Class L C O.l . Book.A_S__S_2L3 (j(9PgIitN°. COPtRJGMT DEPOatr. THE LIFE AND CAREER OF MAJOR JOHN ANDRE <^^f^^^?^ , -/'/z c^^/^ THE LIFE AND CAEEER OF MAJOR JOHN ANDPtE, ADJUTANT-GENERAL OP THE BRITISH ARMY IN AMERICA- BTWmTHROP SARGENT. NEW EDITION WITH NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS Edited by WILLIAM ABBATT AUTHOR OF The Crisis of the Revolution, The Battle of PelVs Point. 903 CopyiigM Entiy CLASS CX/ »«■ No. COPY A. Copyright 1902 By WILLIAM ABHATT (Original Dedication) 1861 TO THE HONORABLE JARED SPARKS, AS A MEMORIAL OF PUBLIC ADMIRATION AND PERSONAL FRIENDSHIP, THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED. EDITION LIMITED TO FIVE HUNDRED COPIES (SEVENTY-FIVE ON LARGE PAP*K)| OF WHICH THIS IS NO. (I beau.— Plans for a Loyal Uprising.- Anecdotes of Andre. The Cow-Chace, 202 229 257 CONTENTS. Xlll CHAPTEE XIII. Progress of Arnold's Treason. — Condition of American Af- fairs in 1780. — Plans for Surrendering West Point. — Let- ters between Andre and Arnold. — An Interview Concerted. — Andre's Last Hours in New York, 279' CHAPTER XIV. Robinson sent to Communicate with Arnold. — Correspond- ence. — Andre goes to the Vulture. — Correspondence with Clinton and Arnold. — Joshua Hett Smith selected as Ar- nold's Messenger, 301 CHAPTER XV. Andre leaves the Vulture. — Interview with Arnold and its Re- sults. — Plans for Return. — Sets out with Smith by Land,. 320 CHAPTER XVI. Andre's Journey. — Westchester County. — Skinners and Cow- boys. — Andre's Capture. — Various Accounts of its Circum- stances, 340 CHAPTER XVII. Andre a prisoner in our Lines. — Intercourse with American Officers. — Letters to Washington. — Arnold's Escape 361 CHAPTER XVIII. Andre brought to West Point. — Sent to Tappan. — His Case submitted to a Court of Enquiry. — Its Decision approved by Washington, \ 378 CHAPTER XIX. Andre's Deportment after the Death-Warrant. — Letters to Clinton, and between Washington and the British Gene- rals. — Plans for substituting Arnold for Andre. — The Exe- cution delayed, 401 CHAPTER XX. Expedients of the British to procure Andre's Liberation. — Their Failure. — Correspondence in the Case, 419 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. CHAPTER I. Andre's Parentage, Birth, and Early Life. — Nicholas St. Andre. — Miss Seward. — His Courtship. — Letters to Miss Seward. CCORDING to Debrett, Burke, and other gene- alogical authorities, John Andre was descend- ed from a French refugee family, settled in England, at Southampton, in the county of Hants; but whether this descent was by the paternal or the maternal line, does not appear. His mother, whose family name was Girardot, though of French jiarentage, was born at London. His father was a native of Geneva in Switzerland ; but it would seem that a very consider- able portion of his life must have been passed in London, where he carried on an extensive business in the Levant trade, and where also, in 1780, several of his brothers had their abode. Of these, Dr. Andree, of Hatton Gardens, was apparently the only one who preserved what is said to have been an earlier method of spelling the family name. Notwithstanding the establishment of a part of the Andre family in England, its connections upon the Con- tinent would appear to have been the most numerous and the most permanent. Indeed, the name is not an uncom- mon one, and the biographical dictionaries supply a num- erous list of persons bearing it, and distinguished in va- rious lines. Of course it is impossible to trace any rela- tionship between the majority of these and the subject of Z LIFE OF MAJOR ANDHE. this memoir. During her sojourn at Naples, not long after Major Andre's death, Mrs. Piozzi relates that she became acquainted with "the Swedish minister, Monsieur Andre, uncle to the lamented officer who perished in our sovereign's service in America:" but the only result of recent inquiries, set on foot in Sweden and carried as far as the isle of Gottland, in the Baltic, is to discredit her as- sertion. There exist, indeed, in that kingdom, the fam- ilies of Andre and Andree, which have given to the state men of high official rank; yet there is no reason to sup- pose that Major Andre was of the same blood. Turning to Germany, however, we are more successful. Branches of the stock from which he sprung have long been seated at Frankfort-on-the-Main and at Offenbach; some of the members of which are very well known to the world as publishers and editors of numerous musical works, and especially of Mozart's. The most celebrated of these was Johann Andre, author of the opera of The Potter, who was born at Offenbach in 1741, and died in 1799. Though as yet opportunity is wanting to verify the supposition, tliere is strong reason to believe that a near connection existed between the immediate family of Major Andre and the once celebrated Nicholas St. Andre of Southampton;— a character whose career is scarcely to be paralleled even in the pages of Gil Bias. This person came over to England, from his native Switz- erland, at a very early age, and, probably, towards the close of the seventeenth century. By his own account, his origin was perfectly respectable, and even distinguished; and in his later days he would assert that by right he was possessed of a title. Yet he arrived in England in the train of a Jewish family, and, it is said, in a menial position. He was related to a famous danc- ing-master of the same name who is mentioned in Dry- den's Mac Flecknoe, published in 1682: NICHOLAS ST. ANDRE. 3 "St. Andre's feet ne'er kept more equal time;" and was himself originally destined for a fencing or a dancing master. His knowledge of the French tongue extended to all the provincial dialects, and it is conject- ured that he was, for a time, a teacher of that language ; his sister certainly followed this occupation at a Chelsea boarding-school. But being early placed with a surgeon, he rapidly acquired such a considerable, though perhaps superficial, knowledge in that science, that he soon rose to a conspicuous position, and was among the first to deliver public lectures upon surgery. To an invincible assur- ance he united such a variety of accomi^lishments that we need not wonder at his receiving the appointment of Anatomist to the Royal Household, and being presented by George I. with the King's own sword. He was sing- ularly expert not only in manly exercises, such as fencing, I'unning, jumping, or riding the great horse, but also in pursuits that involve the emjilojanent of mental ingenuity. At chess he was an adept ; and his pretensions in botany, architecture, and music, were very respectable. Indeed, his skill with the viol de gamba was something remark- able. In 1723, he printed an account of a mysterious adventure that had nearly cost him his life. His story made a great sensation at the time, and the Privy Council offered a reward for the detection of his assailants ; but it has not always encountered implicit confidence. A little later, however, he became involved in another affair by which his professional reputation was hopelessly damaged. It seems that when the impostor Mary Tofts, the rabbit-breeder of Godalming, came forth with her wonderful tale, St. Andre was among the readiest of her believers. He professed to have examined carefully into the matter, and that the story she told was entirely faith- ful. It is difficult at this day to rightly estimate the credulity of the English people on that occasion. High 4 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. and low were infected with the absurd conviction that the race of rabbits were of the children of men. "The public horror was so great that the rent of rabbit-warrens sank to nothing; and nobody, till the delusion was over, pre- sumed to eat a rabbit." The learned "Whiston not only devoutly believed the fable, but wrote a pamphlet to prove, in its occurrence, the fultilment of a prophecy in Esdras. In short, as Lord Onslow wrote to the great naturalist, Sir Hans Sloane, (Dec. 4, 1726) all England was disturbed by this story. But Queen Caroline having charged Dr. Cheselden to investigate the matter, the imposture was speedily exposed, and they whose counte- nance had given it all its weight were now visited with a full measui'e of public opprobrium. Swift, and perhaps Arbuthnot, had already taken up the pen against St. Andre, and now Hogarth seized on him. In the print of Mary Tofts, he is introduced ; and in another entitled The Wise Men of Godliman, the figure marked A is designed for the court anatomist. Again, in the print of The Doctors in Labor, he figures as a merry-andrew ; and by a host of coarse caricatures and doggerel ballads his weakness was stigmatized and made yet more ridiculous. In December, 1726, the affair was burlesqued upon the stage,— a new rabbit-scene being added to the play of The Necromancer; and in 1727, the ballad of St. Andre's Miscarriage was simg through the streets : "He dissected, compared, and distinguish'd likewise, The make of these rabbits, their growth and their size; He preserv'd them in spirits and — a little too late, Preserv'd {Vertue sculpsit) a neat copperplate." The consequence was, that on his return to Court he was so coldly treated that he would never reappear; nor, though continuing to hold his appointment till his death, would he touch the official salary. A more amusing cir- cumstance was his testiness for the future upon the sub- jeet of rabbits ; absolutely forbidding any allusion, even to their name, being ever again made in his presence. On the 27th of May, 1730, St. Andre married Lady Betty Molyneux, the childless widow of Samuel Molyneux, M. P., who brought him, it was said, £30,000. The lady's conduct was so imprudent that she was forthwith dis- missed by the Queen from her service. Mr. Molyneux was but recently dead, and whisi^ers named her as his murderer : nor did her second husband escape a share of the imputation". The Rev. Dr. Madden, of Dublin, how- ever, having made use of this scandal in a pamphlet, St. Andre at once prosecuted him successfully for defama- tion. But the accusation has been immortalized by Pope, in the second dialogue of the Epilogue to his Satires, where "the poisoning dame" is brought into discussion. St. Andre had once the good fortune to attend the poet when he was upset in Lord Bolingbroke's coach as it returned from Dawley. His fingers were incurably wounded, and this being the nearest surgeon, was called in.* About 1755, he took up his permanent abode at Southampton. The greater part of the property that came with Lady Betty passed on her death to Sir Capel Molyneux; and St. Andre's expensive tastes dissipated much of what remained. Architecture was one of his hobbies ; and large sums were squandered on a house at Chepstow. About a mile's distance from Southampton, he erected a thoroughly inconvenient dwelling, which he called Belle-Vue, and boasted it as constructed "on the * St. Andre is also, truly or falsely, reported as having had a share in a strange rencontre between the Earl of Peterboro and his guest, the famous Voltaire, on occasion of the detection of the latter in a piece of pecuniary dishonesty. The earl would have slain him but for the presence of St. Andre, who held him tightly while Voltaire fled — not only from the house, but from the king- dom.