs even in 
 public or domestic life. 
 
 General Washington once conceded to a prevailing party of the day, 
 the nomination of a Minister to France during the Revolutionary move- 
 ment in that country between the years 90 and 93. That party pro- 
 posed Mr Monroe to the great surprise of Washington, as he had never 
 shewn any talent in public life. However he consented to his appoint- 
 ment and after a short residence in France Washington was obliged to 
 recall him. Monroe afterwards became the personal friend of Jefferson 
 and Madison, and it was asserted that he had been repeatedly saved by 
 them from repeated disgrace. 
 
 He was sent to France to join Livingston and another American 
 commissioned to arrange the purchase of Louisiana — as the purchase was 
 arranged finally soon after his arrival in Paris, he had the credit of hav- 
 ing concluded the negotiation, whereas the memoirs of M. Bourienne 
 shew clearly that the price had been fixed by Buonaparte and that the 
 Americans had paid about 3 million of francs more than the price which 
 Buonaparte was willing to accept, and that Mr Monroe had not con- 
 tributed in the slightest degree to the completion of the bargain. 
 
 By accident Mr Monroe had succeeded ad interim to the Department 
 of War, when the successful defence of New Orleans by General Jackson 
 took place, and the people chose to imagine that their success ought to 
 
524 Dociime7its 
 
 be attributed to the measures taken by the minister of War, Mr Monroe, 
 and the result was that he was named President of the United States. 
 
 Mr Archer and Mr Erving in short described Mr Monroe as a man of 
 most feeble character, as the creature of circumstances, constantly in- 
 debted to the decided support which he received throughout his public 
 life, from Messrs Madison and Jefferson. 
 
 As an instance of the debility of his character, they mentioned that 
 when he was President, he never gave away an office without requiring 
 from the person to whom he gave it, all sorts of recommendations, which 
 he might produce, should the propriety of his choice be called in ques- 
 tion. 
 
 A despatch sent by Vaughan in his first year of office to Can- 
 ning shows that another thunder-cloud heavy with coming strife, 
 was forcing itself on his view. In November, 1825, he reports that 
 Illinois and Connecticut have petitioned for the abolition of slavery, 
 that the governor of Georgia in his message has protested against 
 this as an infringement of state rights. 
 
 A later despatch of Vaughan's reminds us of the fashion in 
 which that system which southerners of the school of Calhoun and 
 Stephens regarded as "airth's greatest boon" needed to be but- 
 tressed up. Vaughan reports to Lord Palmerston that he has had 
 to intervene and ask relief from the Federal government to protect 
 a British subject from the consequences of a state law of South Car- 
 olina. By that law a man of color though free, might, if the vessel 
 on which he was a passenger touched at any port in South Caro- 
 lina, be arrested and detained in gaol till the vessel sailed. 
 
 The following despatches, written just as the forces were mar- 
 shalling themselves for the great Jacksonian battles show how fully 
 Vaughan had mastered the main issues which divided parties, and 
 how he clearly understood that the President was engaged in a 
 double-handed conflict, in which he represented the unity of the 
 Federation as against Southern nullifiers, the old Jeffersbnian doc- 
 trine of state rights as against northern Whigs. 
 
 xxiii. Charles R. Vaughan to the Earl of Aberdeen. 
 
 Washington, 
 
 4th June 1830. 
 The Earl of Aberdeen 
 My Lord, 
 
 In my despatch No. 29, I had the honour to transmit to your Lord- 
 ship a copy of the Message sent by the President to the House of Repre- 
 sentatives, giving at length his reasons for refusing to sign a Bill, which 
 had passed both Houses of Congress, authorising a subscription of 150 
 thousand Dollars to the Maysville Turnpike Road, to be made in the State 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaughan 525 
 
 of Kentucky. On the last day of the Session of Congress a Bill was re- 
 turned by the President to the Senate, with his refusal to sign 'it, com- 
 municated in a short message a copy of which is inclosed, in which the 
 Senate is referred to the statement of his objections to similar liills already 
 made, upon the occasion of his rejection of the Maysville Road Hill. 
 
 The Bill returned to the Senate was to authori.se a subscription of 
 Stock to the Washington Road, and as it had originated in the Senate, 
 they proceeded immediately to reconsider the Bill, according to the 
 manner pointed out in the 7th section of the Y\x%X. Article of the Con- 
 stitution, when 21 voted for the passage of the Bill and 17 against it, 
 but as two thirds of the Senators present had not voted for its passage the 
 Bill was rejected. 
 
