\ 
 
 \ 
 
 THE HISTORY 
 
 OF 
 
 / 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 COMPREHENDING 
 
 The Events of one comjilete Century and seventy -five yeara-from the discovery 
 
 of the River Pascataqua to liie year one thousand 
 
 seven hundred and ninety. 
 
 CONTAINING ItSO, 
 
 A GEOGRAPHICAL DESCRIPTION OF THE STATE, 
 
 SKETCHES OF ITS NATURAL HISTORY, PRODUCTIONS, 
 liMPKOVEMENTS, AND I'RESEN T STATE OF 
 SOCIETY AND MANNERS, LAWS, 
 AND GOVERNMENT. 
 
 BY JEREMY BELKNAP, D.D. 
 
 Member of the American Philosophical Society held at Philadelphia, for pre- 
 
 moling useful knowledge, and of the Academy of Arts and Sciences 
 
 in Massachusetts. 
 
 THE SECOND EDITION, 
 
 WITH LAIICE ADDITIONS AND IMPRGTEMENTS, PUBLISHED FROM THE 
 ADTHOa's LAST MANUSCRIPT. 
 
 ILLUSTRATED BY xV MAP. 
 
 Tempus edax rerum, tuque invidiosa vetustas 
 Omnia destruitis: vititaque dentibus cevi 
 Paulatim lenta consumitis omnia morte. 
 Hxc perstant. ' Ovid. 
 
 VOL. II. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 PUBLISHED BY BRADFORD AND READ. 
 1813. 
 
 I.. 
 
.' Z A 
 
 \^^ 
 
 ^ ^ ^~ C| oj 
 
 DISTRICT OF iMASSACIIUSETTS, TO WIT : 
 
 District Clerk^s Office. 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, That on tlie eighteenth day of June, A. D. 1813. 
 find in tlie tliirty-scventh year of the Independence of the United States of 
 America, BRADFORD t^'READ, of the said District, liave deposited in this 
 Office tlie title of a book, the right whereof they claim as Proprietors, in the words 
 following, to iL'it .• 
 
 Tlie History of New-llarnpsliire. Compreliending the events of one complete 
 century and seventy-five yeai-s from the tiiscovery of the river I'ascataqua to the 
 year one thousand seven hundred and ninety. Containing f.lso, a geographical 
 description of the State, with sketches of its natural history, productions, im- 
 provements, and present state of society an<l nianners, lav, s, and government. 
 By Jkrhmt Belknap, D.D. member of the American Philosophical Society held 
 at Philadelphia, for jnomoting useful knowledge, and of the Academy o arts and 
 sciences in Massachusetts. The second edition, with large additions and im- 
 provements, published iVom tlie author's last manuscript. Illustrated with a map. 
 
 Tempus edax rerum, tuque invidiosa vetustas 
 
 Omnia destruitis : vititaque dentihus cevi 
 
 Paulatim lenta consHmitis omnia morte. 
 
 Ha;c perstant. Ovid. 
 
 In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled, "An Act 
 for the encouragement oi' learning, by securing ihe copies of Maps, Charts and 
 Books, to the Authors and Projirietors of such copies, during the times therein 
 mentioned;" and also to an Act entitled, "An Act supplementary to an Act, 
 entitled, an Act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of 
 Maps, Charts nnd Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such copies during 
 the times therein mentioned ; ond extending the beiufits thereof to the arts of 
 desigiiing, engraying, and etching historical and other Prints." 
 
 WILLIAM S. SHAW,]- '^'ftf-^'^'^P"""'-^' 
 ' ^ of Massacliusetts. 
 
o 
 
 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 I*' 
 
 W HEN the firfl volume was printed, 
 I had not feen the ' Political Annals* of the 
 American Colonies, publiflied in 1780, by- 
 George Chalmers, Efq. This gentleman, 
 being in England, was favored with fome ad- 
 vantages, of which I was deflitute j having 
 accefs to the books and papers of the Lords 
 of Trade and Plantations, from the firft eftab- 
 lifhment of that Board. He feems to polTefs 
 the diligence and patience which are neceffa- 
 ry in a hiftorian ; but either through inad- 
 vertence or want of candor, has made fome 
 mifreprefentations refpedling New-Hamp- 
 fhire, on which I fliall take the liberty to 
 remark. 
 
 In page 491, fpeaking of the firfl Council, 
 of which Preiident CuTTS was at the head, 
 he fays, * they refafed to take the accuflomed 
 
 * oaths, as the Engiifli law required, becaufe 
 
 * liberty of confcience was allowed them.' 
 In the firfl volume of my hiftory, page 144, 
 I have faid, * they publiflied the commifTion 
 
 * and took the oaths ;' for which I cited the 
 
vi PREl-ACE. 
 
 Council records ; and on recurring to them, 
 I find the following entry, in the hand writ- 
 ing of Elias Stileman, Secretary. 
 
 ' January 21,1619— SO. 
 
 • His Majefty's Commifiioners, nomynated 
 ' in faid commifiion, tooke their refpedlive 
 * oathes, as menconed in faid commiffion.' 
 
 That the oaths were really taken, is a fadl 
 beyond alldifpute ; but if there is any ground 
 for what Mr. Chalmers is pleafed to call a re- 
 fufal, it mull have been refpeding the form 
 of fwearing ; which was ufually done here 
 by lifting the hand, and not by laying it on 
 the bible, as w^as the form in England. Was 
 it a forced conflru(5lion of the claufe refpedl- 
 ing liberty of confcience, to fuppofe, that this 
 indulgence was granted to them ? What other 
 life could they have made of this liberty, than 
 to a(5l according to the di(51:ates of their con- 
 fciences ? Is it then confiflent with candor, 
 to publiili an affertion, fo worded as to admit 
 the idea, that thefe gentlemen refiifedx.o obey 
 an elTential part of the duty prefcribed by 
 the commiffion, which they undertook to ex- 
 ecute ? Or is it confiflent with the character 
 which he gives of the Prefident, Cutts, p. 
 492, that ' he was allowed to have been an 
 ' honed man and a loyal fubjecl T The com- 
 miffion required them to take the oaths of 
 allegiance and fupremacy, and an oath of of- 
 
PREFACE. Vl^ 
 
 fice, which lad is recited in the commiffion ; 
 but'not a word is faid of the made and form, 
 in which the oaths ihould be taken ; neither 
 was it faid that they fliould be taken ' as the 
 
 * Englifli law required.' They were there- 
 fore left at their liberty, to take them in any 
 form which was agreeable to their confcience, 
 or their former ufage. 
 
 In the fame page (491) he fays ; ' An Af- 
 
 * fembly was foon called, which, by means 
 ' of the ufual intrigues, was compofed of 
 
 * perfons, extremely favorable to the projeds 
 ' of thofe who now engroffed power.' And 
 in a note (page 507) ' the Council tranfmit- 
 ' ted to the towns, a lift of thofe who iliould 
 
 * be allowed to vote.' 
 
 With what propriety can it be faid that 
 thefe gentlemen engrojcd power, when they 
 were commiiTioncd by the King ; and it is 
 acknowledged,, that not only their appoint- 
 ment, but their entering on office, was con- 
 trary to their inclinations ? 
 
 That the perfons cbofen into the AflTembly 
 fliould be * favorable' to the fentiments of 
 the Council, or of * the wife men of Bofton,' 
 was not the refult of any intrigues ; but be- 
 caufe the majority of the people were of the 
 fame mind. As to fending ' a lift of thofe 
 * who fhould be allowed to vote ;' the true 
 ftate of the matter was this. The commif- 
 fion provided for the calling of an Affembly, 
 
S'Ui PREFACE. 
 
 within three months after the Council flioul4 
 be fworn, by fummons under feal, ' ufmg 
 ' and obferving therein fuch rules and methr 
 ^ ods, as to the perfons who are to choofe the 
 
 * deputies, and the time and place of meeting, 
 ' as they (the Council) fliall judge moft con- 
 
 * venient.' The mode which they judged 
 mofl convenient was, to order the feled men 
 of the four towns, to take a lift of the names 
 and eftates of their refpedive inhabitants, ac- 
 cording to their ufual manner of making 
 taxes, and fend it to the Council. The Coun^ 
 cil then iflued an order, appointing t/je per- 
 fons therein named, to meet in their refpedive 
 
 towns, and elecfl by a major vote, three per» 
 fons from each, to reprefent them in a gen- 
 eral Affembly, on the 16th of March; and 
 in the order, there is this provifo, * Provided 
 ^ that wee do not intend that what is now done 
 ^ be prefidential for the future, and that it 
 « fhali extend noe farther, than to the calling 
 
 * this lirft afleinbly.' 
 
 Now as the rules and methods of calling 
 an aflembly, and the perfons who were to 
 choofe deputies, were left to the difcretion of 
 the Council ; what more proper method could 
 they have taken,than to call for a lift of the in- 
 habitants and their eftates, and by that means 
 to determine, who were qualified in point of 
 property and habitancy to be eledors ? And 
 as the numbers were few, and tlie perfons 
 
PREFACE. 1% 
 
 Well known, was it not as proper to name 
 them at once, in the writs, as to eftablifh 
 qualilications, and appoint other perfons to 
 judge of thofe qualifications ; efpecially when 
 there was no law in force by which they 
 €ould be judged ? It is obfervable that each 
 voter was ordered to take the oath of alle- 
 giancC) if he had not taken it before ; and in 
 the lift of names in the book, a mark is fet 
 againft leveral perfons, who did not take the 
 oath ; and another againft thofe who did 
 not appear at the eledlion. Has this the ap- 
 pearance of ijit?~igue f 
 
 In page 492, he fays, * they Were extrenie- 
 
 * ly flow in conforming to prefent requifi- 
 
 * tions, and pafTed no laws during the firft 
 
 * feflion.' Having again confulted the rec- 
 ords, I find in the Journal of the Council this 
 entry, * At a general AfTembly held in Portf- 
 
 * mouth, the 16th of March, 1 679—80. Prcf- 
 ' ent, &:c. Sundry laws and ordinances made 
 
 * at this fejjion are in another booke, for that 
 ' purpofe.' 
 
 in that other book, a body of laws is recor- 
 ded, in the fame hand writing, viz. of Stile- 
 man the Secretary, which bears the follow- 
 ing title ; * The general laws and liberties of 
 
 * the Province of New-Hampfliire, made by 
 ' the general AfTembly in Portfmouth, the 
 
 * 16th day of March, 1679—80, and approv- 
 '-ed by the Prefident and Council.' 
 
 It appears from the books, that .this AfTem- 
 
X PREFACE* 
 
 bly held four feffions within the year, viz. on 
 the 16th of March, the 7th of Jane, the 12th 
 of Odober, and the 7th of December. As 
 there is not a particular date to each law, but 
 the whole code bears the date of the firfl feC- 
 fion in March ; it may fairly be inferred, that 
 the bufinefs was begun in the firfl feflion, and 
 continued through the other three ; and when 
 completed, was immediately fent to England ; 
 for Mn Chalmers himfjlf tells us, that * the 
 
 * laws which they tranfmitted, in conformity 
 ' to their Conftitution, had not the good for- 
 
 * tune to pleafe, and were difapproved of, by 
 
 * the Lords of the Committee of Plantations, 
 'ifi Dec. 1681.' 
 
 From this flatement it may be concluded, 
 that they were not flower in ' effaying their 
 
 * legiflative talents,' than the neceffity of pro- 
 ceeding with due deliberation required ; and 
 that there was nojull caufe tor the reproach 
 which he has caft upon them. 
 
 In page 494, he gives this account of the 
 charadler of the people of New-HampfhirCc 
 
 * When Cr AN FIELD arrived, he found the 
 ' Province containing four thoufand inhabit- 
 
 * ants, extremely poor from the devaftation 
 
 * of the Indian war. But when he fpoke con- 
 
 * temptuoully of the country which he had 
 ' been fent to rule, he feems not to have re- 
 « fle6led, that all Colonies had once known 
 *■ the like paucity of numbers, the fame weak- 
 ' nefs, and the fame poverty j animated only 
 
L_ 
 
 PREFACE. Xi 
 
 * by a diffimilarfplrit from that of New-Hamp- 
 ' fliire, which now difdained t\vAtwdepencie?ice 
 
 * on her neighbours^ that other Provinces had 
 
 * contended for, with enthufiafm. And oth- 
 
 * er plantations, aduated by very different 
 ' maxims, had not complained, even in their 
 ' weakeft days, of their inability to defend 
 
 * their frontiers, againft the attacks of a foe, 
 
 * that has never proved dangerous, except to 
 ' the effeminate, the fadious, or the cowardly. 
 ' When New Plimouth confided only of two 
 
 * hundred perfons, of all ages and fexes, it 
 ' repulfed its enemies and fecured its borders, 
 ' with a gallantry worthy of its parent coun- 
 ' try ; becaufe it flood alone, in the defert, 
 
 * without hope of aid.' 
 
 That the people of New-Hampfnire ever 
 deferved the character o^ effeminate ox coward- 
 ly, can by no means be admitted. Innume- 
 rable fads evince the contrary beyond a 
 doubt. Had this author ever refided among 
 them, efpecially in time of war, he would 
 have thought quite otherwife of them. That 
 the native favages have * never proved a y^;/- 
 '^gerous foe, to any but the effeminate, the 
 * fadious and the cowardly,' is an affertion 
 totally unfounded. Their manner of attack- 
 ing was always by furprife, and the bravefl 
 and befl men may fometimes be deficient in 
 vigilance, where no fufpicion of danger exifts. 
 If the people of New-Hampfliire"* difdain- 
 ed independence; let it be confidered. that 
 
 3 
 
Xu PREFACE. 
 
 they had been, for about 40 years, conneded 
 with Maffachufetts, to their mutual fatisfac- 
 tion ; and the prapofed ' independence' which 
 he means was but another name for fubjec- 
 tion to a landlord. When independence, in 
 its genuine meaning, became neceffary, in 
 1776, they freely joined with their brethren 
 in aflerting it, and in bravely defending it. 
 
 Without any difparagement to the firft fet- 
 tiers of Plymouth, who, from the year 1643^ 
 were protected by a confederacy of the four 
 New-England Colonies, it may with truth be 
 faid, that the people of New-Hampihire were 
 never behind them, iu vigorous exertions for 
 their own defence, when they w^ere conduc- 
 ed by officers in whom they could place con- 
 fidence ; but in Cranheld's time, there was 
 no war with the Indians ; though he at- 
 tempted to frighten them into an apprehen- 
 fion of danger, from the Indians, to ferve his 
 own purpofes. 
 
 The account which Mr. Chalmers gives of 
 (;raniield's adminiftration differs not ^ very 
 materially from mine, except in one inllance. 
 He reprefents ' the miniilers as very atten- 
 ' tive to him, becaufe they deemed him gain- 
 '^ ed over to the Independents.' I have met 
 ■with no evidence of this ; the deception, if 
 any, mud have been very fliort lived. 
 
 Mr. Chalmers fays nothing of the profe- 
 cution of Moody, and of Cranfield's endeav- 
 
PREFACE. Xlll 
 
 • 
 
 oars to ruin him, for his non-conformity to 
 the Church of England ; but tells us that 
 he « deemed it unflife, to remain any longer 
 
 * among the minifters, who ruled an enthufi- 
 « aftic people, with the flime fway as did the 
 
 * popilh clergy during the darkeft ages ;' and 
 that in his letters to England, he ' gave warn- 
 ' ing, that while the clergy were allowed to 
 ' preach, no true allegiance would be found 
 < in thofe parts.' This may be confidered as 
 a corroborating evidence of his bigotry and 
 intolerance. Truth obliges me to add, that 
 his opponents were not deficient in thofe un- 
 happy qualities, which were too much m 
 fafliion among all parties in that age. 
 
 Mr. Chalmers concludes his account of 
 New-Hampfhire in thefe words. * Being ex- 
 ' eluded from the charter granted to Maila- 
 
 * chufetts, it has continued to the prefent time, 
 ' a different, though inconfiderahk fettlement ; 
 
 * irregular and fadious in its economy, afford- 
 *ing no precedents thatmay be of exemplary 
 « ufe to other Colonies.' What juftice there 
 is in this remark, the reader will be able to 
 determine, from the following portion of its 
 hiftory, which, after much unavoidable de- 
 lay, is now fubmitted to his perufal. 
 
 Bojlon^ Augufi I, 1 79 1. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 — *®o^"— 
 CHAP. XIII. 
 
 i HE adminiflration of Governor Shiite, 
 and his Lieutenants, Vaughan and went- 
 ^^I'th- Page 17. 
 
 XIV. The fourth Indian war, commonly 
 called the three years' war, or Lovewell's 
 war. o^ 
 
 XV. Wentworth's adminiftration continued. 
 Burnet's fliort adminiftration. Belcher 
 fucceeds him. Wentworth's death and 
 character. nc^ 
 
 XVI Dunbar's Lieutenancy and enmity to 
 Belcher. EiForts to fettle the boundary 
 lines Divifions. Riot. Trade. Epifco- 
 pal Church. Throat diftemper. 81 
 
 Xyil. State of parties. Controverfy about 
 lines. Commiffioners appointed. Their fef- 
 fion and refult. Appeals. Complaints. 
 
 98 
 
 XVIII. Revival of Mafon's Claim. Accuf- 
 ations againft Belcher, real and forged. 
 Royal cenfure. Final eftablifliment of the 
 lines. Spanilliwar. Belcher's zeal and 
 fidelity. Kis removal. Examination of 
 nis cbarader. 224 
 
 XIX. The beginning of Benning Went- 
 worth s admimflration. War opened in 
 
CONTENTS. XV 
 
 Nova-Scotia. Fxpedition to Cape-Breton ; 
 its plan, conduct and fuccefs, with a de- 
 fcription of the illand, and of the city of 
 Louifburg. 242 
 
 XX. Projedled expedition to Canada. Alarm 
 by the French lleet. State of the frontiers. 
 Peace. ' 175 
 
 XXI. Purchafe of Mafbn's claim. Contro- 
 verfy about reprefentation. Plan of ex- 
 tending the fettlements. Jealoufy and re- 
 fentment cf the favages. 200 
 
 XXII. The lafl French and Indian war, 
 which terminated in the conquefl of Cana- 
 da. Controverfy concerning the lands 
 weflward of Conncdiciit river. 219 
 
 XXIII. Beginning of the controverfy with 
 Great-Britain. Stamp-acl. Refignation of 
 Benning Wentworth. . 245 
 
 XXIV. Adminiflration of John Wentworth 
 the fecond. New attempt to force a rev- 
 enue from America. Eflablifhment of 
 Dartmouth College. Divifion of the Prov- 
 ince into counties. Death of Benning 
 Wentworth. Complaint of Peter Livius 
 againfl the Governor. Its iffue. Proo-reis 
 of the controverfy with Great-Britain. 
 War. DifTolution of Britifli government 
 in New-Hampfliire. c^qc^ 
 
 XXV. War with Britain. Change of gov- 
 ernment. Temporary Conflitution. In- 
 dependence. Military exertions. Stark's 
 expedition. Employment of troops dur- 
 ing the war. 093 
 
xvi CONTENTS. 
 
 XXVI. Paper money. Confifcations. State 
 Conftitution. Coiitroverfy with Vermont. 
 
 326 
 
 XXVII. Popular difcontent. Efforts for pa- 
 per currency. Tender-ads. Infurredlion. 
 Dignity and lenity of government. Fed- 
 eral Conftitution. 252 
 
CHAP. XIII. 
 
 The admintflrat'ton of GnvernT Shutf., and his Lieutenant/, 
 Vavghan and IVentiforth. 
 
 George vaughan, Efq. was 
 
 the fon of Major William Vaughan, who had ^ ' ^^' 
 been fo ill ufed by former Governors, and 
 had fuffered fo mvich in the caufe of his coun- 
 try, that the advancement of his fon, to the 
 office of Lieutenant Governor, was efteemed 
 a mark of particular favor, from the Crown 
 to the Province, and a lingular gratification 
 to the parent, then in the decline of life. 
 1'he Lieutenant Governor had been employ- 
 ed by the Province, as their agent in England, 
 to manage their defence againft Allen. There 
 he was taken notice of, by fome perfons of 
 quality and influence, with whom his father 
 had been connecled ; and by them he was 
 recommended as a candidate for the honor 
 to which he was now advanced. 
 
 After he had arrived, and opened his com- ^^ ^^ 
 million ; Dudley, though not actually fuper- 
 feded, yet daily expcding Burges to fucceed 
 him, did not think it proper to com^e into the 
 Province, or perform any a6ls of govern- 
 ment ; fo that, during a year, Vaughan had j^^^. g^ 
 the fole command. In this time he called an 
 Affembly, who granted him the produd of 
 the impoif and excife, for one year, but refuf- 
 ed to eftablifh thefe duties for any longer j^jg. 
 time ; upon which he difTolved them, and Auputt %x. 
 called another ; to whom he recommended, A{rea>biy 
 in a llyle too peremptory, the eftablilhraent Record.. 
 
18 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 1716. of a perpetual revenue to the Crown ; a mat- 
 ter in which he had been fo much engaged, 
 Msimtr that while in England, *he prefentcd a me- 
 tiuZo ' "^^^^^^^ to the King and Miniflry, to bring 
 Matir. \^'ew:England into the land tax of Great 
 * britam; and propofed that a Receiver Ihould 
 'be appointed by the Crown.' The Aflem- 
 bly was of opinion, that the public charges 
 might be defrayed in the ufual manner, by 
 an equal tax on polls and eflates ; and de- 
 clmed laying an impoft, or entering on any, 
 but the common bufinefs of the year, till the 
 arrival of a Governor, 
 oa. 17. When Governor Shute came to the chair, 
 
 feveral of the old Counfellors were laid afide', 
 and fix new ones appointed, all of whom were 
 inhabitants of PorL*fmouth. That town, at 
 the fame time, was unhappily agitated by a 
 controverfy, which had for fome years fub- 
 fifled between the two parilhes. This had 
 not only im.bittered the minds of the people, 
 but had prejudiced fome of the members of 
 the Council and Aflembly ; fo as to effed the 
 proceedings of the Legiilature, and break the 
 harmony, which had been preferved in that 
 body, during the preceding adminiftration. 
 1717. The Governor, in his fu-ft fpeech to the Af- 
 jan. 10. fembly, took notice of their divifion, and ad- 
 vifed them to unanimity. They thanked 
 hnn for his advice, but rem.onftrated againft 
 Jan. 23. the removal of the old Counfellors, and the 
 confining of the new appointments, both in 
 the Council and the Judicial Courts, to refi- 
 dents in one town, as being contrary to former 
 ufage, and giving an advantage, to the trading, 
 above the landed intereft. This, they faid, 
 was the reafon that an impoft could not now 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 19 
 
 be obtained, and tliat the whole burden of 1717. 
 taxes was laid on the hufbandman, and the 
 laborer, who had been greatly impoveriflicd 
 by the late war. Tlie Governor wifely a- 
 voided an anfwer to this remonftrance, by 
 pvitting it on the Council, who were a party 
 in the controverfy. The Council, in their j3„ ^^■ 
 anfwer, acknowledged that the Province had 
 been much diftrelTed by the war ; but had in 
 a great meafure recovered ; that there would 
 have been no oppoiition to an iinpcft, if the 
 Reprefentatives had agreed to an a(fc of ex- 
 port, according to the practice in England ; 
 that the King had a right to appoint his 
 Counfellors, from any part of the Province ; 
 til at it was an affront to the prerogative to 
 lind fault with the excrcife of this right ; and 
 that it was raoft convenient for the affairs of 
 government, efpecially upon fudden emer- 
 gencies, that the Council Ihould refidc near 
 the feat of government. This anfv/er might 
 have appeared decent enough if they had 
 not added, that they were * gentlemen of the 
 ' bell quality, and greatefl ability to ferve tlie 
 ' government, in that ftation ; and had as 
 
 * good or better ellates in land, and land fc- 
 
 * curities, than any in the Houfe, and not in- 
 
 * ferior to the gentlemen who were laid afide.' 
 
 While thefe altercations were in hand there 
 was a great complaint of the fcarcity of mo- 
 ney, and fome expedient was judged necefla- 
 ry to fupply the place of current coin. A 
 propofal was made to iffue ten thoufand 
 pounds in bills, on loan, for twenty-three 
 years, at five per cent, on land fecurity. In^'"' *^' 
 this both Houfes agreed ; but the next day 
 the Council propofcd to enlarge the fum to 
 
 C 
 
20 HISTORY OF 
 
 1717. fifteen thoufand pounds, to which the Houfe 
 would not conient. The Governor then or- 
 dered the Houfe to attend a conference with 
 the Council ; they deiired to know on what 
 fubje(5l ; he gave them no anfwer, but com- 
 manded their attendance. Having confer- 
 red about the propofed loan to no purpofe, 
 the circumftance of aiking on what fubje6l 
 they were to confer v/as deemed an affront, 
 and ferved as a pretext for diflblving them. 
 The next allembly w^as more pliant, and iffu- 
 ed fifteen thoufand pounds, on loan, for elev- 
 
 AfffmUy en years, at ten per cent. 
 
 A controverfy alfo arofe between the Gov- 
 ernor and Lieutenant Governor about the 
 power of the latter, in the ab fence of the 
 former. Vaughan contended, that when the 
 Governor was prefent in his other Province, 
 he was abfent from New-HampHiire, and 
 confeqiiently that the adniiniftration devolv- 
 ed on him. The poiition was a metaphyfical 
 truth, but the inference was to be meafured 
 by political rules. Shute alleged that his 
 commiiiions, being publiilied and recorded, 
 in New-Hampfiiire and MafTachufett*?, he 
 had tlie power of commander in chiet over 
 both Provinces, during his relidence in ei- 
 ther ; and thought it an abfurdity to fup- 
 pofe, that the King had appointed the Gov- 
 ernor commander in chief, for five or fix 
 weeks only in the year, and the Lieutenant 
 Governor during the refl of the tinie ; and 
 that if the Lieutenant Governor Ihould hap- 
 pen, in that time, to flep over the Province 
 line, the fenior Comifellor nuift take the 
 chair ; this he faid would make the Province 
 ' a monfter vv^ith three heads.' The contro- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 21 
 
 verfy was foon brought to an Iffue ; for 1717. 
 Vaughan received an order from Shute, while 
 at Boilon, to appoint a faft, which he did not 
 obey ; he received another to prorogue the 
 AfTembly, inilead of which he diffolvedthem, 
 without the advice of CounciL He required 
 the opinion of the Council on the extent of 
 his power, but they declined giving it. Pen- 
 hallow, the Governor's chief friend, was a 
 warm oppofer of Vaughan's pretenfions, and 
 incurred fo much of his difpleafure, that he 
 publicly charged him with fowing difcord 
 in the government, and fufpended him from s«pt. 24. 
 his feat in Council. On hearing this, Shute 
 hafled to Portfmouth, and having fummoned 
 the Council, ordered the King's inllrudlion 
 to him for fufpeuding Counfellors to be read, 
 and demanded of Yauglian whether he had 
 any inftruclion which fuperfeded it. He 
 anfwered. No. The Governor then afked 
 the Councii's advice whether the fufpenfion 
 of Penhallow was legal ; they anfwered in 
 the negative. He then reftored him to his Council 
 feat ,and fufpended Vaughan. 
 
 The AfTembly, which Vaughan had afTum- 
 ed the right to difTolve, n^et again, and ap- 
 proved the proceedings againlt him, jullify- 
 ing the conllruClion which the Governer had 
 put on his commifTion, and his opinion of the 
 extent of the Lieutenant Governor's power ; 
 which vv^as ' to obferve fuch orders, as he 
 * Ihould from time to time receive from the 
 ' King or the Governor in chief.' The Rep- 
 refentatives of Plampton prefented a remon- 
 ilrance ; in which, admitting the Lieutenant 
 Governor's opinion that * when the Gover- 
 ' nor is out of the Province, the Lieutenant 
 
22 HISTORY OF 
 
 1717. ' Governor is impowered to execute the King'* 
 ' commiffion,' and afferting that the Gover- 
 nor was not in the Province when the Lieu- 
 RetoTdJ tenant Governor diffolved the Aflembly, they 
 declared that they could not adl with the 
 Houfe, unlefs they were re-eledied. This 
 remonilrance was deemed a libel, and the 
 Governor in Council having fuinmoned them 
 before him, laid them under bonds of four 
 Conncii hundred pounds each, for their good behav- 
 Miiiutes. iour. He then iflued a proclamation, affert- 
 ing his fole power, as commander in chief ; 
 and declaring that the Lieutenant Governor 
 Penhau had uo right to exercife any acls of govern- 
 ' ment w^ithout his fpecial order. 
 
 To maintain a controverfy with a fuperior 
 ofHcer on the extent of power, equally claim- 
 ed by both, requires a delicacy and addrefs 
 which does not fall to the lot of every man. 
 An afpiring and precipitate temper may bring 
 on fuch a contention, but difqualifies the 
 perfon from managing it with propriety. 
 Had Vaughan propofed to liibmit the quef- 
 tion to the King, he would have adled more 
 in character, and might have prefer ved his 
 reputation, though he had loft his power. 
 But having offended the Governor, and dif^ 
 gulled the Council and Aflembly, he could 
 hope for no favor from the Crown. When 
 the report of the proceedings was fent to 
 England, Sir William Afliurft, who had great 
 Afturfi^ interefl at Court, and was a friend to New- 
 leucrMS. fi^gi^nd, and who greatly difreliflied the 
 memorial which Vaughan had formerly pre- 
 fented to the King, eafily found means to 
 difplace him ; and in his room was appoint- 
 ed John Went worth, Efq. whofe com- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 2S 
 
 mifTion was publiflied on the feventliof Dc- 1717. 
 cember. The celebrated Mr. Addifon, be- 
 ing then Secretary of State, this commifTion 
 is counterfigned by a name particularly dear . 
 to the friends of liberty and literature. 
 
 John Wentworth, Efq. grandfon of Wil- 
 liam Wentworth, formerly mentioned as one 
 of the firll fettlers of the country, had been 
 in the early part of iiis life, commander of a 
 fliip ; and had acquired a handfome fortune 
 by mercantile induflry. Without any fupe- 
 rior abilities or learning, by a ftcady atten- 
 tion to bufinefs, and a prudent, obliging de- 
 portment, he had recommended himlelf to 
 the efteem of the people. Having been five 
 years in the Council, before his appointment 
 as Lieutenant Governor, he had carried the 
 fame ufeful qualities into public life, and 
 preferved or increafed that refped: which he 
 had acquired in a. private ftation. The ran- 
 cour of contendmg parties made moderation 
 a necefTary charadler in a chief magiftrate ; 
 and the circumftances of the Province, at that 
 time, required a perfon of experience in 
 trade, at its head. 
 
 It being a time of peace, after a long and 
 dilirefling war, the improvement of which 
 the Province was capable, in regard to its 
 natural producStions, lumber and naval ftores, 
 rofe into view and became objects of clofe at- 
 tention both here and in England. As ear- 
 ly as 1668, the government of MafTachufetts, ^'^^- ^«^' 
 under which the Province then was, had re- 
 ferved for the public ufe all white pine trees 
 of twenty-four inches in diameter, at three 
 feet from the ground. In King William's 
 reign, a furveyor of the woods was appointed mkuks. 
 
24 HISTORY OF 
 
 1717. by the Crown ; and an order was fent to the 
 Earl of Bellamont, to caufe a6ls to be pafled 
 in his feveral governments for the preferva- 
 tion of the white pines. In 1708 a law made 
 in New-Hampiliire prohibited the cutting of 
 Chip. zo. fuchas were twenty- four inches in diameter,at 
 twelve inches from the ground, without leave 
 of the furveyor ; vv^ho was inftrudled by the 
 Queen, to mark with the broad arrow, thofe 
 which were or might be fit for the ufe of the 
 navy, and to keep a regifter of them. What- 
 ever feverity might be ufed in executing the 
 law, it was no difficult matter for thofe who 
 knew the woods and were concerned in lum- 
 ber, to evade it ; though fometimes they were 
 ufha's deteded and fined. Great complaints were 
 ^''^' frequently made of the deflrudion of the 
 royal woods ; every Governor and Lieuten- 
 SS'i/' ant Governor had occafion to declaim on the 
 Records, f^^bje^c^ in their fpeeches and letters ; it was 
 a favorite point in England, and recommend- 
 ed them to their fuperiors as careful guar- 
 dians of the royal intereft. On the other 
 hand, the people made as loud complaints a- 
 gainft the furveyor, for prohibiting the cut- 
 ting of pine trees, and yet negleding to mark 
 fuch as were fit for mafts ; by which means 
 many trees, which never could be ufed as 
 Penhai- mafts, and might be cut into logs for fawing, 
 iow'sMss.^gj,^ j-Qtting in the woods ; or the people 
 who got them were expofed to a vexatious 
 profecution. When no furveyor was on the 
 fpot, the Governor and Council appointed 
 fuitable perfons to take care that no wafte 
 fliould be made "of the mall trees ; and thefe 
 officers, with a very moderate allowance, per- 
 formed the duty, to much better purpofe, 
 
NEW-HAMrSlIIRE. 25 
 
 than thofe who were fent from England and 1717. 
 maintained at a great expenfe to the Crown. Aff.mb(y 
 As thoie trees which grew within the lim- '*"'"'^' 
 its of the townfliips were deemed private l^lo. 
 property, the people were defirous to get other 
 townlhips laid out, that the trees might be 
 fecured for their own ufe. This was a diffi- 
 cult point. The Aflcmbly, in 1704, during 
 the controverfy with Allen, had explicitly 
 difclaimed all title to the wafte lands, by 
 wliich they undcrllood all thofe without the 
 bounds of their towns. The heirs of Allen 
 kept a jealous eye upon them. Uflier, who 
 claimed by mortgage from Governor Allen, 
 was ilill living, and was daily inviting pur- 
 chafers by advertifements. The heir of Sir J?ou^raals""* 
 Charles Hobby, whofe claim was founded 
 on purchafe from Thomas Allen, had offered 
 his title to the Aflembly, but they had refufed 
 it. The creditors of Hobby's eftate had ap- 
 plied for letters of adminiflration ; and 
 though the matter had been, by the Judge of ^jj-^^^^^, 
 Probate, fubmitted to the General Court, and Records. 
 by their advice fufpended, yet the letters 
 had been granted. Allen's other heirs were 
 in a ftate of minority in England ; but their 
 guardian was attentive to their interelf. The 
 controverfy had become more complex than ^''^J- J''* 
 before; and the claimants, however multi-dtk. 
 plied in number and difcordant in their 
 views, yet had an intereft feparate from that 
 of the public. The royal determination could 
 not be had, but on an appeal from a verdidl 
 at law ; but no fuits were now pending ; nor 
 could the lands be granted by royal charter, 
 without feeming to intrench on the property 
 of the claimants. Notwithftanding thefe 
 
 D 
 
26" HISTORY OF 
 
 1 7 1 8. dilE culties, the necelTity of extending the let- 
 tlements, and improving the natural advan- 
 tages of the country > was too apparent to be 
 negledled. 
 
 Great quantities of iron ore were found 
 
 l/iJ. in many places; and it was in contempla- 
 tion to ere6l forges on fome of the rivers and 
 to introduce foreign artiils and labourers ta 
 
 Lfl\v3 refine it. A law w^as made laying a penalty of 
 
 Chap. yo. ^^^^ pouuds per ton on the tranfporting of it 
 out of the Province ; but for the further en- 
 couragement of the manuflicSlure, it was 
 deemed nccefiary, that fome lands fliould be 
 appropriated, to the purpofe of fupplying 
 with fuel, the iron works which were to be 
 
 t'Sl^iL erected, on Lamprey river, and of fettling the 
 people who were to be employed in that fer- 
 vice. On this occa,lion, it was recollected, 
 that in 1672, wdiile this province was fubjecSl 
 to the Maflachufetts government, and after 
 the town of Portfmouth had made a liberal 
 contribution for the rebuilding of Harvard 
 College, a promife had been made by the 
 General Court to grant to that tov^^n a quan- 
 tity of * land for a village, when they fliould 
 
 MiS. Rec. i declare to the Court the place where they 
 * deiired it.' Upon this, a petition was pre- 
 fented to the Governor and Council praying 
 for a fulfilment of this promife ; and after 
 fome hefitation, a grant was made of a flip of 
 land two miles in breadth above the head 
 
 SiTu'tci. hne of Dover, for the ufe of the iron works, 
 which was called the ' renewing a grant for- 
 ' merly made.' This w^as known by the 
 name of the two mile flip, and it was after- 
 ward included in the townihip of Barrington. 
 In fome parts of the province, were man)r 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 2^ 
 
 pitchpiiie trees, unfit for mafts, but capable 1719. 
 of yielding tar and turpentine. A monopoly 
 of this manufa(5lure had been attempted 
 by a company of merchants ; but when council 
 many thoufand trees were prepared for ufe, ''^'""^''^• 
 they were deltroyed by unknown hands. 
 Afterwards a law was made providing that l-iws. 
 tar Ihould be received in lieu of taxes, at ^"^"P" ^' 
 twenty ihillings per barrel. This encouraged 
 the making of it for fome time. Another cuap. 94 
 law laid a penalty on the injuring of trees for 
 drawing turpentine. But private intereft was 
 too flrong to be counteracled by a fenfe of 
 public utility. Too many inciiions being 
 made in the trees at once, they were foon 
 dellroyed ; and as thofe v/hich were near at 
 hand became fcarcc, the manufacSlure wt.s 
 gradually difcontinued. 
 
 Hemp was another objedu. Some had been 
 fown, and from the fpecimen of its growth, 
 much advantage v/as expecfled. An act vvas ■^^" ^*' 
 made to encourage it ; and it was allovv^ed to 
 be received at the Treafury, in lieu of money, 
 at one Ihiiling per pound. But as there was 
 fcarcely land enough in cultivation, for the 
 production of corn, it was vain to think of 
 raifing a lefs necelTary commodity. 
 
 The Parliament of England v^as attentive 
 to the advantages which might be derived to 
 the nation from the Colonies, to which they ' 
 were particularly incited by the war, v/hich 
 at this time ra^-ed between Sweden and Ruf- 
 
 o 
 
 fia, the grand ma.rts for naval (tores in Eu- 
 rope. A duty vv'hich had been paid on lum- 
 ber imported from America, was taken oiF ; 
 and this was odeemcd fo great a favor to 
 New-Hampihire that the Aifembly thanked r^-^o 
 
 ffTvmUy 
 
28 HISTORY OF 
 
 1719. SKnte for the fhare he had in obtaining it. 
 About the fame time, an acl of Parliament 
 was made for the prefervation of the white 
 pines. Penalties in proportion to the fize of 
 the trees, were laid on the cutting of thofe 
 which grew without the bounds of town- 
 fhips ; and for the greater terror, thefe pen- 
 alties were to be recovered by the oath of one 
 witnefs, in a Court of Admiralty ; where a 
 lingle Judge, appointed by the Crown, and 
 ^ removeable at pleafure, determined the caufe 
 
 George I. without a Jury. While this bill was pending. 
 Chap 12. iiQ^yj Newman, the Agent for New-Hamp- 
 Ms peti. {hire, petitioned againfl the feverity of it, but 
 without effect. 
 
 Great inconveniences had arifen for want 
 of a due fettlement of the limits of the Prov- 
 ince. The people who lived near the fuppo- 
 fed line, were fometimes taxed in both Prov- 
 inces, and were liable to arreils by the offi- 
 cers of both ; and fometimes the officers 
 themfelves were at variance, and imprifoned 
 each other. Several attempts had been made 
 to remove the difficulty, and letters frequent- 
 ly paffied between the two Courts on the fub- 
 jecb, in confequence of petitions and com- 
 plaints from the borderers. In 1716, Com- 
 miffioners were appointed by both Provinces, 
 to fettle the line. The New-Hampfhire 
 Commiffioners were furniflied by Lieuten- 
 ant Governor Vaughan, with a copy of the 
 Kis!"in. report of the Lords Chief Juftices in 1677, 
 ftruftious. ^,^^1 -were inftrudled ' to follow the courfe of 
 'the river Merrimack, at the diflance of three 
 Lt! Gnwcr- ' miles north as far as the river extends.* The 
 rjrth!'"'" commiffioners on the other fide complained 
 that this power was not fufficient ; if by fut- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 29 
 
 ficient it was meant that they had no power 1719. 
 to vary from their inftrucflioiis, the objc(5lion 
 was true, but why this jliould have been 
 objeded it is not eafy to account, lince the 
 inltru6lions would have given MafTachufetts 
 all which they could claim by virtue of their 
 old charter ; or the judgment upon it, on 
 which they always laid much ftrefs. Three 
 years afterward the affair was agitated again, 
 in obedience to an order from the Lords of 
 Trade ; who directed a map to be drawn and 
 fent to them, in vvdiich the boundaries of the 
 Province fhould be delineated, and the beft onf>ina! 
 accounts and vouchers procured to elucidate 
 it. Commiilioncrs were again appointed to 
 meet at Newbury; and thofe from New- onjjioai 
 Ilamnihire were inllrucfted by Lieutenant ^^A"' 
 Governor Went worth to confer with the oth- 
 ers ; and if they could agreee, in fixing the 
 place where to begin the line, they were to 
 report accordingly ; but if not, they w^ere to 
 proceed ex partc^ ' fetting their compafs on 
 ' the north fide of the mouth of Merrimack 
 ' river at high water mark, and from thence 
 ' mxeafuring three miles on a north line, and 
 ' from the end of the firft three miles on a 
 ' weft line into the country, till they fhould 
 
 * meet the great river which runs out of 
 
 * Winipifiogee pond.' To this idea of a weft 
 line, the MaiTachufetts Commiffioners obje(5l- 
 ed ; and defircd that the commifiion ot the 
 Governor of New-Hampiliire might be fent 
 to Newbury, which was rcfufcd, and the 
 conference ended without any agreement. 
 However, a plan was drawn agreeably to 
 thefe inftructions, and fent to the Lords of 
 Trade : and Newman the Aecnt was in- 
 
30 HISTORY O^ 
 
 1719. flni6lcd to folic it for a coniirmation of it. 
 In thefe inftrudiions, the ideas of the gentle- 
 men in government are more fully exprelfed. 
 
 Penhai- Tlic duc wcft line on the fouthern fide of the 
 
 ^* * '^^^^* Province, they fappofed, ought to extend as 
 far as Maifachufetts extended. The line on 
 the northerly fide adjoining to the Province 
 of Maine, they fuppofed, ought to be drawn 
 up the middle of the river Pifcataqua, as far 
 as the tide flows in the Newvs^ichwannock 
 branch ; and thence northwcflward, but 
 whether two or more points weilward of 
 north was left for further confideration. 
 
 While thefc things were in agitation, the 
 Province unexpefledly received an accellion 
 of inhabitants from the north of Ireland. A 
 colony of Sects prefljyterians had been fettled 
 
 Hamc. ii^ the Province of Uliter, in the reign of James 
 I ; they had borne a large fliare in the fufFer- 
 ings, which the protedants in that unhappy 
 country underwent, in the reign of Charles 1 
 and James II ; and had thereby conceived an 
 ardent and inextinguilliable thirft for civil 
 and religious liberty. Notwithftanding the 
 peace which Ireland had enjoyed, fince the 
 iubjecflion of the Popifli party by King Wil- 
 liam, fome penal laws were flill in force ; 
 which, with the inconvenience of rents and 
 tithes, made thcfe people wifli for a fettle- 
 ment in America ; where they might be free 
 from thefe burthens and have full fcope for 
 their induftry. One Holmes, a young man, 
 ion of a clerGryman, had been here and carri- 
 
 Haivcy. ecl home a lavorable report or the country, 
 which induced his father, with three other 
 prefbyterian Miniilers, James Macgregore, 
 William Cornwell, and "William Boyd, and a 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 31 
 
 large number of their congregations, to re- 1719, 
 folve on an emigration. Having converted r, 
 
 their fubftance into money, they embarked 
 in five fhips, and about one hundred families ijVs. 
 of them arrived at Boilon. Cornwell, with 
 about twenty families more, arrived a Cafco. 
 They immediately petitioned the Affembly 
 of MaiTchuletts for a tradl of land ; who gave 
 them leave to look out a fettU ment of fix 
 miles fquare, in any of the unappropriated 
 lands at the caflward. After a fruitlefs fearch 
 along the fliore, finding no place that fuited 
 them there ; iixteen families, hearing of a 
 tracfl of good land, above Haverhill, called 
 Nutfield (from the great number of chefnut i^ ^ 
 
 and walnut trees there) and being informed 
 that it was not appropriated, determined there 
 to take up their grant ; the others dilperfed 
 themfelves into various parts of the country. 
 As foon as the fpring opened, the men went 
 from Haverhill, where they left their fami-' ^'' 
 lies, and built fome huts near a brook which 
 falls into Beaver River, and which they nam- 
 ed Wefl-running brook. The firil evening- 
 after their arrival, a fermon' was preached to 
 them under a large oak, which, is to this day 
 regarded with a degree of veneration. As 
 foon as they could colledl their families, they 
 called Macgregore ti) be their minifler, who 
 fince his arrival in the country had preached 
 at Dracut. At the firft facramental occafion, , 
 were prefent two miniilers and fixty-five 
 communicants. Macgregore continued with 
 them till his death ; and his memory is itill \]^ll^'^' 
 precious among them : He was a wife, afFec- ^^'-° ^i* 
 tionate and faithful guide to them, both in 
 civil and religious concerns. Thefe people 
 
^2 HISTORY OF 
 
 1719. brought with them the neceflai'y materials 
 for the manufa(flure of linen ; and their fpin- 
 ning wheels, turned by the foot, were a nov- 
 elty in the country. They alfo introduced 
 the culture of potatoes, which w^ere firfl 
 planted in the garden of Nathaniel Walker of 
 Andover. They were an indullrious, frugal 
 and confequcntiy thriving people. 
 
 They met with fomc difficulty in obtain- 
 ing a title to their lands. If the due weft line 
 between the Provinces had been eftablifhed, 
 it would have paffed through their fettlement 
 and divided it betvv^een Maffachufetts and 
 New-Hampfliire ; but the curve line, follow- 
 ing the courfe of Merrimack at three miles 
 diftance, would leave them unqueftionably 
 in Ncw-Hampfliire. This was the idea of 
 the General Court of Ma.ftachufetts, vsrho, up- 
 on application to them for a confirmation of 
 their former grant, declared them to be out 
 of their jurifdidion. Among the many 
 claimants to thefe lands, they were informed, 
 that Col. Wheelvvrright of Wells had the befl 
 Indian title, derived from his anceftors. Sup- 
 poling this to be valid in a moral view, they 
 followed the example of the fir ft fettlers of 
 New-England, and obtained a deed of ten 
 miles fquare, in virtue of the general licenfe 
 granted by the Indian Sagamores in 1629. 
 To prevent difficulty from Allen's claim, 
 they applied for leave of fettlement to Col. 
 Tinirt's Ufher, who told them that the land was in 
 Mss. difpute, and that he could not give them 
 leave, but that he fuppofed they might fet- 
 tle on it, if they would hold it either of the 
 King or of Allen's heirs, as the cafe might be 
 determined. They alfo applied to the Lieu- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 23 
 
 tenant Governor of New-Hampfliire) who 1719. 
 
 declined making them a grant in the King's 
 
 name ; but, by advice of Council, gave them 
 
 a protedion, and extended the benefit of the 
 
 law to them ; appointing James M'Kean to 
 
 be a Juflice of the Peace, and Robert Wier a Minute?. 
 
 Deputy Sheriff! 
 
 Some peribns who claimed thefe lands, by J 720. 
 virtue of a deed of about twenty years date, 
 from John, an Indian Sagamore, gave them 
 fome diilurbancc ; but, having obtained what 
 they judged a fuperior title, and enjoying the 
 proteclion of government, they went on with 
 their plantation ; receiving frequent addi- 
 tions of their countrymen, as well as others, 
 till in 1722, their town was incorporated by Harvey's 
 the name of Londonderry, from a city in the ^""^ ^"' 
 north of Ireland, in and near to which mofl k.ss^ 
 of them had redded ; and in which Ibme of 
 them had endured the hardiliips of a memo- 
 rable fiege.* 
 
 The lettlement of thefe emigrants, on the 
 wafte lands, opened the way for other plan- 
 tations. Thofe who had borne the burthens 
 
 •John BaT, Willia-n Caldwell and Abraham Blair, with Avp'-al ethers 
 tvho hid [iiffcic.i ia this fi'fe^ a.id came to Ao. erics, ivtre by Kinjj WiU 
 liaoi's fpccial orH.tr madt free of tdxcs ihrouph all the Btiv'(h doir.itjicns. 
 
 Thij, wifh ffveral othtr c rcutr.ft Dcef- rclatipjj to thefi. feoplc^ 1 took 
 from a tiiatnifcripr Ittter written (1729) by Mr Jihri Har\ey, fchccl- 
 maftcr in Londonderry, to Mr. Hr;r>cc. In the f»iiie letter was the fol- 
 lowing brief account of ihe fipe abrvs nif-ntiorei. • Lon.!ond<Try wan 
 ' beficjicd near half a year (1689) by K'lV Ja-ns's army, whrn he had 
 
 • all Ireland fubc'ued but ticiry and a littc jl cehard by. The bfTi^iJcd 
 .'defended the ciry. n-oft of tht-m bcii'j; piefbyterians. rill -hey were V( ry 
 
 'much pinched by famine, that a »lof;% head wsis f'lH ch> «u frnouch at half 
 •a crown ; and yet God liipported them until Kln^ VViiljarr fent tbcm 
 ' rthcf by twe (h'ps with mt'i and jTcviOotw froii FngUnI ; at >*hich 
 ' fight. bef.>rc the (hii r got up to the city and lai oed thtir men, the be- 
 ' Cegcri ireved their ctxmp and fl-d to the weft of l.-rbn'', w here after- 
 ' wards two bloody battles wrrc fou|',ht and the pnpifts fu'idned. 
 
 * Two thipgs furti cr ((ay«h-) 1 h.ivj to re'ite re!p <5lan; Derry, i. The 
 ' church of Dcrry is fo Orongly built with ftone and lirr«* 1' af in rhe ftec- 
 ' pic they had a cannon fixed, which did more bu't to the Infh arnr.y than 
 
 * fix upon the walls, a. There wat ore Col. Murray in the fi' ge. He 
 ' and a party were out againft the enemy, aud having got the advantage 
 
 E 
 
0'± HISTORY OF 
 
 1720. and diflreffes of war, in defending the coun- 
 try, had long been circumfcribed within the 
 limits of the old towns ; but w^ere now mul- 
 tiplied, and required room to make fettle- 
 ments for their children. They thought it 
 hard to be excluded from the privelege of 
 cultivating the lands, which they and their 
 fathers had defended ; while" ftrangers were 
 admitted to lit down peaceably upon them. 
 Thefe were weighty reafons. At the fame 
 time no attempt was making, by any of the 
 claimants, to determine the long contefled 
 point of property ; and in fiicft, no perfon 
 could give a clear and undifputed title to any 
 of the unfettled lands. 
 
 In thefe circumlfances, a company of about 
 one hundred perfons, inhabitants of Portf- 
 mouth, Exeter and Haverhill, petitioned for 
 liberty to begin a plantation, on the norther^ 
 
 -i»yo] ly part of the lands called Nutfield. Thefe 
 w^ere foon followed by petitioners from the 
 other towns, for the lands which lay contig- 
 ous to them. The Governor and Council 
 kept the petitions fufpended for a long time, 
 giving public notice to all perfons concerned 
 to make their objediions. In this time the 
 lands were furveyed, and the limits of four 
 
 » in an engagement with them a mile from the walls, the enemy's General, 
 ' who was a Frenchman, and hr, met ; and having borh fired their piftols 
 
 • drew their (words, and the General having a coat of mail, had the ad- 
 
 • vanta(.^e of Muiray, f'o that he could not hurt him. At length Murray 
 ' cihferving that there wes no touching him but through the harnefs in his 
 
 • face, put his fword ifi through the birs of the harnefs and killed him.' 
 Thty made a great flaughter that day.' 
 
 Nothing was more cffenfive to thefe emigrants than to be called Irish. 
 Macgregore in a letter to Governor Shutc, (ijao) fays : ' We are furpri- 
 
 • fed to hear ourfelves termed Irifti people, v> hen we fa frequently ventur- 
 
 • ed our all for the Bri'ifli Crown and liberties againfl the Irifh papifts ; 
 'and gave ail ccfts of our loyalty, which the gov.'rnment of Ireland rc- 
 
 • quired and are always ready to do the fame when cicmanded. 
 
 The people of this country did not undcrlland tne diftindion ; nor in 
 fadl did they treat thefe ftrangers with cocnmon decency on their fiift 
 •nival. The grudge fubfillcd a long time, but is now worn out. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^ 
 
 propofed townlhips determined ; and die peo- 1721. 
 pie were permitted to build and plant upon 
 the lands ' provided that they did not mfrmge ^^^.^ ^^ 
 * on, or interfere with, any lormcr grants, c- unca 
 « pofTelTions or properties.' Some of theie 
 lands were well ilocked with pine trees ; 
 which were felled in great abundance ; this 
 occafioned a fiefli complaint from the Kmg s 
 furveyor. 
 
 At length, charters being prepared, were 1722. 
 figned by the Governor; by which four town- ^^^ ^^ 
 fliips, Chefter, Nottingham, Barrmgton and 
 Rochefter were granted and incorporated. 
 The grants were made in the name ot the 
 King, who was confidered as the common 
 guardian, both of the people and the chum- 
 ants ; but with a claufe of refervation, ' as far 
 as in us Iks; that there might be no infringe- 
 ment on the claims. 
 
 The figning of thefe grants w^as the lalt act 
 of Government performed by Shute inNew- 
 Hampiliire. A violent party in MafTlichu- 
 fetts had made fuch Rrenuous oppofition to 
 him and caufed him fo much vexation, as 
 rendered it eligible for him to aflc leave to 
 return to England. He is faid to have been 
 a man of a humane, obliging and frkndly 
 dlfpofition ; but having been ufcd to military 
 command, could not bear with patience the 
 coUifion of parties, nor keep his temper when 
 provoked. Fond of eafe, and now in the de- 
 cline of life, he would gladly have fpent his 
 days in America if he could have avoided 
 controverfy. The people of New-Hampfhire 
 were fatisfied with his adminiftration, as tar 
 as it refpeded them ; and though they did 
 not fettle a falary on him as on his predccei- 
 
36 HISTORY OF 
 
 1722. for, yet they made him a grant twice in the 
 Affembi year, generally amounting to a hundred 
 Records, pounds, and paid it out of the excife which 
 was voted from year to year. This was more 
 in proportion, than he received from his oth- 
 er government. On his departure for Eng- 
 ^ y.^^ land, which was very fudden, and unexpecft- 
 ed. Lieutenant Governor Wentworth, took 
 Jane i. ^|^^ chief Command, in a time of diftrefs and 
 perplexity ; the country being then involved 
 in another war with the natives. 
 
KEW-HAMFSHIRE, §7 
 
 CHAR XIV. 
 
 T^e fourth Indian War^ commonly called the three years ruar, or 
 JLofejtell's ivar. 
 
 1 O account for the frequent wars 
 with the eaftern Indians, ufually called by 
 the French, the Abenaquis, and their unflead- 
 inefs both in war and peace ; we mufl ob- 
 ferve, that they were fituated between the 
 Colonies of two European nations, who were 
 often at war with each other, and who pur- 
 fued very different meafures with regard to 
 them. 
 
 As the lands, on which they lived, were 
 comprehended in the patents granted by the 
 crown of England, the natives were confider-. 
 ed by the Englifli, as fubjecls of that crown^ 
 In the treaties and conferences held with them, 
 they were ftyled the King's fubjeds ; when 
 war was declared againft them, they were 
 called rebels ; and when they were compel- 
 led to make peace, they fubfcribed an ac- 
 knowledgement of their perfidy, and a dec- 
 laration of their fubmiflion to the government, 
 without any j nil ideas of the meaning of thofe 
 terms ; and it is a difficult point, to, deter- 
 mine what kind of fubjecls they were. 
 
 Befide the patents, derived from the Crown, 
 the Engliili in general were fond of obtaining 
 from the Indians, deeds of fale for thofe lands, 
 on which they were difpofed to make fettle- 
 ments. Some of thefe deeds were executed 
 with legal formality, and a valuable conlider- 
 a.tion was paid to the natives for the purchafe ; 
 
3§ HISTORY OF 
 
 Others were of obfcure and uncertain origi- 
 nal ; but the memory of fuch tranfa(5lions 
 was foon loft, among a people who had no 
 written records. Lands had been purchafed 
 of the Indian chiefs, on the Rivers Kenne- 
 beck and St. George, at an early period ; but 
 the fucceeding Indians either had no knowl- 
 edge of the files made by their anceftors, or 
 had an idea that fuch bargains were not bind- 
 ing on pofterity ; who had as much need of 
 the lands, and could ufe them to the fame 
 purpofe as their fathers. At iirft, the Indians 
 did not know that the European manner of 
 cultivating lands, and eredling mills and 
 dams, would drive away the game and fifli, 
 and thereby deprive them of the means of 
 fubfiftence ; afterward, finding by experience 
 that this was the confecjuence of admitting 
 foreigners to fettle among them, they repent- 
 ed of their hofpitality, and were inclined to 
 difpoflefs their new neighbours, as the only 
 way of reftoring the country to its priftine 
 ftate, and of recovering their ufual mode of 
 fubfiilence. 
 
 They were extremely offended by the fet- 
 tlements, which the Englilli, after the peace 
 of Utretcht, made on the lands at the eaft- 
 ward, and by their building forts, block hou- 
 fes and mills ; whereby their ufual mode of 
 paiTmg the rivers and carrying-places was 
 interrupted ; and they could not believe, 
 though they were told with great folemnity, 
 coverror that thcfc fortifications were ereded for their 
 ^.!""i'ence defence againll invafion. When conferences 
 »7«7. ' v^'ere held with them on this fubjed, they ei- 
 ther denied that the lands had been fold, or 
 pretended that the Sachems had exceeded 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. S9 
 
 their power in making the bargains ; or had J.^l^^'^'^, 
 conveyed lands beyond the limits of their Lovcra*« 
 tribe ; or that the Englifli had taken advan- ' *' 
 tage of their drunkennefs to make them lign 
 the deeds ; or that no valuable confideration 
 had been given for the purchafe. No argu- 
 ments or evidence which could be adduced 
 would fatisfy them, unlefs the lands were 
 paid for again ; and had this been done once, 
 their poilerity after a few years would have 
 renewed the demand. 
 
 On the other hand, the French did not in Abb* 
 a formal manner declare them fubjetfls of the ^^ 
 crown of France ; but every tribe, however 
 fmall, was allowed to preferve its indepen- 
 dence. Thofe who were (itviated in the heart 
 of Canada kept their lands to themfelves, 
 which were never folicitcd from them ; thofe 
 who dwelt on the rivers and lliores of the 
 Atlantic, thoup-h diilant from the French 
 Colonies, received annual prefents from the 
 King of France ; and folitary traders refided 
 with, or occafionally vilited them ; but no 
 attempt was made by any company to fettle 
 on their lands. 
 
 It was in the power of the Englifh to fup- 
 ply them with proviiions, arms, ammunition, 
 blankets and other articles which they want- 
 ed, cheaper than they could purchafe them i*7i*t 
 of the French. Governor Shute had promif- 
 ed that trading houfes fhould be eftablifhed 
 among them'^,and that a fmith fhould be pro- 
 vided to keep their arms and other inftru- 
 ments in repair j but the unhappy conten- 
 
 • The rc«der is dcfired to corteA a tuiftake in the firft Tolume, in- 
 flcad of ' truck houffs cftabulbid,^ read ' i: was :« couUBipUtion Cd tf • 
 tablilh truck bsufes/ 
 
40 nrsTORY of 
 
 1717. tions between the Governor and Aflembly 
 of Maffachufetts prevented a compliance with 
 this engagement. The Indians were there- 
 fore obliged to fubmlt to the impofitions of 
 private traders, or to feek fupplies from the 
 French ; who failed not to join with them 
 in reproaching the Englilh for this breach of 
 promife, and for their avidity in getting away 
 the land. 
 
 The inhabitants of the eaflern parts of 
 New-England were not of the bed character 
 for religion, and were ill adapted to engage 
 the afFec5lions of the Indians by their exam- 
 ple. The frequent hoftilities on this quarter, 
 not only kept alive a fpirit of jealoufy and 
 revenge in individuals, but prevented any 
 endeavors to propagate religious knowledge 
 among the Indians by the government ; 
 though it was one of the conditions of their 
 charter ; and though many good men wiflied 
 it might be attempted. At length Governor 
 Shute, in his conference with their Sachems 
 at Arrowiic, introduced this important buli- 
 nefs by offering them in a formal manner, 
 an Indian bible, and a proteftant miffionary ; 
 but they rejecfted both, faying ' God hath 
 
 * given us teaching already, and if we fliould 
 
 * go from it we Ihould difpleafe him.' He 
 would have done much better fervice, and 
 perhaps prevented a war, if he had complied 
 with their earned defire to fix a boundary, 
 
 jiijgc Sew. beyond which the Engliih Ihould not extend 
 
 a Is memo- -, "^ . ^ , 
 
 rial. their lettlements. 
 
 penhai- ^ gentleman, in converfation with one of 
 
 low's wss. their Sachems, afked him why they were fo 
 
 llrongly attached to the French, from whom 
 
 they could not expe(5l to receive fo much ben- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 41 
 
 efit as from the Engllfh ; the Sachem grave- 1717. 
 ly anfwered, ' Becaul'e the French have taught 
 * us to pray to God, which the EngUfh never 
 ' did/ 
 
 It has been obferved in the former part of , , 
 
 * Vo! . 1 1 
 
 this work, that the Jefuits had pLanted them- Page isi- 
 felves among thefe tribes. They had one 
 Church at Pcnobfcot, and another at Norridg- 
 wog, where Sebailian Ralle, a French Jeiliit, 
 refided. He v/as a man of good fenfe, learn- 
 ing and addrefs, and by a compliance with 
 their mode of life, and a gentle, condefcend- 
 ing deportment, had gained their affecSlions 
 fo as to manage them at his pleafure. Know- 
 ing the power of fuperilition over the favage 
 mind, he took advantage of this, and of their 
 prejudice againil the EngliilT, to promote the 
 caufe, and flrengthen the intereft of the 
 French among them. He even made the of- 
 fices of devotion fervc as incentives to their 
 ferocity, and kept a flag, in which was de- 
 picted a crofs, farroundcd by bows and ar- 
 rows, which he ufed to hoifl on a pole, at the 
 door of his church, when he gave them ab- New^-rng, 
 folution, previoully to their engaging in any [.a"*^ j,"^ 
 warlike enterprife. ^6©. 
 
 With this Jefuit, the Governor of Canada 
 held a clofe ,.correfpondence ; and by him 
 was informed of every thing tranf icted a- 
 mong the Indians. By this means, their dif- 
 content with the EngliOi, on account of the ' 
 fettlements made at the eaftward, was height- 
 ened and inflamed ; and they received every 
 encouragement, to affert their title to the 
 lands in queflion, and moleft the fettlers, by 
 killing their cattle, burning their ftacks of 
 hay, robbing and infulting them. Thefe in- 
 
4^ HISTORY OF 
 
 1720, folencies difcouraged the people, and caufed 
 many of them to remove. The garnfons 
 were then reinforced ; and fcouting parties 
 were ordered into the eaftern quarter, under 
 the command of Col. Shadrach Walton. By 
 this appearance of force, the Indians, who 
 dreaded the power of the Englifli, were re- 
 flrained from open holiilities. They had 
 frequent parleys with the commanders of 
 forts, and with commiffioners who vifited 
 them' occafionally ; and though at firil they 
 deemed to be reiolute in demanding the re- 
 moval of the Englifti, declaring that * they 
 Captain * had fouglit for tlic Luid thi-ee times, and 
 LI Mss ' would fig^it for it again ;' yet when they 
 were told that there was no alternative but 
 perfect peace or open war, a.nd that if they 
 'chofe peace they mud forbear every kind ot 
 infult, they feemcd to prefer peace ; and ei- 
 ther pretended ignorance of what had been 
 done, or promifcd to make inquiry into it ; 
 and as an evidence of their good intentions, 
 offered a tribute of fl-iins, and delivered up 
 four of their young men as hoftages. 
 
 This proceeding was highly difrelifhed by 
 the Governor of Canada; who renewed his 
 efforts to keep up the quarrel, and fecretly 
 promifed to fupply the Indians with arms 
 and ammunition ; though as it was a time 
 ofpeace between the two crowns, he could 
 
 f[ff''' not openly affift them. 
 
 The New-England Governments, though 
 highly incenfed, were not eafdy perfuaded to 
 conient to a war. The difpute was between 
 tlie Indians and the proprietors of the eaftern 
 lands, in which the public were not dircclly 
 intereftcd. No blood had as yet been ihcd. 
 
NEW-IIAMPSHIRE. 4S 
 
 Canfeau had been furprifed and plundered, 1720. 
 and fome people killed there ; but that was 
 in the government ot Nova Scotia. Ralle 
 was regarded as the principal iniligiitor of the 
 Indians ; and it was thought, that if he could 
 be taken off they would be quiet. It was 
 once propofed to fend the Sheriff of York 
 County with a poffi of one hundred and fifty 
 men, to feize and bring hiin to Bofton ; but 172L 
 this was not agreed to. The next llimmer, 
 Ralle in company v/ith Cafcine from Penob- 
 fcot, and Croilil from Canada, appeared a- 
 'mong the Indians, at a conference held on Ar- " ^" 
 rowiic liland, with Capt. Penhallow, the com- 
 mander of the garrifon, and brought a letter, 
 written in the name of the feverai tribes of 
 Indians, direifled to Governor Shute ; in 
 which it was declared, ' that if the Englifli 
 
 * did not remove in three weeks, they would 
 ' kill them and their cattle, and burn their 
 
 * houfes.' An additional guard vras fent 
 down ; but the government, loth to come to 
 a rupture, and deiirous if poflible to treat with 
 the Indians feparately from the French emif- 
 faries, invited them to another conference, 
 which invitation they treated with neglecfi:. 
 
 In the fucceeding winter, a party under 
 Col. Thomas Weilbrooke was ordered to Nor- 
 iidgwog to feize Ralle. They arrived at the 
 village undifcovered, but before they could 
 furround his houfe, he elcaped into the woods, 
 leaving his papers in his flrong box, which 
 they brought off without doing any other 
 damage. Among thefe papers were his let- 
 ters of correfpondence with the Governor of 
 Canada, by which it clearly appeared, that 
 lie was deeply engaged in exciting the In- 
 
44 HISTORY OF 
 
 1722, dlans to a rupture, and had promifedto affift 
 them. 
 
 This attempt to felze their fpiritual flither, 
 could not long be unrevenged. The next 
 pTrn'lai- Summer they took nine families from Mcrry- 
 low'i hidi- meeting bay, and after difraifling fome of the 
 Si. ' ' prifoners, retained enough to fecure the re- 
 demption of their hoflages and fent them to 
 Canada, About the fame time they made an 
 attempt on the fort at St. George's ; but were 
 repulfed with conliderable lofs. They alfo 
 furprifed fome fifhing velTels in the eaftern 
 harbours ; and at length made a furious at- 
 tack on the town of Brunfwick, which they 
 dedroyed. This a(5lion determined the gov- 
 ernment to ifFue a declaration of war againft 
 them, w^hich was publillied in foiTn at Bofton 
 J«iy»i. and Portfmouth. 
 
 New-Hamplhire being feated in the bofom 
 of MafTachufetts, had the fame intereft to 
 ferve, and bore a proportionable fliare of all 
 thefe tranfadlions and the cxpenfes attending 
 them. Walton, who iirft commanded the 
 forces fent into the eaftern parts, and Weft- 
 brooke, who fucceeded him, as well as Pen- 
 hallow, the commander of the fort at Arrow- 
 fic, were New-Hamplliirc men ; the two for- 
 mer were of the Council, A declaration of 
 war being made, the enemy were expelled on 
 every part of the frontiers ; and the Aflem- 
 bly were obliged to concert meafures for their 
 fecurity, after an interval of peace for about 
 ten years. 
 
 The ufual route of the Indians, in their 
 marches to the frontiers of New-Hampihire, 
 was by the way of Winipifeogee lake. The 
 dillance from Cochecho falls in the town of 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 45 
 
 Dover, to the foutlieafl bay of that lake, is 1722. 
 about thirty miles. It was thought that if a 
 road could be opened to that place, and a fort 
 built there, the enemy would be prevented 
 from coming that way. Orders were accor- 
 dingly ill'ued, and a party of two hundred 
 and fifty men were employed in cutting 
 down the woods for a road ; but the expenfe 
 fo far exceeded the benefit which could be 
 expected from a fort at fuch a diiiance, in 
 the wildcrnefs, to be fupplied with provifions 
 and ammunition by land carriage, which 
 might eafily be interrupted by the enemy, ^ffe^tiy 
 that the dclign was laid alide, and the old 
 method of defence by fcouts and garrifons 
 was adopted. Lieutenant Governor V/ent- 
 worth, being Commander in Chief in Shute's 
 abfence, was particularly careful to fupply 
 the garrifons v^^ith flores, and vifit them in 
 perlon, to fee that the duty was regularly per- 
 formed ; for which, and other prudent and 
 faithful fervices, he frequently received the 
 acknowledgments of the Affembly and grants 
 of money, generally amounting to one hun- 
 dred pounds at every feilion, and fometimes 
 more. They alfo took care to inlift men for 
 two years, and to eftablifli the wages of offi- 
 cers and foldiers at the following rates ; a 
 Captain, at feven pounds per month ; a Lieu- 
 tenant, four pounds ; a Sergeant, fifty-eight 
 fhillings ; a Corporal, forty-five fliillings, and 
 a private, forty fnillings. A bounty of one 
 hundred pounds was offered for every Indian 
 fcalp. The difierence between the currency 
 and llerlhig, was two and an half for one. 
 
 The firft appearance of the enemy in New- 
 Hamplhire, was at Dover j wher;j they liir- 
 
 1723. 
 
46 HISTORY or 
 
 1723. prlfed and killed Jofepli Ham, and took three 
 of his children ; the reft of the family efca- 
 
 mge^96.'^ ped to the garrifon. Soon after they waylaid 
 the road, and killed Triftram Heard. Their 
 next onfet was at Lamprey River, where they 
 
 Auguft ^9. killed Aaron Rawlins and one of his children, 
 taking his wife and three children captive.* 
 
 1724. The next fpring they killed James Nock, 
 m7o[rcv. one of the elders of the church at Oylier Riv- 
 Hugh Ad- gr as he w^as returnino; on horfeback from 
 
 * * This Aaron Rawlins (xhofe wifs was ^ daughter of E '.wsrd Tay- 
 
 • lor, wlio wag killed by the Indians 1704) lived upon the plan:a;ioi) iett 
 ' by Taylor, about half a mile weft fr'itii Lamprey R wer larxling at the 
 
 • lower falls on PifcaQck River. Tht perplc there at tha: tiaic, common- 
 
 • ly retired, at nii^ht, to the garri'or.eil hi.u''£s>, and returned hotr.e in the 
 ' day time ; but that night they ne>;le(ftf:d to retire as ufual. His brother 
 
 • Samuel alfo lived about half a rjile diftant on t^ie fame livcr. It fseaig 
 ' the indiao fcout coniifleJ of eighteen, who probably had been reconnort* 
 
 • cring fome time^ and intended to have dsftroyed both the families, and 
 
 • for that purpofe divided, and nine went to each houfc ; but the party that 
 
 • went to Samuel Rawlins't;, beating in the ^^inlow, and fir ding the fami- 
 'iy gonf, iaamcdiately jjitied thtir companions, who were engaged at 
 ' Aaron's. His wife went oiit at the door; perhaps foon^r than they would 
 ' otherwife have nff^iulted the houfe, and w&s inctncdijtely fjizcd, and one 
 ' or two of her children who followed her. Kcr hufb^nd being alarmed, 
 
 • fecured the door before they could enter, and wih his eldefh (^an^hter, 
 ' about t«i*cl7e years old, ftocil ut>on his ielence, repeatedly firitig wherev- 
 
 • er they atten-.pted to enter, and at the facne time calling earneftly to his 
 ' neighbors for help ; hut the people in the feveral girrifoned bouf'-s neatj 
 
 • apprehending from the noifc and inctfiint firing, the number of the ene- 
 ' aiy to be greater than they we c and erpeding evf-ry moment io be at- 
 
 • tacked themfelves^ did not ve?)ture to come to his ifiiilince. Hav.ng for 
 ' fome time bravely withftood fuch unequal force, he was at laft killed by 
 
 • their rsDoom ibots through fhc houftf, which they then broke open, and 
 
 • killed his daughter. They kal^ed hiai, and cut ofT his daughter's head, 
 ' either through hafte, or probably being enraged againft her, on account of 
 ' the aiLftance fcc had afTordcd her father in th- ir defence, which evident- 
 
 • ly appeared by her iiands being foiled with powder. His wife and two 
 ' children^ a fon and a daug'rtter, they carried to Carad» : The woman 
 ' was redeemed in a few years. The fon wa» adopted by the Indians, and 
 « lived with them all his days . Ye cairc into Pcnnycook with the I.ndians 
 ' after the peace^ and expreflld to f^oie people with whom he coiiverfed^ 
 ' much refentnient againll his uncle Samuel Rawlin«, on fuppofing he had 
 
 ' « detained from hisniochcr fomc property left by hi? father, but manifeftcJ 
 
 ' nodcfire of returning to Newmarket again. The daughter mariied with 
 ' a Frenchmsti, and when (he was near fixty years old^ returned with her 
 
 • hufband to her native place, in expcflation of recovering the patrimony 
 ' Ihe conceived was Icfc at the death of her father : But the e(lat<s having 
 » hc-n fold by her grandfather Taylor's adminiflrator, they were difap* 
 •pointed, and after a year or two went back to Canada.' 
 
 This account was coUedled from fomc of the furviving fuffc-rcrs, and 
 other ajjed perfons who were witnilTea of the fcene, by V/entworih C'hsl- 
 wellj Ef(j. of Nsv?market, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^* 
 
 fetting his beaver traps in the woods. Soon 1724. 
 after they appeared at Kingflon, where they ^^^ ,5 
 iook Peter Colcord and Ephraim Stevens, and ms^^^^cv. 
 two children of Ebenezer Stevens. They ciark. 
 were pnrfued by fcouts from Kingfton and 
 Londonderry, but in vain. Colcord made 
 his efcape in about fix months, and received 
 a gratuity often pounds from the Aflembly, 
 for his ' courage and ingenuity, and for the ^fl.^„,,,y 
 » account he gave of the proceedings of the R^-d*. 
 
 ' enemy.' nit j May 34. 
 
 On a flibbath day they ambuilicd the road 
 at Oyfter River, and killed George Chefley, ^e.^;^- 
 and mortally wounded Elizabeth Burnham, Adam,. 
 as they were returning together from public ^^^^^^ 
 worlhip. In a few days more, five Indians ^ 
 took Thomas Smith and John Carr at Chel- ,3„j cou- 
 ter ; and after carrying them about thirty rant. 
 miles, bound them and lay down to fleep ; 
 the captives efcaped, and in three days arriv- 
 ed fafe at a garrifon in Londonderry. 
 
 The fettlements at Oyfter Pviver being very 
 much expofed ; a company of volunteers 
 under the command of Abraham Benwick, 
 who went out on the encouragement offered 
 by the government for fcalps, were about 
 marching to make difcoveries. It happened 
 that Mofes Davis, and his fon of the fame June 10. 
 name, being at work in their corn field, went 
 to a brook to drink, where they difcovered 
 three Indian packs. They immediately gave 
 notice of this dlfcovery to the volunteer com- 
 pany, and went before to guide them to the 
 fpot. The Indians had placed themfelves in 
 ambufti ; and the unhappy f^ither and fon 
 were both killed. The company then fired, Pcrbaiiow, 
 killed ons and wounded two others, who 
 
is 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 Recorc^s 
 June 12 
 
 1724. made their efcape, though they were purfued 
 and tracked by their blood to a confiderable 
 diftaiice. The {lain Indian was a perfon of 
 diftinclion, and wore a kind of coronet of 
 fcarlet dyed fur, with an appendage of four 
 fmall bells, by the found of which the others 
 might follow him through the thickets. His 
 hair was remarkably foft and line ; and he 
 had about him a devotional book and a muf- 
 ter-roll of one hundred and eighty Indians ; 
 from which circuniftances it was fuppofed 
 that he was a natural fon of the Jefuit Ralle, 
 
 Hugh Ad- ]^y ^Yi Indian woman who hadferved him as 
 
 ams s Mb. •' i r -r^' r ^ r i i 
 
 a laundreis. His Icalp was prelented to the 
 AffemMy Licutenaut Governor in Council, by Robert 
 Burnham, and the prornifed bounty was paid 
 to Capt. Francis Matthews, in trull for the 
 company. 
 
 Within the town of Dover w^re many 
 families of Quakers ; who, fcrupling the law- 
 fulnefs of war, could not be perfuaded to ufe 
 any means for their defence ; though equal- 
 ly expofed with their neighbours to an ene- 
 my who made no dill in6lion between them. 
 One of thefe people, Ebenezer Downs, was 
 taken by the Indians, and was grofsly infult- 
 ed and abufed by them, becaufe he refufed 
 to dance as the other prifoners did, for the 
 diverlion of their favage captors. Another 
 of them, John Hanfon, who lived on the out- 
 fide of the town, in a remote htuation, could 
 not be perfuaded to remove to a garrifon, 
 though he had a large family of children. A 
 party of thirteen Indians, called French Mo- 
 hawks, had marked his houfe for their prey ; 
 and lay feveral days in ambufh, waiting for 
 an opportunity to affault it. While Hanfon 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 49 
 
 with Ilis elclefl daughter were gone to attend 1724. 
 the weekly meeting of friends, and his two june a;, 
 eldeft fons were at work in a meadow at fome 
 diftance ; the Indians entered the houfe, kil- 
 led and fcalped two fmall children, and took 
 his wife, with her infant of fourteen days old, 
 her nurfe, two daughters and a fon, and after 
 rifling the houfe carried them ofE This was 
 done io fuddenly and fecretly, that the firlf 
 perfon who difcovered it was the eldeft daugh- 
 ter at her return from the meeting before her 
 father. Seeing the two children dead at the 
 door, Ihe gave a Ihriek of diftrefs, which was 
 diftincftly heard by her mother, then in the 
 hands of the enemy among the bullies, and 
 by her brothers in the meadow. The people 
 being alarmed, went in purfuit ; but the In- 
 dians cautioufly avoiding all paths, went off 
 with their captives undiicovered. After this 
 difafler had befallen his family, Ilanfon re- 
 moved the remainder of them to the houfe of 
 his brother ; who, though of the fame relig- 
 ious perfualion ; yet had a number of lufty 
 fons, and always kept his fire-arms in good 
 order, for the purpofe ofihooting game.* 
 
 Thefe and other infolencies of the enemy 
 being daily perpetrated on the frontiers, cau- 
 fed the governments to refolve oa an expe- 
 
 * Thi» account is given as colic fled froai fhc information of rh(; family. 
 A narrative of th^ir diftfefTes h in print. The wotpan, tHoujfh of a trn- 
 der conftitutinn^ had a firm anr! vij^orous iriind^ and paiTi(i throjfrb the 
 ■various hardftips of an Indian captivitv, i\ ith much rcfolution and pptience. 
 When her milk faiie^^ (he fupporte<i her infant vtitb water, which (he 
 wartned in her mouth, and ilrr.pped on her breafl, ti'l the fquaws tau^'hc 
 b<r to beat the kcnel ofwahiuts and boil it with hroife 1 coin, which 
 proved a nourifhiu^ food for her babe. They v» ere a!l fell to ihc Fiench 
 in Canada. Hanfon went the next fpring and re'ecmcd hi« wife, the 
 thr«c younger children and the nurfe b'Jt he could not obtain the el.ler 
 d'»ughter of fevcntecn years o\'1, though he faw and convcrfcd with her. 
 He alfo redeetned Ebcntzer Downsi He made a fcrorid Btten.pt in 1727, 
 but died at Crownpoin^ on his way to Canada, The girl was aiarri«d 
 •o • FreDchman, agd never r«;ura6d, 
 
Auguft 14. 
 
 50 HISTORY OF 
 
 1724. dition to Norridgwog. The Captains Moul- 
 ton and Harman, both of York, each at the 
 head of a company of one hundred men, ex- 
 ecuted then' orders with great addrefs. They 
 completely invefted and iurpiifed that vil- 
 
 Hutchinfon Jage J killed the obnoxious Jefuit with about 
 eighty of his Indians ; recovered three cap- 
 tives ; deftroyed the chapel, and brought 
 away the plate and furniture of the altar, and 
 the devotional flag, as trophies of their vi6lo- 
 
 New-Eng- Yj^ Railc was then in the fixty-eio-hth year 
 
 Ian:) Cou- ■■ 1 • r- . . . -y^ ^ 
 
 rant. of liis age, and had reiided m his niimon at 
 Norridgwog twenty-fix years ; having before 
 MS. of fpent fix years in travelling among,- the Indi- 
 ^^^^ * an nations, in the interior parts of America. 
 The parties of Indians who were abroad, 
 continued to ravage the frontiers. Two men 
 being miffing from Dunilable, a fcout of e- 
 leven went in queft of them ; they were fired 
 upon by thirty of the enemy, and nine of 
 NcA-Er.g. them were killed : The other two made their 
 lane. ^"" efcape, though one of them was badly woun- 
 ded. Afterward another company fell into 
 Penhaiiow, their ambufh and engaged them ; but the 
 page IC6. gj-^gj-jQy being fuperior in number overpower- 
 ed them, killed one and wounded four, the 
 Sept. 7. j.g(^ retreated. At Kingfton, Jabez Colman 
 and his fon Jofeph, were killed as they were 
 at work in their field. The fuccefs of the 
 forces at Norridgwog and the large premium 
 offered for fcalps, Iiaving induced feveral vol- 
 unteer companies to go out, they vifited one 
 after another of the Indian villages, but found 
 them deferted. The fate of Norridgwog had 
 ftruck fuch a terror into them, that they did 
 not think themfelves fate at any of their 
 former places of abode, and occupied them 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRi;. 51 
 
 as rcfling places only, when they were fcout- 1724. 
 ing or hunting. 
 