— (?e«^. Mag., 1797. t) LIFE OK MAJOR ANDRE. true principles of anatomy." He had, however, another dvrellinij: within the town, with a large and valuable lilirary; and here he died in March, 1776, being then up- wards of ninety-six years of age. St. Andre is represented as having been loose in relig- ion and in morals ; of a vivacious and agreeable manner in conversation; his speech abounding in foreign idioms; his countenance tierce and muscular. In earlier life his manners must have been i>olite and graceful, from the social positions to which he rose; but" Nichols, who wrote of him after death, and who characterizes him as "a profligate man of an amorous constitution," declares that "no man will be hardy enough to assert that the fig- ure, manners, and language of St. Andre were those of a gentleman. ' ' Such was the character with whom, as has already been observed, John Andre was probably nearly allied by blood as well by name; though why the latter was altered to Andre or Andree, we do not know. It is not likely that any of the lineage now reside in England. About 1S20 or 1S25, when a young French gentleman, M. Ernest Andre, came over from Paris on a ^dsit to the surviving sisters of Major Andre, he was declared by those ladies to be their nearest living relative. ' Where John Andre was born, cannot with certainty be stated. It may have occurred at London, where his fa- ther, after the fashion of of those days, had long had his dwelling and his place of business under one roof, in AVarnford C(nirt. Throgniorton Street. Or it may have been at Soutliamptou, since in 1780 we lind his mother, then a widow and chiefly residing with her brother, Mr. Girardot, in Old Broad Street, London, yet still posses- sing a house there. We are able to fix the date of Ms birth with more accuracy; although, even on this head, EARLY LIFE. the contemporaneous accounts are conflicting: one point- ing to the year 1749, and another to 1752 ; while Rose puts it at London, in 1750. But tlie monumental inscription in Westminster Ahbey that says "he fell a sacrifice to his zeal for his king and country, on the 2d of October, 1780, aged twenty-nine," and which is followed by Lord Mahon, is borne out by a letter of Andre's own, written in Octo- ber, 1769, in which he speaks of himself as "a poor novice of eighteen." Hence we may fairly ascribe the period of his birth to the year 1751. The very little that is known respecting Andre's earlier years, renders it proper to be particular in presenting to the reader such details, naked though they be, as can now be laid hold of; and even these do not always agree, as they come to us from his contemporaries. One story gives Westminstei- as the scene of his education, and with a particularity that brings to mind the circumstantial evidence of Sheridan's double-letter scene, even fixes the date "near the latter end of Dr. Markham's time, now Archbishop of York. ' ' In this case, he might have had for school-mates Thomas and Charles Cotesworth Pinck- ney, so renowned afterwards in the service of their coun- try in the war that cost Andre his life ; while for a master he would have had a man whom Gibbon distinguished, among the whole bench of English bishops, for eminent scholarship and sldll in the instruction of youth. This was the prelate, too, whose feelings towards insurgent America are thus alluded to by Lord John Townshend : "To Cranmer's stake be Adams ty'd; Mild Jtarkham preaching b}' his side The traitor's heart will gain: For if he sees the blaze expire, Locke's works he'll fling to wake the fire. And put him out of pain." 8 LIFE OF JIAJOR ANDR^. Another aooouiit, however, says that he was first ])lacecl at Hackney, nnder a Air. Newcombe; whence he was after a time withdrawn, and sent for several years to Geneva to complete his education. It may be that both of these stories are correct; that from ITackney he went to St. Paul's, and thence to Geneva; but wherever he was taught, his acquirements we're such as to reflect honor alike on the teacher and the pupil. He was master of many things that in those days very rarely constituted a part of a gentleman's education, and which, indeed, even in these are to be found rather in exceptions than the rule. The modern European languages— French, Ger- man. Italian, &c.— are said to have been possessed by him in singular perfection; while in music, painting, drawing, and dancing, he particularlj^ excelled. "When we consider that with these accomplishments was joined a natiire always ambitious for distinction, a mind stored with the belles left res of the day, and endowed not only with a taste for poetry, but with a considerable readiness in its com]iosition; and a person which, though slender, was remarkably active and graceful, we need not wonder that his attractions were such as to win the favor of all with whom he came Ln contact. At the university of Geneva, he was remarked for a diligent student, and for an active and inquiring mind; and in special was dis- tinguished by his proficiency in the schools of mathe- matics and of military drawings. To his skill in this last branch, his subsequent rapid advancement in the army was in part attributable. Andre's father was a respectable merchant, whose suc- cess had been sufficiently great to con\nnce him that his own profession was the very best his son could embrace; yet not sufficient to enable him to give that son a fortune which would permit him to follow the bent of his own inclinations. In this relation, it would seem as though EARLY LIFE. 9 the old gentleman bad pursued very mucli the same course as that adopted by the elder Osbaldistone, in Rob Roy; and to a certain extent the consequences were alike. Summoned home from the Continent, young Andre found a place assigned him in bis father's counting-bouse, where for some time he appears to have undergone that training which it was hoped and expected would enable bim to carry on successfully the business that bad already afforded a competency to its founder. For, in the pro- cess of time, his father bad found himself in condition to withdraw from at least the more laborious cares of bis affairs, and, abandoning the residence in Throgmorton Street, had removed bis household to a country-seat at Clapton, called The Manor House. This building, now used for a school, is still standing oj^posite to Brook House, Clapton Gate; and the graves of several of its former occupants are to be seen in Hackney churchyard, hard by the old tower. Although at this stage in his career there is no evidence that John Andre 's conduct was that of "A clerk foredoomed his father's soul to cross, Who i^ens a stanza when he should engross;" yet we may fairly infer, from his own language, that the commercial line of life chalked out for bim was less to his taste than the profession of arms ; that, like young Frank Osbaldistone, in preference to any other active pursuit, be would choose the army; and that the desk and stool "by a small-coal tire in a gloomy compting-bouse in Warnford Court," would have been joyfully exchanged for the sash and gorget, and any barrack-yard in the United Kingdom. The bent of bis studies at Geneva must have satisfied bis judgment as to the sphere in which be was best calculated to attain success. But his years were too few to enable bim to oppose bis father's wishes; 10 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. aud iu 1767 or 1768, when about sixteen or seventeen years of age, lie entered the counting-house. Nor did the death of his father, which occurred at the house in Clapton, in April, 1769, make at the time any material difference in the nature of his avocations. What family was left by the elder Andre can only be gathered from the fact that in 1780, besides his widow, there still remained a second son, William Lewis, who was eight years behind his brother ; and three daughters, Louisa Catherine, Mary Hannah, and Anne. The last is said to have been distinguished for a poetical talent. In her Monody, Miss Seward thus makes her hero address this little domestic band on his departure for America: "Dim clouds of Woe ! ye veil each sprightly grace That us'd to sparkle in Makia's face. My tuneful Axna to her lute complains. But Grief's fond throbs arrest the parting strains. Fair as the silver blossom on tlie thorn, Soft as tlie spirit of the vernal morn, Louisa, chase tliose trembling fears, that prove Th' ungovern'd terrors of a sister's love; Tliey bend thy sweet head, like yon lucid flow'r That shrinks and fades beneath the summer's show'r. Oh ! smile, my sisters, on this destin'd day, And with the radiant omen gild my way!" Of these sisters, Louisa Catherine was born about 1754,. and Maiy Hannah about 1752, according to the inscrip- tions in the churchyard at Bath-Hampton, where they are buried;— the last of these two dates going far to fix that of Major Andre's birth as of 1751. In 1780 also there were yet living at London two broth- ers of the elder Andre : Mr. David Andre of New Broad Street, and Mr. John Lewis Andre, of Warnford Court, Throgmorton Street ; who were known to the community as respectable Turkey merchants, and who doubtless still carried on at the old place the business in which their MISS SEWARD. 11 brother had prospered well, but which their nephews had declined. For it was not John alone who renounced the ledger for the spontoon. Not very long after lie entered the army he was followed by his only brother, whose years forbid the supposition that he could ever have had any prolonged experience in the mysteries of trade. During some months after his father's death, John An- dre was probably sufficiently occupied with new and urgent cares, to prevent his taking any active step towards free- ing himself from the chains of business. From circum- stances we may conclude that the summer of 1769— the year in which he became the head of his mother's house— was passed by the family at Buxton, Matlock, and other places in the interior of England, whither it was custom- ary for invalids, and persons whose health was impaired by aSiiction, to resort for relief and change of scene : and if it was not now that he first became acquainted with Miss Seward, it is at least almost certain that he formed with another lady a friendship that left its coloring on the whole of his future life. Anna Seward, the eulogist of Major Andre, was born at Eyam, in Derbyshire, in 1747. The bishop's palace at Lichfield, in which her father— who was a canon of the cathedral there— resided, was the headquarters of the literary world of that region, and of the better classes of society generally; and we are told, by one well fitted to judge, that at this period Miss Seward, by grace and beauty of person, and by conversational skill, was amply qualified to maintain the attractions of the house. She was besides of an enthusiastic, not to say romantic dis- position, and not a little addicted to the perpetration of a sort of poetry, "most of which," says her friend and biographer, Sir Walter Scott, "is absolutely execrable." With many virtues she appears to have possessed a eer- 12 LXFE OF MAJOR AJsDkL tain spice of that self-conceit which results from an exag- gerated opinion of one's own capacity, and in the writings of her contemporaries occur more than one sarcastic allnsion that savors rather of personal than of literary animadversion. But between Andre and herself no other feeling than of delicate and tender friendship seems ever to have subsisted: and the lines in which she bewailed his unhappy fate were evidently the genuine expression of her sorrow and regret. The character of the society at Lichfield has already been referred to. The little circle that was accustomed to pay its homage to Miss Seward and to receive her smiles and praises in return, if not a constellation of the first magnitude, comprised at least many names which in those days occupied a respectable rank in the republic of letters. Foremost among them was Dr. Darwin, the author of the Botanic Garden, but, unless we except the lines— "Soon shall thy arm. unconqaered steam, afar Drag the slow barge, or drive the rapid car." better known to this generation by Caiming's sarcastic parody, the Loves of the Triongles. than by anything of his own. Then follow Hay ley. the author of the Tri- umphs of Temper; Sir Brooke Boothby: Eichard LoveU Edgeworth; the eccentric Thomas Day, whose story of Sandford and Merton for a time rivalled even Robinson Crusoe in popularity; and others, either residents of Lichfield or sojourners who had been attracted thither by *'its good report." Thus established the magnates of a provincial town stifficiently remote from London to be be- yond many of the terrors of its superior authority, the cathedral critics of Lichfield lived and wrote, and praised each other for great authors, and were we may suppose aa happy as this belief could make them. COrRTSHIP. 