 On the same day, the President announced to Congress his intention 
 of retaining for further consideration two Bills which had been sent to 
 him for his signature, having passed both Houses, the one for making an 
 additional appropriation of money for the Louisville and Portland Canal, 
 and the other appropriating 501,044 dollars to be distributed in almost 
 every State and territory for constructing light houses, buoys and har- 
 bours. 
 
 With regard to the President retaining these two Bills, I have been 
 assured that they were passed very late in the Session of the House of 
 Representatives, which commenced at ten o'clock in the morning of the 
 29th and was continued until two o'clock in the morning of the 30th and 
 that they were not sent to the President until the 31st a few minutes only 
 before the final close of the Session. 
 
 Some objection has been made to the President returning a Road 
 Bill, which he had signed, with a message, a copy of which is inclosed, 
 declaring that he had signed it with an understanding that the Road was 
 not to be continued beyond the Michigan territory. This qualified 
 signature is thought to imply an unconstitutional right to construe the 
 Acts of Congress. 
 
 The right of the General Government to dispose of money in the 
 Treasury for promoting internal improvements, has long been contested 
 in the United States. The Southern States have taken the lead in oppos- 
 ing a continuation of that system, and the President coincides in their 
 opposition, believing that the profuse grants to States, every succeeding 
 Session of Congress for objects of local rather than national advantage, 
 will protract the term for the final liquidation of the National debt, and 
 that the funds for such objects should be provided out of the resources 
 of the States by their respective Legislatures. 
 
 A majority of the Houses of Congress having supported the system 
 of grants from the Treasury for internal improvements, the only means 
 left of checking the system, was, that the President should exercise his 
 constitutional power of refusing his signature to Bills having that object 
 
 in view. 
 
 The conduct of the President may induce a belief that the Congress 
 must have separated with some feeling of resentment towards him, but I 
 
526 Documents 
 
 do not think that the numbers of the members opposed to his election 
 from the beginning will be increased by his decided resistance to grants 
 of the public money for internal improvements, and I observe, already, 
 that admiration is expressed of the firmness and decision with which he 
 has taken his stand upon principles, which he is known to entertain with 
 many of the most disinterested and distinguished persons in the country. 
 I must not omit to state to your Lordship that Bills were passed be- 
 fore the Congress closed, and were signed by the President, reducing 
 very considerably the duties upon the importation of four articles re- 
 ceived in this Country from the West Indies — molasses, salt, sugar and 
 coffee. As I am not yet in possession of the Bills I cannot state the 
 exact amount of the reduction of duties. I have already acquainted your 
 Lordship with the proceedings of Congress with regard to the tariff. 
 The members of the Southern States assert that enough has transpired to 
 convince them that the " American System " must be abandoned within 
 the course of a year. 
 
 Vaughan was in England on leave during the crisis of nullifi- 
 cation and thus there is a serious gap in his correspondence as 
 bearing on this question. The following letters throw an interest- 
 ing light on the later phases of the contest. 
 
 XXIV. Charles R. Vaughan to Viscount Palmerston. 
 
 New York, 
 
 31st March 1833. 
 Viscoiait Palmerston. 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 I have the honour to inform your Lordship that I arrived here on the 
 26th inst. after a passage from Liverpool of thirty days, and it is my in- 
 tention to proceed without further delay to Washington. 
 
 The last Despatches of Mr Bankhead will have made your Lordship 
 fully acquainted with the proceedings of Congress, which terminated in 
 the adoption of a Bill for modifying the Tariff Act, imposing duties upon 
 Foreign manufactures. Upon my arrival at New York I found that in- 
 telligence had just been received of the final settlement of the dissention 
 between the General Government and the State of South Carolina, the 
 convention of the State having rescinded their ordinance, rendering null 
 and of no effect the Tariff Act, as soon as the modification of that Act 
 by Congress was submitted to them, a minority of only four voted against 
 rescinding the ordinance. This decided majority seems to justify the 
 inference which has been drawn from it, that the people of South Caro- 
 lina, finding that they were not supported by any of the Southern States, 
 were glad to avail themselves of any concession by Congress, to with- 
 draw from the position in which they had hastily and injudiciously 
 placed themselves. 
 