 One of thefe volunteer companies, under 
 the command of Cant. John I.ovewell of „ . „ 
 Dunllable, was greatly diflinguimed, firfl by page lo?. 
 their fuccefs and afterward by their misfor- 
 tunes. This company confitied of thirty ; 
 at their firfl excurfion to the northward of 
 Winipifeogee lake, they difcovered an Indian ^^^ 
 wigwam in which were a man and a boy. 
 They killed and fcalped the man and brought 
 the boy alive to Boflon, where they received 
 the reward, promifed by law, and a handfome ' 
 gratuity befides. 
 
 By this fuccefs his company was augmen- 
 ted to feventy. They marched again, and 
 vifiting the place where they had killed the j^ ^^ j^^j 
 Indian, found his body as they had left it two couram. 
 months before. Their provifion falling fliort, 1725, 
 thirty of them were difmifTed by lot and re- Mscf 
 turned. The remaining forty continued ^^^f" ^^' 
 their march till they difcovered a tracks 
 which they followed till they faw a fmoke jufl Feb. %o, 
 before funfet, by which they judged that the 
 enemy were encamped for the night. They 
 kept themfelves concealed till after midnight ; 
 when they filently advanced, and difcovered 
 ten Indians aileep, round a fire, by the lide 
 of a frozen pond. Lovewell now determined 
 to make fure work ; and placing his men 
 conveniently, ordered part of them to fire, 
 five at once, as quick after each other as pol- 
 fible, and another part to referve their fire : 
 He gave the fignal, by firing his own gun, 
 which killed two of them ; the men firing 
 according to order, killed five more on the 
 fpot ; the other three ftarting up from their 
 
52 HISTORY OF 
 
 172\5. Deep, two of them were immediately fliot 
 dead by the referve ; the other, though 
 •wounded, attempted to elcape by croffmg 
 the pond, but was feized by a dog and held 
 fall till they killed him. Thus in a few min- 
 utes the whole company was deftroyed, and 
 fome attempt againft the frontiers of New- 
 Hampihire prevented ; for thefe Indians were 
 marching from Canada, well furniihed with 
 new guns, and. plenty of animunition ; they 
 had alfo a number of fpare blankets, mocka- 
 feens and faow-fhoes for the accommodation 
 
 Penhaiiow, of the prifoncrs whom they expelled to take, 
 and were within two days march of the fron- 
 tiers. The pond where this exploit was per- 
 formed is at the head of a branch of Salmon- 
 fall River, in the tov^^nfliip of Wakefield, and 
 has ever iiace borne the name of Lovev/ell's 
 pond. The action is fpoken of by elderly 
 people, at this diflance of time, with an air 
 of exaltation ; and coniidering the extreme 
 «litBciilty of finding and attacking Indians in 
 the woods, and the judicious manner in which 
 they were fo completely furprifed, it was a 
 capital exploit. 
 
 The brave company, w^ith the ten fcalps 
 
 Feb. 24. fti'etched on hoops, and elevated on poles, 
 entered Dover in triumph, and proceeded 
 thence to Eofton ; where they received the 
 bounty of one hundred pounds for each, out 
 •of the public treafury. 
 
 Encouraged by this fuccefsjLovewell march- 
 ed a third time ; intending to attack the vil- 
 
 Aptii 16. lages of Pigwacket, on the upper part of the 
 
 river Saco, which had been the relidence of 
 
 n,„g,. '^ formidable tribe, and which they ftill oc- 
 
 Atuaioii*. caiionally inhabited. Hia company at this 
 
 Anarch 9. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 53 
 
 time confifted of forty-fix, including a chap- 1725, 
 lain and iurgeon : Two of them proving 
 lame, returned : Another falling fick, they 
 halted and built a llockade fort on the well 
 fide of great Olfapy pond ; partly for the 
 accommodation of the fick man, and partly 
 for a place of retreat in cafe of any misfortune. 
 Here the furgeon was left with the fick man, 
 and eight of the company for a guard. The 
 number was now reduced to thirty- four. 
 Purfuing their march to the northward, they 
 came to a pond, about twenty-two* miles 
 diilant from the fort, and encamped by the 
 fide of it. Eearly the next morning, while ^^^ ^• 
 at their devotions, they heard the report of a 
 gun, and difcovered a fingle Indian, (landing 
 on a point of land, which runs into the pond, 
 more than a mile diflant. They had been 
 alarmed the preceding night by noifes round 
 their camp, which they imagined were made 
 by indians,andthisopinion wis now llrength- 
 ened. They fufpecflcd that the Indian was 
 placed there to decoy them, and that a body 
 of the enemy was in their front. A confult- 
 ation being held, they determined to march 
 forward, and by encompaili ag the pond, to 
 gain the place v/here the Indian flood ; and 
 that they might be ready for ac^tion, they 
 difencumbercd themfelves of their packs, and 
 left them, ^vithout a guard, at the northeaft 
 end of the pond, in a pitch-pine plain, where 
 the trees were thin and the brakes, at that 
 time of the year, fmall. It happened that 
 Lovewell's march had eroded a carrying-^ 
 place, by which two parties of Indians, con- 
 
 * Th? printed acconDts fay ro&rr ; it is probably that the toarch was 
 circuitous. 
 
54: HISTORY OF 
 
 1725. fifling of forty one men, commanded by Paii- 
 gus and Wahwa, who had been fcouting 
 down Saco river, were returning to the low- 
 er village of Pigwacket, difbant about a mile 
 and a half from this pond. Having fallen 
 on his track, they followed it till they came 
 to the packs, which they removed ; and 
 counting them, found the number of his men 
 to be lefs than their own : They therefore 
 placed themielves in ambulh, to attack them 
 on their return. The Indian who had flood 
 on the point, and was returning to the village, 
 by another path, met them, and received their 
 fire, which he returned, and wounded Love- 
 well and another with fmall fliot. Lieuten- 
 ant Wyman firing again, killed him, and they 
 took his fcalp.* Seeing no other enemy, 
 they returned to the place where they had 
 left their packs, and v/hile they were looking 
 for them, the Indians rofe and ran toward 
 them with a horrid yelling. A fmart firing 
 commenced on both fides, it being now about 
 ten of the clock. Captain Lovewell and 
 eight more were killed on the fpot. Lieu- 
 tenant Farwell and two others were wound- 
 ed : Several of the Indians fell ; but, being 
 fuperior in number, they endeavoured to 
 furround the party, who, perceiving their in- 
 
 * This Indian has been celebrated as a hero, and ranked with the Ro- 
 cnan Curtius, who devoted himfeif to death to fave his country- (See 
 i-iutchinfons hiiiory, vol. V^ page 315.) 
 
 Having been on the fpot where this celebrated aflion happened^ and 
 having converfed with j-:«rfons who wsrc arquaitited with the Indijr.s of 
 PJgvcacket before and after this battle; I am convinced that there is no 
 f.iijndation for the idea that he was placed there as a decoy ; ai;d tkat he 
 had no claim to the characler of a hero. The point on which he ftood is 
 » noted filhing place ; the gun which alarmed Lovewell's corrpany was 
 firtd at a flock of duck* ; and when they met him he was returning home 
 with his game and two fowling piccts. The village was fituated at the 
 eigc of the meadow^ on Saco river •, which here forms a large bend. The 
 remains of the Acckades wete found by the firft fealers, forty years aficr- 
 wird. The pond is in the townfliip cf Frieburg, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 55 
 
 teiitlon, retreated ; hoping to be iheltered by 1725. 
 a point of rocks which ran into the pond, 
 and a few large pine trees (landing on a fandy 
 beech. In this forlorn place they took their 
 ftation. On their right was the mouth of a 
 brook, at that time unfordable ; on their 
 left was the rocky point ; their front was 
 partly covered by a deep bog and partly un- 
 covered, and the pond was in their rear. 
 The enemy galled them in front and flank, 
 and had them fo completely in their power, 
 that had they made a prudent ufe of their 
 advantage, the whole company mull cither 
 have been killed, or obliged to furrender at 
 difcretion ; being deftitute of a mouthful of 
 fuftenance, and an efcape being impradlica- 
 ble. Under the conducl of Lieutenant Wy- 
 man they kept up their fire, and Ihewed a 
 refolute countenance, all the remainder of 
 the day ; during which their chaplain, Jona- 
 than Frie, Enfign Robbins, and one more, 
 were mortally wounded. The Indians in- 
 vited them to furrender, by holding up ropes 
 to them, and endeavored to intimidate them 
 by their hideous yells ; but they determined 
 to die rather than yield ; and by their well 
 directed fire, the number of the favages was 
 thinned, and their cries became faintei', till, 
 jufl before night, they quitted their advanta- 
 geous ground, carrying off their killed and 
 wounded, and leaving the dead bodies of 
 Lovewell and his men unfcalped. The {bat- 
 tered remnant of this brave company, col- 
 ieifling themfelves together, found three of 
 their number unable to move from the fpot, 
 eleven v^^ounded but able to march, and nine 
 •who had received no hurt. It was melan- 
 
56 HISTORY OF 
 
 1Y25. choly to leave their dying companions behind, 
 but there was no poffibility of removing 
 them. One of them, enfign Robbins, defired 
 them to lay his gun by him charged, that if 
 the Indians fhould return before his death 
 he might be able to kill one more. After 
 the riling of the moon, they quitted the fatal 
 fpot, and diredled their march toward the 
 fort, where the furgeon and guard had been 
 left. To their great furprife they found it 
 deferted. In the beginning of the action, 
 one man, (whofe name has not been thought 
 worthy to be tranfmitted to polferity) quit- 
 ted the field, and fled to the fort ; where, in 
 the llyle of Job's melTengers, he informed 
 them of Love well's death, and the defeat of 
 the whole company ; upon which they made 
 the bed of their way home ; leaving a quan- 
 tity of bread and pork, which was a feafona- 
 ble relief to the retreating furvivors. From 
 this place they endeavoured to get home. 
 Lieutenant Farwell and the chaplain, who 
 had the journal of the march in his pocket, and 
 one more, periflied in the woods, for want of 
 dreffing for their wounds. The others, after 
 enduring the mod fevere hardfliips, came in 
 one ^fter another, and were not only received 
 witL joy,but were recompenfed for their valor, 
 and fufFerings ; and a generous provifion was 
 made for the widowo and children of th© 
 llain. 
 
 A partv from the frontiers of New-Hamp- 
 fhire, were ordered out to bury the dead ; but 
 by fome miftake did not reach the place of 
 adlion. Colonel Tyng, with a company froi:a 
 Dunftable, went to the fpot, and having found 
 the bodies of twelve, bviried them, and carv- 
 
ws's Ir- 
 an wart< 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE. S^ 
 
 td tlicif names on the trees where the battle 1725. 
 was fought. At a little diftance he found 
 three Indian graves, which he opened ; 
 one of the bodies was known to be their 
 warrior Paiigus. He alfo obferved tracks of 
 blood, on the ground, to a great diftance from 
 the fcene of action. It was remarked that a 
 week before this engagement happened, it P'"^*'; 
 had been reported in Portfmouth, at the dift- di 
 ance of eighty mile, with but little variation 
 from the truth. Such incidents were not 
 uncommon, and could fcarcely deferve no- 
 tice, if they did not indicate that a tafte for 
 the marvellous was not extinguillied in the 
 minds of the mod fober and rational. 
 
 This Was one of the moll fierce and obftinatd 
 battles which had been fought with the In- 
 dians. They had not only the advantage of 
 numbers, but of placing tliemfelves in am- 
 bulh, and waiting with deliberation the mo- 
 ment of attack. Thefecircumftances gave them 
 a degree of ardor and impetuoHty. LovewcU 
 and his men, though dif appointed of meetin^j 
 the enemy in their front, expected and deter- 
 mined to fight. The fall of their command-" 
 cr, and more than one quarter of their num- 
 ber, in the firft onfet, was greatly difcourage- 
 ing ; but they knew that the fituation to 
 which they were reduced, and their diftance 
 from the frontiers, cut off all hope of fafcty 
 from flight. In thefe circumftances, pru- 
 dence as well as valor dictated a continuance 
 of the engagement, and a refufal to furren* 
 der; until the enemy, awed by their brave re- 
 fiftance, and weakened by their own lofs, 
 yielded them the honor of the field. After 
 
 H 
 
58 HISTORY or 
 
 1725. this encounter the Indians reiided no more 
 at Pigwacket, till the peace.* 
 
 The condiK^l ot the Marquis de Vaudreuil, 
 Governor of Canada, was fo flagrant a breach 
 of the treaty of peace, fublifting between the 
 Crowns of England and France, that it was 
 thought, a fpirited remonflrance might make 
 him ainamed, and produce fome beneficial 
 effects. With this view, the General Court 
 of MafTIichufetts propofed to the Colonies of 
 New-York, Connecftlcut, Rhodeifland and 
 New-Hampfhire, to join in fending Commif- 
 iioners to Canada on this errand. New- 
 Hampfhire was the only one which confent- 
 ed ; and Theodore Atkinfon was appointed 
 on their part, to join w4th William Dudley 
 and famuel Thaxter on the part of MafTachu- 
 fets.§ 
 
 The inftrudlions which they received from 
 
 the Lieutenant Governors, Dummer and 
 
 Wentworth, by advice of the Council and 
 
 AfTembly of each Province, were nearly fimi- 
 
 Maffachu- Jar. They were to demand of the French 
 
 N. Hamp. Govcmor, reftitution of the captives who had 
 
 ihirc Rcc. ]3ggn carried into Canada ; to remonflrate to 
 
 him on his injuftice and breach of friendfliip, 
 
 in countenancing the Indians in their hofti- 
 
 lities againfl the people of New England ; to 
 
 infift on his withdrawing his afliftance for 
 
 the future ; and to obferve to him, that if in 
 
 the farther profecution of the war, our Indian 
 
 *■ * Thi» account of Lovewell's battle is colkdcd from the authorities 
 f jrcd in the margin^ and frcp the virbal information of aged and intelli- 
 gent perfons. Thu names of the dead, on the treps, and the boles where 
 balls h.id enternd and b.^en cut out wtie plainly vifible^ when I was on 
 the fpot in 1784. The trees had the appearance of being very old, and 
 one of them was failto. 
 
 § -Mr. Hutchinfon in his hiftory, has not faid a word rffpe(5ling tbw 
 cmba%. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 59 
 
 allies fliould in their purfuit of the enemy 1726. 
 commit hoftilities agaiiiil: the French, the 
 blame would be entirely chargable to himfelf. 
 If the French Governor or the Indians, 
 fhould make any overtures for peace, they 
 were empowered to give them pafFports, to 
 come either to Boflon or Portsmouth, for 
 that purpofe, and to return ; but they were 
 not to enter into any treaty with them. The 
 commillbners were alfo furnifhed with the 
 original letters of Vaudrcuil to the Gov- 
 ernors of New- England, and to the Jefuit 
 Ralle, and with copies of the leveral treaties 
 which had been made with the Indians. The I'"- ^°- 
 gentlemen went by the way of Albany, 
 and over the lakes, on the ice, to Montreal, ^^^^^ ^^ 
 where they arrived after a tedious and dan- 
 gerous journey. 
 
 The Marquis, who happened to be at Mont- 
 real, received and entertained them with 
 much politenefs. Having delivered their 
 letters, and produced their commiflions, they 
 prefented their remonftrance in writing,' and 
 made the feveral demands agreeably to theirin- 
 ilrudions ; ufnig this among other arguments, 
 
 * Thofe Indians dwell either in the dominions 
 ' of the King of Great-Britain, or in the ter- 
 ' ritories of the French King: If in the French 
 
 ' King's dominions, the violation of the peace Atiorrfw.^ 
 ' is very flagrant, they then being his fub- ai. ' 
 
 * jeds ; ' but if they are fubjeds of the Britilh 
 
 * Crown, then much more is it a breach of 
 
 * the peace, to excite a rebellion among the 
 
 * fubjeas of his Majefty of Great-Britain.' 
 
 The Governor gave them no written an- 
 fwer ; but denied that the Abenaquis were 
 under his government, and that he had either 
 
^0 HISTORY OF 
 
 1725. encouraged or fupplied them for the purpofe 
 of War. He faid that he coufidered them as 
 an independent nation, and that the war was 
 undertaken by them,in defence of their lands, 
 which had been invaded by the people of 
 New-England. The commifTioners in reply, 
 informed him, that the lands for which the 
 Indians had quarrelled, were fairly purchafed 
 of their anceltors, and had been for many 
 years inhabited by the Englilli. They pro- 
 duced his own letters to the Governors of 
 New-England, in which he had (inconliftent- 
 ly, and perhaps inadvertently) ft y led thefe 
 Indians ' fubjedls of the King of France,' 
 They alfo alleged the feveral treaties held 
 with them as evidence that they had ac- 
 knowledged themfelves fubjecls of the Britifli 
 Crown ; and, to his great mortification, they 
 alfo produced his own original letters to the 
 Jefuit Ralle, which had been taken at Nor- 
 ridgwog, in which the evidence of his aflift- 
 Ing and encouraging them in the war was 
 too flagrant to admit of palliation. Farther 
 to drengthen this part of their argument, 
 they prefented to the Governor, a Mohawk 
 whom they had met with at Montreal, who, 
 according to his own voluntary acknowledg- 
 ment, had been fiipplied by the Governor 
 with arms, ammunition and proviiion to en- 
 gage in the war, and had killed one man and 
 taken another whom he had fold in Canada, 
 In addition to what v/as urged by the Com- 
 mifTioners in general ; Mr. Atkinfon, on the 
 part of New-Hampihire, entered into a par- 
 ticular remonftrance ; alleging that the In- 
 dians had no cauie of controverfy with that 
 Province, the lands in q^ueftion being out of 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 61 
 
 their claim* To this the Governor anfwered, 1725. 
 that New-Hamplhire was a part of the fame 
 nation, and the Indians could make no dis- 
 tinction. Atkinfon alked him why they did 
 not for the fame reafon make war on the peo- 
 ple of Albany ? The Governor anfwered, 
 
 * The people of Albany have fent a meffage 
 
 * to pray me to retrain the favages from mo- 
 ' lefling them ; in a manner very different 
 
 * from your demands :' To which Atkinfon 
 with equal fpirit replied, * Your Lordfliip 
 
 * then is the right perfon, for our Govern- 
 
 * ments to apply to, if the Indians are fubjecl: 
 ' to yaur orders.' 
 
 Finding himfelf thus clofely prefled, he 
 promifed to do what lay in his power to bring 
 them to an accommodation, and to rellore 
 thofe captives who were in the hands of the 
 French, on the payment of what they had 
 cod ; and he engaged to fee that no unrea- 
 fonable demands fhould be made by the per- 
 fons who held them in fervitude ; as to thofe 
 who flill remained in the hands of the In- 
 dians, he fiid, he had no power over them, 
 and could not engage for their redemption. 
 He complained in his turn, of the Governor 
 of New-York, for building a fort on the riv- 
 er Onondago, and faid, that he fhould look 
 upon that proceeding as a breach of the trea- 
 ty of peace ; and he boafted that he had the 
 five nations of the Iroquois fo much under 
 his influence, that he could at anv time, caufe 
 them to make war upon the fubjccls of Gi'eat- 
 Britain. 
 
 The CommiiTioners employed themfelves 
 very diligently in their inquiries refpecling 
 die captives, and in fettling the terms of their 
 
62 HISTORY OF 
 
 1725, redemption. They fucceeded in efFedling 
 the ranfoni of iixteen, and engaging for ten 
 others. The Governor obliged the French, 
 who held them, to abate of their demands ; 
 but after all, they were paid for at an exor- 
 bitant rate. He was extremely defirous, that 
 the gentlemen fhould have an interview xvith 
 the Indians, who were at war ; and for this 
 purpofe, fent for a number of them from the 
 village of St. Francis, and kept them conceal- 
 ed in Montreal. The Commillioners had re- 
 peatedly told him, that they had no povv-er 
 to treat with them, and that they would not 
 fpeak to them unlefs they ihioukl clelire peace. 
 At his requeft, the chiefs of the Nipiiiins vif- 
 ited the Commiflioners, and faid that they 
 difapproved the war which their children the 
 Abenaquis had made, and would perfuade 
 them to aflc for peace. After a variety of 
 mancruvres, the Governor at length promif- 
 ed the Commifhoners, that if they would con- 
 fent to meet the Indians at his houfe, they 
 iliould fpeak firfl. This affurance produced 
 an interview ; and the Indians afked the 
 commiflioners whether they would make 
 propofals of peace ? they anfwered. No. The 
 Indians then propofed, that * if the Englifh 
 ^ would demolifli all their forts, and remove 
 '' one mile weftward of Saco river ; if they 
 ^- v/ould rebuild their church at Norridgwog, 
 
 * and 7'eJio7'e io them their pj-'iej}, they would be 
 
 * brothers again.' The CommilTioners told 
 them that they had no warrant to treat with 
 them ; but if they were difpofed for peace, 
 they fliould have fafe conducft to and from 
 Boilon or Portfmouth ; and the Governor 
 promifed to fend his fon with them to fee juf- 
 
KEW-IIAMPSHIRE. 63 
 
 tice done. Tliey nnfwered, that ' this was 1725. 
 * the only place to conclude peace, as the na- 
 ' tions were near and could readily attend.* 
 The Governor wonld have had them recede 
 from their propofals, which he faid were un- 
 reafonable, and make others ; but father Le 
 Chafe, a Jefuit, being prefent, and adling as 
 interpreter for the Indians, embarraffed the 
 matter fo much that nothing more was pro- 
 pofed. It was obferved by the commiflion- 
 ers, that when they converfed with the Gov- 
 ernor alone, they found him more candid and 
 open to conviction, than when Lc Chafe, or 
 any other Jefuit was prefent ; and, through 
 the whole of their negociation, it evidently 
 appeared, that the Governor himfelf, as well 
 as the Indians, were fubje^ to the powerful 
 influence of thefe ccclefiaftics ; of whom there 
 was a feminary in Canada, under the direc- 
 tion of the Abbe de Belmont. 
 
 Having completed their bufinefs, and the 
 rivers and lakes being clear of ice, the Com- 
 miffioners took their leave of the Governor, 
 and fet out on their return, with the redeem- 
 ed captives, and a guard of foldiers, v/hirh 
 the Governor ordered to attend them, as far 
 as Crown-point. They went down the river 
 St. Lawrence to the mouth of the Sorel, then 
 up that river to Chamblee, and through the 
 lakes to fort Nicholfon. After a pleafant 
 paffage, of feven days, they arrived at Albany. M»y :i 
 
 Here they found CommilTioners of Indian 
 affairs for the Province of New- York, to whom 
 they communicated the obfervations which 
 they had made in Canada, and what the Mar- 
 quis de Vaudreuil had faid refpecfling the five 
 nations, and the fort at Onandago, There 
 
61: HISTORY O? 
 
 1725. being a deputation from thefe nations at Al- 
 bany, they held a confereix:e with them, and 
 gave them belts ; requeuing their affiftance 
 in eftablilhing a peace with the Alxjnaquis. 
 From this place Mr. Atkinfon wrote to M. 
 Cavanielle, fon of the Marquis, acknowledg- 
 ing the polite reception the Commiffioners 
 had met with from the family ; fubjoining a 
 copy of the information which they had giv- 
 en to the CommilTioners of New-York ; and 
 promiling, that a due reprefentation fhould be 
 made, to the Kings of England and France^ 
 on the fubje(5l of thsir negociation. 
 
 The report of the CommilTioners being 
 laid before the Aflemblies ot MafTachufetts 
 and New-Hampfliire, it was determined to 
 profecute the war with vigor. Orders were 
 
 AfT-mbiy iffued for the defence and fupply of the fron- 
 tiers, and for the encouragement of ranging 
 parties, both volunteers and militia. A pe- 
 tition Vv^as fent to the King, complaining of 
 the French Governor, and deliring that or- 
 ders might be given to the other Colonies of 
 New-England, and to New-York, to furniili 
 their quotas of aiTiftance, in the further pro- 
 fecution of the war ; and letters were written 
 to the Governor of New-York, rcquefting 
 that fuch of the hofkile Indians as fhould re- 
 fort to Albany, might be feized and fecuredo 
 The good effecf^s of this milfion to Canada 
 Vv^ere foon vifible. One of the Indian hoila- 
 ges who had been detained at Bofton through 
 the whole war, together with one who had 
 been taken, were allowed on their parole, to 
 viiit their countrymen ; and they returned 
 "with a requeft for peace. Commiflioners from 
 both Provinces went to St. George's j where 
 
 S.ctords 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 65 
 
 a conference was held, which ended in a pro- 1725. 
 pofal for a farther treaty at Bollon. In the 
 mean time, feme of the enemy were difpofed 
 for further mifcliief. Thofe Vs'ho had been 
 concerned in taking Hanfon's family at Dover, 
 in a ihort time after their redemption and 
 return, came down with a defign to take them 
 again, as they had threatened them before 
 they left Canada. When they had come near sept. ij. 
 the houfe, they obferved fome people at work 
 in a neighbouring field, by which it was ne- 
 ceflary for them to pafs, both in going and 
 returning. This obliged them to alter their 
 purpofe, and conceal themfclves in a barn, 
 till they v/ere ready to attack them. Tvv^o 
 women palTed by the barn, while they were 
 in it, and had jull reached the garrifon as the 
 guns were nred. They Ihot Benjamin Evans 
 dead on the fpot ; wounded William Evans 
 and cut his throat ; John Evans received a 
 flight wound in the breaft, which bleeding 
 plentifully, deceived them, and thinking him 
 dead,they llripped and fcalped him: He bore 
 the painful operation without difcovering a- 
 ny figns of life, though all the time in his 
 perfecl fenfes, and continued in the feigned 
 appearance of death, till they had turned hini 
 over, and ilruck him feveral blows with their 
 guns, and left him for dead. After they were 
 gone off he rofeand walked, naked and bloody, 
 toward the garrifon ; but on meeting his 
 friends by the way dropped, fainting on the 
 ground, and being covered with a blanket was 
 conveyed to the houfe. He recovered and 
 lived j&fty years. *A purfuit was made after 
 the enemy, but they got off undifcovered, 
 carrying with them Benjamin Evans, junior, 
 
 I 
 
66 insTORi' or 
 
 1725. a lad of thirteen years old, to Canada, whence 
 he was redeemed as iifual by a charitable col- 
 le6lion. 
 
 This was the laft effort of the enemy in 
 New-Hampfliire. In three months, the trea- 
 
 Dcc. 15. ty which they deiired was held at Bofton, and 
 the next fpring ratified at Falmouth. A peace 
 was concluded in the ufual form ; which was 
 followed by reflraining all private traffic 
 with the Indians, and eftablifliing truck-houf- 
 es in convenient places, where they were fup- 
 
 HotcbJnfon pUcd witli the neceffaries of life, on the moil 
 
 11.318. advantageous terms. Though the govern- 
 ments on the whole, were lofers by the trade, 
 yet it was a more honorable way of preferv- 
 ing the peace, than if an acknowledgment had 
 been made to the Indians in any other man- 
 ner. 
 
 None of the other Colonies of New Eng- 
 land bore any fliare in the expenfes or calam- 
 ities of this war ; and New-Hampfhire did 
 not fuffer fo much as in former wars ; partly 
 by reafon of the more extended frontier of 
 Maflachufetts, both on the eaftern and wef- 
 tern parts, againft the former of which the 
 enemy diredled their greateft fury ; and part- 
 ly by reafon of the iuccefs of the ranging 
 ^ parties, who conflantly traverfed the woods 
 
 • as far northward as the White Mountains. 
 
 The militia at this time was completely train- 
 ed for aftive fervice ; every man of forty 
 years of age having feen more than twenty 
 years of war. They had been ufed to han- 
 dle their arms from the age of childhood, and 
 mofl of them, by long pra(5lice, had become 
 excellent markfmen, and good hunters. They 
 were well acquainted with the lurking places' 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 67 
 
 of the enemy ; and poITefTed a degree of har- 1725. 
 dinefs and intrepidity, which can be acquired 
 only by the habitude of thofe fcenes of dan- 
 ger and fatigue, to which they were daily ex- 
 pofed. They had alfo imbibed from their 
 infancy a llrong antipathy to the favage na- 
 tives ; which was flrengthened by repeated 
 horrors of blood and defolation, and not ob- 
 literated by the intercourfe which they had 
 with them in time of peace. As the Indians 
 frequently reforted to the frontier towns in 
 time of fcarcity, it was common for them to 
 viiit the families whom they had injured in 
 war ; to recount the circumflances of death 
 and torture which had been pracflifed on their 
 friends ; and when provoked or intoxicated, 
 to threaten a repetition of fuch infults in fu- 
 ture wars. To bear fuch treatment required 
 more than human patience ; and it is not im- 
 probable that fee ret murders were fometimes 
 the confequence of thefe harfh provocations. 
 Certain it is, that when any perfon w^as arreft- 
 ed, for killing an Indian in time of peace, he 
 was either forcibly refcued from the hands 
 of juflice, or if brought to trial, invariably 
 acquitted ; it being impoflible to impannel a 
 jury fome of whom had not fuffered by the 
 Indians, either in their perfons or families- 
 
68 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAR XV. 
 
 W£NTtrotL7B*s admin ijl ration coniinued. BvRt^zT^s Jhort admiiS'- 
 if.ration. Bblcukk Jiiccssdi him. W&ni worth's death and 
 chara{ier» 
 
 During the war, the Lieutenant 
 Governor had managed the executive depart- 
 ment with much prudence ; the people were 
 fatisfied with his adminiftration, and enter- 
 tained an affe(5lion for him, which was ex- 
 preffed not only by v^ords, but by frequent 
 1/wO. grants of money, in the General AfTembly, 
 janaary 5. When lie rctumed from Boflon, where the 
 treaty of peace was concluded, they prefented 
 to him an addrefs of congratulation, and told 
 him that ' his abfence had feemed long ; but 
 , ' the fervice he had done them filled their 
 Court Rec- ' licarts wdth .fatisfa6lion.' This addrefs was 
 *^ ^' followed by a grant of one hundred pounds. 
 He had, jufl: before, confented to an emifhon 
 of two thoufand pounds in bills of credit, to 
 be paid, one half in the year 1735, and the 
 other half in 1736. An excife was laid for 
 three years, and was farmed for three hun- 
 dred pounds. 
 
 The divifional line between the Provinces 
 of Nev7-Hampihire and Maflachufetts w^as 
 yet unfettled, and in addition to the ufiial 
 difadvantages occafioned by this long negledl, 
 a new one arole. By the conilrudlion which 
 MafTachufetts put on their charter, all the 
 lands three miles northward of the river 
 Merrimack were within their limits. On 
 this principle, a grant had formerly been 
 .made to Governor Endicot, of fome lands at 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 69 
 
 Penacook ; which had been the feat of a nu- 1726. 
 mcroiitf and powerful tribe of Indians. The 
 quality of the land at that place invited the 
 attention of adventurers from Andover,Brad- feas rcc' 
 ford and Haverhill ; to whom a grant was 
 made of a tow^nChip, feven miles fquare; com- 
 prehending the lands on both fides of the 
 Merrimack, extending fouthwardly from the 
 branch called Contoocook. This grant a- 
 wakened the attention of others ; and a mo- 
 tion was made in the Maffachufetts Aifembly, ^'*^' *^" 
 for a line of towniliips, to extend from Dun- 
 ftable on Merrimack, to Northfield on Con- 
 ne(fticut river ; but the motion was not im- 
 mediately adopted. The Affembly of New- 
 Hamplhire was alarmed. Newman, their 
 agent, had been a long time at the Britilli 
 Court, foliciting the lettlement of the line, 
 and afupplyof military flores for the fort. 
 Freih inftruclions were fcnt to him to expe- 
 dite the bufinefs, and to fubmit the fettlement 
 of the line to the King. A committee was 
 appointed to <2:o to Penacook, to confer with ^- i-^^'^p- 
 
 i t c> ' (hire Rcc. 
 
 a committee of MalIachufeLis,then employed 
 in laying out the lands, and to remonitrate 
 againfk their proceeding. A furvey of other 
 lands near Winipifeogee lake, was order- 
 ed ; that it might be known, what number 
 of townfhips could be laid out, independently 
 of the Maflachufetts claim. On the other 
 hand, the heirs of Allen renewed their endea- 
 vours, and one of them, John Hobby, peti- 
 tioned the Affembly to compound with him 
 for his claim to half the Province ; but the 
 only anfv>Tr which he could obtain was that 
 
 * the Courts of law were competent to the de- 
 
 * termination of titles,' and his petition was 
 difmilTed. 
 
70 
 
 HISTORY Of 
 
 1726. Both Provinces became earneflly engaged. 
 Maffachufetts propofed to New-Hampftiire 
 the appointment of commiffioners, to eflab- 
 lifh the line. The New-Hampiliire AiTem- 
 bly refufed, becaufe they had fubmitted the 
 cafe to the King. The Maffachufetts people, 
 forefeeing that the refult of this application 
 might prove unfavorable to their claim of ja- 
 rifdidion, were folicitous to fecure to them- 
 felves the property of the lands in queftion. 
 Accordingly, the propofed line of townihips 
 being furveyed, ' pretences were encouraged 
 ' and even fought after, to entitle perfons to 
 
 Houhinfon * ^^ grantccs.' The defcendants of the offi- 
 cers and foldiers, who had been employed in 
 expeditions againft the Narraganfet Indians, 
 and againfl Canada, in the preceding centu- 
 Maffa^h... ^7' were admitted j and the furvivors of the 
 feus Rec.' ^^tc Captain Lovewell's company, with the 
 heirs of the deceafed, had a ieleO: trad grant- 
 ed to them at Suncook. There was an ap- 
 pearance of gratitude in making thefe grants, 
 and there would have been policy in it, had 
 the grantees been able to comply with the 
 
 1727. conditions. New-Hampihire followed the 
 May s8 & ^^-^^^P^^* '^^d made grants of the townihips 
 3o. of Epfom, Chicheiler, Barnftead, Canterbury, 
 
 Giimantown and Bow. All thefe, excepting 
 the laft, were undoubtedly within their lim- 
 its ; but the grant of Bow interfered with 
 the grants which Maffachufetts had made, at 
 Penacook and Suncook, and gave rife to a 
 litigation, tedious, expenfive, and of forty 
 years continuance. 
 
 Thefe trads of land granted by both Prov- 
 jnces were too numerous and extenfive. It 
 was impradicable to fulfil the conditions, on 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 71 
 
 which the grants were made. Had the fame 1727. 
 liberal policy prevailed here as in Penniylva- 
 nia, and had the importation of emigrants 
 from abroad been encouraged, the country 
 might have been foon filled with inhabitants ; 
 but the people of Londonderry were already 
 looked upon with a jealous eye, and a farther 
 intrufion of ftrangers was feared, left they 
 fliould prove a burden and charge to the 
 community. People could not be fpared 
 from the old towns. Penacook was almoft 
 the only fettlement which was eftecfled by 
 emigrants from MafTachufetts. A fmall be- 
 ginning was made, by the New-Hampfliire 
 proprietors, at Bow, on Suncook river ; but 
 the moil of the intermediate country remain- 
 ed uncultivated for many years. Schemes 
 of fettlement were indeed continually form- 
 ing ; meetings of proprietors were frequent- 
 ly held, and an avaricious fpirit of fpeculat- 
 ing in landed property prevailed ; but the 
 real wealth and improvement of the country 
 inftead of being promoted were retarded. 
 
 On the death of King George I ; the Af- 
 fcmbly, which had fubhfted five years, was ^:^ "p^""/' 
 of courfe diflolved ; and writs for the elec- Nov. a^. 
 tion of another were iffued in the name of 
 George II. The long continuance of this 
 Aifembly was principally owing to the ab- 
 fence of Governor Shute, in whofe adminif- 
 tration it commenced ; and the uncertainty 
 of his return or the appointment of a fuccef- 
 for. It had been deemed a grievance, and 
 an attempt had been made in 1 724 to limit 
 the duration of AlTemblies to three years, in 
 conformity to the cuftom of England. At Dec. r^, 
 the meeting of die new AfTembly, the firfl 
 
i66. 
 
 72 HISTORY OF 
 
 1727. bufinefs which they took up was to move for 
 a triennial a(5l. The Lieutenant Governor 
 was difpofed to gratify them. Both Houfes 
 agreed in framing an acl for a triennial Ai- 
 fembly, in which the duration of the prefent 
 x^llembly was limited to three years (unlefs 
 fooner difTolved by the commander in chief) 
 writs were to iffue fifteen days at leaif, before 
 a new ele(5lion ; the qualification of a repre- 
 fentative was declared to be a freehold eftate 
 Edition of of three hundred pounds value. The quali- 
 i77i,page ficatiou of an elector was a real eftate of fifty 
 pounds, within the town or precincl where 
 the eledlion fhould be made ; but habitancy 
 was not required in either cafe ; the felecl- 
 m.en of the town, with the moderator of the 
 meeting, were conftituted judges of the qual- 
 ifications of eledlors, faving an appeal to the 
 Houfe of Reprefentatives. This a(51: having 
 been pafTed, in due form, received the royal 
 approbation, and was the only acl which 
 could be called a conftitution or form of 
 Government, eftabliilied by the people of 
 New-Hampihire ; all other parts of their gov- 
 ernment being founded on royal commiflions 
 and inilru6lions. But this aifl was defedlive, 
 in not determining by whom the writs fhould 
 be ifTued, and in not defcribing the places 
 from which Reprefentatives lliould be called, 
 either by name, extent or population. This 
 defedl gave birth to a long and bitter contro- 
 verfy, as Vv'ill be feen hereafter. 
 
 The triennial adl being pafTed, the Houfe. 
 were difpofed to make other alterations in 
 the government. An appeal was allowed in 
 all civil cafes from the inferior to the fuperi- 
 or court ; if the matter in controverfy ex- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 73 
 
 ceedcd one hundred pounds, another appeal 1727. 
 was allowed to the Governor and Council ; 
 and if it exceeded three hundred pounds, to 
 the King in Council. The appeal to the 
 Governor in Council was iirft eflabliflied by 
 Cutt's coinmilTion, and continued by lubfe- 
 quent commiilions and inilrudlions. In 
 Queen Anne's time, it Vs^as complained of as 
 a grievance, that the Governor and Council 
 j.?ceived appeals and decided caufes, without 
 taking an oath to do julHce. An oath was 
 then prefcribcd and taken. The authority 
 of this court had been recognifed by feveral 
 claufes in the laws ; but was difrelifhed by 
 many of the people ; partly becaufe the judg- 
 es who had before decided cafes, were gene- 
 rally members of the Council ; partly be- 
 caufe no jury was admitted in this court of 
 appeal ; and partly becaufe no fuch inflitu- 
 tion was known in the neighbouring Prov- 
 ince of MalTachufetts. The Houfe moved 
 for a repeal of the feveral claufes in the laws 
 relative to this obnoxious court ; the Coun- 
 cil non-concurred their vote, and referred 
 them to the royal inftrudlions. The Houfe 
 perfifted in their endeavors, and the Council 
 in their oppofition. Both fides grew warm, 
 and there was no profpe6l of an accommoda- 
 tion. The Lieutenant Governor put an end 
 to the feiTion, and foon after diffolved the Af- 
 fembly by proclamation. 
 
 A new Allembly was called ; the fame per- , *-^o 
 fons, with but two or three exceptions, were 
 re-eledled, and the fame fpirit appeared in all 
 their tranfadlions. They chofe for their 
 fpeaker Nathaniel Weare, who had been 
 fpeaker of the former Aifembly, and having 
 
 K 
 
74 HISTORY or 
 
 1 72S. as -ufual prefented him to the Lieutenant Gov- 
 ernor, he negatived the choice. The Houfe 
 defired to know by what authority ; he pro- 
 duced his commiilion ; nothing appeared in 
 that, which fatisfied them ; and they adjourn- 
 ed from day to day without doing any bufi- 
 nefs. After nine days they chofe another 
 Speaker, Andrew Wiggin, and fent up the 
 vote, vv'ith a preamble, juflifying their form- 
 er choice. The Lieutenant Governor approv- 
 ed the Speaker, but difapproved the pre- 
 amble ; and thus the controverfy clofed, each 
 fide retaining their own opinion^ The fpeech- 
 es and melTages from the chair, and the an- 
 fwers from the Houfe, during this feifion, 
 were filled with reproaches ; the public bufi- 
 nefs was condu6led with ill htuiiour, and the 
 Houfe carried their oppofition fo far as to 
 pafs a vote for addrefling the King to annex 
 the Province to Maffachufetts ; to this vote 
 the Council made no anfwer. But as a new 
 Governor was expe(5led, they agreed in ap- 
 pointing a committee of both Houfes to go to 
 Boflon, and compliment him on his arrival. 
 The expedled Governor was William 
 Burnet, fon of the celebrated Bifliop of 
 Sarum, whofe name was dear to the people 
 of New-England, as a fteady and active friend 
 to civil and religious liberty. Mr. Burnet 
 was a man of good underilanding and polite 
 literature ; fond of books and of the conver- 
 fation of literary men -, but an enemy to of- 
 tentation and parade. He had been Gov- 
 ernor of New-York and New-Jerfey, and 
 quitted thofe Provinces with reluclHiance, to 
 make way for another perfon, for v/hom the 
 Britiih Miniflry had to provide. Whilfl at 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 75 
 
 New- York, he was very popular, and his fame 1 728, 
 having reached New-England, the expedla- 
 tions of the people were much raifed on the 
 news of his appointment, to the Government 
 of Maflachufetts and New-Hampfliire. Lieu- 
 tenant Governor Wentworth characfterifed 
 him in one of his fpeeches as ' a gentleman of 
 
 * known worth, having juftly obtained an 
 ' univerfal regard from all who have had the 
 
 * ho?ior to be under his government.' He was J"'y 2^- 
 
 o 
 
 received with much parade at Boilon, whith- 
 er the Lieutenant Governor of New-Hamp- 
 Hiire, with a committee of the Council and 
 Aiienibly, went to compliment him on his 
 arrival.* 
 
 Mr. Burnet had pofitive inftrucflions from 
 the crown to infilf on the eftablifliment of a 
 permianent falary in both his Provinces. He 
 began with Mailachufetts, and held a long 
 controverfy with the General Court to no pur- 
 poi'e. InNew-Hampfhire,aprecedenthad been 
 eltablilhed in the adminiitrution of Dudley, 
 which was favourable to his views. Though 
 fome of the Afiembly were averfe to a per- 
 manent falary ; yet the Lieutenant Govern- 
 or had fo much interelt with them, by viitue Rdcher'a 
 of having made them proprietors in the late- ^sLctun 
 iy granted townfliips, that they were induced 
 to confent ; on condition that he fhould be 
 
 ♦ Mr. Hutchinron has repreftnud Governor Purnet a« a man of bu- 
 Diour, anJ given an anecdote rrfpediog his inc'lffcrence to the cuflom of 
 faying grace at rpeal°. 1 he following floty of cha fame kmd^ perhaps 
 will not be difagrctabic to the reac'cr 
 
 One of the coTinnittee, who went from Boflnn, to meet him on the bor» 
 dem of Rho le Iflanti, and con^'uifl him to the leJt of governmtnr, wis (in; 
 facetious C'l. 'I'ai'.cr. Eurnct complaine<l of fhe lo^g graces which were 
 faid by clergymen on tberoa'3, and rfkcd Taiitr wlcn :hcy wcul'! fborrcn. 
 He anlwercd, ' The {jraccs will increafe in length, fii! ycu come to Eof. 
 ton ; after that tbcy will (horten till you coaic to your covrnracQtof 
 N:w-Hamplhire, where your Excellency will find no grace at alL' 
 
76 ^ HISTORY OF 
 
 1729. allowed one third part of the falary, and they 
 fliould be difcharged from all obligations to 
 him. This bargain being concluded, the 
 Houfe pail'ed a vote, with which the Council 
 concurred, to pay, ' Governor Burnet, for the 
 ' term of three years, or during his adminif- 
 thTllout ' ifti'ation, the fum of two hundred pounds 
 of Reprc- ' fterliug, or fix hundred pounds in bills of 
 
 * credit ; which fum was to be in full of all 
 ' demands from this Government, for his fal- 
 
 * ary ; and all expenfes in coming to, tarrying 
 ' in, or going from this Province ; and alfo 
 
 * for any allowance to be made to the Lieu- 
 ' tenant Governor ; and that the excife on 
 ' liquors fliould be appropriated to that ufe.' 
 To this vote fix of the Reprefentatives enter- 
 ed their diiTent. 
 
 The Governor came bnt once into New- 
 Hampfhire. His death, which happened af- 
 ter a few months, was fuppofed to be occa- 
 iioned by the ill effedl, which his controverfy 
 with MaiiacJiufetts, and the difappointment 
 which he faflered, had on his nerves. 
 1730. When the death of Governor Burnet was 
 known in England, the refentment againft 
 Frincn ^ the Province of MaiTachufetts was very high, 
 wiikes Q,-^ account of their determined refufal to fix 
 a iaiary on the ilmg s Governor. Jt was e- 
 ven propofed, to reduce them to ' a more abfo- 
 lute dependence on the crown ;' but a fpirit 
 of moderation prevailed ; and it was thought 
 that Mr. Jonathan Belcher, then in Eng- 
 land, being a native of the Province, and well 
 acquainted with the temper of his country- 
 men would have more iniinence than a flran- 
 ger, to carry the favorite point of a fixed 
 falary. His appointment, as Governor of 
 
 Sept. 7. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 77 
 
 New-Hampfhire, was merely an appendage 1730. 
 to his other commiflion. 
 
 Belcher was a merchant of large fortune Bekhcr's 
 and unblemiflied reputation. He had fpent ];^'^'^Zp 
 fix years in Europe ; had been twice at the °^j '"=«'" 
 Court of Hanover, before the proteftant fuc- 
 ceflion took place in the family of Brunfwick ; 
 and had received from the Princefs Sophia, a 
 rich golden medal. He was graceful in his 
 perfon, elegant and polite in his manners ; 
 of a lofty and afpiring difpoiition ; a fleady, 
 generous friend ; a vindictive, but not impla- 
 cable enemy. Frank and fmcere, he Vv^as ex- 
 tremely liberal in his cenfurcs, both in con- 
 verfation and letters. Having a high fenfc 
 of the dignity of his commiflion, he deter- 
 mined to fupport it, even at the expenfe of 
 his private fortune ; the emoluments of of- 
 fice in both Provinces being inadequate to 
 the ftyle in v/hich he chofc to live. 
 
 Whilft he was in England, and it was un- 
 certain whether he would be appointed, or 
 Shute would return, Wentworth wrote let- 
 ters of compliment to both. Belcher knew 
 nothing of the letter to Shute, till his arrival 
 in America, and after he had made a vifit to 
 New-Hampiliire, and had been entertained 
 at the Houfe of the Lieutenant Governor. 
 He was then informed, that Wentworth had 
 written a letter to Shute, of the fame tenor 
 as that to himfelf. This he deemed an aA 
 of duplicity. How far it was lb, cannot now 
 be determined. The perfuafion was fo llrong 
 in the mind of Belcher, that on his next vilit 
 to Portfmouth, he refufed an invitation to 
 Wentworth's houfe. This was not the only 
 way in which he manifelled his difpleafure. 
 
78 HISTORY OF 
 
 1780. When the affair of the falary came before the 
 Aug. 31. AfTembly, he not only refafed to make fuch 
 a compromife as Burnet had done ; but 
 obliged the Lieutenant Governor under his 
 hand, to * quit all claim to any part of the 
 falary, and to acknowledge that he had no 
 expetflation from, or dependence on. the Af- 
 fembly, for any allowance, but that he de- 
 pended v/holly on the Governor.' The fame 
 falary was then voted, and in nearly the fame 
 words, as to his predecefFor. He allov/ed the 
 Lieutenant Governor, the fees and perquilites 
 only which arofe from regiilers, certificates, 
 licenfes and paifes, amounting to about fifty 
 pounds fterling. Wentworth and his friends 
 were difappointed and difgufted. He him- 
 felf did not long furvive ; being feized with 
 Dfc. It. ^ lethar(i,ic diforder, he died within five 
 months ; but his family connexions refented 
 the affront, and drew a confiderable party 
 into their views. Benning Wentworth, his 
 fon, and Theodore Atkinfon, who had mar- 
 ried his daughter, were at the head of the 
 oppofition. The latter was removed from 
 his office of Colledlor of the Cuftoms, to make 
 room for Richard Wibird ; the Naval Office 
 I was taken from him and given to Ellis Hufke ; 
 and the office of High Sheriff, which he had 
 held, was divided between him and Eleazer 
 Ruffell. Other alterations were made, which 
 greatly offended the friends of the late Lieu- 
 tenant Governor ; but Belcher, fatisfied that 
 his condudl was agreeable to his commiffion 
 and inftrudlions, difregarded his opponents 
 and apprehended no danger from their re- 
 fentment. Atkinfon was a man of humour, 
 and took occafion to exprefs his difguft in a 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 79 
 
 iiiigtikr manner. The Governor, who was^ 1730. 
 fond of parade, had ordered a troop of horfe, 
 to meet him on the road, and efcort him to 
 Portfmouth. The officers of government 
 met him, and joined the cavalcade. Atkin- 
 fon was tardy ; but wdien he appeared, hav- 
 ing broken the SherifF*s wand,, he held one 
 half in his hand. Being chid by the Gov- 
 ernor for not appearing Iboncr, he begged his 
 Excellency to excufe him, becaufe he had but 
 half a horfe to ride. 
 
 In addition to what has been obferved, re- 
 fpecting- Lieutenant Governor Wentworth ; 
 the following portrait of his charadter, by 
 fome contemporary friend, deferves remem- 
 brance. 
 
 ' He was born at Portfmouth of worthy New-Eng- 
 
 * parents, from whom he had a religious edu- ly jonmai 
 ' cation. His inclination leading him to the ^"' ^^* 
 
 * fea, he foon became a commander of note, 
 
 * and gave a laudable example to that order, 
 
 * by his fober behaviour, and his conftant 
 
 * care to uphold the woi;£hip of God in his 
 
 * iliip. Wherever he came, by his difcreet 
 
 * and obliging deportment, he gained the love 
 ' and eiteem of thofe with whom he converfed, 
 
 ' On his leaving the fea, he had confidera- 
 ' ble bufmefs as a merchant, and always had 
 ' the reputation of a fair and generous dealer. 
 
 ' He has approved himfelf to the general 
 
 * acceptance of his Majefty's good fubjedls 
 
 * throughout this Province, and under his 
 ' mild adminillration, we enjoyed great qui- 
 ' etnefs. 
 
 * He was a gentleman of good natural abil- 
 ' ities, much improved by converfation ; 
 
 * remarkably civil and kind to llrangers ; re- 
 
80 HISTORY OF 
 
 1730. * fpecflful to the minifters of the gofpel ; a 
 ' lover of good men of all denominations ; 
 
 * compaflionate and, bountiful to the poor ; 
 ' courteous and affable to all ; having a con- 
 ' ftant regard to the duties of divine worfhip, 
 
 * in private and public, and paying a due 
 
 * deference to all the facred inftitutions of 
 
 * Chrift. 
 
 * He had fixteen children, of whom four-- 
 
 * teen yet furvive him.' 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 81 
 
 CHAP. XVL 
 
 Z)Lrnftst*s lAeutmancy and enmity to Bfichp-R. Efforts to fictile 
 the boundary lines. Dlvijlons. Riot. Trade. Epifcopal 
 Church. Throat JiJJonpcr. 
 
 Mr. WENTWORTH was fuccecd- 
 cii in the Lieutenancy by David Dunbar, 1731. 
 Kfquire, a native of Ireland and a reduced 
 Colonel in the Britiili fcrvice ; who was alio **' 
 tlcputcd to be furveyor of tlie King's woods. 
 This appointment was made by the recom- 
 mendation of the Board of Trade ; of which 
 Colonel Bladen was an adlive member, who 
 bore no good will to Governor Belcher. 
 Dunbar had been commander of a fort at Hutchinfon 
 Pemaquid, which it was in contemplation to '^•»24 377. 
 annex to Nova-Scotia. He had taken upon 
 him to govern the few fcattcred people in 
 that diilricl, with a degree of rigor to which 
 they could not eaiily fubmit. This conduct 
 had already opened a controverfy, between 
 him and the Province of MafTachufetts ; and 
 it was very unfortunate for Belcher to have 
 fuch a perfon connecflcd with both his gov- 
 ernments. What were the merits, which 
 recommended Dunbar to thcfe flations, it is 
 not eafy at this time to determine ; the only 
 qualifications, which appear to have pleaded 
 in his fiivor, were poverty and the trlendfhp 
 of men in power. He was an inftrument of 
 intrigue and difaffecflibu ; and he no fooner 
 made his appearance in New-I-Iampihire,than 
 he joined the party who were in oppolition 
 to the Governor. Belcher perceived the ad- 
 vantage which his enemies would derive from 
 
 L 
 
82 HISTORY OF 
 
 1731. tills alliance, and made all the efforts in his 
 power to difplace him. In his letters to the 
 miniflry, to the Board of Trade, and to his 
 friends in England, he continually reprefent- 
 ed him in the worft light, and folicited his 
 Belcher's removal. It is not improbable, that his nu- 
 ^'"^"''"'merons letters of this kind, written in his 
 ufual (lyle, with great freedom and without 
 any referve, might confirm the fufpicions, 
 raifed by the letters of his adverfaries, and 
 induce the miniilry to keep Dunbar in place, 
 as a check upon Belcher, and to preferve the 
 balance of parties. 
 
 Within a few weeks after Dunbar's coming 
 ^"^^ ^°' to Portfmouth, a complaint was drawn up a~ 
 gainll Belcher, and ligned by fifteen perfons ; 
 alleging that his government was grievous^ 
 oppreflive and ai'bitrary, and praying the 
 King for his removal. This roufed the Gov- 
 ernor's friends, at the head of whom was 
 Richard Waldron, the fecretary, who drew 
 S'^Addrcf- ^P ^ counter addrefs, and procured an hun- 
 ts' dred names to be fubfcribed. Both addreffes 
 reached England about the fame time. Rich- 
 ard Partridge, Mr. Belcher's brother in law, 
 in conjuncflion with his fon Jonathan Belcher, 
 then a ftudent in the Temple, applied for a 
 copy of the complaint againfl him, at the 
 Bcicher'8 Plantation ofKce^ and obtained it ; but could 
 letters. j^Qj- gg^ fight of the letters which accompani- 
 ed it, though, on the foundation of thofe let- 
 ters, a reprefentation had been made by the 
 Board of Trade, to the King. 
 
 The only effecft which Dunbar's letters had 
 at that time, was to procure the appointment 
 of Theodore Atkinfon, Benning Wentworth 
 and Jofliua Peirce, to be Counfellors of New- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 83 
 
 Hampfliire ; and though Belcher remonflrat- 17,31. 
 ed to the Secretary of State againft thefe ap- 
 pointments, and recommended other perfons 
 in their room, he could not prevail, any far- 
 ther than to delay the admillion of the two 
 former for about two years ; during which 
 time, they were eletfled into the Houfe of 
 Reprefentatives, and kept up the oppofition 
 there. The recommendations, which he 
 made of other perfons, were duly attended 
 to when vacancies ha.ppened ; and thus the 
 Council was compofed of his friends, and his 
 enemies. The civil oilicers, whom he ap- 
 pointed, w^re fometimes fuperfeded, by per- 
 fons recommended and fent from England ; 
 and in one inilance, a commiffion for the 
 naval office, in favor of a Mr. Reynolds, fon 
 of the Bilhop of Lincoln, was filled up in 
 England, and fent over with orders for him 
 to fign it ; which he was obliged puniftually 
 to obey. 
 
 From the confidential letters of the leading 
 men on both fides, v/hich have fiillen into my 
 hands in the courfe of my refearches, the 
 views of each party may plainly be feen ; waldJon**, 
 though they endeavored to conceal them ^'^^[1"'*' 
 from each other. The Governor and his iinfon's 
 friends had projedled an union of New- "'"* 
 Hampfliire with Maffachufetts ; but were at 
 a lofs by what means to bring it into effedl. 
 The mod defirable method would have been, 
 an unanimity in the people of New-Hamp- 
 Ihire, in petitioning the Crown for it ; but 
 as this could not be had, the proJQ6l was 
 kept out of fight, till fome favorable opportu- 
 nity fliould prefent. 
 
 The other party contemplated not only 
 
84 lilSTORY OF 
 
 1731. die continuance of a feparate government, 
 but the appointment of a dillincl Governor, 
 who fhould refide in the Province, and have 
 no connexion with Maflachnfetts. The 
 greatefl obilacle in their way, was the fmall-* 
 nefs and poverty of the Province, which was 
 not able to fupport a gentleman in the char- 
 a6ler of Governor. To remove this obftacle, 
 it was necelTary to have the limits of territo- 
 ry, not only fixed, but enlarged* They were- 
 therefore zealous, in their attempts for this 
 purpofe ♦ and had the addrefs to perfuade a. 
 majority of the people, that they would be 
 gainers by the eftabliilament of the lines ;, 
 that the lands would be granted to them and. 
 their children ; and that the expenfe cf ob- 
 taining the fettlement would be fo trifling,, 
 that each man's iliare would not exceed the 
 value of a pullet. 
 
 The Governor's friends were averfe to preP- 
 ling the fettlement of the line ; and their rea- 
 fons were thefe. The coniToverfy is either be-' 
 tween the King and the fubjecls of his char-, 
 ter government of JMaflachufetts ; or elfe, be- 
 tweenthe heirs of MafonorAllenandthepeople 
 of MaiTachufetts. If the controverfy be fettled 
 even in favor of New-Hampfliire, the lands 
 v/hich fall within the line, will be either the 
 King's property, to be granted by his Gov- 
 ernor and Council according to royal inflruc- 
 tions ; or elfe the property of the heirs of 
 Mafon or Allen, to be difpofed of by them. 
 On both fuppoiitions, the people of New- 
 Hampiliire can have no property in the lands, 
 and therefore why fliould they be zealous 
 about the divifion or tax themfelves to pay 
 the expenfe of it ? 
 
KEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 85 
 
 Tlie Governor, as obliged by his inftruc- 1731. 
 tions, frequently urged the lettlement of 
 the lines in his fpeeches, and declared, that 
 the Affembly of New-Hampfhire had done 
 more toward efFcaing it, than that of Mafia- 
 chufetts. A committee from both Provinces 5,^^, ^^ 
 met at Newbury in the autumn of 1731^ on 
 this long contefted affair ; but the influence 
 of that party in MafTachufetts, of which Eii- 
 iha Cooke w-as at tlie head, prevented an ac- 
 commodation. Soon after this fmitlefs con- 
 ference, the Reprefentatives of New-Hamp- 
 fliire, of whom a majority was in favor of fet- 
 tling the line, determined no longer to treat 
 w^itii Maffachufetts ; but to reprefent the 
 matter to the King, and petition him to de- 
 cide the controverfy. Newman's commif- Air.rr^w,^ 
 fion, as agent, having expired, they chole tor oa. -. 
 this purpole, John Rindge, merchant, of 
 Portfmouth, then bound on a voyage to Lon- 
 don. The appointment of this gentleman 
 was fortunate for them, not only as he had 
 large connexions in England ; but as he was 
 capable of advancing money, to cany on the 
 folicitation. The Council, a majority of 
 which was in the oppofite intercft, did nei- 
 ther concur in the appointment, nor confent 
 to the petition. 
 
 Mr. Rindge, on his arrival in England, ^^^^.^^ 
 petitioned the King in his own name, and in ^^^' ^^ 
 behalf of the Reprefentatives of New-Hamp- 
 fhire, to eflablifli the boundaries of the Prov- 
 ince ; but his private affairs requiring his re- 
 turn to America, he did, agreeably to his in- 
 flrudlions, leave the bufmcfs in the hands of 
 Capt. JohnThomlinfon, merchant, of Lon- 
 don ; who was well knov/n in New-Haxup- 
 
S6 HISTORY OF 
 
 1732 fhire, where lie had frequently been in qistal- 
 ity of a fea commander. He was a gentle- 
 man of great penetration, induilry and ad- 
 drefs ; and having fully entered into the 
 views of Belcher's opponents, profecuted the 
 affair of the line, ' with ardor and diligence ;' 
 employing for his folicitor, Ferdinando John 
 Parrls ; who being well fupplied with money, 
 was indefatigable in his attention. The pe- 
 tition was of courfe referred to the Lords of 
 Trade, and Francis Wilks the agent of Maf- 
 fachufetts, was ferved with a copy to be fent 
 to his conflituents. 
 
 Whilfl the matter of the line v/as pending 
 on the other fide of the Atlantic, the parties 
 in Ncw-H?.mpfhire maintained their oppofi- 
 tion ; and were on all occafions vilifying and 
 abuiing each other, efpecially in their letters 
 to their friends in England. On the one 
 fide. Belcher inceffantly reprefented Dunbar, 
 as the fornenter of oppofition ; as falfe, per- 
 fidious, malicious and revengeful ; that he 
 did no fervice to the crown, nor to himlelf ; 
 but was ' a plague to the Governor and a 
 * deceiver of the people.' He was alfo very 
 liberal in his refleclious, on his other oppo- 
 fers. On the other fide, they reprefented 
 .him as unfriendly to the royal interefl ; as 
 obilru(5ling the fettlemcnt of the lines ; con- 
 niving at the defhrudlion of the King's tim- 
 ber, and partial to his other government, 
 where all his interefl lay ; and that he Jiad 
 not even a freehold in New-Hampfliive. As 
 an inftance of his partiality, they alleged, 
 that in almofl every feffion of the Affembly 
 
 1733. ^^ Marfachufetts, he confented to grants of 
 the difputcd lands, to the people of that Prov- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 87 
 
 ince ; by which means, their AfTembly raif^ 1733* 
 ed money, to enable their agent to protradl 
 the controverfy, that they might have oppor- 
 tunity to lay out more townihips ; while at 
 the fame time, he rejedled a fupply bill of 
 the New-Hamplhire Alfembly, and diffolved 
 them, becaufe that in it, they had made an. 
 appropriation for their agent. The truth. 
 was, that the Council did not confent to the 
 bill, becaufe they had no hand in appointing 
 the agent, and the bill never came before the 
 Governor. The frequent dillolution of Af- 
 femblies was another fubjecl of complaint ; 
 and in fa6l this meafure never produced the 
 defired etfedl ; for the fame perfons were 
 generally re-cle6led, and no reconciling mea- 
 fures were adopted by either party. 
 
 The Governor frequently complained, in 1 734, 
 his fpeeches, that the public debts were not 
 paid ; nor the fort, prifon, and other public 
 buildings kept in repair ; becaufe of their 
 failure in fapplying the treafury. The true 
 reafon of their not fupplying it was, that 
 they wanted emilTions of paper money, to be 
 drawn in, at diflant periods ; to this the 
 Governor could not confent, being retrained 
 by a royal infbruclion, as well as in princi- 
 ple oppofed to all fuch pracftlces. But one 
 emiilion of paper was made in his adminif- 
 tration ; and for its redemption a fund was 
 eilablifhed in hemp, iron, and other produc- 
 tions of the country. When a number of 
 merchants and others liad combined to iilue 
 notes, to fupply the place of a currency, he 
 iffued a proclamation againfl them ; and in 
 his next fpeech to the Aflembly, condemned 
 tliem in very fevere tern>s. The Aflembly 
 
S8 HISTOHY OF 
 
 1 734. endeavored to vindicate the cliaracfler of the 
 bills ; but in a few days he diffolved them, 
 with a reprimand ; charging them with trif- 
 . ling, with injuilice and hypocrify. It mull 
 be remembereci, that his complaints of an 
 empty treafury were not occaiioned by any 
 failure of his own falary, which was regular- 
 ly paid out of the excife. 
 
 Belcher revived the idea of his predecefTor 
 Shute, which was alfo countenanced by his 
 inflru<5lions, that he was virtually prefent in 
 New-Hamp{hire, when perfonaliy abfent, 
 and attendidg his duty, in his other Province ; 
 and therefore that the Lieutenant Governor 
 could do nothing but by his orders. Dunbar 
 had no feat in the Council, and Sha.dracii 
 Walton being fenior member, by the Gov- 
 ernor's order fummoned them and prefidcd. 
 He alfo held the command of the fort, bv the 
 Governor's commiflion, granted palles for 
 ihips, and licenfes for marriage ; and received 
 and executed military orders, as occaiion re- 
 quired. The Lieutenant Governor contefted 
 this point ; but could not prevail ; and find- 
 ing himfelf reduced to a Hate of infignifi- 
 cance, he retired in difguft, to his fort at 
 Pemaquid ; wherc he relided almoft tV\^o 
 years. The Governor's friends gave out that 
 he had abfconded for debt, and affedled to 
 triumph over the oppoficion, as poor and im- 
 potent ; but their complaints, fupported by 
 their agent Thomlinfon, and the influence of 
 Bladen at the Board of Trade, made an im- 
 preiTion there much to the diiadvantage of 
 Mr. Belcher ; tliough he had friends among 
 the miniilry and nobihcy ; the principle of 
 whom w:i3 Lord Tovvnfend, by whofe influ- 
 ence he had obtained his commiiTion. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 89 
 
 After Dunbar's return to Portfmouth, the 1734. 
 Governor thought it good policy to relax his 
 feverity ; and gave him the command of the 
 fort, with the ordinary perquifites of office, 
 amounting to about fifty pounds fterling. 
 Not content with this, he complained, that 
 the Governor did not allow him one third of 
 his falary. The Governor's falary was but 
 fix hundred pounds currency ; he fpent at 
 lead one hundred, in every journey to New- 
 Hampfliire, of which he made two in a year. 
 At the fime time Dunbar had two hundred 
 pounds llerling, as Surveyor General of the 
 woods ; which, with the perquifites, amount- 
 ing to one hundred more, v/ere divided be- 
 tween him and his deputies. But it muft be 
 remembered that he was deeply in debt, both 
 here and in England. 
 
 The rigid execution of the office of Sur- 
 veyor General had always been attended wHth 
 difficulty ; and the violent manner, in which 
 Dunbar proceeded with trefpaffers, raifed a 
 fpirit of oppofition on fuch occafions. The 
 ftatutes for the prefervation of the woods 
 empowered the furveyor to feize all logs, cut 
 from white pine trees, without licenfe ; and 
 it refted on the claimant, to prove his pro- 
 perty, in the court of Admiralty. Dunbar 
 went to the faw-mills ; where he feized and 
 marked large quantities of lumber ; and with 
 an air and manner to which he had been ac- 
 cuflomed in his military capacity, abufed and 
 threatened the people. That clafs of men, 
 with whom he was difpofed to contend, are 
 not eafily intimidated with high words ; and 
 he was not a match for them, in that fpecies of 
 xontroverfy, which thev have denominated 
 
 M 
 
90 HISTORY or 
 
 1734 fw amp law. An inflance of this happened 
 at Dover, whither he came, with his boat's 
 crew, to remove a parcel of boards, which he 
 had feized. The owner, Paii^ Gerrifli, warn- 
 ed him of the confequence ; Dunbar threat- 
 ened with death the firft man who fliould 
 obftrucft his intentions ; the fame threat was 
 returned to the firft man who fliould remove 
 the boards. Dunbar's prudence ?X this time, 
 got the better of his courage, and he retired. 
 With the like fpirit, an attempt of the fame 
 kind was fruftrated at iLxeter, whither he 
 fent a company in a boat to remove lumber, 
 Whilft his \T\<c\\ were regaling themfelves at a 
 public lioufc, in the evening, and boafting of 
 what they intended to do the next day ; a 
 number of perfons, difguifed like Indians, 
 attacked and beat them ; whilft others cut 
 the rigging and fails of the boat, and made a 
 hole in her bottom. The party not finding 
 themfelves fafe in the houfe, retreated to the 
 boat, and puihed off; but being there in 
 danger of finking, they v/ith difiiculty regain- 
 ed the fhore, and hid themfelves till morn- 
 ing, when they returned on foot to Portf- 
 mouth. 
 
 This was deemed a flagrant infult. Dun- 
 
 Aprii26, bar fummoned the Council, and complained 
 to them of the riotous proceedings at Exeter, 
 where there was * a confpiracy againft his 
 
 * life, by evil minded perfons, who had hired 
 
 * Indians to deftroy him.' He propofed to 
 the Council, the iffuing of a proclamation, of- 
 fering a reward to apprehend the rioters. The 
 major part of the Council were of opinion, 
 that no proclamation could be iifued but by 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 91 
 
 the Governor.* Information being feni to 1734. 
 the Governor, he ifTued a proclamation ; com- 
 manding all magiftrates to allift in difcover- 
 ing the rioters. 
 
 This tranlaclion afforded matter for com- 
 plaint, and a memorial was drawn up by 
 Thomlinfon, grounded on letters which he 
 had received. It was faggelled, that the Gov- 
 ernor's pretence to favor the furveyor was 
 deceitful ; that the rioters at Exeter were his 
 greateil friends ; that the Council, wholly 
 devoted to hiin, would not advile to a proc- ms lectere, 
 lamation till they had fent to Bolton ; that 
 the proclamation was delr^yed ; and when it 
 appeared ofiered no reward ; though Dun- 
 bar had propofed to pay the money himfelf j 
 and, that by reafon of this delay and omif- 
 fion, the rioters efcaped with impunity. 
 
 In juftice to Mr. Belcher, it muft be faid, 
 that there was no delay on his part, the proc- 
 lamation beino; fent from Bofton within fix 
 days. It alfo appears, from the fecret and 
 confidential letters of the Governor, that he 
 difapproved the riot, and even called it rebel- 
 lion ; that he gave particular orders to the 
 magiflrates, to make inquiry, and take depo- 
 fitions, and do their utmoll to difcover the 
 rioters. If he did not advertife a reward, it 
 was becaufe there was no money in the treaf- 
 iiry ; and if Dunbar had been fincere in his 
 ofler to pay it, he might have promifed it, by 
 
 • This was alfo the Governoi 's opinion ; anr! in his letters he frequent- 
 ly aff"rts that Dur.bar had no co'inTi^nJ in N'ev-Himpniire wh'lft he wan 
 in cither of hii govcrnnunts. To he coi fiftm', he fhoul 1 hivc maintair.- 
 dj that tlie Lieutenant Governor of V.alf.chufC' s h ■■-! no cornxand whi ft 
 he was in Ne* Hampfhire ; but there oi cur» an inft itce of a {>roc'arriation 
 iffuci'. by Licutenanr Governor Phips, ( VI arch 25^ 1737) <>" occafion o( a 
 riot at Boflon, whilft the Govtrnor was in Ntw H.itni'fhire ; and ar Hi» 
 return, he ifTued an ither in which he ref ri, to the loruicr^ not only with- 
 out cenfuring it, bu( iu terms ot ap(>tobation. 
 
92 HISTORY OF 
 
 1734. advertifement. The true reafon that the 
 rioters were not difcovered, was, that their 
 plan was fo artfully condiicled, their perfons 
 io effeclually difguifed, and their confidence 
 in each other fo well placed, that no proof 
 could be obtained ; and the fecret remained 
 with themfelves, till the danger was over, and 
 the government had paiTed into other hands. 
 A law had been made, for holding the In- 
 ferior Court of Common Pleas, alternately in 
 each of the four old towns ; and the pradlice 
 had been continued for feveral years, much 
 to the convenience and fatisfaclion of the 
 people ; but Dunbar remonflrated againft it, 
 to the Board of Trade, and moved for a dif- 
 allowance of the act, becaufe the people who 
 had obftructed him in his office deferved not 
 fo much favor. The acl was in confequence 
 difallowed, and the courts were afterward 
 
 1135. confined to Portfmoutb.. The order for dif^ 
 allowance, came to the hands of Dunbar, who 
 called a meeting of the Council, that they 
 might advife to its publication. A majority 
 of them would not confent, till the original 
 order was font to Eofi:on,and Governor Belch- 
 
 jnne 13. ^^ dircdlcd the publication of it. This tranf- 
 at^ion ferved as matter of frefh complaint, 
 and was alleged as an argument for the ap- 
 pointment of a Governor, who fliould refide 
 couilantlv in the Province. 
 
 To finilli what relates to Dunbar. He 
 was ca.relled by the party in oppolition to 
 Belcher, under the idea that he had interell 
 enough in England, to obtain a commiflion 
 for the government of New-Hampfhire. In 
 1737 he went to England to profecute his de- 
 fign J where, by his old creditors, he was ar~ 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIHE. 93 
 
 refled and thrown into prifon. Thomlinfon 1735. 
 found means to liberate him ; but perceived t^jo^iib. 
 that he had neither fleadinefs nor abiUty for fon's letter* 
 the ftation at which he aimed, nor interefl 
 enough to obtain it ; though, by his prefence 
 in England, he ferved to keep up the oppofi- 
 tion to Belcher, and was ufed as a tool for 
 that purpofe, till the obje^ffc was accomplilli- 
 ed. After which he was (1743) appointed, 
 by the Eail India Company, Governor of St. 
 Helena. 
 
 The trade of the Province at this time con- 
 fided chiedy in the exportation of lumber 
 and filh to Spain and Portugal, and the Ca- 
 ribbee Illands. The mail trade was wholly 
 confined to Great Britain. In the winter 
 fmall veffels went to the fouthern Colonies, fail^r"}o 
 witli Englilh and Weft India goods, and re- ^^\ ^"^'"•i 
 turned with corn and pork. The manufac- ms. 
 ture of iron within the Province, which had 
 been fet up by the late Lieutenant Governor 
 AVentvv'^orth, and other gentlemen, lay under 
 difcouragement, for want of experienced and 
 induftrious workmen. The woollen manu- 
 faclure was diminiihed, and fheep were fcarc- 
 er than formerly ; the common lands on 
 which they ufed to feed, being fenced in by 
 the proprietors. The manufa6lure of linen 
 was much increafed by means of the emi- 
 grants from Ireland, wdio were fl-iilled in that 
 bulinefs. No improvements were made in 
 agriculture, and the newly granted townlhips 
 were not cultivated wath fpirit or fuccefs. 
 
 There had not been any fettled Epifcopal 
 Church in the province from the beginning, 
 till about the year 17-32 ; when fome gen- 
 tlemen who w^cre fond of the mode of divine 
 
94 HISTORY OF 
 
 1735. worlliip, in the Church of England, contribu- 
 ted to the eredion of a neat building on a 
 commanding eminence,in Portfmouth, which 
 they called the Queen's Chapel. Mr. Thom- 
 linfon was greatly inftrumental of procuring 
 them affiflance in England, toward complet- 
 ing and furnilhing it. It was confecrated in 
 1734 ; and in 1736 they obtained Mr. Ar- 
 thur Brown for their Minifter, with a falary 
 from the fociety for propagating the goipel 
 in foreign parts. 
 
 About this time, the country was vifited 
 with a new epidemic difeafe, which has obtain- 
 ed the name of the tbroat dtjlemper. The general 
 difcription of it was a fwelled throat, with 
 white or afh-colored fpecks, an efflorefcence 
 on the lldn, great debility of the whole fyf- 
 Dou ufs'g ^^"^' ^'^^ ^ ftrong tendency to putridity. Its 
 praAicai firll appearauce was in May 1735, at King- 
 nct^LiUa* fton in New-Hampihire, an inland town, fit- 
 ry fever. ^^^^^ q^ ^ \q^ pUiu. Thc firft perfou feized. 
 Fitch'. was a child, who died in three days. About a 
 NarratiTc. ^^^^ ^^^^^^ -^^ auothcr family, at the diflance 
 
 of four miles, three children were fuccefTively 
 attacked, who alfo died on the third day. It 
 continued fpreading gradually, in that town- 
 fhip, through the fummer, and of the firfl 
 forty who had it none recovered. In Auguft 
 it began to make its appearance at Exeter, lix 
 miles north-eaftward ; and in September, at 
 Boflon,* fifty miles fouthward, though it 
 
 * On its firfl appearance in Boflon, it was fuppofcd to be no'hing more 
 ?han a common cnld ; but when the report of the mortality m New Hatnp- 
 fhire v.'as recffivef*, and a yoiirg man from Exeter, whofe brothf r had died 
 of ir, was fei?.cd (October 1735) ;he houfe was ihut and guarc'cd, and a 
 fif nrral aiarm fpread through the neighbouring towns and colonies. TJp- 
 ^n his death, no infeAion was obferved in that houfe or neighbourhood j 
 hot the d)ftemper appeared in other place?, which had no communication 
 with the fick. The phyficians did not tike thc infeilion^ nor convey it 
 to their familie?, nor their other patiints, U was therefore concluded, that 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 95 
 
 was Odober, before it reached Chefter, the 1735. 
 neareft fettlement on the weft of Kingflon. 
 It continued its ravages through the fucceed- 
 ing winter and fpring, and did not difap- 
 pear till the end of the next fummer. 
 
 The oiort, who died of this pellilence, were 
 children ; and the diftrefs, which it occafion- 
 ed, was heightened to the moft poignant de- 
 gree. From three to fix children were loft 
 out of fome families ; feveral buried four in 
 a day, and many loft their all. In fome 
 towns, one in three, and in others one in four 
 of the fick were carried off. In the pariili of 
 Hampton-Falls it raged moft violently. 
 Twenty families buried all their children. 
 Twenty feven perfons were loft out of five 
 families ; and more than one fixth part of 
 the inhabitants of that place died within thir- 
 teen months. In the whole Province, not 
 lefs than one thoufand perfons, of whom a- 
 bove nine hundred were under twenty years 
 of age, fell vidims to this raging diftemper. 
 
 Since the fettlement of this country fuch a 
 mortality had not been known. It was ob- 
 ferved, that the diftemper proved moft fatal, 
 when plentiful evacuations, particularly 
 bleeding, v^rere ufed ; a great proftration of 
 ftrength being an invariable fymptom. The ^ 
 fummer of n^5, when the ficknefs began, 
 was unufually wet and cold, and the eaftcrly 
 wind greatly prevailed. But it was acknowl- 
 
 it wa'* not like the ftnill pox. or the pJacnc, communicable by infedion, 
 from the Ock or from clothe. ; and -he phyficiana, h .vinjr by defire of the 
 fsledlrntn, held a co: folratiop, fubliflicd their opinion ; trat it proceeded 
 entirely fron ' fome occult quality in the sir ' 
 
 fCeeily Atwi Letter , /Ifi it 1^, I 7361 
 _ Dr. Douf^lafs computes the mimher ot ^trfons V hv. h-d the cine.iipcr 
 in Bollo-. a- 4000 ; f <\hom 114 ^iie.l, which i:< oiu in t,^. The whole 
 oumbcr of iuhabitants >t that tim; was cftimaied at i6 ooo. 
 
96 HISTORY OF 
 
 1735. edged to be, not ' a creature of the feafons ;' 
 as it raged through every part of the year. 
 Its extent is faid to have been ' from Pema- 
 quid to Carolina ;' but with what virulence 
 it raged, or in what meafure it proved fatal 
 to the fouthward of New-England, does not 
 appear. 
 
 The fame diftemper has made its appear- 
 ance at various times fmce. In 1754 and 
 1755, it produced a great mortality in feve- 
 ral parts of New-Hampfliire, and the neigh- 
 bouring parts of Maflachufetts. Since that 
 time it has either put on a milder form, or 
 phyficians have become better acquainted 
 with it. The lall time of its general fpread- 
 ing was in 1784, 5, 6 and 7. It was firft 
 feen at Sanford in the county of York ; and 
 thence difFufed itfelf, very flowly, through 
 moft of the towns of New-England ; but its 
 virulence, and the mortality which it caufed, 
 Df. Hall were comparatively inconfiderable. ' Its re- 
 jackfon'* c mote, or predifpofmg caufe, is one of thofe 
 toaCijze ' myfleries in nature, w^hich baffle human 
 ' inquiry.' 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 97 
 
 The following Tablh, drawn from an account publiftied b» 
 Mr. Fitch, minider of Partpnouth, July 26, 1736 ; is a 
 Bjll of Mortality for 14 months preceding. 
 
 
 Under 
 
 Between 
 
 Above 
 
 Abo. Abo. 
 
 Abo. 
 
 To. 
 
 Towns. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 1 
 
 
 10 
 
 10 & io 
 
 20 
 
 30 
 
 40 
 
 90 
 
 tal. 
 
 99 
 
 Portfinoiuh 
 
 81 
 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 
 2 
 
 
 Dover 
 
 77 
 
 8 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 88 
 
 Hampton 
 
 37 
 
 
 
 8 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 SS 
 
 Hampton- Falls 
 
 160 
 
 40 
 
 9 
 
 i 
 
 
 
 21C 
 
 Exeter 
 
 105 
 
 18 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 
 127 
 
 NewCaaie 
 
 1 r 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 1 
 
 Gofpoit 
 
 34 
 
 2 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 37 
 
 Rye 
 
 34 
 
 10 
 
 
 
 
 
 44 
 
 Greenland 
 
 13 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 
 
 
 i8 
 
 Newington 
 
 16 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 2 I 
 
 Newmarket 
 
 20 
 
 I 
 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 22 
 
 Stretham 
 
 18 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 18 
 
 Kingfton 
 
 96 
 
 15 
 
 I 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 i>3 
 
 Durham 
 
 79 
 
 15 
 
 6 
 
 
 
 
 ICO 
 
 Cbefter 
 
 21 
 
 139 
 
 35 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 21 
 
 984 
 
 3 
 
 I 
 
 After this account was taken 'feveral other children' died 
 of the throat diftemper. In the town cf Hampton 13 more 
 within the year 1736. So that the whole number muil have 
 exceeded a thoufand. In the town of Kittery, ia the County 
 of York, died 1 22. 
 
 It appears alfo, from the church records cf Hampton, that 
 from January 1754. to July i 755, £fiy-ouc peifons died of lh« 
 Tame diltemper, in that lowa. 
 
 N 
 
9B HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. XVII. 
 