13 A traveller iu England, shortly after Major Andre's death, relates that being in 1782 at Hagley, the seat of Earl Ferrers and the scene of many of the younger Lji;- tleton's extraordinary exploits, he was assured by his lordship's brother-in-law, Mr. Green, of Portugal House, Birmingham, that at the very mansion they were then iu he had introduced the unfortunate Major Andre to ^liss Seward, afterwards so well known for her genius, her connection with Andre, and her sorrows. We may pre- sume that this introduction occurred in the summer of 1769. At this time the family of Mr. Thomas Seward com- prised not only his wife and his daughter Anna, but also a young lady. Miss Honora Sneyd, a daughter of Edward, the youngest son of Ralph Sneyd, Esq., of Bishtou, in Staffordshire. Mrs. Sneyd dying at an early period, the daughters were kindly taken in charge by her friends and kindred, and the care of Honora fell to the faithful hands of Mrs. Seward. As nearer her own age, a greater intimacy than with Anna naturally grew up between the orphan and Miss Sally Seward, a yoimger sister ; but she dying when Honora was thirteen, the latter was left to the immediate companionship of the elder daughter, from whom she derived much of her literary taste. In all re- spects, we are told. Miss Sneyd was treated as one of Mrs. Seward's family, and it was impossible to perceive that any discrimination was made by the mother between her own and her adopted child. "It was at Buxton or at Matlock," says Mr. Edge- worth, "that Andre first met Honora Sneyd." Matlock Bath, about two miles from the straggling little \'illage of Matlock in Derbyshire, was a favorite watering-place, where a jjleasant freedom of social intercourse is said to have then prevailed. People coming together for the first 14 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. time, and passing weeks in the same house, were content to regai'd each other as acquaintances and to have their enjoyments in common. The spot itself is singularly picturesque, lying on the side of the Masson Hill, to whose summit a path was contrived through a grove of fir-trees. On every hand, the eye rests upon the lofty Tors, or hills of the region; and the Lover's Walk, by the river Derwent, was doubtless then as it now is chosen for many a happy stroll. Buxton too was celebrated for it medicinal wells, and was also in the Peak of Der- byshire. Mr. Seward had a living in the Peak, whither in his summer visits he was accompanied by his daugh- ter, and probably by others of his household,— at all events, it was at Buxton that the two families, from Lich- field and from Clapton, were together in the summer of 1769, and it was there that the young merchant of Warn- foi'd Court became so irretrievably enamored of a lady whose charms seem by all accounts to have been sufficient to subdue less susceptible hearts than his own. A mezzo- tinto engraving after Romney, which was esteemed by her friends as the perfect, though unintentional resemb- lance of Houora Sneyd at a period "when she was sur- rounded by her virgin glories,— beauty and grace, sensibility and goodness, superior intelligence and unswerving truth,"— conveys an idea of charms that would justify the description of her at this period by the man who should best be entitled to pronounce a verdict: "Her memory," said her future husband, "was not co- piously stored with poetry; and, though in no way deficient, her knowledge had not been much enlarged by books; but her sentiments were on all subjects so just, and were delivered with such blushing modesty,— though not without an air of conscious worth— as to command attention from every one capable of ajipreeiating female excellence. Her person was graceful, her features beau- COUKTSHIP. 15 tiful, and their expression such as to heighten the elo- quence of everything she said." Blue eyes and golden hair were the inheritance of the family; but in her face there would seem to have even now been visible some hectic trait— some negative sjnnbol of that latent dis- order, which at fifteen years had threatened her life, and by which it was finally to be concluded. Such being Honora's graces, it is no wonder that Andre was as heartily and as quickly impressed by them as many others were doomed to be ; nor is it strange that he should speedily have awakened a corresponding sentiment in the fair one's breast. It is one of the most attractive features of his character, that— imlike many who are the life and idol of every circle but their own, and are charm- ing everywhere but at home— Andre was even more prized by his nearest familiars than by the world with- out. The better he was known, the better he was loved; and the endearing aj^pellation of cher Jean, which was constantly bestowed ui^on him by his family, soon found a place on the lips of his friends. A glance at his por- trait will go far to explain this secret of inspiring attach- ment. His features, as delicate in their lines and expres- sion as those of a woman, at once reveal a tenderness and a vivacity that could scarcely belong to a disposition not originally possessed of a very considerable degree of natural refinement. To what extent these characteristics were developed and increased by cultivation will in time appear. It does not seem that the lovers at Buxton were long in coming to an understanding. Miss Seward, both then and afterwards, took a deep interest in the affair and looked with the fullest favor on the suitor. An oppor- tunity was soon afforded for him to make his earliest essay at painting the likeness of a human face, and two IC LIFE OP MAJOR ANDRE. miniatures of Miss Sneyd were the first fruits of his pencil. One of these— apparently the least perfect— he gave at the time to Miss Seward, wlio retained it through her life: the other was, of course, reserved by the artist for his own consolation, although the favorable reception which his addresses had received on all hands must have given him abundant reason to hope for the ultimate pos- session of the beautiful original. It was not until they had reflected on the youth of both parties in respect to wed- lock, and the absence of present means to enable them to be provided with such a maintenance as they had each been brought iip to anticipate, that the seniors looked coldly on the atfair. And even then, the most that was agreed upon by Airs. Andre and Mr. Sneyd, was that since an immediate marriage was out of the question, and a long engagement between the two very young people, separated by a distance of a hundred miles or more, was not desirable, it was wiser that they should be kept apart as much as possible, trusting that time would either wean them from their attachment, or bring the means of grati- fying it. On these terms the parting took place; but it will be seen that, as might have been expected under such circumstances, one if not both of the lovers regarded it as anything but final. It even seems, from the first of the letters presently to be given, that Andre accompanied Miss Seward and Miss Sneyd on their return to Lichfield ; and by letters and by personal interviews, an intercourse was ke]it up between them for some months longer. It was during the progress of his courtship at Buxton, that Andre made known to his Lichfield friends his aver- sion to commerce, and probably his desire for the army. The representations of Miss Seward that it was so much for his interest in every way to adhere steadily to his pres- ent employment, and above all that it was the only means by which he could procure the wealth necessary COURTSHIP. 17 to secure liis union with Miss Sneyd, prevailed upon him for a season to stick to the desk. "WTien an im- pertinent consciousness," he says, "whispers in my ear, that I am not of the right stuff for a merchant, I draw my Honora's picture from my bosom, and the sight of that dear talisman so inspires mj^ industry, that no toil api3ears oppressive." The reader may compare with some interest this confession with the sentiments, lit- tered at the same period, of another young occupant of a stool in a counting-house, whose career was destined to cross Andre's in the most interesting period of his life. "I contemn," wrote Alexander Hamilton, in 1769, "the grovelling condition of a desk, to which my fortune condemns me, and would willingly risk my life, though not my character, to exalt my station ; I mean to pre- pare the way for futurity." Before Andre parted from "the dear Lichfieldians," to return to Clapton and his daily avocations in Throg- morton Street, a correspondence appears to have been arranged between Miss Seward and himself, the bur- den of which, as may well be guessed, was to be Honora. His epistles, which sometime covered letters to Miss Sneyd, were evidently designed to pass from the hands of his fair correspondent to those of her adopted sis- ter; while in return he would receive every intelli- gence of the young lady's movements and welfare, and occasionally a postscript from her own pen. There was nothing clandestine in this arrangement, little in- deed as it may have accorded with the plans of the par- ents of the lovers. Miss Sneyd 's conduct throughout, seems to have been ingenuous and discreet ; while An- dre availed himself of a fair and friendly means of ob- taining that information which was naturally so desir- able to one in his position. His letters were often 18 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. adoi-ned with hasty pen or pencil sketches of such ob- jects of interest as were germain to the text, and the specimens which follow give ample ])roof, as Miss Se- ward justly observes, of his wit and vivacity. "His epistolary writings," says Mr. Sparks, "so far as speci- mens of them have been i^reserved, show a delicacy of sentiment, a playfulness of imagination, and an ease of style, which could proceed only from native refinement and a high degree of culture." "The best means, next to biography written by the person himself, to obtain- ing an insight into his character, is afforded," remarks Maria Edgeworth, "by his private letters." There is sufficient excuse in their own contents for here present- ing those of Andre to Miss Seward ; but the reason sug- gested by Miss Edgeworth affords an additional motive. It will be observed that he addresses the lady as his Julia ; for no other cause that can be guessed at but that her real name was Anna. But such tricks of the pen were then counted among the delicacies of a senti- mental correspondence ; as is pleasantly described in L'Amie Inconnue. The journey to Shrewsbury, alluded to below, was made to visit Elizabeth, Mr. Sneyd's fifth daughter, who had been brought up by and resided with her relatives, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Powys of the Abbey. The letters themselves were first printed in connection with Miss Seward's Monody upon their writer. Mr. Andre to Miss Seward. Clapton, Oct. 3, 17G9. From their agreeable excursion to Shrewsbury, my dearest friends are by this time returned to their beloved Lichfield. Once again have they beheld those fortunate spires, the constant witnesses of all their pains and LETTEES TO MISS SEWARD. 19 pleasures. I can well conceive the emotions of joy which, their first appearance, from the neighboring hills, ex- cites after absence ; they seem to welcome you home, and invite you to reiterate those hours of happiness, of which they are a species of monument. I shall have an eternal love and reverence for them. Never shall I forget the joy that danced in Honora's eyes, when she first shewed them to me from Needwood Forest, on our return with you from Buxton to Lichfield. I remember she called them the ladies of the valley,— their lightness and ele- gance deserve the title. Oh! how I loved them from that instant! My enthusiasm concerning them is carried farther even than yours and Honora's, for every object that has a pyramidical form, recalls them to my recol- lection, with a sensation that brings the tear of pleasure into my eyes. How happy you must have been at Shrewsbury ! only that you tell me, alas ! that dear Honora was not so well as you wished during your stay there.— I always hope the best. My impatient spirit rejects every obtruding idea, which I have not fortitude to support.— Dr. Dar- win's skill, and your tender care, will remove that sad pain in her side, which makes writing troublesome and in- jurious to her; which robs her poor CJier Jean of those precious pages, with which, he flatters himself, she would otherwise have indulged him. So your happiness at Shrewsbury scorned to be in- debted to piiblic amusements! Five virgins— united in the soft bonds of friendship ! How I should have liked to have made the sixth!— But you surprise me by such an absolute exclusion of the Beaux:— I certainly thought that when five wise virgins were watching at midnight it must have been in expectation of the bride- groom's coming. 20 LIFK OF MAJOR ANDRE. We are at this instant five virgins, writing round the same table— my throe sisters, Mr. Ewer, and myself. I beg no reflections injurious to the honor of poor Cher Jean. My mother is gone to iiay a visit, and has left us in possession of the old ooaeli ; but as for nags, we can boast of only two long-tails, and my sisters say they are sorry cattle, being no other than my friend Ewer and myself, who, to say truth, have enormous pig-tails. My dear Boissier is come to town ; he has brought a little of the soldier witli him, but he is the same honest, warm, intelligent friend I always found him. He sacri- fices the town diversions, since I will not partake of them. "We are jealous of your correspondents, who are so nu- merous.— Yet, write to the Andres often, my dear Julia, for who are they that will value your letters quite so much as we value them ? — The least scrap of a letter will be received with the greatest joy ; write, therefore, tho' it were only to give us the comfort of having a piece of jiajier which has recently passed thro' your hands ; — Honora will put in a little postscript, were it only to tell me that she is my very sincere friend, who will neither give me love nor comfort— very short indeed, Honora, was thy last postscript !— But I am too presumptuous ; —I will not scratch out, but I »Hsay— from the little there was I received more joy than I deserve.