 I find upon my arrival here that all parties are well pleased that the 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. WiuoJian 527 
 
 late serious indication of disunion in the Confederation has been fortu- 
 nately put an end to. The great and influential State of New York, and 
 the States of New England forgot their party animosities, which had been 
 recently called forth by the Presidential election, and came forward at 
 once to approve and sujjport the i)rinciples of resistance to the jjreten- 
 tions of South Carolina, which were laid down in the Proclamation of the 
 President General Jackson. Though the Southern States do not coin- 
 cide with the opinions expressed by the President, and disapproved of 
 the Tariff, their reluctance to join South Carolina at once destroyed all 
 expectation of seeing a Southern Confederacy established, and it is 
 thought that the late events may ultimately give additional stability to 
 the present constitution of Government of the United States. 
 
 We are yet to ascertain the result in the North Eastern States of the 
 abandonment of the " American system," which was established for the 
 protection and encouragement of the domestic manufactures of the States. 
 It is believed that that system must be abandoned before the term of nine 
 years, which is the period fixed in Mr Clay's VAW for the final adjust- 
 ment of Duties upon imported foreign manufactures. The greater Capi- 
 talists of those States who have invested their property in manufacturing 
 establishments have derived this advantage from Mr Clay's Bill, that it 
 has put a stop to the competition to which they were exposed, and 
 already they have secured a better price for their goods. 
 
 The Session of Congress has closed with a singular and unexpected 
 combination of Parties. The concession which has tranquilized South 
 Carolina was brought forward by Mr Clay, the decided opponent of the 
 President, and whose pretentions to be elected in his room rested upon 
 his zealous and uncompromising support of the American system. The 
 Bill of Mr Clay was substituted (sic) in the House of Representatives 
 after the members had been involved in a fruitless discussion for some 
 weeks of the details of a Bill for modifying the Tariff proposed by the 
 Government. 
 
 All parties approve of the conduct of the President. A less decisive 
 mind at the head of the Government in such a crisis, would according to 
 general opinion have given rise to much mischief. 
 
 The right maintained by South Carolina, of peaceable secession from 
 the Union, is now decided as unconstitutional doctrine, but it is expected 
 that State Rights founded on their reserved sovereignty will be a fruitful 
 source of discussion during the next Session of Congress. It seems to be 
 a misapplication of terms to talk of allegiance to such a form of Govern- 
 ment. Implicit obedience to the Laws is the bond of Union and the late 
 events have proved how doubtful the duration of it is. 
 
 I lose no time in forwarding to your Lordship the information I have 
 collected at New York, before I have had any communication with the 
 Government of the United States as the correspondence of Mr Bankhead 
 with H. M. Government is suspended in consequence of my arrival. 
 
528 Documents 
 
 XXV. Charles R. Vaughan to Viscount Palmerston. 
 
 Washington 
 
 2ist April 1833. 
 Viscount Palmerston, 
 My Lord, 
 
 Though the Bill proposed by Mr Clay, and passed by Congress, ad- 
 mitting the principle that the duties upon imports shall be eventually re- 
 duced to a revenue standard, and that no more money shall be raised 
 than may be necessary to the economical administration of the Govern- 
 ment, has been received by the State of Carolina as a measure of peace 
 and conciliation, yet it would appear, from a letter dated the 27th 
 March, which has been published by Mr Calhoun, and other proceed- 
 ings in the South, that the lots dissension is not yet finally settled. 
 
 Mr Calhoun asserts that the struggle to preserve the Constitution, 
 and to arrest the dangerous tendency of the Government, so far from be- 
 ing over, is not more than fairly commenced. 
 
 The principle for which South Carolina contended has been acknowl- 
 edged in Mr Clay's Bill — "The rejected and reviled right of nullifica- 
 tion " has proved to be peaceable and efficient remedy. The theory of 
 the Constitution, which during the late dissension it has been attempted 
 to establish, denies that the constitution is a compact between the States, 
 and denies its Federal character. The question now is, whether the 
 General Government be a consolidated Government with unrestricted 
 powers, or a Federal Republic of State [s] with limited powers. The Gov- 
 ernment must be restricted within its proper sphere, and its tendency 
 like all Governments, to despotic rule, must be corrected. Such are the 
 opinions published by Mr Calhoun, one of the ablest leaders of the 
 nullification party. Whatever may be the personal influence of the lead- 
 ers of the party, the principles advanced in the Southern States have re- 
 ceived so decided a check, by the declaration of the people of a great 
 majority of the States, against their right to nullify an act of the General 
 Government that they cannot hope to act with effect. 
 