 S^afe of parties. Controverfy ahout lines. Commifioners ap- 
 pointed. Their feiji07t and refult, jlppeals. Cojuphints, 
 
 V V E have now come to that part of 
 the Hiftory of New-Flam pfliire, in which 
 may be feen, operating in a fmaller fphere, 
 the iame fpirit of intrigue which has fre- 
 quently influenced the condu(^l of princes, 
 and determined the fite of nations. Whilft 
 on the one hand, we fee Maflachufetts ftifliy 
 afferting her chartered claims ; and looking 
 with contempt, on the fmall Province of 
 New-Hampihire, over which flie had for- 
 merly exercifed jurifdi6lion ; we Ihall fee, on 
 the other hand, New-Ham pfhi re aiming at an 
 equal rank, and contending with her for a 
 large portion of territory ; not depending 
 folely on argument ; but feeking her refuge 
 in the Royal favor, and making interefl with 
 the ier vants of the Crown. Had the controver- 
 fy been decided by a court of law, the claims 
 of Maflachufetts would have had as much 
 weight as thofe of an individual, in a cafe 
 of private property ; but the quellion being 
 concerning a line of jurifdi(5lion, it was nat- 
 ural to expecfl a decifion, agreeable to the 
 rules of policy and convenience ; el'pecially 
 where the tribunal itlelf was a party con- 
 cerned. 
 
 It mufl: be obferved, that the party in New- 
 Hampfliire, who were fo earneftly engaged 
 in the eilablifliment of the boundary lines, 
 had another objed in view, to which this 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 99 
 
 was fubordinate. Their avowed intention 
 was to finiih a long contioverfy, which had 
 proved a fource of inconvenience to the peo- 
 ple who refided on the difputed lands, or thole 
 who fought an intereft in them ; but their 
 fecret defign was to difplace Belcher, and ob- 
 tain aGovernor v/ho fliould have no connexion 
 with MalTachufetts. To accomplifli the prin- 
 cipal, it was neceffary that the lubordinate 
 object: Ihould be vigorouily purfued. The 
 Government of New-Hamplliire, with a fala- 
 ry of fix hundred pounds, and perquilites 
 amounting to two hundred pounds more, 
 equal in the whole to about eight hundred 
 dollars per annum, was thought to be not 
 worthy the attention of any gentleman ; but 
 if the lines could be extended on both fides, 
 there would be at once an increafe of territo- 
 ry, and a profpecl of fpeculating in landed 
 property ; and in future there would be an 
 increafe of cultivation, and confequently of 
 ability to fupport a Governor. 
 
 The people w^ere told that the lands would 
 be granted to them ; and by this bait they 
 were induced to favor the plan ; whilll the 
 miniftry in England, were flattered with the 
 idea, of an increafe of crown influence in the 
 plantations. 
 
 The leading men in MaflTachufetts were 
 aware of the views of thofe in New-Hamp- 
 fliire, and determined to guard againft them. 
 They prefumed, that a line of jurifdiaion 
 would not aflecMi property ; and therefore en- 
 deavored to fecure the lands to themfelves, 
 by poflTeirion and improvement, as far as it 
 was praaicable. The fame idea prevailed 
 among the Governor's friends in Ncw-Hamp- ^ 
 
100 HISTORY OF 
 
 flilre. They perceived, that a tracEl of wil- 
 dernefs on the north eaftern fide of Merri- 
 mack River, and the ponds which flow into 
 it, muft doubtlefs fall into New-Hampfliire. 
 For thefe lands they petitioned the Governor, 
 and a charter was prepared, in which this 
 whole tracfl, called King's-Wood, was granted 
 to them. It contained all the lands not be- 
 fore granted, betv*^cen the bounds of New- 
 Hampfliire on the fouth-weft and north-eafl ; 
 which, according to the ideas of thofe con- 
 cerned, would have been fufficient for about 
 four large townfhips. 
 
 Governor Belcher had a difficult part to 
 a6l. He was at the head of two rival Prov- 
 inces ; he had friends in both, who were feek- 
 ing their own as well as the public interefl : 
 He had enemies in both, who were w^atching 
 him, eager to lay hold on the moft trivial 
 miftake, and magnify it to his difad vantage. 
 His own intereil was to preferve his commif- 
 fion, and counteracft the machinations of his 
 enemies ; but as the fettlcment of the line, 
 and the removing of him from his ofhce, 
 were carried on at the fame time, and by the 
 fame pcrfons, it v/as difHcult for him to op- 
 pofe the latter, without fceming to oppofe 
 the former. Befides, Mr. Wilks, the agent of 
 Maffachufetts, was well known to be his 
 friend ; and when it was found neceffary to 
 incrcafe the number, one of them was his 
 brother, Mr. Patridge. On the other hand, 
 Mr. Rindge and Mr, Thomlinfon were his 
 avowed enemies. There w^as alio a difference 
 in the mode of appointing thefe agents. Thofe 
 of Maflachufetts were conftituted by the 
 Council and Reprefentatives, with the Gov- 
 
NEW-HAM PS II I RE. 101 
 
 ernor's confent. Thofe of New-Hampfhlre 
 were chofcn by the Reprefeiitatives only, the 
 Council nonconcurring in the choice ; which, 
 ofcourfe, could not be fanclioned by the 
 Governor's fignature, nor by the feal of the 
 Province. 
 
 When the petition which Rindge prefented 1732. 
 to the King, had been referred to the Board 
 of Trade, and a copy of it given to Wilks, to 
 be fent to his conftituents, it became neceila- 
 ry that they ihould inftruct him. Their in- 
 fbr actions were deilgnedly exprefied in fuch ""j's^'" °^ 
 ambis-uous terms, that he was left to o:iiefs ^''"'^'■' r- 
 
 , . ° . ,. Ill 1 r tinons and 
 
 then' meanmg, and afterward blamed tor not rtprt of 
 obferving their directions. His embarraff- yj'jje ^g_ 
 ment on this occafion, exprefTed in his petition 
 and counter petition, to the Board of Trade, 
 protracted the bulinefs, and gave it a com- 
 plexion, unfavorable to his confatuents, 
 but extremely favorable to the defign of New- 
 Hampfliire. 
 
 To bring forward the controverfy, Parris, i*-qp 
 the foil ci tor for the agents of New-PIamp- 
 fhire, moved a queftion, * From what part of J^'.'J].'^'* 
 ' Merrimack river the line fliould begin ?' ^'|S report. 
 The Board of Trade referred this qucdion, 
 to the Attorney and Solicitor General, who 
 appointed a day to hear council on both fides. 
 The council for New-Hampihire infilled, that 
 the line ouglit to begin three miles north of 
 the mouth of the Merrimack. The council 
 for MalTachufetts declared, that in their opin- 
 ion, the foliition of this queilion would not 
 determine the controverfy, and therefore de- 
 clined faying any thing upon it. The attor- I'-o.i 
 ncy and folicitor reported, that ' whether this 
 * were fo or not, they could not judge ; but 
 
102 HISTORY OF 
 
 1734. * as the qnefllon had been referred to them, 
 jonej. ' they were of opinion, that according to the 
 
 * charter of William and Mary, the dividing 
 
 * line ought to be taken, from three miles 
 ' north of the mouth of Merrimack, where it 
 ' runs into the fea.' Copies of this opinion 
 
 i^or were given to each party ; and the Lords of 
 Trade reportedj that the King fliould appoint 
 
 June S' Commillioners, from the neighboring Provin- 
 ces, to mark out the dividing line. This re- 
 port was approved by the Lords of Council. 
 Much time was fpent in references, mefTa- 
 
 17^7 ges and petitions, concerning the adjuftment 
 of various matters ; and at length, the prin- 
 
 F€b. 4&9. cipal heads of the commiflion were determin- 
 ed. The firil was, that the commiffioners 
 iliould be apointed, from among the Coun- 
 fellors of New-York, New-Jerfey, Rhode-Ifl- 
 and and Nova-Scotia. Thefe were all royal 
 governments, except Rhode-Ifland ; and with 
 that Colony, as well as New- York, Maflachu- 
 fetts had a controverfy, refpecfling bounda- 
 ries. Conneclicut, though propofed, was de- 
 signedly omitted, becaufe it was imagined 
 that they would be partial to MalTachufetts, 
 from the iimilarity of their habits and inter- 
 efts. The other points were, that twenty 
 commiiTioners fliould be nominated, of whom 
 five were to be a quorum ; that they flrould 
 
 p,ipt(,j meet at Hampton, in New-Hampfliire, on the 
 
 irief. fjyd of Auguil, 1737 ; that each Province 
 fliould fend to the Commiffioners, at their jirji 
 wteilng^ the names of two public officers, on 
 whom any notice, fiunmons, or final judg- 
 ment might be lerved ; and at the fame time 
 fhould exhibit, in writing, a plain and full 
 Hate of their refpeclilive claims, copies of which 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. lOS 
 
 fhoald be mutually exchanged ; and that if 1737. 
 either Province Ihould neglecl to fend in the 
 names of their officers, or the full flate of their 
 demands, at the time appointed, then the 
 Commiffioners ihould proceed ex parte. That 
 when the Commillloners iliould have made 
 and figned their final determination, they 
 fliould fend copies to the public officers, of 
 each Province ; and then fliould adjourn for 
 fix weeks, that either party might enter their 
 appeal. 
 
 Thefe points being determined ; the Board ^^''- *^' 
 of Trade wrote letters to Belcher, enclofmg 
 the heads of the propofed commiiTion, and di- 
 reding him to recommend to the AfTemblies 
 of each Province, to choofe their public offi- 
 cers, and prepare their demands, by the time 
 when the Commiilioners were to meet. Thefe 
 were accompanied with letters to the Gover- 
 nors of the feveral Provinces, from which 
 the Commiffioners were eledled, informing 
 them of their appointment. The letters w^ere 
 delivered to Parris, and by him to Thomlin- ^[^'f^Tof 
 fon, to be fent by the firfl fliip to America, rarm. 
 Thofe to Maffiichufetts and New-FIampfhire, 
 were directed, the one to Mr. Belcher, by 
 name, as Governor of MafTachufetts ; the 
 other, to the commander in chief, refident in 
 New-Hampfliire ; and it was required that the 
 delivery of the letters iliould be certified by 
 affidavit. The deiign of this fingular in- 
 junction was, that Dunbar, if pre fent, ffiould 
 receive the letter, and call the Affembly of 
 New-Hampiliire immediately ; and that if 
 Belcher ihould forbid or hinder it, the blame 
 of the negledl ffiould fall on him. At the 
 fame time another letter, refpeding a peti- 
 
104 HISTORY Ol^ 
 
 1737. tion of a borderer on the line, and contain- 
 ing a reprimand to Belcher, was lent in the 
 fame manner, to be delivered by Dunbar, 
 into Belcher's hands. Thefe intended af- 
 fronts, both fiiiled of their eifecl ; Dunbar 
 having, before the arrival of the letters, taken 
 his palTage to England. 
 
 The anxiety of Thomlinfon, to have the 
 earlieil notice pofTible, of the intended com- 
 miffion fent to New-Hampiliire, led him not 
 only to forward the public letters ; but to 
 lend copies of all the tranfadlions, to his 
 
 Feb. ij. fi4ends there. In a letter to Wiggin and 
 
 Original Rindgc (thecommittec who correfpoudedwitli 
 him) he advifed them, to make the neceffary 
 preparations, as foon as poiTible, to a6l in con- 
 formity to the commifTion and inftrudlions ; 
 and even went fo far as to nominate the per- 
 fons, whom they fliould appoint, to manage 
 their caufe before the CommiiTioners. 
 
 ;viar!h i8. Thefe papers were communicated to the 
 AfFembly, at their feffion in I\4arch ; and at 
 the fame time the Governor laid before them^ 
 a copy of the report of the Board of Trade, 
 in favor of a commiilion, which had been 
 made in the preceding December. In con- 
 fequence of which, the AiTembly appointed 
 a committee of eight* who were empowered 
 
 * to prepare witnelles, pleas and allegations, 
 
 * papers and records, to be laid before the 
 
 * Commiflioners ; to provide for their recep- 
 "^^Td'^sc ' ^^^^^ ^^^ entertainment, and to draw upon 
 Parted ' the Treafurer for fuch fupplies of money as 
 
 * might be needful.' This appointment was 
 
 » Shidracb Walton, '^ AwUew W[^?,iv,^ 
 
 George Jiff, ey, f Of the JnhiiRidc (Of the 
 
 J'thaoj Odiorre, f C>>uncil. Tboma- P ick r, f Houfc. 
 
 Theodore Atkiiifon. J James Jaffrej. J 
 
 April 1. 
 
 brief. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 105 
 
 made by the luiiLed voice of the Council and 1737. 
 Reprefentativcs, and confented to by the 
 Governor j and though it was made, three 
 weeks before the receptioi> of the letters, from 
 the Lords of Trade, diretfting the appointing 
 of public officers, and preparing a llatemenc 
 of claims ; yet it wds underilood to be a full 
 ■compliance with the orders and expedlations 
 of the government in England. 
 
 The fame day on which this order pafTed, 
 the Governor prorogued the AiTembly to the 
 fixth of July ; and on the twentieth of June 
 liQ prorogued it again, to the foiu'th of Au- 
 
 The letters refpe6ling the commiilion, were 
 delivered to Mr. Belcher, on the twenty-fc- 
 conc^of April J and he acknowledged the 
 receipt of them, in a letter to the Board of 
 Trade, on the tenth of May. The commif- 
 iion itfelf was ilfued on the ninth of April, 
 and fent to Mr. Rindge ; who kept it till the 
 meeting of the Gommillioners, and then de- 
 livered it to them. The expenie of it, amount- 
 ing to one hundred and thirty-five poundii 
 Iferling, was paid by the agents of New- 
 Ham plliire. 
 
 At the fpring fefTion of the General Court mav ay. 
 ni Malfachufetts ; the Governor laid before ;;iff!,i.'biy? 
 them the letter from the Lords of Trade, in- 
 clofing an order from the Privy Council, and 
 recommended to them to Hop all procellcs 
 in law, refpe6ling any difputes of the border- 
 ers, till the boundaries ihould be determin- 
 ed. During the fame feiTion, he reminded 
 them of the order, and denred them to con- 
 fider it ; telling them that he had no advica o^ iyy\y 4. 
 the appointment of Commillioners. His 
 
 O 
 
105 HISTORY OF 
 
 1737. meaning' was, that the commilTion itfelf, in 
 which they were named, had not been fent 
 to him ; nor was he ad:ually informed that 
 it was in America, till after he had prorogued 
 the Aflfemblies of both Provinces to the fourth 
 of Auguft. In obedience to the royal order, 
 >iy S' the AiTcmbly of MaiTachufetts appointed Jo- 
 fiah Willard, Secretary, and Edward Winf- 
 low, Sheriff of Suffolk, to be the two public 
 ofKcers j on whom, or at whofe place of abode, 
 any notice, fammons, or other procefs of the 
 Commilfioners, might be ferved. 
 
 Oa the day appointed eight of the Com- 
 Auguft r. niilTioners met at Hampton.* They publiih- 
 ed their commiflion, opened their court, chofe 
 William Parker their clerk,and George Mitch- 
 el furveyor. On the fame day, the Coitimit-' 
 Ms.origi- tee of eight, who had been appointed by the 
 ^J' J"°;j: Affembly of New-Hampfnirc, in April, ap- 
 ^"- peared ; and delivered a paper to the court, 
 
 reciting the order of the King, for the ap- 
 pointment of two public ofhcers ; alleging 
 that the AiTembly had not been convened 
 iince the arrival of that order ; but, that there 
 fliould be no failure for want of fuch officers, 
 they appointed Richard Waldron, Secretary,, 
 and Eleazer RuITell, Sheriff. They alio de- 
 livered the claim and demand of New-Ham p- 
 fhire, in the following words. ' That the 
 
 * fouthern boundary of faid Province fhould 
 
 * begin at the end of three miles north from 
 S; aJ^'"' * the middle of the channel of Merrimack 
 Maflachu. t j-iver, where it runs into the Atlantic Ocean : 
 
 fctfs Jour- ' ' 
 
 • Samuel Vernon,^ 
 
 ♦ WllUatn Skene PreC, nFrotn John Gardner, I From 
 
 Erafmua James rhillips, > Nova- John Peter, > Rhode- 
 
 ©tho Haaiikon, j S«otia. EzekicI Warner, Ifiand. 
 
 Qeorge Cornel. J 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 iOl 
 
 < and from tlience ihould run, on a ftraight 1737* 
 
 * line, weft, tip into the main land (toward 
 
 < the fouth fea) until it meets his Majefty's 
 
 < other governments. And that the northern 
 
 * boundary of New-Hampftiire fliould begin 
 
 < at the entrance of Pifcataqua harbour, and 
 
 < fo pafs up the fame, into the river of New- 
 'ichwanock, and through the fame, uito 
 ^ the fartheft head thereof ; and from thence 
 
 * northweftward, (that is, north, lefs than a 
 
 < quarter of a point, weftwardly) as far as the 
 « Britiih dominion extends ; and alfo the weft- 
 
 < ern half of the lOes of Shoals, we fay, lies 
 
 * within the Province of New-Hanipilnre. 
 
 The fame day, Thomas Berry and Benja- 
 min Lynde, Counfellors of Maffachufetts, ap- 
 peared and delivered the Vote of their Affem- 
 bly, appointing two public officers, with a 
 letter from the Secretary, by order of the 
 Governor, purporting, that ' at the lad rifing 
 
 * of the AfTemblv there was no account that any 
 ' commiffion had arrived ; that the AfTembly 
 ' ftood prorogued to the fourth of Augufl ; 
 
 * that a committee had been appointed, to 
 « draw up a ftate of their demands, which 
 « would be reported at the next feffion, and 
 ' therefore praying that this fliort delay might 
 
 * not operate to their difadvantage.* Upon , 
 this, the committee of New-Hampfhire drew ^^^^^ ^^ 
 up and prefented another paper, charging 
 
 the government of Maffachufetts with ' great 
 ' backwardnefs, and averfion to any meaiures, 
 ' which had a tendency to the fettlement ot 
 *this long fabfifting controverfy ; ^^d alfo ^^ ^_^ 
 ' charging their agent, in England, with hav- ^^^^ 
 * ing ufed all imaginable artifices, to delay 
 ' the ifllie ; for which reafon, tlie a^ent of 
 
108 HISTORY OF 
 
 1737, * New-Hampflilre had petitioned the King, 
 
 * to give directions, that each party might be 
 
 * fully prepared, to give in a ftate of their de- 
 ' niands, at thejirjl meeting of the Commilhon- 
 
 * ers ; v/hich dirediion they had faithfully 
 
 * obferved, to the utmoft of their power ; and 
 
 * as the AfTembly of MafTachufetts had made 
 
 * no feafonable preparation, they did, in be- 
 
 * half of New-Hampihire, except and proteft 
 ' againll any claim or evidence being receiv- 
 
 * ed from them, and pray the court to proceed 
 ' ex parte^ agreeably to the commiirion.' 
 
 It v^as alleged in favor of Mailachufetts, 
 that by the firll meeting of the Commiflion- 
 ers could not be meant the iirft day, but the 
 firfl felTion. The court undcrlloocl the word 
 in this fenfe, and refolved, that Maffachuietts 
 ihould be allovred time, till the eighth of Au- 
 guif , and no longer, to bring in their claims ; 
 and that if they Ihould fail, the court would 
 proceed /fA'^^r/^. The Court then adjourned 
 to the eighth day. 
 Ar.gaft 4. Thc Aifcmbly of New-Hampfliire met on 
 the fourth ; and the Secretary, by the Gov- 
 ernor's order, prorogued them to the tenth, 
 then to meet at Hampton-Falls. On the fame 
 M3fr>chvi- ^^^y-» the Allembly of MafTachufetts met at 
 fett»Air-Ti. Boilon ; and after they had received the re- 
 port of the committee, who had drawn up 
 their claim, and difpatched exprelTes to New- 
 York and New-Jerfey, to expedite the other 
 Commillioners ; and appointed a committee 
 to fupport their claims ;*" the Governor ad- 
 
 * This c^mmi'tee confided of Eamtind Qu'ncy, William Dudley, Sam- 
 uel VVil;f'-^ Thomai Beriy^ ntid Bfrjamin Lynde^ of rhe Council ; and 
 Elisha Co- ke rhon7a» Cufliin^, Job Almyj Henry Roife^ and Naf^^^aii- 
 iel Feafltc^ ot rhe Houfe, Corlcc died whi^c th/* Comminii->Der^ wtre fit- 
 ting, lie had been employed on the fame affair at Newbury io 173?^ 
 
 bty Records 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 109 
 
 journed them, to the tenth day, then to nrkeet 1 737- 
 at Salilbury. 'Thus the AlTemblies of both 
 Provinces were drawn within five miles of 
 each other ; and the Governor decLired, in 
 his fpeech, that he would ' ac!^ as a common 
 ' father to both.' 
 
 The chiim of MafTachufetts being prepared, ^u,uj^ g^ 
 WRS deUvered to the Court, on the day ap- 
 pointed. After reciting their grant and char- 
 ters and the judicial determination in 1677, 
 they alTerted their ' claim and demand, fkill 
 to hold and pofTefs, by a boundary line, on lTo7&! 
 the foutherly fide of New-Harnpihire, be- 
 ginning at the fea, three Englilh miles north 
 from the Black Rocks, fo called, at the mouth 
 of the river Merrimack, as it emptied itfelf 
 into the fea fixty years ago ; thence run- 
 ning parallel with the river, as far north- 
 ward as the crotch or parting of the river ; 
 thence due north, as far as a certain tree, 
 commonly known for more than feventy 
 years pall, by the name of Endicot*s tree ; 
 llanding three miles northward of faid crotch 
 or parting of Merrimack river ; and thence, 
 due well to the South Sea ; which (they faid) 
 they were able to prove, by ancient and in- 
 contellible evidence, were the bounds inten- 
 ded, granted, and adjudged to them ; and 
 they infifted on the grant and fettlement as 
 above faid, to be conclufive and irrefragable. 
 ' On the northerly fide of New-Hamplhire, 
 they claimed a boundary line, beginning at 
 the entrance of Pifcatacjua harbour ; palling 
 
 and it wss by hi' mfans th^t the bufinefs was then ohftrutfJcJ. In rcfer« 
 nr» tn this, Btlchtr in a privatr letter fiy*, ' Generation* to come will 
 .ife up and Ci'l him cursed.' Oi account 'f Conke's death an J th- ab- 
 fence of anoihcT tnember, th:y appointed John Read and Robert Auchmu- 
 ty. Augufl 13. 
 
110 HISTORY OF 
 
 1737. * up the fame, to tlie river Newichwanock 5 | 
 ' through that to the fartheffc head thereof, * 
 ' and from thence a due north weft line, till 
 ' one hundred and twenty miles from the 
 ' mouth of Pifcataqua harbour be finillied.' 
 
 The Court ordered copies of the claims of 
 each Province, to be drawn and exchanged ; 
 and having appointed Benjamin Rolfe of Bof- 
 ton, an additional Clerk, th-.y adjourned to 
 the tenth day of the month. 
 Aagua 10. On that day both AiTemblies met at the 
 appointed places. A cavalcade was formed 
 from Bofton to Salifbury,and the Governor 
 rode in (late, attended by a troop of horfe.* 
 He was met at Newbury ferry by another 
 troop ; who, joined by three more at the fup- 
 pofed divifional line, condudled him to the 
 George Tavern, at Hampton-Falls ; where 
 he held a Council and made a fpeech to the 
 AflTembly of New-Hamplhire. Whilft both 
 AiTemblies were in feffion ; the Governor, 
 with a felecl company, made an excurfion, of 
 three days, to the falls of Amufkeag ; an ac- 
 count of which v/as publiihed in the papers, 
 and concluded in the following manner : 
 ^^^^^ ' His Excellency v/as much pleafed with the 
 Weekly « fine foil of Chefter, the extraordinary im- 
 terriug*!^ ' provements at Derry, and the mighty falls 
 ^- ' at Skeag.' 
 
 • This prnccffion occnfioned the fclbwing pafquinade, in an affumed 
 Hibernian ftyle. 
 
 « Dear Pa<^(iy, yna ne'er did behold fuch a fighr, 
 A« yefterday morning wss fcen before niKht. 
 You in si! your born days law, nor I didu'c neither. 
 So niaiiy Gne hcrfcs and tren ride together. 
 At the head, the lower houfe trotted two in a row, 
 Then all ihc hiphrr houfe prarcM alter the low ; 
 Then the Governor's coach galiop'd on like the wind, 
 And the la ft that came forcn-ofl were troopers behind ; 
 But I fear i; means no gooti^ to your neck nor mine ; 
 For thjj- fsy 'cis :o fix a righ: pUce for the line.' 
 
 Colledlioa of PscnaS; p. 54 
 
TsTBVV-HAMPSHIRE. ^ 111 
 
 In the fpeech, which the Governor made 1737, 
 to the Allembly of New-Ham pfhire, he re- 
 com.neaded to them to appoint two officers, 
 agreeably to his Majefty's commilTion. The 
 Ail'einbly appeared to be much furprifed at 
 this fpeech ; and in their anfwer, fliid, that 
 ' the committee before appointed had already Affembiy 
 'given in the names of two officers, which Joumaiand 
 ' they approved of ; for had it not been done, bnej. 
 
 * at the lirft meeting of the Commiffioners, 
 
 * diey might have proceeded ex parted"* 
 
 Confidering the temper and views of Mr, 
 Belcher's opponents, this was rather unfortu- 
 nate for him, fo foon after his profeffion of 
 being ' a common father to both Provinces.' 
 For if the committee had a right to nominate 
 the two officers, then his recommendation 
 was needlefs ; if they had not, it might jufl- 
 ly be alked, why did he not call the Aflem- 
 bly together, on the fixth of July, to which 
 day they had been prorogued ? The ex- 
 cufe was, that he did it, to avoid any objec- 
 tion, which might be made to the regularity 
 of their appointment ; and to give them an 
 opportunity to ratify and confirm it. The 
 truth was, that Mr. Belcher highly refented 
 the conduct of the committee of New-Hamp- 
 fhire, who concealed the commiffion, and 
 never communicated it to him in form. Kad 
 he been aware of the ufe, which his enemies 
 might make, of his rigid adherence to forms-, 
 when he could not but know the contents of 
 the commiffion, and the time when it muft 
 be executed, prudence might have did:ated a 
 more flexible condudl. They did not fail, 
 to make the utmoft advantage of his mi flakes. 
 
112 HISTOllY OF 
 
 17-37. to ferve the main caufe whicli tliey had in 
 view. 
 
 The exprelTcs which were fent by MafTa- 
 chiifetts, to call the other Commiflioners, had 
 DO other efFecft than to add to the number, 
 Philip Livingftone, from New- York ; wlio, 
 being fenior in nomination, prefided in the 
 Court. 
 
 To prevent the delay, which would una- 
 voidably attend the taking of plans from ac- 
 tual furveys ; the Commiilioners recom- 
 mended, to both AfTemblies, to agree upon a 
 plan, by which the pretenfions of each Prov- 
 ince fliould be underflood ; but as this could 
 not be done, a plan drawn by Mitchel was 
 accepted, and when their refult was made 
 this plan was annexed to it. They then pro- 
 -ceeded to hear the anfwers, which each party 
 made, to the demands of the other, and to 
 examine witneiTes on both fides. Neither 
 party was willing to admit the evidence, pro- 
 duced by the other, and mutual exceptions 
 and protefts were entered. The points in 
 debate were, whether Merrimack river, at 
 that time, emptied itfelf into the fea, at the 
 iame place where it did fixty years before ? 
 Whether it bore the fame name, from th« 
 lea, up to the crotch ? and whether it were 
 pollible to draw a parallel line, three miles 
 northward, of every part of a river ; the 
 courfe of which was, in fome places, from, 
 north to fouth ? 
 
 With ref pefl to the boundary line, between 
 New-Hampihire and Maine ; the controvert- 
 ed points were, whether it fhould run up the 
 middle of the river, or on its north-eaflern 
 Ihore 5 and whether the line, from the head 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 113 
 
 of the river, iliovild be due north-weft, or on- 17<37. 
 ly a few degrees wellward of north. 
 
 The grand point on wliich the v/hohi con- 
 troverfy refpeding the foatheni line turned, 
 was, whether the cha.rter ot WilJiain and 
 Mary granted to IVIairachuferrs, all the lands 
 which were granted, by tb.e charter of Chai les 
 the iiril ? On this qaeilion, the Comniif- 
 fioners did not come to any concluiioa. Rea- 
 foas of policy might have fome weight, to 
 render them indeciiive ; but, whether it were 
 really fo or not, they made and pronounced 
 their refult in the following words. In ' pur- ^'-p^- 2- 
 fuance of his Majefly's commifiion, the ms copy. 
 Court took under confideration, the eviden- 
 ces, pleas, and allegations offered and made ■.'•"fl-!e),u- 
 by each party ; and upon mature advife- f^!,'4i'^^" 
 ment on the whole, a doubt arofe in point 35. 
 of law ; and the Court thereupon came to 
 the following refolution. That if the char- 
 ter of King V/illiam and Queen Mary, grants 
 to the Province of MaiTachufetts Eay, all 
 the lands granted by the charter of King 
 Charles the fn-il, Ivinr.^ to the northward of 
 Merrimack river ; then the Court adjudge 
 and determine, that a line fhall run, paral- 
 lel with the fiid river, at the diftance of three ' 
 Englifli miles, Qortli from the mouth of the 
 faid river, beginning at the foutherly fide of 
 the Black Rocks, fo called, at low water 
 mark and from thence to run to the crotch, 
 where the rivers of Pemigewaifet and Win- 
 ipifeogee meet j and from thence due north 
 three miles, and from thence due well, to- 
 ward the fo uth fea, until it meets with his 
 Majefly's other governments ; which fliall 
 be the boundary or dividing line, between 
 
 P 
 
114 ftrSTORY OF 
 
 1737. ' the faid Provinces of Mallachuietts and 
 
 * New-Hampfliire,on that fide. But, if other- 
 
 * wife, then the Court adjudge and determine, 
 ' that a line on the foutherly fide of New- 
 ' Hampfhire, beginning at the diftance of 
 ^ three miles north, from the foutherly fide of 
 
 * the Black Rocks afo refill d, at low water 
 
 * mark, and from thence running due well, 
 
 * up into the main land, toward the fouth 
 
 * fea, until it meets with his Majefhy's other 
 
 * governments, fhall be the boundary line be- 
 ® tween the faid Provinces^, on the fide afore- 
 
 * faid : Which point in doubt, the Court hum- 
 
 * bly fubmit, to the wife confideration of his 
 
 * mod facred Majefty, in his Privy Council ; 
 ' to be determined according to his royal will 
 ' and pleafure. 
 
 ' As to the northern boundary, between 
 ^ the faid Provinces, the Court refolve and de- 
 
 * termine ; that the dividing line fliall pafs 
 
 * through the mauth of Pifcataqua harbour, 
 
 * and up the middle of the river of Newich- 
 
 * wanock, (part of which is now called Sal- 
 
 * mon-Falls) and through the middle of the 
 
 * fame, to the fartheft head thereof, and from 
 
 * thence north, two degrees w^eflerly, until 
 
 * one hundred and twenty miles be finillied, 
 ' from the mouth of Pifcataqua harbour afore- 
 ' faid ; or until it meets w4th his Majefty's 
 
 * other governments. And, that the dividing 
 
 * line Ihall part the Ifles of Shoals, and run 
 
 * through the middle of the harbour, between 
 
 * the iflands, to the fea, on the foutherly fide ; 
 
 * and that the fouthwefterly part of faid ifl- 
 ' ands {hall lie in, and be accounted part of, 
 
 * the Province of New-Hampfhire ; and that 
 
 * the north-eafterly part thereof fhall lie in. 
 
NEWrllAMPSUIRE. 
 
 115 
 
 * and be accounted part of, the Province of 1737. 
 
 * MaOachuletts Bay ; and be held and enjoy- 
 
 * ed by the faid Provinces refpeaively, in the 
 
 * fame manner as they now do, and have here- 
 ' toforc held and enjoyed the fame. 
 
 * And the Court do further adjudge, that 
 " the 4:0ft and charge arifmg by talking out 
 
 * the Commiirion, and alfo of the Commif- 
 
 * fioners and their officers, viz. the two Clerks, 
 ' Surveyor and \Vaiter,for their travelling ex- 
 
 * penfes, and attendance in the execution of the 
 ' fame,be equally borne by the faid Provinces.' 
 
 Thus this long depending queftion, after 
 ■all the time, expenfe and argument, which it 
 had occafioned, remained undecided. 
 
 When this evafive decree was publifhed, 
 the Commiflioners adjourned, to the four- 
 teenth of Odober, to receive appeals ; and 
 the fame day, the Governor, at the requeft of 
 the Council only, adjourned the AlTembly of 
 New-Hampfhire to the twelfth of Oaober. 
 By this fndden adjournment, it was impoffi- 
 •ble for them to obtain a copy of the decree, 
 before their difperfioa, or to frame an appeal, 
 till two days before the time, when it muft 
 have been prefented. The Affembly of Maf- 
 fachufetts continued their fefTion, at Salifbu- 
 ry, five days longer. On the fifth of Sep- 
 tember, they obtained copies of the royal 
 CommifTion, and the decree of the Commif- 
 fioners, which they entered on their journal 
 On the fixth, they agreed upon an appeal ; 
 and on the feventh, at the united requeft of 
 both Houfes, the Governor adjourned them 
 to the 12th of Oaober. 
 
 The fndden adjournment of the Affembly 
 of New-Hampfhire, when that of Maffachu- 
 
116 HISTORY or 
 
 1737. fett? continued their feffion, was unfortunate 
 tor '...^overaor Beiclier ; and gave his oppo- 
 nents another advantage, to purfue their grand 
 „ . . defi^n aeainft him. The reafons afTiened 
 brief. for it were, that the report of the Comniif- 
 ii oners being fpecial, the whole matter would 
 of courfe come before the King, without any 
 appeal from either Province. For this rea- 
 fon, a majority of the Council were againfl an 
 appeal. That as the committee, appointed 
 in April, had the fame power to a6l in the 
 recejfs, as in the feilion of the Allembly ; and, 
 as the Council were againft appealing ; fo 
 the appeal could not be made, by the whole 
 AfFembly, and therefore the Governor 
 thought, that the belt fervice which he could 
 d!o to the Province, was to adjourn the AfFem- 
 bly, and leave the whole bulinefs in the hands 
 of the committee. With refped: to the fhort 
 time, between the 12th and 14th of Odlober, 
 it was obferved, that the claim of New-Hamp- 
 fiiire was contained in a few lines, and their 
 exceptions to the judgment of the Commil- 
 fioncrs might be prepared in a quarter of au 
 hcur. 
 
 Both Affemblies rnet again, in the fame 
 places, at the appointed time. The Repre- 
 fentatives of New-Hampiliire having, by the 
 help of their committee, in the recefs of the 
 Alfembly, obtained the papers, framed their 
 excepcions and fent a melfage, to know if the 
 Council were fitting ; but the Council be- 
 ing determined againft an appeal, had met 
 and adjourned, without doing any bufinefs. 
 The Houfe therefore was reduced to the ne- 
 ceffity of deflring the Commifhoners to receive 
 their appeal, without the concurrence of the 
 
 Oft. 13. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 117 
 
 Governor and Council. The appeal, from 1737. 
 the Aliembly of MafTichufetts, was prefented 
 in due form, authenticated by the Speaker, 
 Secretary and Governor. Their committee 
 entered a proteft againft the appeal of Ncw- 
 Hampihire, becaufe it was not an a(5l of the 
 whole Legillature ; neverthelefs, the Com- 
 miihoaers received it, and entered it on their 
 minutes. Having received thefe appeals, the 
 Commiifioners adjourned their Court to the 
 firft of Aagull: in the next year, but they nev- 
 er met again. 
 
 The Affembly of MafTaclmfetts appointed ^ 
 Edmund Quincy and Richard Partridge fctts j<,ur- 
 Agcnts,to join with Francis Wilks, their form- J^^^,^,y^'* 
 er agent, in the profecution of their appeal 
 before the King ; and raifed the fum of two 
 thoufand pounds iterling, to defray the ex- 
 penfe. 
 
 When the Reprefentatives of New-Hamp- 
 fliire propofed the railing of money, to profe- p^.^^^^ 
 cute their appeal, the Council nonconcurred 'y^^ku 
 the vote. Their reafons were, that the ap- 
 peal was not an adl of the Council ; that they 
 had no voice in the appointment of the agent ; 
 and, that at the beginning of the affair, the 
 Houfe had declared to the Council, that the 
 expenfe of it would be defrayed by private 
 fubfcription. 
 
 At this feffion of the MafTachufetts Affem- 
 bly, Mr. Belcher put them in mind that he 
 had fuffered in his intereft, by the continual- 
 ly linking value of their bills of credit, in 
 which his falary was paid ; a point which Hutchinfoa 
 he had, often before, urged them to coniider. "• 390. 
 In anfwer to this meffage, they made him a 
 grant of ^333,6,8, in bills of the new tenor. oaTQ.' 
 
-il8 HISTORY Of 
 
 173t. The fame day, they made a grant of the like 
 fum, to the Prefident of Harvard College. 
 Both thefe fums appear to have been juftly 
 due ; and at any other time, no exception 
 •could have been made to either. But, be- 
 caufe the grant to the Governor happened to 
 be made, at the fame time with the grant of 
 ^2000 llerling to the agents, his opponents 
 pretended, that he received it as a bribe, from 
 the AlTembly of MafTachufetts, for favoring 
 their caufe. 
 
 The appeal of New-Hampihire, from the 
 
 MZ5. judgment of the Commiffioners, v^as found- 
 ed on the following reafons. With refpedl 
 to the foutherly line ; becaufe it made the 
 Black Rocks, lying in a bay of Merrimack 
 river, the point from which the three miles 
 were to be meafured ; which point was three 
 quarters of a mile north of the river's mouth ; 
 and, becaufe a line, parallel with the riverj 
 was not only impra6licable, but founded on 
 the old charter^ which had been vacated ; and, 
 if practicable, yet ought not to go farther 
 than the river held a weilerly courfe. With 
 refpedl to the northern boundary, they ob- 
 jecfted to that part of the judgment only, 
 which dire6led the line to run up the middle 
 of the river ; alleging that the grant to Gor- 
 ges was only of land, between that river and 
 Kennebec ; and that New-Hampihire had al- 
 ways been in pofleilion of the whole river, 
 and had maintained a fortrefs which com- 
 manded its entrance. 
 
 The appeal of MafTachufetts was grounded 
 on the following reafons. That by the char- 
 ter of William and Mary, the old Colony of 
 MaiTachufetts was re-incorporated without 
 
NEW~HAMPSnrRE. 119 
 
 any exception ; that this charter empowered 1737, 
 the Governor and General AfTembly to grant 
 all lands, comprehended in the old Colony ; 
 that the committee of New-HampOiire ac- 
 knowledged, that New-Hampfhire lay with- 
 .out the late Colony of Mallachufetts, by de- 
 claring that it was between that and the Prov- 
 ince of Maine ; chat the weft line, claimed by 
 New-Hamplliire, would crofs Merrimack riv- 
 er, thirty miles from its mouth, and exclude 
 forty miles of faid river outof MalTachufetts, 
 though declared, by both charters, to be in 
 it. They objC(fled to extending the line of 
 New-Hampfhire till it fi^ould meet with his 
 Majefty's other governments ; becaufe accord- 
 ing to Maforis grant y New-Mampfhire could 
 extend no fiU'ther than fixty miles from the 
 fea. With refpecfl to the northern boundary, 
 they objected to a line north, two degrees 
 wellwardly, alleging that it ought to be on 
 the northwell point ; they alfo excepted to 
 the protraction of this line, till it fliould meet 
 with his Majeily's other governments ; al- 
 leging that it ought to extend no farther than 
 one hundred and twenty miles, the fixed lim- 
 its of the Province of Maine. 
 
 It was unfortunate for MafTachufetts that 
 their committee had brought Mafon's grant, 
 in evidence to the ComLmilfioners, and again 
 recited it in their appeal ; for a line of fixty 
 miles from the fea would crofs Merrimack 
 river, long before the fimilar curve line, for 
 which they contended, could be completed. 
 Befides, Mafon's grant extended to Naum- 
 keag ; wdiich was much further fouthward, 
 than they would have been willing to admit. 
 
 It may feem curious and unaccountable to 
 
120 . HISTORY OF 
 
 1737. moll readers, that tlie CommilTioners fliould 
 determine the northern, or raclier eafliern 
 bounds of the northern part of New-Hamp- 
 fliire, to be a line drawn ?iortb^ two degrees 
 njoejlei'lyy from the head of Salmon-fall River ; 
 when the exprefs words of Gorges' patent- 
 are ' north weilward.' The assents for Maf- 
 fo*" n^''^'8 ^^.chnfetts, when this claim was put in by 
 New-Plampfliire, could hardly think it was 
 feriouily meant, when it was alleged that by 
 northweilward mull be underfluod, north a 
 little weflward. The only ollenfible reafon, 
 MSmin- given for this conftrucftion was, that if a 
 comtoif. northwefl line had been intended, then a 
 fioncrs. foutheaft line, drawn from the mouth of the 
 harbour, would leave all the liles of Shoals 
 in New-Hamplhire ; whereas, the dividing 
 line runs between them. On the other f.'de, 
 it inight have been faid, with equal proprie- 
 ty, that a line drawn fouth, two degrees eafl, 
 from the mouth of the harbour, would leave 
 all thefe iilands in Maflachufetts, ' For the 
 point where the iilands are divided bears 
 fouth, twenty-nine degrees eail:, from the 
 @i>ferved middle of the harbour's mouth ; the varia- 
 ^'^*" tion of the needle being fix degrees weft. 
 
 When this affair was again agitated in 
 England, the agents of Maffachufetts obtain- 
 ed a certificate from the learned Dr. Hal ley, 
 that a line north weftward ought to run for- 
 ty-five degrees weftward of the north point. 
 This was demonftratively true ; but there 
 were political reafons for diflenting from 
 mathematical demonftration. One of them 
 is thus expreffed, in a private letter, from a 
 committee of the Aftemblv, to their aeent 
 Thomlinfon. * We hope that the northern 
 
NEW-HAMPSIIIRE. 121 
 
 * line will be but a few degrees to the weftward 1737. 
 
 * of north, that his Majefty's Province may in- 
 ' elude the greatefl number, and befl maft 
 ' trees for the royal navy.' Though this 
 thought might never have occurred to a 
 mathematician, yet fome of the commiffion- 
 ers were doubtlefs acquainted with it ; and 
 it was too important, not to have been com- 
 municated to the King's miniflers. Anoth- 
 er political reafon of dilfent was, that by en- 
 larging New-Hampfhire, there would be a 
 better profpedl of obtaining a diifind: Gov- 
 ernor which was the grand objecfl in view. 
 
 The new agent of Mafilichufetts, Edmund 1738. 
 Quincy, died of the fmall pox, foon after iiis 
 arrival in London. The affair was then left 
 in the hands of Wilks and Partridge, neither 
 of whom underftood fo much of the contro- 
 verfy as Thomlinfon ; who was alfo far fu- 
 perior to them in addrefs. In his letters, to 
 his friends in New-Hampfhire, he frequently 
 blames them for their negligence, in not 
 fending to him the neceffary papers in proper 
 feafon ; and when fent, for the want of cor- 
 redlnefs and regularity in them. But their 
 deficiency was abundantly compenfated by 
 the dexterity of his folicitor,Parris ; who drew 
 up a long ' petition of appeal ;' in which, all 
 the circumftances, attending the whole tranf- 
 adlion, from the beginning, were recited, and 
 colored, in fuch a manner, as to afperfe the 
 Governor and Allembly of ' the vaft, opulent, 
 
 * overgrown Province of MafTachufetts ;* 
 while ' the poor, little, loyal, diftrefTed Prov- 
 
 * ince of New-Hampfliire' v;as reprefented as 
 ready to be devoured, and the kings own 
 property and poiTeflions fwallowed up, by 
 
 Q 
 
123 HISTORY or 
 
 1738. die boiindlefs rapacity of the charter govern-' 
 ment. Concerning the manner in which thig 
 mailcrly philippic was framed, and the prin- 
 cipal obj eel at which it was directed, there 
 can be no better evidence, than that which 
 is contained in a letter, written by Parris to 
 Thomlinfon, and by him fent to New-Hamp- 
 ihire. * Two nights ago, I received a heap 
 
 * of papers from yon, about the lines ; and 
 Feb. 4' < have been four times to the Colony Office, 
 
 * and Board of Trade, to difcover what I could 
 ' in this imperfetft affair ; but cannot fee the 
 ' cafe, till after Tuefday next. Notwithftand- 
 ' ing which, I have, as vv'-eli as I can, without 
 ^ p7'oper materials^ drawn up a long petition 
 ' of appeal, to his Majefty ; and as the MaiFa- 
 
 * chu.fetts have not yet prefented theirs, I {^xi.^ 
 
 * you the draught of it, and hope we fhall 
 ' have our appeal, as well as the petition, 
 
 * from the New-Hampihire AfTembly, in, be- 
 
 * fore the MaiTachufetts get theirs in. Had 
 
 * your principals coniidered the great confe- 
 
 * quence of being firil, furely, in all this time, 
 
 * they would have fent you a copy of their 
 ' proceedings, in order to have enabled us to 
 
 * be firll ; but, as it is, I am forced to guefs at 
 ' matters, and affinnfafls at advaiture^ or upon 
 
 * dubious palTages in letters ; which is a fad way 
 
 * of proceeding, and I wiih we do not miflake 
 
 * fome fa(5ts. They oblige us to make brick 
 
 * without ftraw. Above all, why did they 
 ' not fend a copy of their own appeal ? 
 
 * For want of it, I have been forced to guefs 
 ' what that appeal was, from loofe pafTages in 
 
 * Mr. A's letters. Beg them, immediately to 
 
 * order, an exadl copy to be made of all their 
 ' votes, from March to Odlober laft. Had 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 123 
 
 * thefe votes come over regularly and anthen- 1738. 
 
 * tically, his Excellency would have been 
 
 ^-Jhaken quite down^ in a few weeks by them. i 
 
 ' You'll obferve, I have laid it 07i him pretty 
 < handfomely, in my petition to the King.'* 
 
 Thus the petition of appeal became a peti- 
 tion of complaint, againft the Governor and 
 Affembly of MafTachufetts. Copies were de- 
 livered to their agents, and the Governor was 
 ordered to make anfwer to the allegations 
 againft him. At the fame time, Thomlinlbn 
 advifed his friends in New-Hamplhire, to 
 prepare their proofs, as fdcntly as pofTible ; 
 and by no means to give any^ offence to the'^Jcm^n- 
 Governor ; alTuring them of the favorable kueis. 
 difpofition of feverai Lords of the Privy 
 Coiincil, as well as the Board of Trade, to- 
 ward their caufe ; and that they had need 
 to be in no pain, about the event. 
 
 The death of Mr. Ouincy at this critical 
 period, and the length of time neceffary to > 
 
 prepare and fend over anfwers, to the com- , 
 plaint which Parris had thus artfully drawn 
 up, obliged the agents of Mailachufetts to fuf- 
 pend the prefenting of their appeal for fever- 
 ai months. 
 
 • This petition is printed at larp«, ia the Journal of the Maffachnfctti 
 Afftmbly for 1738, with their vindication annexed, in which thejr cali the 
 pttitioD ' a chain cf blucdcriug; if not naliciou* falfchoods." 
 
 r 
 
124^ HISTORY or 
 
 CHAP. XVIII. 
 
 Revival of Mason's claim. Accufations againjl Belcbsk, 
 nal and forged. Royal cenfurs. Final efiahltjhment of the 
 lines. Hutchinson's agency. Spanijh war. Bf.lcbr-r^s 
 zeal and fidelity . His removal. Examination of hit cbara6ler» 
 
 I HE fpirit of intrigue was not 
 confined to New-Hampfliire ; for the poli- 
 ticians of Maffachufetts, by bringing into 
 view the long dormant claim of Mafon, had 
 another game to play, befides proving the 
 faiall extent of New-Hampfliire. They per- 
 ceived that the line, whether fettled accord- 
 ing to their own demand or that of New- 
 Hampfhire, would cut off a confiderable 
 part of feveral of their townfliips ; and 
 though they had, by their agent, obtained a 
 promife, that private property ihould not be 
 aitec^ed by the line of jurifdidion, yet they 
 thought it befl to have fomc other fecurity. 
 
 For what reafon the government of Maf- 
 fachufetts did not purchafe the Province of 
 New-Hampfhire, from Robert Mafon, at the 
 fame time (1677) that they purchafed the 
 province of Maine, from the heirs of Gor- 
 ges, we are not now able precifely to deter- 
 mine. It is probable that the purchafe might 
 sef Vol I. then have been ealily made, and much con- 
 ^' " ' troverfy prevented. When it was fold, by 
 John and Robert Mafon, to Samuel Allen 
 (1691) the bargain was made in England j 
 and the lands were, by fidtion of law, fuppofed 
 to be there ;* by which means, the procefs 
 
 * In thf rroces3 bv wh;ch tJ e enfail wag then docked^ the fituation of 
 she lards if fxpfcflld in tbrfc words. 
 
 'In Nfw.Hampfliire, MaiP, Maforia, Laconia, Mafon -hall and Ma- 
 f riaaa, in New-Englasd, in Aioerica, in the parish of Greenwich.' 
 
 MS in Proprjeciry Office. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRJS. 125 
 
 relpecling the fine and recovery was carried 
 on in the Court of King's bench. During 
 the lives of the two Mafons, no notice was 
 taken of the fuppofed flaw ; and the fale to 
 Allen was not difputed. The brothers re- 
 turned to America. John the elder, died 
 without ifTue. Robert married in New- 
 England, and had a fon ; who, after the death 
 of his father, conceived hopes of invalidating 
 Allen's purchafe, and regaining his paternal 
 inheritance ; which it was fuppofed could not 
 have been transferred by his father and un- 
 cle, for any longer term, than their own 
 lives. It was alio faid that the iitftion, by 
 wdiich the lands were defcribed, to be within 
 the j urifdicf ion of the Courts of Weftminrter 
 Hall, rendered the proceedings void ; and 
 therefore that the entail was ftill good. Filled 
 with thefe ideas, he made ftrenuous exertions, 
 to acquire money, to ailill him in realizing his 
 expedlations ; but died in the midft of his days, 
 at the Havanna, whither he had made a voyage (1715.; 
 with this view. His eldeft fon, John Tuf- 
 ton, was bred to a mechanical employ- 
 ment in Boif on ; and came of age, about the 
 time in which the controverfy between the 
 two Provinces was in agitation. He inher- 
 ited the enterprifmg fpirit of his ancellors, 
 and the public controverfy called his atten- 
 tion to his intereil. On this young man, 17^8. 
 the polticians caft their eyes ; and having 
 confulted council on the validity of his 
 claim, and the defecft of the transfer ; they 
 encouraged him to hope, tliat this was the ms copy 
 moil favorable time to aflert his preten- «f^7'^'': 
 lions. Had they purchafed his claim at n...ty'.o. 
 once ; they might doubtlefs have obtained 
 
 niiionii 
 
1^6 nntoRt OF 
 
 1738- it for a trifle, tind have greatly embaiTalled 
 the views of their antagonifts. Inflead of 
 fach a ifroke of liberal policy, tliey treated 
 with him, concerning the release all of thofe 
 lands, in Saliibury, Amefbury, Haverhill, 
 Methueii and Dracut, which the line wotild 
 cut off; and, for five hundred pounds cur- 
 rency, obtained a qnit-claim of twenty-three 
 thonfand fix hundred and feventy-five acres, 
 TkI- i They alfo admitted his memorial to the Af- 
 fembly; in which he reprefented to them, 
 Aje£S)iy. that his Intereil might probably be afFe«ft- 
 ed, by the final determination of the line, 
 txiid praying that the Province v?ould be at 
 the expenfe of his voyage to England, to take 
 proper meafures for fecuring it. To this 
 they confented, on condition diat he iliould 
 prove his defcent from Capt. John Mafon, 
 the original patentee. Depoiltions were ac- 
 Ms copies cordingly tal^en in both Provinces, to v^hicli 
 timr'a- ^^^^" public feals were affixed ; and they put 
 ^i-t- him under the dire<5lion of their agents, or- 
 dering his expenfes to be paid, as long as they 
 fliould judge his prefence in England fervicea- 
 blo to their views. 
 
 The agents ftated his cafe to their Coun- 
 A-^ent', cil, the King's fblicitor ; and aflvcd his opin- 
 sccfJtVtv'b ^cfii how they iliould proceed ; but he advi- 
 oftic-r of {'(jri them, not to bring him into view, left the 
 feu?.'~"" Lords ihould think it an artifice, intended to 
 perplex the maincaufe. On this confideratioii, 
 they difmiffed him from any farther atten- 
 dance ; and paid his expenfes, amounting to 
 above ninety pounds ilerling,* 
 
 •* Mr. Hiitchlnfon, in his Hit'Jory of MEffachufet;*, has psffcd over ihir. 
 •whole trail i,4<f! inn iu Cicdfe ; tinui^li k h well known that he was one rf 
 the aianagcrg ti i». Sis J;urn-*l oi MsC Rgp. June 2, J733- p. SJt. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 1S7 
 
 Sucli a tranfadlon, though conducted as 17^S. 
 privately as the nature of the thhig would 
 admit, did not efcape the vigihmce ot Thorn- 
 lingibn ; who, on finding Mafon detached 
 from the agents of Maffachufetts, entered in- 
 to an agreement with him, for the releafe of 
 his whole intereil, to the allembly of New- 
 iiaropraire ; in confideratlon of the payment 
 of one thouiand pounds, currency of New- 
 England. This manoeuvre ferved to ilrength- 
 en the intereflof New-Hampihire,and Thom- 
 linfon was much applauded for his dexterity. 
 He had the ftrongell: inducement, to continue 
 his efforts in their favor j for no Icfs than 
 twelve hundred pounds fterling had been al- 
 ready expended, in profccuting the affair of 
 the line ; v.'hich fum had been advanced by 
 himfelf and Rindgc. Tiiere was no prof- 
 pe(Sb of repaynaent, unlefs the Province could, 
 be put under a feparatc Governor ; and this 
 point could not be obtained, till the removal 
 of Belcher. 
 
 Tilt; Agents of Maffacliufetts, after a long 
 delay, prefcnted their appeal ; and follov/ed 
 it with a petition, for the benefit of their oZ.ur ^, 
 former protefcs, a;^ainft the New-Hampiliiro f^:^;'' , 
 
 t _ » O ^ _ _ i ^ blici anil 
 
 appeal ; objecting alio to its regularity, as it Msieuers. 
 contained matters of pcrfonal complaint, 
 againft the Governor ; which had been no 
 part of the records of the CommiiJioners. 
 Thomlinfon finding this new petition thrown 
 in his 'vvay, applied for its being immediately 
 heard ; and at the hearing, it was difmifled, not. ^9. 
 but w^ithout prejudice to the agents of Maf- 
 facliufetts being permitted, to obje6: againil 
 the regularity of the New-Hamplhire appeal, 
 when it fhould come to a hearing. Such 
 
128 HISTORY OF 
 
 1738. were the complaints againfh the Governor, 
 and the importunity of his adverfaries to 
 profecute them, that it was neceffary to hear 
 and difpatch them, before the appeal refpe(5l- 
 ing the lines could be brought forward. 
 
 It mufl be remembered, that Mr. Belcher 
 had enemies, in his government of Mafla- 
 chufetts as well as New-Hampfhire, who 
 united their efforts to obtain his removal 
 from both ; but, as they fuppofed him more 
 vulnerable in his capacity of Governor of 
 Nev/-Hamplhire, fo they joined in flrength- 
 ening the complaints, from that quarter, as a 
 preparatory flep, to effecfl his complete remo- 
 val. Whilft he was engaged, in preparing 
 for his defence, againll the charges, in the 
 petition of appeal ; other attacks were medi- 
 tating, which were condudled with fuch 
 ftlence that it was impofTible for him to guard 
 
 i^oQ 2.gainft their efFe6ls. One of thefe was a let- 
 * ter, purporting to have been written at Exe- 
 
 ^^ay J. ter, fabfcribed by five perfons, faid to be 
 inhabitants of that town, and dire6led to Sir 
 Charles Wager, firft lord of the Admiralty. 
 In this letter it was faid, that ' finding his 
 
 ivfc, copy ' Lordlliip had ordered the Judge Advocate 
 
 ofExcier < of the Court of Admiralty to inquire into 
 ' the riot, which had been committed there, 
 
 * ( 1 734) and the alfault of the furveyor and 
 
 * his officers ; and fearing to be brought into 
 
 * trouble on that account, they would confefs 
 
 * the whole truth. That they had been in- 
 ' dulged, by former furveyors, in cutting all 
 
 * forts of pine trees, till the appointment of 
 
 * Col. Dunbar to that office ; who had re- 
 
 * flrained and profecuted them ; but that 
 ' Governor Belcher had privately given them 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 129 
 
 encouragement, to go on ; by afluring them 1739. 
 that they had the befl right to the trees ; 
 that the laws were iniquitous, and ought 
 not to be regarded ; that although he niufl 
 make a Ihew of aflifting that Irifh dog of a 
 furveyor ; yet he would lb manage it with 
 the Council and Judices, who were under 
 his influence, that they fliould not futFer ; 
 and further to encourage them, he had 
 made feveral of them juilices of the peace, 
 and officers of militia. That he had al- 
 {o told them not to fear any inquiry into 
 their conducft ; for that he would write to 
 the Board of Admiralty, in their favor ; 
 and boafted, that he had fuch an influence 
 over their Lordlhips, that they would be-- 
 lieve every thing which he Ihould fay^ 
 That as they had now confefled the truth, 
 they hoped to be forgiven, and not profecu- 
 ted in the Admiralty Court ; and begged 
 that this infoJl'mation might be kept fecret 
 till the Governor's removal, which they 
 hoped would foon be effe(fled. That what- 
 ever might have been faid to the contrary, 
 they could aflurc him that the Province of 
 New-Ham plhire contained the largeft num- 
 ber of pine trees, and of the bed quality, 
 in all his Majefhy's American dominions ; 
 and, for further information, they referred 
 his Lordfliip to feveral perfons then in Lon- 
 don, particularly to Mr. Wentworth and 
 Mr. Waldo ; the latter of whom, was agent 
 to Mr. Gulllon, for procuring mads for the 
 royal navy.* 
 
 On the receipt of this letter. Sir Charles, 
 with the candor of a gentleman, fent a copy 
 of it to Mr. Belcher ; who immediately or- 
 
 R 
 
ISO 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 1739. dered an inquiry ; and it was proved to be 
 an entire forgery ; four of the perfons vvhofe 
 names were fubfcribed utterly difclaimed it, 
 and the fifth was not to be found ; no fuch 
 perfon being known in the town of Exeter. 
 The evidence of this forgery was tranfniit- 
 ted to England, with all pofiible expedition ; 
 but not till it had made an impreihon, to the 
 difadvantage of the Governor. 
 
 Another artifice ufed againfl him, w^as a 
 memorial of Gulilon, the navy agent, and 
 others ; complaining of the defencelefs flate 
 of the Province ; that the fort lay in ruins, 
 and that the militia vv-ere without difcipline ; 
 notwithftanding the probability of a war. This 
 memorial was fo artfully drawn, as to throw 
 the blame of the negledl on the Governor, 
 Eecters MS witiiout mieutioning his name ; which was 
 intended, to prevent his obtaining a copy, 
 and being allowed time to anfwer. Another 
 complaint was made in the form of a letter, 
 refpedling the grant of the tradl called Kingf- 
 wood ; in which he was reprefented, as par- 
 tial to his friends, in giving them an exclu- 
 live right, to the whole of that territory, 
 which they deemed, the unappropriated lands 
 of the Province. Several parts of his ad- 
 miniftration were alfo complained of; and in 
 particular the infrequency of his vifits to 
 New-Hampfliire. This letter was figned by 
 fix members of the Council, and a majority 
 of the Reprefentatives. 
 
 Guidon's memorial was prefented to the 
 Lords of Council ; and by them referred to 
 the Board of Trade, accompanied by the let- 
 ter ; and though Mr. Belcher's brother and 
 fon applied for copies, and time to anfwer, 
 
2«fEW-HAMPSHIRE. 131 
 
 the requefl was evaded ; and a leporc was 1739, 
 framed, in favor of putting New-Hampfliire 
 under a feparate Governor. When this re- 
 port came before the Privy Council, Lord 
 Wihnington, the Preiident, ordered it back 
 again ; that the Governor might have that 
 jullice which his agents had aiked. By this 
 means, he had opportunity to anfwer in his 
 defence ; that without money, the fort could 
 not be repaired ; that it was not in his power 
 to tax the people ; that he had frequently 
 applied to the AiTemblies for money, to repair 
 the fort ; to which they had conilantly anl- 
 wered, that the people were too poor to be 
 taxed ; and had folicited him to break 
 through his inftrudlions, and allow them to 
 ilfue paper money, without any fund for its 
 redemption ; that the militia had always 
 been trained according to law ; and that he 
 had conilantly vifited Ncvz-KampHiire, and 
 held an AfFemblv, tv/ice in the rear, unlefs 
 prevented by ficknels ; for which he appeal- 
 ed to the journals. To corroborate thefe 
 pleas, the Governor's friends procured hve 
 petitions, in his favor, and praying for his 
 continuance, ligned by about five hundred 
 people. The petitions, however, did not ex- 
 prefs the fenle of the majority ; wdio had 
 been perfuaded into a belief, that they fhould 
 receive much benefit by a feparate Governor ; 
 and accordingly, a counter petition being cir- 
 culated, was figned by about feven hundred 
 of the inhabitants. 
 
 Things being thus prepared, the com- Nov. at, 
 plaints were brought to a hearing, before the Printed 
 Lords of Council ; who reported to the King, ^^'^'^ 
 ' that Governor Belcher had ad:ed with great 
 
132 HISTORY OF 
 
 1739. ' partiality, by proroguing the Affembly of 
 ' Kevv-Hainpfliire, from the fixth of July, 
 
 * 17S7, to the fourth of Auguft following ; 
 ' in difobedience to his Majefty's order in 
 
 * CouQc'l ; which had been tranfmitted to 
 ' him by the Lords .of Trade, and which was 
 
 * proved to have been delivered to him, in 
 ' due time ; and, alfo by farther proroguing 
 
 * the faid Affembly, from the fecond of Sep- 
 
 * tember, 1737, to the thirteenth of October; 
 
 * whereby the Province were deprived of the 
 
 * time, intended by his Majefly's faid order, 
 
 * to be allowed them, to prepare a proper and 
 ' regular appeal ; thereby endeavoring to 
 
 * fruftrate the intention of his Majeify's com- 
 
 * miflion.' This report was approved by the 
 Dec. 37. King ; and from this time, it may be conclu- 
 ded, that Mr. Belcher's removal from the 
 Government of New-Hampihire w^as feri- 
 oufly contemplated. The grant of Kingf.. 
 wood was alfo annulled ; and he was pro- 
 hibited from making any other grants of 
 land, till the lines fhould be determined. 
 
 This cenfure being palfed on the Gover- 
 2740. nor, and the complaints being at an end ; 
 the way was prepared for a hearing of the ap- 
 peals, from both Provinces, refpecling the 
 lines. Which being had, the determination 
 of this long controvcrfy was made on a plan 
 entirely new. The fpecial part of the de- 
 cree of the CommifTioners was fet ahde, and 
 no regard was had to their donht^ whether the 
 new charter granted all the lands compre- 
 hended in the old. It w^as faid, that when 
 the firft grant was made, the country was 
 not explored. The courfe of the river, 
 though unknown, was fuppcfed to be from 
 
 March 5. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 133 
 
 wcfl to eaft ; therefore it was deemed equi- 1740. 
 table, that as far as the river flowed in that 
 courfe, the parallel line at three miles diilance 
 fliould extend. But as on the one hand, if 
 by purfuing the courfe of the river, up into 
 the country, it had been found to have a 
 fouthern bend, it would have been ineqviita- 
 ble to have contra6led the MaiTachufetts 
 grant ; fo, on the other hand, when it appear- 
 ed to have a northern bend, it was equally in- 
 equitable to enlarge it. Therefore it was de- 
 termined ; ' that the northern boundary of 
 
 * the Province of Maffachufetts be, a fimiiar 
 
 * curve line, purfuin"; the courfe of Merri- ^ 
 
 1- I'l \- n Council 
 
 ' mack river, at tnrec miles diitance, on the Rii..ra». 
 
 * north {ide thereof, beginning at the Atlan- 
 
 * tic Ocean, and ending- at a point due north 
 ' of Patucket falls ; and a ftraight line drav/u 
 ' from thence due weft, till it mcet^) with hiii 
 ' Majefly's other governments.' The other 
 parts of the decree of the CominifTioners, ref- 
 pedling the northern line, and the payment 
 of expenfes, were alHrmed. 
 
 This determination exceeded th.e utmoft 
 expectation of New-Hampfliire ; as it gave 
 them a tra6l of country, fourteen miles in 
 breadth, and above fifty in length, more thaa 
 they had ever claimed. It cut off fromMaf- 
 fachufetts, twenty eight new townfliips, be- 
 tween Merrimack and Connec:llcat rivers j 
 befides large tra6ls of vacant land, which lay 
 intermixed ; and diilridls from fix of their old 
 towns, on the north fide of the Merrimack ; 174Q 
 and if, as was then fuppoied, the due welt 
 line were to extend, to twenty miles eafl of 
 Hudfon's river, the reputed boundary of 
 New- York ; a vafl tra(5l of fertile countrv, on 
 
JB4 HIStORY OF 
 
 1740. the weflern fide of Connedlicut river; was an- 
 nexed to New-Hampihire ; by which an ample 
 fcope was given, firil: ior landed ipeciilation, 
 and afterward for cultivatioxi, and wealth. 
 When this determination was known, the 
 ietteffc* politicians of Maiiachufects were chagrined 
 and enraged. They talked loudly of injuf- 
 tice ; and fome of the more zealous propofed 
 tiying the merits of the caufe. upon the words 
 of the charter, before the Judges ia V/eflmin- 
 fter Hall ; who, it was exped^rd, would ^ipon 
 their oath and honor leverfe the judgment, 
 and tell the King that he had miilaken the 
 meaning of the royal charcer, Thu would 
 indeed have been a bold ftroke. But a more 
 moderate and puCUanimous fchenie was 
 adopted ; which was to fend over a new a- 
 gent^ to petition the King, that he would re- 
 annex to their government, the twer.tv eirrht 
 (oaT'oSlr- ^sw townfhips, which had been cut off, and 
 vat ions OQ ^j^q diftrids of the fix old towns. It was 
 fcttspen- alfb thought prudent, that the whole Prov- 
 2l ii^ce fhould not openly appear, in the affair ; 
 but that petitions flionid be drawn, by the 
 inhabitants of thefe towns, and that the agent 
 fhould be chofen by them. Accordingly 
 town meetings were held ; petitions were pre- 
 pared and fubfcribed ; and Thom a s Hutch- 
 ins on was appointed their agent,andfent over 
 to England ; where he formed thofe connex- 
 ions, which afterwards ferved to raife him, to 
 the chair of government in his native Prov- 
 ince. 
 •rhomijii- About the fame time, Governor Belcher 
 fon's MS procured a petition, from his fix friends, of 
 the Council of New-Hampiliire, to the King ; 
 praying that the wbok Province might be an* 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIUE. iS5 
 
 nexed to the government of Maflachufetts. 1740. 
 This matter had been long in contemplation, 
 with theie gentlemen ; but was now produc- 
 ed at the r;.oftmifurtun-te time, which could 
 have beer) chofen. Their petition was at 
 once reieded. But that from the towns was 
 kept in fuipenfea longtime; till Thomlin- 
 fon was prepa) ed, to anfwer all the pleas, 
 which Hutcbinfon could advance, and prov- 
 ed too hard an antagonift for him. It was 
 finally difmiffed * becaiife it was thought, 
 
 < that'it never could be for his Majefty's fer- Bow bmf. 
 * vice, to annex any part of his Province of . 
 
 « New-Hampihire, as an increafe of territory, 
 
 < to MalTIichufetts ; but rather, that it would 
 « be for the benefit of his fubjeds there, to be 
 ' under a diftiniSl government.' 
 
 Though Belcher's removal was ferioufly 
 feared, by his beil friends ; yet he had^ fo 
 much intereft with fome of the Lords in high 
 oiSce, that they could not be prevailed with 
 to ^ive him up. The war, which had com- 
 menced between Britain and Spain, afford- 
 ed him an opportunity, to fignalize his zeal 
 for the King 8 fervice ; and he determmed 
 to prove himfelf, a faithful fervant to the 
 Crown, in every inftance ; in hope that a 
 courfe of time and fidelity might eSlice the 
 impreifions, which had been made, to his 
 difadvantage. 
 
 It being refolved by the Britlfli Court, to 
 undertake an expedition to the Ifland of Cu- 
 ba ; Governor Belcher, agreeably to the or- 
 ders which he had received from the Duke 
 ■ of Newcaftle, iiTued a proclamation, for the 
 
 • The ill fuccefs of this agency wis probably the reafoo, that Mr. Hutch- 
 Infba took BO notice of i:, io his Hittory of Maffucbufctts. 
 
13B HiSf ORY OF 
 
 1740. encoiiragemeiiL of men wlio would enlifl: in 
 the fervice ; ' that they fliould be fupplied 
 ' with arms and clothing^ • be in the Kinsr's 
 ' pay ; have a Ihare of the booty wliich ihould 
 
 * be taken ; and be fent home, at the expira- 
 ' tion of their time of fervice ; and that his 
 ' Majeily would order a number of blank 
 
 * commillions, to be filled up by the Gover- 
 ' nor, and given to the officers, who fhould 
 
 * command the troops, to be raifed in the 
 ' Provinces.' He afterwards preffed this mat- 
 
 Aisguii 2. |.gj,^ clofely, in his fpeech to the Affembly ; 
 and urged them, to make provifion, for one 
 hundred men, and a tranfport, to convey 
 them to Virginia; where all the Colony 
 troops were to rendezvous ; and thence to 
 proceed, under the command of Col. Gooch, 
 to the place of their deflination. The Af- 
 fembly voted, as much as they judged fuf- 
 ficient for this purpofe ; and the Governor 
 appointed a Captain, and gave him beating 
 orders; but the commiffions and arms not be- 
 ing fent, according to the royal promife, no 
 men could be inlifled in New-Hampfhire. 
 
 Bekhft's The Governor received commiffions and 
 arms for four companies to be raifed in 
 MafTachufetts ; wherQ he could eafily have 
 inliited ten, had he been furniffied according 
 to the engagement. To this failure and not 
 to any want of exertion, on his part, in either 
 of his governments, may be afcribed the pau- 
 city of troops raifed in them ; and yet his 
 enemies failed not of blaming him on this 
 account. The Reprefentativesof New-Hamp- 
 fliire took this occalion to frame a vote, dif^ 
 
 Auguft. . , . , . . ^ . J 
 
 approving his admimitration ; and upon 
 J|j?Je/,''^„ this vote, their agent founded another bat- 
 tery, to attack his character. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 137 
 
 111 conformity to the royal determlna- 174L 
 tioii of the boundaries, orders were given 
 to Belcher, to apply to both his governments, 
 to join in appointing Surveyors, to run out, 
 and mark the lines ; and that if either fliould 
 refufe, the other fliould proceed ex parte. 
 The Aireiiibly of Maillichufetts delayed giv- 
 ing an anlwer in feafon, which was conflru- 
 ed a denial. The Affembly of New-Hamp- 
 Ihire appointed three Surveyors, to execute 
 the fervice, who were commifTioned by the 
 Governor. They were direcfted to allow ten 
 degrees, for the weflerly variation of the nee- 
 dle J and the work was performed in the 
 months of February and March. George 
 Mitchel furveyed and marked the fimilar 
 curve line, from the ocean, three miles north 
 of Merrimack river, to a ftatlon north of 
 Patucket falls, in the townflilp of Dracuf. 
 Richard Hazen began at that ftation and 
 marked the weft line, acrofs Connedicut 
 river, to the fuppofed boundary line of New- 
 York. Walter Bryent began the line, from '^^ '■'"'"''"s 
 the head of Salmon-tails river, and marked '" "^^ ^'"' 
 it about thirty miles ; but was prevented 
 from proceeding farther, partly by the break- 
 ing up of the rivers, which rendered travell- 
 ing impracticable ; and partly by meeting a 
 company of Indians who were hunting, and 
 took his men for a fcouting party. In their 
 return they found on one of the trees, which 
 they had marked, * the iigure of a man's 
 * hand grafping a fword ;' which they inter- Brycnt'a 
 preted, as a fignal of defiance, from the ^°""''' 
 Indians. 
 
 The return of thefe lines to the Board of 
 Trade was one of Uic laft ads of Mr. Bel- 
 
138 HISTORY OF 
 
 174L cher's admmiftration. His enemies in both 
 governments were indefatigable in their en- 
 deavors to remove him ; and by their incef- 
 fant applications to the miniflry ; by taking 
 every advantage of his miftakes ; by falfe- 
 hood and mifreprefentation ; and finally, by 
 the diabolical arts of forgery and perjury, 
 Bou.hfs they accompliilicd their views. He was fuc- 
 '': ^'^^ ceeded in the government of Maiiachuietts, 
 ?i"itT97. by William Shirley ; and inNew-Hamp- 
 ihire, by Bennikg Wentworth. 
 
 At this diftance of time, when all thefe 
 parties are extina, and every reader may be 
 funpofed impartial ; it may feem rather 
 llrange, that Governor Belcher ihould meet 
 withlfuch treatment, from the Britifh Court, 
 in the reign of fo mild and juft a Prince, as 
 George the fecond. That Mr. Belcher was 
 imprudent and unguarded, in fome inftances, 
 cannot be denied. He was indeed zealous to 
 ferve his friends, and hearken to their advice; 
 but, by this means, he laid himfelf open, to 
 the attacks of his enemies ; to whom he paid 
 no court, but openly treated them with con- 
 tempt. His language to them was fevere and 
 repi^achful, and he never fpared to tell the 
 world, what he thought of them. 
 
 This provoked them ; but they had the 
 art to conceal their refentment, and carry on 
 their defigns, in filence, till they were ripe 
 for execution. He had by far too mean an 
 opinion of their abilities, and the nitereil 
 which they had at Court ; and when he knew 
 that they had' the ear of the Lords of Trade, 
 he affeded to think them, ' not very mighty 
 * Lords, nor able to adminifter life and 
 death.' He had a confciou.aiefs of the gene- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 129 
 
 ral integrity of his own intentions ; and 1741- 
 appears to have been influenced, by motives 
 of honor and jultice ; but he v^as not aware 
 of the force of his own prejudices. It may 
 admit of doubt, whether, confidering the ex- 
 treme delicacy of his fituation, it were within 
 the compafs of human policy, to have con- 
 ducted fo as to give offence to neither of his 
 Provinces, in the management of fuch a con- 
 troverfy ; but it is certain, that his antago- 
 nifts could not fairly fix but one real fligma, 
 on his character ; and that when impartially 
 examined, can amount to no more than an 
 imprudent flep, at a critical time, grounded 
 on an undue refentment of an affront ; for 
 to fuppofe that his intention was to fruftrate 
 the commiffion, is inconfiilent with the Whole 
 tenor of his public declarations, and private 
 correfpondence. When his enemies met him 
 on fair and open ground, he was always pre- 
 pared to anfwer ; but it w^as impoffiblc to 
 guard againft their fecret attacks. If the 
 caufe which they meant to ferve was a good 
 one, why did they employ the bafefl means 
 to effedl it ? 
 
 The cruelty and hardfliip of his cafe may 
 appear from the following confiderations. 
 He had been one of the principal merchants f^^^/;; 
 of New-England ; but, on his appointment, coading-^ 
 to the Chair of Government, quitted every 
 other kind of bufmefs ; that he might attend 
 with punctuality, and dignity to the duties 
 of his ftation. By the royal inftrudions, he 
 was reftrained from giving his affent, to any 
 grant of money, to himfelf ; unlefs it fhould 
 be a permanent falary. What he received 
 from New-Hampfliire was fixed, and paid 
 
 A 
 
140 HISTORY OF 
 
 1741. out of the excife ; but the Aflembly of Maf^ 
 fachufetts could not be perfuaded, to fettle 
 any falary upon him. They made him a 
 grant of three thoufand pounds, (worth about 
 feven or eight hundred fleiling) generally 
 once in a year, at their felTion in May. He 
 ■was then obliged to folicit leave from the 
 King, to accept the grant, and fign the bill ; 
 and fometimes could not obtain this leave till 
 the end of the year ; once not till five days 
 before the diJTolution of the AlTembly. In 
 the mean time he was obliged to fubfifl on 
 his own eflate ; and had he died within the 
 year, the grant would have been wholly loft, 
 to his family. He was earneft to obtain ?. 
 general permiiTion to fign thefe grants ; but 
 in that cafe the clerks of offices, in Eng- 
 land, through whofe hands the permiffion 
 muft have paffed, would have loft their fees^ 
 He was now in the fixtieth year of his age ; 
 he had a family of children and grand chil- 
 dren, whofe fole dependence was on him ; 
 and he thought with reafon, that if his courfe 
 of faithful fervice, and the unworthy arts 
 of his enemies had been duly conlidered ; 
 the cenfure of his fuperiors would have been 
 lefs fevere, than ' to deprive him of his bread 
 *^ and honor.' 
 
 Whilft he entertained the worft opinion 
 pofTible of the chara6lers of his enemies, he 
 had a ftrong confidence, in the juftice of the 
 government, before which he was accufed. 
 In one of his letters to his fon, he fays, ' I 
 ^ muft expedl no favor while Bladen is at 
 
 * the Board of Trade ; but were the devil 
 
 * there, I fhould expedl juftice, under the 
 ^ Britilh Conftitution, corroborated by the 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 141 
 
 * Hanover fucceffion.' The event proved, 1741. 
 that his confidence vi'^as not ill founded. For, 
 on being fuperfeded, he repaired to Court ; 
 v^here, though his prefence wds unwelcome 
 to fome, yet he had opportunity to bring the 
 mofl convincing evidence of his integrity, 
 and of the bafc defigns of his enemies. He 
 was fo far reftored to the royal favor, that he 
 obtained a promife, of the firll vacant govern- 
 ment in America, ■which would be worthy 
 of his acceptance. This proved to be the 
 Province of New-Jerfey ; where he fpent the 
 remaining years of his life ; and where his 
 memory has been treated with deferved 
 refpecl. 
 
142 HISTORY O? 
 
 CHAP. XIX. 
 
 The legsnntng of Benn3NG Wemtworth's admlniflrat'ion^ 
 War opened in Nova- Scotia. Expediiion to _Cape-Bi eton ; /'// 
 plisj}, condufi anJfuccefst 'VJtih a defcripiion cfthe ijlundy and of 
 ihe city o/'Louifbourg. 
 
 BeNNING WENTWORTH, Efq. 
 fon of the deceafed Lieutenant Governor, 
 was a merchant of good reputation in Portf- 
 mouth, and well beloved by the people. He 
 had reprefented his native town in the Af- 
 fembly for feveral years, where he diflin- 
 guilhed himfelf in the oppoiition to Belcher, 
 He afterward obtained a feat in Council ; 
 where, feniible of the popularity of his fami- 
 ly, and feeling the pride of elevation, he con- 
 tinued the oppohtion, and joined in the niea- 
 flires v/hich v^^ere purfued for obtaining adif- 
 tincft Governor, without any appreiienfion 
 that himfelf would be the perfon ; till a fe- 
 ries of incidents, at firil view unfortunate, 
 prepared the way for his advancement to the 
 chair. 
 
 In the courfe of his mercantile dealings, 
 he had entered into a contra(fl with an agent 
 of the Court of Spain, and flipplied him with 
 a large quantity of the bed oak timber ; to 
 procure which, he borrowed money in Lon- 
 don. When he delivered the timber at Ca- 
 diz, the agent with whom he had contracted, 
 was out of place, and the new ofhcer declined 
 payment. In returning to America the fliip 
 foundered and he was faved with the crew 
 in a boat. Thefe misfortunes deranged his 
 affairs and reduced him to a flate of bank- 
 ruptcy. Afterward he went again to Spain, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 143 
 
 hoping by the intereft of Sir Benjamin Keene, 
 the Britifh Miniller, to obtain his due, but 
 his fuit was inefFedual. About that time 
 Thomlinfon, delpairing of Dunbar's advance- 
 ment to the government of New-Hampfliire, 
 turned his thoughts toward Wcntworth ; and iJ^il^ 
 having procured him a letter of licenfe from '<="• ^'^ 
 his creditors in London, invited him thither. 
 Went worth reprefented his cafe to the Britidi 
 Court, complained of the injuftice of Spain, 
 and petitioned for redrefs. Many Britidi 
 merchants, who had fuffered by the infolence 
 of the Spaniards, were, at the fame time, 
 clamorous for reparation. The miniftry were ^^^;-^m.. 
 lludious to avoid a v^ar. A negociation was gazm.. fo? 
 begun, and the Court of Spain promifed ref- '^"''* 
 titution ; but failed in the performance. 
 War was then determined on, and all nego- 
 ciation ended. Difappointed in his plea for 
 juftice, Wentworth made his fuit for favor ; 
 and by the aid of Thomlinfon, who under- 
 ftood the ways of accefs to the g^reat, he ob- 
 tained a promife from the Duke of Newcaflle, 
 that when New-Hampfliire lliould be put 
 under a diftincl Governor, he fiiould have the 
 commiihon. The expenfe of the folicitation j^c, ^^ttsrs 
 and fees, amounting to three hundred pounds ^l^^Z^i 
 ilerling, was advanced by his friends in Eng- Attiufcti. 
 land, and repaid by his friends in New- 
 Hampfliire. 
 
 He was received in Portfmouth, after a 174], 
 long abfence, with great marks of popular 
 refpedl. Among the compliments which 
 were paid to him on that occafion, one was, 
 that he had been infcrumental of ' refcuing 
 
 * New-Hampihire from contempt and de- 
 
 * pendence.' In his firft fpeech to the AiTem- 
 
 Djc. i: 
 
144 HISTORY OF 
 
 1741. bly he reflevfted on the condu(fl of his precie-* 
 Journal of ccfTor, Hot by iiame, but by implication ; fof 
 AffemHiy. j^^^ having taken early meafures to raife men 
 for the expedition againft the Spanifli Weft- 
 Indies ; and intimated his appreheniion, that 
 the srood intention of the Province in raifing; 
 1 /4;^. money for that purpofe, would be fruilrated, 
 fince the men who were willing to enter into 
 the fervice had enliiled in the other Provin- 
 ces. Pie alfo complimented them, on their 
 good faith in regard to the feveral emillions 
 of paper money ; all of which vv^ere to be 
 called in within the prefent year. He did 
 not forget to recommend a fixed falary for 
 himfelf, not fubjccl to depreciation ; nor the 
 payment of expenfes which had arifen on 
 account of the boundary lines ; he informed 
 them of the King's indulgence, in giving 
 him leave to confent to a farther emifhon of 
 bills of credit, to enable them to difcharge 
 their obligations to the Crown ; provided 
 that no injury fhould be done to the trade of 
 the mother country. He alfo recommended 
 to their attention the faithful fervices of their 
 agents, one of whom, Rindge, was dead, and 
 the payment of the debt due to his heirs. 
 