— This Cher Jean is an impertinent fellow, but he will grow discreet in time;— you nuist consider him as a poor no^"ice of eight- een, who for all the sins he may commit is sufficiently punished in the single evil of being one hundred and twenty miles from Lichfield. My mother and sisters will go to Putney in a few daj-s to stay sometime ; —we none of us like Clapton :— / need not care, for I am all day long in town ; but it is avoiding Scylla to fall into Charybdis. You paint to me the pleas- LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 21 ant vale of Stow in the richest autumnal coloring. In re- turn, I must tell you that my zephyrs are wafted through cracks in the wainscot; for murmuring streams, I have dirty kennels; for bleating flocks, grunting pigs; and squalling cats for birds that incessantly warble. I have said something of this sort in my letter to Miss Spear- man, and am twinged with the idea of these letters being confronted, and that I shall recall to your memory the fat Knight's love-letters to Mrs. Ford and Mrs. Page. Julia, perhaps thou fanciest I am merry. Alas! But I do not wish to make you as doleful as myself ; and besides, when I would express the tender feelings of my soul, I have no language which does them any justice ; if I had, I should regret that you could not have it fresher, and that whatever one communicates by letter must go such a roundabout way, before it reaches one's corre- spondent: from the writer's heart through his head, arm, hand, pen, ink, paper, over many a weary hill and dale, to the eye, head and heart of the reader. I have often regretted our not possessing a sort of faculty which should enable our sensations, remarks, &c., to arise from their source in a sort of exhalation, and fall upon our paper in words and phrases properly adapted to express them, without passing through an imagination whose op- erations so often fail to second those of the heart. Then what a metamorphose we should see in people's style ! How eloquent those who are truly attached ! how stupid they who falsely profess affection ! Perhaps the former had never been able to express half their regard ; while the latter, by their flowers of rhetoric, had made us be- lieve a thousand times more than they ever felt— but this is whimsical moralizing. My sisters' Penserosos were dispersed on their arrival in town, by the joy of seeing Louisa and their dear little 22 LIFE 01' MAJOK AKDRE. Brother Billy again, our kind and excellent Uncle Gi- rardot, and Uncle Lewis Andre. I was glad to see them, but they complained, not without reason, of the gloom upon my countenance. Billy wept for joy that we were returned, while poor Cher Jean was ready to weep for sorrow. Louisa is grown still handsomer since we left her. Our sisters Mary and Anne, knowing your par- tiality to beauty, are afraid that when they shall intro- duce her to you, she will put their noses out of joint. Billy is not old enough for me to be afraid of in the rival- way, else I should keep him aloof, for his heart is formed of those affectionate materials, so dear to the ingenuous taste of Julia and her Houora. I sympathize in your resentment against the canonical Dons, who stumpify the heads of those good green people, beneath whose friendly shade so many of your happiest hours have glided away, — but they defy them ; let them stumpify as much as they please, time will repair the mis- chief, — their verdant arms will again extend, and invite you to their shelter. The evenings grow long. I hope your conversation round the fire will sometimes fall on the Andres ; it will be a great comfort to them that they are remembered. We chink our glasses to your health at every meal: "Here's to our Lichfieldian friends," says Nanny;— "Oh-h," says Mary;— "With all my soul," say I;— "Allons," cries my mother;— and the draught seems nectar. The libation made, we begin our unclojang themes, and so beguile the gloomy evening. Mr. and Mrs. Seward will accept my most affectionate respects. My male friend at Lichfield will join in your conversation on the Andres. Among the numerous good qualities he is possessed of, he certainly has gratitude, and then he cannot forget those who so sincei'ely love LETTERS TO MISS SEWABD. 23 and esteem him. I, in particular, shall always recall with pleasure the happy hours I have passed in his com- pany. My friendship for him, and for his family, has diffused itself, like the precious ointment from Aaron's beard, on every thing which surrounds you, therefore I beg that you would give my amities to the whole town. Persuade Honora to forgive the length and ardor of the enclosed, and believe me truly your affectionate and faith- ful friend, J. Andee. Mr. Peter Boissier, of the 11th Dragoons, and Mr. Wal- ter Ewer, Jr., of Dyer's Court, Aldermanbury, (son, it is said, of William Ewer, Esq., in 1788 a director of the Bank of England,) who are mentioned in the preceding letter, were valued friends of Andre's, and are affection- ately remembered in his will.* Mr. Andre to Miss Seward. London, Oct. 19, 1769. From the midst of books, papers, bills, and other im- plements of gain, let me lift up my drowsy head awhile to converse with dear Julia. And first, as I know she has a fervent wish to see me a quill-driver, I must tell her, that I begin, as people are wont to do, to look upon my future profession with great partiality. I no longer see it in so disadvantageous a light. Instead of figuring a merchant as a middle-aged man, with a bob-wig, a rough beard, in snuff-colored clothes, grasi^ing a guinea in his red hand, I conceive a comely young man, with a toler- able pig-tail, wielding a pen with all the noble fierceness of the Duke of Marlborough brandishing a truncheon upon a sign-post, surrounded with types and emblems, and canopied with cornucopias that disembogue their stores upon his head ; Mercuries reclined upon bales of * See Appendix. 24 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. goods ; Genii playing with jjens, ink, and pajwr ; while, in perspective, his gorgeous vessels, "launched on the bosom of the silver Thames," are wafting to distant lands the produce of this commercial nation. Thus all the mei'cantile glories croud on my fancy, emblazoned in the most refulgent colouring of an ardent imagination. Borne on her soaring pinions I wing my flight to the time when Heaven shall have crowned my labors with success and opulence. I see sumptuous palaces rising to receive me ; I see orphans and widows, and painters, and fiddlers, and poets, and builders, protected and encouraged ; and when the fabric is pretty nearly finished by my shattered pericranium, I cast my eyes around, and find John An- dre, by a small-coal fii-e, in a gloomy compting-house in Warnford Court, nothing so little as what he has been making himself, and, in all probability, never to be much more than he is at present. But oh ! my dear Honora ! —it is for thy sake only I wish for wealth.— You say she was somewhat better at the time you wrote last. I must flatter myself that she will soon be without any remains of this threatening disease. It is seven o 'clock : you and Honora, with two or three more select friends, are now probably encircling your dressing-room fireplace. \Miat would I not give to en- large that circle ! The idea of a clean hearth, and a snug circle round it, formed by a few select friends, transjiorts me. You seem combined together against the inclemency of the weather, the hurry, bustle, cei-emony, censorious- ness, and emy of the world. The purity, the warmth, the kindly influence of fire— to all for whom it is kindled— is a good emblem of the friendship of such amiable minds as Julia's and her Honora 's. Since I cannot be there in reality, pray imagine me with you ; admit me to your conversationes,— think how I wish for the blessing of HONORA SNEYD. ANNA SEWARD. LETTERS TO MISS SEWAED. 25 joining them ! and be persuaded that I take part in all your pleasures, in the dear hope, that ere very long, your blazing hearth will burn again for me. Pray keep me a place ;— let the poker, tongs, or shovel, represent me. But you have Dutch tiles, which are infinitely better ; so let Moses, or Aaron, or Balaam's ass be my representa- tive. But time calls me to Clapton. I quit you abruptly till to-morrow, when, if I do not tear the nonsense I have been writing, I may j^erhaps increase its quantity. Sig- nora Cynthia is in clouded majesty. Silvered with her beams, I am about to jog to Clapton upon my own stumps ; musing as I homeward plod my way— ah ! need I name the subject of my contemplations "! Thursday. I had a sweet walk home last night, and found the Clap- tonians, with their fair guest, a Miss Mourgue, very well. My sisters send their amities, and will write in a few days. This morning I returned to town. It has been the finest day imaginable; a solemn mildness was diffused throughout the blue horizon ; its light was clear and dis- tinct, rather than dazzling;— the serene beams of the autumnal sun, gilded hills, variegated woods, glittering spires, ruminating herds, bounding flocks,— all combined to enchant the eyes, expand the heart, and "chase all sorrow but despair." In the midst of such a scene, no lesser sorrow can prevent our sympathy with nature. A calmness, a benevolent disposition seizes us with sweet insinuating power; the very brute creation seem sensi- ble of these beauties ; there is a species of mild chearful- ness in the face of a lamb, which I have but indifferently expressed in a corner of my paper, and a demure, con- tented look in an ox, which, in the fear of expressing still worse, I leave unattempted. 26 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Business calls me away. I must dispateli my letter. Yet what does it contain ?— No matter. You like any- thing better than news;— indeed, you never told me so, but I have an intuitive knowledge ujDon the subject, from the sympathy which i have constantly perceived in the taste of Julia and cher Jean. What is it to you or me— If here in the city we have nothing but riot, If the Spital-field Weavers can't be kept quiet; If tlie weather is fine, or the streets should be dirty, Or if Mr. Dick Wilson died aged of thirty? —But if I was to hearken to the versifying grumbling I feel within me, I should till my paper, and not have room left to entreat that you would plead my cause to Honora more eloquently than the enclosed letter has the power of doing. Apropos of verses, you desire me to recollect my random description of the engaging appearance of the charming Mrs. . Here it is at your service: Then rustling and bustling the lady comes down, With a flaming red face, and a broad yellow gown, And a hobbling out-of-breath gait, and a frown. This little French cousin of ours, Delarise, was my sister Mary's playfellow at Paris. His sprightliness engages my sisters extremely. Doubtless they tell much of him to you in their letters. How sorry I am to bid you adieu ! Oh, let me not be forgot by the friends most dear to you at Lichfield ! — Lichfield ! Ah, of what magic letters is that little word composed ! How graceful it looks when it is written I Let nobody talk to me of its original meaning, "the field of blood !" Oh, no such thing !— It is the field of joy ! "The beautiful city that lifts her fair head in the valley, and says, I am, and there is none beside me ! " \Vho says LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 27 she is vain ? Julia will not say so, nor yet Honora, and least of all their devoted John Andre. In reference to the allusion in the last paragraph of this letter, Miss Seward very learnedly explained, that Lichfield does not signify "the field of blood," but "the field of dead bodies." The error is of little importance. Between the dates of this and the next epistle, he had visited Lichfield, and once again beheld the face of his lady-love. Mr. Andre to Miss Seward. Clapton, November 1, 1769. My ears still ring with the sounds of ' ' Oh, Jack ! Oh,. Jack ! How do the dear Lichfieldians ! What do they say f What are they about ! What did you do while you were with them !" "Have patience," said I, "good peoj^le!" —and began my story, which they devoured with as much joyful avidity as Adam did Gabriel's tidings of Heaven, My mother and sisters are all very well, and delighted with their little Frenchman, who is a very agreeable lad. Surely you applaud the fortitude with which I left you I Did I not come off with flying colors? It was a great effort ; for, alas ! this recreant heart did not second the smiling courage of the countenance; nor is it yet as it ought to be, from the hopes it may reasonably entertain of seeing you all again ere the winter 's dreary hours are past. Julia, my dear Julia, gild them with tidings of my beloved Honora ! Oh that you may be enabled to tell me that she regains her health, and her charming vi- vacity ! Your sympathizing heart partakes all the joys and pains of your friends. Never can I forget its kind offices, which were of such moment to my peace. Mine is formed for friendship, and I am blessed in being 28 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. able to place so well the purest passion of an ingenuous mind. How am I honoured in Mr. and Mrs. Seward's attachment to me! Charming were the anticipations which beguiled the long tracts of hill, and dale, and plain, that divide London from Lichfield! With what delight my eager eyes drank their first view of the spires I What rapture did I not feel on entering your gates!