 Mr Calhoun recommends determined resistance to what is called the 
 " Force Bill." The Bill passed by Congress, giving power to the Presi- 
 dent to enforce the execution of the Tariff law in South Carolina. When 
 the Convention of South Carolina agreed to rescind its ordinance of 
 nullification, it did not separate before by a vote of 132 to 19 they had 
 nullified the " Force Act," and the Legislature of South Carolina has de- 
 creed that the existing organization of the Volunteers shall be maintained 
 so long as the Bill remains unrepealed. 
 
 In a speech delivered by Governor Hayne, upon presenting, at the 
 beginning of the month (April) a new standard to the Volunteers of 
 Charleston, upon which the arms of the State were embroidered, he stated 
 the force of the Volunteers throughout Carolina at 20,000 men, but only 
 500 volunteers appeared in uniform and armed at the celebration on that 
 occasion, though the total force enrolled in Charleston was said on good 
 
TJie Papci's of Sir Charles I\. VaiiQ/ia)i 529 
 
 authority to amount to 13,000. The troops of the United States which 
 were sent to the fortresses at Charleston, and the five comjianies collected 
 upon the Frontier of that State in Georgia have been withdrawn by the 
 General Government. 
 
 In Virginia, Mr Tyler, a distinguished Senator in Congress from 
 that State, took occasion at a dinner given to him to justify the conduct 
 of South Carolina and to reprobate the doctrine that the Government of 
 the United States was the work of the people, and not the result of a 
 compact between separate and sovereign States. He denies the claim of 
 the Federal Government to the exclusive allegiance of the Citizen, and 
 that an act of resistance to that General Government can be regarded as 
 treason and rebellion, to be put down by the employment of the whole 
 Naval and Military forces of the country. 
 
 Mr Tyler seems to consider the General Government as an agency 
 created for particular objects. That allegiance is not due to it because it 
 is invested with the power of providing protection against Foreign 
 Nations, and for the common deference ' and welfare. 
 
 I see that it is acknowledged by Mr McDuffie in a speech delivered 
 in South Carolina that through the reduction of duties, under Mr Clay's 
 Bill, would not be complete until the year 1842, many articles imported 
 from Foreign Countries which are consumed in the Southern States, would 
 be rendered free of duty in a short time. The price of linens and 
 worsted stuffs would soon be reduced much in price, and that it was a 
 just cause of triumph, that the stand made by South Carolina against the 
 unconstitutional, unjust and unequal law of the tariff, had compelled the 
 Government to abandon their system of levying duties on articles of 
 foreign manufacture for the protection of domestic industry. 
 
 In Virginia there has been a great division of opinion, but the result 
 of the elections which are just over in that State, indicates by the return 
 of a majority of members to Congress, who are declared supporters of 
 the President, the prevalence of opinions opposed to the principles lately 
 put forth by the neighboring State of South Carolina. Had however 
 another year passed without an adjustment of the Tariff, it seems very 
 doubtful what might have been the line adopted by Virginia. 
 
 We must expect a renewal of debates upon the constitutional question 
 of State Rights during the next Session of Congress. The Repeal and 
 removal from the Book of Statutes, of the " Force Bill," will be one of 
 the first measures adopted by the Southern States. It is rumoured that an 
 attempt will be made, to unite the Southern States against the Union, by 
 instilling the minds of the proprietors of slaves, that there is a fixed 
 design in the Northern States to abolish Negro slavery. It is well known 
 how sensitive the people of the Southern States are upon that point, and 
 it is not impossible that a controversy will soon be excited upon that sub- 
 ject. I observe, that a great interest is taken here, in the feelings of the 
 Government and people of Great Britain in relation to the emancipation 
 of the slaves in the West Indies. 
 
 1 Probably intended to be defence. — Ed. 
 
530 Doaimenfs 
 
 XXVI. Charles R. Vaughan to Viscount Palmer>ton. 
 
 Washington, 
 
 2oth July 1833. 
 Viscount Palmerston 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 . . . The calm has not yet been disturbed in the Southern States, 
 which immediately [followed] the mutual compromise of their interests 
 and those of the Northern States by the Bill which passed at the close of 
 the last Session of Congress modifying the duties upon foreign manufac- 
 tures. It is asserted, however, that there is a deep and settled determi- 
 nation amongst the people of the South to bring about a separation. The 
 people of the Northern States are unanimous and decided in maintaining 
 the Union, and all parties united, on the occasion of the President's late 
 visit, to express to him their admiration of the prompt, firm and judicious 
 measures which he adopted to counteract the movement in South Caro- 
 lina. There is evidently a disposition amongst some people without in- 
 fluence to excite a collision of interests between the Northern and Southern 
 States, by agitating the question of the emancipation of the slaves of the 
 latter, but the leading men of the North positively deny any intention 
 of agitating that question in any shape, and by the constitution of the 
 United States the Congress has no right to interfere, and the condition 
 of the slaves is exclusively under the control of the Legislatures of the 
 slave-holding States. 
 