 The AfTembly, in their anfwer, acknowd- 
 edged the wifdom and jufliceof the King in 
 determining the long controverfy between 
 them and MafFachufetts ; but as to payment 
 of the expenfe, they reminded him that one 
 half ought to be payed by MafFachufetts, and 
 defired him to ufe his influence for that pur- 
 pofe. With refpedl to the failure of raifing 
 men for the expedition, they fet him right by 
 afcribing it to the true caufe ; there being no 
 commiflions fejit to the Province for that 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 145 
 
 fervice. Concerning the falary, they faid, 1742, 
 that as foon as they could know what num- 
 ber of inhabitants would be added to them 
 by the fettlement of the lines, and how the 
 money could be raifed, they fhould make as 
 ample provifion for his honorable fupport as 
 their circumflances would admit. They 
 acknowledged the fidelity and induflry of 
 their agents, and profefTed a good will to re- 
 ward them ; but could not then promife 
 adequate compenfation. 
 
 The AfTembly voted a falary of two hun- 
 dred and fifty pounds, proclamation money, MSacts. 
 to the Governor, funded as ufual on the ex- 
 cife ; and having obtained the royal licenfe 
 for emitting twenty-five thoufand pounds on 
 loan for ten years, they granted the Governor 
 two hundred and fifty pounds more, to be 
 paid annually out of the intereft of the loan. 
 When this fund failed, they made annual 
 grants for his ' further and more ample fup- 
 port,' and generally added fomething for 
 houfe-rent. They prefented their agent 
 Thomlinlbn one hundred pounds fterling, 
 for his faithful fervices ; but what they did 
 for the heirs of Rindge does not appear. 
 
 After Mr. Wentworth was quietly feated 1743 
 in the chair of government, an opportunity 
 prefented to advance his intereft flill farther. 
 For the fum of two thoufand pounds flerling, 
 Dnnbar was prevailed on to refign the fur- 
 vcyorlliip of the woods, and Thomlinfon 
 negociated an appointment in favor of Went- 
 worth, with a falary of eight hundred 
 pounds flerling, out of which he was to 
 maintain four Deputies. But to obtain this 
 office, he was obliged to ' rell his claim on 
 T 
 
•^46. HtSTCRY Or 
 
 1743. " the Crown of Spain for fifty-fix tlioufand 
 * dollars.' 
 
 Thefe appointments of Mr. Wentworth 
 gave the oppofers of the former adminiftra- 
 tion great caufe of triumph ; but the fpirit 
 of oppofition had only changed fides. It 
 was hoped and expeaed by fome, that Mr. 
 Belcher, by going to England, would not 
 only remove the ill impreihons, which the 
 malice of his enemies had made ; but return 
 to his former ftation. Others, who had no 
 predileaion for Belcher, looked w4th envy 
 on the good fortune of Wentv/orth, and aim- 
 ed to undermine him ; at the fame time 
 courting the friends of the former adminif- 
 tration'^to join in their meafures. Thefe 
 things were managed v;ith fecrecy, and a few- 
 hints only are left as evidence of the exift- 
 ence of defigns, which were never brought 
 to maturity. 
 
 It was one of the royal inftrudions to Go- 
 vernors, that in any cafes of difficulty or fud- 
 den emergency, they fliould communicate 
 with each other. Mr. Wentworth had a high 
 opinion of the abilities of the new Governor 
 of Mafhichufetts, and there being a ftria 
 friendihip between them, confulted him on 
 all occaiions. Shirley v>ras gratified^ by this 
 deference, and knew how to make his advan- 
 tage of it. Thus, though New-Ham piliire 
 was under a Governor diftina from that of 
 MafTachufetts, a point which had long been 
 contended for ; yet the difference was not fo 
 ^reat in reality as in appearance. This was 
 Ifu>"r a circumftance not much known at that tinie. 
 worrh and rpj^^ advicc whicli Sliitley gave him was, in. 
 sbmcj. g^^^g^,^!^ falutary and judicious. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 147 
 
 The war which had been kindled' be- 1744. 
 tween Britain and Spain, extended its flame 
 over a great part of Europe ; and when 
 France became involved in it, the American 
 Colonies were more nearly interefled, be- 
 caufe of the proximity of the French, and 
 of the Indians, who v/ere in their intereil. 
 War is io natural to favages, that they need 
 but. little to excite them to it. An Indian 
 war was a necelTary appendage of a war with 
 France. The fcene of both was opened in 
 Nova-Scotia. 
 
 That Province had been alternately claim- 
 ed and poflcfled by the Englifli and French 
 for more than a century. Ever iince the 
 peace of Utrecht it had been fubje(5l to the 
 Crov/n of Britain, and the French In- 
 habitants who were under a kind of patri- 
 archal government of their priefts, and devo- 
 ted to the French interefl, were kept in awe, 
 partly by the fear of having their dikes dcf- ms of 
 troyed, which they had ere61ed to prevent ^^^^ru 
 the fea from overflowing their fields ; and 
 partly by a Britifli garrifon at Annapolis 
 where a Governor and Council relided. The 
 Indian tribes maintained their native inde- 
 pendence, though they were attached to the 
 French by religious, as well as interefled obli- 
 gations. Canleau, an ifland on the north- 
 eallern part of Nova-Scotia, was in pofleflioa 
 of the Englifli. It was reforted to by the 
 fifliermen of New-England. It was defend- 
 ed by a block-houfe and garrifoned by a de- 
 tachment of troops from Annapolis. The 
 ifland of Cape-Breton was poflefled by the 
 French, and lay between the Englidi of Gan- 
 feau and thofe of Newfoundland, This was 
 
148 HISTORY OF 
 
 1744. too near a neighbourhood for enemies, efpe- 
 cially when both were purfuing one objec^l, 
 the fifhery. 
 
 March 15. 'pj^g French at Cape-Breton having receiv- 
 ed early intelligence of the declaration of 
 war ; immediately refolved on the deflruc- 
 tion of the Englilh fifhsry at Canfeau. Du- 
 
 May 13. quefnel, the Governor, fent Duvivier with a 
 few fmall armed veffels, and about nine hun- 
 dred men, who feized and took poffefTion of 
 the ifland, burned the houfes, and made pri- 
 foners of the garrifon and inhabitants. This 
 was done, before the news of war had arri- 
 ved in New-England. It was followed by 
 an attempt upon Piacentia, in Newfound- 
 land, which mifcarried. An attack was alfo 
 made upon Annapolis, the garrifon of which 
 was reinforced by feveral companies of mi- 
 litia and rangers from MafFachufetts, and the 
 enemy were obliged to retire. The Indians 
 of Nova-Scotia aflifted the French in this at- 
 tack ; v/hich, with fome other infolencies 
 committed by them, occalioned a declaration 
 
 oa 19. of war, by the government of MafTachu- 
 
 ^i8? '' ' fetts, againft them, with a premium for fcalps 
 and prifoners. 
 
 Thefe proceedings of the French were rafli 
 and precepitate. They were not prepared 
 for extenfive operations ; nor had they any 
 orders from their Court to undertake them. 
 What they had done, fcrved to irritate and 
 alarm the neighbouring Englifli Colonies, 
 and Ihew them their danger in the moft con- 
 fpicuous manner. Their fea coail, naviga- 
 tion and fiihery lay expofed to continual in- 
 fults. Their frontier fettlements on the 
 weftern fide were but eighty miles diflant 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 149 
 
 from the French fort on Lake Champlain. 1744. 
 The Indians who lay between them, had not 
 yet taken np the hatchet ; but it was expell- 
 ed that encouragement would be given them 
 by the Governor of Canada, to infult the 
 frontiers. Several nev/ fettlements were 
 wholly broken up ; and many of the wo- 
 men and children of other frontier places 
 retired to the old towns for fecurity. 
 
 In the autumn, Duquefnel the French Pnncc and 
 Governor of Cape-Breton, died, and was fuc- ^°"^ 
 ceeded in the command by Duchambon, who 
 had not fo good a military charadler. Du- 
 vivier went to France to folicit a force to car- 
 ry on the war in Nova-Scotia in the enfuing 
 fpring. The ftoreihips, expected from France 
 at Cape-Breton, came on the coaft fo late in 
 the fall ; and the winter there fet in fo early 
 and fierce, as to keep them out of port, and 
 drive them otTto the Weft-Indies. The cap- 
 tive garrifon of Canfeau, with other prifon- 
 ers, vA\o had been taken at fca, and carried 
 into Louifburg, w^ere fent to Bofton. From 
 them, as well as from other informants. Gov- 
 ernor Shirley obtained fuch intelligence of 
 the ftatc of that ifland and fortrefs, as in- 
 duced him to form the project of attacking iL 
 But before we open this romantic and haz- 
 ardous fcene, it is neceflkry to give fome ac- 
 count of the place which was to be the thea- 
 tre of operations. 
 
 The Ifland of Cape-Breton, fo denominat- 
 ed from one of its capes, lies between the "*''''''"'" 
 forty-fifth and forty-feventh degrees ot' north 
 latitude ; at the diliance of fifteen league;^ 
 from Cape Ray, the fouthweftern extremity 
 ©f Newfoundland. It is feparated trom tlie 
 
150 HISTORY or 
 
 1744. main land of Nova-Scotia by a narrow (Irait, 
 fix leagues in length, the navigation of which 
 is fafe for a fhip of forty guns. The great- 
 efl: length of the ifland, from north-eaft to 
 fouth-v/efl is about fifty leagues and its great- 
 efl breadth thirty-three. It is about eighty- 
 eight leagues in circuit as feamen ellimate 
 
 MS rf sjr diitanccs. Its eeneral form is triane-ular, but 
 
 William ... ^ o > 
 
 Ptppei£i5. It is indented by many deep bays. 
 
 The foil of this ifland is by no means in- 
 viting. It is either rocky and mountainous, 
 or elfe cold and boggy ; and much iefs ca- 
 pable of improvement than Nova-Scotia. Its 
 only valuable produ«flions are of the fofill 
 kind J pit-coal and pi after. Its atmofphere in 
 the fpring and fummer is an almoft contin- 
 ual fog, which prevents the rays of the fun 
 from perfe(5ling vegetation. Its winter is fe- 
 vere and of long continuance ; and as the 
 ifland forms an eddy to the current which 
 fets through the gulf of St. JLawrence, its 
 harbours are filled with large quantities of 
 
 Trade by floating ice, with which its fhores are inviron- 
 
 ^"iS^j"!'* e^ ^1^^ ^^te in the fpring. 
 
 Much has been faid by French and Eng- 
 lifli writers on the great importance and ad- 
 vantage of this ifland, and fome political and 
 temporary purpofes were doubtlefs to be an- 
 fwered by fuch publications ; but in fa6l the 
 only real importance of Cape-Breton Vv-as de- 
 rived from its central fituation, and the con- 
 venience of its ports. On the north and weft 
 fides it is fteep and inacccfiible ; but the 
 foutheaftern fide is full of fine bays and har- 
 bours, capable of receiving and fecuring ihips 
 of any burden ; and, being fituated between 
 Canada, France and the Weft-Indies, it wa* 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIPvS. 151 
 
 extremely favorable to the French commerce. 1744. 
 It was not fo good a flation for the fiihery 
 as feveral parts of Nova-Scotia and Newfound- 
 land. The greater part of the French fi{l:iery 
 was profecuted elfewhere ; and they could „ , . , 
 buy fifli at Canfeau, cheaper than they could 
 cure it at Cape-Breton. 
 
 Whilfl the French held pofleflion of the 
 coafts of Nova-Scotia and Newfoundland, 
 this ifland was neglecfled ; but after they had 
 ceded thcfe places to the Crown of England, 
 and the Crown of England had ceded this 
 ifland to them bv the treaty of Utrecht ( 1713) ^^ , . 
 they began to lee its vaiue. Initeaa or giv- oouguf?, 
 ing fo much attention to the fur trade of p"',^^^^ 
 Canada, as they had before done, they con- 
 templated building a fortified town on this 
 ifland, as a fecurity to their navigation and 
 fifliery. For this purpofe they chofe a fine 
 harbour on the fouth-eaft fide of the ifland, 
 formerly called Englifli harbour ; where 
 they eredled their fortifications, and called 
 the place Louifbourg. 
 
 The harbour of Louifbourg lies in lati- 
 tude 45° 55' ; its entrance is about four hun- 
 dred yards wide. The anchorage is uniformly 
 fafe, and fliips may run afliore on a foft 
 muddy bottom. The depth of water at the 
 entrance is from nine to twelve fathoms. 
 The harbour lies open to the fouth-eaft. 
 Upon a neck of land on the fouth fide of the 
 harbour was built the towm, two miles and a 
 quarter in circumference ; fortified in every 
 accefiible part with a rampart of ftone, from 
 tliirty to thirty-fix feet high, and a ditch 
 eighty feet wide. A fpace of about two hun- ^^'^^ ^'^ ' 
 dred yards was left without a rampart, on 
 
152 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 1744. the fide next to the fea j it was enclofed by a 
 liniple dike and a line of pickets. The lea 
 was fo fliallow in this place that it made only 
 a narrow channel, inacceilible from its nume- 
 rous reefs to any fliipping whatever. The 
 fide fire from the baflions fecured this fpot 
 from an attack. There were fix bailions and 
 three batteries, containing embrafures for one 
 hundred and forty-eight cannon, of which 
 fixty-five only were mounted, and fixteen 
 mortars. On an iiland at the entrance of 
 the harbour was planted a battery of thirty 
 cannon, carrying twenty-eight pounds fiiot ; 
 and at the bottom of the harbour, dired:ly 
 oppofite to the entrance, was the grand or 
 royal battery of twenty-eight cannon, forty- 
 tv/o pounders, and two eighteen pounders. 
 On a high cliff, oppofite to the iiland battery, 
 flood a light-houfe ; and within this point, at 
 the north-eafl part of the harbour, was a 
 careening wharf fecure from all winds, and 
 a magazine of naval flores. 
 
 The town was regularly laid out in 
 fquares. The ftreets were broad; the houfes 
 moftly of wood, but fome of ftone. On the 
 t^qH fide, near the rampart, was a fpacious 
 citadel, and a large parade ; on one fide of 
 which were the Governor's apartments. Un- 
 der the rampart were cafemates to receive the 
 women and children during a fiege. The 
 entrance of the town on the land fide was at 
 the wefl gate, over a draw bridge, near to 
 which was a circular battery, mounting fix- 
 teen guns of twenty-four pounds fhot. 
 
 Thefe works had been twenty-five years 
 in building; and though not finiflied, had 
 coft the Crown not lefs than thirty millions 
 
 r 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 153 
 
 t)f livres. The place was fo ftrong as to be 1744. 
 called * the Dunkirk of America.' It was, in 
 peace, a fafe retreat for the fliips of France 
 bound homeward from the Eaft and Weft-In- 
 dies ; and in war, a fource of dillrefs to the 
 northern Engliih Colonies ; its ficuation be- 
 ing extremely favorable for privateers to ruin 
 their fifliery and interrupt their coafting and 
 foreign trade ; for which reafons, the reduc- 
 tion of it was an objecSl as defirable to them, 
 as that of Carthage was to the Romans. 
 
 In the autumn, Shirley wrote to the Britifli ^J'.'^: ^°' 
 mmiftry, reprefentmg the danger of an at- letters to 
 tack on Nova-Scotia, from the French, in the wouh. ms, 
 enfuing fpring ; and praying for fome naval 
 aiTiftance. Thefe letters he fent by Capt. 
 Ryal, an officer of the garrifon, which had 
 been taken at Canfeau, who, ' from his parti- 
 
 * cular knowledge of Louilbourg, and of the 
 
 * great confequence of the acquifition of 
 
 * Cape-Breton, and the prefervation of Nova- 
 
 * Scotia, he hoped would be of confiderable 
 
 * fervice to the northern Colonies, with the 
 ' Lords of the admiralty.' Thus early did 
 Shirley conceive and communicate to Went- 
 worth his great defign ; and the mod prudent 
 ftep which he took in this whole affair was to 
 folicit help from England. His petition, 
 fupported by that worthy officer, was fo fa- ws copy 
 vorably received by the miniftry, that as ear- caftie'» \7C- 
 ly as the beginning of January, orders were '"• -l*"-^' 
 difpatched to Commodore Warren, then in 
 
 the Weft-Indies, to proceed to the northward 
 in the fpring, and employ fuch a force as 
 might be fufficient to prote6l the northern 
 Colonies in their trade and fiihcry, and dif- 
 trefs the enemy ) and for this purpofe to con- 
 U 
 
154 HISTO-RY OF 
 
 1744. fult with Governor Shirley. Orders of the 
 fame date were written to Shirley, inclofed to 
 Warren, directing him to affiil the King's 
 fliips with tranfports, men and proviiions. 
 Thefe orders, though extremely favorable to 
 the defign, were totally unknown in New- 
 England, till the middle of April follovvdng, 
 before which time the expedition was com- 
 pletely formed. 
 
 It has been faid, that a plan of this fa- 
 Dougiafs, mons enterprife, was firfl fuggefted by Wil- 
 Boiiai., liam Vauehan, a fon of Lieutenant Governor 
 infon. Vaughan of New-Hamplhire, Several other 
 perfbns have claimed the like merit. How 
 far each one's information or advice, contrib- 
 uted toward forining the dedgn, cannot now 
 be determined. Vaughan was largely con- 
 cerned in the fifliery on the eaftern coaft of 
 Maffiichufetts. He was a man of good nn- 
 derftanding, but of a daring, enterprifing and 
 tenacious mind, and one who thought of no 
 obftacles to the accomplifhment of his views. 
 An inftance of his temerity is ftill rem.em- 
 bered. He had equipped, at Portfmouth, a 
 number of boats to carry on his fiiliery at 
 Montinicus. On the day appointed for fail- 
 ing, in the month of March, though the 
 wind was fo boiilerous that experienced ma- 
 riners deemed it impofTible for fuch vefTels to 
 carry fail, he v/ent on board one, and order- 
 ed the others to follow. One vv^as loft at the 
 mouth of the river, the reft arrived with 
 much difficulty, but in a fliort time, at the 
 place of their deftination. Vaughan had not 
 been at Louift^urg ; but had learned from 
 fiihermen and others, fomething of the 
 ftrength and lituation of the place ; and noth- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 155 
 
 ing being in his view impradicable, which 1744. 
 he had a mind to accomplilh, he conceived a 
 delign to take the city by furprife ; and even 
 propofed going over the walls in the win- 
 ter on the drifts of fnow. This idea of a 
 lurprifal forcibly flruck the mind of Shir- 
 ley, and prevailed with him to haflen his pre- 
 parations, before he could have any anfwer 
 or orders from England. 
 
 In the beginning of January he requefl- 1 ''^•^^ 
 ed of the members of the General Court, 
 that they would lay themfelves under an oath ■ 
 of fecrefy, to receive a propofal from him, 
 of very great importance. This was the firft 
 requefl of the kind which had ever been 
 made to a legiflative body in the Colonieis. 
 They readily took the oath, and he communi- 
 cated to them the plan which he had formed 
 of attacking Louifbourg. The fecret was 
 kept for fome days ; till an honell member, 
 who performed the family devotion at his 
 lodgings, inadvertently difcovered it by pray- 
 ing for a blefTmg on the attempt. At the 
 firft deliberation, the propofal was rejecfled ; 
 but by the addrefs of the Governor and the 
 invincible perfeverance of Vaughan, a peti- 
 tion from the merchants concerned in the 
 fiihery, was brought into Court, which re- 
 vived the affair ; and it was finally carried in 
 the affirmative by a majority of o//^ voice, in 
 the abfence of feveral members who were J*"- ^^■ 
 known to be againft it. Circular letters were 
 immediately difpatchcd to all the Colonies, 
 as far as Pennfylvania, requefting their aflif- 
 tance, and an embargo on their ports. 
 
 With one of thcfe letters, Vaughan rode ^^^ ^. 
 exprcfs to Portfmouth, where the Alfembly 
 
156 HISTORY OF 
 
 1745. was fitting. Governor Wentwortli imme- 
 diately laid the matter before them, and pro- 
 pofed a conference of the two Houfes to be 
 held on the next day. The Houfe of Repre- 
 fentatives having caught the enthuiiafm of 
 Vaughan, were impatient of delay, and de- 
 fired that it might be held immediately. It 
 was accordingly held, and the Committee 
 FeS. a, reported in favor of the expedition ; eilima- 
 Printed ^-g^ ^j^g exDcnfc at four thoufand pounds, and 
 
 Journal 'If ^ ^ . . 
 
 this fefliorj. denred the Governor to iflue a proclamation 
 for inlifting two hundred and fifty men, at 
 twenty-five fliillings per month, one month's 
 pay to be advanced ; they alfo recommended 
 that military (lores and tranfports Ihould be 
 provided, and that fuch preparations fholild 
 be made as that the whole might be ready by 
 the beginning of March. All this was in- 
 flantly agreed to, on condition that proper 
 methods could be found to pay the charges. 
 This could be done in no other way than by 
 a new emifiion of bills of credit, contrary 
 to the letter of royal inftrudlions. But, 
 bv the help of Shirley, a way was found to 
 furmount this difficulty ; for on the fame 
 day, he wrote to Wentworth, informing him 
 Private MS that lie had, in anfwer to repeated folicita- 
 shirky? tions, obtained a relaxation of his inflruc- 
 tions relative to bills of credit, fo far, as to 
 have leave to confent to fuch emifiions as the 
 exigencies of war might require ; and advi- 
 fing him, that confiJering the occafion, it 
 was probable, his confenting to an emifllou 
 would rather be approved than cenfured by 
 his faperiors. The next day, he wrote again, 
 air.iring him that he might fafely do it, pro- 
 vided that the fum to be emitted, were folely 
 
NEW-HAMPSHJRE. 157 
 
 appropriated to thefervice of the expedition. 1745. 
 He alio fent him a copy of the inftru(5lion, 
 enjoining him to let no perfon know that he 
 had lent it. Shirley himfelf had confented 
 to an emilTion of fifty thoufand pounds, to be 
 drawn in by a tax in the years 1747 and 
 1748. 
 
 The Houfe of Reprefentatives paffed a Feb. 5. 
 vote for an emiffion of ten thoufand pounds 
 toward defraying the charge of the expedi- 
 tion and farther carrying on the war, and 
 the fupport of government ; to be drawn in 
 by taxes in ten annual payments, to begin in 
 1755. The Council objected and faid, that 
 the grant ihould be wholly appropriated to 
 the expedition and the payments Ihould be- 
 gin in 1751. The Houfe adhered to their 
 vote. The Governor interpofed, and an al- 
 tercation took place, which continued feveral 
 days. The Governor adjourned the Ailem- 
 bly till he could again allv Shirley's advice 
 and receive his anfwer. At length the Houfe 
 altered their vote, and appointed the year 
 1751 for drawing in the money ; augment- 
 ing the fum to thirteen thouland pounds, 
 and at the Governor's exprefs delire, they 
 publicly alTured him that they * could not 
 
 * find out any other way to carry on the ex- 
 *pedition, or in any degree fliorten the pcri- 
 
 • od for bringing in the money.' This was 
 done to ferve as an apology for the Govern- 
 or's confenting to the bill, notwithftanding 
 he had no liberty to recede from his inRriic- 
 tions ; and thus, the matter being compro- Pcb. 13. 
 mifed, he gave his confent. 
 
 During this tedious interval, a report was 
 fpread, that the Houfe had rcfulcd to raife 
 
 > 
 
Feb. 17. 
 
 158 HISTORY- or 
 
 1745. men and money for the expedition ; and the 
 author of the report was fought out and call- 
 ed to account by the Houfc for his milbeha- 
 viour. The next day they altered their terms 
 of inliilment, conformably to thofe offered 
 in Maifichufetts, and by the 17th of Febru- 
 ary, two hundred and fifty men were inlifted 
 for the fcrvice. 
 
 The perfon appointed to command the ex- 
 pedition was William Pepperrell, Efq. 
 of Kittery, Colonel of a regiment of militia; 
 a merchant of unblemiihed reputation and 
 engaging manners, extenfively known both 
 in MaiTachufetts and New-Hampfliire, and 
 very popular. Thefe qualities were abfolute- 
 ly necelfary in the Commander of an army 
 of volunteers, his own countrymen, who 
 were to quit their domeftic connexions and 
 employments, and engage in a hazardous en- 
 terprife, which none of them, from the iilgh- 
 eft to the loweft, knew how to condu6l. Pro- 
 fefiional fliill and experience were entirely out 
 of the queftion ; had thefe qualities been ne- 
 ceffary, the expedition muft have been laid 
 afide ; for there was no perfon in New-England , 
 in thefe refpecfts qualified for the command. 
 Fidelity, refolution and popularity muft fup- 
 ply the place of military talents ; and Pep- 
 perrell was pofTeffed of thefe. It was necef- 
 iary that the men ftiould know and love their 
 General, or they would not inlift under him."* 
 
 Shirley's After this appointment was made, and 
 
 private let- 
 
 • Thr, following private note was fent from Bofton to Fepptrrell, whilft 
 Bt Loiiifbourfr. and found among his paper?. 
 
 ' You wn'i made Genera!, bein^ a popular man, moft likely to raife foU 
 • dicrs foor.eft. The expedition was calculated to establish Sh — , and 
 < niskf his crenture W. Governor of Cape-Breton, which is to be a place 
 ' of r(fi!g(? to hill frou bis creditors. Bs-A'are ef (oekes In the grtlsj und 
 ' mark th.'ir hifljng. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 159 
 
 while it was uncertain whether the AiTembly 1745. 
 of New-Hamplhire would agree with the 
 Governor in railing money for the expedi- 
 tion, Shirley propofed to Wentworth, the 
 railing of men in New-Hampfliire, to be in 
 the pay of Maffiichufetts, and in the letter 
 which he wrote on that occalion paid him the 
 following compliment. ' It would have been 
 ' an infinite fatisfacflion to me, and done great 
 
 * honor to the expedition, if your limbs would 
 
 * have permitted you to take the chief com- 
 ' mand.' Wentworth was charmed with the 
 idea, and forgetting his gout, made an offer 
 of his perfonal fervice ; bat not till after the 
 Afiembly had agreed to his terms and the 
 money bill was palled. Shirley was then 
 obliged to anfwer him thus. ' Upon com- 
 ' municating your offer to two or three gen- 
 ' tlemen, in whofe prudence and judgment I 
 ' moll confide, I found them clearly of opin- 
 ' ion, that any alteration of the prefent com- 
 ' mand would be attended with great rifque, 
 ' both with refpecl to the AfTembiy and the 
 
 * foldiers being entirely difgufted.' 
 
 Before Pepperreli accepted the command, 
 he ailced the opinion of the famous George 
 Whitefield, who was then itinerating and 
 preaching in New-England. Whitefield told fieij'c'lll- 
 him, that he did not think the fcheme very ^^"^^ No, 
 promifing ; that the eyes of all would be 
 on him ; that if it fl-iould not fucceed, the 
 widows and orphans of the flain would re- 
 proach him ; and if it ihould fucceed, many 
 would regard him with envy, and endeavor 
 to eclipfe his glory ; that he ought therefore 
 to go with ' a fingle eye,' and then he would 
 find his ftrength proportioned to his necefli- 
 
160 HISTORY Ot 
 
 1745. ty. Henry Sherburne, the CommifTary of 
 New-Hamplliire, another of Whitefield's 
 friends, prelTed him to favor the expedition 
 and give a motto for the flag ; to v/hich, af- 
 ter fome heiltation, he confented. The mot- 
 to was, ' Nil dcfperandum Chrifto ducc.^ Thi§ 
 gave the expedition the air of a crufade, and 
 many of his followers inlifted. One of 
 theiTL, a Chaplain, carried on his llioulder a 
 hatchet, with which he intended to deftroy 
 the images in the French churches. 
 
 There are certain latent fparks in human 
 nature, which, by a collifion of caufes, are 
 fometimes brought to light ; and when once 
 excited, their operations are not eafily con- 
 troled. In undertaking any thing hazar- 
 dous, there is a neceffity for extraordinary 
 vigor of mind, and a degree of confidence 
 and fortitude, which lliall raife us above the 
 dread of danger, and difpofe us to run a 
 rifque which the cold maxims of prudence 
 would forbid. The people of New-England 
 have at various times fliewn fuch an enthu- 
 iiaftic ardor, which has been excited by the 
 example of their anceflors and their own ex- 
 pofed fituation. It was never more appar- 
 ent, and perhaps never more neceffary, than 
 on occafion of this expedition. Nor ought 
 it to be forgotten, that feveral circumflances, 
 which did not depend on human forefight, 
 greatly favored this undertaking. 
 
 The winters in this country are often fe- 
 vere, but the winter in which this expedition 
 was planned, and particularly the month of 
 February, was very mild. The harbours 
 and rivers were open, and the weather was 
 in general fo pleaf\nt, that every kind of la- 
 
NEW-HAMPSIIIREj 161 
 
 bor could be done abroad. The fruitful nefs 1745. 
 of die preceding feafon had made provifions 
 plenty. The Indians had not yet niolefted 
 the frontiers ; and though fome of them had 
 heard that an expedition againfl Cape Breton 
 was in hand, and carried the news of it to 
 Canada, fuch an attempt was fo improbable, 
 that the French gave no credit to the report, 
 and thofe in Nova-Scotia did not receive the 
 leall intelligence of the preparations. Doug- 
 lafs obferves, that ' fome guardian angel pre- 
 ' ferved the troops from taking the fmall pox,* 
 Vvdiich appeared in Boilon about the time of 
 their embarkation, and v/as actually import- 
 ed in one of tlie Ihips which was taken into 
 the fervice. A concurrence of happy inci- 
 dents brought together every Britiih lliip of 
 war from the ports of the American conti- 
 nent and iflands, till they made a formidable 
 naval fore?, confiding of four iliips of the 
 line and fix frigates, under the command of 
 an a(ffcive, judicious and experienced officer. 
 On the other hand, the garrifon of Louif- 
 bourg was difcontented and mutinous ; they 
 were in want of provifions and florcs ; they 
 had no knowledge of the defi-gn formed 
 againfl them ; their lliores were io environ- 
 ed with ice, that no fupplies could arrive 
 early from France, and thofe which came af- 
 terward, were intercepted and taken by our 
 cruifers. In fliort, * if anv one circumftance 
 
 * had taken a wrong turn on our fide, and if 
 
 ' any one circumflance had not taken a t5ougi»f» i- 
 ' wrong turn on the French fide, the expedi- 
 
 * tion mufl have mifcarried.' 
 
 In the undertaking and profecutlng of an 
 enterprifc fo novel to the people of New- 
 W 
 
162 HISTORY OF 
 
 1745. England, it is amufing to fee how manj 
 projects were invented ; what a variety of 
 advice was given from all quarters, and what 
 romantic expectations were formed by advi- 
 fers and adventurers. During the inliflment, 
 one of the officers was heard to fay with 
 great fobriety, that he intended to carry with 
 him three fhirts, one of which fhould be 
 rufHed, becaufe he expedted that the Gene- 
 ral would give him the command of the city^ 
 when it fhould be taken. An ingenious and 
 benevolent clergyman, prefented to the Gene- 
 ral a plan for the incampment of the army, 
 the opening of trenches and the placing of 
 Fr;-rat€ battcries before the city. To prevent dan- 
 Ms letters, gg^. ^q |-}^g troops from fubterraneous mines, 
 he propofed, that two confidential perfons, 
 attended by a gviard, fhould, during the 
 night, approach tlie walls ; that one fliould 
 with a beetle flrike the ground, while the 
 other fhould lay his ear to it, and obferve 
 whether the found was hollow, and that a 
 mark fliould be fet on all places fufpe(fted. 
 Another gentleman of equal ingenuity, fent 
 the General a model of a flying bridge, to be 
 ufed in fcaling the walls of Louiibourg. It 
 was fo light, that twenty men could carry it 
 on their flioulders to the wall, and raife it in 
 one minute. The apparatus for raifing it 
 confifted of four blocks, and two hundred 
 fathoms of rope. It was to be floored with 
 boards, wide enough for eight men to march 
 abreaft ; and to prevent danger from the ene- 
 my's fire, it might be covered with raw hides. 
 This bridge, it was faid, might be ere(fted 
 againfl any part of the wall, even where no 
 breach had been xnadc -, and it was fvippofed 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 165 
 
 that a thoufaiid men might pafs over it in 1745. 
 four minutes. 
 
 But the moft extraordinary projet^ of all, 
 was Shirley's fcheme for taking the city by 
 furprife, in the firft night after the arrival of 
 the troops, and before any Britilh naval 
 force could poflibly come to their affiftance. 
 It is thus delineated in a confidential letter 
 which he wrote to Wentworih, when he ur- 
 ged him to fend the I\ew-Hamp£hire troops 
 to Bolton, to proceed thence with the fleet of 
 tranfports. ' The fuccefs of our fcheme for March ». 
 
 * furprifmg Louiibourg will entirely depend 
 
 * on the execution of the firft night, after the 
 
 * arrival of our forces. For this purpofe it 
 
 * is neceflary, that the whole fleet fliould 
 
 * make Chappeau-rouge point juft at the 
 
 * fliutting in of the day, when they cannot 
 ' cafily be difcovered, and from thence pufli 
 ' into the bay, fo as to have all the men 
 ' landed before midnight ; (the landing of 
 ' whom, it is computed by Capt. Durell and 
 ' Mr. Baftide, will take up three hours at 
 
 * leaft.) After which, the forming of the 
 ' four feveral corps, to be employed in at- 
 ' tempting to fcale the walls of Louifbourg, 
 ' near the eaft gate, fronting the fea, and 
 
 * the weft gate, fronting the harbour ; to 
 
 * cover the retreat of the two beforemen- 
 ' tioned parties in cafe of a repulfe ; and, 
 
 * to attack the grand battery ; (which attack 
 
 * mull be made at the fame time with the two 
 
 * other attacks) will take up two hours more 
 
 * at leaft. After thefe four bodies are form- 
 ' ed, their march to their refpec^live pofts 
 ' from whence they are to make their attacks 
 ' and ferve as a cover to the retreat, will take 
 
164 HISTORY OiS 
 
 1745. ' up another two hours ; which, fuppofing the 
 ' tranfports to arrive in Chappeau-rouge bay 
 
 * at nine o'clock in the eveuing, and not be- 
 
 * fore, as it will be neceflary tor them to do, 
 ' in order to land and march under cover of 
 
 * the night, will bring them to four in the 
 
 * morning, being day break, before they be- 
 ' gin the attack, which will be full late for 
 ' them to begin. Your Excellency will from 
 ' hence perceive how critical an affair, the 
 
 * time of the fleet's arrival in Chappeau-rouge 
 
 * bay is, and hov/ neceifary it is to the fuc- 
 
 * cefs of our principal fcheme, that the fleet 
 ' fliould arrive there, in a body, at that precife 
 
 * hour.' 
 
 It is eafy to perceive that this plan was 
 contrived by a perfon totally unfiLilled in the 
 arts of navigation and of war. The coalc 
 of Cape-Breton was dangerous and inhofpit- 
 able, the feafbn of the year rough and tem- 
 peftuous, and the air a continual fog ; yet, a 
 fleet of an hundred veiTels, after failing 
 nearly two hundred leagues (for by this plan 
 they were not to (top) mull make a certain 
 point of land ' at a precife hour,' and enter 
 an unknovvn bay, in an evening. The 
 troops were to land in the dark, amidft a vi- 
 olent furf, on a rocky lliore ; to march 
 through a thicket and bog three miles, to the 
 city, and fome of them a mile beyond it to 
 the royal battery. Men vA\o had never been 
 in allien, were to perform fervices, which 
 the moil experienced veteran would think of 
 with dread ; to pull down pickets v^^ith grap- 
 ling irons, and i'ade the walls of a regular 
 fortification, with ladders, which were after- 
 ward found to be too Ihort by ten feet j all 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 165 
 
 in tlie fpace of twelve hours from their firft 1745. 
 making the hind, and nine hours from their 
 debarkation. This part of the plan was 
 prudently concealed from the troops. 
 
 The forces which New-Hampihire furnifli- 
 ed for this expedition, were three hundred 
 and fifty men, including the crew of an 
 armed (loop which convoyed the tranfports 
 and ferved as a cruifer. They were formed 
 into a regiment, confiding of eight compa- 
 nies, and were under the command ot Col. 
 Samuel Moore. The floop was commanded 
 by Capt. John Fernaid ; her crew confilled of 
 thirty men. The regiment, floop and tranf- 
 ports, were, by Governor Wentworth's writ- 
 ten inftruclions to the General, put under 
 his command. Befides thefe, a body of one 
 hundred and fifty men was inliited in New- 
 Hamplhire and aggregated to the regiment 
 in the pay of Mailachufetts. Thus New- 
 Hampfiiire employed five hundred men ; a- 
 bout one eighth part of the whole land force.'* wcnu 
 In thefe men, there was fuch an ardor for ac- !!""''i!.''** 
 tion, and fuch a dread of delay, that it was 
 impraclicable to put them fo far out of their 
 courfe, as to join the fleet at Bofl:on. Shir- 
 ley therefore altered the plan, and appointed 
 a rendezvous at Canfeau ; where the forces 
 of Ncw-Hampflii re arrived, two days before March, 3*. 
 the General and his other troops from 
 Bofton. 
 
 * In the introductory part of Dr. P.amfay's elegant history of ths 
 AmeriraD Rtvolotior (psgc 34) it is said, that ' this entcrpr^fs wai? un- 
 ' dertakeo l>y th.s sot.E authority of the Lcg'flature of !V''Sa'?«achu8ctt'.' 
 Tills i* not fufficinPtly acciirafc, It otipin;\-ed in Mafrithuf. fs ; but 
 the Colonies of N«vw.Haaip(bire^ Rhode Ifland and Connt<51icor. hy 
 their lepiflitive authority, furmfhid troops and flores. N-w-Yvk 
 ffent a fupply of artillery, and Pennfylvanii of provifions ; bur t)ic 
 tr'ops from Rhodc-lfland, and the prov<Tions from Fcunfylvaiiia.cid oct 
 arrive till after the furrciidcr of the city. 
 
166 HISTORY OF 
 
 1745. The inflrudllons which Pepperrell receiv- 
 ed from Shirley, were conformed to the 
 plan which he had communicated to Went- 
 worth, but much more particular and cir- 
 cumlf antial. He was ordered to proceed to 
 Canfeau, there to build a block-houfe and 
 battery, and leave two companies in garri- 
 fon, and to depoiit the {lores which might 
 
 orjg'mai not immediately be wanted by the army. 
 
 intiru<ai. Thence he was to fend a detachment to the 
 
 on5, in . 
 
 MS. Village of St. Peters, on the ifland of Cape- 
 Breton and dellroy it ; to prevent any intel- 
 ligence which might be carried to Louif- 
 bourg ; for which purpofe alfo, the armed 
 vefTeis were to cruife before the harbour. 
 The whole fleet was to fail from Canfeau, fo 
 as to arrive in Chappeau-rouge bay about 
 nine o'clock in the evening. The troops 
 were to land in four divifions, and proceed 
 to the affault before morning. If the plan 
 for the furprifal jQiould fail, he had particu- 
 lar diredlions where and how to land, march, 
 encamp, attack and defend ; to hold councils 
 and keep records ; and to fend intelligence 
 to Bofton by certain veffels retained for the 
 purpofe, which veffels were to flop at Caflle 
 William, and there receive the Governor's 
 orders. Several other veflels were appointed 
 to cruife between Canfeau and the camp, to 
 convey orders, tranfport flores, and catch fjh 
 for the army. To clofe thefe inflru6lions, 
 after the moft minute detail of duty, the 
 General was finally ' left to a6l upon unfore- 
 ' i^^Yi emergencies according to his difcre- 
 * tion ;' which, in the opinion of military 
 gentlemen, is accounted the mofl rational 
 part of the whole. Such was the plan, for 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRK. 167 
 
 the redii6llon of a regularly conftrudled for- 1745. 
 trefs, drawn by a lawyer, to be executed by 
 a merchant, at the head of a body of huf- 
 bandmen and mechanics ; animated indeed 
 by ardent patriotifm, but dellitute of profef- 
 lional fkill and experience. After they had . ^^.^ 
 embarked, the hearts of many began to fail, thank/giv. 
 Some repented that they had voted for the p"|c"5?"' 
 expedition, or promoted it ; and the moll 
 thoughtful were in the greateft perplexity. 
 
 The troops were detained at Canfeau, three 
 weeks, waiting for the ice which invironed 
 the illand of Cape-Breton, to be difTolved. le^JJ^rto 
 They were all this time within view of St. ^^"^"-y^ 
 Peters, but were not difcovered. Their pro- 
 vifions became fhort ; but they were fupplied 
 by prizes taken by the cruifers. Among 
 others, the New-Hampfliire floop took a fnip 
 from Martinico, and retook one of the trans- 
 ports, which llie had taken the day before. 
 At length, to their great joy. Commodore 
 Warren, in the Superbe, of fixty guns, with ^p*"'^ *^' 
 three other fhips of forty guns each, arrived 
 at Canfeau, and having held a confultation 
 with the General, proceeded to cruife before 
 Louilhourg. The General having fent the 
 New-Ham pfliire Hoop, to cover a detachment 
 which deflroyed the village of St. Peters, and 
 fcattered the inhabitants, failed with the 
 whole fleet ; but inftead of making Chap- ^P"^ ^9 
 peau-rouge point in the evening, the wind 
 falling fliort, they made it at the dawn of the 
 next morning ; and their appearance in the 
 bay, gave the firft notice to the French, of a 
 defign formed agauill them. 
 
 The intended furprifal being thus happily 
 frullrated, the next thing after landing the- 
 
" i6S HISTORY OF 
 
 1745. troops was to inveil the city. Vaughan,the 
 adventurer from Nevv-Hampiliire, had the 
 ra'ik and pay of a Lieutenant Colonel, but 
 refufed to have a regular command. He 
 was appointed one of the Council of War, 
 and was ready for any fervice which the 
 General might think fuited to his genius. 
 He condudled the firil column through the 
 woods, within iiglit of the city, and I'aluted 
 it with three cheers. He headed a detach- 
 ment, conliiling chiefly of the New-Ham p- 
 fliire troops, and marched to the north-eall 
 part of the harbour, in the night ; where 
 they burned the ware-houfes, containing th.e 
 naval ftores, and flaved a large quantity of 
 wine and brandy. The fmoke of this fire 
 being driven by the wind into the grand bat- 
 tery, fo terrified the French, that they aban- 
 doned it and retired to the city, after having 
 fpiked the guns and cut the halliards of the 
 
 .. flae-ftafF. The next morniu": as Vau8;han 
 
 v/as returnmg, with thirteen men only, he 
 crept up the hill which overlooked the bat- 
 tery, and obferved, that the chimnies of the 
 barrack were without fmoke, and the ftaff 
 v/ithout a flag. With a bottle of brandy, 
 which he had in his pocket, (though he never 
 drank fpirituous liquors) he hired one of his 
 party, a Cape Cod Indian, to crawl in at an 
 embrafare and open the gate. He then 
 
 -. . . , wrote to the General, thefe words, ' May it 
 
 MS. * pleafe your honor, to be informed, that by 
 
 * the grace of God, and the courage of thir- 
 
 * teen men, I entered the royal battery, about 
 ' nine o'clock, and am waiting for a reinforce- 
 
 * ment, and a flag.' Before either could ar- 
 rive, one of the men climbed up the flaflT, with 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 169 
 
 a red coat in his teeth, which he fuftened by 1745. 
 a nail to the top. This piece of triumphant 
 vanity alarmed the city, and immediately an 
 hundred men were difpatched in boats to re- 
 take the battery. But Vaughan, with his 
 fmall party, on the naked beach, and in the 
 face of a fmart fire from the city and the . 
 
 boats, kept them from landing, till the rein- 
 forcement arrived. In every duty of fatigue 
 or fanguine adventure, he was always ready ; 
 and the Ncw-Hampfliire troops, animated by 
 the fame enthuiiaftic ardor, partook of all the 
 labors and dangers of the iiege. They were 
 employed for fourteen nights fuccelfively, in 
 drawing cannon from the landing place to 
 the camp, through a morafs ; and their 
 Lieutenant Colonel Moiferve, being a fliip 
 carpenter, confLru6ted fledges,, on which the 
 cannon were drawn, when it was found that 
 their wheels were buried in the mire. The 
 men, with ftraps over their llioulders, and 
 finking to their knees in mud, performed la- 
 bor beyond the power of oxen ; which labor 
 could be done only in the night or in a fog- 
 gy day ; the place being within plain view 
 and random fliot of the enemy's walls. 
 They were much difippointed and chagrined, 
 when they found that thcfe meritorious fer- 
 vices were not more dillincftly acknovv^ledged ^^^^^^ 
 in the accounts v/hich vv^ere ient to England, north's 
 and afterwards publiihed. "' 
 
 In the unfortunate attempt on the ifland May a6. 
 battery by four hundred volunteers from 
 different regiments, the New-Hampfnire 
 troops were very adlive. When it was de- 
 termined to eredl a battery on the light-houfe 
 cliff ; two companies of them (Mafon's and 
 X 
 
Ji* 
 
 170 HISTORY OF 
 
 1745. Fernald's) were employed in that laborioug 
 fervice, under cover of their armed (loop j 
 and when a propofal was made for a general 
 alTatdt by fea and land, Colonel Moore, who 
 had been an experienced fea commander, of- 
 fered to go on board the Vigilant, with his 
 whole regiment, and lead the attack, if in 
 cafe of fuccefs he might be confirmed in the 
 command of the ^hip ; but when this was 
 denied, mod of the men who were fit for 
 duty, readily went on board the Princefs 
 Mary, to act as marines on that occafion. 
 
 i),.n;;ia:s I ii h-^s been fiid, that ' this fiege was car- 
 ' ried on in a tumultuary, random manner, 
 ' refembling a Cambridge commencement.' 
 The remark is in ' a great meafure true. 
 Though the buiinefs of the Council of War 
 was condu6led with all the formality of a 
 legiflative aiTembly ; though orders were if- 
 faed by the General, and returns made by 
 the officers at the feveral pods ; yet the want 
 of difcipline was too vifible in the camp. 
 Thofe who were on the fpot, have frequently 
 in my hearing, laughed at the recital of their 
 own irregularities, and expreiTed their admi- 
 ration when they refledled on the almoil mi- 
 raculous prefervation of the army from def- 
 truclion. They indeed prefented a formida- 
 ble front to the enemy ; but the rear was a 
 fcene of confufion and frolic. While fome 
 wore on duty at the trenches, others were 
 racing, v/reifling, pitching quoits, firing at 
 marks or at birds, or running after {hot from 
 the enemy's guns, for which they received a 
 bounty, and the fhot were fent back to the 
 city. The ground was fo uneven and the 
 people fo fcattered, that the French could 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. .171 
 
 form no cfhimatc of tlieir numbers ; nor 1745^ 
 could they learn it from the prifoners, taken 
 at the iflancl battery, who on their examina- 
 tion, as if by previous agreement, reprcfent- 
 ed the number to be valtly greater than it 
 was. The garrifon of Louiibourg had been., 
 fo mutinous before the hege, that the officers 
 could not trufh the men to make a fbrtie, lell 
 they fliould defert ; had they been united 
 and acfled with vigor, the camp might have 
 been furprifed and many of the people def- 
 troyed. 
 
 Much has been afcribcd, and much is 
 juflly due to the adlivity and vigilance of 
 Commodore Warren, and the fliips under his 
 command ; much is alfo due to the vigor and 
 perfeverance of the land forces, and the fuc- 
 cefs was doubtlefs owing, under God, to the 
 joint efforts of both. Something of policv, 
 as well as bravery, is generally neceflary in 
 fuch undertakings ; and there was one piece 
 of management, which, though not men- 
 tioned by any hiflorian, yet greatly contrib- 
 uted to the furrender of the city. 
 
 The capture of the Vigilant, a French fix- 
 ty-four gun fhip, commanded by the Mar- ^^^ ^^ 
 quis de la Maifon forte, and richly laden with 
 military (lores for the relief of the garrifon, 
 was one of the moft capital exploits perform- 
 ed by the navy. This fliip had been anx- 
 ioufly expc6led by the French ; and it was 
 thought that the news or her capture, if prop- 
 erly communicated to them, might produce 
 a good effedl ; but how to do it was the quef- 
 tion. At length the Commodore hit on this ^""'^ ^ 
 expedient, which he propoled to the General, <« warrtn 
 who approved, and put it into execution. In pcrei^''" 
 
172 HISTORY 01 
 
 1745. a fkirmifli on the ifland, with a party of 
 French and Indians, fome EngUlh prifoners 
 had been taken by them, and ufed with cru- 
 elty. This circumftance was made known 
 to the Marquis, and he was requefted to go 
 on board of all the fliips in the bay where 
 French prifoners were confined, and obferve 
 the condition in which they were kept. He 
 did fo, and was well fatisfied w4th their fare 
 and accommodations. He was then defired 
 to write to the Governor of the city, and 
 inform him how w^ell the French prifoners 
 were treated, and to requeft the like favor for 
 
 June 7, ^]^Q £ngliih prifoners. The humane Mar- 
 quis readily confented, and the letter was 
 fent the next day by a flag, intrufted to the 
 care of Capt. Macdonald. He was carried be- 
 fore the Governor and his chief oiliccrs ; and 
 by pretending not to underfland their lan- 
 guage, he had the advantage of liflening to 
 their difcourfe ; by v/hich he found, that 
 they had not before heard of the capture 
 of the Vigilant, and that the news of it, un- 
 der the hand of her late commander, threw 
 them into vifible perturbation. This event, 
 with the eredlion of a battery on the high 
 cliff at the light houfe, under the direcflion 
 of Lieutenant Colonel Gridley, by which 
 the iiland battery was much annoyed, and 
 the preparations which were evidently ma- 
 king for a general aifault, determined Du- 
 chambon to furrender ; and accordingly, in 
 
 June 15 to ^ few days he capitulated. 
 
 Upon entering the fortrefs and viewing 
 its flrengch, and the plenty and variety of 
 its means of defence, the ftouteil hearts were 
 appalled, and the impradlicability of carry- 
 ing it by aflault, was fully demonftrated. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 173 
 
 No fooner was the city taken, and the 1745. 
 army uncier llielter, than the weather, which 
 dunng the fiege, excepting eight or nine S^Mbl 
 days after the firil landing, had been re- 
 miarkably dry for that climate, changed for 
 the worfe ; and, an incclTant rain of ten 
 days fucceeded. Had this happened before 
 the fur render, the troops who had then be- 
 gun to be (ickly, and had none but very thin 
 tents, mull have periihed in great numbers. 
 Reinforcements of men, ilores and provi- 
 fions arrived,* and it was determined in a 
 Council of War to maintain the place and 
 repair the breaches. A total demolition 
 mi^ht have been more advantag-eous to the 
 nation ; but in that cafe, individuals would 
 not have enjoyed the profit of drawing bills on 
 the navy and ordnance ellabliihments. The 
 French flag was kept flying on the ramparts ; 
 and feveral rich prizes vvere decoyed into the 
 harbour. The army fuppofed that they had 
 a right to a fliare of thefe prizes ; but means 
 were found to fupprefs or evade their claim; 
 nor did any of the Colony cruifers (except 
 one) though they were retained in the fervice, 
 under the dire^5lion of the Commodore, reap 
 any benefit from the captures. 
 
 The news of this important vi(51ory filled 
 America with joy, and Europe with aftoniih- 
 nient. The enterprifing fpirit of Nev/-Eng- 
 land gave a ferious alarm to thofe jealous 
 fears, which had long predicated the indepen- 
 dence of the Colonies. Great pains were 
 
 • Of the reinforcements, New-Hamplhire fct 115 men The lofs 
 which the M-w-Hamf (hire troop. fuflT'iel was 1 ut rkvcn, oJ whrm 
 five wtre killed aed fi.t died of fickrcfs. Thi» w,i8 before the furreu' 
 dcr. More died aft rwar^^s in (.'irrilof. 
 
 Shirley's letter to Wtntworth, from Leu fbcurg, Sept. 2. 
 
174 HISTORY OF 
 
 1745. taken in England to afcribe all the glory t© 
 the navy, and leffen the merit of the army. 
 However, Pepperell received the title of a 
 Baronet, as v\rell as Warren. The latter was 
 promoted to be an Admiral ; the former had 
 a commiffion as Colonel in the Britifh eflab- 
 lifliment, and was empov/ered to raife a regi- 
 ment in America, to be in the pay of the Crown. 
 The fame emolument was given to Shirley, 
 and both he and Wentworth acquired fo 
 much reputation as to be confirmed in their 
 places. Vaughan went to England to feek a 
 reward for his fervices, and there died of the 
 fmall-pox. Solicitations were fet on foot for 
 
 Ms.kelers. "^ parliamentary reimburfement, which, after 
 much difficulty and delay, was obtained ; and 
 the Colonies who had expended their fub- 
 ftance were in credit at the Britiili treafury.* 
 The juftice and policy of this meafure mufi: 
 appear to every one, who confiders, that ex- 
 cepting the fuppreffion of a rebellion within 
 the bowels of the kingdom, this conquefl was 
 the only adlion which could be called a vic- 
 tory, on the part of the Britifli nation, during 
 the whole French war, and afforded them the 
 means of purchafing a peace. 
 
 • The icimhurfement to New-Hampfliire was fixteen thoufsnd, three 
 hundred and fifty-five pounds fterling. 
 
 Thosnlinfon's MS. letter. 
 
 &i 
 
KEW-HAMP5MIRE. 175 
 
 CHAP. XX, 
 
 PrcjeHtd Expedition to Canada. Jllarm by tht French Jieeit 
 State of the Frontiers. Peace. 
 
 W HILST the expedition to Cape- 
 Breton was in hand, the acflive mind of Gov- 
 ernor Shirley contemplated nothing lefs than 
 the conquefl of all the French dominions in 
 America; and he conful ted with Governor 
 Wentworth and Mr. Atkinfon on the practi- 
 cability of fuch a defign. After Louifbourg 
 was taken, he made a vifit thither, and held 
 a confultation with Sir Peter Warren and Sir ^^.^^^ ^^ 
 William Pepperell ; and from that place wrote ms imer« 
 preilingly to the Britifli niiniflry on the fub- 
 jecl. His folicitations, enforced by the bril- 
 liant fuccefs at Louifbourg, and the apparent 
 danger in Vv'hich Nova-Scotia and the new 
 conquefl were involved, had fuch an efFe(5l, -• ^^ 
 that in the fpring of the following year, a cir- 
 cular letter was fent from the Duke of New- ^f*^'' ^• 
 caftle, Secretary of flate, to all the Governors 
 of the American colonies, as far fouthward as 
 Virginia ; requiring them to raife as many 
 men as they could I'pare, and form them into 
 companies of one hundred ; to be ready to Dougiafs f. 
 unite, and adl according to the orders which ^^^' 
 they fhould afterwards receive. The plan 
 was, that a fquadron of fliips of war, and a 
 body of land forces, Ihould be fent from Eng- 
 land again ft Canada ; that the troops raifed 
 in New-England fhould join the Britifh fleet 
 and army at Louifbourg, and proceed up the 
 river St, Lav^axnce j that thofg of New- York 
 
1*76 HISTORY OF 
 
 1746. and the other Provinces at the fouthward, 
 fliould be collected at Albany, and march a- 
 gainft Crown Point and Montreal. The 
 management of this expedition was commit- 
 ted to Sir John St. Clair, in conjundlion with 
 Sir Peter Warren and Governor Shirley. St. 
 Clair did not come to America. Warren and 
 Shirley gave the orders, while Warren was 
 here ; and afterward Commodore Knowles, 
 who fucceeded him, was joined with Shirley ; 
 but as Knowles was part of the time at Louif- 
 bourg, mod of the concern devolved on Shir- 
 ley alone. 
 
 Bcfide the danger of lofing Nova-Scotia 
 and Cape-Breton, there were other reafons for 
 undertaking this expedition. The Indians, 
 fpe'ech! ^ inftigated by the Governor of Canada, were 
 June z8. ravaging the frontiers, deftroying the fields 
 and cattle, burning houfes and mills, killing 
 and carrying away the inhabitants. Thougls 
 fcouts and garrifons were maintained by the 
 governments ; yet to ad: altogether on the 
 defeniive, was thought to be not only an in- 
 cffecftual, but a difgraceful mode of carrying 
 on the war ; efpecially after the fuccefs which 
 had attended the arms of the Colonifls in 
 their attempt againft .Louifbourg. The 
 continuance of fuch a mode of defence, would 
 neither difpirit the enemy, nor fecure the 
 frontiers from their depredations. 
 
 The deiign was pleafing, and the Colonies 
 readily furniflied their quotas of men. In 
 New-Hampfliire, the flime difficulty occurred 
 as on occaiion of the Louifbourg expedition. 
 The Governor had no authority to confent 
 Shirley's to the emilTion of bills of credit, but Shirley 
 May 31!"' removed that obflacle, by fuggefting to him, 
 
K 
 
 NEtV-HAMPSHIllE. 177 
 
 that as the miiiiflry did not diflipprove what 1746. 
 he had done before, fo there was no reafon to 
 fear it now ; and that the importance of the 
 fervice, and the neceflity of the cafe, would 
 judify his condudl. Tlie demand at tirft, 
 was for levy money and viclnaliog. The 
 arms and pay of the troops were to be furn- 
 iOied by the Crown ; bu'c it was afterward 
 found necellkry that the feveral govern- 
 ments fhould provide clothing, tranfports 
 and (lores, and depend on a reimburfemenc 
 from the Britiih Parliament. 
 
 The AiTembly was immediately convened, 
 and voted an encouragement for inliiling a J""^' 
 thoufand men, or more, if they could be 
 raifed ; with a bounty of thirty pounds cur- 
 rency, and a blanket to each man, befides 
 keeping two armed veflels in pay. Col. At- Atkitifon's 
 kinfon was appointed to the command of the ^^ '"'*''* 
 troops. Eight hundred men were inlifted and 
 ready for embarkation by the beginning of 
 July. Tranfports and provifions were prepar- 
 ed, and the men waited, impatiently, all fum- 
 mer for employment. Neither the General 
 nor any orders arrived from England ; the 
 fleet, which was faid to l^e deftined for the 
 expedition, failed feven times from Spithead, 
 and as often returned. Two regiments, only, 
 were fent from Gibraltar, to Louilbourg, to 
 relieve the New-England men, who had gar- 
 rifoned it (ince the conqueft. It is much ea- 
 fier to write the hiilory of an a(flive cam- 
 paign, than to trace the caufcs of inaction 
 and difappointment ; and it is in vain to 
 fupply the place of fac5ls by conjedlure.* 
 
 * • The laft war was ruinous in the cxve; fe. and unfucccfsful io the 
 
 * end, for want of conCderatioo, and a re louable plan ac the be(/ia- 
 
 • oiog.* DoJdiri^toi/8 Diary. May »7, 1755. Page 330. 
 
 Y 
 
178 HISTORY Of 
 
 f 
 
 1746. In this time of fufpenfe, Sir Peter War- 
 ren, and Sir William Pepperell, having ar- 
 rived at Bofton,from Louilbourg, Shirley had 
 an opportunity of confulting them, and fiich 
 other gentlemen as he thought proper, on the 
 Shirley's affair of the Canada expedition. The fea- 
 tifhnTr!. ^o^ was fo far advanced, that a fleet could 
 Au^uft aj. hardly be expe(5led from England ; or if it 
 fhould arrive, it vv^ould be too late to attempt 
 the navigation of the river St. Lawrence. 
 But, as a fufficient body of the troops might be 
 aifembled at Albany, it was judged prudent J 
 to employ them in an attempt againft the 
 French fort at Crown Point. At the fame 
 time, Clinton, Governor of New- York, foli- 
 cited and obtained the friendly afTiftance of 
 the Six Nations of Indians, on the borders of 
 his Province. It was thought, that if this 
 attempt fliould be made, the alliance with 
 thefe Indians w^ould be flrengthened and fe- 
 cured ; and the frontiers would be relieved 
 from the horrors of defolation and captivity, 
 to which they were continually expofed. In 
 purfuance of this plan, the forces of New- 
 Ms letter Hampflilre w^ere ordered to hold themfelves 
 ry wTiilrd. i^^ rcadiucfs, to march to Albany; but, it 
 Sspt. I. being difcovered that the fmall-pox was 
 there, the rendezvous was appointed at Sara- 
 toga and the adjacent villages. 
 
 No fooner was this plan refolved on, and 
 preparations made to carry it into execu- 
 tion, than accounts were received of danger 
 Shirley's which threatened Annapolis, from a body of 
 Ms^icuer^' Freucli and Indians at Minas, and the prob 
 Sept. li. ' able revolt of the Acadians. It was though 
 that Nova-Scotia would be loft, if fome 
 powerful fuccour were not fent thither. Or- 
 
 f 
 
 n 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 179 
 
 ders were accordingly ifTued, for the troops 1746, 
 of MaiTachufetts, Rhode-Ifland and New- 
 Hampfliire, to embark for that place, and 
 ' drive the enemy out of Nova-Scotia.* But, 
 within a few days more, the whole country 
 was alarmed, and throvv'n into the utmofl "^^'* ^°' 
 conllernation, by reports of the arrival of a 
 large fleet and army from France, at Nova- 
 Scotia, under the command of the Duke 
 D'Anville. It was fuppofed that their obje<5l 
 was to recover Louiibourg ; to take Anna- 
 polis ; to break up the fettlements on the 
 eaftern coafl of Mailachufetts ; and to dif- 
 tref^j, if not attempt the conquefh of the whole 
 country of Nev;-England. On this occafion, 
 the troops deflined fcr Canada found fuffi- 
 cient employment at home, and the militia 
 was collecfled to join them ; the old forts on 
 the fea coafl were repaired, and new ones 
 were erecled. A new battery, confifling of 
 fixteen guns, of thirty-two and tv/enty-four 
 pounds fhot, was added to fort William and 
 Mary, at the entrance of Pafcataqua harbour; 
 and another, of nine thirty-two pounders, 
 was placed at the point of Little Harbour. 
 Thefc works were fuppofed to be fufficient 
 to prevent a furprifal. Military guards were 
 appointed ; and in this flate of fear and anx- 
 iety, the people were kept for fix weeks, when 
 fome prif oners, who had been releafed by the oaoberai. 
 French, brought the moft afreifling accounts 
 of the diftrefs and confufion on board the 
 fleet. It was expelled, by the people in New- 
 England, that an Englifli fleet would have 
 followed them to America. This expectation 
 was grounded on fome letters from England, 
 which Shirlev had received and which he 
 
180 HISTORY OF 
 
 1746. forwarded by exprefs to Admiral Townfend, 
 at Louifbourg. The letters were intercepted 
 by a French cruifer, and carried into Chebuc- 
 to, where the fleet lay. They were opened 
 in a Council of War, and caufed a divifion 
 among the officers ; which, added to the 
 lickly condition of the men, and the dam- 
 age which the fleet had fuftaincd by florms, 
 and their iofs by fhipwrecks, dejected their 
 commander to that degree, that he put an end 
 to his life by poifon ; and the fecond in 
 command fell on his lV\rord. Thefe melan- 
 choly events, difconcerted their firll plan. 
 They then refolved to make an attempt on 
 Annapolis ; but when they had failed from 
 Chebudlo, they were overtaken by a violent 
 tempeft, off Cape Sa.ble ; and thofe lliips 
 which efcaped deftru6lion, returned fingly to 
 France. Never was the hand of divine Prov- 
 idence more viilble, than on this occalion. 
 Never was a difappointment more fevere, on 
 the fide of the enemy ; nor a deliverance 
 more complete, without human help, in fa- 
 vor of this country. 
 
 Nova.-Scotia was not yet out of danger. 
 The French and Indians, who, during the 
 flay of the fleet at Chebu(fto, had appeared 
 before Annapolis, but on their departure re- 
 tired, were ftill in the peninfula ; and it 
 "Was thought necefllu'y to dillodge them. 
 For this purpofe Shirley fent a body of the 
 Mafliichufetts forces, and prefTed the Gover- __ 
 nors of Rhode-lfland and New-FIampfliirc toflU 
 
 Nav. 10. f^p^il p;:^j-t: of tlicirs. Thofe from Rhode- HP 
 r lilcind, and one tranfport from Bofhon, were 
 wrecked on the pafTage, The armed vefTels 
 of Nevv'-Hampiliirc, with two hundred men. 
 
f 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 181 
 
 went to Annapolis ; but the commander of 1746. 
 one of them, inftead cf landing his men, 
 failed acrofs the Bay of Funda, into St. John s dcc 13, 
 river ; where, meetin- with a French fnow, ^^f^^,,^ 
 and miflaking her for one of the Rhode- ^«;f ^;j;; 
 Ifland tranfports, he imprudently font his 
 boat with eight men on board, who were 
 made prifoners, and the fnow efcaped. The 
 {loop, inftead of returning to Annapolis, caine 
 back to Portfmouth. Thefe misfortunes and 
 diflippointments had very ferious ill confe- ^ 
 quences. The Malfachufetts forces, who 1^47. 
 were at Nova-Scotia, being inferior in num- 
 ber to the French, and deceived by falfe in- 
 telligence, were iurpriied m the midft of a 
 fnow ftorm at Minas ; and after an obftinatc ^^^ ^,^ 
 reiiflance, were obliged to capitulate. Their 
 commander, Col. Arthur Noble, and about ^^^ 
 fixty men, were killed, and fifty wore wound- Poa. 
 ed. The enemy being provided with fnow- 
 fl-ioes, made forced marches ; and ours being 
 deilitute of them were unable to efcapc. 
 
 When the alarm occafioned by the French 
 fleet had fubiided, Atkinfon's regiment 
 marched into the country to cover the lower 
 part of the frontiers, and encamped near the 
 fliore of Winipifeogee lake ; where they pall- 
 ed the winter and built a flight fort. I'hey ^ ^^_^^ 
 were plentifully fuppiied with provifions, and ^JTcti 
 had but litde exercife or difcipline. Courts 
 martial were not inftituted, nor offences 
 puniflied. The officers and men were tired 
 of the fervicc ; but were not permitted to en- 
 ter on any other bufmefs, left orders Ihould 
 arrive from England. Some were employed 
 in fcouting ; iome in hunting or fiihing, 
 and fome dcferted. 
 
 :cr«. 
 
182 HISTORY OF 
 
 1747. Shirley was fo intent on attacking Crown 
 Shirley's P^^i^^ that he cven propofed to march thither 
 MS letters, in the winter, and had the addrefs to draw the 
 Aflembly of MaflTachnfetts into an approba- 
 tion of this projed. He enlarged his plan, 
 by propofmg that the New-Hamplbire troops 
 lliould at the fame time go, by the way of 
 Conne6licut river, to the Indian village of St. 
 Francis, at the diftance of two hmidred miles, 
 and deftroy it ; while the troops from Maf- 
 fachufetts,Connecl:icut and New- York, fhould 
 go by the way of the Lakes to Crown Point. 
 The Governor of New- York would have 
 confented to this wild projection, on account 
 of the Indian allies, who were impatient for 
 MS copy war ; but it was happily frufbrated, by the 
 tL^^^^Re- P^"^idence of the Connedicut Affembly ; who 
 foives. deemed the winter an improper feafon for fo 
 great an undertaking, and deferred their af- 
 fiftance till the enfuing fpring. At the fame 
 time the fmall pox prevailed in the fettlements 
 . aboveAlbany, through which the forces mufh 
 have marched ; and that diflemper was 
 then an objed: of much greater dread, than 
 the florms of winter, or the face of an 
 ene?jiy. 
 
 To finifli what relates to the Canada forces, 
 it can only be fiid, that excepting fome who 
 were employed on the frontiers, they were 
 kept in a (late of military indolence, till the 
 oa. 1747. autumn of the enfuing year ; when by order 
 from the Duke of Newcaftle they were dif- 
 banded, and paid at the fame rate as the 
 King's troops. The Governors drew bills on 
 the Britifh treafury ; which were negociated 
 among the merchants at feven and eight hun- 
 Ms^Vaen <ii'ed per cent, and the Parliament granted 
 
f 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 188 
 
 money, to reimburfe the charges of the equip- 1747. 
 mcnt and fubfiftence of thefe forces. 
 
 The flate of the frontiers now demands our 
 attention. By the extenfion of the bounda- 1745. 
 ries of the Province, feveral fettlemehts which 
 held been made by the people of Maffachu- 
 fetts, and under the authority of grants from 
 their General Court, had fallen within New- 
 Hamplhire. In one of them flood Fort Bum- 
 mer, on the weft fide of Connedicut river, 
 and within the lately extended line of New- 
 Ham pOi ire. This fort had been ereclcd and 
 maintained, at the expenfe of Mailachufet'cs ; 
 but wlien it was found to be within New- 
 Hampfliire, the Governor was inftruded by 
 the Crown to recommend to the AlTembly, 
 the future maintenance of it. In the fame 
 Aifembly, which had fo zealoufiy entered 
 upon the expedition againft Cape Breton, this ^^.^^^^ 
 matter was introduced ; but a conhderable journal, 
 majority of the lower Houfe declined mak- ^''^ ^' 
 in'>- any grant for this purpofe, and adduced 
 the following reafons, viz. That the fort 
 w^as fifty miles diftant from any towns which 
 had been fettled by the government or people 
 of New-Hampfliire ; that the people had no 
 right to the lands which, by the dividing line, 
 had fidlen within New-Hampfliire ; notwith- 
 flanding the plaufible arguments which had 
 been ufed to induce them to bear the expenfe 
 of the line ; namely, that the land^ would be 
 given to them or elfe would be fold to pay 
 that expenfe ; that the charge of maintaining 
 that fort, at fo great a diftance, and to which 
 there was no communication by roads, would 
 exceed what had been the whole expenfe of 
 government before the line was eftablifhed ; 
 
181 HISTORY Ol- 
 
 1745. that the gre?it load of debt contracled on that 
 account, and the yearly fnpport of govern- 
 ment, with the unavoidable expenfes of the 
 war, were as much as the people could bear ; 
 that if they iliould take upon them to main- 
 tain this fort, there was another much better 
 and more convenient fort at a place called 
 Number- four, belides feveral other fettle- 
 ments, which they ihould alfo be obliged to 
 defend ; and finally that there was no dan- 
 ger that tliefe forts would v^ant fupport, fince 
 it was the intereit of Maffachufetts, by whom 
 they v/ere erecled, to maintain them as a 
 cover to their frontier. 
 
 When thefe reafons were given, the Gov- 
 ernor difTolved the AiTembiy and called an- 
 ^' other, to whom he recommended the fame 
 meafure in the mod prefling terms ; telling 
 them, ' that it v/as of the laft confequence to 
 ' the prefent and future profperity of the gov- 
 *ernment; that their refufal would leiTen 
 
 * them in the efleem of the King and his min- 
 ' ifters, and ftrip the children yet unborn of 
 
 * their natural right ; and deprive their breth- 
 ' ren who were then hazarding their lives 
 
 * before the walls of Louifbourg of their juft 
 ' expec5lations, which were to fit down on that 
 ' valuable part of the Province.' But his elo- 
 quence had no effed:. They thought it un- 
 juit to burden their Conftituents with an ex- 
 penfe which could yield them no profit, and 
 afFord them no proteiflion. 
 
 When it was determined, that New-Hamp- 
 fliire woidd make no provifion for fort Dum- , 
 mer, the Allembly of MaiTachuf etts continu- 
 ed its ufual fupport, and alfo provided for 
 the other pofts on Conuedicut river and its 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 185 
 
 brancKes, which were within the Hmits of 1745« 
 New-Hampfhire. They afterwards petition- 
 ed the King, to dedudl that charge out of the 
 reimburfement, which the Parliament had 
 granted to New-Hampfliire, for the Canada 
 expedition ; but in this they were defeated, 
 by the vigilance and addrefs of Thomlinfon, 
 the agent of New-Hampfliire. 
 
 Mofl of the frontier towns of New- 
 Hamplliire, at that time, were diftinguifhed 
 by no other than by Indian or temporary 
 names. It may be convenient to compare 
 them with their prefent names. On Con- 
 neclicut river, and its eaftern branches, were 
 Number-four, "] f Charleftown, 
 
 Great Meadow, I I Weftmoreland, 
 
 Great Fall, I ^^''^'^ J Walpole, 
 
 ' ^. are now ^ r 7 
 
 Fort Dummer, j eaikd ] Hinfdale, 
 Upper Alliueiot& | ( Keene and 
 
 Lower Afliuelot, J LSwanfey. 
 
 On Merrimack river and its branches, were 
 
 " Concord, 
 Pembroke, 
 Bofcawen, 
 Hopkinton, 
 Merrimack and 
 Amherft, 
 
 Penacook, "] 
 
 Suncook, I 
 
 Contoocook, j "^^''^ 
 
 XT TT 1 • )>^^^ noV}^ 
 
 New-Hopkmton, f called 
 
 Souhegan eaft & 
 
 Souhegan weft, 
 
 On Pafcataqua river, and its branches, were 
 
 the townfhips of Nottingham, Barrington 
 
 and Rochefter. 
 
 Beiides the forts which were maintained 
 at the public expenfe, there were private 
 houfes enclofed with ramparts, or palifades 
 of timber ; to which the people who remain- 
 ed on the frontiers retired ; thefe private 
 garrifoned houfes were diftinguilhed by the 
 names of the owners. The danger to which 
 Z 
 
186 HISTORY OT 
 
 1745. thefe diftrefTed people were conftantly ex- 
 pofed, did not permit them to cultivate their 
 lands to any advantage. They were fre- 
 quently alarmed when at labor ia their fields, 
 and obliged either to repel an attack, or make 
 a retreat. Their crops were often injured, 
 and fometimes deftroyed, either by their cat- 
 tle getting into the fields where the enemy 
 had broken the fences, or becaufe they were 
 afraid to venture out, to colleffl and fecure 
 the harveft. Their cattle and horfes were 
 frequently killed by the enemy ; who cut 
 the flefli from the bones, and took out the 
 tongues, which they preferved for food, by 
 drying in fmcke. Sometimes they were 
 afraid even to milk their cows ^ though they 
 kept them in paftures as near as pofTible to 
 the forts. When they went abroad, they 
 were always armed ; but frequently they 
 were fhut up for weeks together in a ftate of 
 inactivity. 
 
 The hiftory o-f a war on the frontiers can 
 be little elfe than a recital of the exploits, 
 the fufFerings, the efcapes and deliverances of 
 individuals, of fingle families or fm.all par- 
 .fuiy J- ^ ties. The firll appearance of the enemy on 
 Mimo[ul the weftern frontier was at the Great Mea- 
 P»ge a- dow, fixteen miles above fort Dummer, 
 Two Indians took William Phips, as he was 
 hoeing his corn. When they had carried 
 him half a mile, one of them went down a 
 fteep hill to fetch fomething which had been 
 left. In his abfence, Phips, with his own 
 hoe, knocked down the Indian who was with 
 him ; then feizing his gun, fhot the other as 
 he afcended the hill. Unfortunately, meet- 
 ing with three others of the fame party,they 
 
NEV/-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 187 
 
 killed him. The Indian whom he knocked 1745. 
 down died of his wound. The fame week j^,^ ^^^ 
 they killed Jofiah Fifher of upper Alhuelot. 
 No other damage was done for three 
 months ; when a party of twelve Indians ap- oaobern 
 proached the fort at Great Meadow, and ^^^,^ 
 took Nehemiah How, who was at a little dif- narrative. 
 tance from the fort, cutting wood. The 
 fort was alarmed, and one Indian was killed 
 by a (hot from the rampart ; but no attempt 
 was made to refcue the prifoner. As they 
 were leading him away, by the fide of the 
 river, they efpied a canoe coming down, with 
 two men, at whom they fired, and killed 
 David Rugg ; but Robert Baker got to the 
 oppofite ihore and efcaped. Proceeding far- 
 ther, they met three other men, who, by 
 fkulking under the bank, got fafe to the 
 fort. One of them was Caleb How, the 
 prifoner's fon. When they came oppofite 
 to Number-four, they made their captive 
 write his name on a piece of bark, and left 
 it there. Having travelled feven days weft- 
 ward, they came to a lake, where they found 
 five canoes, with corn, pork and tobacco. 
 In thefe canoes they embarked ; and ha- 
 ving ftuck the fcalp of David Rugg on a 
 pole, proceeded to the fort at Crown-Point ; 
 where How received humane treatment from 
 the French. Fie was then carried down to 
 Quebec, where he died' in prifon. He was 
 a" ufeful man, greatly lamented by his 
 friends and fellow captives. 
 
 The next fpring, a party of Indians ap- 1745^ 
 peared at Number-four, where they took ^ ^_^ 
 John SpafFord, Ifaac Parker and Stephen ooolit-ic". 
 Farnfworth, as thcv were driving a team. ■^•«'««»- 
 
188 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 1746. Their cattle were found dead, with their 
 tongues cut out. The men were cairied to 
 Canada, and, after fome time, returned to 
 Bofton, in a flag of truce. 
 April 23. . Within a few days, a large party, confifl- 
 mg of fifty, laid a plan to fiirprife the fort, at 
 Upper Afliuelot. They hid themfelves in a 
 fwaaip, in the evening ; intending to wait 
 till the men had gone out to their work, ia 
 the morning, and then rufh in. Ephraim 
 D.o';tM.»s ^o^"^^i^> who was abroad very early, difcov- 
 D,ci.o.rs. & ered them and gave the alarm. He bravely 
 ^"sTcttir. defended himfelf againft two Indians, and 
 flnpped one of his blanket and gun, which 
 he carried into the fort. John Bullard, and 
 the wife of Daniel Mc Kenny were killed. 
 Nathan Blake was taken and carried to Cana- 
 da, where he remained two years. They 
 burned feveral houfes and barns ; and from 
 the human bones found among the afhes, it 
 was thought that fome of the enemy fell and 
 were concealed in the flames. 
 
 About the fame time, a party came down 
 to New-Hopkinton, where they entered a gar- 
 April a;, rifoned houfe, and found the people afleep; 
 How'* nar- ^^^ ^.^^^ haviug bceu left open by one who 
 rat.ve, and had rifen early and gone out to hunt. Eight 
 J^rr'auve. perfous Were thus taken ; Samuel Burbank 
 Bofton ^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^o^s, David Woodwell, his 
 poftBoy. wife, two fons, and a daughter. Burbank 
 and the wife of Woodwell, died in captivity. 
 Woodwell and three of the children return- 
 ed in a flag of truce to Bofton. 
 May z. ^^^^ enemy were fcattered in fmall parties, 
 
 on all the frontiers. At Number-four, fome 
 Dooiittic', women went out to milk their cows, with 
 nauative. Major Jofiah Willard, and feveral foldiers. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 189 
 
 for their guard : Eight Indians who were 1746. 
 concealed in a barn, fired on them, and kill* 
 ed Seth PuDiam ; as they were fcalping him, 
 Willard and two more fired on them, and 
 mortally wounded two, whom their compan- 
 ions carried off. 
 
 At Contoocook, five white men and a ne- ^^3^ ^ 
 gro were fired at. Eliflia Cook and the ne- ^'^'•to"'» ^ 
 gro were killed. Thomas Jones was taken, ratms. 
 and died in Candida. 
 
 At lower Afhuelot, they took Timothy j^^^ ^ 
 Brown and Robert MofFat, who were car- 
 ried to Canada and returned. At the fame 
 time a party lay about the fort at Upper Afh- 
 tielot. As one of them knocked at the gate 
 in the night, the centinel fired through the ua^ra'dve' 
 gate and gave him a mortal wound. 
 
 The danger thus increafing, a reinforce- j^^y 3^, 
 nient was fent by the Maflachufetts AiTem- 
 bly, to thefe diftrelTed towns. Capt. Paine, 
 with a troop, came to Number-four ; and 
 about twenty of his men, going to view the 
 place where Putnam was killed, fell into an 
 ambufh. The enemy rofe and fired, and 
 then endeavored to cut off their retreat. 
 Capt. Phinehas Stevens, with a party, rulhed 
 out to their relief: A fkirmifli enfued ; in 
 which five men were killed on each fide, and 
 one of ours was taken. The Indians left 
 fome of their guns and blankets behind. June 19. 
 
 In about a month after this, another en- 
 gagement happened at the fame place. 
 As Capt. Stevens and Capt. Brown were going 
 into the meadow, to look for their horfes, the nn„;;t,ie-, 
 dogs difcovered an ambufli, which put the fjarrativc. 
 men into a pofture for adlion, and gave them conoo 
 the advantage of the firfl fire. After a iharp I'Cft""'^ 
 
V 
 
 190 HISTORY OF 
 
 1746. encounter, the enemy were driven into a 
 fwamp, drawing away feveral of their dead. 
 In this adlion one man only was loft. Seve- 
 ral blankets, hatchets, fpears, guns and other 
 things, were left on the ground, which were 
 fold for forty pounds old tenor. This was 
 reckoned * a great booty from fuch beggarly 
 'enemies.' 
 
 June 44. p^^ Bridgman's fort, near fort Dummer, 
 William Robins and James Baker were kill- 
 ed in a meadow. Daniel How and John 
 Beeman were taken. How killed one of the 
 Indians before he was taken. 
 
 July 3- When the people wanted bread they were 
 
 obliged to go to the mills, with a guard, 
 every place being full of danger. A party 
 who went to Hinfdale's mill, with Colonel 
 Willard at their head, in fearching round the 
 mill, difcovered an ambufh. The enemy 
 were put to flight with the lofs of their 
 packs. 
 
 A8g. 3- At Number-four, one Phillips was killed ; 
 and as fome of the people were bringing 
 him into the fort, they were fired upon ; 
 but none were hurt. Having burned fome 
 buildings, and killed fome cattle, the enemy 
 went and ambufhed the road near Winchef- 
 
 Au5. 6. ter, where they killed Jofeph Rawfon. 
 