— in flying up the hall-steps!— in rushing into the dining-room!— in meeting the gladdened eyes of dear Julia and her en- chanting friend ! That instant convinced me of the truth of Rousseau's observation, "that there are moments worth ages." Shall not these moments return! Ah, Julia! the cold hand of absence is heavy upon the heart of poor Cher Jean! —he is forced to hammer into it per- petually every consoling argument that the magic wand of Hope can conjure up; viz., that every moment of indus- trious absence advances his journey, you know whither. I may sometimes make excursions to Lichfield, and bask in the light of my Honora's eyes. Sustain me, Hope ! nothing on my part be wanting which shall induce thee to fulfill thy blossoming promises. The happy, social circle— Julia, Honora, Miss S -n, Miss B n, her brother. Miss S e, Mr. E n, &c. —are now, perhaps, enlivening your dressing-room, the dear blue region, as Honora calls it, with the sensible ob- servation, the tasteful criticism, or the elegant song; dreading the iron tongue of the nine o'clock bell, which disperses the beings whom friendship and kindred virtues had drawn together. My imagination attaches itself to all, even the inanimate objects which surround Honora and her Julia, that have beheld their graces and virtues expand and ripen;— my dear Honora's, from their infant bud. The sleepy Claptonian train are gone to bed, some- what wearied with their excursion to Enfield, whither they LETTERS TO MISS SEWARD. 29' have this day carried their favourite little Frenchman, —so great a favourite, the parting was quite tragical. I walked hither from town, as usual, to-night. No hour of the twenty-four is so precious to me as that devoted to this solitary walk. Oh, my friend, I am far from pos- sessing the patient frame of mind I so continually in- voke. Why is Lichfield an hundred and twenty miles from me? There is no moderation in the distance. Fifty or sixty miles had been a great deal too much ; but then,. there would have been less opposition from authority to my frequent visits. I conjure you, supply the want of these blessings by frequent letters. I must not, will not, ask them of Honora, since the use of the pen is for- bid to her declining health; I will content myself, as usual, with a postscript from her in your epistles. My sisters are charmed with the packet which arrived yester- day, and which they will answer soon. As yet I have said nothing of our journey. We met an entertaining Irish gentleman at Dunchurch, and being fel- low-sufferers in cold and hunger, joined interests, or- dered four horses, and stuffed three in a chaise. It is not to you I need apologize for talking in raptures of an higler,* whom we met on the road. His cart had passed us, and was at a considerable distance, when, looking back, he perceived that our chaise had stopped, and that the driver seemed mending something. He ran uj) to him, and, with a face full of honest anxiety, pity, good- nature, and, every sweet affection under heaven, asked him if we wanted anything; that he had plenty of nails, rojoes, &c., in his cart. That wretch of a postilion made no other reply than, "We want nothing, master." From the same impulse, the good Irishman, Mr. Till, and my- self thrust our heads instantly out of the chaise, and tried to recompense the honest creature for this surly re- * An old word for a provision peddler. 30 LIFE OF MAJOE ANDRE. ply by every kind and grateful acknowledgment, and by forcing upon bim a little pecuniary tribute. My benevo- lence will be the warmer while I live, for the treasured remembrance of this higler's countenance. I know you will interest yourself in my destiny. I have now completely subdued my aversion to the profession of a merchant, and hope in time to acquire an inclination for it. Yet God forbid I should ever love what I am to make the object of my attention!— that vile trash, which I care not for, but only as it may be the future mjans of procuring the blessing of my soul. Thus all my mercan- tile calculations go to the tune of dear Honora. When an impertinent consciousness whispers in my ear, that I i.m not of the right stuff for a merchant, I draw my Hon- ora 's picture from my bosom, and the sight of that dear talisman so inspirits my industry, that no toil appears oppressive. The poetic task you set me is in a sad method : my head and heart are too full of other matters to be engrossed by a draggle-tail 'd wench of the Heliconian puddle. I am going to try my interest in parliament— How you stare!— it is to procure a frank. Be so good as to give the enclosed to Honora,—!^ will speak to /ler;- and do you say everything that is kind for me to every dis- tinguished friend of the dressing-room circle ; encourage them in their obliging desire of scribbling in your letters, but do not let them take Honora 's corner of the sheet. Adieu! May you all possess that cheerfulness denied to your Cher Jean. I fear it hurts my mother to see my musing moods ; but I can neither help nor overcome them. The near hopes of another excursion to Lichfield could alone disperse every gloomy vapor of my imagination. Again, and yet again. Adieu! J. Andre. CHAPTER II. Failure of Andre's Courtship. — Kichard Lovell Edgeworth. — Thomas Daj'. — Marriage and Death of Miss Snej'd. )TW1THSTANDING Ms ardor, and the pres- ence of so powerful a friend at court as he must have had in Miss Seward, Andre's suit did not prosper. There is a saying, that in all love affairs there are two parties— the one who loves and the one who is loved; and it does not seem to have been very long before Miss Sneyd came into the latter category. Separation, and consideration of the delay that must necessarily attend that acquirement of fortune upon which jDermission for Andre to renew his addresses depended, must doubtless have done much to cool her feelings, even had they originally been as warm as his own. This is at least the view taken by her friend, who at the same time commemorates the fidelity of the opposite party : "Now Prudence, in her cold and thrifty care, Frown'd on the maid, and bade the youth despair; For power parental sternly saw, and strove To tear the lily bands of plighted love; Nor strove in vain; — but, while the fair one's sighs Disperse like April-storms in sunny skies, The firmer lover, with unswerving truth, To his first passion consecrates his youth." The lady's feelings, in short, cooled down so sufficiently, that there soon came to be no reason why she should not receive the addresses of other suitors. In 1770, Mr. Richard Lovell Edgeworth was paying a Christmas visit to Lichfield, and thus mentions the imjji-ession he received of the state of affairs between Andre and Miss Sneyd- 32 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. it being then about eigliteen months since their first meet- ing at Buxton, and but little over a year from the date of of the letters that closed the last chapter: — "Whilst I was upon this visit, Mr. Andre, afterwards Major Andre, who lost his life so unfortunately in Amer- ica, came to Lichfield.... The first time I saw Major Andre at the palace, I did not perceive from his manner or from that of the young lady, that any attachment sub- sisted between them. On the contrary, from the great attention which Miss Seward paid to him, and from the constant admiration which Mr. Andre bestowed upon her, I thought that, though there was a considerable dispro- portion in their ages, there might exist some courtship between them. Miss Seward, however, undeceived me. I never met Mr. Andre again; and from all that I then saw, or have since known, I believe that Miss Honora Sneyd was never much disappointed by the conclusion of this attachment. Mr. Andre appeared to me to be pleased and dazzled by the lady. She admired and esti- mated highly his talents; but he did not possess the reasoning mind which she required." Mr. Edgeworth had undoubtedly what many will reckon a good opportunity of ascertaining the lady's sentiments on this subject; for Honora Sneyd eventually became his wife. Whether, however, a woman always lays bare the secrets of her youthful breast to the man she marries, even though he possess "a reasoning mind," is another question. To be sure, having himself entered four times into the state of wedlock, Mr. Edgeworth had unusual means of coming to a conclusion upon this point; but it may well be doubted whether a more than common im- pression might not have been made on ]\Iiss Sneyd 's heart by the attractions of such a person as her disap- pointed lover. Even while acknowledging the expediency RICHARD LOVELL EDGEWORTH. 33 of the course prescribed by the heads of both families, and yielding to their authority, she must have beeu sen- sible of the value of the qualities she was compelled to forego. From Mr. Edgeworth's own words it may be inferred, that at this period she had formed a high, not to say a romantic estimate of what was to be looked for in the man whom she should wed. Allien he left her in 1771, with a view of going abroad, he says: "In various incidental conversations, I endeavored to convince her, that young women who had not large fortunes should not disdain to marry, even though the romantic notions of finding heroes, or prodigies of men, might not be entirely gratified. Honora listened, and assented." These re- marks of Mr. Edgeworth concerning Major Andre are entitled to considerable weight; not alone because of the well-known character for probity and discermnent of the writer and of his more distinguished daughter, by whom the Memoirs were completed and edited, but also from the fact that they were given to the world while yet a sister of Andre was living and in England : from whom, or rather from whose circle of friends, any misstatements on this head might have met a ready correction.* Richard Lovell Edgeworth, who ultimately became Miss Sneyd's successful wooer, is happily hit off, as he appeared in 1813, by Lord Byron: "I thought Edge- worth a fine old fellow, of a clarety, elderly, red com- plexion, but active, brisk, and endless. He was seventy, but did not look fifty— no, nor forty-eight even." "When he first met Honora, however, he was but of twenty-five or twenty-six years, though already a man of some note. Be had married on slender means, while his father yet lived, and had married unhappily: "My wife, prudent, * The clear handwriting of Maria Edgeworth across the title- page of a presentation copy of the Memoirs, gives additional value and authenticity to the vohime from which I quote. 3 34 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. domestic, and affectionate ; but she was not of a cheerful temper. She lamented about trifles; and the lamenting of a female with whom we live does not render liome delightful." He was, too, what may be called notional; and, charmed with the theories of Rousseau, must needs bring up his son after the manner of Emile, with bare feet and arms, and to a sturdy independence. While this connection subsisted, his visits to his friend Mr. Day brought him into constant intercourse with Miss Sneyd; "when," says he,— "for the first time in my life I saw a woman that equalled the picture of perfection which ex- isted in my imagination. I had long suffered from the want of that cheerfulness in a wife, without which mar- riage could not be agreeable to a man of such a temper as mine. I had borne this evil, I believe, with patience ; but my not being happy at home exposed me to the danger of being too ha])py elsewhere. The charms and superior character of Miss Honora Sneyd made an impression on my mind, such as I never felt before. ' ' Other gentlemen, whom he names, intimate at the palace, were unanimous in their approbation of this lady; all but Mr. Day. Thomas Day, the eccentric, benevolent, unpractical author of Sand ford and Merton, (once the delight of all the schoolboy world,) was now residing close to Lichfield. Notwithstanding his peculiar views respecting the sex, he could not refrain from frequently tempting his fate ; and what was more extraordinary, expected that witli a person neither formed by nature nor cultivated by art to please, he should win some woman, wiser than the rest of her sex, though not less fair, who should feel for him the most ro- mantic and everlasting attachment,— a paragon, who for him would forget the follies and vanities of her kind ; who >Should i;k. wrostotl 'ricondorojjn rroin tho King's linnds; but is was not luilil .liiiic that il took stops to proviilo for a Toiiti- jioiital army ami to appoint its gvnorals. On the l!7tii, a low days lalor. Ma.jor-(lonoral Schuylor was diroctod to ropair to 'Pioondoroiia and, if oxpodioni, to invailo Cana- da; but it was not boforo tlio ."UHh that Artiolos of War for tho i>'ovornnionl o( its sohliory woro aotually adoptod. A nuniluM- o\' Ainorioans woiv alroady assoniblod at Tioon- tloroga wlion Scliuylor arrived tlioro on tho IStli July, and many uioro oamo in iluring tho sinnmor; so that towards its oloso upwards of "JOOO mon woro oxpootod to move to tho Sorol. But, as may lio oasily lioliovoil. this foroo was stroiisivr in nnmbors tlian olVootivonoss. Prawn from dilVoront ooKinios. unai'onstomod to sorvo to^otlior. im- patient of diseipline. tlioir ranks woro tilled with .ioalous- ies and disputes.