 But the most interesting document in the whole collection bear- 
 ing on the question of nullification is Vaughan's account of an in- 
 terview with William IV., in which he explained to the King the 
 situation, forecast its probable issue. It shows how far Vaughan 
 was from accepting the view of the situation taken by Huskisson, 
 who, as we have seen, looked on the separation of North and South 
 as inevitable. The paper belongs to that class of memoranda, 
 which, as we have already seen, Vaughan was given to composing. 
 
 XXVII. Memorandum by Charles R. Vaughan. 
 Communication with the King. Summary of Mr Clay and Hayne's 
 
 Speeches on the Tariff. 
 In the month of March 1832, the reports of the state of domestic 
 politics in the United States of America received by the Marchioness 
 Wellesley from her family, and reported to the King, induced His 
 Majesty to request my attendance at St James on the nth April, when 
 the King did me the honour to communicate to me that Marchioness 
 Wellesley, then in attendance upon the Queen as Lady of the Bed- 
 chamber had informed their Majesties that a separation would probably 
 take i;lace of the States at present forming the Union and that it became 
 necessary for England to decide upon the policy which in that event 
 should be adopted. There seemed to be a conviction upon His Majesty's 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. Vaughan 531 
 
 mind, that the right policy to adopt would be that of strict alliance with 
 the Northern States. His Majesty however, commanded me to see Lord 
 Palmerston and to make enijuiries at the Foreign Ofifice, and to examine 
 any communications which might have been received there in confirma- 
 tion of the information derived from the Marchioness Wellesley. His 
 Majesty at the same time authorizing me to say to Lord Palmerston, that 
 any negotiations to be entered into with the United States, should be 
 entrusited to me and at the same time observing that he conceived that I 
 should feel it to be my duty, and should have a pride in being entrusted 
 with a negotiation so delicate and interesting, and declaring that it would 
 entitle me to the Red Ribbon. 
 
 I ventured to express to His Majesty the reluctance with which I ever 
 gave credit to reports so much in conformity with the expectations of my 
 countrymen very generally manifested, that the United States must soon 
 separate and that their Union could not long subsist. I was no stranger 
 to the constant recourse to such threats whenever the interests of the sev- 
 eral divisions of States were thought not to be fairly balanced in laws 
 passed by the General Government. The only moment when the sepa- 
 ration of the States was really to be apprehended, was, when the New 
 England States shortly before the close of the last war with Great Britain, 
 formed a Convention at Har [t] ford in Connecticut, for the express purpose 
 of withdrawing from the war, which called upon them for great sacri- 
 fices on the Frontier of the British possessions in North America, while 
 their commercial enterprise was completely paralyzed. Of later years 
 the Southern States have talked of separation on account of the repeated 
 high tariff of duties since 1824, on the importation of Foreign Manufac- 
 tures in order to foster and protect the manufactories established in the 
 North Eastern and middle States. The Southern States had been accus- 
 tomed to supply themselves with articles of clothing for their slave 
 population upon more reasonable terms from England, than those upon 
 which they could be supplied by the manufacturers of the Northern and 
 Middle States. I wished His Majesty to be aware that I had never wit- 
 nessed a meeting of Congress since the passage of the Tariff Act of 1824, 
 that the Southern Representatives had not in their speeches held a lan- 
 guage amounting to a threat of disobeying the laws passed by the Gen- 
 eral Government, which they considered unjust, as injurious to their 
 interests, and in their conversations, a separation from time to time, was 
 insinuated. In addition to this irritation manifested generally upon the 
 opening of Congress by the Representatives of the Southern States, it 
 should not be overlooked that Mr Carroll from whom Lady Wellesley's 
 information was probably derived, had one grief in common with the 
 citizens of the Southern States, though a native of a Middle State, Mary- 
 land, which was, that he participated in all their difficulties and embar- 
 rassments arising from having his property invested in a large slave pop- 
 ulation. 
 