 Whilft the upper fettlements were thus fuf- 
 fering, the lower towns did not efcape. A 
 party of Indians came down to Rochefter, 
 
 Tm»€ a?, within twenty miles of Portfmoath. Five 
 
 Haven » mcu werc at work in a field, having their 
 arms at hand. The Indians concealed them- 
 felves ; one of them fired, with a view to in- 
 duce the men to difcharge their pieces, which 
 they did. The enemy then rufiied upon 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 191 
 
 tliem before they could load again. They 1746- 
 retreated to a fmall deferted houfe and fat- 
 tened the door. The Indians tore off the 
 roof, and with their guns and tomahawks 
 difpatched Jofeph Heard, Jofeph Richards, 
 John Wentworth and Gerfham Downs. They 
 wounded and took John Richards ; and then 
 croffing over to another road, came upon 
 fome men who were at work in a field, all of 
 whom efcaped ; but they took Jonathan Door, 
 a boy, as he was fitting on a fence. Richards 
 was kindly ufed,his wounds were healed, and 
 after eighteen months he was fent to Bodon 
 in a flag of truce. Door lived with the Indians 
 and acquired their manners and habits ; but, 
 after the conquefl of Canada, returned to his 
 native place. 
 
 Soon after this, another man was killed at a r 
 
 r-r-i • Aug Of. 
 
 Rochefler. Two men were furprifed and 
 taken at Contoocook ; and a large partv of 
 Indians lay in Ambufh at Penacook, with an 
 intention to attack the people, while affembled 
 for public worihip ; but feeing them go arm- 
 ed to their devotions, they waited till the next 
 naorning, when they killed five and took two. 
 In thefe irritating fkirmiflies the fummer 
 was fpent ; till a large body of French and ^"g- ^o- 
 Indians attacked Fort Maflachufetts, at Hoo- „ 
 
 r r-r->i ' r r Norton s 
 
 fuck. This fort was lo(t for want of ammu- narrative. 
 nition to defend it. After this fuccefs, the 
 enemy remained quiet during the reft of the 
 fummer. 
 
 The profpedl of an expedition to Canada 
 had induced many of the foldiers who were 
 pofted on the frontiers to inlifl into the regi- 
 ments, becaufe they preferred adlive fervice 
 to the dull routine of a garrifon. The de- 
 
192 HISTORY OF 
 
 1746. fence of the weflem pofls was not only haz- 
 ardous, but ineffe(5lual ; and fome perfons in 
 the north-weftern part of Maflachufetts 
 thought it inexpedient, to be at the charge of 
 defending a territory, which was out of their 
 
 November, jurifdicflion. Their petitions prevailed with 
 the Affembly, to withdraw their troops from 
 the weflern parts- of New-Hampfhire. The 
 inhabitants were then obliged to quit their 
 efiates. They depohted in the earth, fuch 
 furniture and utenfils as could be faved by 
 that means ; they carried off on horfeback 
 fuch as were portable j and the remainder, 
 . with their buildings, was left as a prey to 
 the enemy, who came and deftroyed or car- 
 ried away what they pleafed. Four families, 
 
 Sumner 8 J ^ . \ '^ , ^ , . ' 
 
 & oicott's who remained in Shattuck s fort (Hinfdale) 
 . etterf. jgfgjj^jg^^ jj- agaiufl a party of Indians, who 
 attempted to burn it. Six men only were left 
 in the fort at Number- four, who, in the fol- 
 lowing winter deferted it ; and it was wholly 
 deftitute for two months. In this time fome 
 gentlemen, who underftood the true interefl 
 of the country, prevailed on the Affembly of 
 Maffachufetts, to refume the prote(5lion of 
 thofe deferted places ; and to employ a fufE- 
 ciency of men, not only to garrifon them, but 
 to range the v/oods and watch the motions 
 
 ^ ^.^ of the enemy. 
 
 In the latter end of March, Captain Phine- 
 has Stevens, who commanded a ranging com- 
 pany of thirty men, came to Number-four; 
 and finding the fort entire, determined to 
 keep poffefiion of it. He had not been there 
 
 April 4- many days, when he was attacked by a very 
 large party of French and Indians, command- 
 ed by M. DebelinC^ The dogs, by their bark- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. iMS 
 
 %« 
 
 ing, difcovered that the enemy were near ; 1747. 
 which caiifed the gate to be kept fliut, beyond 
 the uCual time. One man went out to make ^^Z7,'\^ 
 difcovery and was fired on ; but returned '* ^' 
 
 vrrin 
 
 with a flight wound only. The enemy, find- Pod. Aprn 
 ing that they were difcovered, arole from *^* 
 their concealment and fired at the fort on all 
 fides. The wind being high, they fet fire to 
 the fences and log-houfes, till the fort was 
 furroanded by flames. Captain Stevens 
 took the moil prudent meafures for his fe- 
 curity ; keeping every veflTel full of water 
 and digging trenches under the walls in fev- 
 eral places ; {o that a man might creep 
 through, and extinguifli any fire, which might 
 catch on the outfide of the walls. The fire 
 of the fences did not reach the fort ; nor did 
 the flaming arrows which they incefl^antly 
 fliot againfl: it take effecl. Having continued 
 this mode of attack for two days, accompa- 
 nied with hideous fliouts and yells ; they 
 prepared a wheel carriage, loaded with dry 
 faggots, to be puflied before them, that they 
 might fet fire to the fort. Before they pro- 
 ceeded to this operation, they demanded a 
 ceflation of arms till the fun-rifing, which 
 was granted. In the morning Debeline came 
 up with fifty men, and a flag of truce which 
 he fl:uck in the ground. He demanded a 
 parley, which was agreed to. A French ofli- 
 cer, with a foldier and an Indian, then ad- 
 vanced ; and propofed that the garrifon 
 fliould bind up a quantity of provifions with 
 their blankets, and having laid down their 
 arms lliould be conduciled prifoners to Mon- 
 treal. Another propofal was that the two 
 commanders fliould meet, and that an anfwer 
 A A 
 
194 HISTORY OF 
 
 1747. fhould then be given. Stevens met the 
 French commander, who, w^ithout waiting 
 for an anfwer, began to enforce his propofal, 
 by threatening^ to ftorm the fort, and pu^ 
 every man to death, if they Ihould refufe 
 his terms, and kill one of his men. Ste- 
 vens anfwered, that he could hearken to no 
 terms till the lafl extremity ; that he was 
 intr lifted with the defence of the fort, and 
 was determined to maintain it, till he fliould 
 be convinced that the Frenchman could per- 
 form what he had threatened. He added, 
 that it was poor encouragement to furrender, 
 if they were all to be put to the fword for 
 killing one man, when it was probable they 
 had already killed more. The Frenchman re- 
 plied, * Go and fee if your men dare to fight any 
 * longer, and give me a quick anfwer.' Ste- 
 vens returned and afked his men, whether 
 they would fight or furrender. They unani- 
 moufly determined to fight. This was im- 
 mediately made known to the enemy, who 
 renewed their fliouting and firing all that 
 day and night. On the morning of the third 
 day, they requeued another ceflation for 
 two hours. Two Indians came with a flag, 
 and propofed, that if Stevens would fell them 
 proviiions they would withdraw. He anf- 
 wered, that to fell them provifions for money 
 was contrary to the law of nations ; but 
 that he would pay them five bufhels of corn 
 for every captive, for whom they would give 
 a hoftage, till the captive could be brought 
 from Canada. After this anfwer, a few guns 
 were fired, and the enemy were feen no 
 more. 
 
 In this furious attack from a ftarving 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. * 195 
 
 •enemy, no lives were loft in the fort, and 1747. 
 two men only were wounded. No men could 
 have behaved with more intrepidity in the 
 midfl of fuch threatening danger. An ex- 
 prefs was immediately difpatched to Bofton, 
 and the news was there received with great 
 joy. Commodore Sir Charles Knowles was 
 io higlily plealed with the condudl of Capt. 
 Stevens, that he prefented him with a valu- 
 able and elegant fword, as a reward for his 
 bravery. From this circumilance, the town- 
 ihip, v.^hen it was incorporated, took the 
 name of Charieftown. 
 
 Small parties of the enemy kept hovering, 
 and Ibmetim.es difcovered themfelves. Ser- 
 geant Phelps killed one, near the fort, and 
 efcaped unhurt, though fired upon and pur- 
 fued by two others. 
 
 Other parties went farther down the coun- 
 try ; and at Rochefter, they ambullied a com- 
 pany who were at work in a field. The am- J""*: 7- 
 bufli was difcovered by three lads, John and ms. letter* 
 George Place, and Paul Jcnnens. The In- 
 dians fired upon them. John Place returned 
 the fire and wounded an Indian. Jennens 
 prefented his gun but did not fire ; this pre- 
 vented the enemy from rufliing upon them, 
 till the men from the field came to their re- 
 lief and put the Indians to flight. 
 
 At Penacook, a party of the enemy dlf- juiy 48. 
 covered themfelves by firing at fome cattle. ^^J^^^i 
 They were purfued by fifty men ; and re- Poft. 
 treated with fuch precipitation, as to leave 
 their packs and blankets, with other things 
 behind. One man had his arm broken in 
 this conflict. About the fame time, a man 
 was killed there, who had jufl returned from 
 
 ng 
 
196 * HISTORY OF 
 
 1747. Cape Breton, after an abfence of two years. 
 Another was killed at Suncook ; and at Not- 
 Mb.Tuer. tingham, Robert Beard, John Folfom and 
 Elizabeth Simpfon, fuffered the fame fate. 
 
 In the autumn, Major Willard and Cap- 
 tain Alexander, wounded and took a French- 
 man, near Winchefter, who was condudled 
 to Bodon and returned to Canada. Soon 
 after, the enemy burned Bridgman's fort ; 
 (Hinfiale) and killed feveral perfons, and 
 took others from that place, and from Num- 
 ber-four, in the enfuing winter. No purfliit 
 could be made, becaufe the garrifon was not 
 provided with fnow-fhoes, though many 
 hundreds had been paid for by the Govern^' 
 ment. 
 
 The next fpring. Captain Stevens was 
 
 17'±8. again appointed to command at Number- 
 
 oicon', four, with* a garrifon of an hundred men ; 
 
 MS. icucr. Q^y^^^ Humphrey Hobbs being fecond in 
 command. A fcouting party of eighteen, 
 
 May 25. was fent out under Capt. Eleazer Melvin. 
 They difcovered two canoes in Lake Cham- 
 plain, at which they fired. The fort at 
 
 uarrative. Crowu Poiut was alarmed, and a party came 
 out to intercept them. Melvin crofTed their 
 track, and came back to Weft River ; where 
 as his men were diverting themfelves by 
 fliooting falmon, the Indians fuddenly came 
 upon them and killed fix. The others came 
 in at different times to Fort Dummer. 
 
 On a Sabbath morning, at Rochefler, the 
 
 fji^y 1. wife of Jonathan Hodgdon was taken by the 
 Indians, as flie was going to milk her cows. 
 
 HavenV She called aloud to her hufband. The In- 
 
 Ms. lerter jj^j-jg ^yQuld liave kept her quiet, but as fhe 
 perfifted in calling, they killed her, appar- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 197 
 
 ently contrary to their intentions. Her huf- 1748. 
 band heard her cries, and came to her affift- 
 ance, at the inftant of her death. His gun 
 mifTed fire, and he efcaped. The alarm, oc- 
 cafioned by this ac5lion, prevented greater 
 mifchief. 
 
 The next month, they killed three men be- June x6. 
 longing to Hinfdale's fort, Nathan Frencli, 
 Jofeph Richardfon and John Frofl. Seven 
 were taken ; one of v/hom, William Bick- 
 ford, died of his wounds. Capt. Hobbs, and r„„j ^^ 
 forty men, being on a fcout near Weft River, 
 were furprifed by a party of Indians, with 
 whom they had a fmart encounter, of three 
 hours continuance. Hobbs left the ground, 
 having had three men killed and four wound- 
 ed. The fame party of the enemy killed , j 
 two men and took nine, between fort Hinf- 
 dale and fort Dummer. 
 
 The ceifation of arms between the belli- 3 749. 
 gerent powers did not wholly put a Hop to 
 the incurfions of the enemy ; for after it 
 was known here, and after the earrifon of, . 
 
 XT u r '11 Jiioe,!;. 
 
 INumber-rour was withdrawn, exceptmg fif- 
 teen men, Obadiah Sortwell was killed, and a ^'""''' 
 Ion of Capt. Stevens was taken and carried 
 to Canada ; but he was releafed and re- 
 turned. . 
 
 During this affeding fcene of devaflation 
 and captivity ; there were no inftances of de- 
 liberate murder nor torture exerciled on thofe 
 who fell into the hands of the Indians ; and 
 even the old cuftom of making tliem run the 
 gauntlet was in mofl cafes omitted. Qn the 
 contrary there is an univerfal tcftimony from 
 the captives who furvived and returned, in 
 favor of the humanity of their captors. 
 
198 HISTORY OF 
 
 1749* When feeble,they aflifted them in travelling ; 
 an^ in cafes of diftrefs from want of provi- 
 fion, they Ihared with them an equal propor- 
 tion. A fingular inftance of moderation 
 deferves remembrance. An Indian had 
 furprifed a man at Afliuelot ; the man 
 aflved for quarter, and it was granted : 
 Whilft the Indian was preparing to bind him, 
 he feized the Indian's gun, and fliot him in 
 one arm. The Indian, however, fecured 
 him ; but took no other revenge than, with 
 a kick, to fay 'You dog, how could you treat 
 * me fo ?' The gentleman from whom this 
 information came, has frequently heard the 
 ftory both from the captive and the captor. 
 The latter related it as an inftance of Englifli 
 Mrieuer. perfidy ; the former of Indian lenity. 
 
 There was aftrikhig difference between the 
 manner in which this war was managed, on 
 the part of the Englilh and on the part of 
 the French. The latter kept out fmall par- 
 ties continually engaged in killing, fcalping 
 and taking prifoners ; who were fold in Can- 
 ada and redeemed by their friends, at a great 
 expenfe. By this mode of condudl, the French 
 made their enemies pay the whole charge of 
 their predatory excurfions, befides reaping a 
 ♦ handfome profit to themfelves. On the 
 
 other hand, the Englifh attended only to the 
 defence of the frontiers ; and that in fuch a 
 manner, as to leave them for the moft part 
 infecure. No parties were fent to harrafs 
 the fettlements of the French. If the whole 
 country of Canada could not be fubdued, 
 nothing lefs could be attempted. Men were 
 continually kept in pay, and in expectation 
 of fervice ; but fpent their time either in 
 
 ' i 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 199 
 
 garrifons, or camps, or in guarding provi- 1749. 
 fions when fent to the feveral forts. Though 
 large rewards were promifed for fcalps and 
 prifoners, fcarcely any were obtained unlefs 
 by accident. A confufion of councils, and a 
 multiplicity of dire(5lors, caufed frequent 
 changes of meafures, and delays in the exe- 
 cution of them. The forts were ill fupplied 
 with ammunition, provifions, clothing and 1747 
 fnow-lhioes. When an alarm happened, it 
 was neceflary, either to bake bread, or drefs 
 meat, or call bullets, before a purfuit could 
 be made. The French gave commiilions to 
 none but thofe who had diftinguillied them- 
 fclves by fome exploit. Among us, perfons 
 frequently obtained preferment, for them- 
 felves or their friends, by making their court 
 to Governors, and promoting favorite meaf- 
 ures in town meetings, or General Alfem- 
 blies. 
 
 A community recovering from a war, like 
 an individual recovering from ficknels, is 
 fometimes in danger of a relapfe. This war 
 was not decifive, and the caufes which kin- 
 dled it were not removed. One of its efFe(51sr 
 was, that it produced a clafs of men, who, hav- 
 ing been for a time releafed from laborious 
 occupations, and devoted to the parade of mili- 
 tary life, did not readily lillen to the calls of 
 induftry. To fuch men peace was burden- 
 fome, and the more fo, becaufe they had not 
 the advantage of half pay. The interval be- 
 tween this and the fucceeding war was not 
 long. The peace took place in 1749, and in 
 1754 there was a call to refume the fword. 
 
200 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAR XXL 
 
 Purchafe of Mafori's claim. Conirovsrfy ahout Reprefentaiion- 
 Plan of extending the jsttlemcnts, Jeahufy and refcnlmcnt of 
 the favagci. 
 
 W HILST the people were contend- 
 ing with an enemy abroad, an attempt was 
 making at home, to revive the old claim of 
 Mafon, which their fathers had withftoodj 
 and which for many years had lain dormant^ 
 till recalled to view by the politicians of Maf- 
 fachufetts, as already related. After Thom- 
 linfon had engaged with Mafon, for the pur- 
 chafe of his title, nothing more was heard of 
 itr, till the contr*overfy refpe6ling the lines 
 was finiilied, and Wentworth was eflablilh- 
 
 1744. ed in the ieat of government, and in the of- 
 fice of furveyor of the Woods. The agree- 
 ment which Thomlinfon had made, was in 
 behalf of the Reprefentatives of New-Ham p- 
 fliire ; and the inflrument was lodged in the 
 hands of the Governor, who fent it to the 
 
 ' ^°" Houfe for their perufal and confideration. 
 Affembiy ^^ ^^7 ^^ their table a long time, without any 
 Records, formal notice. Ouickening meiTages were fent 
 time after time ; but the affairs of the war, 
 and Mafon's abfence at fea, and in the expe- 
 dition to Louifbourg, where he had a com- 
 pany, together with a difinclination in the 
 Houfe, which was of a different complexion 
 from that in 1739, prevented any thing from 
 being done. 
 
 1745. In the mean time Mafon fuffered a fine and 
 recovery, by which the entail was docked, in 
 the Court? of New-Hamplliire,andhe became 
 
 Feb. 28* 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 201 
 
 entitled to the privilege of felling his intercft. 1745. 
 He alio prefented a memorial to the Allcm- 
 bly, in which he told them that he would 
 wait no longer ; and unlefs they would come 1746-. 
 to fomc refolution, he fliould take their fi- 
 lence as a refufal. Intimations were given, 
 that if they would not ratify the agreement, 
 a fale would be made to other perfons, who 
 flood ready to purchafe. At length the 
 Koufe came to a refolution, ' that they w^ould 
 
 * comply with the agreement, and pay the jan. 39. 
 ' price ; and that the wafte lands fhould be 
 
 ' granted by the Geno'al y'JJcmbly^ to the in- 
 
 * habitants, as they flioiild think proper.* 
 A committee was appointed to treat with 
 Mafon, about fulfilling his agreement, and 
 to draw the proper inifruments of convey- 
 ance ; but he had on the fame day, by deed jan. 3<}. 
 of fale, for the fam of fifteen hundred 
 pounds currency, conveyed his whole interefl 
 
 to twelve perfons, in fifteen lliares. When 
 the Houfe fcnt a meflage to the Council to 
 inform them of this refolution, the Council 
 obje6led to that claufe of the rcfolve, ' that 
 
 * the lands be granted by the General Af- 
 ' fembly,' as contrary to the royal com- 
 milfion and infl:rud:ions ; but if the Houfe 
 would addrefs the King, for leave to difpofe 
 of the lands, they faid that they were con- 
 tent. 
 
 Thefe tranfa6lions raifed a great ferment 
 among the people. Angry and menacing 
 v/ords were plentifully thrown out againfb 
 the purchafers ; but they had prudently ta- 
 ken care to file in the Recorder's office a deed 
 of quit-claim to all the tov/ns which had 
 been fettled and grauted within the limits of 
 B B 
 
202 , HiSTOiir OF 
 
 1746. their purchafe.* In this quit-claim, they 
 , , inferted a claufe in the following words, 
 
 Records of . i r - r rL* 
 
 deeds. * excepting and reiervnig our retpective 
 
 * rights, titles, inheritance and polleilions, 
 ' which we heretofore had, in common or 
 
 * feveralty, as inhabitants or proprietors of 
 
 * houfes or lands, within any of the towns, 
 ' precindls, diifridls or villages aforefaid.' 
 This precaution had not at firft its efFed:. A 
 committee of both Houfes was appointed to 
 confider the matter, and they reported, that 
 
 * for quieting the minds of the people, and 
 
 * to prevent future difficulty, it would be bed 
 ' for the Province to purchafe the claim, for 
 
 AifemWy t ^^iq ufc aud benefit of the inhabitants ; 
 ' provided that the purchafers would fell it 
 ' for the cod and charges.' This report v/as 
 accepted, concurred and confented to, by 
 every branch of the legifiature. A com- 
 mittee was appointed to confult Council, and 
 agree on proper inilruments of conveyance. 
 The fame day, this committee met with the 
 purchafers, and conferred on the queftion, 
 whether they would fell on the terms propo- 
 fed ? At the conference, the purchafers ap- 
 peared to be divided, and agreed fo far only, 
 as to withdraw their deed from the Recorder's 
 
 • The purchaffrs of this claim were 
 
 Theodore Atkinion thrte fifteenths. Thomas Packer. 
 
 "M. H. VVentworth, two Bftecuths. Thomas Walimgford. 
 
 Richard Wibird. Jotham Odiornc. 
 
 John Wentworth (fon of the Governor.) Jofliua Peirce. 
 
 Georpe Joffrey. John Mcffdt, one fif- 
 
 Samuel Mcorc. tcentb each. 
 Nathaniel IVUlTcrve. 
 
 The covins quit claimed wftrc^ 
 
 Portfniouth, I>ondonr;erry^ Bow, 
 
 Dover^ Chefter, ' Chichefter, 
 
 Exeter, Nottingham, Epfom, 
 
 Hampton. BarringtoD, Barnftead, 
 
 Gofport, Rochefter, and afterward 
 
 Kingfton, Canterbury, Gilmaniown. 
 
 Aagufi 4, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 20S 
 
 office. The committee reported that they 1746- 
 could make no terms with the purchafers ; ^"S- '"■ 
 ill confequence of wdiich the deed was again Aug. 48. 
 lodged in the office and recorded. 
 
 Much blame was cafl on the purchafers, 
 for clandcftinely taking a bargain out of the 
 hands of the Alfem-bly. They faid in their 
 vindication, 'that they faw no pi"o%^ of sept. 4. 
 < an ef-Hdual purchafe by the Aflembly, MsWr, 
 ' though thofe of them who were members, ["r/officV. 
 
 * voted for it, and did what they could to 
 
 * encourage it ; that they would have gladly 
 
 * given Mafon as much money, for his private 
 
 * quit-claim to their feveral rights in the 
 
 * townlhips already granted and fettled ; 
 
 * that Mafon's claim had for many years 
 
 * hung over the Province, and that on every 
 
 * turn they had been threatened with a pro- 
 ' prietor ; that Mafon's deed to a committee 
 
 * of Maffiachufetts, in behalf of that Province, 
 
 * for a tract of land adjoining the boundary 
 ' line, had been entered on the records, and 
 ' a title under it fet up, in oppofition to grants 
 
 * made by the Governor and Council ; that 
 
 * it was impolTible to fay where this evil 
 ' would flop, and therefore they thought it 
 ' mod prudent to prevent any farther effi^ds 
 
 * of it, by taking up with his offer, efpecial- 
 ' ly as they knew that he might have made a 
 ' more advantageous bargain, with a gen- 
 ' tleman of fortune in the neighbouring 
 
 * Province ; but that they were fcill willing, 
 
 * to fell their intereil to the Affembly, for the 
 ' coil and charges ; provided that the land be 
 
 * granted by the Governor and Council ; and that 
 ^ the agreement be made within one month 
 ' from the date of their letter.' 
 
204 HISTORY or 
 
 1746. Within that month, the alarm caufed by 
 the approach of D'Anville's fleet, put a flop 
 to the negociation. After that danger was 
 over, the affair was revived ; but the grand 
 difiicuky fiibfifted. The purchafers would 
 not fell, but on condition that the lands 
 Ihould be granted, by the Governor and 
 Council. The Affembly thought that they 
 could have no fecurity that the land would be 
 granted to the people ; becaufe the Gover- 
 
 1 7/1^ ^^°^ ^^^^^ Council might grant it to thenifelves, 
 * or to their dependents, or to flrangers, and 
 
 Aug, ao. the people who had paid for it might be ex- 
 cluded from the benefit which they had pur- 
 chafed. A propofal was afterward made, 
 that the fale fliould be to feoffees in truft for 
 the people ; and a form of a deed for this 
 purpofe was drav^n. To this propoial, the 
 purchafers raifed feveral obje6Hons ; and as 
 the Affembly had not voted any money to 
 make the purchafe, they declined figning the 
 deed ; and no farther efforts being made by 
 the Affembly, the purchafe refced in the 
 hands of the proprietors. In 1749 they took 
 a fecond deed, comprehending all the Ma- 
 fonian grants, from Naumkeag to Pafcata- 
 
 Recordsof g^i^ ; wlicreas the former deed was confined 
 to the lately eftabliflied boundaries of New- 
 Hampfliire. This latter deed was not re- 
 corded till 1753. 
 
 After they had taken their firft deed^ the 
 
 1 /'i». Mafonians began to grant townfhips, and 
 continued granting them to petitioners, often 
 without fees, and always without quit-rents. 
 They quieted the proprietors of the towns, 
 on the weftern fide of the Merrimack, which 
 had been granted by Maffachufetts, before 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 20 
 
 i> 
 
 the eflablifliment of the line ; fo that they 1748. 
 went on peaceably with their fettlements. 
 The terms of their grants were, that the 
 grantees fliould, within a limited time, erecfl 
 mills and meetihg-houfes, clear out roads and 
 fettle minifters. In every townfliip, they re- 
 ferved one right for the firfl fettled minifter, 
 another for a parfonage, and a third for a 
 fchool. They alfo refer ved fifteen rights for 
 themfelves, and two for their attorneys ; all 
 of which were to be free from taxes, till fold 
 or occupied. By virtue of thefe grants, ma- 
 ny townfliips were fettled, and the intereft of 
 the people became fo united with that of the 
 proprietors, that the prejudice againft them 
 gradually abated ; and, at length, even fome 
 who had been the mofl violent oppofers, ac- 
 quiefced in the fafety and pollcv of their 
 nieafures, though they could not concede to 
 the validity of their claim. 
 
 The heirs of Allen, menaced them by ad- 
 vertifements, and warned the people againfl 
 accepting their grants. They depended on 
 the recognition of Allen's purchafe, in the 
 Charter of MalTachufetts, as an argument in 
 favor of its validity ; and fuppofed, that be- 
 caufe the ablefh lawyers in the kingdom were 
 confulted, and employed in framing that 
 charter, they mull have had evidence of the 
 juflice of his pretenfions, before fuch a re- 
 fervation could have been introduced into it. 
 So ftrong was the imprefiion, which this ar- j^^ ,,,,„, 
 gument had made, on the minds of fpecula- ^^ '^'^"^• 
 tors in England, that large fums had been 
 offered, to fome of Allen's heirs, in that 
 kingdom ; and, Thomlinfon himfelf, the firlt 
 mover of the purchafe from Mafon, in be- 
 
206 HISTORY OF 
 
 1748. half of New-Hampfliire, had his doubts ; 
 and would have perfuaded the affociates to 
 join in buying Allen's title alfo, even at the 
 price of two thoufand pounds flerling, to 
 prevent a more expenlive litigation, the iflue 
 of which would be uncertain. But they, 
 being vefhed with the principal offices of gov- 
 ernment ; being men of large property, which 
 was alfo increafed by this purchafe ; and ha- 
 ving fatisfied themfelves, of the validity of 
 their title, by the opinions of fome principal 
 lawyers, both here and in England, contented 
 themfelves with the purchafe which they had 
 made ; and by maintaining their pofTeffion, 
 extended the cultivation of the country 
 within their limits. 
 
 The words of the original grants to Ma- 
 fon, defcribe an extent of fixty miles, from 
 the fea, on each fide of the Province, and a 
 line to crofs over from the end of one line of 
 fixty miles, to the end of the other. The 
 Mafonian proprietors pleaded, that this crofs 
 line ihould be a curve^ becaufe, no other line 
 would preferve the dilfance of fixty miles 
 from the fea, in every part of their weflern 
 boundary. No perfon had any right to con- 
 teft this point with them, but the King. It 
 was not for the intereft of his Governor and 
 Council to objecft ; becaufe feveral of them, 
 and of their connedlions, were of the Ma- 
 fonian propriety ; and no obje(5lion was 
 made by any other perfons, in behalf of the 
 Crown. Surveyors were employed, at feve- 
 ral times, to mark this curve line ; but on 
 running, firfl from tlie fouthern, and then 
 from the eafhern boundary, to the river Pe- 
 migewailet, they couid not make the lines 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^^ 207 
 
 meet. Controverfies were thus engendered, 1748. 
 between the grantees of Crown lands and 
 thofe of the Mafonians, which fubfifled for 
 many years. In fome cafes, the difputes 
 were compromifed, and in others, left open 
 for litigation ; till, by the revolution, the 
 government fell into other hands. 
 
 This was not the only controverfy, wdiich, 
 till that period, remained undetermined. 
 When the exteniion of the boundary lines 
 gave birth to a demand, for the maintenance 
 effort Diimmer, the Governor had the ad- P""'"*"* 
 drefs, to call to that AfTembly, into which he jan. 1744 
 introduced this demand, fix new members ; 
 who appeared as reprefentatives for fix towns 
 and difiricls, fome of which had been, by the 
 fouthern line, cut off from Maflachufetts. 
 It was fuppofed that his defign, in calling 
 thefe members, was to facilitate the adop- 
 tion of fort Dummer. Other towns, which 
 ought to have had the fame privilege extend- 
 ed to them, were negledled. When the new 
 members appeared in the Houfe, the Secreta- 
 ry, by the Governor's order, adminiflered to 
 them the ulual oaths ; after which, they were 
 afked, in the name of the Houfe, by what 
 authority they came thither ? They anfwered, 
 that they were chofen by virtue of a writ, in 
 the King's name, delivered to their refpec- 
 tive towns and diftridls, by the Sheriff. The 
 Houfe remonflrated to the Governor, that 
 thefe places had no right, by law, nor by cuf- 
 tom, to fend perfons to reprefent them, and 
 then debarred them from the privilege of 
 voting, in the choice of a Speaker ; two only 
 diffenting, out of nineteen. Several fliarp 
 meffages paffed, between the Governor and 
 
208 HISTORY OF 
 
 1748. the Houle, on that occafion ; but the prefl- 
 ing exigencies of the war, and the propofed 
 expedition to Cape-Breton, obliged him, for 
 that time, to give way, and fufTer his new 
 members to be excluded, till the King's 
 pleafure could be known. 
 
 The Houfe vindicated their proceedings, 
 by appealing to their records ; from which it 
 appeared, that all the additions, which had 
 been made to the Houfe of Repreientatives, 
 were, in confequence of their own votes, ei- 
 ther iiTuing a precept themfelves, or requelf- 
 ine: the Governor to do it ; from which thev 
 argued, that no town, or pariih, ought to have 
 any writ, for the choice of a Reprefentative, 
 but by a vote of the Houfe, or by an act of 
 the AfFembly. On the other fide, it was al- 
 leged, that the right of fending Reprefenta- 
 tives was originally founded on the royal 
 commiffion and inflru(5lions, and therefore, 
 that the privilege might, by the fame author- 
 ity, be lawfully extended to the new towns, 
 as the King, or his Governor, by advice of 
 Council, might think proper. The prece- 
 dents on both fides were undifputed ; but 
 neither party would admit the conclufion 
 drawn by the other. Had this difficulty been 
 forefeen, it might have been prevented when 
 the triennial ail was made in 1727. The 
 defedls of that law, began now to be fevere- 
 ly felt ; but could not be remedied. 
 
 The difpute having thus fubfided, was not 
 revived during the war ; but as foon as the 
 peace was made, and the King had gone on 
 Dougiafs a vifit to his German dominions, an addition- 
 al inflru6lion was fent from the Lords Jufti- 
 ces, who prefided in the King's abfence, di- 
 
NEW-HAMrSHIRE. '209 
 
 re(5ling the Governor to diirolve the Aflem- 1748. 
 biy then fubfifthirr ; and when another fliould , 
 
 Tunc 'lO. 
 
 be called, to iirue the King's writ to the Sher- 
 iff, commanding him to make out precepts 
 to the towns and diflri^ls, whofe Reprefen- 
 tatives had been before excluded ; and that 
 when they Ihould be chofen, the Governor 
 Ihould fupport their rights. 
 
 Had this inllruclion extended to all the 
 other towns in the Province, which had not 
 been before reprefented, it might have been 
 deemed equitable ; but as it ref|:)e6led thofe 
 only, which had been the fubjecl of contro- 
 verfy, it appeared to be grounded on partial 
 information, and intended to ftrengthen the 
 prerogative of the Crown, without a due re- 
 gard to the privileges of the people at large. 
 
 The party in oppofition to the Governor 1749. 
 became more acrimonious than ever. Rich- 
 ard Waldron, the former Secretary, and the 
 confidential friend of Belcher, appeared ia 
 the new Affembly and was chofen Speaker. 
 The Governor negatived him ; and ordered 
 the Houfe to admit the new members, and 
 choofe another Ipeaker. They denied his 
 power of negativing their Speaker and of in- 
 troducing new members. The flyle of his 
 meifages was peremptory and fevere; their 
 anfwers and remonifrances were calm, but 
 refolute, and in fome inftances flityrical. 
 Neither party would yield ; no bufinefs was 
 tranfacfted ; though the aflcmbly met about 
 once in a month, and was kept alive, by ad- 
 journments and prorogations, for three years. 
 Had he dilTolved them, before the time for 
 which they were chofen had expired, he 
 knew, that in all probability, the fame per- 
 fons would be re-ele(5led, 
 Cc 
 
210 HISTORY OF 
 
 1749. The cfFeSi of this controverfy was inju- 
 rious to the Governor, as well as to the peo- 
 ple. The public bills of credit had depre- 
 ciated lince this adminiftration began, in the 
 ratio of thirty to fifty-lix ; and the value of 
 the Governor's falary had declined in the 
 fame proportion. The excife could neither 
 be farmed nor collected ; and that part of 
 the Governor's falary, v/hich v/as funded 
 upon it, failed. The Treafurer's accounts 
 were unfettled. The foldiers, who had 
 guarded the frontiers in the preceding war, 
 were not paid ; nor were their mufler-rolls 
 adjufted. The public records of deeds were 
 fliut up ; for the Recorder's time having ex- 
 pired, and the appointment being by law 
 veiled in the Affembly, no choice could be 
 made. No authenticated papers could be 
 obtained, though the agent was conftantly 
 foliciting for thofe which related to the con- 
 troverfy about Fort Dummer, at that time 
 before the King and Council. 
 
 When the fit nation of the Province was 
 
 j 750. known in England, an impreihon to its dif- 
 
 1751. advantage was made on the minds of its 
 
 beil friends ; and they even imagined that 
 
 the Governor's condudl was not blamelefs.* 
 
 * Auguft lo, 1749, Mr. Thotnlinfon wrote thus to Mr, Atkinfon. 
 ' I am forry to find by your letters, and by f very body frorn your coun- 
 
 * try, the confufion your Province is in. I wifli I coul(3 fet you right. 
 ' I cannot help thinking that the Governor has done foire ioiprudent 
 ' things ; buf the other party is fundamentally wrong, and the Govcrn- 
 '' or wjH always he fopported as long as he condudls himfpif by his 
 ' Majcfty's inftru<9ions^ and in his tight of negativing a fpcaker. Not- 
 '' wifliflanding this, I am furprifed that he, or any other Governor, 
 
 * (hould not thirk it their intereft, to behave fo to all forts of people 
 ' under their government, as to make all their enemies their friendsj 
 
 * rather tb«n to make their friends their enemies.' 
 
 Odober 19, 1749^ Mr. Atkinfon wrote thus in anfwcr. ' I atK 
 ' fuppofed by many people to be privy to all the Governor's tranfac- 
 ' lions here, which is totally without foundation. I never faw a letter 
 ' which he wrote home, nor any he received, only, when any of them 
 
later*. 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 211 
 
 The language at Court was totally chang- 1749- 
 ed. The people of Nevv-Hamplliire who 1750. 
 had formerly been in favor, as loyal and 175L 
 obedient fubjecfts, were now faid to be in re- 
 bellion. Their accent was frequently rc- 
 proacnea and mortiiiea on then* account, fo„'s ms 
 and was under great apprehenlion, that they 
 would fuffer, not only in their reputation, 
 but in their interefl. Tlie agent of MalTa- 
 chufetts was continually foliciting for repay- 
 ment of the charges of maintaining fort 
 Dummer, and it was in contemplation, to 
 take off a large diflridl from the weftern 
 part of New-Hamplliire, and to annex it to 
 Maffachufetts, to fatisfy them for that ex- 
 penfe. Befides this, the paper money of the 
 Colonies was under the coniideration of Par- 
 liament ; and the Province of Malliichufctts 
 was riling into favor for having aboliflied 
 that fyflem of iniquity. The fame juflice 
 was expedled of New-Hampfliire, (ince they 
 had the fame means in their power by the 
 reimburfement granted to them by Parlia- 
 ment for the Cape-Breton and Canada expe- 
 ditions. This money, amounting to about 
 thirty thoufand pounds fterling, clear of all 
 fees and commifTions, had lain long in the 
 treafury ; and when it was paid to the agent, 
 he would have placed it in the funds, where 
 it might have yielded an intereft of three per 
 cent ; but having no directions from the Af- 
 fembly, he locked it up in the bank. This 
 
 ' were comtnunicajed to the Council or Afftmbly ; nor any of h'n 
 
 * fpeeches or miflagrs. So that, really, I cannot be faid to advife. 
 ' Neither do I fee What rcafon tbc pcofle have to complain. His 
 ' Jjreatcft CDemied are now of the Alfembly, and in all the controver- 
 ' fy, r.-A onr particular inllance of iijuftice or opprtfljon hath hcnn nitn- 
 ' tioned by them ; and %hcn you read over their frveral rndTages, and 
 
 * votc», you will not difcover any iDclination to conceal the lead lail- 
 
 * ing be had been the autbor of,' 
 
212 HISTORY OF 
 
 1749. was a clear lofs to them of nine hundred 
 
 1750. pounds per annum. There v/ere fome v/ho 
 
 1751. refledled on the agent, as if he had made an 
 advantage to himfelf of this money. Had 
 he done it, his own capital was fufficient to 
 have anfwered any of their demands ; but 
 it was alfo fufficient to put him above the 
 necelTity of employing their money, either 
 in trade or fpeculation. 
 
 It had alfo been fuggefled, that Thom- 
 linfon, at the Governor's requeft, had foli- 
 cited and procured the inflrudtion, which 
 had occafioned this unhappy llagnation of 
 bufinefs. When this fuggeftion came to his 
 MS. letter knowledge, he exculpated himfelf from the 
 jinfon°^H. charge, in a letter which he wrote to a lead- 
 jl'^v'iT*'' i^g member of the AlFembly ; and gave a 
 3?49. full account of the matter as far as it had 
 come to his knowledge. He faid, that the 
 Governor himfelf had flated the fatls in 
 his letters to the minilfry j concerning his 
 calling of the new members, in 1745, and 
 their exclulion from the AiTembly, with the 
 reafons given for it ; and had defired to 
 know the King's pleafure, and to have di- 
 re6lions how to a<ft. That the miniftry, 
 without any exception or helitation, had 
 pronounced his condu6l conformable to his 
 duty. That neverthelefs, the Board of Trade 
 had folemnly confldered the matter, and 
 confuited Council, and had fummoned him, 
 as agent of the Province, to attend their 
 deliberation. Their refult was, that as the 
 Crown had an indifputable right to incor- 
 porate any town in England, and qualify 
 it to fend members to Parliament, fo the 
 fame right and power had been legally 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 21^ 
 
 given to all the Governors in America ; by 1749. 
 means of which, all the AfTemblies in the 1750. 
 King's governments, had increafed in num- 1751. 
 her, as the Colonics had increafed in fet- 
 tlements. That any other iifage in call- 
 ing Reprefentatives M^as v^^rong ; although 
 it might have been indulged, when the Pro- 
 vince was under the fame Governor with 
 MafTachufetts. This was all which pafled 
 before the additional inflruclion came out, 
 which was fent through the hands of the 
 Agent. As it was founded on a quellion con- 
 cerning the rights and prerogatives of the 
 Crown ; he argued the abfurdity of fuppof- 
 ing, either that it had been folicited, or that 
 any attempt to have it withdrawn could be 
 cifeclual. His advice was, that they fliould 
 fabmit to it ; becaufe, that under it, they 
 would enjoy the fame rights and privileges 
 with their fellow fubjedls in England, and 
 in the other Colonies ; alluring them, that 
 the then reigning Prince had never difcov- 
 ered the leaft inclination to infringe the con- 
 llitutional rights of any of his fubje(5is. 
 
 This advice, however falutary, had not 
 the intended etfecl. Inftead of fubmitting, 
 the party in oppofition to the Governor, 
 framed a complaint againft him, and fent 
 it to London, to be prefented to the King. 
 If they could have prevailed, their next 
 meafure would have been, to recommend a 
 gentleman. Sir William Pepperell, of MafTa- 
 chufetts, for his fuccelTor. This manoeuvre 
 came to the ears of Thomlinlbn ; but he 
 was under no necelTity to exert himlelf on 
 this occafion ; for the perfon to whofe care 
 the addrefs was intrufted, confidcring the 
 
[ 
 
 January ». 
 
 ^14 HISTORY OF 
 
 1749. abfurdity of complaining to the King, 
 
 1750. againfl his Governor, for adling agreeably 
 
 1751. to his inftrudlions, was adviled not to pre- 
 Ms letters fg^t {^^ Tliis difappointoient vexed the op- 
 linfoD. pofition to fuch a degree, that they would 
 
 have gladly diflblved the government, and 
 put themfelves under the jurifdic^ion of 
 MafTachufetts, had it been in their power. 
 But, finding all their efforts ineffedlual, ei- 
 ther to have the inftruclion withdrawn, or 
 the Governor removed, they confoled them- 
 felves with this thought, that it was ' better 
 ' to have two privileges taken from them, 
 ' than voluntarily to give up one.' 
 
 1752. The time for which this Affembly was 
 elecfted having expired, a new one was called 
 in the fame manner. They came together 
 with a fpirit of moderation, and a dil'pofi.- 
 tion to tranfaft the long negledled bufinefs. 
 The members, from the new towns, quietly 
 took their feats. An unexceptionable Speak- 
 er, Mefhech Weare, was eledled. A Recorder 
 
 iiffcmbiy. was a.ppointed. A committee was chofen to 
 fettle the Treafurer's accounts, and a vote 
 was pafted for putting the reimburfement 
 
 Atkinfon's inouey into the public funds in England. 
 
 Ms.ictters. "YI^q Govemor's falary was augmented, and 
 all things v/ent on fmoothly. The party 
 which had been oppofed to the Governor, de- 
 clined, in number and in virulence : Some 
 had been removed by death ; others were 
 foftened and relaxed. A liberal diftribu- 
 tion of commifTions, civil and military, was 
 made, and an era of domeftic reconciliation 
 commenced. 
 
 The controverfy refpedling Fort Dummer, 
 and the fear of loling a diflrid in that neigh- 
 
 Records of 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 215 
 
 bourhood, quickened the Governor to make 1752, 
 grants of feveral townfhips in that quarter, 
 on both fides ot Connecticut river ; chiefly 
 to thofe perfons who claimed the fame lands, 
 under the Maffachufetts title. The war be- 
 ing over, the old inhabitants returned to their 
 plantations, and were ftrengthened by addi- 
 tions to their number. It was in contem- 
 plation, to extend the fettlements, farther up 
 Connedlicut river, to the rich meadov^^s of 
 Cohos. The plan v/as, to cut a road to that 
 place ; to lay out two townfhips, one on 
 each fide of the river, and oppofite to each , 
 
 other ; to erccl flockades, with lodgments for ms icucr?. 
 two hundred men, in each townfhip, enclo- 
 fing a f pace of fifteen acres ; in the centre of 
 which was to be a citadel, containing the 
 public buildings and granaries, which were 
 to be large enough to receive all the inhab- 
 itants, and their moveable efFed:s in cafe of 
 necefhty. As an inducement to people to re- 
 move to this new plantation ; they w^cre to 
 have Courts of Judicature, and other civil 
 privileges among themfelves, and were to be 
 under flricft military difcipline. A large 
 number of perfons engaged in this entei- 
 prife ; and they were the rather flimulated 
 to undertake it, becaufe it was feared, that 
 the French, who had already begun to en- 
 croach on the territory claimed by the Britilli 
 Crown, would take poUeflion of this valu- 
 able tra(5l, if it fliould be left unoccupied. 
 
 In purfuance of this plan, a party was fent ms letter* 
 up in the fpring of 1752, to view the mea- r^^i^^iul; 
 dows of Cohos, and lay out the propofed ««'»• 
 townfhips. The Indians obferved them, and 
 fufpecfted their intentions. The land was 
 
216 HISTORY OF 
 
 1752. theirs, and they knew its value. A party of 
 the Arofaguntacook, or St. Francis Tribe was 
 deputed, to remonftrate againll this proceed- 
 ing. They came to the fort at Number-four, 
 with a flag of truce ; pretending that they 
 had not heard of the treaty of peace, which 
 had been made with the feveral Indian tribes. 
 They comphiined to Captain Stevens, of the 
 encroachment which was meditating on their 
 land ; and faid, that they could not allow the 
 Engiifli to fettle at Gohos, when they ovvrned 
 more land already than they could improve; 
 and, that if this fettlement Vv^ere purfued, they 
 fhould think the Engliili had a mind for war, 
 and would refill: them. This threatenino; be- 
 ing communicated to the Governor of Maf- 
 fachufetts, and by him to the Governor of 
 Nevv^-Hampfhire, threw fuch difcouragement 
 on the project that it was laid afide. 
 April, The Indians did not content themfelves 
 
 with remonflrating and threatening. Two 
 of the fame tribe named Sabatis and Chrifti, 
 fifiMs. ^^^' came to Canterbury ; where they were en- 
 tertained in a friendly manner for more than 
 a month. At their departure, they forced a- 
 way two negroes ; one of v/hom efcaped and 
 returned ; and the other was carried to Crown 
 Point and fold to a French officer. A party 
 of ten or twelve of the fame tribe, command- 
 ed by Captain Mofes, met with four young 
 May. men who were hunting on Baker's river. One 
 Shirley's of tliefe was John Stark. When he found 
 conferrencfe himfclf furprifcd and fallen into their hands, 
 ^^^'^' he called to his brother William Stark, who 
 informa- bciug iu a cauoc, gained the oppofite fliore, 
 s^wk°^ ^' ^^^ efcaped. They fired at the canoe and 
 killed a young man who was ia it. John 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. • 217 
 
 received a fevere beating from the Indians 1752. 
 for ahirming his brother. They carried him 
 and his companion, Eaftman, up Connecfticut 
 river, through feveral carrying places, and 
 down the Lake Memphrimagog to the head 
 quarters of their tribe. Tliere they drefled 
 him in their hneft robes and adopted him as 
 a fon. This early captivity, from which he 
 was redeemed, qualified him to be an expert 
 partifan, in the fucceeding w'ar ; from which 
 flatlon, he afterward role to the rank of 
 Brigadier General in the armies of the Uni- 
 ted States. 
 
 The next year Sabatls, with another In- 1753, 
 dian named Plaufawa, came to Canterbury ; 
 where, being reproached with the mifcon- Mrjcpo- 
 ducl refpecling the negroes, he and his com- ''"°°'- 
 panion behaved in an infolent manner. Sev- 
 eral perfons treated them very freely with 
 ftrong liquor. One followed them into the 
 woods, and killed them, and by the help of 
 another, burled them ; but fo fliallow that 
 their bodies were devoured by bealls of 
 prey, and their bones lay on the ground. 
 By the treaties of peace, it had been flipula- 
 ted, on the one part, that if any of the In- 
 dians fhould commit an ad: of hoftility 
 againft the Englifli, their young men fhould 
 join with the Englifh in reducing fuch In- 
 dians to fubmlflion ; and on the other hand^ 
 that if an Englifhman ihould injure any of 
 them, no private revenge fliould be taken ; 
 but application fliould be made to the gov- 
 ernment for juflice. In the autumn of the 
 fame year, a conference being held, with thQ 
 eaflern Indians, by the government of Maf- 
 fachufetts, a prefent was made to the Arofa.- 
 D D 
 
218 ^ HISTORY OF 
 
 1753. guniacook tribe, expreflive of an intention to 
 prine.i wipe awav the blood. They accepted the 
 1753- prefent, and ratified the peace which had been 
 made in 1749. 
 - ^ The two men who killed Sabatis and Plau- 
 
 * fawa,were apprehended and brought to Portf- 
 Ms letters mouth. A bill was found againft them by 
 nor Went- the Grand Jury, and they were confined in 
 worth. irgns. In the night, before the day appoint- 
 ed for their trial, an armed mob from the 
 country, with axes and crows, forced the 
 prifon, and carried them off in triumph. A 
 proclamation w^as ilFued, and a reward offered 
 by the Governor for apprehending the riot- 
 ers ; but no difcovery w^as made, and the 
 a61ion was even deemed meritorious. The 
 next fummer, another conference was held 
 Printed at Falmouth, at which Commiflioners from 
 coDferencc. New-Hampfliire afTifted. The Arofagunta- 
 cooks did not attend ; but fent a mefTage pur- 
 porting that the blood was not wiped away. 
 The Commiflioners from New-Hampfhire 
 made a handfome prefent, to all the Indians, 
 who appeared at this conference ; which end- 
 ed as ufual, in the promife of peace and 
 friendfhip. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 CHAP. XXII. 
 
 219 
 
 The hji French and Indian nv^r, nvl'ich terminated in the 
 couqueB of Canadi Contrcverjy concerning tbi la>Js 'weji- 
 nuard of Ctnne^icut river. 
 
 By the treaty of Aix la Chappelle, 
 in 1748, it was ftipulatecl, that 'all things ^^^^^^^ 
 * fliould be i-eftored, on the footing they were ^^^^^^^ 
 < before the war.* The ifland of Cape-Bre- 
 ton was accordingly reilored to France ; but 
 the limits of the French and FLngliih territo- 
 ries on the continent, were undetermined ; 
 and it was the policy of both nations to gam 
 pollclTion of important pafies, to which 
 each had fome pretenfions, and to noldthem, 
 till the limits Ihould be fetded by Comrnii- 
 fioners mutually chofen. Thefe commiffion- 
 ers met at Paris ; but came to no decihon. 
 By the conlliruaion of charters and grants 
 from the Crown of England, her colonies ex- 
 tended indefinitely weRward. The French 
 had fettlements in Canada and Louifiana, and 
 they meditated to join thefe diftant Colonies, 
 by a chain of forts and polls, from the St. 
 Lawrence to the MiiTifippi ; and to extend the 
 runits of Canada, as far eaftward. as to com- 
 mand navigation in the :^^i^^%^; J^^^, f.^ 
 ereat river St. Lawrence is impailable. 1 hele 
 claims of territory, extending on the one 
 part from eaft to weR, and on the other fi^m 
 north to fouth, neceffiu-ily interfered. The 
 Colonies of Nova-Scotia, New-York and Vii- 
 ginia, were principally affcaed by th.s mter- 
 ference ; and the encroachments made on 
 
220 HISTORY OF 
 
 tliem by the French, were a fubjedl of com- 
 plaint, both here and in Europe. 
 
 It was forefeen that this controverfy could 
 not be decided but by the fword ; and the 
 1754. £ngii{ji determined to be early in their pre- 
 shTiey'i parations. The Earl of Holdernefs, Secre- 
 fpeecber^ tary of State, wrote to the Governors of the 
 American Colonies, recommending imion for 
 their mutual prote(5lion and defence. A 
 meeting of CommilTioners from the Colonies, 
 at Albany, having been appointed, for the 
 purpofe of holding a conference with the 
 Six Nations, on the fubje<fl of French en- 
 croachments, within their country ; it was 
 propofed, by Governor Shirley, to the feveral 
 Governors, that the delegates iliould be in- 
 ilru(5led on the fubjed: of union. 
 
 At the place appointed, the Congrefs was 
 June 19. held ; conlliling of delegates from Maffachu- 
 fetts, New-Hampfliire, Rhode-Iiland, Con- 
 nedlicut, Pennfylvania and Maryland ; with 
 Aikinfon's the Lieutenant Governor and Council of 
 MS. jjur- ^Jew-York. They took their rank in geo- 
 graphical order, beginning at the north. One 
 member from each Colony was appointed to 
 draw a plan of union ; Hutchinfon of Maf- 
 fachufetts, Atkinibn of New-Hampfliire, 
 Hopkins of Rhode-Iiland, Pitkin of Connec- 
 ticut, Smith of New-York, Franklin of Penn- 
 fylvania, and Tailvcr of Maryland. The fub- 
 ftance of the plan was, that application be 
 made, for an acfl of Parliament, to form a 
 grand Council, confifting of delegates from 
 the feveral legillative Ailemblies, fubjedl to 
 the control of a Prelident-Gcneral, to be ap- 
 pointed by the Crown, with a negative voice. 
 That this Council fliould enad general laws ; 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 221 
 
 apportion the quotas of men and money, to 1754, 
 be raifed by each Colony ; determine the 
 building of forts ; regulate the operations of 
 armies ; and concert all meafures for the 
 common protection and fafety. The dele- 
 gates of Connedlicut alone, entered their dif- 
 fent to the plan, becaufe of the negative voice 
 of the Prefident-General. It is worthy of 
 remark, that this plan, for the union of the 
 Colonies, was agreed to, on the foiirfb day of 
 July ; exaclly twenty-two years before the 
 declaration of American Independence, and 
 that the name of Franklin appears in both.* 
 With the plan of union, a reprefentation 
 was made to the King, of the danger in which 
 the Colonies were involved. Copies of both 
 were laid before the feveral Aflemblies. They 
 were fully fenhble of their danger from the 
 French ; but they apprehended greatcr'danger 
 from the plan of union. Its fate was lingular. 
 It was rejected in America, becaufe it w^as fup- 
 pofed to put too much power into the hands of 
 the King ; and it was rejected in England, be- 
 caufe it was fuppofed to give too much powder 
 to the Aflemblies of the Colonies. The min- 
 iflry made another propofal ; that the Gov- p^^^^j^,^ 
 ernor, with one or two members of the Coun- Ei«rr.ina. 
 cil, of each Colony, fliould allemble, and con- '"'"" '^^^ 
 fult for the common defence, and draw on 
 the Britifli treafury for the fums expended ; 
 wdiich fliould be raifed by a general tax, laid 
 
 • At th's Congrefsj a prcfent from the Crown was difttibutcd to &c 
 Indiaus. The Comn.iITioDers of New-Hairiflhire, yitkinfon, Wih'irti, 
 Shtrburnc and Wearc, by dircdlion of the AfTemblj'^ made them a f- p- 
 arate prcfent. It is a cuttom among the Six Nations, to g've a n/me to 
 fhtir bcnefadtors on fuch occafions. The name which tl ey ^2ve to ihc 
 Province of New Hamp(hire was So-fa^uax-otiane. I have inquired of 
 the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, the meaning of this name ; He iiiformed oie 
 that Ss Cgnifie?, again ; foguax^ a Drsu ; and ottane, large. 
 
222 HISTORY OF 
 
 Jt754. by Parliament, on the Colonies. But this 
 was not a time to puih fuch an alarming in- 
 novation ; and when it was found imprad:i- 
 cable, the miniftry determined to employ 
 their own troops, to fight their battles in 
 America, rather than to let the Colonifts feel 
 their own ftrength, and be direcfled by their 
 own Counfels. 
 
 To draw fome aid however from the Co- 
 lonies was necelTary, Their militia might 
 ferve as guards, or rangers, or laborers, or do 
 garrifon duty, or be employed in other infe- 
 rior offices ; but Britiili troops, commanded 
 by Britifh officers, muft have the honor of redu- 
 cing the French dominions in North America. 
 The favage nations in the French intereft 
 were always ready, on the firft appearance of 
 a rupture, to take up the hatchet. It was the 
 policy of the French government, to encour- 
 age their depredations, on the frontiers of the 
 Englilli Colonies, to which they had a native 
 antipathy. By this means, the French could 
 make their enemies pay the whole expenfe of 
 a war ; for all the fupplies, which they af- 
 forded to the Indians, were amply compenfa- 
 ted, by the ranfom of captives. In thefe la- 
 ter wars, therefore, we find the fivages more 
 dextrous in taking captives, and more tender 
 of them when taken, than in former wars ; 
 which were carried on with circumflances of 
 greater cruelty. 
 
 No fooner had the alarm of hoftilities, which 
 commenced between the Englilh and French, 
 in the weftern part of Virginia, fpread through 
 the continent; than the Indians renewed their 
 attacks on the frontiers of New-Hampfliire. 
 
 Aug. 15. A party of them made an afTault, on a family 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 223 
 
 atBaker's-town,on PemigewaiTet river ; where 1 754« 
 they killed a woman, and took feveral cap- 
 tives. Within three days they killed a man Aug is. 
 and woman at Steven's town in the fame 
 neighbourhood ; upon which the fettlements coudcJI 
 were broken up, and the people retired to the °""" 
 lower towns for fafety, and the government 
 was obliged to poft foldiers in the deferted 
 places. After a few days more, they broke -'^"S" *'• 
 into the houfc of James Johnfon, at Number- 
 four, early in the morning, before any of the 
 family were awake ; and took him, with his 
 wife and three children, her fifter Miriam 
 Willard, and two men, Peter Laboree and Eb- 
 enezer Farnfworth. The furprifil was com- ^^""j/^^ 
 plete and bloodlefs, and they carried them off 
 undifturbed. The next day Johnfon's wife 
 was delivered of a daughter, who from the 
 circumftance of its birth was named Captive. 
 The Indians halted one day, on the woman's 
 account, and the next day refumed their 
 march ; carrying her on a litter, which they 
 made for the purpofe, and afterwards put her 
 on horfe-back. On their march, they were dif- 
 treffed for provifion ; and killed the horfe for 
 food ; the infant was nouriihed, by fucking 
 pieces of its flelli. When they arrived at 
 Montreal, Johnfon obtained a parole, of two 
 months, to return and folicit the means of re- 
 demption. Pie applied to the AiTembly of 
 New-Hamplhire, and after fome delay obtain- 
 ed one hundred and fifty pounds fterling. p,,, ,<^ 
 But the fcafon was fo far advanced, and the ^fij^^j;r 
 winter proved fo fevere, that he did not reach 
 Canada till the fpring. He was then charg- 
 ed with breaking his parole ; a great part of 
 his money was taken from him by violence ; 
 
224 HISTORY OF 
 
 1754. and, he was fliut up with his family in prif- 
 on; where they took the fmall pox, which they 
 happily furvived. After eighteen months, the 
 woman, with her iifter, and two daughters, 
 were fent in a cartel fliip to England ; and 
 thence returned to Bofton. Johnfon was kept 
 in prifon three years ; and then, with his fon, 
 returned and met his wife in Boflon ; where 
 he had the fingular ill fortune, to be fufpecft- 
 ed of defigns unfriendly to his country, and 
 was again imprifoned ; but no evidence be- 
 ing produced againft him, he was liberated. 
 His eldeil daughter was retained in a Cana- 
 dian nunnery. 
 
 The fort and fettlement at Number-four, 
 being in an expofed fituation, required affifi- 
 ance and ilipport. It had been built by Maf- 
 fachufetts when it was fuppofed to be with- 
 in its limits. It was projected by Colonel 
 Stoddard, of Northampton, and was well iit- 
 uated, in connection with the other forts, on 
 
 Shirley's ^ xhe weftem frontier, to command all the paths 
 'by which the Indians travelled from Canada 
 to New-England. It was now evidently in 
 New-IIampfliire ; and Shirley, by advice of 
 his Council, applied to Wentworth, recom- 
 mending the future maintenance of that poft, 
 to the care of his AiTembly ; but they did 
 not think themfelves intereifed in its prefer- 
 vation, and refufed to make any provifion 
 for it. The inhabitants made feveral appli- 
 cations for the fame purpofe ; but were uni- 
 formly difappointed. They then made preff- 
 
 Maffachuf. iHg remonftrauces to the Aflembly of Maf- 
 
 =Rccords. fachufetts, who fent foldiers for the defence 
 of that poft, and of Fort Dummer, till 1757; 
 when they fuppofed that the commander in 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 225 
 
 chief of the King's forces would take them 1754. 
 under his care, as royal garrifons. It was 
 alio recommended to the Ailembly of New- 
 Hamplhire to build a fort at Cohos j but this 
 propofal met the JGime fate. 
 
 The next fpring, three expeditions were 
 undertaken againit the French forts. One ■*• ''^^* 
 againll Fort Duqueihe, on the Ohio, was 
 conducfled by General iiraddcck ; who was 
 defeated and ilain.] Another againll Niagara, 
 by Governor Shirley, which mifcarried ; and 
 a third againd Crown Point, by GeneralJohn- 
 fon. For this lalt expedition, New-Hamp- 
 Ihire raifcd five hundred men, and put them 
 under the command of Col. Joleph Elanch- 
 ard. The Governor ordered them to Con- 
 necticut river, to build a fort at Cohos, fiip- 
 poUng it to be in their way to Crown Point. 
 They firil miarched to Baker's-tovN^n, where 
 they began to build batteaux, and confumed 
 time and nroviilons to no purpofe. By Shir- 
 ley's advice they quittedi that futile employ- 
 ment, and made a fatiguing march through 
 the woods, by the v/ay of Number-four, to 
 Albany. Whilil Johnfon lay encamped at 
 Lake George, with his other forces, he poft- 
 ed the New-HampHiire regiment at Fort Ed- 
 ward. On the eighth of September, he was 
 attacked in his camp, by Baron Diefkau, com- ^^ * 
 manding a body of French regular troops, 
 Canadians and Savages. On the morning of 
 that day, a fcouting party from Fort Edward 
 difcovered waggons burning in the road ; 
 upon which Captain Nathaniel Folfom was 
 ordered out, with eighty of the New-Hamp- 
 fliire regiment, and forty of New- York un- 
 der Capt. McGennis. When they came to the 
 Ee 
 
^26 HISTORY OF 
 
 ] 755. place, they found the waggoners and the cat- 
 tle dead ; but no enemy was there. Hear- 
 ing the report of guns, toward the lake, 
 they hafted thither ; and having approached 
 within two miles, found the baggage of the 
 French army, under the care of a guard, 
 whom they attacked and difperfed. When 
 the retreating army of Die&au appeared, 
 Foi.Ws about four of the clock in the afternoon, Fol- 
 infcrma. {qj^ polled his mcH amouQ: the trees, and kept 
 up a well direclcd fire, till night ; the enemy 
 retired, with great lofs, jiiid he made his way 
 to the camp, carrying his own wounded, and 
 feveral French prifoners, w^lth many of the 
 enemy's packs. This well-timed engage- 
 StlTist- I'fTient, in which but fix men on our fide were 
 ter. loft, deprived the French army of their am- 
 
 ' munition and baggage ; the remains of which 
 were brought into camp the next day. After 
 this, the regiment of New-Hampfiiire joined 
 the army. The men were employed in fcout- 
 Ms')a"rs '^^Si which fervicc they performed in a man- 
 ner fo acceptable, that no other duty was re- 
 <5[uired of them. Parties of them frequently 
 went within view of the French fort at 
 Crov/n-Point ; and at one time they brought 
 off the fcaip of a French foldier, whom they 
 killed near the gate. 
 
 After the engagement on the 8th of Sep- 
 tember, when it was found neceffary to rein- 
 force the army ; a fecond regiment, of three 
 hundred men, was raifed in New-FIampfliire, 
 and put under the command of Col. Peter 
 Gilman. Thefe men were as alert, and in- 
 defatigable as their brethren, though they 
 had not opportunity to give fuch convincing 
 evidence of it. The expedition was no far- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 22-7 
 
 ther purfued ; and late in autumn the forces 1755. 
 were difbanded and returned home. 
 
 The exertions made for the redudion 
 of Crown Point, not only failed of their ob- 
 jed, but provoked the Indians, to execute 
 their mifchievous defigns, againft the fron- 
 tiers of New-Hampfmre ; v/hich were whol- 
 ly uncovered, and expoied to their full force. 
 Between the rivers Connedlicut and St. Fran- 
 cis, there is a fafe and eafy communication 
 by fhort carrying-places, with which they 
 were perfetftly acquainted. The Indians of 
 that river, therefore, made frequent incur- 
 fions, and returned unmolefted with their 
 prifoners and booty. 
 
 At New-Hopkinton, they took a man and ^^^^^^^,^ 
 a boy ; but perceiving the approach of a ^s- Utte«. 
 fcouting party, they fled and left their cap- 
 tives. At Keene, they took Benjamin Twitch- 
 el, and at Walpole they killed Daniel Twitch- 
 el, and a man named Flynt. At the fame ^^^^^^^^^^ 
 place Colonel BeHov/s,at the head of twenty ms icucr. 
 men, met with a party of fifty Indians ; and 
 having exchanged fome fliot, and killed feve- 
 ral ot the enemy, he broke through them and 
 got into the fort ; not one man of his com- 
 pany being killed or wounded. After a few 
 days, thefe Indians, being joined by others to 
 the number of one hundred and f eventy, af- 
 fiiulted the garrifon of John Kilburne, in 
 which were himfelf, John Pike, two boys and 
 feveral women ; who bravely defended the 
 houfe and obliged the enemy to retire, with 
 confiderable lofs. Pike was mortally wound- 
 ed. Some of thefe Indians joined Diefkau s 
 army, and were in the battle at LakeGeorge. 
 At Number-four, they killed a large number 
 
22B HISTORY OF 
 
 1755. of cattle, and cut ofF the flefh. At Hinfdale, 
 
 they attacked a party, who were at work in 
 
 the woods ; killed John Hardiclay and John 
 
 Alexander, and took Jonathan Colby ; the 
 
 , others efcaped to the fort. Within a few days 
 
 letter. afterward, they ambufhed Caleb Howe, Hil- 
 klah Grout, and Benjamin Gaffield, as they 
 
 July 27. were returning from their labor in the field. 
 Howe was killed ; GafBeld was drowned in 
 attempting to crofs the river ; and Grout 
 made his efcape. The Indians went diredlly 
 to Bridgman's fort, where the families of thefe 
 unfortunate men refided. They had heard 
 the report of the guns, and were impatient 
 to learn the caufe. By the found of feet 
 without, it being in the dulk of the evening, 
 they concluded that their friends had return- 
 ed, and too haflily opened the gate to receive 
 them ; when to their inexpreflible furprife, 
 they admitted the favage3,and the three fami- 
 lies, confining of fourteen perlbns, were 
 made captives.* 
 
 After the defeat and death of Braddock^ 
 
 huJV the chief command of the operations againfl 
 the enemy fell into the hands of Shirley ; 
 who called another Congrefs, at New- York, 
 and planned another expedition againflCrown 
 Point ; for vv^hich purpofe, he called on the 
 feveral governments to raife men and provide 
 ftores. A regiment was railed in Ncw- 
 
 * One of thefe the wife of C 'tit Howe, wss the fair captive, of 
 whom fiich a brilliant account is given in the life of General Piunam, pub- 
 liflievi hy Coi. I-Jumphrcys. She i-i flill living s: Hinf.Jale, and has obliged 
 the auih'.u' with 2 particular narrativ rf !isr fufftiin^s and deiiuffance. 
 This accur.t dtawn up by the Rev Mr. G.iy, :a toj lopoj to he here in- 
 tVrreH^ and tf^n cnter'aininj; to he ahrtdged ; but will probably be publift- 
 Cil at fome fuu e cirue. As to thdt part of the ftory, that ths people of 
 JtiitfJilc choft h'.rtogoto Europe, as their agent in a cafe o! difputed 
 knds ; it was never known or thought of by them til the life of Putnam 
 appeared ia pjint. Gay's M3. SriteiTo 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 229 
 
 Hamp{liire,the command of which was given 1756. 
 to Col. Nathaniel Meflbrv^'. They alfo ap- 
 pointed two CommiiTaries, Peter Oilman and 
 Thomas Weftbrooke Waldron, wiio refided 
 at Albany, to take care of the ftores, whilfi; 
 the regiment, with the ocher troops, aihfted 
 in building forts and batteaux. In the midii j„iy .^^ 
 of this campaign, Shirley was faperieded by ^•ou'^on'* 
 the Earl of Loudon ; but the fummer palled 
 away in fruitlefs labor ; whilfi the French, 
 by their fuperior alcrtnefs, beiieged and took 
 the Englifn fort at Ofvvego ; and the regi- 
 ments oi Shirley and Pepperell who garrifon- 
 ed it, were fent^prifoners to France. During 
 this fummer, the Indians killed Lieutenant G37, Sum- 
 Mofes Willard, and wonndcd his fon at Num- ["c°^ms. 
 ber-four ; and took Jofiah Fofter, wdth his ''^""''• 
 wife and two children, from Winchefler. 
 They alfo wounded Z^bulon Stebbins, of 
 Hinfdale, who, w ith Reuben Wright,difcover- 
 ed an ambuihj and prevented the cai)tivity of 
 feveral perfons for whom the Indians were 
 lying in wait. 
 
 The foldiers of New-FIampfliire were io 
 expert, in every fervice which required agili- 
 ty, and fo habituated to fatigue and danger ; 
 that, by the cxprefs defire of Lord Loudon, i^m lob- 
 three ranging companies were formed ^ff^7u'r«*^^ 
 them ; who continued in fervice during the 
 winter as well as the ilimmer. The com- 
 mand of thefe companies was given to Ro- 
 bert Rogers, John Stark, and William Stark. 
 They were eminently ufeful in fcouring tlie 
 woods, procuring intelligcjice, and fldrmifli- 
 ing with detached parties of the enemy. 
 Thefe companies were kept during the war, 
 in the pay of the Crown ; and after the peace, 
 
230 HISTORY OF 
 
 1756. the officers were allowed half pay on the 
 Britifh eftablifliment. 
 
 17^7 '^^^ ^^'^^ year, another Crown Point expe- 
 dition was projected by Lord Loudon. The 
 Crown was at the expenfe of ftores and pro- 
 vifions, and required of the Colonies, to raife, 
 arm, clothe, and pay their quotas of men. 
 Another regiment was raifed in New-Hamp- 
 lliire, of which Mefferve was commander ; 
 who went to Halifax with part of his regi- 
 ment, a body of one hundred carpenters, and 
 the three companies of Rangers, to ferve un- 
 der Lord Loudon, whilft the other part of the 
 , regiment under LieutenantColonelGoffe,was 
 ordered by General Webb, who commanded 
 at the wellward, in the abfence of the Earl 
 of Loudon, to rendezvous at Number-four. 
 Before their arrival, a large party of French 
 and Indians attacked the mills in that place, 
 
 ^, , and took Sampfon Colefax, David Farnfworth 
 
 Mtj.ietters. and T homas Adams. The inhabitants, hear- 
 ing the guns, advanced to the mills ; but find- 
 ing the enemy in force, prudently retreated. 
 The enemy burned the mills ; and in their 
 retreat, took two other men, who were coming 
 in from hunting, viz. Thomas Robins and 
 Afa Spafford. Farnfworth and Robins re- 
 turned ; the others died in Canada. 
 
 GofFe with his men marched through Num- 
 ber-four and joined General Webb at Albany; 
 who polled them at fort William Henry, near 
 Lake George, under the command of Col. 
 Munroe, of the thirty-fifth Britifh regiment. 
 The French General Montcalm, at the head 
 of a large body of Canadians and Indians, with 
 
 ^ a train of artillery, invefled this fort ; and in 
 
 fix days, the garrifon, after having expended 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 231 
 
 all their ammunition, capitulated; on con- 1757. 
 dition that they lliould not ferve againflthe Aug. 9. 
 French for eighteen months. They were al- 
 lowed the honors of war, and were to be ef- 
 corted by the French troops to Fort Edward, 
 with their private baggage. The Indians, 
 who ferved in this expedition, on the p?xinifi 
 of phmder^ were enraged at the terms granted 
 to the garnfon ; and, as they marched out 
 unarmed, fell upon them, dripped them na- ^;^"j"J" 
 ked, and murdered all who made any refift- no. 49- 
 ance. The New-Flam pfli ire regiment hap- 
 pening to be in the rear, felt the chief fury of 
 the enemy. Out of two hundred, eighty 
 were killed and taken. 
 
 This melancholy event threw the whole 
 country into the deepeft confternation. Webb, 
 who remained at Fort Edward, expecting to 
 be there attacked, fent exprefTes to all the 
 Provinces for reinforcements. The French, 
 however, did not purfue their advantage, but 
 returned to Canada. A reinforcement of 
 two hundred and fifty men was raifed in 
 New-Hampfliire, under the command of 
 Major Thomas Tafh ; which, by the orders ms. letter. 
 of General Webb, was ftationed at Number- nor wYnV 
 four. This was the firft time that the troops ^'»"''- 
 of New-Hamplhire occupied that important 
 poft. 
 
 Hitherto the war had been, on our part, 
 unfuccefsful. The great expenfe, the fre- 
 quent difappointments, the lofs of men, of 
 forts, and of {lores, were very difcouraging. 
 The enemy's country was filled with prifon- 
 ers, and fcalps, private plunder, and public 
 ftores and provifions, which our people, as 
 beafls of burden, had conveyed to them. 
 
1758. 
 
 MS, 
 
 232 HISTOllY OF 
 
 1757. Thefe refledlions were the difmal entcrtiLui- 
 ment of the winter. The next fpring called 
 for frefli exertions ; and happily for America, 
 the BritiHi miniflry had been changed, and 
 the dire(!^ion of the war, in anfwer to the 
 united voice of the people of England, w^as 
 put into the hands of that decifive itatefman 
 William Pitt. 
 
 In his circular letter to the American Cfov- 
 ernors, he affured them ; that to repair the 
 loiles and difappointments of the laft inactive 
 campaign, it was determined to fend a for- 
 midable force, to operate by fea and land, a- 
 originai p-ainft the French in America ; and he called 
 upon them to raife ' as large bodies of men, 
 ' within their refpeclive governments, as the 
 ' number of inhabitants mieht allow ;' leav- 
 ing it to them, to form the regiments and to 
 appoint officers at their dilcretion. He in- 
 formed them that arms, ammunition, tents, 
 provifions, and boats would be furniilied 
 by the Crow^n ; and he required the Colo- 
 nies to levy, clothe and pay their men ; al- 
 faring them that recommendations would be 
 made to Parliament ' to grant them a com-^ 
 penfation.* 
 Governor's Notwitliftandlng their former lofles and 
 Prociama- cl!fippointments,the Aifembly of New-Hamp- 
 I. ' fliire, on receiving this requifition, cheerfully 
 voted eight hundred men for the fervice of 
 the year. The regiment commanded by Col. 
 John Hart, marched to the weflward, and 
 ferved under General Abercrombie. A body 
 of one hundred and eight carpenters, under 
 the condudl of Colonel Meflerve, embarked 
 for Louifbourg, to ferve at the fecond fiege 
 of that fortrefs, under General Amherft. Un- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 233 
 
 happily the fmall pox broke out among tlicm, 1758. 
 which difabled them from Ibrvice ; all but * ^ a* 
 fixteen were feized at once, and thefo attend- i»inu:d 
 ed the fick. MelTerve* and his eldeil fon ]ZT^i 
 died of this fatal diforder. This year was 
 remarkable for ihe fecond furrender of Louif- 
 bourg ; the unfortunate attack on the lines 
 of Ticonderoga, where Lord Howe was kill- 
 ed ; the taking of fort Frontcnac by Col. 
 Bradilreet, and the de{lrud:ion of fort du 
 Quefne on the Ohio, the contention for 
 whicli, began the war. 
 
 In the courfe of this year, the Indians con- 
 tinued to infefl the frontiers. At Hinfdale, 
 they killed Capt. Moore, and his Ion, took his 
 fiimiiy, and burned his houfe. At Number- nay'* ana 
 four, they killed Afahel Stebbins, and took ms" latere 
 his wife, with Ifaac Parker and a foldier. 
 The cattle of this expofed fettlement, which 
 fed chiefly in the woods, at a dillance from 
 the fort, often fervcd the enemy for provi- 
 fions. 
 
 The next year, a fimilar requifition being I'-^a 
 made by Secretary Pitt, New-Kampfliire raif- 
 ed a thoufand men for the fervice, who were 
 regimented under the command of Col. Zac- 
 cheus Lovewell, fon of the famous partifan, 
 who loft his life at Pigwacket. This regi- 
 ment joined the army at the weftward, and 
 ferved under General Amherfl in the aElual 
 reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
 
 • Colonel McCcrvc), wn^ a gent'eirin of a fin; mechanical frcrius. B/fr 
 in{» a fhipwright by profcfTion, he attainetf to cmircnce in tii* bufinel's^ 
 and zfijnired a handfoare forrnnc. His reor^l and /ocial charader was 
 unblemiflic'i, anJ^ in the military lire, he was hi, My refpcded. The Earl 
 of Loudon had fuch a fenle of his merit, as to prtfent him a pifcc of plate, 
 with an ir.fcription, acJtowlcdgin^ • his capacity^ fidelity, and ready difi)0- 
 ' fitioo, in the fervicc of his country.' 
 
 Ncw-Hampftire Gizctt«, No. 97.- 
 F F 
 
Sept. I, 
 
 284 HISTORY OF 
 
 1759. and in building a new fortrefs at the lad 
 place. The fuccefs of this fummer was bril- 
 liant, beyond former example. The French 
 fort at Niagara fnrrendered to General John- 
 fon ; and the flrong city of Quebec was ta- 
 ken by the Britifli troops under General 
 Wolfe, who, with the French General Mont- 
 calm, was llain in the deciiive battle. 
 
 When the Britilh arms had obtained a de- 
 cided fuperiority over the French, it was deter- 
 mined to chaftife the Indians who had com- 
 mitted fo many devaftations on the frontiers 
 of New-England. Major Robert Rogers was 
 difpatched from Crown Point, by General 
 Amherft, with about two hundred rangers, 
 to deilroy the Indian village of St. Francis- 
 After a fatiguing march of twenty-one davs, 
 he came within light of the place, which he 
 difcovered from the top of a tree, and halted 
 oa. 3. his men at the diftance of three miles. In 
 N. iiimp- ^YiQ evening, he entered the villasre in dif«uife 
 zette, No. with two of his otncers. The Indians were 
 ^ ^* engaged in a grand dance, and he paffed 
 through them undifcovered. Having form- 
 ed his men into parties, and polled them to 
 advantage ; he made a general affault, jufl 
 before day, whilft the Indians were aileep. 
 They were fo completely furprifed that little 
 refinance could be made. Some were killed 
 in their houfes ; and of thofe who attempt- 
 ed to flee, many were iliot or tomahawked by 
 parties placed at the avenues. The dawn of 
 day difclofed a horrid fcene ; and an edge 
 was given to the fury of the aflailants by the 
 fight of feveral hundred fcalps of their coun- 
 trymen, elevated on poles, and waving in the 
 air. This village had been enriched with 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 285 
 
 tlie plunder of the frontiers and the fale of 1759. 
 captives. The houles were well furnillied, 
 and the church was adorned with plate. The 
 fuddennefs of the attack, and the fear of a 
 purfuit, did not allow much time for pillage; 
 but the rangers brought off fuch things as 
 were moft convenient for tranfportation ; 
 among which were about two hundred guin- 
 eas in money, a filver image weighing ten 
 pounds, a large quantity of wampum and 
 clothing. Having fet fire to the village, 
 Rogers made his retreat up the river St, Fran- 
 cis, intending that his men Ihould rendezvous 
 at the upper Cohos, on Connecticut river. 
 They took with them five Engliih prifoners, 
 whom they found at St. Francis, and about 
 twenty Indians ; but thefc lail they difmifl- 
 ed. Of the rangers, one man only was kill- 
 ed ; and fix or feven were wounded. In their 
 retreat, they were purfued, and lofh feven 
 men. They kept in a body for about ten 
 days, pafling on the eaftern fide of lake Mem- 
 frimagog, and then fcattered. Some found 
 their way to Number-four, after having fuf- 
 fered much by hunger and fatigue. Others 
 perillied in the woods, and their bones were 
 found near Connecflicut river, by the people, 
 who after feveral years began plantations at 
 the Upper Cohos. 
 
 After the takino: of Quebec, the remainder 
 of the feafon was too fiiort to complete the 
 reduction of Canada. The next fummer j^qq 
 General Amheril made preparations to ap- 
 proach Montreal, by three different routes ; 
 intending, with equal prudence and human- 
 ity, to finifii the conqueft, without the effu- 
 fion of blood. For the fervice of this year, 
 
Aug 
 
 236 HISTORY OF 
 
 1760. eight hundred men were raifed in New- 
 Hampfliire, and put under the command of 
 Col. John Goffe. They marched, as ufual, to 
 Number-four ; but inflead of taking the old 
 route, to Albany, they cut a road* through 
 the woods, diredlly toward Crown Pohit. In 
 this work they made fuch difpatch, as to join 
 
 July 31. that part of the army which Amherft had 
 left at Crown Point, twelve days before their 
 embarkation. They proceeded down the 
 lake, under the command of Col. Haviland. 
 
 toLk'sMs The enemy made fome refiftance at Ifle au 
 
 journal. Noix, wliich flopped their progrefs for fome 
 days, and a few men were loft on both lides. 
 But this poll being deferred, the forts of St. 
 John and Chamblee became an eafy conqueft, 
 
 Sept. 8. ^nd iinally Montreal capitulated. This event 
 finiilied the campaign, and crowned Amherft 
 with deferved laurels. 
 
 Whilft the New-Hampfhire regiment was 
 employed in cutting the new road ; figns of 
 hovering Indians were frequently difcovered, 
 tliough none were adlually feen. But they 
 took the family of Jofeph Willard,from Num- 
 
 oirotc's ber-four, and carried them into Montreal, juft 
 before it was invefted by the Britilh army. 
 
 I'he conqueft of Canada, gave peace to the 
 frontiers of New-Hampfhire, after a turbu- 
 lent fcene of fifteen years ; in which, with 
 very little intermiffion, they had been dif- 
 treifed by the enemy. Many captives return- 
 
 * 1 iiis new road began at Wentworth's ferry, two Diile*'! above the 
 fort at No. 4, and was cut 26 milts ; at the end cf which, ihejr found a 
 path, made the year before ; in which they paiTsd over ths mountains, to 
 Offer CfLck ; where they found a good road^ which led to Crown Point- 
 Thrir (lores were brought in waggons, as far as the 26 miles extended ; 
 and then tranfported on horfee over the moutitains. A drove of cattle for 
 ilit luppjy cf ths arojy wcDt from No. 4. by thfs roctfej so Crown Pc>r,« 
 
 IvlS letter. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 237 
 
 cd to their homes ; and friends who had long 1760. 
 been leparated, embraced each other in peace. 
 The joy was heightened by this confideration, 
 that the country of Canada, being fubdued, 
 could no longer be a fource of terror and dif- 
 trefs. 
 