* 'flie most undaunted eourajre eannot loni>' sup)>ly the hiok of subordination in a soldier; ami this delVot seems to liave been one si'reat eause of iSehuyler's triuible. He alleges tliat even from a partisan so valiant and important as Klhan Allen, he was obliged to exaet a solemn promise of proper demeanor before ho reluetantly gave him permission to attend (he army. Xor was desertion unknown: "We held a eourt-martial at * .\bout ton o'clock last night 1 arrived at tlio laiulinsi-placc. the north cm! of Lake Doorgo, a post occupiiHt by a cajnaiu and one hundred men. A sentinel, on being iufornuHl 1 was in the boat, quitted his post to go and awake the guard, consisting of tliree men, in wliicl\ he had no success. 1 walked up. and came to another, a sergeant's guard. Here the sentinel challenged, but sulTered me to come up to him. the whole guard, like the tirst. in the soundest sleep. With a penknife only I could have cut off both guai'ds. and then have set fire to the block-house, destroyed the stores, and starved the people l»ere. . . . But 1 hope to get the better of this inattention. Tlie ollicers and men are all good- looking people, and decent in their deportment, and 1 really liclieve will make good soldiers as soon as I can get the better of this »ti»ii7i(i/ci»iAKK C'llAMlM.MN AND Tlir, SOREL. 8'i evoiy other stage," wrote a Now York oriicei', "and gave several of the unruly ones Moses's Law, /. c. thirty-nine" (lashos). Apprehensive that the enemy's vessels would be ready for service before the full force with which he (l(>signod entering C-anada could be brought up, Schuyler a[)peared before St. Johns, with upwards of 1000 men, on the ()th of September. A landing was made within two miles of the place, and after some brisk skirmishing the troojis halted for the night. r>ut no Canadians rei)aired to their aid, as had been iioped for, which, with otlier i)rudential con- siderations, induced the American leaders to return on the 7th to the Isle-aux-Noix, not far distant. On the night of the 10th a detachment of 800 men, under Mont- gomery, again landed near the I'ort ; hut the noise which a ]iart made in marching through the tanglcti woods oc- casioned ;i panic anu)ng the rest, from which tliere was no recovering them ; and it was necessary, on the next day, to lead them back, after a very trilling skirmish. On the 17th, however, they were once more embarked, and, Schuyler's illness preventing his accompanying them, the subsequent conduct of the siege devolved upon Mont- gomery. It is dillicult to estimate the strength of his forces, by reason of the numbers who were constantly sent back to Orown Point on the sick-list; but it was probably not far from l!()00 men. A party was stationed between Chanibly and St. -lohns to iuterrui)t the conuuunication; and though it was routed by an expedition from the fort, subsequent reinforcements arrived to the Americans, and on the 18th the liritish were in turn compelled to fly. The investment contiimed, but Itad weather and the feebleness of the beleaguering army retarded its progress iu)t a little. The fort was held by Major Preston, of the 26th, with up- wards of 500 men; among whom was a large part of the 84 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 7th, witli Andre as their arate them from their men, and they in vain protested against this measure. Their complaint to Con- gress was that, while the officer was thus parted from his soldiers, they were enlisted by the Americans; and again, that the privates at Lancaster had received neither their clothes nor their pay, and that it was unjust in the ex- treme to thus deprive their leaders of the means of satis- fying them. The local Committee of Safety, at the head of which was Edward Shippen (a lady of whose family was at a later day the friend of Andre and the wife of Arnold), could not maintain order among the men but by a military guard. In January, 1776, they represent this to Congress. They also strongly paint the distress of their prisoners. The women and children are in a state of starvation. The men are half frozen by want of suf- ficient covering "against the rigor and inclemency of the season." This committee seems to have given what as- sistance it could to the captives, and, at the same time, to have declined separating officers and men. Accordingly, Congress handed over the disposition of the business to the State Committee, with instructions to imprison such officers as would not give a parole; and in March, 1776, orders for their removal from their men at Lancaster and Eeading were issued. Their money had not yot arrived, and they were compelled to leave their lodging-bills un- settled. The Lancaster Committee reported this to Con- gress, saying that the tavern keepers, with whom the Con- tinental authorities had lodged the officers, had finally refused to accommodate them longer, and that some of the inhabitants, out of courtesy, had therefore been induced to atf ord them rooms, with caudles, fuel, and breakfasts ; their own servants were in attendance, and a mess-dinner for them all was established. Among the bills thus ren- dered, we find jMichael Bartgis's claim for £7 6s., for a TEEATMEKT OF PRISONERS. 95 chamber, fire, and lights, supplied to Lieutenants Des]3ard and Andre of the 7th. There is no great cause to suppose that these prisoners were either well treated or patient. An American officer of reputation, himself just released from long confine- ment at New York, remarks upon the ungenerous slights put upon the captives at Reading, by that class of Whigs whose valor was chiefly displayed in insulting those whom better men had made defenceless; and if their affronts were resented, the officer stood a good chance of being soundly cudgeled, and clapped into jail. More than one who had surrendered to Montgomery attempted to abscond.* The prisoners alleged, and with truth perhaps, that the fear of persecution deterred many of the inhabitants from showing them kindness. In Andre's case this apprehen- sion did not prevail. From some of the people of Lan- caster he received kind words and kind deeds ; and rela- tions of friendship were established that still exist in the memory of their descendants. The local authorities were less pleased with the behavior of the 26th than with that of the 7th; and there could have been no one in either * After alleging instances of our ill-treatment of prisoners, an English account continues: "When the garrison at St. Johns capit- •ulated, because they had no provisions and no place to retire to, the rebels were so much afraid of them, even when unanned, that Schuyler addressed the officers, telling them he was in their power, and depended on their honour. It would have been no wonder if such people had been well treated; yet so scandalously ill were they afterwards used, that some of "the young officers resolved rather to run the hazard of perishing in the woods in attempting to escape to Canada, than continue to submit to it." Royal Perm. Gaz. May 15, 1778. This story has probably this much truth in it: Schuyler may have so addressed GOO men whom he sent off under a guard of 100. That they were ill-treated afterwards was no fault of his, though he promised to hang an absconding prisoner if he could catch him. And after capturing them while yet fully armed, the Americans would hardly have feared unarmed men. 96 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. regiment better qualified than himself to win the favor of his new neighbors. His disposition may be descril)ed, if it cannot be aecurately delineated. In him were most ju- diciously combined the love of action and the love of pleasure: the moving powers of every spirit that rises from the common level, and which, when properly direct- ed and controlled, are well rei^resented as the i)arents respectively of the useful and the agreeable in man. ' ' The character that unites and harmonizes both, ' ' says Gibbon, "would seem to constitute the most perfect idea of human nature." When business was concerned, Andre was zealous, active, and sagacious : and his leisure hours were given to elegant and refining relaxations. A taste for painting, poetry, music, and dramatic representations, comprehends as well a knowledge of the outward face of nature as of the thoughts and passions that stir mankind ; and cori-ectness of eye, ear, and hand, of judgment, fancy and observation, is fostered and strengthened by the arts upon which it feeds. In his present strait, not Gold- smith's flute was more useful to its master beside the "murmuring Loire" than the brush and pencil to Andre's familiar hand. A^liether as a mere amusement, or as a means of ingratiating himself with the people of Lancas- ter, he set about teaching some of their children to draw. The late Dr. Benjamin Smith Barton,' of scientific reputa- tion, was thus initiated into the art of sketching, and be- came no mean draughtsman. His family still preserves specimens of Andre's skill, some of which are of singular merit. His style was easy and free, and his favorite de- signs studies of the human figure, or from the- antique. In certain circles he thus became a welcome guest, and was wont to share in their parties of pleasure. Among the inhabitants who were distinguished by their courtesy to the captives was Mr. Caleb Cope, a Quaker gentleman of loyal proclivities. His son had a strong natural taste Andre's reiations with the Americans. 97 for painting and soon became a favorite pupil of Andre's: so much so, that he constantly pressed the fa- ther to place the lad in his charge and suffer him to be brought up to that art. On one occasion he urged that he was anxious to go back to England, but could not do so without a reasonable excuse for quitting the army; that he liad now an offer to purchase his commission; and that with this boy to look after, a fair pretext for return- ing home would be afforded. But the father was inflex- ible, and in March, 1776, the master and pupil were sepa- rated, and the former sent to Carlisle. A correspond- ence was however kept up between Mr. Cope and himself. Andre to Caleb Cope. Sir You wou'd have heard from me ere this Time had I not wish'd to be able to give you some encouragement to send my young Friend John to Carlisle. My desire was to find a Lodging where I cou'd have him with me, and some quiet honest family of Friends or others where he might have boarded, as it wou'd not have been so proper for him to live with a Mess of Officers. I have been able to find neither and am myself still in a Tavern. The people here are no more willing to harbour us, than those of Lancaster were at our first coming there. If however you can resolve to let him come here, I believe Mr. Despard & I can make him up a bed in a Lodging we have in view, where there will be room enough. He will be the greatest part of the day with us or employ 'd in the few things I am able to instruct him in. In the mean while I may get better acquainted with the Town and provide for his board. With regard to Expence this is to be attended with none to you. A little assiduity & friendship is all I ask of my young friend in return for 98 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. my good will to be of service to him and my wishes to i)ut him in a way of improving the Talents Nature hath given him. I shall give all my attention to his morals and as I believe him well dispos'd 1 trust he will acquire no bad habits here. Mr. Despard joins with me in compliments to yourself Mrs. Cope & Family I am sir Your most humble servant Carlisle the 3d April 1776.