 I promised His Majesty to diligently to inquire, in conformity with 
 his commands, into the nature of any communications which might have 
 
C72 Documents 
 
 been made to the Foreign Office bearing upon the reports which reached 
 His Majesty of a meditated separation of the United States, and I begged 
 permission to attend His Majesty to lay before him the result of my en- 
 quiries. 
 
 Upon seeing Lord Palmerston and the Under Secretary, Mr Back- 
 house, I found that no communication had reached the Foreign Office 
 touching in any manner upon a projected separation of the States. 
 
 On the 13th of April I waited upon the King at St James' and in- 
 formed His Majesty that I could not find in the Foreign Office any con- 
 firmation of the reports which His Majesty had condescended to com- 
 municate to me, and I repeated that my knowledge of the carelessness 
 with which Americans permitted themselves to talk of separation, while 
 their keen sense of their own interests must obviously prevent them from 
 hastily risking such an event, made me very loth to credit any but exact 
 and official reports indicative of such an intention, and that at all events 
 ami)le time would be given to Great Britain to adapt her policy to the 
 passing events, and that nothing could be more prejudicial to British 
 interests, than any manifestation of an expectation of such an event. 
 
 As the question of separation, according to the report of Lady Wel- 
 lesley was decidedly to be a separation of the Southern States from the 
 Northern ones, I took the liberty of putting into the King's hands a 
 memorandum of the general divisions of the States, as it is considered in 
 
 America. 
 
 Northern States are— Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachu- 
 setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, 
 
 Delaware. 
 
 The population of these ten States in 1820 was,— Whites 4,307,643. 
 Free people of colour 107,828. Slaves 22,506. 
 
 The Southern States may be considered to be as follows — Maryland, 
 Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, 
 Louisiana. The population of these eight States including in them the 
 district of Colombia was in 1820— Whites 1,967,296. Free coloured, 
 91,325. Slaves 1,299,829. 
 
 The Western States are— Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Missouri, Kentucky, 
 Tennessee. The population of these six Western States was in 1820. 
 Whites, 1,607,851. Free coloured 13,670. Slaves 217,218. The ter- 
 ritories of Michigan, Arkansas, Florida and the western districts had not 
 in 1820 sufficient population to be admitted into the Union as States. 
 
 A consideration of the population of these States proves the impru- 
 dence and hopelessness of the Southern States seriously meditating a sep- 
 aration from the Northern States. The magnitude of their slave popula- 
 tion which seems to keep them in a state of constant uneasiness, and the 
 distress occasioned by that most expensive mode of agriculture, besides 
 the Naval resources being almost exclusively confined to the ports of the 
 Northern States, seems to render such a separation impossible. It is not 
 probable that they would be joined by the Western States which have 
 been peopled as much by emigration from the New England as the 
 
The Papers of Sir Charles R. J^auf^han 533 
 
 Southern States, and the outlet for their agricultural produce is by Lake 
 Erie well as by the Mississippi. Besides the tariff having been sup- 
 ported in Congress by the Representatives of the W^estern States, the 
 Southern States refused to receive from them their customary supplies of 
 live stock. 
 
 My second interview with His Majesty terminated by his desiring me 
 to give the paper which I laid before him to Sir Herbert 'laylor and by 
 commanding me to communicate to him anything which might come to 
 my knowledge respecting the reported separation of the States. 
 
 On the 24th April I received a letter from Nlr McTavish, who 
 married the sister of Lady Wellesley and who lives in the family of Mrs 
 Carroll of Maryland, in which he states, that the tariff cjuestion will not 
 be settled until it comes before the House of Representatives, and that 
 the Southern men are determined that there shall be a reduction in the 
 duties and "it is even hinted that these delegations may not take their 
 seats at the next Congress," unless they are met half way by the advo- 
 cates of the tariff. 
 
 This is the only intimation I have had of the disposition of the 
 Southern men to separate. In the Senate a debate had already taken 
 place on resolutions moved by Mr Clay to support the American system, 
 by continuing the high duties of the tariff of 1828, upon articles of 
 Foreign manufacture which can enter into competition with similar arti- 
 cles manufactured in the United States, and the complaints of the 
 Southern States and the arguments of the supporters of the American 
 system may be collected from the speeches which have been transmitted 
 to me l)y Mr Mc Tavish, of Colonel Hayne of South Carolina and Mr 
 Clay of Kentucky. 
 
 '^^J 
 
 VOL. VII. — 35. 
 
LIBRPRV OF CONGRESS 
 
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