 The expenfe of this war, was paid by a pa- 
 per currency. Though an adl of Parliament 
 was pafTed in 1751, prohibiting the Gover- 
 nors, from giving their alfent to acfts of Af- 
 fembly, made for fuch a purpofe ; yet by .a 
 provifo, extraordinary emergencies w^ere ex- 
 cepted. Governor Wcntvvorth was flow to 
 take adva.ntage of this provifo, and conilrued • 
 the a6l in a more rigid fenfe than others ; 
 but his friend Shirley helped him out of his 
 difficulties. In 1755 paper bills v;ere ifTued 
 under the denomination of new tenor ; of 
 which, fifteen fhillings were equal in value 
 to one dollar. Of this currency, the foldiers 
 were promifed thirteen pounds ten Ihillings 
 per month ; but it depreciated fo much in 
 the courfe of the vear, that in the muller 
 rolls, their pay was made up at iifteen pounds. 
 In 1756 there was another emiiTion from the 
 fame plates, and their pay was eighteen 
 pounds. In 1757, it was twenty-five pounds. 
 In 1758, they had twenty-feven Ibillings ^'t^X 
 flerling. In the three fucceeding years, they 
 had thirty fhillings ilerling, befides a bounty 
 at the time of their inliflment, equal to one 
 month's pay. At length Iterling money be- 
 came the rtandard of all contracts ; and 
 though the paper continued pafTmg as a cur- 
 rency, its value was regulated by the price of 
 filver, and the courfe of exchange. 
 
 It ought to be remembered as a. fignal fa-- 
 
176L 
 
 238 HISTORY or 
 
 1760. vor of divine Providence ; that during this 
 war, the feafons were fruitful, and the Colo- 
 nies were able to fupply their own troops with 
 provifions, and the Britifh fleets and armies 
 with refreiliments of every kind which they 
 needed. No fooner were the operations of 
 the war in the northern Colonies clofed, than 
 two years of fcarcity fucceeded ; (1761 and 
 1762) in which the drou?,ht of fummer was 
 fo fevere, as to cut Ihort the crops, and ren- 
 der fupplies from abroad abfolutely necelfary. 
 Had this calamity attended any of the pre- 
 ceding years of the war, the difhrefs mufl 
 have been extreme, both at home and in the 
 camp. During the drought of 1761, a hre 
 raged in the woods, in the towns of Barring- 
 ton and Rocheiler, and pafTed over into the 
 county of York, burning with irrefillible fu- 
 ry for feveral weeks, and was not extinguiih- 
 ed till a plentiful rain fell, in Auguft. An 
 immenfe quantity of the belt timber was de- 
 ftroyed by this conflagration. 
 
 For the fucceeding part of the war, a 
 fmaller body of men was required to garrifou 
 the new conquefts ; whilfl: the Britifh troops 
 were employed in the Weft India iilands. 
 The fuccefs which attended their operations 
 in that quarter, brought the war to a conclu- 
 lion ; and by the treaty of peace, though 
 mraiy of the conquered places were reft.ored, 
 yet, the whole continent of North America 
 remained to the BritiPn Crown, and the Colo- 
 nies received a reimburfement of their ex- 
 pen fes. 
 
 The war being clofed, a large and valuable 
 tracl of country, fltuated between Nev/-Eng- 
 land, New-York and Canada, was fecured to 
 
 .762. 
 
Nov 17. 
 
 Council 
 oiinuccs. 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 239 
 
 the Britifh dominions ; and it became the 1762. 
 interefl: of the Go\^ernors of both the royal 
 . .6 of New-Ham pfhire and New- York, 
 LO vie with each other, in granting this terri- 
 tory and receiving the emoluments arifing 
 from this lucrative branch of their refpedlive 
 /)£aces. The feeds of a controverfy on this \ 
 fubjed: had been already fown. During the 
 fliort peace which followed the preceding 
 war, Governor Wentvvorth wrote to Govern- 1749. 
 or Clinton, that he had it in command from 
 the King, to grant the unimproved lands with- 
 in his government ; that the war had prevent- 
 ed that progrefs, which he had hoped for in 
 this bufinefs ; but that the peace had induced 
 many people, to apply for grants in the wefl- 
 ern parts of New-Hampfliire, which might k, y ^ 
 fall in the neighbourhood of New-York. He 1 rintcd 
 communicated to him a paragraph of his Appendix, 
 commiffion, difcribing the bounds of New- ^^- 3- 
 Hampfhire, and requefted of him. a defcrip- 
 tlon of the bounds of New-York. Before he 
 received any anfwer to this letter ; Went- 
 worth,prefuming that New-Hampihire ought 
 to extend as far weflward as MafFachnfetts ; 
 that is to the diflance of twenty miles eafl 
 from Hudfon's river, granted a townfhip, fix 
 miles fquare, called Bennington ; fituate 
 twenty-four miles eafl of Hudfon's river, and 1750. 
 fix miles north of the line of Malfachufetts. 
 Clinton having laid Wentworth's letter be- 
 fore the Council of New- York ; by their ad- Ih.re book 
 vice anfwered him, that the Province of*'^^'^"""' 
 New-York was bounded eafterly by Connec- 
 ticut river. This claim was founded on a 
 grant of King Charles the fecond ; in which, 
 * all the land from the welt fide of Connedi- 
 
240 HISTORY OF 
 
 1750. * cut river, to the eaft fide of Delaware bay/ 
 was conveyed to his brother James, Duke of 
 York ; by whofe elevation to the throne, 
 the fame tracft merged in the crown of Eng- 
 land,and defcended at the Revolution to King 
 William and his fuccefTors. The Province of 
 New- York had formerly urged this claim 
 againfl the Colony of Connecticut ; but for' 
 prudential reafons had conceded that the 
 bounds of that Colony ftiould extend, as far 
 as a line drav/n twenty miles eafl of Hud- 
 ' fon's river. The like extent was demanded 
 by Mallachufetts ; and, though New-York 
 affedted to call this demand ' an intruiion,' 
 and flrenuoufly urged their right to extend 
 eaflward to Conne(5licut river ; yet the origi- 
 nal grant of Maffachufetts, being prior to that 
 of the Duke of York, was a barrier which 
 could not eafily be broken. Thefe reafons, 
 however, it was faid, could be of no avail to 
 the caufe of New-Hampfhire, whofe firfh lim- 
 its, as defcribed in Mafon's patent, did not 
 reach to Connecticut river ; and whofe late 
 extent, by the fettlement of the lines in 1741, 
 was no farther vv^eflward than ' till it meets 
 * with the King's other governments,' Though 
 it was agreed, between the two Governors, to 
 fubmit the point in controverfy to the King ; 
 yet the Governor of New-Hampfhire, contin- 
 ued to make grants, on the weflern fide of 
 Connecticut river, till 1754; when the re- 
 newal of hoftilities not only put a flop to ap- 
 
 1754. plications ; but prevented any determination 
 of the controverfy by the Crown. 
 
 During the war, the continual pafTmg of 
 troops through thofe lands, caufed the value 
 of rhem to be more generally known ; and 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 241 
 
 wlieii by the conquefl of Canada, tranquillity 1754. 
 was rcltored, they were eagerly fought by 
 adventurers and fpeculators. Wencworth 
 availed himfelf of this golden opportunity, 
 and by advice of his Council, ordered a fur- 
 vey to be made of Conned:icut river for j(ix- 
 ty miles, and three lines of townihips on -i^pt 
 each fide, to be laid out. As applications in- 
 creafed, the furveys were extended. Town- J"'y *• 
 fhips of fix miles fquare were granted to va- 
 rious petitioners ; and fo rapidly did this 
 work go on, that during the year 1761, not 
 lefs than fixty townfliips were granted on the 
 weft, and eighteen on the eafl fide of the river. 
 Befides the fees and prefents for thefe grants, 
 which were undefined ; a refervation v\^as 
 made for the Governor, of five hundred 
 acres in each tovvnfliip ; and of lots for pub- 
 lic purpofes. Thefe refervations were clear mV" °" * 
 of all fees and charges. The whole number 1703 
 of grants on the weilern fide of the river, 
 amounted to one hundred and thirty-eight ; 
 and the extent was from Connedlicut river to 
 twenty miles eafi: of Hudfon, as far as that 
 river extended northerly ; and after that, 
 weft ward to Lake Champlain. The rapid 
 progrefs of thefe grants filled the coffers of 
 the Governor, Thofe v/ho had obtained the 
 grants were feeking purchafers in all the 
 neighbouring Colonies ; whilft the original 
 inhabitants of New-Hampfliire, to whom 
 thefe lands had formerly been promifed, as a 
 reward for their merit in defending the coun- 
 try, were overlooked in the diftribution ; un- 
 lefs they were difpofed to apply in the fame 
 manner, as perfons from abroad j or unlefs 
 tliey happened to be in favor. Wheu re- 
 G G » 
 
M2 HISTORY OF 
 
 1763. monftrances were made to the Governor on- 
 informa- tliis lubje(5l, his aiifwer was, that the people 
 f^u^ r-. of the old towns had been formerly compli- 
 
 5atc F. Oil- ^ _ _ / i 
 
 man and mcntcd witli grants in Chichefter, Barnlled 
 
 '"'^ and Gilmantown, which they had neglected 
 
 to improve ; and that the nev/ grantees were 
 
 better hufbandmen and would promote the- 
 
 cultivation of the Province. 
 
 The pailion for occupying new lands rofe 
 to a great height. Thefe tra(5ts v/ere filled 
 with emigrants from MalTacliufetts and Con- 
 necticut. Population and cultivation began 
 to increafe with a rapidity hitherto un- 
 known ; and from this time may be dated 
 the flouriftiing Hate of Nev/-tlampfliire ; 
 w^hich before had been circumicribed and 
 ftinted in its grov/th, by tlie continual dan- 
 ger of a favage enemy. 
 
 The grants on the weflern fide of Con- 
 neclicut river, alarmed the government of 
 New-York ; who, by their agent, made appli- 
 cation to the Crown, reprefenting * that it 
 sihan A)- <- would be greatly to the advantage of the 
 !^a"ive"i7'74, ' /^'^//^ fettled ou thofe lands, to be annexed 
 paije I. i j-Q New- York ;' and fubmitting the caufe t<y 
 the royal decifion. In the mean time, a pro- 
 Dec s3. ciamation was iflued by Lieutenant Governor 
 Colden, reciting the grant of King Charles- 
 to the Duke of York ; afferting the jurifdic- 
 tion of New- York as far eaflward as Connec- 
 ticut river ; and enjoining the Sheriff of the 
 County of Albany, to return the names of all 
 perfons, who, under color of the New-Hamp^ 
 1764 ilii^s grants, held pofieffion of lands weft- 
 ward of that river. This was anfwered by a 
 March 13, proclamation of Govemor Wentworth, de- 
 claring the grant to the Duke of York to be 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 24$ 
 
 obfolete, and that the weftern bounds of 1764. 
 Ncw-Hampfliire were co-exienfive with thofe 
 of Mallachufetts and Connedicut ; encou- 
 raging the grantees to maintain their poflef- 
 fions, and cultivate their lands ; and com- 
 manding civil officers to execute the laws and 
 i^unifh diflurbcrs of the peace. 
 
 The application from New-York was re- j„iy ^o. 
 ferred to the Board of Trade ; and upon ^'jf'"^ 
 their reprefentation, feconded by a report of 
 a committe of the privy council, an order 
 was palTed, by the King in Council ; declar- 
 ing * the weftern banks of Conneclicut river, 
 ' from where it enters the Province of Malfa- 
 ' chufetts Bay, as far north as the forty-fifth 
 ' degree of latitude, TO BE the boundary 
 
 * line, between the two Provinces of Ncw- 
 
 * Hampfliire and New- York.' 
 
 This decree, like many other judicial de- 
 terminations, whilQ it clofed one controverfy, 
 opened another. The jurifdiclion of the 
 Governor of New-Hampihire, and his power 
 of granting land, were circumfcribed by the 
 weftern bank of Connedlicut river ; but the 
 grantees of the foil, found themfelves Involved 
 in a difpute with the government of New- 
 York. From the words TO BE, in the royal 
 declaration, two very oppofite conclufions 
 were drawn. The government fuppofed 
 them to refer to the time paft, aftd conftrued 
 them as a declaration that the river always 
 had been the eaftern limits of New- York j 
 confequently, that the grants made by the 
 Governor of New-Hampfliire, were invalid, ^ 
 
 and that the lands might be granted again. 
 The grantees underftood the words in the fu- 
 ture tenfe, as declaring Connedicut river 
 
244 • HISTORY OF 
 
 1764. from that time to he the line of jurifdiaion 
 only, between the two provinces ; conie- 
 quently that their grants, being derived from 
 the Crown, through the medium of one of its 
 Governors, were valid. To the jurifdiclion, 
 they would have quietly fubmitted, had no 
 attempt been made to wreil from them their 
 poifeffions. Thefe oppofite opinions, proved 
 a fource of litigation for ten fucceeding years j 
 but, asthis controverfy belongs to the hiflory 
 of New- York, it is difmiiTed, with one re- 
 mark only. That though it was carried on 
 with a degree of virulence, unfriendly to the 
 progrefs of civilization and humanity, with- 
 in the difputed territory ; yet it called into 
 aaion, a fpirit of vigorous felf defence, and 
 hardy enterprife, which prepared the nerves 
 of that people for encountering the' dangers 
 of a revolution, more extenfive and bene» 
 ficiah 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 245 
 
 CHAP. XXIII. 
 
 Beginning ef the eontroverfv ixnth Great-Britain. Stamp olI. 
 Refignation of Brnning H^BNitrokTii. 
 
 From the earlleft eflabUflimenc of 
 the American Colonies, a jealoufy of their 
 independence had exiiled among the people, 
 of Great-Britain. At firft, this apprehenfion 
 was perhaps no more than a conjedure found- 
 ed on the viciflitude of human affairs, or on 
 their knowledge of thofe emigrants who came 
 away from England, dilgufted with the abu- 
 five treatment which they had endured at 
 home. But from whatever caufe it arofe, it 
 was ftrengthened by age ; and the condud 
 of the Britifli government tov/ard America, 
 was frequently influenced by it. In the 
 reign of James the flrft, ' fpeculative reafon- 
 « ers raifed objeaions to the planting of thefe Hume. 
 ' Colonies ; and foretold, that after draining 
 
 * the mother country of inhabitants, they 
 « would fhake off her yoke and ered an in- 
 
 * dependent government.' Some traces of this 
 jealoufy appeared in every fucceeding reign, g^^^^j 
 not excepting that of William, whom Amer- 
 ica, as well as Britain, was proud to flyle 
 
 ' our great deliverer.' But it became moft 
 evident, and began to produce its moil perni- 
 cious effects, at a time when there was the 
 leaft reafon for indulging the idea. 
 
 During the adminiftration of Pitt, a lib- 
 eral kind of pobcy had been adopted toward 
 the Colonies J which being crowned with fuc- 
 
Me 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 760. 
 
 cefs, had attached us*' more firmly than ever, 
 to the kingdom of Britain. We were proud 
 of our connexion with a nation whofe flag 
 was triumphant in every quarter of the globe; 
 and by whofe afTiftance we had been dehver- 
 ed from the danger of our mofl formidable 
 enemies, the French in Canada. The accef- 
 fion of George the third, at this critical and 
 important era, was celebrated here, with as 
 true a zeal and loyalty, as in any part of his 
 dominions. We were fond of repeating every 
 plaudit, v/hich the ardent afFedion of the 
 Britiih nation beftowed on a young monarch, 
 rifmg to the throne of his anceftors, and pro- 
 feUmg to ' glory in the name of Briton.' At 
 fach a time, nothing could have been more 
 eafy, than by purfuing the fyftem of com- 
 mercial regulation, already eflabliflied, and 
 continuing the indulgencies which had been 
 allowed, to have drawn the whole profit of 
 our labor and trade, into the hands of Britifli 
 merchants and manufadlurers. This would 
 have prevented a fpirit of enterprife in the 
 Colonics, and kept us in as complete fubjec- 
 tion and dependence, as the molt fanguine 
 friend of the Britiih nation could have wifhed. 
 1763. ^^^e had, among ourfelves, a fet of men, 
 Bernar j'« who, ambitious of perpetuating the rank of 
 tcrl '*" their fiimilies, were privately feeking the ef- 
 tablifhment of an American Nobility ; out of 
 izliZ! which, an intermediate branch of legiflation, 
 between the royal and democratic powers, 
 lliOLild be appointed. Plans were drawn, and 
 prefented to the Britifh miniftry, for new 
 
 Though it may be accounted a (^triarion from the proper fiyle of hif- 
 »<>ry, for the author to fpeak in the firft perfon ; yet he hopes to be rxcuf- 
 «'l in csprcffiMor the feelings of an Anf^erican, whUa he reUwj the hifiorj' 
 f>. his o*n time, aud his own country. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 247 
 
 modeling our governments, and reducing 1763, 
 their powers ; whilft the authority of Parlia- 
 nrieiit Ihould be rendered abfolute and im- 
 periaL The military Gentlemen of Britain, 
 who had ferved here in the war, and on whom, 
 a profufion of grateful attention had been be- 
 llowed, carried home reports of our wealth ; 
 whiHl the fons of our merchants and planters, 
 who went to England for their education, 
 exhibited fpecimens of prodigality which con- 
 firmed the idea. During the war, there had 
 been a great influx of money ; and at the 
 eoncluiion of it, Britifli goods were largely 
 imported ; by which ineans, the eafh went 
 back again with a rapid circulation. 
 
 In no age, perhaps, excepting that in which 
 Rome loll her liberty, was the Ijpirit of venal- ,^,]. aZoT> 
 ky and corruption fo prevalent as at this time, ^y- ^'^^' 
 in Britain. Exhaufted by a long war, and 
 difgraced by a peace which deprived her of 
 her mod valuable conquefls, the national fup- 
 plies were inadequate to the continual drain 
 of the exchequer. A new minillry, raifed 
 on the ruin of that by which America was 
 conquered and fecured, looked to this coun- 
 try as a fource of revenue. But, negledling 
 the ' principles of law and polity,' wdiich had ncmard'. 
 been early fuggefted to them by an officious ^l^\_ 
 correfpondent ; and by which they might 
 have gradually and filently extended their 
 iyflem of corruption into America; they plan- 
 ned meafures by which they fuppoled an ad- 
 dition to the revenues of Britain might be 
 drawn from America ; and the pretence was, 
 ' to defray the expenfes of proteding, defend- 
 ' ing and fecuring it.* The fallacy of this 
 pretence was eafily feen. If we had not done 
 
248 HISTORY OF 
 
 1763, our part toward the protedion and defence 
 of our country, why were our expenditures 
 reimburfed by Parliament ? The truth is, 
 that during the whole war, we had exerted 
 ourfelves beyond our ability ; relying on a 
 promife from a Secretary of State, that it 
 fliould be recommended to Parliament to make 
 us compenfation. It was recommended; the 
 cornpenfation was honorably granted, and 
 gratefully received. The idea of drawing 
 that money from us again by taxes to repay 
 the charges of our former defence, was unjuft 
 and inconiiftent. If the new conquefls need- 
 ed protedlion or defence, thofe who reaped 
 the gain of their commerce, or enjoyed the 
 benefit of grants and offices within thofe ter- 
 ritories, might be required to contribute their 
 aid. NotwitkO^anding this pretext, it was our 
 opinion, tharthe grand obje6l was to provide 
 for dependents, and to extend the corrupt and 
 venal principle of crown influence, through 
 every part of the Britifli dominions. How- 
 ever artfully it was thrown out, that the rev- 
 enue to be drawn from us would eafe the tax- 
 es of our brethren in Britain, or diminifh the 
 load of national debt ; it was not eafy for us 
 to believe that the miniilry had either of thefe 
 objecfls fincerely in contemplation. But if 
 it had been ever fo equitable that we fhould 
 contribute to difcharge the debt of the nation, 
 incurred by the preceding w^ar ; we fuppofed 
 that the monopoly and control of our com- 
 merce, which Britain enjoyed, was a full 
 equivalent for all the advantages, which we 
 reaped from our political connexion with her. 
 The fame gazette, which contained the de- 
 finitive treaty of peace, announced the inten- 
 
NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. 249 
 
 /I 
 
 tions of the Britifh mini{lry to quarter troops 1' 
 in America, and fupport them at our cxpenfe. JJ. ^^"".- 
 The money was to be railed by a duty on May 27. 
 foreign fugar and mplaffes, and by (lamps on 
 all papers legal and mercantile. Tiiefe in- 
 tentions were at firft thrown out in the form 
 of relblves, and afterward digelled into acts 
 of Parliament. The firit of thefe a6ls, re- -17^4 
 jlricfling the intercourfe wdiich the American 
 Colonies had enjoyed with the Weft-India 
 illands, caufed a general unealinefs and fuf- 
 picion, but was viewed as a regulation of 
 trade, and was fubmitted to, though with re- 
 luctance. The effedl of this a^l was to call 
 forth a fpirit of frugality, particularly in the 
 introduction of a lefs expeniive mode of con- 
 duclinc: funerals. Petitions and remonftran- 
 ces were fent to England byifome of the Col- ^ ^^^* 
 onies ; but inftead of any redrefs, a new ad: 
 of Parliament was made for raifmg a reve- 
 nue by a general ftamp duty through all the 
 American Colonies. The true friends of con- 
 ftitutional liberty now faw their deareft in- 
 terefts in danger ; from an ailum.ptlon of 
 power in the parent ftate to give r»nd grant 
 the property of the colonifts at their pleafure. 
 Even thole who had been feeking alterations 
 in the colonial governments, and an eftablilh- 
 ment of hereditary honors, plainly fiiw that 
 the miniftry were deftrous of plucking the [J\u\ki' 
 fruit, before they had grafted the Hock on ^'="- 
 which it mull grow. To render the new a6l 
 lefs odious to us, fome of our fellow citizens 
 were appointed to diftribute the ftamped pa- 
 per, which was prepared in England and 
 brought over in bales. The framers of the 
 ad boafted that it was fo contrived as to ex- 
 H II 
 
iJ50 HISTORY OF 
 
 1765. ecute itfelf ; becaufe no writing could be 
 deemed legal without the ftamp ; and all 
 controverfies which might arife, w^ere to be 
 determined in the Courts of Admiralty, by a 
 fingle judge, entirely dependent on the 
 Crown. 
 
 This diredl and violent attack on our dear- 
 eft privileges at firft threw us into a iilent 
 gloom ; and v/e were at a lofs how to proceed. 
 To fubmit, was to rivet the fliackies of ilave- 
 ry on ourlelves and our pofterity. To re- 
 volt, was to rend afunder the moft endearing 
 connexion, and hazard the refentment of a 
 
 ^!a 2S powerful nation. In this dilemma, the Houfe 
 of Burgefles in Virginia, paffed fome fpirited 
 refolves, aflerting the rights of their country, 
 and denying the claim of parliamentary tax- 
 ation. The AfK^mbly of Maffachufetts pro- 
 
 '""' * pofed a Congrefs of Deputies from each Col- 
 ony, to confultupon our common intereft, as 
 had frequently been pratflifed in times of 
 common danger. Several fpeeches made in 
 Parliament by oppofers of the ftamp-adl 
 w^ere reprinted here ; in one of which the 
 
 Col. Barre. Americans were ftyled ' Sons of liberty,' and 
 the fpeaker ventured, from his perfonal 
 knowledge of this country, to foretel our op- 
 poiition to the acl. 
 
 The fpirit of the Virginian refolves, like an 
 eledlric fpark, difFufed itfelf inftantly and 
 univerfally ; and the cautious propofal of 
 Maffachufetts was generally approved. The 
 anxious mind, refting on the bold affertion of 
 conftitutional rights, looked forward with 
 pleafure, to the time when an American Con- 
 grefs would unite in a fuccefsful defence of 
 them. The title * Sons of liberty,' was ea- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 251 
 
 gerly adopted by aflbciadons in every Colony ; 1765. 
 determining to carry into execution the pre- 
 di6lion of him, who with Inch noble energy^ 
 had efpouled the caufe of our freedom. They 
 began the oppofition at Boilon ; by publicly 
 exhibiting eifigies ot the enemies of America^ 
 and obliging the flamp-offictr to refign hi$ 
 employment. The popular commotions in 
 that town were afterward carried to an un- 
 juftinable excefs ; but the fpirit of oppoii- 
 tion animated the body of the people in every 
 Colony. 
 
 The perfon appointed diflributor of ftampi 
 for New-Hampfhire, was George Meilerve^ 
 {on of the late Colonel, who died at Louil- 
 bourg. He received his appointment in Eng- 
 land, and foon after embarked for America, 
 and arrived at Bofton. Before he landed, he Scpt. 9. 
 was informed of the oppofition which was 
 making to the a61: ; and that it would be ac- 
 ceptable to the people if he would refign, 
 which he readily did, and they welcomed 
 him on lliore. An exhibition of effigies at sopt. u- 
 Portfmouth had prepared the minds of the ^ ^^ 
 people there for his reception ; and at his '^'* ' ' 
 coming to town he made a fecond refignation, 
 on the parade, before he went to his own 
 houfe. This was accepted with the ufual 
 faliTtation ; and every one appeared to be fat- scpt. :;o. 
 isiied with the fuccefs of the popular meaf- 
 ures. Soon after, the ilamped paper deilined 
 for New-Hampihire arrived at Bofton in the 
 fame veffcl with that intended for Maffachu- 
 fetts ; but there being no perfon in either 
 Province who had any concern with it, it was, 
 by order of Governor Bernard, lodged in the 
 caflle. 
 
252 HISTORY OF 
 
 1765. The ftamp-a6l was to commence its ope- 
 ration on the iirft day of November ; pre- 
 vioufly to which the appointed Congreis was 
 formed at New- York, conlifling of delegates 
 from the AiTemblies of MafTachufetts, Rhode- 
 Ifland, Conne6licut, Nevz-York, New-Jerfey, 
 Pennfylvania, the Delaware Counties, Mary- 
 land and South-Carolina. Having, like the 
 Congrefs at Albany in 1754, formed them- 
 felves in geographical order ; they framed 
 a bill of rights, for the Colonies ; in which 
 the fole power of taxation v/as declared to be 
 in their own affemblies. Iney prepared 
 three diftindl addreiles to the King, Lords and 
 Commons, ftating their grievances, and afk- 
 ing for redrefs. Thefe w^ere fubfcribed by 
 the delegates of fix colonies ; the ethers who 
 were prefent we're not empowered to fign ; 
 but reported their proceedings to their con- 
 ftituents, who approved them in AfTembly, 
 and forwarded their petitions. No delegates 
 went from New-Kampfhire to this Congrefs; 
 but the AfTembly at their next m.eeting adopt- 
 ed the fame meafures, and fent iimilar peti- 
 , ., tions to EnHand, which they committed to 
 
 Records. Barlow Irecothick, tneir agent, and John 
 AVentvv^orth, a young gentleman of Portf- 
 mouth, Vv'^ho was then in England, to be by 
 them prefented to the King and Parliament. 
 Thefe meafures were the moft refpedlful and 
 prudent which could be devifed ; and were 
 attended with fome profpecl of fuccefs from 
 a change which had been made in the Britilli 
 miniflry. 
 
 In the mean time, the newfpapers were fill- 
 ed with effays, in which every plea for and 
 againft the new duties was amply difcuffed. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 253 
 
 Thefe vehicles of intelligence were doomed 1765. 
 to be loaded with a llamp ; and the printers 
 felt themfelves interclled in the opnofition. 
 On the lad day of Odlobcr, the New-Hamp- 
 fliire Gazette appeared with a mourning bor- 
 der. A body of people from the country 
 approached the town of Portfmcuth, under 
 an apprehcnfion that the ilamps would be dif- 
 tributed ; but being met, by a number from 
 the town, and affured that no fach thing was 
 intended, they quietly returned. The next 
 day, the bells tolled, and a funeral proceffion 
 was made for the Goddefs of Liberty ; but Nov. i. 
 on depofiting her in the grave, fome figns of 
 life were fupnofed to be difcovcred, and llie 
 was carried off in triumph. By fuch exhibi- 
 tions, the fpirit of the populace was kept up ; 
 though the minds of the mod tlioughtful 
 perfons were filled wldi anxiety. 
 
 It was doubtful, whether the Courts of 
 Law could proceed without damps ; and it 
 was certain that none could be procured. 
 Some licentious perfons began to think that 
 debts could not 'be recovered, and that they 
 might infult their creditors with impunity. 
 On^'the firil appearance of this diibrderly fpir- 
 it, aifociations were formed at Portfmouth, 
 Exeter and other places, to fupport the Ma- 
 giflrates and preferve the peace. The firth 
 of November had always been obferved as a 
 day of hilarity, in remembrance of the pow- 
 der-ploL On the following night, a flrong 
 guard was kept in Portfmouih. By theie 
 precautions, the tendency to riot was fealbn- 
 ably checked, and no wade of property or 
 perfonal infult was committed ; though lo:nc 
 obnoxious charaders began to tremble (or 
 their fafety. 
 
254 HISTORY OF 
 
 1163. When MefTerve arrived, the people fup- 
 pofed that he had brought his commiffion 
 with him, and were content that it iliould 
 remain in his own hands, being rendered 
 void by his refignation. But, in fka, he did 
 not receive it till after the time fixed for the 
 operation of the ad. Having ihown his in- 
 ftrudions to the Governor, and fome other 
 public officers, it was fufpeded that he intend- 
 ed ' to commence the execution of his office.' 
 1766. The fons of liberty were alarmed ; they af- 
 Jao.p. fembled by beat of drum, and obliged him 
 publicly to deliver up his commiffion and 
 inftrudions ; which they mounted on the 
 point of a fword, and carried in triumph 
 through the town. An oath was adminif- 
 tered to him by Juftice Claget, purporting 
 that he would neither diredly nor indiredly 
 attempt to execute his office. The mafler 
 of a fhip, then ready to fail for England, was 
 alfo fworn to deliver the packet containing 
 the commiffion and inflrudions, as it was 
 direded. It was firft addreffed to the com- 
 miffioners of the ftamp-office in London ; 
 but afterward it was enclofed in a letter to 
 the agents of the Province, refering the dif- 
 polal of it to their difcretion. It happened 
 to arrive, when great exertions were making, 
 and a ftrong probability exifled, of the repeal 
 of the ftamp-ad. The agents therefore con- 
 cealed the packet, and had the good fortune 
 to fupprefs the intelligence of all thefe pro- 
 ceedings ; that no irritation might enfue to 
 prevent the expccfted repeal. 
 
 During all thefe commotions. Governor 
 Wentworth was filent. The miniflry, either 
 by accident or defign, had neglecled to fend 
 
NEW-HAMPSIIIRE. 255 
 
 authentic copies of the ftamp-aifl, to fome of 17GG- 
 tiie American Governors, and to him among 
 others. There had been no tumults, which 
 rendered his interpofition neceflary. He was 
 in the decline of Ufe, and his heahh was much 
 impaired. His fortune was made, and it hiy 
 chieliy in his native country. One of the 
 reafons given, for the removal of his prede- 
 cellbr, was, that he had enjoyed his oflice ten 
 years ; Mr. Wentworth had been twenty-five 
 years in the chair, and expelled foon to be 
 fuperfcded. It was therefore his interell, not 
 to put himfelf forward in fupport of unpop- 
 ular meafures. His example was followed 
 by moil of the gentlemen in the Province, 
 who held offices under the Crown. If any 
 of them were fecretly in favor of the acl, they 
 were rellrained by fear, from contradicting 
 openly the voice of the people. 
 
 The popular fpirit w^as fufficiently roufed 
 to join in any meafures which might be nc- 
 ceiru-y for the defence of liberty. All fear 
 of the confequence of proceeding in the pub- 
 lic bufinefs without (lamps, was gradually 
 laid afide. The courts of law, and cuflom 
 houfes were kept open. Newfpapers circu- 
 lated, and lincenfes for marriage, without 
 {lamps, were publicly advertifed. As it was 
 uncertain, what might be the event of the 
 petitions to the King and Parliament, it was 
 thought befl, to avv^akcn the attention of the 
 merchants and manufadlurers of England, by 
 an agreement to import no goods, until the 
 ftamp-acl ihould be repealed. To provide 
 for tlie word, an aflbciation was formed by 
 the ' fons of liberty' in all the northern Colo- 
 nies, to (land by each other, and unite thcii 
 
^56 HISTORY OF 
 
 1766. whole force, for the protedion and relief of 
 any who might be in danger, from tlie oper- 
 ation of this, or any other opprefiive ad:. 
 
 MS. letters 'j-j^g lettcrs wiiich palTed between them, on 
 
 of the fons i • r • 
 
 of liberty, this occaiion, are replete with exprefTions of 
 loyalty and afFe(fLion to the King, his perfon, 
 family and authority. Had there been any '! 
 difafFecftion to the royal government, or de- 
 fire to Ihake off our allegiance, where would 
 the evidence of it be more likely to be found, 
 than in letters which pafled between bodies 
 of men, who were avowedly endeavouring, 
 to form an union, to refill the ufurped au- 
 thority of the Britifli Lords and Commons?'"^' 
 The idea which we entertained of our po- 
 litical connexion with theBritilh empire, was, 
 that the King was its fupreme head ; that 
 every branch of it was a perfecfl State, com- 
 petent to its own internal legiflation, but fub- 
 jedl to the control and negative of the fove- 
 reign ; that taxation and reprefentation were 
 correlative, and therefore that no part of the 
 empire could be taxed, but by its own Rep- 
 refentatives in AfTembly. From a regard 
 to the general intereft, it was conceded, that 
 the Parliament of Great-Britain, reprefenting 
 the firft and mod powerful branch of the em- 
 pire, might regvilate the exterior commerce 
 of the whole. In Britain, the American gov- 
 ernments were confidered as corporations, ex- 
 ifling by the pleafure of the King and Par- 
 liament, who had a right to alter or diffolve 
 
 • From an intirnate acquainfance with m^ny perfnns. of sJl ranks, who 
 u-ere inftrumcnul of eop'udling the Amtr-c n rv'iu'io'-^^ (brough all its 
 ftages; and from a perufal of nany of their c I'fi cntial "'•t^rs; the au- 
 thor of the fe (heers is fully f tisScr". rh^' t'e publ c pr-i fli '> of loy-Jtf, 
 inaile bv his countrymen^ were finci-e ; ah! thnr the m; it ricifrmined np- 
 l)offrs of ch- cUims of Parii.c. CiUj were vfty farfron i! il "f.^^ a difuuion 
 of the Britifli eaipirc, till they were driven to '\t by ncc.ffit)!. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 257 
 
 them. Our laws were deemed bye-laws ; 17G6. 
 and we were fnppofed to be, in all cafes of le~ 
 gillation and taxation, fubject to thefupreme, 
 undefined power of the Britifli Parliament. 
 Between claims fo widely ditPerent, there was 
 no arbitrator to decide. Temporary expedi- 
 ents, if wifely applied, might have preferved 
 peace ; but the moil delicate and judicious 
 management was neceffary, to prevent irrita- 
 tion. 
 
 \Vhcn the commotions which had happen- 
 ed in America, were known in England, a 
 circular letter was written to the feveral gov- 
 ernors, by Secretary Conway, in which it was ^'^. **' 
 ' /jo/)ed that the refiilance to the authority of 
 ' the mother country, had only found place 
 
 * among the lower and more ignorant of the 
 
 * people.' To the conflitutional authority (as 
 we underftood it) of the King and Parlia- 
 ment, there had been no refiilance ; but to 
 the aiTumed authority, of our fellow fubjeds 
 in Britain, over our property, the refiilance 
 began, and was fupported by the Rcprefen- 
 tatives of of the people, in their Affemblies. 
 Thofe v>^ho appeared under the name of * the 
 fons of liberty' were chieily tradefmen of 
 reputation, who were occaiionally aifiiled by 
 lawyers, clergymen, and other perfons of lit' 
 erary abilities. The writings of Sydney and 
 Locke were produced, in evidence of the juf- 
 tice of our claims ; and the arguments which 
 had formerly been ufed in England, againil 
 the ufurpations of the houfe of Stuart, were 
 adopted and repeated by us, in favor of our 
 rights and liberties. Political inquiries were 
 encouraged, and the eyes of the people were 
 opened. Never was a lentiment more gener- 
 
 I 1 
 
^55 HISTORr OF 
 
 1766. ally adopted, on the fulleft convidlion, than 
 that we could be conflitutionally taxed by 
 none but our own Reprefentatives ; and that 
 all afTumption of this power, by any other 
 body of men, was ufurpation which might 
 be lawfully reiifted. 
 
 The petitions of the American Aifemblies, 
 enforced by the agreement for non-importa- 
 tion, and aided by the exertions of the Brit- 
 ifli merchants and manufadlurers, induced 
 the new miniftry to recommend to Parlia- 
 ment, a repeal of the odious ftamp-a6l. It 
 March i8. was^ accordingly repealed ; not on the true 
 pri^iciple of its repugnancy to the rights of 
 America ; bat on that of political expedien- 
 cy. Even on this principle, the repeal could 
 be obtained by no other means ; than by 
 pailing, at the fame time, a declaratory adl, af- 
 . ferting the right and power, of the Britiih 
 Parliament, * to bind America, in all cafes 
 ' whatfoever,' and annulling all the refolu- 
 tions of our AfTemblies, in which they had 
 claimed the right of exemption from Parlia- 
 mentary taxation. 
 
 The rejoicings which were occalioned by 
 the repeal of the flamp-a6l, in this country, 
 were extravagantly difproportioned to the ob- 
 jeiSl. We felt a tranfient relief from an in- 
 tolerable burden ; but the claim offovereign 
 power, in our fellow fubjedls, to take our 
 property, and abridge our liberty at their 
 pleafure, was eftablifhed by law. Our only 
 hope was, that they would profit by their re- 
 cent experience ; and whilfl they enjoyed the 
 pride of feeing their claim exift on paper, 
 would fufpend the exercife of it in future. 
 
 With the repealing and declaratory aifls, a 
 
June v^. 
 
 NEW-HAMPSIIIRK. 259 
 
 Circular letter came from Secretary Conway ; 1766. 
 in which, * the lenity and tendernefs, thc' 
 
 * moderation and forbearance of the Parlia- 
 
 * ment toward the Colonics' were celebrated 
 in the language of panegyric, and we were 
 called upon, to fliow our 'refpecflful gratitude 
 
 * and cheerful obedience,' in return for fuch a 
 
 * fignal difplay of indulgence and affecftion.' 
 This letter enclofed a relbkuion of Parlia- 
 ment, that thofe perfons who had ' fuffered 
 'any injury or damage,' in confequence of 
 their afTifting to * execute the late act, ought 
 
 * to be compenfated, by the Colonies, in which 
 ' fuch injuries were fuflained.' 
 
 When Governor Wcntworth laid this let- 
 ter before the Aflembly, he told them ' with 
 
 * pleafure and fatisfacflion, that he had ?/o re- 
 ' quilition of this kind to make.' Mellerve, 
 however, applied to the Ailembly to gram, 
 him a compenfation for the injuries which he 
 faid he had fuffered. A committee, being ap- 
 pointed to inquire into the ground of his 
 petition, reported, ' that he had i'uffered no 
 ' real damage either in perfon or property ; 
 ' but that when any danger had been cxpecl- 
 ' ed, guards had been appointed to protecfV. 
 
 * him.' Upon this report, his petition was 
 difmlffed. He afterward went to Kngland 
 and obtained the office of Collector of the 
 Cuftoms. 
 
 At this fefTion the affembly prepared aref- 
 pecflful addrefs to the King and both Houfes 
 of Parliament, on account of the repeal ; 
 which was fent to England, at the fame time 
 that the llamped paper and parchment, which 
 had been depofited at the caflle in Boflon, 
 were returned. 
 
260 HISTORY OF 
 
 1766. Complaints had been made in England 
 againft fome of the American Governors, and 
 other public officers, that exorbitant fees had 
 been taken for the paiTmg of patents for land ; 
 and a proclamation had been ilTued by the 
 N. Hamp- Crown and publiflied in the Colonies, threat- || 
 Aug.?9^' nii^g fuch perfons with a removal from of- 
 ^764. fice. Governor Wentworth was involved in 
 this charge. He had alfo been accufed of 
 negligence in correfponding with the King's 
 niiniilers ; of informality and want of ac- 
 curacy in his grants of land ; and of pailing 
 adls of AfTembly refpe(5{:ing private property, 
 without a fufpending claufe * till his Ivlajef- 
 * ty's pleafure could be known.' In his of- 
 fice of Surveyor- General he had been char- 
 ged with negledl of duty, and with indulging 
 his deputies in felling and walling the King's 
 timber. By whom thefe complaints were 
 made, and by what evidence they were fup- 
 ported, I have not been able to difcover. 
 Certain it is, that fuch an impreffion was 
 made on the minds of the mini dry, that a 
 refolution was taken to remove him ; but the 
 difficulties attending the ftamp-adl, caufed a 
 dela.y in the appointment of a fucceflbr. 
 When the ferment had fubfided, the atten- 
 tion of the miniftry was turned to this ob- 
 jc(fl. John Wentworth, fon of Mark 
 Hunking Wentworth, and nephew of the 
 C^overnor, was then in England, He had ap- 
 peared at Court, as a joint agent with Mr. 
 Trecothick in prefenting the petition of the 
 Province againft the ftamp-acl. He had be- 
 come acquainted with feveral families of high 
 rank and of his own name in Yorkfhire, and 
 in particular with the Marquis of Rocking- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHJRE. 261 
 
 ham, then at the head of the miniftry. By 1766. 
 his indulgence, Mr. Wentworth prevailed to 
 foften the rigor of government againfl his 
 uncle. Inflead of being cenfured and re- 
 moved from ofBce, he was allowed opportu- 
 nity to rejign^ and the appearance of refign- 
 ing in favor of his nephew, who was deftined 
 by the Marquis, to be his fuccellbr. Having 
 received his commifTions, as Governor ofAuguan, 
 New-Hampfliire, and Surveyor of the King's 
 woods in North-x\merica, Mr. Wentv\rorth 
 failed from England, and arrived at Charlef- ,/ \" ** 
 town, in South-Carolina. Thence he travel- 
 led through the continent, regifleiing his 
 commiilion of Surveyor in each of the Colo- 
 nies, and was received at Portfmouth, with 
 every mark of refpedl and affedion. This ^^^^ ^^ 
 appointment, made by a popular mini{lry,was 
 peculiarly grateful to the people of New- 
 Hampiliire, by whom Mr. Wentworth was 
 well known and much efteemed. 
 
 In addition to what had been iaid, of the 
 fuperfeded Governor, it may be obferved ; 
 that his natural abilities were neither brilliant 
 nor contemptible. As a private gentleman 
 he was obliging, and as a merchant honora- 
 ble. Ke was generous and hofpitable to his 
 friends ; but his paflions were if rong and his 
 refentments lading. He was fubjedl to fre- 
 quent and long continued vifits of the gout ; 
 a diftemper rather unfriendly to the virtue of 
 patience. In his deportment there was an ap- 
 pearance of haughtinefs, contraded by his 
 refidcnce in Spain,where he learned the man- 
 ners of the people of rank ; as well as the 
 maxims of their government. He thought 
 it befl that the highefl offices, fliould be fill- 
 
^62 HISTORY OF 
 
 1767. ed with men of property ; and though in 
 fome inftances he deviated from this princi- 
 ple, yet, in others, he adhered to it fo clofely, 
 as to difregard more necefTary quail fications. 
 
 In the former part of his adminillration, 
 he was fcrupulous in obeying his inilrudions, 
 and inflexible in maintaining the prerogative. 
 In conducting the operations of two fuccef- 
 five wars, his attention to the fervice was very 
 confpicuoiis ; and he frequently received let- 
 ters of thanks, from the Generals, and other 
 officers of the Britilli troops employed in 
 America. 
 
 He was clofely attached to the intereft of 
 the church of England ; and in his grants of 
 townfliips, referved a right for the fociety for 
 propagating the gofpel, of which he was a 
 member, A projedl was formed during his 
 adminillration, to eilablifli a college in New- 
 Hampfhire. When he was applied to for a 
 charter, he declined giving it, unlefs the col- 
 lege w^ere put under the diredion of the 
 Bilhop of London. But, when a grant was 
 made by the AlFembly, of three hundred 
 pounds fterling, to Harvard College, where 
 he had received his education, to repair the 
 (ielaudlion which it had fufFered by fire; he 
 confented to the vote, and his name is infcrib- 
 ed on an alcove of the library, as a benefac- 
 tor, in conjundion with the name of the 
 Province. 
 
 In his appointment of civil and military 
 officers, he was frequently governed by mo- 
 tives of favor, or prejudice to particular per- 
 ibns. AVhen he came to the chair he found 
 but twenty-live Juftices of the Peace in the 
 whole province ; but in the firfl commiffion 
 
J<iEW-HAMPSIIIR£. 265 
 
 which he ifTued, he nominated as many in 17G7* 
 the town of Portfmouth only. In the latter 
 part of his time, appointments of this kind 
 became fo numerous, and were fo ealily pro- 
 cured, that the office was rendered contemp- 
 tible.*- 
 
 Notwlthftanding fome inilances, in which 
 
 * The followine pafquiradc was publifted in the Portftmouih Mercury 
 rf OAuher 7, 1765. It was fuppoftd to have been written by the late 
 Judge Pdiker, aod was iniirlei 
 
 THE SILVER AGE. 
 
 In days of yore, and pious times, 
 Gic^t care wag hp.d t - punifli crimes v 
 ■W'hfP conlervatorg ^<7c« fought 
 To kfv good order as they ought. 
 Tlis < ffice then, was no great booty, 
 S'v.ai! were the lee«, though great the duty. 
 But A hen a law, the oid rrftriction 
 D ckM — and enlarg'd the jurifdiction; 
 Hi* Worftiip had a right to hold, 
 fp civil pica, a pound twice told. 
 The pofl was then thought worth piffcDing, 
 For 'twwii attended with a bitfling. 
 But ftil), in after times it grew 
 Much better, as our tale will fliew ; 
 When, as it goes hy common fame. 
 Two pounds and forty were the fame. [By depreciatioa'J 
 Then civil fuits began to thrive. 
 An < claims grown ohfolete revive. 
 But v*hcn their Worfhips, m.anilold, 
 I.Ike men t'ivmcly blcfs'd of old, 
 Were bid ' t'increafe atid multiply,' 
 Obfequious rote a num'rous fry 
 Who, ever prompt, and righ at hand, 
 Could fcattei juflice through the land- 
 Then, with itrrort?nt air ami look, 
 
 The f'.'Ps of Lirtlccon and Coke • 
 
 Swato'ing appear'di to mind the Squires ; 
 What honors fuch a pofi requires! 
 Thcff fkilful clerks, always attending;. 
 Hclp'd to difpatch all matters pending ; 
 
 Took c£rc that judgnent (as it fliould) ' * 
 
 Wasrendcr'd for the man that fucd ,• 
 Aided t'leir honors to indite, 
 Andftjn'dfor thefe rtho could vot tnrits. 
 Wlio but mufl think thefe, harpy times,. 
 Whi-n men, adroit to punifli crimes 
 Were clofe at hand .' and what i8 better, 
 Made every little tardy debtor 
 Fu!6l his coDtrs6l , and to boot, 
 Pay twice his debt in coftsof fuit- 
 
 This was the happy Giver age 
 When magidrates, profoundly fage, 
 O'erfpitad ibe land ; and mac'e, it feem;, 
 ' Jnftitc ruo down ihe rtrt«9 in ftrcami.' 
 
264 HISTORY OF 
 
 1767. a want ot magnanimity was too confpicuous, 
 his adminiftration was, in other refpecSls, ben- 
 eficiah Though he was highly cenfured, 
 for granting the beil lands of the Province to 
 the people of Maflachufetts and Connedlicut, 
 with views of pecuniary reward ; yet, the 
 true intereil of the country was certainly 
 promoted ; becaufe the grantees in general, 
 were better hufbandmen than the people of 
 New-FIampihire. 
 
 In thofe cafes, where difTatisfadlion appear- 
 ed, it vt'-as chiedy owing to the nature of a 
 royal government, in which the ariftocratic 
 feature vvras prominent, and the democratic 
 too much depreffed. The people of New- 
 Hamplliire, though increaling in numbers, 
 had not the privilege of an equal reprefenta- 
 tion. The aim of mofl of thofe gentlemen, 
 who received their appointments from abroad, 
 w^as rather to pleafe their mailers, and fecure 
 the emoluments of their offices, than to ex- 
 tend benefits to the people, or condefcend to 
 their prejudices. They did not feel their de- 
 pendence on them, as the fource of power ; 
 nor their refponfibility to them for its exer- 
 cife. And, the people themfelves had not 
 that jufl idea of their own weight and im- 
 portance, which they acquired, when the 
 controverfy with the Britilli government call- 
 ed up their attention to their native rights. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 265 
 
 CHAP. XXIV. 
 
 Admhi'tflrathn of John IVfNTiroKTH ihe fecond. Neiv attempt 
 t« force a revenue from ^vurica. Ejiablijlment of Dartmouth 
 Coile'r-, Dhijion of the provirce into Counties. Death of 
 Bbnuing ti'eNTrroRTH- Covipluint of Pfter J.irws a^ain/i 
 the Covrrmr. Its ijfue, Progrtfs cf the cotitroverfy nvitb 
 Great Britain. IVar. DiJUution of Britift) govermnent in 
 tienx) Hampjhire . 
 
 J HE genius, as well as the interefl 
 of the new Governor, led him to cultivate 1767. 
 the good will of the people. He was grand- 
 fon, by his mother, to the the late agent John 
 Rindge, who had been inftrumental of ellab- 
 lilhing the boundaries of the Province, and 
 had advanced a large fum for that purpofe. 
 His family, who had long complained of in- 
 gratitude and neglecSl, were now amply grat- 
 ified, not only by the advancement of the 
 new Governor, but by his recommending 
 feveral other gentlemen, who were conne(5l- 
 ed with it, to fill vacant feats at the Council 
 board, and other offices of government. Sev- 
 eral gentlemen of other refpedlable families, 
 who had been treated with negle(5l, in the 
 preceding adminiilration, were alfo taken in* 
 to favor ; and a fpirit of conciliation, among' 
 thofe who had formerly been at variance, 
 feemed to mark the beginning of this admin- 
 iilration with fair omens of peace and fuccefs. 
 Being in the prime of life, a(ftive and en- 
 terprifing in his difpofition, polite and eafy 
 in his addrefs, and placed in the chair by the 
 fame minifler who had procured the repeal of 
 the Ilamp-adl, to which event his own agency 
 had contributed ; Mr. Wentworth enjoved a 
 
i»6(> HISTORY or 
 
 1 767. great fhare of popular favor ; wLicli was much 
 heightened when his condud was viewed 
 in contraft with that of fome other Gover- 
 nors in the neighbouring Provinces. Though 
 bred a merchant, he had a taile for agricul- 
 ture, and entered vigorouily into the fpirit of 
 cultivation. He frequently traverfed the 
 forefts ; explored the ground for new roads ; 
 and began a plantation for himfelf in the 
 townlhip of Wolfborough, on which he ex- 
 pended large fums, and built an elegant 
 houfe. His example was iniiuential on other 
 landholders, vvdio alfo applied themfelves in 
 earneft to cultivate the wildernefs. 
 
 The improvement of the country at this 
 time occupied the minds of the people of 
 New-Hampihire, and took off their attention, 
 in a great meafure, from the view of thofe po- 
 litical difficulties, which v/ere occaiioned by a 
 new a^ of Parliament, laying duties on pa- 
 per, glais, painters' colors, and tea ; and the 
 eflablilhmeiit of a board of Commiihoners 
 for colledling the American revenue. In the 
 other Colonies, particularly in Maffachufetts, 
 thefe duties had become a fubjecl of alterca- 
 tion and ferious alarm,being grounded on the 
 right which the Parliament had ailumed of 
 ' binding America in all cafes whatfoever.' 
 The only remedy was to be found in frugal- 
 itv, non-importation, and domefbic manufac- 
 tures. Thefe things were recommended, and, 
 in fome meafure, complied with ; and by 
 means of thefe exertions, the revenue fell 
 fhort of the fanguine expeaations which its 
 advocates had formed. 
 
 The popularity of the Governor of New- 
 Hamplliire, and the influence of his numer- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. tjfffl 
 
 ous friends and connexions, who -were of the 1767- 
 principal families and the richefl merchants 
 in the Province, prevented the adoption of a 
 non-importation agreement in Portfmouth,^' 
 till the merchants in Ibme of the other Colo- 
 nies threatened to withhold any mercantile 
 intercourfe with them. A plan of the fame 
 kind was then (1770) formed; and the union 
 of fo many Colonies, in this meafure, caufed 
 the manufadurers in Great-Britain to expe- 
 rience diilrefles of the fame nature with 
 thofe occafioned by the flamp-acl; and to ex- 
 ert their influence for a repeal of the nev»- 
 revenue law, which was in part effedled. All 
 the duties, excepting that on tea, were taken 
 oft. This relaxation, on the other fide of the 
 Atlantic, produced a relaxation here. The 
 miniflry in Great-Britain was frequently 
 changed ; and no uniform fyflem either of 
 coercion or lenity was adopted. The oppo- 
 fition on this fide languiihed for want of una- 
 nimity. The more candid among us were 
 willing to fuppofe that Britain would never 
 lay any more duties ; and there was fome 
 foundation for this fuppofition, as far as let- 
 ters from miniflers of date, and fpeeches from 
 provincial Governors might be depended on. 
 The tax on fea was referved as a latent fpark 
 to rekindle the controverfy. 
 
 When the Governor, at his firft meeting 
 the AlTembly, according to the cuflom on 
 fuch occafions, recommended to them the 
 
 • « We cannot depend on the coun'cnjtice of many r«ff""' "f ^^'^ 
 ' firft rank here ; for royal comm.fii ns and family connexions it fluencc 
 
 • the prinic})ai pcntlctrtn amopg us_, at lenft to k<tp fihnct in thclc tvil 
 ' tirrcs. The prcfs here ha* i' ver bicn openly attickcd -, but the pDotcr 
 
 • remembers what he once fufTcrcj?, at Lofton ; and is eafily kept in awe 
 ' by more private rebukes.' . r • n a 
 
 MS letter of the Sons of Libciry.In PortfmoBift, to tbofe jo BOloc. 
 
268 HISTORY OF 
 
 1767. eflablifhment of an 'adequate, honorable and 
 Journal of ' permanent falary ' they made fome helita- 
 tion, on account or a report, that the lalane* 
 of the American Governors were to be paid 
 out of the revenue. On being afTured, that 
 if fuch a general eflablifhment fhould take 
 place, it would be fo guarded as to prevent 
 his receiving any reward from the affembly ; 
 they framed a vote, granting feven hundred 
 pounds per annum during his adminiflration 
 Sep* 30. (dollars being then fixed at fix fhillings.) The 
 fund appropriated to the falary was the excife, 
 and in cafe of its infufhciency, other provif- 
 ion was made. But the vote was limited 
 with an exception, ' unlefs provifion fhall be 
 made by Parliament.' When the queflion 
 was put, the Houfe was equally divided, and 
 the Speaker, Peter Gilman, turned it againfl 
 a permanent falary. It was therefore voted 
 from year to year, and generally amounted 
 to feven hundred pounds ; befides which an 
 allowance was made for houfe-rent, from fix- 
 ty or feventy to one hundred pounds. 
 1769. Among the improvements, which during 
 this adminiflration, were made in the Prov- 
 ince, one of the moft confpicuous, was the ef- 
 tablifhment of a feminary of literature. It 
 was founded on a projection of DodlorEleazer 
 Wheelock, of Lebanon in Connedlicut, for 
 the removal of his Indian charity fchool. 
 
 The firfl defign of a fchool of this kind was 
 conceived by Mr. John Sergeant, Miflionary 
 to the Indians, at Stockbridge. A rambling 
 ra°nu,'irs of mode of life, and a total want of letters, were 
 tonn^r'^* ever unfriendly to the propagation of religi- 
 indians, ous kuowlcdge among the lavages of Ameri- 
 ca. That worthy miflionary, intent on the 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRB. 
 
 269 
 
 bufinefs of his profeffion, and having obferv- 1769^ 
 ed the progrefs made by Ibme of the younger 
 Indians, who refided in the Engliili fanulies, 
 in reading and other improvements, conceiv- 
 ed the benevolent idea of changing their 
 whole habit of thinking and ading ; and raif- 
 ino- them from their native indolence to a 
 ftate of civilization ; and at the fame timo, 
 by introducing the Englifli language, inllead 
 ot their ov/n barren dialed, to inftil into their 
 minds the principles of morality and religion. 
 To accompliih this defign, he procured 
 benefadions from many well dilpofed per- 
 fons both here and in England ; and began 
 a fchool at Stockbridge ; where the Indian 
 youth were to be maintained, under the in- 
 ftrudion of two mailers ; one to overfee their 
 lludies, and the other their held labor ; whilft 
 a matron fliould direct: the female children 
 in acquiring the arts of domeiVic life. Death ^^^^^^ 
 put an end to the labors of this excellent man 
 before his plan could be accomplilhed. 
 
 This dehgn was revived by Wheelock. 
 Having made fome experiments, he was en- 
 couraged to proceed, by the tradable difpofi- (,,54.) 
 tion of the Indian vouths, and their proiicien- 
 cv in learning ; but efpecially, by the numer- 
 ous beneflidions, which he received from 
 the friends of religion and humanity. Among ^^^^^^^^^.^ 
 which, a donation of Jofliua Moor, ot Mans- v'^-^^f^-^ 
 field,being the largeft,in the infancy ot the in- "'"" 
 {litution,determined its name 'Moor's fchool. 
 To increafe the means of improvement, 
 charitable contributions were folicitcd in dif- 
 ferent parts of America, in England, and in 
 Scotland. The money colleded in England, 
 was put into the hands of a Board of 1 rutlces, 
 
^0 HISTORY OF 
 
 1769. of whom die Earl of Dartmouth was at the 
 head ; and that colledled in Scotland was 
 committe .^. to the fociety for promoting chrif- 
 tian knowledge. 
 
 As an improvement on the original defign, 
 a number of Englifh youths were educated 
 with the Indians, both in literary and agri- 
 cultural exercifes ; that their example might 
 invite the Indians to the love of thofe employ- 
 ments, and abate the prejudice which they 
 have univerfally imbibed, that it is beneath 
 the dignity of man to delve in the earth. 
 
 As the number of fcholars increafed, it be- 
 came neceflary to eredl buildings, and ex- 
 tend cultivation. That part of the country 
 in which the fchool was firfl placed, being- 
 filled with inhabitants, a removal was con- 
 templated. When this intention was pub- 
 licly known, offers were made by private and 
 public perfons in feveral of the neighbour- 
 ing Colonies. The wary forefight of the 
 founder, aided by the advice of the Board of 
 Truftees, in England, led him to accept an 
 invitation made by the Governor, and other 
 gentlemen of New-Hampfliire. The town- 
 ihip of Hanover, on the eaftern bank of Con- 
 necticut river, was finally determined on, as 
 the mofl convenient fituation for the fchool ; 
 to vrhich the Governor annexed a charter of 
 incorporation for an univerfity, which took 
 the name of Dartmouth College, from its ben- 
 efaclor, the Earl of Dartmouth. Of this uni- 
 verfity, Dodlor Wheelock was declared the 
 founder and the Prefident ; with power to 
 nominate his fuccefTor, in his laft will. A 
 Board of twelve Truftees was conftituted, 
 with perpetual fucceflion ; and the college 
 
 Dec. 13. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 271 
 
 was endowed with a large landed eflate, con- 1769. 
 filling of one whole townfliip (Landaff) be- 
 fides many other trads of land in different 
 fituations, amounting in the whole, to forty- 
 four thoufand acres. One valuable lot, of 
 live hundred acres, in the townlhip of Han- 
 over, given by the late Governor, Benning 
 Wentworth, was fixed upon as the fite of the 
 fchool and college. Bcfides thefe donations 
 of land, the amount of three hundred and 
 forty pounds fterling, was fubfcribed, to be 
 paid in labor, provliions, and materials for 
 building. With thefe advantages, and the 
 proA^ecl of a rapidly increafmg neighbor- 
 hood, in a fertile foil, on both fides of Con- 
 nedlicut river, Dodor Wheelock removed his 
 family and fchool into the wildernefs. At 1770. 
 firft, their accommodations were fimilar to ^^^^^^^^^ 
 thofe of otherfettlers, on new lands. They 
 built huts of green logs, and lived in them, 
 till. a proper edifice could be erccled. The 
 number of fcholars, at this time, was twenty- 
 four ; of which eighteen were white, and the 
 reft Indians. 
 
 Experience had taught Doclor Wheelock, 
 that his Indian youths, however well educat- 
 ed, were not to be depended on for inftruc- jjamti^j 
 tors of their countrymen. Of forty who had No. 5- p. 
 been under his care, twenty had returned to 
 the vices of favage life ; and ibme whom he 
 efteemed'fubjeas of divine grace, had not 
 * kept their garments unfpotted.' It was, 
 therefore, in his view, neceffary that a greater 
 proportion of Englifli youths iliould be edu- 
 cated, to ferve as miiTionaries, and overfee the 
 conducl of the Indian teachers. This was 
 given as the grand reafon, for umang the 
 
^72 HISTORY OF 
 
 1770. college with the Indian fchool, and placing it 
 under the fame government ; though the ap- 
 propriations were difbinclly preferved. That 
 the general concerns of the inftitution might 
 be better regulated, and the intrufion of vic- 
 ious perfons within the purlieus of the col- 
 lege prevented ; a diftridl of three miles 
 fquare was put under its jurifdiclion, and 
 the Prendent was invefted with the office of 
 a magiflrate. In 1771, a commencement was 
 held, and the firil degrees were conferred, on 
 four fludents ; one of whom was John Whee- 
 lock, the fon and fuccefTor of the founder. 
 
 Another improvement was made about the 
 fame time, by dividing the Province into 
 counties. This had been long fought, but 
 could not be obtained. The inconvenience 
 to which the people in the weflern parts of 
 the Province were fubjecft, by reafon of their 
 diflance from Portfmouth, where all the 
 Courts were held, was extremely burdenfome; 
 whilfl the convenience and emolumicnts of 
 office were enjoyed by gentlemen in that vi- 
 cinity. Some attempts to divide the Prov- 
 ince had been made in the former adminif- 
 tration ; but without effecft. The rapid in- 
 creafe of inhabitants for feveral years, made 
 a diviiion fo neceffary, that it had become one 
 of the principal fubjedls of debate, in the Af- 
 fembly, from the time of the Governor's ar- 
 rival. Several feffions palTed before all points 
 could be adjufted. The number of counties, 
 and the lines of divifion, were not eafily a- 
 greed to, and a pundlilio of prerogative about 
 the erecting of Courts, made fome difficulty; 
 but it was finally determined, that the num- 
 ber of counties ihou.ld be five ; and the 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 273 
 
 Courts were eftabliflicd by an adl of tlic 1771. 
 whole legiilature. It was paded with a claiile, 
 fuipeading its operation, till the King's plea- 
 Aire fhould be known. The royal approba- 
 tion being obtained, it took effect in 1771. 
 The five counties were named by the Gover- 
 nor, after fonie of his friends in England ; 
 Rockingham, Strafford, Hilifborough, Chefli- 
 ire, and Grafton. The counties of Strafford 
 and Grafton being much lefs populous, than 
 the others, were to remain annexed to the 
 county of Rockingham, till the Governor, by 
 advice of Council, lliould declare them com- 
 petent to the cxercife of their refpeclive ju- 
 rifdiclions j which was done in 1773. 
 
 The year 1771 was alfo didinguifhed by 
 the abolition of paper currency. Silver and 
 gold had been gradually introduced, and the 
 paper had for feveral years been called in by 
 taxes. The time limited for its exiftencc be- 
 ing now come, it totally difappeared. 
 
 The death of the late Governor produced 
 confequences which materially affeded his .^yo^is* 
 fuccellbr. This family had been for many "« ts- 
 years of the firft rank in the Province, and 
 fbme of its members and connexions had held 
 the principal offices. In fuch a cafe, domeflic 
 union may be confidered as neceffary to pre- 
 ferve public honor. The late Governor, 
 though fuperfeded, had been treated with 
 every mark of refpedt ; and having no chil- 
 dren, it was expeded his fucceffor would be 
 his principal heir. A later will, made in fa- 
 vor of his young widow, and unknown till 
 after his death, caufed a fudden difappoint- 
 ment ; which, if it had evaporated in private 
 refledions only, might have paiTed among the 
 L JL 
 
274 HISTORY OF 
 
 1771. infirmities incident to humanity, and with 
 them might have been configned to oblivion ; 
 for it is beneath the dignity of hiftory, to 
 record the altercations of families, unlefs they 
 are connedled v^ith public tranfa6lions, or 
 events. 
 
 Antiquated claims upon the late Gover- 
 nor's eflate were revived ; and law-fuits were 
 commenced, which probably would not have 
 been agitated, if the expecfted difpohtion had 
 been made. But the moil alarming eifedl of 
 this unhappy difappointment was a queftion, 
 which the Governor moved in Council, 
 March 10. ' whether the refervations of five hundred 
 ' acres, in feveral towniliips, made by the late 
 Srion cf fe- ' Govemor, rJennmg Wentworth, m the char- 
 c^^iiL^ * ter grants, conveyed the title to him ?' The 
 Council determined this queflion in the neg- 
 ative. The Governor then afked, whether 
 they would advife him to grant the faid tradls, 
 to fuch of his Pvlajefly's fubjedts, as ihould 
 fettle and cultivate the fame ? To this they 
 gave their aiTent. Seven of the Counfellors 
 prefent on this occafion were the Governor's 
 relations. The eighth was Peter Livius, a 
 gentleman of foreign extraction, who enter- 
 ed his difTent. He had for feveral years ferv- 
 ed as a Juftice of the Common Pleas ; but 
 on the divifion of the Province into counties, 
 it was neceffiiry to iiTue new commifhons. 
 Finding himfelf overlooked in the appoint- 
 ment of officers, and his private affairs calling 
 him abroad, he failed for England, and there 
 
 1772. exhibited to the Lords of Trade, articles of 
 complaint aeainft the Governor and his 
 
 J-'^'- Council. 
 
 The firfl was, that the Governor and Coun^ 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 275 
 
 cil, without any legal procefs, or the inter- 1772- 
 vention of a jury, had deprived the grantees ^^^'^'^^^^^ 
 under the Crown of their lands, on fuggef- 
 tion only that the conditions had not been 
 
 fulfilled. 
 
 The fecond was, that the duty paid by 
 foreign {hipping, commonly called powder 
 money, had not been accounted for, fuice the 
 year 1741 ; and that the Council had refu- 
 fed to ioin with the Reprefentatives in an in- 
 quiry into this matter in the year 17G8. 
 
 The third was, that the Governor had 
 moved in Council, that the lands referved to 
 the late Governor, in the charters of town- 
 fliips,fhould be regran'-^ed to himfclf, through 
 the medium of another perfon ; and that the 
 proteft of the complainant, againll the legal- 
 ity of this proceeding, was rejeaed. 
 
 The fourth was, that in confequencc of 
 the oppofition, which he was in duty bound 
 thus to make, he had been injurioufly treated, 
 and had received perfonal abufe from the 
 
 Governor. 
 
 The fifth was, that pending an a^ion ni 
 the Common Pleas, brought by the Gover- 
 nor though in other names, the Judges had 
 feveVal times been changed, till a queltion on 
 a point of law was determined m tavor of 
 the Governor. 
 
 The fixth article ftated, that the complam- 
 ant had expected to prove ibveral of the above 
 faas by referring to copies of the Council 
 records in their Lordiliip's office ; but was 
 furprifed to find that the Governor had dil- 
 obeyed his inftruaions in not fending them. 
 The memorial concluded with a general 
 charee of partiality arifing from the family 
 connexions of the Governor and Council. 
 
276 
 
 HISTORY or 
 
 1772. Copies of this memorial were fent to tKe 
 s "I'ss. Governor and CounciJ, who feparately pre- 
 pared and returned diilina anfwers to the 
 leveral articles of complaint. 
 
 To the firfl, it was faid, that the refump- 
 tion of grants forfeited by non-compliance 
 with the conditions of fettlement was fup- 
 ported bv the opinion of the Attorney and 
 Solicitor General, given in 1 752 ; that the in- 
 variable ufage in thefe cafes, had been to iffiie 
 notice to delinquent proprietors, that they 
 fbould appear on a fet day, and fliew caule 
 why their fhares fhould not be forfeited and 
 regranted; that their allegations had been al- 
 ways treated with proper refped, and that no 
 complaint of injuftice had been made by any 
 perfons whofe grants had been thus refumed. 
 To the fecondit was anfwered, that the 
 amount of powder-money, during the former 
 adminiflration, though long negleded had 
 been lately recovered; and that fmce 1768, 
 it had been regularly accounted for. The 
 reafon for the non-concurrence of the Coun- 
 cil, with the vote for inquiring into this mat- 
 ter, was their refped to the royal prerogative, 
 conceiving that the Houfe had no concern 
 with the matter. 
 
 To the third article, it was faid, that the 
 late Governor, confcious of the infufficiency 
 of his title, had folicited his fucceflbr for 
 grants of thefe refervations, which he had 
 declined giving, imlcfs a mandamus from the 
 King could be procured ; that this uncer- 
 tamty had prevented his alienating them ; 
 that in confequence, they were uncultivated 
 and forfeited ; that fome of thefe lands had 
 been regranted to other perfons ; but that 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 277 
 
 the prefent Governor had no intereft dlredly 1772, 
 or indiredly in them. The Council denied, 
 that the Governor had ever propofed the 
 granting of thefe lands to himfelf, through 
 another perfon. They alfo denied that the 
 dilFent of the memorialift had been refufed. 
 
 The charge of perfonal abufe,in the fourth 
 article, was contradidled and retorted ; but it 
 was conceded, that the Governor had told 
 him that his realbns of diiTent were not 
 founded in truth. 
 
 In anfwer to the fifth article, it was ac- 
 knowledged, that the a(5lion was brought for 
 the Governor's benefit ; but that any unfair 
 means were ufed to influence the Court was 
 denied. This denial was corroborated by 
 the depofitions of the Judges themfelves, and 
 of the Attorneys who were concerned in the 
 fuit. It was alfo proved that the judgment 
 of the Court on die queftion of law, was of 
 no moment, being reverfed by the Superior 
 Court, before which the caufe was carried by 
 appeal. 
 
 To the fixth article, it was anfwered, that 
 the Governor had directed the Secretary to 
 furnifh him with copies of all the public 
 tranfadlions which had ufually been fent to 
 England, and that he had regularly tranf- 
 mitted them. But it appeared from the af- 
 fidavit of the Secretary, that in June 1760, 
 the late Governor had ordered him not to 
 tranfcribe the minutes of the Council, when 
 fitting without the AfTembly, unlefs fpecially 
 direcled ; and fince that time it had been 
 ufual to f^nd the journal of the Council when 
 fitting as a Houfe of AfTembly, and not as a 
 Council of State. 
 
278 HISTORY OF 
 
 17 72. In fine the Council denied that they had 
 ever aded in their public capacity, from any 
 private or f?xnily interell ; but afferted, that 
 they had frequently given their judgment di- 
 redly againfl it ; and they concluded v^ith 
 very fevere refledions on the complainant. 
 1773. With thefe anfwers, were tranfmitted a 
 Mscopks. great number of depofitions, from perfons of 
 all ranks and profelTions, teftifying in favor 
 of the Governor. Thefe being laid before 
 May 10. the Lords of Trade, and the memorialift be- 
 ^J"'mg heard in reply, the Board reprefented to 
 '^°°' the King, that the complaint agamft the Go- 
 vernor ' had been fully verified.' At the 
 fame time they thought it their duty to repre- 
 fent, * that the reports which they had receiv- 
 ' ed, through different channels, of the fitu- 
 ' ation of affairs within New-Hampfhire,did 
 
 * all concur in reprefenting the colony to 
 ' have been, fmce Mr. Wentworth's appoint- 
 ' ment, in a ftate of peace and profperity ; 
 
 * that its commerce had been extended, and 
 ' the number of its inhabitants increafed ; 
 ' and that every attempt made to excite the 
 
 * people to diforder and difobedience, had 
 
 * been, by the firm and temperate condud of 
 « Mr. Wentworth, fuppreffed and reftrained.' 
 
 When the caufe was reheard before a com- 
 mittee of the Privy Council, it was obferved 
 j?aiy 29. by the Governor's advocate, that 'peace, prof- 
 
 * perity and obedience, were not compatible 
 ' with oppreffion and injuflice; and that how-- 
 •ever the Lords of Trade had in the begin-. 
 *nin'^ of their report condemned the Gover- 
 'nor^they had, by the praife bellowed upon. 
 
 him, in the end contradicted themfelves.' 
 The Lords of the committee reported to 
 
 < 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 279 
 
 the King in Council, their judgement upon 1773. 
 feveral articles of the complaint, in liibflance ^^^^;^l\, 
 as follows. po«- 
 
 ' That by the law of England, when lands 
 were granted, upon condition, tlie breach of 
 that condition muft be found by a jury under 
 a commiirion from the Court of Chancery ; 
 but that no fuch Court exifted in New-Ham p- 
 fhire ; and though the general rule was that 
 the law of England extended to the Colonies, 
 yet it muft be underftood to mean, fuch part 
 of the law as is adapted to the ftate and con- 
 ftitution of them. That though the Gover- 
 nor had refumed and regranted lands, yet 
 there was no evidence that fuch refumptions 
 had been made without proof or public no- 
 toriety, that the conditions of former grants 
 had not been complied with ; and that no 
 complaint had been made by any perfon 
 fappofed to be injured. That it had not 
 been proved that refumptions had been made 
 without notice to the proprietors ; and it had 
 not even been fuggefted, in cafes where time 
 had been allowed, that grants were refumed 
 before the expiration of it. That the lands 
 granted to the late Governor were granted 
 in the name of the King, which was fufEcient 
 to convey a title ; and that the Council was 
 miilaken in thinking otherwife. That the 
 Governor, by their advice, did refume and 
 regrant feveral tradls of land which had been 
 granted to the late Governor ; but it had not 
 been proved that the faid lands w^ere regrant- 
 ed in trull: for himfelf ; and in many inftan- 
 ces fuch lands were regranted to different in- 
 habitants for their own ufe and benefit ; and 
 thai the late Governor's widow had not com- 
 
280 HISTORY Of 
 
 1773. plained of any injury, by fuch refumption. 
 That it appeared to have been the conflant 
 pra(5lice when any {landing juflice of a Court 
 was intereRed in a fuit, for a fpeciai Juflice 
 to be appointed ; that other caufes were de- 
 pending at the fame Inferior Court of Com- 
 mon Pleas, in which the Handing Juftices 
 were intereiled, and there was no proof that 
 fpeciai Jufliccs were appointed on account of 
 that parti cidar caufe in which the Governor 
 was concerned ; but that the commifTion was 
 folicited in the common form ; and that the 
 defendant himfelf had teflified that he had 
 no objedlion to the com million or to the fpe- 
 ciai Juflices. With refpecfl to the tranfmif- 
 iion of the records of Council, it was their 
 opinion that it might be proper to revive that 
 pradlice, as it had been conducted previoully 
 to the year 1760. But upon the whole, they 
 fubmitted their judgment that there ' was no 
 
 * foundation for any cenfure upon the faid 
 
 * Governor, for any of the charges contained 
 *• in the complaint, and that the general con- 
 
 * dutSl of his adminiftration had tended great- 
 ' ly to the peace and profperity of the faid 
 ' Province.' 
 
 This report was approved by the King in 
 o<aober8. Qouncil, and the complaint was difmilled. 
 But the Governor was jfhritflly enjoined, to 
 tranfmit to the Lords of Trade, authentic 
 copies of the journals of the Council, as a 
 Council of State. 
 
 In this controverfy Mr. Livius met with 
 great fupport, from the intereil of thofe who 
 wiilied to difplace the Governor; and they 
 became fo deeply engaged to him, as to pro- 
 cure for him an appointment to be the Chief 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 281 
 
 Jufllce of New-Hampfliire ; but, upon more 1773. 
 mature confideration, this was thought too 
 likely to produce difcord and conf ufion, and 
 he obtained an appointment to a more lucra- 
 tive office in the Province of Ouebec. 
 
 When the final illue of the complaint was 
 known in New-Hampfliire, a general fatis- 
 fadlion appeared among the people. At the 
 next feffion of the AfTembly, the Houfe of 
 Reprefentatives prefented to the Governor, 
 an addrefs of congratulation, in the name of 
 their conftituents ; and the citizens of Portf- 
 mouth gave a fplendid ball, to which the 
 Governor and both Houfes of AfTembly were 
 invited. 
 
 Hitherto the Governor had preferved his 
 popularity ; and the people, in general, were 
 Satisfied with his adminiftration. But, the 
 obligation wdiich lay on him to fupport the 
 claims of Britain, and aid the plans of her 
 miniilry, rendered his fituation extremely 
 delicate, and his popularity very precarious. 
 The controverfy between Britain and the Col- 
 onies was drawing to a crifis. By the refer- 
 vation of the duty on tea, the Parliament in- 
 fifted on it as their right, to tax their Ameri- 
 can brethren w^ithout their confent ; and the 
 Americans, by withholding the importation 
 of tea from Britain, made ufe of the only- 
 peaceable mode, in their power, effectually 
 to oppofe that claim. The revenue failed, 
 and the warehoufes of the Eaft India compa- 
 ny were filled with an unfaleable commodi- 
 ty. The miniftry and the company, thus fe- 
 verely difappointed, formed a plan, by which 
 it was expedled, that the one would enforce 
 their claim, and the other fecure their traffic, 
 M M 
 
282 HISTORY oi: 
 
 1773. It v.-as therefore enaded in Parliament, 
 that the duty on the exportation of tea, from 
 Britain, flionld be taken off; and the Eaft 
 India company be enabled to fend tea, on 
 their own account, to America, fubjed; to a 
 duty only of three pence on the pound ; by 
 which means it would come to us, cheaper 
 than before, or tha,n it could be procured by 
 illicit trade. 
 
 This meafure caufed a general alarm, 
 through the Colonies ; and united the inter- 
 eft of the merchants, with the views of the 
 politicians, and the general fenfe of liberty 
 in the people. The trading towns fet the ex- 
 ample, which the others followed, of pafling 
 refolves, not to permit tea, freighted by the 
 Eaft India company, to be landed or fold. 
 Thefe refolutions were effedlual. In fome 
 places the confignees were obliged to relin- 
 quiili their appointments, and the tea was re- 
 turned unladen. In other places it was de- 
 poiited in ftores, till it could be relhipped. 
 In Bofton, where the obftinacy of Governor 
 Hutchinfon drove the people to defperation, 
 it was deftroyed. In New-Hampfbire, the 
 prudence of Governor Wentworth, the vigil- 
 ance of the magiftrates and the firmnefs of the 
 people were combined, and the hateful com- 
 modity was fent away without any damage, 
 and with but little tu.mult. 
 1774. The firft cargo of tea, confifting of twenty- 
 june ij. feven chefts, was landed and ftored at the cul^ 
 torn houfe, before any people coidd aflemble 
 to obftrudl it. A town meeting was called, 
 and a propofal was made to Mr. Parry, the 
 coniignee, to reftiip it : To this he confented. 
 A guard was appointed by order of the town, 
 
NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. 283 
 
 to watcli the cuftom houfe. The tea having 1774. 
 been entered, it was neceflary that the duty 
 fhould be paid ; which was done openly, by 
 the coniignee. The Governor convened the 
 Council, and kept the magiftrates and peace 
 officers in readinefs to lupprefs any riotous ' 
 
 appearances ; but there was no need of their 
 exertion. The tea was peaceably reihipped 
 and fent to Halifax. 
 
 A fecond cargo of thirty chcfts, which s-pf. s. 
 came conhgned to the flime pcrfon, raifed a 
 fniall ferment ; and the windows of his lodg- 
 ings were broken, lie applied to the Gover- 
 nor for protection. The Governor, as before, 
 fummoned the Council and magiftrates. The 
 town, by their committee, prevailed on the 
 conlignee to fend the tea to Halifax, after ha- 
 ving paid the duty, without which the fliip 
 could not legally be cleared ac the cufconi 
 houfe. 
 
 A general deteflation of the meafures, pur- 
 fued by the Britifli miniftry, to rivet the 
 chains on America, univerfally prevailed. 
 The towns had feverally pafTed refolves, af- 
 ferting their right of exemption from all tax- 
 ation by Parliament ; condemning the im- 
 portation and ufe of tea; and appointing com- 
 mittees of infpedlion to carry their rcfolu- 
 tions into effect. The committees were vi- 
 gilant ; and being aided by the general {cn- 
 timent of the people, their exertions were fuc- 
 
 cefsful. 
 
 The controverfy had now advanced, to a 
 flage, which excited the mofl ferious appre- 
 henfions. The Parliament had afTumcd j/i- 
 dicial^ as well as legiflative powers ; and di- 
 rected their vengeance againfl Eoflon. Itc 
 
284 HISTORY OF 
 
 1774. port was fhut, and guarded by fliips of war ; 
 its commerce was interdided ; its tradefmen 
 were without employment; and its poor with- 
 out bread. A military Governor prefided 
 there, and was drawing together all the Brit- 
 ifh troops from every part of America ; that 
 he might be prepared, to make any fanguina- 
 ry experiment, which, in the minifterial plan 
 of coercion, might be judged neceffary. 
 
 The fympathy of their American breth- 
 ren, raifed contributions, for the relief of the 
 numerous poor in Boflon, who were regarded 
 as fuffering in the common caufe. But, to 
 guard ourfelves effedlually againft the gather- 
 ing llorm, a iimo7i of the Colonics was thought 
 abfolutely neceffary ; and recourfe was had to 
 the fame meafure which had formerly been 
 tried in cafes of common danger, to hold a 
 Congress of delegates from each Colony. 
 