— John Andre The superscription of this letter is as follows: — To Mr. Caleb Cope Lancaster Andre and Despard obtained lodgings with a Mrs. Eamsey, in the stone house that now stands at the corner of Locust Alley and South Hanover Street,* in Carlisle; and for them and eight other officers a mess was estab- lished. Each had his servant from the regiment, dressed in the hunting-shirts and trousers that then were so com- monly worn, particularly by our troops. The ardent * The late Rev. Josepli A. ^lurray, D. D., of Carlisle, published in 1882 a pamphlet on "Andre and Despard in Carlisle;" by which it is clearly shown that Sargent and others who refer to Mrs. Eam- sey's house are wrong — the real location being the tavern which stood on lot 161, northeast corner of South Hanover street and Chapel alloy, and which was demolished many years ago. In 1776 it was kept by Ephraim Steel, the grandfather of the late Jliss Harriet Foulk, of Carlisle, who, in 1882 told Dr. Murray that Mr. Steel had charge of Andre. Mrs. Ramsey, a staunch Whig, lived opposite in the frame house shown in the view. It was she who detected the Tories and caused their arrest. (See the revised edition of the pamphlet, with notes bv Prof. Chas. F. Himes, Carlisle, Pa., 1902.— Ed.) RUMORED ATTACK ON ANDRE. 99 ^liigs of the place feared lest their discourse should cor- rupt the weak-minded within their allotted bounds and were anxious to imprison them, but could find no pretext. At last Andre and his comrade were detected in conversa- tion with two Tories. The latter were sent to jail and letters in the French language being found on their persons, Andre and Despard were forbidden for the fu- ture to leave the town. As no one could be found compe- tent to translate the letters, their contents wei'e never known. The two officers had provided themselves with very handsome fowling-pieces and a brace of beautiful pointer dogs. The guns they forthwith broke to pieces, says tradition, affirming "that no rebel should ever burn jjowder in them,"— an exclamation that savors of Despard 's style.* On another occasion a person named Thompson,! who had once been an apprentice to Mr. Ram- sey, and was now a militia captain, marched his company from the northern pai't of the county to Carlisle, and drawing it up by night before the house, swore loudly that Andre and Despard should forthwith be put to death. The entreaties of Mrs. Ramsey at length prevailed on this hero to depart, shouting to her lodgers as he went that they were to thank his old mistress for their lives. On the 5th of August, the rumor spread through Lancaster * This was an Irish officer, who, in 1781, very bravely supported Nelson in Nicaragua, and was executed for treason in 1803. He was nnfi of the very few English officers that brought back from '■ir;! (fell' lenioir-iti': H'ldiiT wn - indpru an Mr, Sargent is mistaken in thinking the- Despard quartered "i+h Andre vas he vrho vas afterwards executed for treason, in England, in IdOS . It iras his brotlier, Edward Marcus DospiArd, who ht.d served in the 36th and .'^Oth regiments of the British Army, and v;as conspicuous in Nicaragua. This, from a letter to me from Sir C.V/.O'.Oman the historian, London Apl.18.1923. (lettsr from .,lr. V/illiaru Abbatt, Tur-ryto.vn, N.Y. April 2b, 1923 to the Order Division, Library of Congress) 100 LIFK OF MA,U)I{ AXDKE. that Captain Clark's company, of Cumberland County, on its M'ay through Carlisle to that town, liad wantonly attacked the royal officers there, and, firing through the windows, had wounded Andre. As Ciai'k's arrival was looked for that night, the Lancaster Committee ajipear to have feared a massacre would ensue of tiie in-ivates in their jail, similar to that perjjctrated in the same jilace, and by people from the same region, a number of years previously, upon the Christian Indians who had fled from the wrath of the "Paxtang Boys." They ordered the jail to be well sup]>lied with water before sunset, and pro- vided for calling out the local militia, if needs were; and the prisoners were assured that they should be protected, if possible. These, however, were not inclined to imitate their predecessors and die singing hymns and praying. They armed themselves with stout cord-sticks, and re- solved to die hard. On Clark's approach, the alarm van- ished: he denied the story altogether, and i)ut its i^ropa- gator in the guard-house. The man then had only to say that, at Carlisle, he had seen two persons firing their pieces down the street, and that he had heard, from the house where the officers' servants dwelt, that Andre was wounded. There was probably no truth in this last as- sertion; but there was much ill-will against the officers from the following cause:— Early in 1776, Foster, with some English and a number of savages, had encountered a body of Americans at the Cedars, on Lake Cham- plain, who surrendered to the number of 500. Foster alleged that his Indians, infuriated at the loss of their sachem, were for murdering the prisoners, and were only content to spare them on condition of marking each man's ear with a knife, and threatening to slay outright all who should ever return with this distinction. He then paroled them, to go home and be exchanged for a like number of the English taken at St. Johns. The American govern- THE RAMSEY HOUSE, CARLISLE (to the right). SITE OF ANDRE'S QUARTERS , (to the left). THE COPE HOUSE, L.^NCASTER. HIS LETTERS TO MR. COPE. IQl ment would not fulfill this convention; and the clipped men, arriving at their own abode, were often full of hatred to those for whom they were to have been ex- changed. This event occasioned great embarrassments in effecting the exchanges during the war ; for the enemy always insisted on the men of the Cedars being accounted for. But while some of the officers surrendered their paroles and were sent to prison,— "a dreadful place, that will be prejudicial to their health," says the Whig com- mittee,— and others, disregarding it, fled through the wil- derness to their friends, Andre is described as quietly confining himself to his chamber and passing his days in reading, with his feet resting on the wainscot of the win- dow and his dogs lying by his side. This was the wisest course ; for any infringement of the strict letter of their parole was now visited on the officers with imprisonment ; and new restrictions were imposed. They were sent to jail if they went out except in uniform ; they were not per- mitted to leave tbeir chamber after nightfall ; some were deprived, as they complained to Congress, of their ser- vants; others subjected to threats and insults. These matters are set down in the records of the times. Disa- greeable as they are to repeat, there can be no reason for their omission here, save one : if there were any cause to question their truth, they would gladly be stricken out. — Pudet h»c opprobria nobis Et dici potuisse, et non potuisse refelli. Andre to Caleb Cope. Dear Sir I am much oblig'd to you for your kind Letter and to your Son for his drawings. He is greatly improv'd since I left Lancaster and I do not doubt but if he continues his application he will make a very great progress. I cannot regret that you did not send your son hither; we have 102 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. been submitted to nlanns aiul joalousys which wou'd have rontltM-M his stay lioiv vory tlisajiivoablo to him and I wouM not williniily soo any |H>rson sntYor on our aci'ouut ; with regard howovor to >our ajuii'^heusions in oonse- ipieuoo of tJie osonpo of the Lebanon GentkMuen, they were groundless, as we have been on parole ever siuee our arrival at this plaee wliich 1 ean assure yon they were not. — T shouM more than once have written to you had oppor- tnnitys presented themselves, but the post and we seem to have fallen out, for we can never by that ehannel either reeeive or forward a line on the most inditferent subjects. Mr. Despard is very well and desires to be remember 'd to yourself and Family. 1 beg you wou'd give my most friendly compliments to your Family and particularly to your Sou my disciple to whom I hope the future posture of AtTairs will give me an opportunity of pointing ont the way to proticicncy in his favourite study, wliich may tend so nuich to his pleasure aud advantage. Let him go on copying whatever good models he can meet with, and never suffer himself to neglect the ]n"oportion aud never to think of tiuishing his work, or imitating the fine flowing Lines of his Copy, till every limb, feature, house tree or whatever he is drawing, is in its proper place. With a little practise this will be so natural to him. that his Eye will at tirst sight guide his pencil in the exact distribution of every part of the work.. I wish I may soon see you on our way to our own friends with which I hope by Exchange wc may be at length re-united.— 1 am Dear Sir Your most obedient humble servant J. Andre Carlish' the 3d. Septr. 1776.— his letters to mr. cope. 103 Andre to Caleb Cope. Your Letter by Mr. Barringlon is just come to hand I am sorry you sliou'd imagine my being absent from Lancaster, or our tioubles could make me forget my friends. Of tlie Several Letters you mention having written to me only one of late has reach'd Carlisle viz that by Mr. Slough. To one I received from you a week or two after leaving Lancaster I return 'd an Answer. I own the difficulties of our Correspondence had disgusted me from attempting to write. I once more commend myself to your good family & am sincerely Yrs &c* J. A. I hope your Sons indisposition will be of no conse- quence.*— This letter is addressed Mr. Cope Lancaster Andre to Caleb Cope. Dear Sib I have just time to acquaint you that I receiv'd your let- ter by Mrs. Calender with my j'oung friends Drawings, which persuade me he is much improv'd, and that he has not been idle. He must take j^articular care in forming the features in faces, and in copying hands exactly. He shou'd now and then coi)y things from the life and then compare the proportions with what prints he may have, or what rules he may have remember 'd. With respect * This letter was probably written early in September. On the 24th Aujrust the Council at Philadelphia ordered that Mr. Bar- rington should be sent on parole from Lancaster jail to Cumber- land County. 104 l.U'K OK MA.IOK ANUKK. to liis sliMilinn' with Imliaii Ink. tlio Muatoniicjil lisiinv is tolornbly woll vlouo, but lio wou'd liiul his work smoothor ixwd softor. woiv l\o to h\y tho sliados on inoiv iirndnally, not bhu'koninn' I ho darkost at oiuv but by washinsj; thoui ovor iv}u>atodly, and novor "till tlio j>apor is qnito dry. *riu> tiijmv is vory woll ilrawi\. l'ai>t". ran»|>lH>ll who is tho boaivr of this lottor will probably whoi\ at Lanoastor bo ablo to judgi^ what likoly- hood thoro is of an K\ol»angi» of Trisonors which wo aro told is to tako {^laoo innnodiatoly ; if this shon'd bo with- out foundation. 1 shouM bo vory stlad to soo your Son horo. Of this you inay s^vak with Capt". Oauipboll and if you shouM dotonnino upon it. K^t nio know it a fow days Ivfotv hand whon 1 shall tako oaro to sottlo niattors for his riHvptioi\. I am IVar Sir Your n\ost hun\blo Sor" : J. Anokk Carlhle tht^ Itth Oct. 1776.— My Wst ooniplinionts if you v^h^as'o to your fau\ily and partioularly to John. Mr. Pospard bosrs to bo ronuMU- bor'd to you.— SuiXM-soription: To Mr. Talob Oo^v Lauoastor AxoRK TO Om.kb Copk. Pk.\r Sir T oaunot miss tho opportunity 1 havo of writing to you by Mr. Slough to tako loavo of yoursolf and family and transmit to you my simviv wishes for your wolfaiv. Wo aiv on our road, ^as wo Ivliovo to Ih> oxohang'd^ and how- HIS LETTERS XO MJS. COPE. 105 ever happy this prospect may make me; It doth not lender me less warm in the fate of those persons in this Country, i'or wliom I had eoneeiv'd a regard; I trust on your side you will f]o me the Justice to remember me with some good will, and that you will be persuaded I shall be happy if an Occasion shall offer of my giving your son some further hints in the Art for which he has so happy a turn. Desire him if you please to commit my name and my friendship for him to his Memory and assure him from me, that if he only brings diligence to his assistance, Nature has open'd him a path to fortune and reputation, and that he may hope in a few years to enjoy the fruits of his labor, perhajjs the face of affairs may so far change that he may once more be within my reach when it will he a very great pleasure to me to give him what assistance I can. My best compliments as well as Mr. JJespards to Mrs. Cope and the rest of your family I am truly Dear Sir Your most obedt. humb' Servant J. Andbe Reading the 2nd Dec. 1776. — * To ^rr. Caleb Cope Lancaster * These letters were communicated to me by Caleb Cope, Esq., of Philadelphia, grandHon of the gentleman to whom they were addressed. The memory of their writer was tenderly cherished by the young man they so constantly allude to, who in after-years could never refer to Andre's story without deep emotion. The correspondence did not cease here; letters came to Mr. Cope up to the time when Andre was about to proceed to meet Arnold at West Point; but unfortunately they appear to have been lost or destroyed. [Almost immediately after the date of the last letter to Mr. Cope, Andre was exchanged, and soon after we find him quar- tered in the Gardiner House, (Long Island) East Hampton, N. Y. The British had