 The enemies of America have uniformly 
 cenfured this meafure as unprecedented, ille- 
 gal and dangerous. That it was dangerous 
 to the deiigns of the Britilli adminiftration, is 
 admitted ; but for that reafon, it was to us 
 the means of fafety. Though it was not fup- 
 ported by any written law, yet it was evident- 
 ly founded on felf prefervation, the firfl law 
 of nature. But that it was unprecedented, 
 is a very great miftake. From the middle 
 of the preceding century, the united Colonies 
 of New-England, held annual, or femiannual 
 meetings of Commiffioners, on their common 
 concerns, for above forty years. From the 
 reign of Queen Anne, to that of George the 
 fecond. Governors, and delegates from Coun- 
 cils and AjGTemblies, occafionally met in cen- 
 tral places, to hold conferences relative to the 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 285 
 
 ©perations of war, or treaties with the Indian 1774, 
 tribes.* Tiiefe meetings, ufually called by 
 the name of Congresses, though unknown, 
 or difregarded in Britain, were familiar to the 
 people of America ; and what could be a 
 more natural or obvious llcp, in a time of 
 common danger, than to aflemblc by depu- 
 ties, and confer on the means of fafety ? Pre- 
 cedents were numerous, that Governors and 
 delegates had held thefb Aflemblies, when 
 their interefls were united ; what then fliould 
 hinder the people from following the exam- 
 ple, when their intereft required them to 
 meet, without their Governors, who were 
 endeavoring to maintain a ieparate interell ? 
 At the meeting of the Aflembly of New- 
 Hampfhire, in the fpring, the Houfe of Rep- *' "' 
 refentatives, conformably to the proceedings 
 of the AiTemblies in the other Colonies, ap- 
 pointed a committee of correfpondence. The 
 Governor, who had in vain labored to prevent 
 this meafure, adjourned the AiTembly, and j„,y g 
 after a few days, dilTolved it ; hoping, by this 
 means, to dilfolve the committee alfo. But they 
 were not reftricfted by forms. On a fummons 
 ilTued by the committee, the Reprefentatives 
 met again, in their own chamber. The Gov- -^"^ 
 ernor, attended by the Sheriff of the coun- 
 ty, went among them. They rofe at his en- 
 trance. He declared their meeting illegal, 
 and dircc5ted the Sheriff to make open procla- 
 mation, for all perfons to difperfe, and keep 
 
 • 'May 6, 1754. A qufftion v^as movetJ in Courcil Sy the G^vcrror, 
 ' Whether it he not an i"frir;i;cment of the prerogative f;>r tht Houli- to 
 ' join with the Council, in appointing de'egatc' to the Co»i(rr fs it A!ba- 
 ' ny ? To which the Coiiucil anfvA-cretl ; that the H ule had uo inh-r- 
 ' cnt right ; hot it bad been loti^ tie cufiom, at fuc^ iitcrvicwj^ for the 
 * lower Houfc to nomiijatc pcrloui, to be joined with fuch as the CcuiKii 
 ' fliould appoint.' Council micu:r». 
 
286 HISTORY O^ 
 
 1774. the fling's Peace. When he had retired they 
 refumed their feats ; but, on further confider- 
 ation, adjourned to another houfe ; and after 
 fome converfation, wrote letters to all the 
 to'wns in the Province ; requefting them to 
 fend deputies, to hold a Convention at Exe- 
 ter, who iliould choofe delegates for a gene- 
 ral Congrefs ; and to pay their refpecftive 
 quotas of two hundred pounds, agreeably to 
 the lafl proportion of the Provincial tax. 
 They alfo recommended a day of fafting and 
 prayer, to be obferved by the feveral congre- 
 gations, on account of the gloomy appear- 
 ance of public affairs. The day was obfer- 
 ved, with religious folemnity. The money 
 July 14. was colledled. Eighty-five deputies were 
 chofen and met at Exeter, where they delega- 
 juiy 21. ^^^ Nathaniel Folfom and John Sullivan, 
 Efquires, to attend the propofed Congrefs, at 
 Philadelphia, in September, and delivered to 
 ^ them the money which had been colle6led, 
 
 to defray their expenfes. They alfo recom- 
 mended the diftrelfed (late of Bofton, to the 
 commiferation of their brethren in New- 
 Hampfhire ; and contributions were raifed in 
 many of the towns for their relief. 
 „ ,. The Governor was now convinced, and in 
 
 ary rcginer. his Icttcrs to tuc mmittry acknowledged, that 
 i/paV6i, * t^^6 union of the Colonies would not be loft 
 ***^- ' in New-Hampiliire.' At the fame time, he 
 
 did the people the juftice to fay, that they 
 had abftained from violence and outrage, and 
 that the laws had their courfe. In his letters 
 which were publiflied by the miniftry, there 
 appears a fpirit of candor toward the people, 
 as well as a defire to recommend himfelf to 
 the approbation of his fuperiors. Though 
 
NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. 
 
 2S7 
 
 he Taw another authority rifing in the Pro- 1774. 
 viace, founded on the broad bafis of public 
 opinion, and unreftrained reprefentation, an 
 authority over which he had no influence or 
 control ; yet he endeavored to prefcrve the 
 fliadow of the royal government, and keep up 
 its forms as long as poflible. 
 
 But it was impradicable for a perfon, cir- 
 cumftanced as he was, to withlland the fpirit 
 of the people.* That his wifli was to pre- 
 vent a rupture, there is fufficient evidence, 
 for candor to believe. But it cannot be 
 thought ftrange, that in his endeavors to com- 
 ply with the expedations of the miniftry, 
 and their inflruments, which he conceived to 
 be his duty, he Ihould fall into fuch a fnare, 
 as to lofe the afFedions of the people ; for it 
 was impoflible to pleafe both. 
 
 The troops in Bofton wanted barracks, to 
 ^ fecure them againfl the approaching winter. 
 ^, The artificers of the town,were,by the popular 
 '' voice, retrained from working in the fervice 
 of Government. General Gage was there- 
 fore obliged to fend for affiftance to the neigh- 
 boring Governors,and, among others,to Gov- 
 ernor Wcntworth. Inftead of convening his 
 Council for their advice, or ilfuing a procla- 
 mation, inviting help and promifmg reward, 
 he privately employed a perfon to hire car- 
 penters to go to Bofton. It was impoflible 
 " that the fecret fliould be kept, and when it 
 was known, his befl; friends reprobated his 
 
 • The following paragraph, of ore of Wn private letter?, written at thai 
 time to a confiJential friecd, defctvcs to be renneoibercd. 
 
 ♦ bur hemifphcrc threatens a hur.icane. I have in v^ui aiove, iilmott 
 « to death, to prevent it. If I can, at laQ, b.iny out of u, lifcty to my 
 ♦ country, and honor to cur fovercign, my labors^ will Lc joylul. M/ 
 •* heart is devoted to It, and ycu know its Docerity.' 
 
 MS letter to T. W. w. 
 
Sept, 4. 
 
 ^8 HISTORY OF 
 
 1774. conducl. The Committee of Portfmouth, at 
 the head of which, was his uncie, Hunking 
 Wentworth, bore their public tellimony a- 
 gainft it ; and cenfured him, not by name, 
 but by implication, as ' an enemy to the com- 
 munity,' and the men whom he had employ- 
 ed, as * unworthy of fociety.' The agent in 
 this fecret buflnefs, was brought on his knees 
 before the committee of Rochefier, and made 
 an humble acknowedgment. This prudent 
 flep of the committee, difarmed the popular 
 rage, and prevented any injury to his per- 
 fon or property. 
 
 The tranfadlions of the Congrefs which 
 met at Philadelphia, were univerfally ap- 
 proved. The fpirit of them was firm, but 
 pacific. The mode of oppofition, to the ar- 
 bitrary claims of Britain, which they recom- 
 mended, was non-importation and non-con- 
 fumption. But in the clofe of their addrefs, 
 to their conftituents, they advifed them to 
 * * extend their views to the mofl unhappy e- 
 
 ' vents, and to be in all refpedts prepared for 
 ' every contingency.' Not long after this ad- 
 vice was made public, a contingency prefent- 
 ed itfelf, in which the people of New-Hamp- 
 fliire gave an example of that fpirit, by which 
 the whole country was animated. 
 
 An order having been pafled by the King 
 in Council, prohibiting the exportation of 
 gvmpowder and other military {lores,to Amer- 
 
 Dec. 12. ica ; a copy of it was brought by exprefs to 
 Portfmouth, at a time, when a fliip of war 
 was daily expecled from Boflon, with a party 
 of troops, to take pofTefTion of fort William 
 and Mary, at the entrance of the harbour. 
 The committee of the town, with all poflible 
 
^fEW-IIAMPSHIRE. f89 
 
 fecrefy and difpatch, colleded a company, 1774. 
 from that and fomc of the neighboring towns; 
 and before the Governor had any fufpicion 
 of their intentions, they proceeded to New- 
 caftle, and allaulted the fort. The Captain 
 and his five men (which was the whole gar- 
 rifon) were confined, and one hundred bar- 
 rels of powder were carried oQ] The next 
 day, another company went and removed 
 fifteen of the lightelf cannon, and all thefmall 
 arms, with fome other warlike ftores ; wdiich 
 they dillributed in tlic feveral towns, under 
 the care of the committees. Major John 
 Sullivan, and Captain John Langdon, diflin- 
 guiilied themfelves, as leaders in this affair. 
 It was tranfaded with great expedition and 
 alacrity, and in the mofl fortunate point of 
 time; juft before the arrival of the Scar- 
 borough frigate, and Canfeau floop, with fev- 
 eral companies of fbldiers ; wdio took pofFef- 
 fion of the fort, and of the heavy cannon 
 which had not been removed. 
 
 The Governor put the five men, who be- 
 longed to the fort, onboard the iliips of war, 
 to be refer ved as evidences in cafe of a profe- 
 cution of the offenders for high treafon ; and 
 having confulted Council in this and ths 
 neighbouring Province, thought it his duty ; 
 that he might prevent any charge of mifprif^ 
 ion of treaibn againft himielf; to difmifsfrom 
 public truft, all thofe perfons concerned in 
 the af fault of the fort, who had held any of- 
 fice under the government, and concerning 
 whofe proceedings he had authentic teflimo- 
 ny. He alio iffued a proclamation, com- 
 jnanding all ofHcers, civil and military, to aC- 
 fift ia dete^fling and lecuriog the offenders 5 
 
290 HISTORY OF 
 
 1774. and exliortingall the people to beware of being 
 fed need, by the falie arts and menaces of 
 abandoned men. 
 
 It was thought proper by the Governor 
 and fome of his friends, to form an afTocia- 
 tion, for the fupport of the royal govern- 
 ment, and for their mutual defence. They 
 boafled, that an hundred men could be pro- 
 cured, from the fhips, at a minute's warning. 
 , ,-^^ This tranfadion expoied the weaknefs of the 
 ^ '^' caufe, which they meant to fupport ; for 
 what could an hundred men do againft the 
 whole country ? 
 
 A fecond convention of deputies met at 
 Jan. «5. Exeter, to confult on the ftate of affairs, and 
 appoint delegates for the next general Con- 
 grefs, to be holden on the tenth of May, at 
 Philadelphia. Major Sullivan and Captain 
 Langdon were chofen ; and the fum of tv/o 
 hundred and fifty pounds, was ordered to de- 
 fray their expenfes. This convention iffued 
 an addrefs to the people, warning them of 
 their danger ; exhorting them to union, peace 
 and harmony, frugality, induflry, manufac- 
 tures, and learning the military art ; that 
 they might be able, if neceffary, to defend the 
 country againfl invafion. They appointed a 
 committee of correfpondence, with power to 
 call another convention, when they fliould 
 judge it neceffary. 
 
 The winter paffed away in gloomy appre- 
 henfion and anxiety. Men of confideration 
 faw that a wide breach was made, and that it 
 could not eafily be clofed. Some happy ge- 
 nius was wanted to plan, and wifdoni on both 
 fides to adopt, a conflitution for Britain and 
 America. Royal charters and inflrudions, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 291 
 
 acls of Parliaments and precedents of all kinds, 1775. 
 were at beft but a rotten foundation. The 
 fbore of temporary expedients was exhaufl- 
 ed. It was doubtful whether force could gen- 
 erate fubmiflion, or whether refiitance could 
 enervate force. Neither country was fenfi- 
 ble of the ftrength and refourccs of the other. 
 The prefs teemed with arguments on both 
 fides ; but no plan of conciliation was adopt- 
 ed. A fair and candid reprefentation of our 
 grievances could not be received, in the Court 
 of Britain. Each fide was tenacious of its 
 claims, and there appeared no difpofition to 
 relax. When two independent nations are 
 in fuch a (late, they generr.Uy find among 
 their friends and allies, fome mediating pow- 
 er, to bring them to terms and prevent a 
 rupture. Between Britain and America, no 
 mediator could be found. The controveriy 
 could be decided only by the fupreme arbi- 
 ter of nations. 
 
 The firfl fliips, which arrived in the fpring, 
 brought us news that the petition of Congrefs 
 was gracioufly received by the King ; and 
 that the merchants of England were petition- 
 ing in our favor. This revived our hopes. 
 Soon after we were informed, that the Par- 
 liament had voted the exillence of a rebellion 
 in Malfachufetts ; and that the other Colo- 
 nies were aiding and afllfting : That the 
 Lords and Commons had addreifed the King, 
 to enforce the revenue-acls, and had allured 
 him, that they would (land by him, with their 
 lives' and fortunes : That the King had de- 
 manded an augmentation of his forces, by 
 fea and land : That the commerce of the 
 New-England Colonies was to be rcflrained, 
 
292 HISTORY or 
 
 1775. and their fifliery prohibited ; and that an ad- 
 ditional number of troops, horfe and foot, 
 were ordered to America. Thefe tidings 
 threw us into dillrefs. A warfeemed inevi- 
 table ; and a gloom overfpread the whole 
 country. The people of Bofton began to re- 
 move from the town ; and thofe, who could 
 not remove, were folicitous to fecure their 
 mod valuable efFedls. In the midfl of this 
 diilrefs, a frigate arrived exprefs from Eng- 
 
 Aprii 14. land ; with an account of a propofal made 
 and voted in Parliament, which was called 
 Lord North's conciliatory propofition. It 
 was this ; * that when any Colony by their 
 ' Governor, Council and AfTembly, {hall en- 
 ' gage to make provifion, for the fupport of 
 
 * civil government, and adminiftration of juf- 
 
 * tice, in fuch colony ; it will be proper, if 
 
 * fuch propofal be approved by the King and 
 
 * Parliament, for fo long time as fuch pro- 
 
 * viHon fliall be made, to forbear to levy any 
 
 * duties or taxes in fuch Colony, except for 
 
 * the regulation of Commerce ; the neat pro- 
 
 * ceeds of which fhall be carried to the ac- 
 
 * count of fuch Colony refpedlively.' The 
 troops, however, were to remain ; and the 
 refra(5lory Colonies were to be punifhed. 
 This propofition was faid to be founded on 
 fome advice, received from New-York, that 
 if conceffions were made bv Parliament, they 
 would cenfure the proceedings of Congrefs, 
 and break the union of the Colonies. The 
 propofal was evidently a bait thrown out to 
 divide us, and tempt us to defert the Colony 
 of Maffichufects ; who could not comply, 
 without fubmitting to the alteration, lately 
 made by Parliament in their charter. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 293 
 
 AVhat might have been the effc6l of this 1775k 
 propofition in the other Colonies, if it had 
 been allowed time to operate, is uncertain. 
 The conduct of General Gage, on receiving 
 this news, was in the highell degree abfurd 
 and inconfiflent. He had been blamed in 
 Parliament for his inacflivity. He h^d friends 
 in Bofton, who conftantly afTured him, that 
 the people in the country would not dare to 
 face his troops. He had been informed of a 
 magazine of provifions and flores, at Con- 
 cord, laid up by the Provincial Congrefs, in 
 cafe of extremity. With the news of the 
 conciliatory propofition, he received orders to 
 make an experiment of its fuccefs. On the AprUx*. 
 eighteenth day of April, he iffued writs for 
 calling a general Aifembly, to comply with 
 the propofed terms of reconciliation ; and in 
 the night following, he privately difpatched a 
 body of his troops, to deilroy the magazine 
 at Concord ; and to feize fome of the lead- 
 ers of oppofition, who had retired from the 
 town. He was induced to believe, that if be- 
 tween the ilTning of his writs, and the meet- 
 ing of the Aflembly, he could .flrike a bold 
 Ib'oke ; it would io intimidate the people, 
 and unfit them for defence, that they would 
 eafily comply with the terms propofed. Bur 
 he totally miftook the genius of the people 
 of New-England. Nor were his defigns car- 
 ried on fo fecretly as he imagined. The 
 popular leaders were feafonably apprifed of 
 their danger, and kept themfelves out of his 
 reach. The country was alarmed, by ex- 
 prefTes fent off in the night, before he had 
 taken the precaution to Ihut the avenues of 
 the town. A company of armed citizens 
 
294 HISTORY OF 
 
 1775. kept guard at Lexington, on the road to Con- 
 cord. The Britifli troops, when they appear- 
 ed in the morning, having ordered them to ] 
 difperfe, fired upon them, as they were re- 
 tiring, and killed feveral on the fpot. They 
 
 April 19. then proceeded to Concord, and deflroyed 
 fuch of the {lores as had not been removed ; 
 and having accompliflied their obje6l, as far 
 as they were able, they retreated through 
 Ihowers of mufquetry from the people, who 
 fuddenly colledled from all quarters to op- 
 pofe them. 
 
 On the alarm of this a6l of hoflility, the 
 people of New-Hampfliire, and of the other 
 Colonies, took arms, and flew to the alTiftance 
 of their brethren. 
 
 Notwithftanding this ill-advifed and un- 
 fuccefsful attempt of Gage, Governor Went- 
 worth had very fanguine hopes of the good 
 effcdl of the * conciliatory propofition ;' and 
 determined, as he faid, ' to plant the root of 
 ' peace in New-Hamplhire.' He fummoned 
 a new AlTembly ; and in his fpeech, entreat- 
 ed them, as * the only legal and conftitution- 
 
 * al Reprefentatives of the people, to direct 
 ' their counfels to fuch meafures, as might 
 
 * tend to fecure their peace and fafety ; and 
 ' efFedually lead to a reftoration of the pub- 
 
 * lie tranquillity ; and an alFedlionate recon- 
 
 * ciliation with the mother country.' The 
 Houfe defired a ihort recefs, that they might 
 advife with their conftituents on fo momen- 
 tous a queflion ; and the Governor relud- 
 antly confented to adjourn them to the twelfth 
 day of June. 
 
 In the mean time, the officers and men of 
 the Scarborough began to difmantle the fort ; 
 
 Msy 4* 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 295 
 
 they alfo ftopped two vefTels laden with pro- 1775. 
 vifions, which were coining into the harbor; 
 and notwithftanding the moll preffing remon- 
 ftrances of the inhabitants, and felicitation 
 of the Governor, refufed to releafe them. 
 Upon this, a body of armed men, went to a 
 battery on Jerry's point, at Great-ifland, and May 26. 
 took away eight cannon of twenty-four and 
 thirty-two pound ihot, which they brought 
 up to Portfmouth ; and whilft they were en- 
 gaged in this work, the Canfcau floop convoy- 
 ed\he two provifion veifels to Bofton, for the 
 fupply of the iicet and army. ^ 
 
 A new convention was at this time fittmg 
 at Exeter ; in which the Province was more 
 fully and equally reprefented, than it ever 
 had been before. They pafled votes of thanks 
 to thofe who had taken the powder and guns 
 from the fort, in the preceding winter, and 
 to thofe who had removed the cannon from 
 the battery. They alfo inflruaed the Rep- 
 refentatives, how to ad at the next meeting 
 of the Aflembly ; and the voice of the con- 
 vention was regarded by the Houfe, as the 
 voice of their conflituents. 
 
 At the adjournment, the Governor again janci*. 
 recommended ' the conciliatory propofition.* 
 The firft ftep which the Houfe took, was in 
 obedience to the voice of the convention, to 
 expel three members whom the Governor 
 had called by the King s writ, from three new 
 townfliips; whilft many other towns, of much 
 older ftanding, and more populous, were ne- 
 gleded, and never enjoyed the privilege of 
 reprefentation, but in the newly eftablilhed 
 conventions. The Governor then adjourned 
 the Aflembly to the eleventh of July. One 
 
^6 HISTORY OF 
 
 1775. of the expelled members, having fpoken his 
 mind freely without doors, was affauked by 
 the populace, and took ihelter in the Gover- 
 nor's houfe. The people demanded him, and 
 brought a gun, mounted on a carriage, to the 
 door ; upon wdiich the offender was delivered 
 up, and conveyed to Exeter. The Governor, 
 conceiving himfelf infulted, retired to the 
 fort ; and his houfe became afccne of pillage. 
 July n. When the Affembly met again, he fent a 
 mefiage from the fort, and adjourned them 
 to the twenty-eighth of September ; but they 
 never met any more. He continued under 
 the protedion of the Scarborough, and an- 
 other fliip of war, till all the remaining can- 
 Aug. 24. jion of the fort were taken on board, and 
 then failed for Boflon. In September he 
 came to the Ifles of Shoals, and there iffued 
 a proclamation, adjourning the Affembly to 
 the next April. This was the lafl ad of his 
 adminiflration, and the lafl time that he fee 
 liis foot in the Province. Thus an end was 
 put to the Britifh Government in New- 
 Hampfliire, when it had fubfifted ninety-five 
 years. 
 
 From this view of the adminiftrationof Gov- 
 ernor Wentworth, it is eafy to conclude, that 
 his intentions were pacific ; and whilfh the 
 temper of the times allowed him to adl agree- 
 ably to his own principles, his government 
 was acceptable and beneficial ; but when mat- 
 ters had come to the worft, his faults were 
 as few, and his conduct as temperate, as could 
 be expedled from a fervant of the Crown. If 
 ^a comparifon be drawn, between him and 
 mod of the other Governors on this conti- 
 nent, at the beginning of the revolution, be 
 
NEW-HAMPSniREo 297 
 
 rTAiffc appear to advantage. Inflead of widen- 1775. 
 ing the breach, he endeavored to clofe it ; 
 and when his efiorts failed, he retired from a 
 fituation, where he could no longer exercife 
 the office of a Governor ; leaving his eftate 
 -and many of his friends ; and prefervingonly 
 his commilfion, as furveyor of the King's 
 •woods ; the limits of which were much con- 
 traded by the fucceeding revolution. 
 
 O Q 
 
^9^ HrSTORY OF 
 
 CHAR XXV. 
 
 War 'with Britain. Change of Government. Temporary CoK' 
 Jiitution. Independence. Military exertions. Stark'j Ci'- 
 p-edilion. Eviplspfient of troops during the ivar. 
 
 1^^^^ When the controverfy with Bri- 
 
 tain fhewed fymptoms of hoflility, and ths 
 defign of the Miniflry and Parliament to pro- 
 voke us to arms became apparent ; the peo- 
 ple of New-Hampfiiire began ferioully to 
 meditate the defence of their country. It 
 was uncertain in what manner the fcene 
 would open ; for this and other reafons no 
 regular plan of operations could be formed. 
 By the old militia law, every male inhabitant, 
 from fixteen years old to fixty, was obliged to 
 be provided with a mullcet and bayonet, 
 knapfack, cartridge-box, one pound of pow- 
 der, twenty bullets and twelve flints. Every 
 town was obliged to keep in readinefs one 
 barrel of powder, two hundred pounds of 
 lead and three hundred flints, for every fixty 
 men ; befide a quantity of arms and ammu- 
 nition for the fupply of fuch as were not 
 able to provide themfelves with the necefTary 
 articles. Even thofe perfons who were ex- 
 empted from appearing at the common mili- 
 tary trainings, were obliged to keep the fame 
 arms and ammunition. In a time of peace, 
 thefe requifitions were negle(5led,and the peo- 
 ple in general were not completely furniflied, 
 nor the tov/ns fupplied according to law. 
 The care which the Governor had taken ta 
 appoint ofEcers of militia and review the re- 
 giments, for fome years before, had awaken- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 299 
 
 -ed their attention to the duties of the parade; 1775. 
 which were performed with renewed ardor, 
 after the provincial convention had recom- 
 mended the learning of military exercifes and 
 manoeuvres. Voluntary allociations were 
 formed for this purpofe, and the mofl expe- 
 rienced perfons were chofen to command on 
 thcfe occafions. To prevent falfe rumors and 
 confufion, the committees of infped:ion in 
 each town were alfo committees of corref- 
 pondence, by whom all intelligence concern- 
 ing the motions of the Britilh, were to be 
 communicated ; and proper perfons were re- 
 tained to carry expreffes when there fliould be 
 occalion. 
 
 In this flate of anxiety and expectation ; 
 when an early fpring had invited the huf- 
 bandman to the labor of the field ; General April i^. 
 Gage thought it proper to open the dra- 
 ma of war. The alarm was immediately 
 communicated from town to town through 
 the whole country, and volunteers flocked 
 from all parts ; till a body of ten thoufand 
 men aflembled in the neighborhood of Bof- 
 ton, completely invefted it on the land fide, 
 and cut off all communication with the 
 country. 
 
 On the firft alarm, about twelve hundred 
 men marched from the neareft parts of New- 
 Hampihire, to join their brethren, who had 
 aflembled in arms about Bofton. Of thefe, 
 fome returned ; others formed themfelves 
 into two regiments, under the authority of 
 the MalTachufetts Convention. As foon as May 17-, 
 the Provincial Congrefs of New-Hamplhire 
 met, they voted to raife two thoufand men, 
 to be formed into three regiments ; thofe 
 
300 HISTORY OF 
 
 1775. which were ah'eady there to be accounted as 
 two, and another to be inlifled immediately. 
 Thefe men engaged to ferve till the lail day 
 of December, unlefs fooner difcharged. The 
 command of thefe regiments was given to 
 the Colonels John Stark, James Reed and 
 Enoch Poor. The two former were prefent 
 in the memorable battle on the heights of 
 
 June 17. Charleftown, being pofted on the left wing, 
 behind a fence ; from which they forely gall- 
 ed the Britifh as they advanced to the attack, 
 and cut them down by whole ranks at once. 
 In their retreat they loft feveral men, and 
 among others, the brave Major Andrew 
 McClary, who was killed by a cannon IhoC 
 after he had palTed the ifthmus of Charlef- 
 town. On the alarm occafioned by this bat- 
 tle, the third regiment collcdled and marched 
 
 June so. to the camp ; and with the other New-Hamp- 
 fhire troops was polled on the left wing of 
 the army at Winter-Kill, under the imme- 
 diate command of Brigadier-General Sulli- 
 van, who with the other general officers, re- 
 ceived his appointment from Congrefs. 
 
 It had been a common fentiment among 
 the Britilh troops, that the Americans would 
 not dare to fight with them. This battle ef- 
 fectually convinced them of their miftake. 
 They found that fighting with us was a feri- 
 ous thing ; and the lofs which they fuftained 
 in this battle, evidently had an influence on 
 their fubfequent operations. 
 
 Whilft the Scarborough frigate remained 
 in the harbour of Pafcataqua, frequent bick- 
 erings happened between her crew and the 
 inhabitants. Captain Berkeley feized all in- 
 ward bound vefTels, and fent them to Eoflon, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 501 
 
 He alfo prevented tlie boat* belonging to the 1775* 
 river from going out to catch filh. This con- 
 d 11(51 was conformable to the orders which he 
 had received to execute the reftraining acl. 
 In return, his boats were not permitted to 
 fetch provifions from the town ; and one of 
 them was fired upon in the night, by Ibme of 
 the guards ftationed on the Ibore. A com- 
 promife, at length, was made between him 
 and the committee of the town ; open boats 
 were permitted to pafs, to catch filh for the 
 inhabitants ; and his boats were allowed to 
 take frefli provifions for the ufe of the fiiip. 
 This agreement fabfiiled but a Ihort time, 
 and finally all intercourfe was cut off. 
 
 After the departure of the Ihip, the peo- 
 ple went in volunteer parties, under the di- '^"^"^ ^'^" 
 redion of Major Ezekiel Worthen, whom the 
 convention appointed Engineer, and built 
 forts on the points of two iilands, which form 
 a narrow channel, about a mile below the 
 tov/n of Portimouth. One of thefe was 
 called Fort Wafiiington, and the other Fort 
 Sullivan. The cannon which had been faved 
 from the old fort and battery were mounted 
 here, and the town was thought to be fee u re 
 from being furprifed by fnips of war. 
 
 The tenth of September was the lafi: day sept. i«. 
 of exportation fixed by the general Congrefs. 
 Mofl of the vefiTels which failed out of the 
 hai'bor were feized by the Britiih cruifers and 
 carried into Bollon. One was retaken by a 
 privateer of Beverly and carried into Cape- 
 Anne. 
 
 In the following month, feveral Britifli oaoberxs. 
 armed vefTels Vi^ere fent to burn the town of 
 Falmouth ; which was in part cfieded, by 
 
S02 HISTORY OF 
 
 1775. throwing carcafes and fending a party on 
 Ihore, under cover of their guns. It was fuf- 
 pedled that they had the fame defign againfl 
 Portfmouth. General Wafliington difpatch- 
 ed Brigadier General Sullivan from the camp 
 at Cambridge, with orders to take the com- 
 mand of the militia and defend the harbour 
 ©f Pafcataqua. On this occafion, the works 
 €re(5led on the illands were flrengthened ; a 
 boom, conftrutfted with mafts and chains, 
 was thrown acrofs the Narrows, which was 
 feveral times broken by the rapidity of the 
 current, until it was found impofTible to fe- 
 cure the paflage by fuch means ; an old ihip 
 was fcuttled and funk in the northern chan- 
 nel of the river ; a company of rifie-men, 
 from the camp, was pofted on Great-Ifland ; 
 and fire-rafts were conftrudled to burn the 
 enemy's fliipping. Thefe preparations ferved 
 to keep up the fpirits of the people ; but 
 many families, not thinking themfelves fafe 
 in Portfmouth, removed into the country,and 
 there remained till the next fpring. 
 
 A fpirit of violent refentment was excited 
 againil all who were fufpedled of a difpofi- 
 tion inimical to the American caufe. Some 
 perfons were taken up on fufpicion and im- 
 prifoned ; fome fled to Nova-Scotia, or to 
 England, or joined the Britifli army in Bof- 
 ton. Others were reftridled to certain lim- 
 its and their motions continually watched. 
 The paffions of jealoufy, hatred and revenge 
 were freely indulged, and the tongue of fl:an- 
 der was under no reftraint. Wife and good 
 men fecretly lamented thefe exceffes ; but no 
 effedlual remedy could be adminiftered. All 
 commillions under the former authority be- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRF. 303 
 
 ^ng annulled, the courts of juftice were fliut, 1775. 
 and the fword of magiftracy was Iheathed. 
 The Provincial Convention direded the gene- 
 ral alfairs of the war ; and town committees 
 had a dif(:retionary, but undefined power to 
 prefcrve domeftic peace. Habits ot decency, 
 family government, and the good examples 
 of influential perfons, contributed more to 
 maintain order than any other authority. 
 The value of thefe fecret bonds of foeiety 
 was now more than ever confpicuous. 
 
 In the convention which met at Exeter, in 
 May, and continued fitting with but little in- ms Rec- 
 terruption till November, one hundred and vcmion, 
 two towns were reprefented, by one hundred 
 and thirty-three members. Their firil care 
 was to eflablilh poll offices ; to appoint a com- 
 mittee of fupplies for the army, and a com- 
 mittee of fafety. To this lall: committee, the 
 general inftru6lion was fimilar to that, given 
 by the Romans, to their Dictators, ' to take 
 ' under confideration, all matters in which 
 
 * the welfare of the Province, in the fecurity 
 
 * of their rights, is concerned ; and to take 
 ' the utmoft care, that the public fuftain no 
 ' damage.'* Particular inftrudlions were giv- 
 en to them, from time to time, as occafioa 
 required. They were confidered as the fu- 
 preme executive ; and during the recefs of 
 the convention, their orders and recommend- 
 ations had the fame effedl as the ads and re- 
 folves of that whole body. 
 
 By an order of the convention, the former 
 Secretary, Theodore Atkinfon, Efq. delivered 
 up the province records, to a committee which 
 was fent to receive them, and Ebenezei^ 
 
 • • Ne quid detrinicnti rcfpublica capiat.' 
 
304 HISTORY 0¥ 
 
 1775. Thorn pfoiijEfq. was appointed in his place, 
 The records of deeds, and of the probate of- 
 fice, for the county of Rockingham, were alfo 
 removed to Exeter, as a place of greater fafe- 
 ty than Portfmouth. The former Treafurer^ 
 George Jaffrey, Efq. was applied to for the 
 public money in his hands, which, to the 
 amount of one thoufand five hundred and fix* 
 teen pounds four {hillings and eight pence, he 
 delivered ; and Nicholas Gilman, Efq. was ap- 
 pointed Treafurer in his room. 
 
 During this year, three emifiions of paper 
 tiills were made. The firft, of ten thoufand 
 and fifty pounds j the fecond, of ten thouiand 
 pounds ; and the third, of twenty thoufand 
 pounds. For the amount of thofe fums, the 
 Treafurer gave his obligation in fmall notes, 
 which palled for a time, as cvuTent money, 
 -equal in value to filver and gold. But as 
 emiifions were multiplied, as the redemption 
 of the bills was put oiF to diflant periods, and 
 the bills themfelves were counterfeited, it was 
 impofiible for them long to hold their value. 
 
 Befide the three regiments which made 
 part of the American army at Cambridge, a 
 company of artillery was raifed to clo duty 
 at the forts. A company of rangers was poft- 
 ed on Connecticut river ; and two companies 
 more were appointed, to be ready to march 
 "wherever the committee of fafety fhould di- 
 reS:. The whole militia was divided into 
 twelve regiments ; the field officers were ap- 
 pointed by the convention, and the inferior 
 'officers were chofen by the companies. Out 
 •of the militia were inliiled four regiments of 
 minute-men, fo called, becaufe they were to 
 be ready at a minute's warning. They were 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 305 
 
 Gonitandy trained to military duty, and when 1775. 
 called to fervice were allowed the fame pay as 
 the regiments in the continental army. In 
 the iucceeding winter, when the Conne6liciit 
 forces had withdrawn from the camp, be- 
 caufe their time of fervice was expired, fix- 
 teen companies of the New-Hampfliire mili- 
 tia, of fixty-one men each, fupplied their 
 place, till the Britiili troops evacuated Bofton. 
 The convention having been appointed for 
 fix months only ; before the expiration of 
 that time, applied to the general Congrels for 
 their advice, refpedling fome mode of govern- 
 ment for the future. In anfwer to which, 
 the Congrcfs recommended to them, ' to call ^ov 3. 
 
 * a full and free reprefentation of the people; 
 ' that thefe Repreientatives, if they fhould 
 ' think it neceffary, might eflabliih fuch a 
 ' form of government, as, in their judgment, 
 
 * would beil conduce to the happinefs of the 
 
 * people, and mod effedlually tend to fecure 
 
 * peace and good order in the Province, du- 
 ' ring the continuance of the difpute between 
 ' Great-Britain and the Colonies.' On re- 
 ceiving this advice, the convention took into 
 their confideration the mode in which a full Nov. 14. 
 and free reprefentation fliould be called ; and 
 finally agreed, that each eledlor iliould pof- 
 
 fefs a real eilate of twenty pounds value, and 
 every candidate for eleclion, one of three 
 hundred pounds ; that every town, confift- 
 ing of one hundred families, fliould fend one 
 Reprefentative, and one more for every hun- 
 dred families ; and that thofo towns which 
 contained a lefs number than one hundred 
 fliould be clafTed. They had before ordered 
 a furvey to be made of the number of peo- 
 Pp 
 
306 HISTORY OF 
 
 1775* pie in the leveral counties ; and having ob- 
 tained it, they determined, that the number 
 of Reprefentatives to the next convention, 
 fhould bear the following proportion to the 
 number of people, viz. 
 
 Rockingham, 37850 people 38 Reprefenta- 
 StrafFord, 12713 13 tives. 
 
 Hillfborough, 16417 17 
 
 Chefliire, 11089 15 
 
 Grafton, 4101 6 
 
 Not. 1 6. 
 
 In all - - 82200 89 
 
 Thefe Reprefentatives were to be empower- 
 ed, by their conflituents, to afTume govern- 
 ment as recommended by the general Con- 
 grefs, and to continue for one whole year 
 from the time of fuch aiTumption. The wa- 
 ges of the members were to be paid by the 
 feveral towns, and their travelling expenfes 
 out of the public treafury. Having formed 
 this plan, and fent copies of it to the feveral 
 towns, the convention diflblved. 
 
 This convention was compofed chiefly of 
 men who knevv'- nothing of the theory of gov- 
 ernment, and had never before been concern- 
 ed in public bufinefs. In the fhort term of 
 fix months, they acquired fo much knowledge 
 by experience, as to be convinced, that it was 
 improper for a legiflative AfTembly to con- 
 lifh of one Houfe only. As foon as the new 
 convention came together, they drew up a 
 
 Occtt. temporary form of government ; and, agree- 
 ably to the trull repofed in them by their 
 
 1776. conflituents, having aflumed the name and 
 authority of a Houfe of Reprefentatives, they 
 
 Jan. 5- proceeded to choofe twelve perfons, to be a 
 diftind branch of the legiflature,by the name 
 
I 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRB. 3"* 
 
 of a Council. Of thefe, five were cliofen 1776. 
 from the county of Rockingham, two from 
 Strafford, two from Hillfborough, tw^o from 
 Chefliire and one from Grafton. Thefe were 
 empowered to elea their own Prefident, and 
 any f even of them were to be a quorum. It 
 was ordained, that no ad or refolve (hould 
 be valid, unlefs pafTed by both branches ot 
 the legiflature ; that all money bills Ihould 
 originate in the Houfe of Reprefentatives j 
 tha\ neither Houfe iliould adjourn for more 
 than two days, without the confent of the 
 other ; that a Secretary, and all other public 
 officers of the Colony, and of each Co^y^ty, 
 for the current year, all general and field of- 
 ficers of militia, and all officers of the march- 
 ing regiments, fliould be appointed by the 
 two Houfes ; all fubordinate militia officers 
 by their refpedive compaiiiee ; that the pre- 
 fent Alfembly fliould fubfift one year, and it 
 the difpute with Britain fliould continue 
 lono-er, and the general Congrefs fhould give 
 no direaions to the contrary, that precepts 
 fliould be iffued annually to the feveral towns 
 on or before the firfl day of November for 
 the choice of Counfellors and Reprefentatives, 
 to be returned by the third Wednefday in 
 
 December. 
 
 In this hafty produdion, there were lome 
 material defeas. One was the want of an 
 executive branch of government. To reme- 
 dy this, the two Houfes, during their feffion, 
 performed executive as well as legiflative du- 
 ty ; and at every adjournment appointed a 
 committee of fafety, to fit in the recefs, with 
 the fame powers, as had been given in the 
 preceding year, by the convention. The 
 
308 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 1776. number of this committee varied from fix to 
 fixteen. The Prefident of the Council was 
 alfo Prefident of this executive Committee. 
 The perfon chofen to fill this chair was an 
 old, tried, faithful fervant of the public, the 
 honorable Mesh EC H Weare, Efq. who was 
 alfb appointed Chief Juftice of the Superior 
 Court. So great was the confidence of the 
 people in this gentleman, that they fcrupled 
 not to invefl him, at the fame time, with the 
 highefl offices, legiflative, executive, and ju- 
 dicial ; in which he was continued by an- 
 nual eledions during the whole war. 
 
 This conflitution was prefaced with fever- 
 al reafons for adopting government,viz. That 
 the Britifh Parliament had, by many griev- 
 ous and oppreiTive ads, deprived us of our 
 native rights ; to enforce obedience to which 
 ads, the miniftry of that kingdom had fent a 
 powerful fleet and army into this country, 
 and had wantonly and cruelly abufed their 
 power, in deflroying our lives and property ; 
 that the fudden and abrupt departure of our 
 late Governor, had left us deftitute of legif- 
 iation ; that no judicial Courts were open to 
 puniHi offenders ; and that the continental 
 Congrefs had recommended the adoption of 
 a form of government. Upon thefe grounds 
 the convention made a declaration in thefe 
 v/ords, « We conceive ourfelves reduced to the 
 ' 7iec(il]ity of eftablifhing a forn^ of govern- 
 
 * ment, to continue during the-' prefent un- 
 
 * happy and unnatural conteft with Great- 
 ' Britain ; protefting and declaring, that we 
 ' never fought to throw off our dependence 
 ' on Great-Britain ; but felt ourfelves happy 
 ' imder her protedion, whilfl we could enjoy 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 309 
 
 ' our conftitutional rights and privileges ; 1776, 
 
 * and that we Ihall rejoice, if fuch a reconcili- 
 ' ation between us and our parent State can 
 ' be efFecled, as ihall be approved by the con- 
 
 * tinental Congrefs, in whofe prudence and 
 ' wifdom we confide.' 
 
 Such was the language, and fuch were the 
 fentiments of the people at that time ; and 
 had the Britiih government, on the removal 
 of their troops from Bofton, treated with us, 
 in anfwer to our laft petition, upon the prin- 
 ciple of reconciliation ; and rellored us to 
 the ftate in which we were before the flamp- 
 a6l was made, they might even then, have 
 preferved their connexion with us. But in 
 the courfe of a few months, we not only 
 found our petitions difregardcd, and our pro- 
 feffions of attachment to the parent flate 
 treated as hypocritical ; but their hoftile in- 
 tentions became fo apparent, and our fitua- 
 tion was fo fingular, that there could be no 
 hope of fafety for us, without difTolving our 
 connexion with them, and afiuming that 
 equal rank am.ong the powers of the earth 
 for which nature had deftined us, and to 
 which the voice of reafon and Providence 
 loudly called us. Britain had engaged for-^ 
 eign mercenaries to affifl in fubjugating us ; 
 juftice required that we fliould in our turn 
 court foreign aid ; but this could not be had, 
 whilfl we acknowledged ourfelvcs fubjccT:s of 
 that Crown againfl whofe power we were 
 flruggling. The exertions which we had. 
 made, and the blood which we had fhed, 
 were deemed too great a price for reconcilia- 
 tion to a pov\^er which Hill claimed the right 
 ' to bind us in all cafes wliatfoever,' and 
 
 i 
 
310 HISTORY OF 
 
 1776. which held out to us unconditional fubmif- 
 iion, as the only terms on which we were to 
 expe6l even a pardon. Subjection to a Prince 
 who had thrown us out of his protedlion ; 
 who had ruined our commerce, deftroyed our 
 cities and fpilled our blood ; and who would 
 not govern us at all, without the interpofi- 
 tion of a legiflative body, in whofe election 
 we had no voice, was an idea too abfurd to 
 be any longer entertained- Thefe fentiments, 
 being fet in their juft light by various publi- 
 cations and addrefTes, had fuch force as to 
 produce a total change of the public opinion. 
 Independence became the general voice of the 
 fame people, who but a few months before 
 had petitioned for reconciliation. When this 
 could not be had, but on terms diigraceful to 
 the caufe which we had undertaken to fup- 
 port, we were driven to that as our only ref- 
 uge. The minds of the people at large in 
 moil of the Colonies being thus influenced, 
 they called upon their delegates in Congrefs 
 to execute the adl which lliould fever us from 
 foreign dominion, and put us into a fituation 
 to govern ourfelves.* 
 
 July 4. ^^ ought ever to be remembered, that the 
 
 declaration of our independence was made, 
 at a point of time, when no royal Governor 
 had even the fhadow of authority in any of 
 the Colonies ; and when noBritifh troops had 
 any footing on this Continent. The coun- 
 try was then abfolutely our own. A formi- 
 dable force was indeed collected on our coafts, 
 ready to invade us ; and in the face of that 
 
 * On the iith of June 1776, a committee was chofen by the Affetn- 
 bly of New-HacnpiTiirc ' to make a draught of a declaration of the Gen- 
 ' eial AlT. mb y for the Independence of the united Colonies on Great- 
 ' Britain^ to be tianfcnicted to our delegates io Coogrcfs.' 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 311 
 
 armament this decifive ftep was taken. The 1776. 
 declaration was received with joy by the Amer- 
 ican army then alTembled at New- York. 
 Within fourteen days it was publifhed by beat j^,^ ^^ 
 of drum in all the ihire towns of New-Hamp- 
 Ihire. It relieved us from a ftate of embar- 
 raffment. We then knew the ground on 
 which we flood, and from that time every 
 thing jiiTumed a new appearance. The jar- 
 gon of dillindlions between the limits of au- 
 thority on the one fide, and of liberty on the 
 other, was done away. The fingle queftion 
 was, whether we fhould be conquered Prov- ^^^f^^. 
 inces, or free and independent States. On *^«-- ;f* 
 this queftion, every perfon was able to form Revolution 
 his own judgment ; and it was of fuch mag- ?• -J^' ^^ 
 nitude that no man could be at a lofs to flake 
 his life on its decifion. 
 
 It is amufmg to recolledl, at this diflance 
 of time, that one effecl of independence was 
 an averfion to every thing which bore the 
 name, and marks of royalty. Sign boards 
 on which were painted the King's arms, or 
 the crown and fceptre, or the portraits of any 
 branches of the royal family, were pulled 
 down or defaced. , Pidlures and efcutcheona 
 of the fame kind in private houfes were in- 
 verted or concealed. The names of ftreets, 
 which had been called after a King or Queen 
 were altered ; and the half-pence, which bore 
 the name of George III, were either refufed 
 in payment, or degraded to farthings. Thefe 
 lafl have not yet recovered their value. 
 
 The new Affembly began their adminif- 
 tration by eflablifhing Judicial Courts, on 
 the fame fyflem as before, excepting that the 
 Court of Appeals, which had long been ef- 
 
312 HISTORY OF 
 
 1776. teemed a grievance, was abolillied, and all 
 appeals to Great-Britain were prohibited. 
 Appeals from the Probate Courts, which for- 
 merly came before the Governor and Coun- 
 cil, were transferred to the Superior Court, 
 whofe judgment was now made final. En- 
 couragement w^as given to fit out armed vef- 
 feis, and a maritime Court was eftabiifhed 
 for the trial of captures by fea. A law was 
 made to puniih the counterfeiting of the pa- 
 per bills of this and of the United States ; and 
 to make them ' a tender for any money due 
 * by deed or fimple contradl.' After the de- 
 c:laration of independence the ftyle of Colo??)' 
 was changed for that of the State of NeW- 
 Hamplhire. A new law was enadled to reg- 
 ulate the militia. More paper bills were if- 
 fued to pay the expenfes of the w^ar ; and 
 provifion was made for drawing in fome of 
 the bills by taxes. Doubts had arifen, whether 
 the former laws were in force ; a fpecial a61: 
 was therefore paffed, reviving and re-ena(5l- 
 ing all the lavv^s w^hich were in force, at the 
 time when government was allumed ; as far 
 as they were not repugnant to the new form, 
 or to the independence of the Colonies, or not 
 adlually repealed. 
 
 May ai. The: Congrcfs having ordered feveral frig- 
 ates to be built in different places ; one of 
 thirty-two guns, called the Raleigh, was 
 launched at Portirnouth, in fixty days from 
 the time when her keel was laid ; but for 
 want of guns and ammunition, and othet 
 neceffaries, it was a long time before fhe was 
 completely fitted for the fea. The making 
 of falt-petre was encouraged by a bounty ; 
 and many trials were made before it was pro- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 313 
 
 ducecl in purity. Powder mills were erecl- 1776. 
 ed, and the manufadlure of gunpowder was, 
 after fomc time, eftablifhed ; but notwith- 
 flanding all our exertions, foreign fupplies 
 w^ere neceflary. 
 
 For the fervice of this year, two thoufand 
 men were raifed, and formed into three regi- 
 ments, under the fame commanders as in the 
 former year. Three hundred men were poll- 
 ed at the forts in the harbour. Supplies of 
 fire arms and ammunition were fent to the 
 weflern parts of the State, and a regiment 
 was raifed in that quarter, under the com- 
 mand of Col. Timothy Bedel, to be ready to 
 march into Canada. 
 
 The three regiments v,^ent with the army 
 under General Wafhington to New^-York ; 
 and thence were ordered up the Hudfon, and 
 down the lakes into Canada, under the im- 
 mediate command of Brigadier General Sul- 
 livan. The defign of this movement was to 
 fuccour and reinforce the army, which had 
 beer\ fent, the preceding year, againft Que- 
 bec ; and which was now retreating before 
 a fuperior force, which had arrived from 
 Britain, as early as the navigation of the St. 
 Lawrence was opened. Our troops having 
 met the retreating army at the mouth of the 
 Sorel, threw up fome flight works round their 
 camp. General Thomas, who had command- 
 ed the army after the fall of the brave Mont- 
 gomery, was dead of the fmall-pox. Arnold 
 was engaged in ftripping the merchants of 
 Montreal, under pretence of fupplying the 
 army ; and Thompfon was taken prifoner in 
 an unfuccefsful attack on the village of Trois 
 Rivieres. The command therefore devolved 
 
314 HISTORY or 
 
 1776. Oil Sullivan, vv^ho, finding a retreat necelTary, 
 coad;d(fled it with great prudence. At this 
 time the American troops, and in particular 
 the regiments of New-Hampfhire, had taken 
 the infedlion of the fmall-pox. The iick were 
 placed in batteaux, and with the cannon and 
 ilores, v/ere drawn againil the rapi-d current, 
 by the ftrength of men on fliore, or wading 
 in the water ;. and fo clofe v/as the purfuitof 
 the enemy, that they could fcarcely find tnne 
 to kindle a fire to drefs their vidluals, or dry 
 their clothes. At St. John's the purfulr 
 
 ^"^^ ^" ceafed. On the arrival of our army at Ti- 
 conderoga, Sullivan, being fuperfeded by 
 Gates, returned to the ir^ain army at New- 
 York. The troops in the northern depart- 
 ment being reinforced by the militia of the 
 neighbouring States, fortified the polls of 
 Ticoaderoga and Mount Independence. Be- 
 fide the fmall-pox, a dyfentery and putrid fe- 
 ver raged among them ; and it was compu- 
 ted, that of the New-Hampllrire regiments^ 
 nearly one third part died this year by iicknefs. 
 \¥hen the danger of an attack on Ticon- 
 deroga for that feafon, was paiTed, the re- 
 maining part of the New-Hampfliire troops 
 marched by the way of the Minifinks, into 
 Pennfylvania. There they joined General 
 Wafliington, and aflifiied in the glorious cap- 
 ture of the Heflians at Trenton, and after- 
 ward in the battle of Princeton. Though 
 
 DercTiW •^,Qj.jT^ down witli fatigue, and almofl defti- 
 
 CC January, ^ ^ . . 
 
 tute of clothing, in that inclement feafon; 
 they continued in the fervice fix weeks after 
 the term of their enliftment had expired ; 
 and two repiments of the militia which were 
 
 o 
 
 fent to reinforce the army remained till March; 
 
NEXV-HAMPSH1R£. ^^"^ 
 
 By this time the inconvenience of main- 17?7« 
 taining an army, by annual enliftments and 
 temporary levies, was feverely felt, and gen- 
 erally reprobated ; and the Gongrcis, though 
 flow in liftening to remonftrances on this 
 head, were obliged to adopt ti more perma- 
 nent eftablilliment. In recruitmg tae army 
 for the next vear, the officers were appomted 
 by Congrefs; during the war ; and the men 
 enlifted eithel^ for that term,ar for three years. 
 The commanders of the three regiments ot 
 New-Hampihire,were the Colonels JokphCii- 
 lev, Nathan Hale and Alexander Scammell. 
 Thef^ regiments were fupplied with new 
 French arms ; and their rendezvous was at 
 Ticonderoga, under the immediate command 
 of Brigadier General Poor. There they re- 
 mained, till the approach of the Britiih army juiy 6. 
 under General Burgoyne, rendered it eligi- 
 ble to abandon that poft. On the retreat. 
 Col Hale^s battalion was ordered to cover 
 the rear of the invalids, by which means he 
 was feven miles behind the main body. The 
 next morning he was attacked, by an advan- 
 ced party of the enemy at Hubberton. In 
 this engagement, Major Titcomb of the New- 
 Hampiliire troops, was wounded. C-ol. i xale. 
 Captains Robertfon, Carr, and Norris, Adju- 
 tant Elliot, and two other officers were taken 
 prifoners, with about one hundred men. 
 The main body of the army continued theif 
 , retreat to Saratoga. On their way they had 
 a fkirmiOi with the enemy at Fort Anne, in 
 which Captain Weare, fon of the Prefident, 
 was mortally wounded, and died at Albany. 
 Immediately after the evacuation ot Ti- 
 conderoga, the committee of the New-Hamp- 
 
316 
 
 HISTORY OP 
 
 July 17 
 
 1777. flilre Grants (who had now fornied them- 
 July 8. ^^'ives into a new State) wrote in the moft 
 w.'sin P^'^^'^^^^g terms, to the committee of Safety at 
 file P:xeter for affiftance, and faid that if none 
 fliould be afforded to them, they fliould be 
 oljliged to retreat to the New-England States 
 for fafety. When the news of tliis affair 
 reached New-Hampiliire, the Affembly had 
 fimlhed their fpring feffion and returned home. 
 A fum mens from the committee brought them 
 together again ; and in a ihort feffion of three 
 days only, they took the moft effectual 
 and decifive fteps for the defence of the 
 country. They formed the whole militia 
 of the State into two Brigades ; of the firft 
 they gave the command to William Whipple, 
 and of the fecond to John Stark. They order- 
 ed one fourth part of Stark's brigade, and one 
 fourth of three regiments of the other brig- 
 ade, to march immediately under his com- 
 mand, ' to flop the progref s of the enemy on 
 * our^ wefiern frontiers.' They ordered the 
 militia officers, to take away arms, from all 
 perfons, who fcrupled or refufed to affift, in 
 defendhig the country ; and appointed a day 
 of fafting and prayer, which was obferved 
 with great folemnity. 
 
 The appointment of Stark, to this com- 
 mand, with the lame pay as a Brigadier in the 
 Continental fervice, was peculiarly grateful 
 to the people as well as to himfelf. In an 
 arrangement of general officers, in the prece- 
 ding year. Poor a junior officer had been pro- 
 moted, whilft he was negleded. He had 
 written on this fubjea to Congrefs, and his 
 letters were laid on the table. He therefore 
 quitted the army, and retired to his own 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE, 317 
 
 flate. He was now by the unanimous voice 1777. 
 of his fellow citizens, invefted with a feparate 
 command, and received orders to 'repair 
 ' to Charleftown on Connedicut river ; there Tordllllo 
 ' to confult with a committee of New-Hamp- ^''• 
 ' fhire Grants, refpecling his future operations 
 ' and the fupply of his men with provifions ; 
 ' to take the command of the militia and 
 
 * march into the Grants to ad in conjunction 
 ' with the troops of that new State, or any other 
 ' of the States, or of the United States, or 
 ' feparately, as it fhould appear expedient to 
 
 * him ; for the protection of the people and 
 
 * the annoyance of the enemy.' 
 
 In a few days he proceeded to Charleftown, 
 and as fafl as his men arrived, he fent them 
 forward, to join the forces of the new State, ^""'^ ''' 
 under Col. Warner, who had taken poll at ^^',"21'''^ 
 Manchefler, twenty miles northward of Ben- '"'" 
 nington. Plere Stark joined him, and met 
 with General Lincoln, vv^ho had been lent 
 from Stillwater, by General Schuyler, com- 
 Riander of the northern department, to con- 
 dud the militia to the weft fide of Hud- 
 fon's river. Stark informed him of his or- 
 ders, and of the danger which the inhabitants 
 of the Grants apprehended from the enemy, 
 and from their difaffeded neighbours ; that 
 he had confulted with the committee, and that 
 it was the determination of the people, in cafe 
 he fhould join the Continental army and leave 
 them expofed, that they would retire to the 
 eaft of Connedicut river ; in which cafe New- 
 Hampftiire would be a frontier. He there- 
 fore determined to remain on the flank of 
 the enemy, and to watch their motions. For Aug ^. 
 this purpofe he colleded his force at Ben> 
 
SIS HISTOUY OF 
 
 1777. nington, and left Warner with his regiment 
 at Manchefler. A report of this determina- 
 tion was tranfmitted to Congrefs, and the or- 
 ders on v/hich it was founded were by them 
 difapproved ; but the propriety of it was 
 evinced by the fabfequent fa6ls. 
 '° General Burgoyne, with the main body of 
 
 the Britifli army lay at fort Edward. Thence 
 he detached Lieut. Col. Baum, with about 
 fifteen hundred of his German troops, and 
 of Bnr°" one hundred Indians, to pervade the grants as 
 goync'b or- f^i' as Couneclicut river, with a view to col- 
 '^"" led horfes to mount the dragoons, and cattle, 
 both for labour and provifions ; and to re- 
 turn to the army with his booty. He was to 
 perfuade the people among whom he lliould 
 pafs, that his detachment was the advanced 
 guard of the Britifn army, which was march- 
 ing to Boilon, He was accompanied by Co- 
 lonel Skeene, who was well acquainted with 
 the country ; and he was ordered to fee ure 
 ^is>y^. I,, his camp by night. 
 
 j^urk's fvis fi-^Q Indians who preceded this detachment, 
 irfi'ics" being difcovered about twelve miles from Ben- 
 nington ; Stark detached Col. Greg, with two 
 hundred men, to flop their march. In the even- 
 ing of the fame day, he was informed that a 
 body of regular troops, with a train of artil- 
 lery, was in full march for Bennington. The 
 Aug. 14. next morning he marched with his whole 
 brigade, and fome of the militia of the Grants, 
 to fupport Greg, who found himfelf unable 
 to withftand the fuperior number of the en- 
 emy. Having proceeded about four miles, 
 he met Greg retreating, and the main body 
 of the enemy purfuing, within half a mile of 
 his rear. When they difcovered Stark's col- 
 
Aug. it 
 
 NEW-HAMPSHIRE. SIO 
 
 umn,they halted in an advantageous pofition; 1777. 
 and lie drew up his men on an eminence in 
 open view ; but could not bring them to an 
 engagement. He then marched back, about a 
 mile, and encamped; leaving a few men to fkir- 
 milh with them ; who killed thirty of the ene- 
 my and two of the indian chiefs. The next day 
 was rainy. Stark kept his pofition, and fentout 
 parties to harrafs the enemy. Many of the ^ug. is 
 Indians took this opportunity to defert ; bc- 
 cauie, as they faid, ' the woods were full of 
 yankees.' 
 
 On the following morning Stark was join- 
 ed by a company of militia from the Grants, 
 and another from the county of Berkfliire in 
 Maffichufetts. His whole force amounted 
 to about fixteen hundred. He fent Colonel 
 Nicholsi with two hundred and fifty men, 
 to the rear of the enemy's left wing ; and 
 Colonel Hendrick, with three hundred, to the 
 rear of their right. He placed three hundred 
 to oppofe their front and draw their attention. 
 Then fending Colonels Hubbard and Stickney, 
 with two hundred to attack the right wing, 
 and one hundred more to reinforce Nichols in 
 the rear of their left, the attack began in that 
 quarter precifely at three of the clock in the af- 
 ternoon. It was immediately feconded by the 
 other detachments ; and at the fame time Stark 
 himfelf advanced with the main body. The 
 engagement laded two hours ; at the end of 
 which he forced their breaflworks, took two 
 pieces of brafs cannon and a number of prif- 
 oners ; the reft retreated. 
 
 Juft at this inftant, he received intelligence 
 that another body of the enemy was within 
 two miles of him. This was a reinforce- 
 
320 HISTORY OF 
 
 1777. ment for which Baum had fent, when he flrft 
 knew the force which he was to oppofe. It 
 was commanded by Col. Breynian. Happily 
 Warner's regiment from Manchefter came up 
 with them and flopped them. Stark rallied 
 his men and renewed the adlion j it was warm 
 and defperate ; he ufed, with fuccefs, the can- 
 non which he had taken ; and at fun fee 
 obliged the enemy to retreat. He purfued 
 them till night, and then halted, to prevent 
 his own men from killing each other, in the 
 dark. He took from the enemy two other 
 pieces of cannon, with all their baggage, wag- 
 gons andhorfes. Two hundred and twenty- 
 fix men were found dead on the field. Their 
 commander, Baum, w^as taken and died of his 
 wounds ; befide whom, thirty-three officers, 
 and above feven hundred privates, were made 
 prifoners. Of Stark's brigade four officers 
 and ten privates were killed and forty-two 
 were wounded. 
 
 In the account of this battle, which Stark 
 fent to the committee of New-HampHiire, he 
 faid, ' our people behaved with the greatefl 
 
 * fpirit and bravery imaginable. Had every 
 
 * man been an Alexander, or a Charles of 
 ' Sweden, they could not have behaved bet- 
 *ter.* He was fenfible of the advantage of 
 keeping on the flank of the enemy's main 
 body ; and therefore fent for one thoufand 
 men to replace thofe whofe time had expired ; 
 but intimated to the committee that he him- 
 felf fliould return with the brigade. They 
 cordially thanked him ' for the very eflential 
 ' fervice which he had done to the country,' 
 but earneftly prefTed him to continue in die 
 command j and fent him a reinforcement^ 
 
 Aog. 18. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 321 
 
 * afTariii^ the men that they v/cre to ferve 1777. 
 
 * under General Stark.* This argument pre- 
 vailed with the men to march, and with Stark 
 to remain. 
 
 The prifoners taken in this battle were 
 fent to Bollon. The trophies were divided 
 between New-Hamplhire and Mairachuletts. 
 But Congrefs heard of this vidlory by acci- 
 dent. Having waited fome time in expec- 
 tation of letters, and none arriving ; inquiry 
 was made why Stark had not written to Con- 
 grefs ? Ke anfwered, that his correfpondence 
 with them was clofed, as they had not at- 
 tended to his lafl letters. They took the 
 hint ; and though they had but a few days 
 before refolved, that the inftrutftions v/hich 
 he had received were deftrucflive of military 
 fvibordination, and prejudicial to the com- 
 mon caufe ; yet they prefented their thanks 
 to him, and to the officers and troops under 
 his command, and promoted him to the rank 
 of a Brigadier General, in the army of the 
 United States. 
 
 This vid:ory gave a fevere check to the 
 hopes of the enemy, and raifed the fpirits of 
 the })eople after long deprefTion. It wholly 
 changed the face of affairs in the northern 
 department. Inftead of difappointment and 
 retreat, and the lofs of men by hard labor 
 and ficknefs ; we now were convinced, not 
 only that our militia could fight without be- 
 ing covered by intrenchments ; but that they 
 were able, even without artillery, to cope with 
 regular troops in their intrenchments, Th« 
 fuccefs thus gained was regarded as a good 
 omen of faither advantages. ' Let us get 
 
 * them into the woods/ was the language of 
 
S2^ HISTORY OF 
 
 1777. the whole country. Burgoyne was daily 
 putting his army into a more hazardous fitu- 
 ation ; and we determined that no exertion 
 fliould be wanting on our part to complete 
 the ruin of his bewailed enterprife. The 
 northern army was reinforced by the militia 
 of all the neighbouring States. Brigadier 
 Whipple marched with a great part of his 
 brigade ; befides which, volunteers in abun- 
 dance from every part of New-Hampfhirc 
 flew to the northern army now command- 
 ed by General Gates, Two defperate bat- 
 tles were fought, the one at Stilhvater and 
 the other at Saratoga ; in both of which, 
 the troops of New-Hamplhire had a large 
 ihare of the honor due to the American 
 army. In the former a(5lion, two Lieutenant 
 Colonels, Adams and Colburne, and Lieuten- 
 ant Thomas, were flain in the field ; and fe- 
 veral other brave officers were wounded, one 
 of whom, Capt. Bell, died in the hofpital. 
 In the latter, Lieut. Col. Conner and Lieut. 
 McClary vv^ere killed, vv^ith a great number of 
 their men ; and Col. Scammel was wounded. 
 The confequence of thefe battles was the fur- 
 render of Burgoyne's army. This grand 
 objedl being attained, the Nev^-Hampihire 
 regiments performed a march of forty miles, 
 and forded the Mohawk river, below the 
 f^dls, in the fpace of fourteen hours. The 
 defign of this rapid movement was to check 
 the progrefs of a detachment, commanded by 
 the Britifli General Clinton ; who threatened 
 Albany with the fame deifrudlion which he 
 had fpread in the country below ; but on 
 hearing the fate of Burgoyne, he returned 
 quietly to New-York. The regiments theu 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 323 
 
 marched into Pennfylvania and pafTod the 1777. 
 whiter hi huts at Valley-forge. Befide thole 
 officers llain at the northward, we futliained a 
 iofs hi the death of Major Edward Sherburne, 
 Aid de Camp to General Sullivan, who was 
 killed in a bold, but unfuccefsful adion at 
 Germantown. 
 
 After the capture of Burgoyne's army, all 177S. 
 danger of invafion from Canada ceafed ; and 
 the "theatre of the war was removed to the 
 fouthward. The troops of New-Hamplhire, 
 being formed into a diltind brigade, partook 
 of afl the fervices 'and fufferings, to which 
 their brethren were expofed. In the battle 
 of Monmouth, a part of them were clofely 
 engaged, under the conducl of Col. Cilley 
 and Lieut. Col. Dearborn ; and behaved with 
 fuch bravery as to merit the particular ap- 
 probation of their illuftrious General. They 
 continued v>dth the main body, all that cam- 
 paign, and were hutted, ui the following 
 winter, at Reading. 
 
 In tiie fummer of 1778, when a French 
 fleet appeared on our coaft, to aid us in the 
 conteft with Britain ; an invafion of Rhode- 
 Ifiand, then pofTefTed by the Britifh, was pro- 
 jeded, and General Sullivan had the com- 
 mand. Detachments of militia and volun- 
 teers, from Mallachufetts and New-Hamp- 
 fliire, formed a part of his troops. But a 
 violent ftorm, having prevented the co-ope- 
 ration of the French fleet, and driven them 
 to fea ; the army, after a few ikirmiflies, was 
 under the difagreeable neceflity of quitting the 
 ifland ; and the retreat was conduced by Sul- 
 livan with the greatefl caution and prudence. 
 
 When an expedition into the Indian coun- 1779. 
 
324 HISTORY or 
 
 1779. try wa?- determined on, General Sullivan was 
 appointed to the command, and the New- 
 Hamplliire brigade made a part of his force. 
 His route v/as up the river Sufquehanna into 
 the country of the Senekas ; a tradl imperfedl- 
 ly known, and into which no troops had ever 
 penetrated. The order of his march was 
 planned with great judgment, and executed 
 with much regularity and perfeverance. In 
 feveral engagements with the Savages, the 
 troops of New-Hampfliire behaved with their 
 ufual intrepidity. Capt. Cloyes and Lieut. 
 McAulav were killed, and Major Titcomb 
 was again badly wounded. The provifions 
 of the army falling fliort, before the objedl 
 of the expedition was completed, the troops 
 generouily agreed to fubiilf on fuch as could 
 be found in the Indian country. After their 
 return, they rejoined the main army, and 
 pafFed a third winter in huts, at Newtown in 
 Connecflicut. In the latter end of this year 
 Sullivan refigned his command and retired, 
 ^^ In the following year, the New-Hamp£hire 
 
 ^ ' regiments did duty at the important poll of 
 Weft- Point, and afterward marched into Nev.'- 
 Jerfey, where General Poor died. Three regi- 
 ments of militia were employed in the ier- 
 vice of this year. The fourth winter was 
 palTed in a hutted cantonment, at a place 
 called Soldier's Fortune, near Hudfon's river. 
 In the clofe of this year, the three regiments 
 were reduced to two, which were commanded 
 by the Col:)nels Scammel and George Reid. 
 The next year, apart of them remained in 
 
 1781. ^^^e State of New- York, and another part 
 marched to Virginia, and were prefent at the 
 capture of the fecond Britiili army, under 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 825 
 
 Earl Cornwallis. Here the brave and adlive 1782, 
 Col. Scammel was killed. In the winter, the 
 firftregiment,commanded by Lieut. Col. Dear- 
 born, was quartered at Saratoga, and the fe- 
 cond on Mohawk river ; in which places they 
 were ftationed, till the clofe of the following 
 year ; when the approach of peace relaxed 
 the operations of war. In a few months, the 
 negotiations were fo far advanced, that a trea- 
 ty v\^as made ; and the /?;;?^ royal lips, which 
 from the throne had pronounced us ' revolted 
 * fubjeds,' now acknowledged us as ' free 
 
 AND INDEPENDENT STATES,' 
 
326 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. XXVL 
 
 Paper 'money. Confifcations. State Confiituthn, ControverJ) 
 •with Vermont. 
 
 i HE war in which we became in- 
 volved with Britain, found us not deflitute 
 of refources, but unilcilled in the art of fi- 
 nance. Former wars had been maintained 
 by a paper currency ; which, though it de- 
 preciated in fome mcafure, yet was finally 
 redeemed by the reimburfements which we 
 received from the Britifh Treafury. We had 
 been alfo ufed to iffue bills on loan, and re- 
 ceive landed property as fecurity for its re- 
 demption. To the fame mode we had re- 
 courfe on this occafion, without either of the 
 foundations on which our former currencies 
 had been fupported. Bills of credit were 
 emitted with no other fund for their redemp- 
 tion than taxation, and that deferred to dis- 
 tant periods. It was imagined that the jus- 
 tice of our caufe, and the united ardor and 
 patriotifm of the people, would preferve the 
 value of thefe bills during the contefl which 
 we were very fanguine would be fliort ; and 
 
 ,^^ in fa(5l the circulation of them for the firfl 
 
 ^^* year was fupported by no other means. But 
 
 being counterfeited, they began to depreciate, 
 
 and then it was thought neceffary to ena6l a 
 
 law againft forging them, and to make them 
 
 July 3. a legal tender in all payments. In fome of 
 the States, thefe bills were made a tender for 
 the interefl:, but not for the principal of for- 
 mer debts ; but in New-Hampfhire, if the 
 creditor fliould refufe them when offered in 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 327 
 
 payment, the whole debt was cancelled. Had 1776. 
 this law regarded future contrads only, every 
 man vvrould have known on what terms to 
 make his engagements ; but to declare it le- 
 gal to pay debts, already contracted, with 
 money of an inferior value, was altogether 
 unjuil. It was not in human power to pre- 
 vent a depreclatian of the bills ; and the en- 
 forcing of their currency accelerated the def- 
 truaion of their value. The fraudulent 
 debtor took advantage of this law to cheat 
 his creditor, under colour of juftice ; w^hilft 
 the creditor had no other refuge, than in 
 fome cafes privately to transfer the written ob- 
 ligation ; and in other cafes to refufe the ten- 
 der, at the rifque indeed of lofmg the debt ; 
 but in hope that jutlice w^ould at fome future 
 time have its courfe. Huibandmen, who 
 lived remote from the fcene of hollilities, and 
 who had the produce of the earth at their 
 command, were able to keep their property 
 good. Hawkers and monopolifers, who crept 
 from obfcurity and aflumed the name of mer- 
 chants, could even incrcafe their fubftance 
 in thefe perilous times. But thofe perfons 
 whofe property was in other men's hands j 
 or whofe living depended on ilated falarics ; 
 or whofe honeft minds could not defcend to 
 praaife knavery, though eaabliihed by law, 
 were doomed to fufFer. 
 
 To palliate thefe evils, at one time, a law i^^>^ 
 was enaded againll monopoly and extortion ; 
 and wdicn found impradicable, it was repeal- 
 ed. At other times, the prices of different 
 articles were dated under fevere penalties ; 
 but ways were foon found to evade thefe ef- 
 tabliflnnents ; and w^hcn found ineffedual, 
 
S2S HISTORY Ot 
 
 1777. the laws were repealed. It is not confiflenr 
 ■with the nature of commerce to bear fuch 
 rellri(ftlons ; and the laws increafed the evils 
 which they pretended to cure. At another 
 time public lales by auction were prohib- 
 ited, becaufe it was faid that thev were 
 the means of depreciating the currency ; but 
 in fa6l they ferved only to demonftrate its 
 real value. There was a difpofition in the 
 governing part of the people to keep out of 
 light the true caufe of this growing mifchief. 
 Even the general Congrefs, in a public ad- 
 Circuiar ckefs wliich they ordered to be read in the 
 Scot. 13, congregations, ailembled for religious wor- 
 *^^^" fhip, after faying much in praife of paper 
 money, told us, that it was ' the only kind of 
 * money which could not make to itfelf wings 
 ' and ily away.' Kad this been intended as 
 the language of burlefque, it might have been 
 received with a fmile ; in any other fenfe, it 
 "Was an infult to the feelings of honeft men. 
 
 In the midfl of thefe dillrefles, frequent 
 meetings of different bodies of men were 
 held, to confult on fome pra6licable modes of 
 relief. Committees of counties, and of dif- 
 ferent States, at various times, formed pro- 
 jects, and ilTued public addreffes ; but palli- 
 atives in this, as in all other cafes, foon loft 
 their efficacy. From one of thefe Conventions, 
 holden at Springfield, and compofed of dele- 
 jiiiy and gates from the New-England States and New- 
 wTt^- York ; a letter was addreifed to the general 
 Eutes of Congrefs, which put them on devifing means 
 tioa. to furmount the exifting difficulties. Among 
 other expedients they recommended effedlual 
 taxation, the opening of loan-offices, and that 
 the States individually iliould emit no more 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 329 
 
 bills of credit. Thcle were falutary propo- 1777. 
 fals ; but the moft notable efFecfl of this let- . , , 
 ter was a recommendation from Congrefs to ('"ngrcfs, 
 the feveral States * to conhfcate and make °''" *^' 
 ' fale of all the real and perfonal eflates of 
 
 * fuch of their inhabitants and otlier perfons 
 
 * as had forfeited the fame, and the right to 
 
 * the protecflion of their refpe6tive States ; 
 ' and to invefl the money arifing from the 
 
 * fales in continental loan certificates, to be 
 
 * appropriated as the refpetStive States Ihould 
 
 * direct.' 
 
 This was a delicate point, and required the 
 mod critical difcuffion. It involved a quef- 
 tion of national law ; and fome perfons who 
 were acquainted with the fabjedl, thought 
 fuch a ilep not only illegal, but impolitic and 
 danc:erous. In cafes of war between inde- "^'='f'^i- 
 pendent nations, acknowledging no common 
 fuperior, the acquifition of immoveable pro- 
 perty is not complete till confirmed by a trea- 
 ty of peace. The war between America and 
 Britain was fo far a war between two inde- 
 pendent nations, that the common laws of 
 war ought to have been obferved. Had the 
 eilates of abfentees been taken into poffef- 
 iion, and the income ariiing from them been 
 applied to the fupport of the war; and had 
 the quellion of property remained undecided 
 till the concluiion of a peace, there is no 
 doubt that theState would have been a gainer 
 both in reputation and interefl ; but when we 
 were daily cheating and deceiving ourfelves 
 with a fraudulent paper medium, it is not 
 llrange that the voice of juiUce toward thofe 
 whom we deemed our enemies could not be 
 heard. 
 
 Ss 
 
3iiiJ HISTORY OF . 
 
 1778. The firfl ftep toward executing this re- 
 commendation of Congrefs, was an a6l pro- 
 fcribing certain perfons, to the number of 
 feventy-fix, who had at vario*8s times, and for 
 various reafons, quitted this State. Thefe 
 were forbidden to return without leave, un- 
 der the penalty of tranfportation ; and in cafe 
 of a fecond return, they were to fufter death. 
 
 The next ftep, was to confifcate the whole 
 eflate, real and pcrfonal, of twenty-eight of 
 the profcribed ; of whom it was declared 
 that they had 'juftly forfeited all right to 
 
 * protedlion from the State ; and alfo their 
 ' right to any farther enjoyment of their in- 
 ' tereft and property within it.' 
 
 In thefe adls, no diftintftion was made be- 
 tween thofe perfons who had withdrawn 
 themfelves from the State, by a fenfe of their 
 duty ; thofe who were in facft Britifli fub- 
 ie6ls, but occ:iiionalIy reiident here ; thofe 
 who had abfconded through timidity ; and 
 thofe who had committed crimes againll ex- 
 prefs law, and had lied from juftice. No con- 
 ditional offer of pardon was made ; no time 
 v/as allowed for any to return and enter into 
 the fervice of the country ; but the whole 
 were put indifcriminately into one Mack UJly 
 and ftigmatifed as * having bafely deferted 
 ' the caufe of liberty, and manifefled a dif- 
 
 * pofition inimical to the State, and a defign 
 ' to aid its enemies in their wicked purpofes.' 
 
 Some perfons who had legal demands on 
 thefe ei{:ates,had for the fecurity of their debts 
 laid attachments on them ; but by another 
 adl, all attachments which had been made 
 fince the commencement of hoflilities, were 
 declared null and void, and the Courts were 
 required to difmifs them. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^^^ 
 
 Truftees were appointed in each county to 1 / /8. 
 take pofTeffion of all thefe eftates, real and 
 pcrfonal ; and to fell the pcrfonal unmtdi- 
 ately at public auction ; with a difcretionary . 
 power to leave out of the lliie fuch articles 
 as they (hould deem necellary, to the fup- 
 port of the families of the profcribed. To 
 prcferve fome farther appearance of juilice, 
 the creditors of thefe clbites, though they 
 were not allowed to bid at the audions with- 
 out payment, were ordered to exhibit their 
 claims to the truftees, and in cafes of iniol- 
 vency, all claims were to be fettled by the 
 Judges of Probate. 
 
 Whilfl the fettlement of thefe eflates was 
 going on, the money was rapidly deprecia- 
 ting. After the year 1777, the State iflTued 
 no more bills, and the former were called in 
 and exchanged for Treafurer's notes on in- 
 tereft, of a value not lefs than five pounds. 
 The Continental bills continued pafling and 
 depreciating till the fpring of 1781, when 
 fuddenly, and by general confent, they went 
 out of circulation, and folid coin iucceeded in 
 their place. Then a fcale of depreciation 
 for the preceding years of the war was fra- 
 med, and all pall payments were regulated 
 by it. The treaty of peace obliged us to pro- 
 ceed no farther in the matter of confifcations. 
 By a fubfequent ad, the Judges of Probate 
 were empowered to liquidate by the fcale of ^^^^^^^^.^ 
 depreciation, the funis paid into the Trealury 1783. 
 by the Truftees ; to receive claims agamft 
 the eftates, and to adjufl and certify the fame 
 to the Prefident, who was authorifcd to or- 
 der the Trealurer, to iflue notes, bearing 111- 
 tereft from the time when the faid fums were 
 
332 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 1778. paid into the Treafiiry j which notes the cred- 
 itors were to receive in payment ; but if any 
 of the eflates lliould prove infolvent, then the 
 creditors were to receive their average. In 
 this manner fome of thefe eflates have been 
 fettled and the creditors paid ; others remain 
 unlettled. Some of them barely paid the ex- 
 penles of their management ; others were 
 rendered infolvent. The eflate of the late 
 Governor paid all the demands upon it ex- 
 cepting that of his father ; who generoufly 
 withdrew his claim that the other creditors 
 might be paid in full* The clear profit to 
 
 * The following papers arc taken from the Regiftry of Probate for 
 the eountv of Rockingham. 
 
 _ ' P^ocii.gi.7^, f Fth. i6^ ijS6. I hereby certify that the f.,ms 
 apinlt jach jcrfon * name h rein fet down were reipeaively due 'o 
 ■- them the ha riay of ju!y 1782, from the 'eftare of the late Governor, 
 ^ John Wenrworth. E(q at «h:ch time it appears theie had been ,ecei»- 
 ^ td mto the Trcafury^ a fufficitncy to pay all the demands, exhibited 
 ^ agamfl him except his father's ; who has withdrawn his, that the 
 
 oth.rs m.ght be paid in (uil. P. White, Judge of Probate.' 
 
 ^ _ Porrfmonrh^ F,.b. 6, 1785 Sir, After confidrring the great delays 
 ^ in U'ttUvg the demands againft the eftate of n.y fon, Governor Went- 
 . 7^ '/"*^ '^^ probability, from the ill mann^remtnt thereof be/ore it 
 Jell under your d.re.*lion. that it will he greatly infolvent ; and feernp 
 ^ lor r.ie diflrefs of many of the creditors, and wifhing that all may have 
 • their juft demands paid^ I have determined to remove their cmbarrall- 
 . r^f \i"' ^^^^ ^* ' ""' ''^ *'f'idrawing my account and claim until theirs 
 be fu.ly at juiled and difthirgcd^ by you or other proper officers Re- 
 krvirg to myfdf ftill the right of claiming^ if there fhould be found a 
 lur^.lus or balance in his favor. For as proved by my account and au- 
 thentic vouchers rea^y to be pro-Iuced, that, exclufjve of my account be- 
 ' 1 r' u '" ^^'^ ''^ (f'eni] creditors to a coofidcrable amount, fince he 
 
 I lett this govf rnn enc ; and had alio greatly augmented the value of his 
 eftate at W oKborough, by my advances and care thereof, all to the benefit 
 ' o' hii, prti^nt creditors. I ftall therefore be greatly obfiged, by your di- 
 ' reftmg that my account he Tent me ; and I (ball hope for your future 
 Jriendly interp„fi(ion, if it (hould be found nectfTiry ; being with the 
 higheft edeem and refpecS, your nioft humble fervanr, 
 
 . on- ,i7i.- T-r , ' '^^''^ ^- Wencworth.' 
 
 ' Phillips White, Efq. 
 
 ^ A general ftatemcnt of the claims againfl the confifcatcd eflate of the 
 .ate Gov. rnor John Wtn, worth, and the neat proceeds from the falc of it : 
 the account beii>g nor. yet fcrt,cd. April, 17 91 
 Dr, The claim of M. H. Wentwoith proved by 
 
 aurhennc vouchers. £1.^680 10 11 
 
 Amount of other claims provfl a» ahnve, ^877 jr ,1 
 
 Paid to ft veral other cie.iforsj Cvce theGov- " * 
 
 crnor's ablence, by M. H. Wcntworth. 819 11 6 
 
 /'18177 17 8— 
 Cn Paid into tl-cTreafury by theTruttcc for raid eflate, 10435 8 6* 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 333 
 
 the State from all thefe confafcatlons, as far 1778. 
 as it has been afcertained, is inconfiderable. 
 Power when delegated without rcdric- 
 tlons, and for the abule of which the dele- 
 gate is not held accountable, has a flrong ten- 
 dency toward defpotifm. The temporary 
 confutation which we had adopted at the be- 
 ginning of the war, was found, by experience, 
 to have many imperfections ; and the necef- 
 fity of checks and exclufions became every 
 day more evident. Other States were form- 
 ing conftitutions on certain eftablillied prin- 
 ciples, and defining their rights as a prelimi- 
 nary to the delegation of power. An at- 
 tempt of the like kind was made in New- 1779. 
 Hampfhire. A convention of delegates, cho- 
 fen for the purpofe, drew up and fent abroad 
 a fyflem of government ; but fo deficient was 
 it in its principles, and fo inadequate in its 
 provifions, that being propofed to the people, 
 in their town-meetings, it vsras rejecled. Ano- 
 ther convention was appointed, which had 
 more advantage than the former, the neigh- 
 bouring State of Malfachufetts having digefl- 
 ed and adopted a conflitution, which was fup- 
 pofed to be an improvement on all which had 
 been framed in America. This convention 
 had no lefs than nine fefuons, and continued ^r^'^ J"'--* 
 for more than two years. In the firfl plan oa.'xrSa. 
 of government which they compofed, they 
 diflinclly Rated the alienable and unalienable 
 rights of the people. They divided the gov- 
 ernment into three branches, legiflative, ex- 
 ecutive and judicial, and defined the limits of 
 each. The legiflative branch was compofed 
 of a Senate and Houfe of Reprefentatives. 
 The Senate was to confifl of twelve pcrfons. 
 
334 HISTORY OF 
 
 I78h five for the county of Rockingham, two for 
 Strafford, two for Hillfborough, two forChe- 
 Ihu'e and one for Grafton. Thefe were to 
 be voted for in town-meetings, and the votes 
 fealed and returned to the Secretary's office. 
 The number of Reprefentatives was limited 
 to fifty, and apportioned among the counties, 
 thus ; twenty for Rockingham ; eight for 
 Strafford ; ten for Hillfborough ; eight for 
 Chefhire ; and four for Grafton. Thefe were 
 to be eledled by the County Conventions, con- 
 fifling of one delegate for every fifty rateable 
 polls. This mode was recommended, to pre- 
 vent thofe interefled views and that party fpi- 
 rit, which too often appear in fingle towns in 
 the eledlion of Reprefentatives. The execu- 
 tive power w^as veiled in a Governor, whom 
 the Convention, in their addrefs to the people, 
 defcribed in the following terms : ' They 
 ' have arrayed him with honors, they have 
 ' armed him with power and fet him on high; 
 ' but flill he is only the right hand of your 
 * power, and the mirror of your majefty.' 
 But though armed with power and liable to 
 be impeached for mifcondudl, he was fliroud- 
 ed from refponfibility, by a Council, without 
 whofe advice he could not take one flep of 
 any importance. The judicial department 
 was to be appointed by the executive and fup- 
 ported by the legillative ; but the Judges 
 were removeable for mifcondu(5t, by the Go- 
 vernor and Council, on the addrefs of both 
 Houfes of the Legiflature. Juftices of the 
 Peace were to hold their commifiions five 
 years only. Provifion was made for the ex- 
 clufion of perfons from holding feveral offi- 
 ces at the fame time ; the reafon of which 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^^'^ 
 
 was thus exprefTed. ' Befidcs the interfer- 1781. 
 
 * ence of feveral offices held by the lame per- 
 ' Ton in pohit of time, which we have feen, 
 ' and the difficulty of one man s giving his 
 ' attention to many matters fufficiently to 
 « underftand them all, which we have too 
 < often felt ; there is a ftill flronger reafon, 
 
 * which is the difficulty of a man s prefcrving 
 
 * his integrity in difcharging the duties of 
 
 * each.' The encouragement of literature was 
 alfo recommended as ellential to the prefer- 
 vation of a free government, and it was de- 
 clared to be the duty of legiflators tocheriili 
 its interefts. 
 
 This plan was printed and fent to every 
 town. The inhabitants were requefted to ^^ ^ ^^ 
 (late their objeaions diftinaiy to any parti- 'P'' '** 
 cular part, and return them at a fixed time. 
 The objedions were fo many and fo various, 
 that it became neceffiiry to alter the form and 
 fend it out a fecond time. The name of Go- 
 vernor, and moft of his powers, were ftill 
 retained ; but the mode of reprefentation was 1 782 
 altered. Inftead of being eleded, by coun- A„g ai. 
 ty conventions, the Reprefentatives vvere to 
 be chofen immediately by the towns ; every 
 incorporated townfliip containing one hun- 
 dred and fifty rateable polls, having the pri- 
 vilege of choofing one ; and every one con- 
 taining four hundred and fifty, of choofing 
 two. Particular attention was given to the 
 mode of appointing officers of militia. In- 
 Head of fuperior officers being chofen by 
 their inferiors, and inferior officers by the 
 privates, as had been pradifed fince the be- 
 ginning of the war, the order of appoint- 
 ment was reverfed, and the privates had no 
 
336 
 
 HISTORY or- 
 
 1784. 
 
 1782. power of choice at all. This was faid to be 
 necefTary to the prefervation of harmonv,fub- 
 ordination and difcipline. The fecond plan 
 being fent out was generally approved ; but 
 it was not completed at the time when the 
 1783 ^^^^^ of peace arrived. The old form having 
 March Ld expired with the war, it was, by the votes of 
 Ap"i- the people in their town-meetings, revived 
 ^^ ^^ and continued for one year longer. In the 
 following autumn, the new form was finifli- 
 ed ; and the name of Governor being chang- 
 ed to Prefident, it was a third time printed 
 and declared to be * the civil conilitution for 
 the State of New-Hampfliire.' It took place 
 on the fecond day of the following June, and 
 was introduced at Concord by a religious 
 folemnity, which has fnice been repeated at 
 every annual eledion. 
 
 To the convention which formed this con- 
 ftitution feveral towns in the weftern part of 
 the State did not fend delegates. The caufe 
 of this omifiion, and of fome other eccentri- 
 cities in the conduct of the people in that 
 quarter mull now be explained. 
 
 The inhabitants of the diflridl on the wef- 
 tern fide of Connedicut river, which was fev- 
 ered from New-Hampiliire iii 1764, had 
 been engaged in a long and bitter controver- 
 fy with the government of New- York. They 
 had even been obliged to have recourfe to 
 arms in defence of their eilates ; and frequent 
 a(fts of violence had been committed. There 
 was among them a fet of intrepid men, ready 
 to encounter dangers, and trained to hardy 
 ontcrprife. At the commencement of hof- 
 tilitics, by the advice of fome principal op- 
 pofers of the Britifli Govcrnmentjin the other 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 337 
 
 Colonies, a company of thofe people ftyling 1784. 
 themfelves Green Mountain Boys, marched 
 to Ticonderoga, and wi efted that fortrels, to- ^775^ 
 gether with Crown-Point, out of the hands 
 of the Britifh garrifons. A regiment of them 
 was embodied by order and in the pay of the 
 general Coilgrefs. Their exertions in the 
 common caufe were meritorious and their 
 fervices w^ere acceptable. 
 
 Soon after the declaration of independence, 1776. 
 the inhabitants of that territory afiembled in 
 convention to confider their peculiar fituation 
 and concert meafures for their fafety. The 
 opportunity which then prefented for a 
 change in their political connexions, was too 
 precious to be loft. By the diflolution of the 
 bonds which had held America in fubjedion 
 to the Crown of Britain, they conceived them- 
 felves free from the government of New- 
 York, to which the moft of them had never 
 voluntarily fubmitted; and,being as they faid, 
 reduced to ' a ftate of nanu'e,' they thought 
 that they had a right to form fuc'h connex- 
 ions as were agreeable to themfelves. Ac- 
 cordingly they made and publiflied a decla- 
 ration ; * that they would at all times con- 1 ^ ' '• 
 ' fider themfelves as a free and independent ^^^ ^^ 
 ' State ; capable of regulating their own in- 
 ' ternal police ; that they had the fole exclu- 
 
 * five right of governing themfelves, in fuch 
 
 * manner as they fhould choofe, not repug- 
 « nant to the refolves of Congrefs ; and that 
 
 * they were ready to contribute their propor- 
 < tion to the common defence.' Under the 
 influence of thefe principles, they formed a 
 plan of government and a code of laws, and 
 petitioned Congrefs to receive them into the 
 union. T t 
 
33S HISTORY OF 
 
 1778. The inhabitants on the eaftern fide of Con- 
 nedlicut river v/ere very conveniently fitii- 
 ated to unite v/ith thofe on the weftern fide, 
 and many of them had the fame principles 
 and views. They argued that' the original 
 grant of New-Hamplhire to Mafon was cir- 
 cumfcribed by a line draw^n at Ihe diflance 
 of fixty miles from the fea ; that all the lands 
 wefliv^ard of that line, being royal grants, had 
 been held in fubjeAion to the government of 
 New-Hamplhire by force of the royal com- 
 miffions, which were vacated by the affumed 
 independence of the American Colonies ; and 
 obferva- therefore that the inhabitants of all thofe 
 riKht ofju lands had ' reverted to a ftate of nature.' By 
 oift N^H ^^^^^ expreifion, however, they did not mean 
 Grants. tl^at each individual was reduced to fuch a 
 1778. ftate ; but that each town retained its corpo- 
 rate unity, unconnedled with any fuperior 
 jurifdiction. They diftinguifhed between 
 rui,He de- commiiTions derived from the King, which 
 r!^"t'!)r'N! were revokable at his pleafure, and incorpo- 
 Harnvfliire ratious IicM ou ccrtaiu conditions, which he- 
 Printed lug perrormed, the powers and privileges 
 3779- gi'anted by the incorporations were perpetual. 
 They afferted that jurifdicfiions eftablilhed by 
 royal commiiTions could bind a people to- 
 gether no longer than the force which firfl 
 compelled continues to operate ; but when 
 the coercive power of the King was rejected, 
 and its operation had ceafed, the people had a 
 right to make a (land at the firfl legal ftage, 
 viz. their town incorporations. Thefe by 
 imiverfal confent were held facred ; hence 
 they concluded that the major part of each 
 one of thofe towns had a right to control the 
 minor part j and they confidered themfelves 
 
NEW-IIAMPSIIIRE. ^^^ 
 
 as fo many diaina corporations, until they 1778. 
 {liould agree to unite in one aggregate body. 
 
 In theVe fentiments the people were not all 
 united. The majority of ibnie towns was in 
 favor of their former connexion, and in thofe 
 towns where the majority inclined the other 
 way, the minority claimed protedion of the 
 eovernment. . 
 
 They fuppofed that the exiRence of their 
 town-incorporations, and of the privileges 
 annexed to them, depended on their union to 
 New-Hampihire ; and that their acceptance 
 of the grants was in effea an acknowledg- 
 ment of the jurifdiaion, and a fubmllTion to 
 the laws of the State ; from which they could 
 not fairly be difengaged without its confent ; 
 as the State had never injured or opprelled 
 
 them. ,11 
 
 Much pains, were taken, by the other par- 
 ty to diffeminate the new ideas. Conven- 
 tions were held, pamphlets were printed, and 
 at length a petition was drawn in the name 
 of fixteen towns* on the eaftern fide of Con- 
 neaicvit river, requefting the new State, 
 which had affumed the name of VERMONT ^^^ ^^ ^ 
 to receive them into its union, alleging, tnai „,mpiv,,c 
 
 * they were not conneaed with any State, fiie^- 
 
 * with refpecT: to their internal police.' I'he 
 Affembly at firft appeared to be againft re- 
 ceiving them ; but the members from thofe 
 
 * I Cornilh, 8 ^»-'^' 
 
 I Lebiinoo, 1 (■„„„,Ji,IW into Lit- 
 
 3 -D''f//'^''.< Dartmouth College ; i% Enfield^ 
 Cbut now difufed. 12 Canaan^ 
 
 ,. . I -J Cjrij>J«, now Orange, 
 
 r\ ( A 14 L.iva-'t 
 
 A PVrmnnr 15 Guntb^^ii^, now New Coocard. 
 
 7 HavwhiU. «6 Morru-town, Dow Funconia. 
 
340 HISTORY Of 
 
 1778. towns which were fituated near the river on 
 the weft fide, declared that they would with- 
 draw and join with the people on the eaft 
 fide, in forming a new State. The queftion 
 was then referred to the people at large, and 
 means were ufed to infinence a majority of 
 
 Tune II. ^^^^ towns to vote in favor of the union, which 
 the Aflembly could not but confirm. The 
 lixteen towns were accordingly received ; 
 and the Vermont Affembly refolved, that 
 any other towns on the eaftern fide of 
 the river might be admitted on producing 
 a vote of a majority of the inhabitants, or 
 on the appointment of a Reprefentative» 
 Being thus admitted into the State of Ver- 
 mont, they gave notice to the government 
 of New-Hampihire, of the feparation which 
 they had made, and exprefied their wiili for 
 June 25. ^^ amicable fettlement of a jurifdidlional 
 line, and a friendly correfpondence. 
 
 The Prefident of New-Hamp(liire, in the 
 name of the Afiembly, wrote to the Gover- 
 nor of Vermont, claiming the fixteen towns 
 as part of the State, the limits of which had 
 been determined prior to the revolution ; 
 reminding him that thofe towns had fent 
 delegates to the convention in 1775 ; that 
 they had applied to the AlFembly for arms 
 and ammunition, v/hich had been fent to 
 tlieni ; that their military officers had accept- 
 ed commiifions and obeyed orders from the 
 government ; that the minority of thofe 
 towns was averfe to a difunion, and had 
 claimed protection of the State, which the 
 AlTembly thought themfelves bound to af- 
 ford ; and befeeching him to ufe his influ- 
 ence with the Affembly of Vermont to dil- 
 folve the newly formed connexion. 
 
 Aug. 22. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. Ml 
 
 At the fame timCj the Prefidcnt wrote to 1778. 
 the delegates of the State in Congrefs ; de- -^"s- *2- 
 firing them to take advice and endeavour to 
 obtain the interpofition of that body ; inti- 
 mating his appreheniion, that without it, the 
 controversy mull be decided by the fvvord,as 
 every condefcending mealure had been ufed 
 from the beginning and rejevftcd. 
 
 The Governor and Council of Vermont fent 
 a meilenger to Congrefs to fee in what light 
 the new State was viewed by them. On his 
 return he reported, that the Congrefs was 
 unanimoufly oppofed to the union of the fix- 
 teen towns with Vermont; otherv\'ifc they (ex- 
 cepting the delegates of New- York) had no ob- 
 jection to the independence of the new State. 
 
 At the next feifion of the Vermont Af- 
 fembly at Windfor, when the Repreicntatives 
 of the fixteen towns had taken their feats, a de- 
 bate arofe on a c^ueilion, whether they fliould 
 be erecfled into a new county, which palfed 
 in the negative. Conceiving that they were 
 not admitted to equal privileges with their 
 brethren, the members from thofe towns with- 
 drew ; and were followed by feveral others 
 belonging to the towns adjoining the river on 
 the well fide. Thgy formed themfelves into 
 a convention, and invited ail the towns on 
 both fides of the river to unite, and fet up 
 another State by the name of New-Connec- 
 ticut. This feceifion had nearly proved fatal 
 to the State of Vermont. A ridge of moun- 
 tains which extends from fouth to north 
 through that territory, feemed to form not 
 only a natural, bat a political line of divifion. 
 A more cordial union fubfilled between the 
 people on the eaflernfidc of the Green Mo un- 
 
34^ HISTORY OF 
 
 1778. tains,and the eaflern fide of Connedlicut river, 
 than between the latter and thofe on the wef- 
 tern fide of the mountains ; but thefe alone 
 were infufficient, without the others, to make 
 a State. The Governor, and other leading 
 men of Vermont, who refided on the weft 
 fide of the Mountains, wrote letters to the 
 AiTemblyof New-Hampfhire,informing them, 
 of the feparation, and exprelfmg their difap- 
 probation of a connexion with the fixteen 
 towns. The AfTembly regarded thefe letters 
 as ambiguous, and as not expreilmg a difin- 
 clination to any future connexion with them. 
 Jealoufy is laid to be a republican virtue ; it 
 operated on this occafion, and the event pro- 
 ved that it was not without foundation. 
 
 A convention of delegates from feveral 
 towns on both fides of the river afTembled at 
 Cornifli and agreed to unite, without any re- 
 gard to the limits eflablifhed by the King in 
 1764 ; and to make the following propofals 
 to New-Hampfliire, viz. either to agree with 
 them on a dividing line, or to fubmit the dif- 
 pute to Congrefs, or to arbitrators mutually 
 chofen. If neither of thefe propofals were 
 
 ' accepted, then, in cafe they could agree with 
 
 New-Hampihire on a fopn of government, 
 they would confent that ' the whole of the 
 ' grants on both fides of the river fliould con- 
 
 * necl themfelves with New-Hampihire, and 
 
 * become one entire State, as before the royal 
 ' determination in 1764.' Till one or other 
 of thefe propofals fhould be complied with 
 they determine ' to trufl in Providence and 
 
 * defend themfelves.' 
 
 I ^^-^ An attempt was made in the following year 
 
 to form a conftitution for New-Hampfhire, 
 
 Dec. 9. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. S48 
 
 in which the limits of the State were faid to 1179. 
 be the lame as under the royal government 
 
 * referving neverthelefs our claim to the New- 
 
 * Hampfliire Grants well of Connedicut ri- 
 
 * ver/ Though this form of government was 
 rejedled by a majority of the people ; yet 
 there was a difpofition in a great part of the 
 AfTembly to retain their claim to the whole 
 of the grants weft ward of the river. At the 
 fame time the State of New-York fet up a 
 claim to the fame lands, and it was fufpccfted, 
 perhaps not without reafon, that intrigues 
 •were forming to divide Vermont between 
 New-Hamplliire and New- York, by the ridge 
 of mountains which runs through the terri- 
 tory. Certain it is that the Vermonters were 
 alarmed ; and, that they might have the lame 
 advantage of their adverfaries, they extended 
 their claim weftward into New- York, and 
 eaftward into New-Hampfhire ; and thus not 
 only the fixteen towns, but feveral other 
 towns in the counties of Chefliire and Graf- 
 ton, became incorporated with Vermont by 
 
 * articles of union and confederation.' 
 
 It is not eafy to develope the intrigues of 
 the feveral parties, or to clear their tranfac- 
 tions from the obfcurity which furrounds 
 them.* He who looks for confiftency in the 
 proceedings of the Conventions and AfTem- 
 blies which were involved in this controver- 
 fy, will be diflippointed. Several interfering 
 interefts confpired to perplex the fubjedt. 
 The people on the wcftern fide of the Green 
 
 • The author hn foarcd no pains to gain a» perfe5 a knowledge of 
 thefc thirf^i a- the nature of rhem will admit. If he has not fucceeded 
 in obtaininp r aterials, for a jufl and full account it is hi« requeft that 
 thofe who are better acquainted with the fubjeiit would oi)li3C the public 
 with naore accurate ioformation, 
 
344 HISTORY OF 
 
 1 779. Mountains, wiflied to have the feat of govern- 
 ment among them. Thofe adjoining Con- 
 neclicut river, on both (ides, were deiirous of 
 bringing the centre of jurifdiclion to the 
 verge of the river. The leading men in the 
 eaflern part of New-Hampiliire, were averfe 
 to a removal of the governm.ent from its old 
 feat. Vermont had a.llumed independence ; 
 but its limits were not defined. New- York 
 3iad a claim on that territory as far as Con- 
 nediicut River, from vvhich there was no dif- 
 pofition to recede. That State had been al- 
 w^ays oppofed to the independence of Ver- 
 mont. New-Ham plhi re at firfl feemed to 
 acquiefce in it ; and fome letters which the 
 Prefident wrote to the Governor of Ver- 
 mont, when threatened with invafion in 1777, 
 were underftood as an acknowledgment of it. 
 Had there been no attempt to unite with the 
 towns on the eaftern fide of the river, New- 
 Hampiliire would perhaps never have oppo- 
 fed the independence of Vermont. But the 
 AfFembiy was aftervv^ard induced to claim all 
 that territory, which before the year 1764, 
 had been fuppofed to be within the limits of 
 the State. This interfered with the claim 
 of New- York ; and at the fame time MalTa- 
 chufetts put in a claim to a part of Vermont. 
 The controverfy had become fo intricate, that 
 it was thought neceffary to be decided by 
 Congrefs ; and application being made to 
 
 Sfpt. 24. that body, they recommended to the three 
 States of New- York, Maifachufetts and New- 
 Hampihire, to pafs adls which fliould author- 
 ife Congrefs to determine their boundaries ; 
 and at the fame time they advifed the peo- 
 ple of Vermont to relinquifli jurifdiclion over 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 345 
 
 all perfojis on the weft or eaft fides of Connect- 1779. 
 icut river, who had not denied the authority 
 of New-York and New-Hamplliire ; and to 
 abftain from granting lands, or conhfcating 
 eftates, within their affumed limits, till the 
 matter fliould be decided. The States of New- 
 York and New-Hampfliire paffed thefe ads ; ■ 
 but Mailachufetts did not. The Vermont 
 AfFembly proceeded in granting lands and 
 confifcating eftates ; and Congrefs could only 
 rcfolve that their proceedings were unwar- 
 rantable. 
 
 It was neceffary that nine States fliould be 
 prefent in Congrefs, befide thofe whofe claims 
 were to be heard. A deficiency in the rep- 
 refentation caufed a long delay ; but after 
 the expiration of another year the queftion 
 was brought on. The claims of New-York 1780. 
 and New-Hampfliire were put in ; and both ^'P'- '^^• 
 pleaded that Vermont had no right to inde- 
 pendence. The agents of the New-State 
 afferted their right, and offered to become 
 part of the Union ; intimating, that if they 
 could not be admitted,they ihould be reduced 
 to the neceffity of making the beft terms with 
 the Britifti government.*' 
 
 ^ How far intrigues of this kinJ were carried on it miy be f^ifficult 
 to afcrrtiin ; hut that the Britifli Govtrnm-o: haJ fo.ne dcpoidcicc on the 
 dcfc<5iion of Vermont appears from the following paragraph of an irter- 
 cepred letter frooi Lord George Germainc. to Sir Hcnrv Clinton dated 
 Whitehall, Feb. 7, 1-81. 
 
 ' The rstuTi of the people of Vermont to their allegiance, is an event Printed ia 
 ' of the utmoft importaccc to the King's affairs ; and at this ti-ne, if the ,hc Pcnn- 
 • French and W«niing[on really meditate an irrup ion into Canadd, may fylvania 
 ' be c^nfidered as oppofing an infnrmountable bar to the attempt. Gene packet 
 ' rai Haldiman, who had the fame inaruflion-- with you to draw ortr Anpuft\* 
 . thofe people^ and give ihcm fupport. will \ d )uht not pufti u;> a holy j.g. 
 f of troops, to afl in conjnndVion with them, to fecurc all the avenues, * 
 
 . through their country into Canada ; and when the feafon admit*, take 
 , poffcfFion of the up-ier parts of the Hu^f m's and Connedicut rivers, and 
 < cut off the communicatien between Albany and the Mohawk country. 
 , How far they may be able to extend thenifclvcs fouthward and eaawardj 
 « muft depend en their numbers, and the diffoQcion of the inhabitauts.' 
 
 U u 
 
o,|^> HISTORY or 
 
 1781. The caufe was flirther perplexed by .1 
 Aug. ao, conftituiional queilion, whether Congrefs 
 had any power to form a new State within 
 the Umits of the union ? The decifion was 
 deferred ; and after eleven months, Congrefs 
 had proceeded no farther, than to lay it down 
 as an indlfpenfable preUminary, to the recog- 
 nition of Vermont, as a member of the union ; 
 that they fliould * explicitly relinquilh all de^ 
 'mands of land and jurifdidion on the eaO: 
 ' lide of Conneaicnt river, and on the weft 
 ' nde of a line drawn twenty miles eailward 
 * of Hudfon's river to Lake Champlain.' 
 ^j^ J5,. When this refolution was laid before the 
 
 Affembly of Vermont, which met at Charlef- 
 Vc'm"o'r^ town, they determined to ' remain firm in the 
 Sl^'nanp- ' principles on which they lirll aflumed gov- 
 &.re files, i ernmcnt, and to hold the articles of union 
 « inviolate, that they would not fubmit the 
 ' queftionof their independence to the arbit- 
 ' fament of any power whatever ; but they 
 * were willing at preibnt to refer the quef- 
 « tion of their jurifdiaional boundary to 
 
 < commiffioners mutually chofen, and when 
 ' they Ihould be admitted into the American 
 « union, they would fubmit any fuch difputcs 
 
 < to Congrefs.' 
 
 The ftate of fociety within the feceding 
 towns, at this time, was very unhappy. The 
 majorities attempted to control the minori- 
 ties ; and thefe were difpofed not to fubmit, 
 but to feek protection of the government with 
 which they had been conneded. At the 
 fame time and in the fame place, Juftices, 
 Sheriffs and Conftables, appointed by the 
 authority of both dates, were exercifing ju- 
 rifdidlion over the fame perfoiis. Party rage, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 347 
 
 high words and deep rcfentment, were the 1781. 
 eflecl of thefe claihuig interefls. An affray 
 which began in the town of Chelkriield, 
 threatened a fcene of open hofliUty, between 
 the States of New-Kampiliire and \''cr]nont. 
 
 A Conftable, appointed by the authority of 
 Vermont, had a writ, in an aclion of debt 
 againll a man who was in the intercif of New- 
 Hampfhire. He found the man in company 
 with a number of people of his own party, and Nov. 14. 
 attempted to arrell him. The owner of the 
 houfe interpofcd. The Conflable produced ^^^^^^^ 
 a book which he faid contained the haws of nr.ons and 
 Vermiont, and began to read. Tlie owner of the'eic's? 
 the houfe forbad him. Threatening words 
 were ufed ; and the officer was compeHcd to 
 retreat. By a warrant from a Vermont Jullice, 
 the houfehokler, and another of the company, 
 were committed to prifon in Charlcilown. 
 They fent a petition to the Affemblv of New- 
 Hampihire for reUef. The Allembly em- 
 powered the committee of fafety to diredl the n^^. ^.j, 
 Sheriff of Chediire to reieafe the prifoners ; 
 they farthef empowered the committee to 
 caufe to be apprehended and connnitted to 
 prifon, in any of the counties, all pcrfons ail- 
 ing under the pretended authority ot the 
 State of Vermont, to be tried by the Courts 
 of thofe counties where they might be confi- 
 ned ; and for this purpofe the Sheriffs were 
 empowered to raife the poffl' Comitafiis. 
 
 In attempting to releafe the two prifoners 
 from Charleftown gaol,the Shcriffhimief was 
 imprifoned by the Vermont Sheriff, unikM'^xhe 
 authority of a warrant from three Jufbc<2s. 
 The imprifoned Sheriff applied to a Briga- 
 dier General of NewTiamplhire, to raife the 
 
348 HISTORY or 
 
 1782. militia for his liberation. This alarmed the 
 Vermonters ; and orders were illued by the 
 
 Jan. la. Governor for their militia to oppofe force 
 with force. A committee of Vermont was 
 fent to Exeter, ' to agree on meaftires to 
 ' prevent hoftilities/ One of this committee 
 was the Vermont Sheriff; he was immedi- 
 ately arrefled and thrown into prifon at Ex- 
 eter, and there held as a holf age for the releafe 
 of the Sheriff of Chefhire. The affembly 
 iffued a proclamation, allow^ing forty days 
 for the people in the revolted towns to repair 
 to fome Magiflrate of New-Hampfliire, and 
 fubfcribe a declaration, that they acknowledg- 
 ed the extent of New-Hampfliire to Connect- 
 icut river ; and that they would demean 
 themfelves peaceably as good citizens of the 
 State. They alfo ordered the militia of ail 
 the counties to hold themfelves in readinefs 
 to march againft the revolters. 
 
 While affairs wore fuch a threatening af- 
 pedl between the two States, means were 
 ufed at Congrefs to take up the controver- 
 fy on more general ground. A commit- 
 tee, who had under confideration the af- 
 fair of admitting Vermont into the union 
 and determining its boundaries, prevailed on 
 General Wafliington, then at Philadelphia, 
 
 Jan. I. to write to the Governor of Vermont, advi- 
 fing to a relinquifliment of their late exten- 
 fion,as an 'indifpenfable preliminary,' to their 
 admiflion into the union ; intimating alfo, 
 that upon their non-compliance, they mud 
 be oonfidered as having a hoflile difpofition 
 toward the United States, in which cale coer- 
 
 Appendix, c'lou ou the part of Congrefs, however difa- 
 greeable, would be necelTary, 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 349 
 
 This letter had the defired efi^d. The 1782. 
 Aflembly of Vermont, taking advantage ofp^^^^^, 
 the abfence of the members trom the eaftern 
 fide of the river, obtained a majority for 
 complying with the preliminary , and relblyed, 
 ' that the weftern bank of Conneaicut river 
 * on the one part, and a line drawn from the 
 ' north-well corner of Maifcichufetts, north- 
 ' ward,to Lake Champlain on the other part,be 
 ' the eaftern and weftern boundaries of the 
 ' State of Vermont, and that they relinquiflied 
 ' all claim of jurifdiaion without thofe limits.' 
 When the members from the eaftern fide of 
 Conneclicut river arrived, they found them- 
 felves excluded from a feat in the Affembly, 
 and took their leave with fome exprclhons of 
 bittcrnefs. 
 
 After this compliance, it was expeaed that ^_^ ^ 
 Vermont would be admitted into the union, ^P" '"^^ 
 and the queftion was folemnly put in Con- 
 grefs ; but a majority decided againft it; to 
 the no fmall difippointment of many perfons, 
 befide the inliabitants of the difputed territo- 
 ry. The pretence for this decifion was, that 
 they had exceeded the limited time ; but they 
 had complied with the ' indifpenfable prelim- 
 ' inary ;' and the order of Congrefs, requiring 
 it, ftood unrepealed. 
 
 Though cut oft^ from their connexion with 
 Vermont, the revolted towns did not at once 
 return to a ftate of peace ; but the divifions 
 and animofities which had fb long fubfifted, 
 continued to produce difagrceable efteas. 
 The judicial Courts of New-Hampfliire had 
 fat without much interruption, in the coun- 
 ties of Chefliire and Grafton, whilft the ofti- 
 cers of Vermont held jurifdiaion alfo ; but 
 
September. 
 
 S50 HISTORY OF 
 
 1782. when the latter were excluded by the adl of 
 the Vermont AfTembly, a fpirit of oppofi- 
 tion began to arife againfl the fitting of the 
 former. 
 
 When the Inferior Court was holden at 
 Keene, a number of perfons appeared, to op- 
 pofe its proceedings, and effected their pur- 
 pofe fo far as to make an adjournment necef- 
 fary ; but three of the leaders of the oppoii- 
 tion were arrefted and bound over to the Su- 
 perior Court. In the mean time efforts were 
 made to raife a party who fliould oppofe the 
 Superior Court ; and it was reported that two 
 hundred men had ailociated and armed them- 
 
 Baohtr. felves for that purpofe. On the morning be- 
 fore the court was opened, feveral of the 
 leaders came to the Judges' chambers and 
 prefented a petition, praying, ' that the Court 
 
 * might be adjourned, and that no judicial 
 ^ proceedings niight be had, whilft the troub- 
 
 * les in which the country had been involved 
 ^iliil fubfilled' They were told that the 
 Judges could come to no determination on 
 the fubjecl, but in open Court. When the 
 Court WM.5 opened, their petition was publicly 
 read ; and the confideration of it was pofl- 
 poned to the next day. The Court then pro- 
 ceeded to its common bufinels. I'he Grand 
 Jury being impannelled, the doors of the 
 houfe where they met were kept open, whilft 
 the x^ttorney General laid before them the 
 cafe of the rioters at the inferior Court. A 
 bill was found againif them. They were ar- 
 raigned, they pleaded guilty, and cafl them- 
 felves on the mercy of the Court. The Court 
 remitted their punifliment on condition of 
 their future peaceable behavior. This well 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^i 
 
 judged combination of firmnefs and lenity 1782. 
 dillirmed the infurgents ; and they quietly 
 dilperfed. From that time the fpirit of op- 
 pofition to government in that quarter grad- 
 ually abated ; and the people returned to 
 iheir connexion with New-Hamplhire, 
 
352 
 
 HISTORY OF 
 
 CHAP. XXVII. 
 
 Popular difcontent. Effort i for paper currency. Tender aQs. 
 Infurreilion. Dignity and lemty of gavenment. Federal 
 Confiitution. 
 
 1 HE American revolution had been 
 crowned with fuccefs, as far as it refpecled 
 ovir emancipation from foreign jurifdidion, 
 the eftablilhment of forms of government 
 among ourfelves, and our deliverance from 
 war. It remained, to accommodate the minds 
 and manners of the people, under the new 
 adminiftration, to a regular courfe of ju (lice, 
 both public and private ; to perfecfl the union 
 of the States ; and to eflablifli a fyftem of fi- 
 nance. Thefe things were neceffary to make 
 the revolution complete. 
 
 The extremes of defpotifra on the one 
 hand, and of licentioufnefs on the other, are 
 equally to be avoided. In a jufl medium 
 between thefe, a government well balanced 
 and executed with vigor, is capable of pro- 
 ducing the mofh valuable benefits. To this 
 point it was neceffary to condudl our revolu- 
 tion. But it was equally neceffary, that it 
 iliould proceed by flow degrees ; that errors 
 in principle fliould be gradually reformed ; 
 and that men lliould be taught, by their own 
 experience, the folly of relying on any fyftem 
 of politics, which, however fupported by 
 popularity, is not founded in reditude. 
 
 A large debt, accumulated by the war, re- 
 mained to be dilcharged. For this purpofe, 
 requificioiis v^ere made by Congrefs, as well 
 as by the State Government. Silver and 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. O 
 
 ""BS 
 
 gold, which had circulated largely in the lat- 
 ter years of the war, were returning, by the 
 ufual coui-fe of trade, to thofe countries, 
 whence large quantities of necellary and un- 
 necelTary commodities had been imported. 
 Had any general fyflem of impolf been 
 adopted, Vome part of this money might have 
 been retained, and fome part of the public 
 debt difcharged ; but the power of Congrefs 
 did not extend to this objed ; and the States 
 were not united in the expediency of dele- 
 gating new and fufRcient powers to that bo- 
 dy. "The partial impofts, lairi by fome of the 
 States, were inefFe6lual, as long as others 
 found their intereft in omitting them. Re- 
 courfe therefore was had to the ufual mode 
 of taxation on polls and eflates ; by which 
 means, a heavy burden was laid on the huf- 
 bandman and the labourer. Thofe who were 
 pundual in their payments, faw no probable 
 end of their exertions, whilft the negligence 
 of others occahoned repeated demands. Pri- 
 vate creditors, who had fuffered by long for- 
 bearance, were importunate for their dues ; 
 and the Courts of Law were full of fuits. 
 
 The people vv^ho felt themfelves diftreffed, 
 
 held conferences with a view to deviie means 
 
 of redrefs. The remedy which appeared to 
 
 many of them moll eafy, was anew emifhon 
 
 of paper bills, funded on real eftate, and loan- ^ ^^ 
 
 ed on intereft. To efrea this, petitions were 
 
 addrefTed to the Legifiature ; and to remedy 
 
 the grievance, as far as it was occafioncd by 
 
 a debt of the State, an a6l was palled, to draw 
 
 into the Treafury all notes iflued by the State, 
 
 and give certificates for the intereil, and for 
 
 ftfteea per cent, of the principal, annually ; 
 
 \Vw 
 
 5. 
 
 Feb. 24. 
 
354 HISTORY OF 
 
 1785. which certificates were to be received by the 
 Treafurer for taxes, ' in lieu of, and equal to 
 ' filver and gold.' By this means, it was ex- 
 pe(5led that the debt would gradually be ex- 
 tinguiflied ; and that the people would eafily 
 be enabled to pay at leaft one fpecies of their 
 taxes. 
 
 This was fur from fatisfying the complain- 
 ants. The public fecurities, they faid, were 
 ,engrofred by rich fpecvilators, and the poor 
 w^ere diilrefTed for the means of paying their 
 taxes and their private debts. The cry for 
 paper money was inceffant ; and the people 
 were called upon in the public papers, ' to 
 
 * affert their own majefty, as the origin of 
 
 * power, and to make their Governors know, 
 ' that they are but the executors of the pub- 
 ' lie v/ilL' 
 
 To this clamor, the voice of reafon and juf- 
 tice calmly anfwered ; that it was not in the 
 power of the Legiflature to ellablifli any 
 fund, which Ihould fecure paper money from 
 depreciation ; that there was fo much paper 
 then in circulation, and the time of its re- 
 demption was fo diftant, that the notes paf- 
 fed at a difcount of lixty, and the certificates 
 of twenty per cent ; that if the quantity 
 were increafed, the depreciation would in- 
 creafe in proportion ; that if bills were iflued 
 and made a tender in all payments, it would 
 never be in the power of government to re- 
 deem them by filver and gold, becaufe none 
 could be collec5led ; and in that cafe, no part 
 of the continental or foreign debt could be 
 difcharged ; that if bills were loaned on land 
 fecurity, it would be in the power of the 
 public debtor to purchafe the bills at a re- 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. ^^^ 
 
 duced value, and with them to make his pay- 17&>, 
 ment at the Trealury, in which caie, though 
 the pubUc cheit might be tilled with paper, 
 yet the government would iufter all the em- 
 barraflment of poverty. It was added, that 
 the Legiilature were by the Conftitution ex- 
 prefsly forbidden to make letrofpcaivc lav^^s • 
 and had no right to alter the nature of pri- 
 vate contraas ; and that Ihould the majority 
 of the people petition the government to make 
 paper a lawful tender, it would be their duty 
 to rejea the petition as unconilitutionaU 
 When it was propofed, that the paper fliould 
 not be a tender for palt but only for future 
 contraas ; it was anfwered, that this would 
 not relieve the debtor, who was luffenng tor 
 his paft engagements, and the f:ffic"!^;^« 
 which it pretended to cure would ItiU exilt. 
 
 In vain were agriculture and manutac- 
 tures, induary and frugality recommended 
 as the only adequate fources of relief ; the 
 complainants had no difpofition to apply a 
 remedy fo flow in its operation ; and indeed 
 it was doubtful whether the utmoft exer- 
 tions in that way would have been fufficient, 
 completely to extricate us out of thele diili- 
 culties, without fome alteration in our con- 
 federated government. _ 
 
 Similar difficulties, at the ^^^e time, exil- 
 ted in the neighbouring State of Maflachu- 
 fetts : to remedy which, among other pallia- 
 tives, a law was pafled called a tender-a^, by ^^ 
 ' which it was provided that executions iffu- ^^XJJ- 
 ' ed for private demands, might be latisfied .^t.o.., 
 ' by cattle and other enumerated articles, at 
 ' an appraifement of impartial nicn under 
 * oath.' For fuch a law the difcontentcd 
 
356 HISTORY OF 
 
 1785. party in New-Hampfliire petitioned ; and ta 
 
 Nov 8 gi'atify them the Legillature enadled, that 
 
 ' when any debtor fliali tender to his credit- 
 
 ' or, in fatisfadlion of an execution for debt, 
 
 * either real or perfonal eflate fufficient, the 
 
 * body of the debtor fhall be exempt from 
 ' imprifonment, and the debt fliall carry an 
 ' interell of fix per cent ; the creditor being 
 ' at liberty either to receive the eflate, fo ten- 
 
 * dered, at a value ellimated by three appraif- 
 
 * ers, or to keep alive the demand by taking 
 ' out an alias, within one year after the return 
 ' of any former execution, and levying it on 
 
 * any eftate of the debtor which he can find.' 
 At the fame time an acft was made, enlarging 
 the power of Juftices of the Peace, to try and 
 determine acflions of debt and trefpafs to the 
 value of ten pounds. Thefe laws were com- 
 plained of as unconftitutional ; the former 
 as being retrofpe6live, and changing the na- 
 ture of contracts ; the latter as depriving the 
 creditor, in certain cafes, of a right to trial 
 by Jury. But fo flrong was the clamor for 
 redrefs of grievances ; and fo influential was 
 the example of the neighbouring State, that 
 forne of the beil men in the Legillature found 
 it necefTary to comply ; whilft another part 
 were fecretly in favor of worfe meafures. 
 
 The tender-adl, at firll, was made for two 
 years only ; before the expiration of which 
 it was revived, w^th fome alterations, and 
 continued for three years longer. The effeS: 
 ■ » of this law, in cafes where an attempt was 
 made to execute it, was, that the moft valua- 
 ble kinds of property were either concealed 
 or made over to a third perfon ; and when 
 the Sheriff came with an execution, it was 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 35T 
 
 levied on AigK articles as were of little nfe to 1785, 
 the creditor. But the mofl general efFedl of 
 the law was to prevent any demand on the 
 part of the creditor, and to encourage the 
 debtor in neglecting payment. 
 
 The fcarcity of money was ftill a grievance 1786* 
 which the laws had not remedied, but rather 
 had a tendency to increafe. To encourage 
 its importation into the country the Legiila- 
 ture exempted from all port duties, except 
 light-money, every veilel which Ihould bring 
 gold and filver only ; and from one half of 
 the duties, if a fum of money equal to one 
 half of the ca.rgo fliould be imported. But 
 it was to no purpofe to import money, unlefs 
 encouragement w-ere given for its circulation, 
 which could not be expelled whilfl the ten- 
 der-acl was in force ; for every man who 
 owned money thought it more fecure in his 
 own hands, than in the hands of others. 
 
 The clamor for paper currency increafed, 
 and, like a raging fever, approached toward 
 a criiis. In every tov/n there was a party in 
 favor of it, and the public papers were con- 
 tinually filled with declamations on the fub- 
 jecfl. It was jQiid that an emifTion of bills of 
 credit would give a fpring to commerce- and 
 encourage agriculture ; that the poor would 
 be able to pay their debts and taxes ; that all 
 the arguments againft iifuing paper were 
 framed by fpeculators, and were intended to 
 ferve the wealthy part of the community, who 
 had monopolifed the public fecurities, that 
 they might raife their value and get all the 
 good bargains into their own hands ; that 
 other States in the union had ilfued paper 
 bills, and were rejoicing in the happy eifeds 
 
358 HISTORY OF 
 
 1786. of their currency without any depreciation ; that 
 the people had a right to call upon their Rep- 
 refentatives to Ilainp a value on paper, or 
 leather, or any other fubftance capable of 
 receiving an impreflion ; and that to prevent 
 its depreciation, a law (hould be enabled to 
 punifh with baniihment and outlawry, every 
 perfon who ihould attempt by any means to 
 leiFen its value.* 
 
 The fame party who were fo zealous in 
 favor of paper currency, and againft laws 
 which obliged them to pay their debts, pro- 
 ceeded to inveigh againil Courts and lawyers. 
 The Inferior Courts were reprefented as iine- 
 cures for Judges and Clerks ; the defaulting, 
 appealing, demurring, abatements, fees and 
 bills of cods, without any decilion, were com- 
 plained of as burdens, and an abolition of 
 thefe courts became a part of the popular cry. 
 But the party did not content them.felves 
 with writing in the public papers. An at- 
 tempt was made to call a convention, at Con- 
 cord, whilft the AfFembly were fitting there, 
 who fliould petition the Legiflature in favor 
 of the plan ; and it was thought, that the pref- 
 ence of fuch a body of men, convened at the 
 fame time and place, would have great weight. 
 This attempt was defeated in a manner lin- 
 gular and humorous. 
 
 * A fpecimen of the Ianjj;tiafje ufed on this occsfion is as follows. — 
 ' Seven States are now b''cffed wirh harmcTy, p'enty and hsppinef?. 
 ' Worthy, induftri.uis men can go to market with a penny in their pock- 
 ' fs ; thtir bcnt'voletit friend?, the farn eip, meet them half way with 
 ' cheerfulnefs and ?re as reaHy to rcce've as they to offer ; now one greets 
 ' the other with focial bei-:!(Ji<flions, trai^c. flcurilheSj agriculture ircnafcs, 
 " mutual confidence is reftored, and harmooy reigns triutrphant. Elyfian 
 ' fields thefe! when contradcd with the bondage of the in! iliirants of 
 ' N»w-Kamp!h're f < r ' in the midft cf hfe, they are in death,' death of 
 • the worft kind, penury and wa'-t of the coinnnon bleflinps of Providence. 
 ' !l.)w long, freemen of New Hamj^fhire, can ye bear the yoke of op- 
 ' prcfiion !* Ncw-Kauif&ire Gazette, July ao, 1786. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 359 
 
 At the firft fitting of the AfTembly, when 1786. 
 five only of the members of the propofed J""*^- 
 convention were in town, fome wags, among 
 whom were feveral young lawyers, pretend- 
 ed to have been chofeii by the towns in which 
 they lived for the fame purpofe. In confer- 
 ence with the five, tliey penetrated their 
 views, and perfuaded them to poft an adver- 
 tifement, for all the members who were in 
 town to aifemble immediately ; it being of 
 the utmoft importance to prefent their peti- 
 tion as early in the felTion as pofhble. By 
 this means, fixteen pretended members, with 
 the five real ones, formed themfelves into a 
 convention, choofing one of the five their 
 Prcfident, and one of che fixteen their Clerk. 
 They carried on their debates and pafFed votes 
 with much apparent folemnity. Having 
 framed a petition, complaining in the mofl 
 extravagant terms of their grievances ; pray- 
 ing for a loan oi three millions of dollars, fund- 
 ed on real eftate ; for the abolition of Inferior 
 Courts, and a redudion of the number of law- 
 yers, to two only in a county ; and for a free 
 trade with all the world ; they went in pro- 
 cefilon to the Afiembly, (fome of whom had 
 been previoufly let into the fecret) and with 
 great formality prefented their petition,which 
 was fufFercd to lie on the table, and was 
 afterwards withdrawn. The convention then 
 diilolved ; and when others who had been 
 really chofen by the towns arrived, they were 
 exceedingly mortified on finding their views 
 for that time fo completely fruftrated. 
 
 The next eflx)rt of the party v/as to call 
 County Conventions. Of what clafs of peo- 
 ple thefe were compofed, fome idea may be 
 
360 aisTOiiY 'CB 
 
 1*786. formed from this circiimftance. An innMcU 
 er,at whofe houfe one of thefe conventions firfi 
 met, refufed to take their promife for lumber 
 to pay the expenfe of their meeting ; upon 
 which they adjourned to a ware-houfe, be- 
 longing to one of the party, and were treated 
 with liquor gratis. 
 
 From two of thefe conventions, and from 
 feveral towns indifferent parts of the State^ 
 petitions were prefented to the Legillature, at 
 
 Sept. 13. their feffion in Exeter. On calm deliberation, 
 thefe petitions appeared to be inconiiilent 
 with each other, with the conftitution, with 
 juflice and public faith. But to ftill the clam- 
 or and colled; the real fenfe of the people on 
 the fubjedl of paper currency ; the Affembly 
 formed a plan for the emiffion of fifty thou- 
 fand pounds, to be let at four per cent, on 
 land fecurity ; to be a tender in payment of 
 State taxes, and for the fees and falaries of 
 public officers. This plan was immediately 
 printed, and fent to the feveral towns ; and 
 the people were defired to give their opinions 
 in town meetings for and againil: it, and to 
 make return of their votes to the AfTembh' 
 at their next fefTion. 
 
 This way of proceeding did not coincide 
 with the views of the party ; the principal 
 direcSlors of which endeavoured to conceal 
 themfelves, whilft they perfuaded a confide- 
 rable number of perfons of various charac- 
 ters, to appear openly in fupport of the peti- 
 tions. They took pains to fpread falfe re- 
 ports through the country ; and among oth- 
 er things, it was faid that the Affembly had 
 paffed an a61:, to refund the value of the con- 
 fifcated eflates, which was to be immediately 
 affeifed on the people. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 361 
 
 It mvift be obferved, that at this time, cau- 1786. 
 fes of a fimilar nature had excited numbers 
 of people in fome counties of MafHichufetts, 
 to alfemble in arms and prevent the Judicial 
 Courts from fitting. This example, aided by 
 falfe reports, and a fenfe of grievances, partly- 
 real and partly imaginary, operated fo pow- 
 erfully on the minds of a number of people, 
 in the wedern part of the county of Rock- 
 ingham ; that on the morning of the twen- Sept. so. 
 tieth of September, about two hundred men 
 aiTembled at Kingfton, fix miles from Exeter, 
 where they chofe leaders and procured a 
 drum. By the help of fome militia officers 
 they formed themfelves into military order, 
 and in the afternoon marched to Exeter ; 
 about one third of them being armed with 
 muflvCts, and the others with fwords and 
 clubs. Having entered the confines of the 
 town, they halted ; and fent a paper to the 
 AfTembly, figned by one of them who flyled 
 himfelf moderator, demanding an anfwer to 
 their former petition immediately. They 
 then marched through the town, and para- 
 ded before the meeting-houfe, where both 
 Houfes of AiTembly were holding a confer- 
 ence. The doors were open, and as many of 
 them as were difpofed, entered. The Preli- 
 dent, in a cool and deliberate fpeech, explain- 
 ed the reafons on which the AlFembly had 
 proceeded in rejedling the petitions ; expofed 
 the weaknefs, inconfillency and injuflice of 
 their requeft ; and faid, that if it were ever 
 fo jufl and proper in itfelf, and if the whole 
 body of the people were in favor of it, yet 
 the Legiflature ought not to comply with it, 
 whilft furrounded by an armed force. To 
 
 Xx 
 
3G2 HISTORY OF 
 
 1786. do this, would be, to betray the rights of the 
 people, which they had all folemnly fworn 
 to lupport. He concluded by declaring, that 
 no confideraiion of perfonal danger would 
 ever compel them to violate the rights of 
 their conilituents. 
 
 This fpeech being ended, the drum beat to 
 arms ; as many as had guns were ordered to 
 load them with balls ; fentries were placed 
 at the doors, and the whole Legiflature were 
 held prifoners ; the mob threatening death 
 to any perfon who Ihould attempt to efcape, 
 till their demands were granted. The Af- 
 fembly went on with their bufinefs, taking 
 no farther notice of the rioters, till the ap- 
 proach of evening ; when the Preiident at- 
 tempted to go out, but was ftopped by an 
 impenetrable column. He then reafoned 
 with them, and warned them of the fatal ten- 
 dency of their condud, alluring them, that 
 the force of the country would fupport the 
 government. Their anAvers to him were 
 infolent and reproachful. They raifed a 
 cry for paper-mon-^y, an equal diftribution of 
 property, and a releafe from debts. The in« 
 habitants of Exeter had all this time beheld 
 with filence the infuit offered to the Legifla- 
 ture ; having no orders to take arms, they 
 reftrained their indignation, till the duflc of 
 the evening ; when fome of them beat a drum 
 at a diftance, and others cried, * Huzza for 
 * government ! Bring up the artillery !' At 
 the found of thefe words the mob w ere ftruck 
 with a panic, and began to difperfe. Their 
 moderator ordered them to meet again, at 
 nine of the clock the next morning, and they 
 fcattered in every dirediion. 
 
Sept. 11. 
 
 NEVV-llAMPS.HIRE. 363 
 
 The AfTembly being thus at liberty, re- 1786. 
 quelled the Prefident to call out the force of 
 the State to quell the iniurredion. In the 
 evening he iillied his orders, and beibre 
 morning companies of militia, well armed, 
 began to come in from the neighbouring 
 towns. By ten of the clock in the morning 
 a fufficient body of horfe and foot, with field- 
 pieces and military muiic, having arrived ; 
 the Prefident put the|jp in motion againft the 
 infurgents, who were then parading, about a 
 mile dillant. Having'by their fpies obtain- 
 ed intelligence of the motion of the militia, 
 the unarmed part of the infurgents retreated 
 to a hill beyond the river ; the others kept 
 their ground till a party of light-horfe appear- 
 ed in view, and then the whole body retired. 
 Some of them were taken by the purfuers ; 
 others recovered the bridge at King's-fali, and 
 being met by thofe who had firil retreated, 
 made an appearance as if they would difpute 
 the palTage. Orders were given by one of 
 their leaders to fire ; but the force of the 
 government appeared fo formidable that they 
 dared not to obey. The officers of the mili- 
 tia rufhed in among them, feized their mod- 
 erator and others to the number of forty, the 
 reft fled with precipitation, and no farther 
 purfuit was made. The prifoners were dil- 
 armed and conducted to the town ; where 
 they were brought to an examination before 
 the Prefident and Council. Had thefe men 
 been engaged in a good caufe, and comman- 
 ded by proper officers, they would have main- 
 tained the honor of their country, and fought 
 her battles with ardor and perfeverance ; but, 
 confcious of their inconfiftency in oppofmg a 
 
364 HISTORY Of 
 
 1786. government of their own eftablifhing, their 
 native fortitude torfook them. ; and they gave 
 an example of the moll humiliating fubmif- 
 fion. Mod of them profeffed to be afhamed 
 of their condu61, and their lliame appeared to 
 be fmcere. 
 
 The dignity of government being thus 
 vindicated, its lenity was equally confpicu- 
 ous. Six only of the prifoners were detained, 
 and a party of light-hgrfe was fent to appre- 
 hend two others of the mofl culpable. They 
 were taken out of their beds and brought to 
 ' Exeter. This manoeuvre had an excellent 
 elFedl, for fome, who knew themfelves equal- 
 ly guilty, were afraid to fleep ia their own 
 
 Sept, 25. houfes. The Superior Court being then in 
 feffion at Exeter, thefe eight prifoners were 
 arraigned on an indid:ment for treafon. One 
 dropping on his knees, pleaded guilty ; oth- 
 ers hefitated when they pronounced the words 
 ' not guilty.* They were ordered to recog- 
 nife for their appearance at the next Superior 
 Court, when their bonds were difcharged. 
 Some of them, who belonged to the Preiby- 
 terian Churches, were cited before the eccle- 
 liaflical feilion, and there cenfured, as oppo- 
 fers of jull government. Others, being mili- 
 tia oflkers, were tried by a general Court 
 Martial ; of thefe, fome were cafliiered, but 
 not incapacitated for future fervice ; fome 
 were reprimanded, and others were acquit- 
 ted. The v/hole oppofition was completely 
 fubdued ; wavering minds became fettled ; 
 converts were made to the fide of govern- 
 ment ; and the fyflem of knavery received a 
 deep wound, from which it has not lince re- 
 covered. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 365 
 
 The plan which had been ilTued by the 1787. 
 AfTemblv, for emitting paper-money, was in 
 com-fe referred to the people, in their town- 
 meetings ; and at the next I'elhon the returns 
 were made, when a majority appeared againft 
 it. To finilh the whole matter, two quellions 
 were put in the Ailembly. The firft \A7as, 
 ' whether the Legiflature can, confidently 
 ' with the conflitution, and their oaths, pafs 
 ' an a6l making paper bills of credit, a tender 
 ' to difcharge private contracts, made prior 
 ' to the palling fuch a6t ?' The other was, 
 * whether paper-money be emitted on any 
 ' plan which has been propofed ?' Both thefe 
 quefhions were determined in the negative. 
 
 To obferve the progrefs of wifdom and 
 virtue, and the obftacles which are laid in the 
 way of vice, is a mod pleafmg entert:^ment 
 to the philanthropift ; and it is butjuft, in 
 fuch a contemplation, to acknowledge that 
 faperintending influence, which brings good 
 out of evil. It was feared by many, that the 
 American revolution would not produce that 
 fuin of political happinefs which its warmeft 
 advocates had fondly predi(5led. The efforts 
 of fatftion in feveral of the States were very 
 alarminfr. in New-Hamnlhire, the allauit 
 being made diredly at the fupreme head of 
 the government, the force of the State im- 
 mediately rofe and crullied it. In Maifachu- 
 fetts, the attacks were made on the Judicial 
 Courts, which of themfelves had no power 
 eff^ecfually to oppofe them. The dilaffed ion 
 there rofe to a higher degree ; it was more 
 extenfively diffufed, and with more difficulty 
 quelled. But at length the conflitutional 
 powers of government being exerted with 
 
366 HISTORY OF 
 
 1787. vigor, the fpirit of anarchy was TupprefTed. 
 Ill another neighbouring State, the fame fpirit 
 reigned triumphant. A depreciating curren- 
 cy was eflablilhed by law, and pertinacioufiy 
 adhered too by the government. 
 
 I'he imbecility of the confederation by 
 which the States were united, had long been 
 felt, and fome attempts had been making to 
 llrengthen it ; but the view of om* Situation 
 at this time demonflrated the total inefficacy 
 of that conftitution, to bind together thirteen 
 diftind: fovereignties, over v/hich no coercive 
 power was eftablifhed, which could prevent 
 or cure fuch evils as threatened the deftruc- 
 tion of all public and private credit. Happily 
 for the American union, the remedy exifted 
 within itfelf. The good fenfe and public 
 virtufliBf the great body of our citizens read- 
 ily adopted the idea of a Convention of 
 THE States. The iirfl propofal came from 
 Virginia, where American liberty was firft 
 publicly aiferted, when it was flagrantly vio- 
 lated by the (lamp a6l. The name of Patrick 
 Henry Vv^ill ever be illuflrious in the Ameri- 
 can annals for moving the refolves of 1765 ; 
 and the name of Jcmics Madifon will be equal- 
 ly diltinguiflied for propoiing the convention 
 of 1787. 
 
 To this convention, which was holden at 
 Philadelphia, all the States, except one^ fent 
 their delegates. After a clofe and particular 
 invefligation, they produced a new federal 
 conftitution ; containing adequate remedies 
 for thofe political diforders, which had threat- 
 ened with extindlion, the liberty and inde- 
 pendence of the American States. 
 
NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 867 
 
 Among other wife provifions, to eftablifli 1787. 
 juflice and fecure the bleffings of liberty, 
 thofe which refped pubHc and private cred- 
 it are not the lead confpicuous. To fupport 
 the former, the Congrefs has a power which, 
 by the fiiit confederation, was not delegated, 
 
 * to lay and collecl taxes, duties, impofls, and 
 ' excifes, to pay the debts and provide for the 
 
 * common defence and general welfare of the 
 
 * United States.' For the latter it is declared, 
 that ' no State ihall coin money, emit bills of 
 
 * credit, make a^y thing but gold and filver 
 ♦coin a tender in payment of debts, pafs any 
 
 * bill of attainder or expofl fado law, or any 
 
 * law impairing the obligation of contra(5ls.' 
 
 When this new Conftitution was propofed 
 to the people, conventions were called m each 
 State to confider it. In thefe bodies, compo- 
 fed of perfons who reprefentcd impartially 
 every clafs and defcription of the people, and 
 who were themfelves equally various in their 
 principles, habits and views; the Conftitution 
 underwent the moft critical and fevere dif- 
 cuflion. Whilft it was in debate, the anxiety 
 of all parties was extended to the utmoft de- 
 gree, and the efforts of its friends and its op- 
 pofers were unremitted. 
 
 After the Conftitution had been, with the ^^^^ 
 help of fome propofed amendments, adopted p^^^^' 
 by Maffachufetts, a convention was called at 
 Exeter in New-Hamplhire. At its firft meet- 
 ing, a debate which continued ten days en- 
 ded in an adjournment for four months ; at 
 the expiration of which term, in a fliort fef- 
 fion of three days only at Concord, the quef- j«ne ^x. 
 tion for adopting and ratifying the Conftitu- 
 tion, was, with the fame help as in MalFachu- 
 
S68 HISTORY OF NEW-HAMPSHIRE. 
 
 1788. fetts, carried in the affirmative, by a majorir. 
 ty of eleven ; the whole number prefent be- 
 ing one hundred and three. This was the 
 ninth State in the Union which accepted the 
 Conflitution ; and thus the number v/as com- 
 pleted which was necefTary to put in motion 
 the political machine. In about a month, 
 two more States were added. Then a Con- 
 grefs was formed, and the illuflrious WASH- 
 
 1789. INGTON, by the unanimous fufPrage of the 
 people, was placed in the firfl feat of govern- 
 ment. Three other States, of which one is 
 Vermont, have fince been admitted into the 
 union ; and there is now in operation a gen- 
 
 -j^Q^ eral fyflem of energetic government, which 
 pervades every part of the United States, and 
 has already produced a furpriling alteration 
 for the better. By the funding of the Con- 
 tinental debt, and the allumption of the debts 
 of the individual States, into one general mafs, 
 a foundation is laid for the fupport of public 
 credit ; by which means the American rev- 
 olution appears to be completed. Let it be 
 the fincere prayer and endeavour of every 
 thoughtful citizen, that fuch harmony may 
 prevail between the general government, and 
 the jurifdid;ion of each State, as the peculiar 
 delicacy of their connexion requires ; and 
 that the blellings of ' peace, liberty and fafe- 
 * ty,' fo dearly obtained, may defcend invio- 
 late to our pofterity. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 No. I. 
 
 A chronolo2;ical detail of the dliFerent forms of government 
 ii\ New-HHrnpfiiire, from the beginning? of its lettlenrtnt 
 to the prefent time j with the names of the Chief Magif- 
 trat;s. 
 
 j62_^ QEVERAL families of fifliermen and planters^ un- 
 O d^*" ^'"J- direflion of the company of Laccnia and 
 
 their agents. 
 tG^o Three voluntary aflociations for jTovcrnment, at Portf- 
 
 rnouth, Dover anJ Exeter. Hampton being coniidsr- 
 
 cd as part of Msffachufelts. 
 1 641 A.11 the fettlenr.ents by a voluntary art fubmitted to 
 
 Mafiachufetts, and were comprehended in the county 
 
 of Not folk, which estsndcd from Merrimack to Pif- 
 
 cataqtia rivers. 
 1*580 A royal ^Tov!?rnment was eilabUnjed by ccmmifiion 
 from Charles II. 
 John Cents, 1 p r,,,,„f, 
 
 ir.Sr Richard ^V.tMron, j i reu.cnt.. 
 iGSi Edward CranP.eld, Lieutenant Governor.* 
 
 1685 vVnilter Barcfoote, Deputy Governor. 
 
 1686 A general government v.-as eRablifljed over the terri- 
 
 tory called New Enghnd, by Jam^-s H. 
 Jofeph Dud'cy, Prefident. 
 
 1687 Sir Edmund AnJrcllV, Governor. 
 
 J 689 After the depolition cf Androli'e, New-Hampfijire, by 
 a voluntary acl, bcca:r.e again united with MaiTa- 
 cliiifettss as under the old ch^.^ier- 
 
 1692 John U.Tier pablifhed the commiflion of Samuel Al- 
 len, and cfHciated as Lieutenant GcTeincr. 
 
 1C97 William Partridge was appointed Lieutenant Governor. 
 
 * Since writing the f rfl. vclume, I have tnct with a gentleman ef Ja- 
 maica, who is a great praudfon of 1-icut. GovtrtKir CrinC<!'J. From hiai 
 I IcarncJ^ that Mr CraiificlJ was of the fanvly of Lord Mcr.teaglc, who 
 \*as iiiftrumental or riifcoverin^; the popiih plot iu the rtipii of James I. 
 'I'hat aircr his departure from Ncw-i-Iampfcirc, and vhi'.ft he riii'cJ bt 
 llai bailees, he fu'.]Ktfi2d the expediency of the 4 and ati half pi°r cen-. duty 
 on fupiTR to the IJritifti governiucnt, which was gtar.fcd by the /^fTiniblics 
 of the iflands, and lias ever fince hrcn contirucJ That io the reij-n of 
 King Wiiliam III, he procured a Clip of v. ar^ at his own-xpenfc, arxd pre- 
 fcoted it to thj Crown. That he died ahoui the beginnirg of the prcfcnc 
 Century, and wai buried in the Cathedral Chuich, at liath, in llrgland. 
 
 Yy 
 
370 APPENDIX. 
 
 1698 Samuel Allen took the Chair as Governor, and re- 
 flared Uflier to his feat as Lieutenant Governor. 
 
 2699 Ric!i,irci, Eurl of Bellomont, Governor of New-York, 
 Maff'Chufetts and New-Hampfhire, opened his ccm- 
 njiffion in New Hampfliire, under whom William 
 Pnrtri.ige offici<ited as Lieutenant Governor. 
 
 1702 Jofeph l>iit'-1ey. Governor of MaiUchulctts and New- 
 H^mpthiie. 
 John Ufber reappointed Lieutenant Governor. 
 
 3715 GeoicT? VHtighan, Lieu'en-nt Gov-rnor. 
 
 1716 S;imiiel Shute, Governor of Maifachufetts and New- 
 
 Hampfhire. 
 
 1717 John Wentworih, Lieutenant Governor ; and after 
 
 Shnte's departure in 1722. Commander in Chief. 
 
 1729 William Burnet, Governor of Maflachufetts and New- 
 
 Ham pflr re. 
 
 1730 Jonatha^n Bc-lcher, Governor of Maffachufetts and New- 
 
 Hampfh're. 
 
 1731 David Dunhar, Lieutenant Governor; he returned to 
 
 England in 1737- 
 1741 Bennins Wentw-rth, Governor. No Lieutenant Go- 
 
 verni>r for 25 venv. 
 3762 John Temple, Lieutenant Governor, merely titular ; 
 
 he never officiated. 
 I7<57 J"'^" Weritworth, Governor. 
 
 j--^ 'pjje B'itiJh Governmerit was dllTolved, and the peo- 
 pie formed a Provincial Convention, oi which Mat- 
 thew Thornton was Prefident. 
 17-6 A temporary Conditution was framed to continue du- 
 ' ring the war with Great-Britain. Under this Con- 
 
 flitution, 
 Meiliech Weare was annually elefled Prefident. 
 1^84 A new and permanent Conftirution took place, under 
 ' which the following Prefidents of the State have been 
 
 annually eleded. 
 * Mclhech Weare, 
 17B5 John Langdon, 
 
 Sullivan, 
 
 '7f}lohn 
 1787 J - 
 
 • Prefi'Jent Weare, being worn out with public ferviceSj refignsd hi» 
 office before the expiration of the year ; at:,l after largu^fting under the 
 hifirmities of age, died on the 15th of January^ 1786 stat 73. 
 
 His anceaorH had been in public ftatiors, from the firft eftablilhment ol 
 the Province. He himfrlf had b:eT enrploycd in public bufinefs about 
 forty five yeyr-. He was chofen Speaker of &e Houfe in 175a. Comtnif- 
 fioncr to the Congrefs at Albany in i7-,4; afterward one of the Juft-ces 
 of the Sunerior Court ; and in 1777. Chief Ji.fVice. He wa3 not a perlon 
 rf an ori(riaal and inventive genius but had a clear di cernroent, emnUve 
 Ivnowledge, accurate judy,' ent, a calm temper a modeft deporttrent, an 
 urright and l>encvolcnc heart and a habit of prude.ice and diligence m 
 difchargintr the various curies of public and private life He did not en- 
 rich hitufelf by hi« public croployn cnts, but was one cf thofc good mcD, 
 '' Who dare to love their country and be ieor>^ 
 
 r 
 
APPENDIX. 37i 
 
 17S8 JoVin Lanp;don, 
 1789 John Sullivan, 
 
 '790? jofiahBartlett. 
 
 I'jgiS 
 
 N, B. In cafe of a vacancy within the year, the fenior Counfcllor preliJes. 
 
 No. II. 
 
 A catalop:ueof Counfellorsin New i^ampfliire under the royal 
 government. Wirh the ye^rs when they were ^ippointed, 
 and the times of their death, as far as eithei can be alcer- 
 tained. 
 
 N. B- Where do da(h is placed in the Crft column, the date of the arpoint- 
 ment is the fame as the prcce ling. Where a di(h is placed, the time is 
 uncertain. 
 
 Appoinitmnt. Namct. De<ni>. 
 
 1680 John CUTTS, Pi efident. i68i 
 
 Richard Martin, Tredfurer '^'93 
 
 William Vau^han, Recorder. '7' 9 
 
 Thomas Danid. 1683 
 
 John Oilman. 17^8 
 
 Chriftopher HufTey. i f>85 
 
 Richard Waldron, Prefident. '689 
 
 tlias Stileman, Secretary. 1695 
 
 Samuel Dalton. 1681 
 
 1680 Job Clements. 1717 
 
 Robert Mafon, Chancellor. 168S 
 
 1 68 1, Richard Waldron. J 73^ 
 Anthony Nutter. 
 
 1682 Walter Baretoote, Deputy Governor. 
 Richard Ch.imberlayne, Secretary. 
 
 1683 Nathaniel Fryer, Prefident. 
 Robert Elliot. 
 
 John Hinckes, Prefident. 
 
 Edward Randolph. 
 16B4 James Sherlock. 
 
 Francis Champ«rnoon. 
 
 Robert Wadleigh. 
 1685 Henry deen. »700 
 
 1692 John Ulh^r, Lieutenant Governor. 1726 
 
 Thomas GrafFort, 1 named in Uiher's 
 
 John Walford, V cummiffi n, but not 
 
 John Love, J in the Council books. 
 
 Peter Coffin. 
 
 JohnGerrifh. 1714 
 
 Nathaniel Wer.re, Agent. 1718 
 
 1697 William Partridge, Lieutenant Governor. 
 
 1698 Jofeph Snii.h, ^ pointed by Govern- 
 K.ngfleyHad, f ^ ^„^^^ j^^i^^, his 
 bampfon Sheafe, T ^^^^^ admmiflratlon. 
 Peter weare, j 
 
 ■ I702 Samuel Penhallow; Treaf. and Recorder. 1726 
 
 John Plaiaed. 
 
372 . Appendix. , 
 
 /Jffolntmcnt. Natfiet. I>eatlu 
 
 Henry Dow. i7°7 
 
 Gtorge JafFrey. ^^oG 
 
 1 710 Mark Hunking, Recorder. 
 
 lyrz John Weiitworth, Lieut. Governor, 1730 
 
 1715 Gf;orge Vanghan, L.ieut. Governor. 1724 
 
 1 7 16 Richard Gen i(h. i7»7 
 Theodore Atkinfon. 17^9 
 Shadrach Walton, Prefident. 
 
 George Jaffrey, Treafurer. 1 749 
 
 Richard Wibird. 1732 
 
 Thomns Weftbrooke. 173'^ 
 
 1719 Thoinas Parker. _ 1723 
 
 1722 Archibald McPhedris. 
 
 1723 John FroO. 
 
 1724 Joiham Odiorne. 
 
 1728 Her^ry Sherburne. 175^ 
 
 Ri.-hard Waldron, Secretary. 1753 
 
 1732 Joinaa Feirce, Recorder. 1743 
 
 1734 Benning Wentvvorth, Governor. 1770 
 
 Tiieodore /ifkinfon, Secretary. 1779 
 Ephraim Dennet. 
 
 Benjamin Gambh'n. ^737 
 
 1739 Richard Wibird. 1765 
 
 , LlhsHnfke. 1755 
 
 Jof' ph Sherburne. »744 
 
 1740 John Rindge. *74o 
 J hn Downing. 1766 
 
 Samuel Smith. 1760 
 
 Jcfeph Bianchard. 1758 
 
 - — — Sannpfon Sheafe. ^77^ 
 
 1753 Samuel Solley. 
 
 Daniel Warner, 177S 
 
 1754 J'leph New match. 17^5 
 1759 Mark HiHiking Wentworth. 1785 
 1759 J.unes Nevin. 17^^ 
 
 1761 John Nelfon. 1787 
 
 1762 William Temple. 17^9 
 Theodore Atkinfon, Secretary. 1769 
 Nathaniel Barrell. 
 
 1765 Peter Livius. 
 
 1766 Jonathan Warner. 
 Diniel Rindge. 
 
 Dniiel Peirce, Recorder. 1773 
 George j^tT; ey, Treafurer. 
 
 Henry Sherburne. »7^7 
 Daniel Rogers. 
 
 1772 Peter Giinvan. 17^7 
 
 Thorn. s Weftbrookc Waldicn, 1785 
 
 1774 John Sherburne. 
 John Phillips. 
 
 1775 George Boyd. J 7^7 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 373 
 
 No. III. 
 
 Alphabetical lift of Delegates to Congrefs, before and during 
 
 ihe Confederation. 
 
 N. B. Thofe maiked thus * arc dead. 
 
 JOSIAHBARTLETT, 
 
 ^Jonathan BL^richard, 
 ^Naihanicl Follom, 
 
 Abiei Folkr, 
 
 George Froft, 
 
 John T>iylor Gilman, 
 
 Nicholas Gilmvui, 
 
 John Langflon, 
 
 Woodbury Langdon, 
 
 Samuel Livermore, 
 
 *Peirce Lone;, 
 
 Nalhsniel Peabody, 
 
 John Sullivan, 
 
 Matthew Thornton, 
 *John Wer.tworlh, 
 * William Whipple, 
 
 Phillips White, 
 
 Paine Wingate. 
 
 Delegates to the Convention of the United States, in 1787. 
 John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman. 
 
 Under the prefent Federal Conftitution. 
 
 c . r Samuel Livermore, 
 -) John L.T.gdon, ii ^ j Nicholas Gihnati, 
 Senators, jp^;^^,, \Vingate. o.'^ ) Abiel Fotler, 
 
 f^ " Ljeremiah Smith. 
 
 No. IV. 
 
 A table of the number nf rateable polls ; amount of rateable 
 eftate,and number of ReprefentHiives in the icveral counties, 
 in the Province of New-Hamplhife, A. D 1773. 
 
 Counties. 
 
 Rockingham 
 
 Strafford 
 
 Hillfhorcugh 
 
 Cbeftiire 
 
 Grafton 
 
 Ktprefcnt- 
 atives. 
 
 21 
 6 
 4 
 3 
 
 ..moiinl of 
 rateable 
 ejiatc. 
 
 3,101 
 
 3>888 
 
 2,445 
 
 686 
 
 /r20,648 
 
 34 Members reprefenting 46 towns— 8729 rateable polls. 
 Unreprefcnied loi towns— 6773 rateable polls. 
 
 U7 
 
 15502 polls. 
 
374 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 No. V. 
 
 An exa^ tabic, fhewt'n^ the iU.e of Reprefentation.in the I>e- 
 glltturc of the Pr vince oi New H;.mp(hire, A. D. 1773, 
 with die proportion of fuch reprefeniation to the taxation of 
 the feveral towns. 
 
 Names of to runs reprefenUd 
 
 A ORTSMOUTh 
 
 Cover 
 
 Madbury 
 
 Hampton 
 
 Northampton 
 
 Hampton Falls 
 
 Exfter 
 
 Brentwood 
 
 Epping 
 
 Poplin 
 
 Newcaftle 
 
 Rye 
 
 Kingfton 
 
 Eafl Kingfton 
 
 Sandown 
 
 Hawke 
 
 Newington 
 
 Strath am 
 
 Londonderry 
 
 Windham 
 
 Greenland 
 
 Durham 
 
 l^ee 
 
 Newmarket 
 
 Southampton 
 
 Cheder 
 
 Candia 
 
 Raymond 
 
 Plaftow 
 
 HampfUad 
 
 Atkinf'on 
 
 Salem 
 
 Ptlham 
 
 Somerfworth 
 
 Holiis 
 
 Merrimack 
 
 Nottingh im Weft 
 
 Litchfield 
 
 Kenfmgton 
 
 Rochelier 
 
 Barrington 
 
 Am her ft 
 
 Bedford 
 
 Propotthn 
 to cack 
 Hefrejeni. 
 
 19 7 o 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 375 
 
 tJamts of ttvnt reprcfented, 
 
 Winchefler 
 
 Kecne 
 
 Charleltown 
 
 iVo. of ' 
 
 Rep re The pinfcrt'mn each town 
 fat J It evu'V 5''°^°- 
 
 840 
 
 I 
 I 
 I 
 
 10 
 
 9 
 
 12 
 
 4 
 
 Proportiea 
 
 to eucb 
 Reprejtnt. 
 
 8 40 
 
 10 12 O 
 940 
 
 46 Towns reprrf' nfeH ' y 34 menib and pay 6^9 4 of each ;(|iooo 
 101 Towns not repicfcDted vhich pay "il^ 16 o of each £1000 
 
 147 Towns. 34 memb. ;Ci6oo o o 
 
 This anc? tlie fnrep:oing taSlc were calcuUied by IVenfvjorth 
 Chefwillt Elq of Newmarket. 
 
 No. VI. 
 
 Copy of a letter from /'o Fxcelhncv General Washington,/^ 
 Thomas CwnTENDf v, Efquire. 
 
 [Certified by ToSi.is Le.ir, Efq privare S-^retary to rhe Pief- 
 ident ot the United St^tet ] 
 
 PhiladelphiJi f-ft January ^ 1782. 
 SIR, 
 
 1 RECEIVED your favor of the 14th of November, 
 by Mr. Brownfon. You cannot be at a lofs to know why I 
 have not heref-lore, and why I cannot now, adcirefs you in 
 your public charadler, or anlwer you in mine : But the con- 
 fidence which you have been pleafcd to repofe in me, j^ives me 
 an opportunity of offering you my fentimeiUs, as an individu- 
 al, wifhing mo(t ardently to fee the peace and union of his 
 country, preferved, and tbcjift rijjhts of the people of every 
 part of it fully and firmly eftablifhed. 
 
 It is n >t my biifinefs, neither do I think it necefTary now, to 
 difcufs th; origin of the right of a number of inhabitants to that 
 traa of country f>Tmerly diainjrniflied by the name of the 
 New Hampfhire Grants, anJ now known by that of Vermont, 
 I will take ii for granted ihar their right was good, becaufe 
 Congrefs, by th»ir refolve of the 7th of Augult, imply it ; and 
 by that of the 2 ill, are willing tully to contiim it, provided 
 the new State is confined to certain defciihed bounds It ap- 
 pears, therefore, to me, that the difpuie of boundary is the 
 only one that exifts, and that that being removed all further 
 difficulties would be removed alfo, and the m-itler termmateJ 
 to the fatisfadtion of all parties. Now I would afk you can- 
 didly, whether the claim of the peopFe of Vermont, was not, 
 for a long time, confined folcly, f r very nearly, to that tratt 
 of country which is defcri' ed in the refolve of Congrefs of the 
 21ft of Auguft laft ; and whether, ngieeable to the tenor ot 
 your own letter to me, the late extenfion of your claim upon 
 New.Hampfiiire and New York, was not more a political ma- 
 jKtuvre, than one in which you conceived youifelves juftifiabl-c. 
 
376 APPENDIX. 
 
 If my firft quiftion be anfweted in the affirmative, it ceJtainlf 
 bars your new claim. And if my fecond be well toanded, 
 your end is .infwered, and you have nothing to do but with- 
 draw your jiirifdiflion to the confines of your old limits, and 
 obtain an acknowledgment of independence and fovereignty, 
 under the ref >lve of the 3ift of Augud, for fo much territory 
 as does not interfere with the ancient eflablifhed bounds of 
 New-York, New Plampdiire and Maflachufetts. I perfuade 
 niyfelf you will fee and acqaiefce in ihcreafon, thejuilice, and 
 indeed the necefucy of fuch a deciflon. 
 
 You mud confider, Sir, that the point now in difpute is of 
 the utmoR political importance to the future union and peace 
 of this great country. The State of Vermont, if acknowledg- 
 ed, will be the fir ft new one admitted, into the confederacy ; 
 and if fufFered to encroach upon the ancient eftablilhed boun- 
 daries of the, adjacent ones, will fcrve as a precedent {or others. 
 which it may hereafter be expedient to fet off, to make the 
 fame unjullifiable demands. Thus, in my private opinion, 
 while it behoves the Delegates of the States now confederated, 
 to do ample jufiiice to a body of people fuftlcienily refpeilable 
 by their numbers, and entitled by other chums to be admitted 
 into that confederation, it becomes them alfo to attend to the 
 jntereds of their conRituents, and fee, that under the appear- 
 ance of juaice to one, they do not materially injure the ri-hts 
 of others. I am apt to think this is the prevailing opinion oF 
 Congrefs, and that your late extenfion of claim has, upon the 
 principle I have above mentioned, raiher diminifiied than in- 
 creafed your friends ; and that, if fuch extennon fl.ould be 
 perfili ed in. it will be made u common caufe, and not confid- 
 ered as only affeftin^ the rights cf thofe States immediately 
 intereaed in the lofsV territory ; a lofs of too ferious a nature 
 not to claim the attention of any people, 1 here is no calam- 
 ity within the compafs of my forefight, which is more to be 
 dreaded than a ncceffity of «^.'V/V« on the part of Ccngrcfs j 
 andconfequcntly every endeavour fhould bs ufed to prevent 
 the execution of fo difagreeable a meafure. It muft involve 
 the ruin of that Stale againft which the refentment of the oth- 
 
 ers is pointed. , . o r i 
 
 I will only add a few words upon the fuojefl cf the negoci- 
 ations, which have been carried on between you and the ene- 
 F)y in Canada and in New- York. I will take it for granted, 
 as you aflfert it, that they were fo far innocent, that_ there i^ev- 
 cr was any ferious Intention of joining Great-Britain m_ ihfir 
 attempts to fubjugate your country ; but it has had this cer- 
 tain bad tendency, it has ferved togivcfome ground to that 
 delufive opinion of the enemy, and upon which they, m a great 
 meafure, found their hopes of fuccefs ; that they have nume- 
 rousfriendsamongus, who only want a proper opportunity 
 to fhew themfelves openly ; and that internal difputes anc. 
 feuds will foon break us in pieces. At the farce time the iecds 
 of diAiuft and jealoufy are fcattercd among curfelves by a 
 
APPENDIX. 377 
 
 conduil of this kind. If you are ferious In your profeffions, 
 thefe will be additional motives for accepting the terms which 
 have been offered, (and which appear to me equitable) and 
 thereby convincing the common enemy, that all there expecta- 
 tions of difunion are vain, and that they have been worfted at 
 their own weapon — deception. 
 
 As you unbofom yourfelf to me, I thought I had the great- 
 er right of fpeaking my fentiments openly and candidly to 
 you. I have done fo, and if they fliould produce the effedt 
 which I moft fincerely wiHi, that of an honorable and amica- 
 ble adjuftment of a matter, which, if carried to hoftile lengths, 
 may dertroy the future happinefs of my country, I (hall have 
 attained my end, while the enemy will be defeated of theirs. 
 Believe me to be, with great refpefl, 
 Sir, 
 Your mofl obedient fervant, 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. 
 
 Zz 
 

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