undisputed possession of Long Island at the ]0() LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Towards the close of this year most of the prisoners iiijulo by citlior side in Canada were exolianj^cd, and Andre thus ol>tainod liis freedom by their means, through whom he had lost it. The skeleton of the 7th was trans- ferred from that province to New York; recruits and new clothing wore sent out from I'highiud; and in the end of Dct'cmber the regiment, including the men lately dis- charged from Pennsylvania, marched into town with tolerably full ranks. Andre did not, however, long re- main in it: on the 18th January, 1777, he received a cap- taincy in tlie l2Gth, which liad been so augmented that each coniiiaiiy consisted of 64 men, exclusive of commissioned ollicers. Sir William Howe, who now commanded in chief, had appeared on Long Island (where, indeed, it was supposed Amherst had advised his wintering in 1775-6, and thence commanding the neighboring colonies) in the preceding summer and had given Wasliington's army a severe de- feat.f The skill witli which our general avaiknl himself tiino, niul their lloet wiis constantly cruising up and down the Sound. Dr. Nathaniel Gardiner, of the First New Hampshire Conti- nentals, was a sou of Col. Ahraham Gardiner, the owner and otiujiant of tlie house. The Doctor ventured secretly to re- turn on a visit. Andre afterwards told his father that he had known of his presence, but as he had not actually met him, had forborne to have him arrested, as would have otherwise been his duty to do. On leaving town, Andre presented Col. Abraham with a wine-ghiss in exchange for one of his host's. The glass is still preserved by tlie family in the JIanor House ou Gardiner's Island. A strange destiny decreed that the two young men should meet in 1780, when Andre was a prisoner at Tajipan. Dr. Gardiner, by Washington's orders, was detailed to attend him professionally. He seems to liave left no written reminiseenees of his accomplished patient. — Ed.] t "We liave had what some call a battle, but if it deserves that name, it was the pleasantest I ever heard of, as we had not received more than a dozen shot from the enemy, when they ran away with the utmost precipitation. "Lushington's llnrris; i: 74. VICTORIES OF TRENTON AND PRINCETON. 1.07 of his adversary's carelessness, however, wrested the fruits of victory from the English ; and 9000 men were safely borne away, whose retreat might have been pre- vented by the least exercise of forethought. New York was occupied; Fort Washington taken with its 2000 Americans; and Washington compelled to retreat through Jersey into Pennsylvania, with Cornwallis thun- dering at his heels and pressing the pursuit with hot urgency. Had Howe (as he might easily have done) passed a force from Staten Island to New Brunswick, where much of our ammunition, light artillery, &c., had been sent on in advance, it could have destroyed them all, and in every human probability have intercepted the re- treat and crushed our army between itself and Cornwallis. This was the opinion, not only among our men, but in the royal lines ; and Clinton had vainly urged that the Rhode Island expedition should have been "landed at Amboy, to have cooperated with Lord Cornwallis, or embarked on board Lord Howe's fleet, landed in Delaware, and taken possession of Philadelphia."* Our affairs now began to look very desperate. We had been driven out of Canada. Washington, though in- vested by Congress with a dictatorship, saw his forces fluctuating between 2000 to 3000 men, disorganized, and one might have feared, almost ripe for dissolution. Num- bers in the seat of war were daily resuming fealty to the Crown, and the contagion spread even into the higher ranks of the army.f Congress had adjourned to Balti- more. The paper-money had depreciated. Lee, on whom many relied as on a second Charles of Sweden, was led away captive by Harcourt's dragoons while yet the pen was wet which had testified to Gates his contempt for * Paine's American Crisis, No. I. — Sir H. Clinton's MS. ■ t'^^'arren; i. 353. ins I,rFK OK MA.IOU ANDRE. his cliioftain:— "(JHYre nous, a certain great man is iiKtst (laninalily (l(>fi(^iont. " At tliis crisis, liis strciiiTtli swdilt'ii liy militia to .'jOOO men, Wasliini;1on aimed a dcadiy blow at the cliaiii of posts nnwisi'ly ostablishod and carelessly maintained across Jersey. Kalil was cut to pieces; Cornwallis ont-generalled; and the victories of Trenton and Princeton, wliicli in a lOuropean camjiaign niiglit scarce figure as more tlian Inilliant alTairs, were as the lireatli of life to tlie fainting cause of American Tnde- l)endence. Howe uiiglit vainly console liimsclf with the reflection thai the neglect of his subordinates had invited surprise, and that an exasperated population withheld intelligence from their Hessian i>lunderers. These contingencies he shouKl have ]U'ovided against. The fault was his own, and it was "Washington's care to gloriously ]H-ofit hy it.* On his arrival at New York, Andre had prepared and presented to Howe a memoir upon the existing war. In it ho doubtless set forth the conclusions taught him by a year's active service in Canada, with the astute and ener- getic Carletou; by his temporary intercourse as a jirison- er with the generous Schuyler and Montgomery, and their followers in the north; hy his long confinement anmug the rural i)opulatiou of Pennsylvania; and by the impres- * "Tliere were who thought (and who 'were not silent) that a chain across Jersey might ho danirerous. General Howe wrote to General Clinton thus, a few days before the misfortune. — '1 have been prevailed upon to run a chain across Jersey; the links are ratlicr too far asunder.' .... GcnoralG rant [was] ]iriiu^ipally to lilanie; lu> sliould have visited his posts, given his orders, and seen tlicv liad been obeyed. ... I am clear it winild liave been lietter if Sir W. Howe had not taken a chain across Jersey; but General Grant is answerable for everything else. . . . The two very judicious and otlicerlike movements of Lord Cornwallis against Tippoo. in 1791 and 170"^, proves wiiat he himself thinks of his conduct in 177''. He luul driven Wasliington over the Assunip- VICTORIES OF TRENTON AND PRINCETON. 109" sions he had received, and the comparisons he was al)le to make of the relative positions of affairs in 1774, when Congress first met, and in 1777, when he rejoined the army. Since he came to America he liad kept up a jour- nal in which both ])en and pencil were tasked to record his adventures and wanderings among Americans, Cana- dians, and savages. Everything of interest that he saw —bird, beast, or flower— was preserved by his brusli in its native hue, and tlie volume exhibited not only views and plans of the regions he liad traversed, but of the manners and apparel of their inhabitants. Even through captivity he had saved this precious memorial from the hands of his captors ; and it may well be I)elieved to have been of material service to him now.f His memoir was well received;— Sir William was delighted with its ability and intelligence. He at once took the writer into favoi'; and it was perhaps in consequence that, on the 18th of January, 1777, he got his company in the 26th. But a staff appointment was his legitimate sphere, and there was for the time none such vacant. He therefore re- tion,* and the Delaware was impassable; tlie Assumption no where but at its bridge, that at Trenton. His Lordship held that at Allen's town ; lie held the string too. His Lordship, thinking that Wasliington would wait for him till the next day, deceived by his fires, &e., into this belief, neglects to patrole to Allen's town — - over which Washington's wliole army, and the last hope of America, escaped. 1 am sure no Hessian (,'or[)oral would liave hcen so imposed upon. . . . 'Tis a wonder Washington did not march to l^runswick Unless we could refrain from plundering, we had no business to take up winter-quarters in a district we wished to preserve loyal. The Hessians introduced it. Truth obliges me to assert, and 1 have proofs in the addresses and the letter, that Lord Percy and I effectually stopped it in Hhode Island. I could ])ro(luce a very curious proof." — (Jlintoti MS. *Assanpink-. t The aulhor (ly Lord Pomfret. He came of a knightly Northumbrian family, and of an ancient line. "The Hows of Grai," says Sir Philip Sidney, "is well known inferior to no Hows in England, in greater Continuance of Honour, and for number of givat Howses sprung from it to be matclied by none, but by the noble Hows of Xevel." At nineteen he was aide to Prince Ferdinand, and wounded at Minden. At the peace of 1763, when he retired on half-pay, he was colonel an.l aide to tlie king. Li our war, he had the local rank of .Major-General, and was distinguished for his dashing enterprise; and afterwards served with such credit in other quarters, that he was, in 1801, raised to the peerage as Baron Grey de Howick, and subsequently advanced to a viscountcy. So great was the opinion of his merit that, when the mutiny of the Nore threw all England into fear and confusion, his political opponent, Sheridan, ad- vised Uundas "to cut the buoys on the river, send Sir Charles Grey down to the coast, and set a price on Park- er's head." By these means only, he said, could the country be saved ; and he threatened to impeach ministers that very night, if they were not resorted to. Grey * Clinton MS. Howe's sally into new jersey. Ill brought home with him a higli estimate of Washington, though he thought him constitutionally nervous.* Personal friemlshii) had now led Sir Charles to Howe's camp. The other generals were all provided with aides. He brought none with him when he arrived at New York on the 3d of June, and willingly listened to his general's recommendation of "a young man of great abilities, whom for some time he liad wished to provide for." Andre was appointed his aide-de-camp, and thenceforth could have been but little with his regiment, though his rank in it was still retained. He doubtless accompanied Grey in the movement of force that Howe made into Jersey on the 14tli of June, but the column to which he was attached did not come into action. This was at a juncture when our army, inferior in strength, had nothing to hojie from being forced into a general engagement; which, for that very reason, was desired by the enemy. We were en- camped in a very defensible, but by no means impreg- * General Grey was fatlier of the celebrated Reform Peer, whose name was once in every mouth, and whom Cobbett so injured by the publication of the Grey List, which showed that, when prime minister, he had saddled his kindred on the nation, to the rate of £170,000 per annum. It was also said that, so far from imitating "the fair platonist,"' Lady Jane, his way of life mifiht have been classed by her tutor, old Roger Ascham, with that which the young nobility of the day brought home from Venice. An anecdote of Gen. Grey, whether true or false, was told among the Tories in the war. An officer going home with despatches was thus instructed by him: "You will first go to Lord G. Germain; he will ask you such and such questions; you will answer them so and so. You will then be sent to Lord North, who will ask you these questions; you will thus answer ihem. You will then be sent to the King, who will also ask you, &c. ; you are also to give him these answers. You will then be examined by the Queen. She is a sensible woman. Y^ou must answer with caution ; but of all things be careful that you say nothing that will condemn the conduct of Gen. Howe." — Davis's Burr; ii. 33. 112 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDKE. liable ground.* It was the British policy to seduce us from those lines; and by a simulated retreat, they par- tially succeeded. "This feint of Sir "William Howe," confesses Clinton, "was well imagined and well executed, but Washington began to grow wary." The Americans fell back with slight damage to their posts in the hills, securing the passes which Cornwallis had sought to oc- cupy ; and there was nothing left for the foe but to return to the place whence he came, to boldly essay the hostile camp, or to leave our people in their security, and, by in- terce]iting their sui)plies, or even crossing the Delaware, finally force Washington to march out. This last seemed to numy of the English the most feasible manoeuvre. "I had planned this very move in 1779," wrote Clinton, some years later, "under promise of early reinforcements, and had taken every previous step to it; Imt reinforcements not arriving till September, I was obliged to relinquish it."t On this occasion, however, Howe thought it wisest to go quietly back towards New York; whence he soon sailed with the bulk of his troops. Clinton was left to hold the city with what remained; "making in all 7,000; great proportion of which were raw provincials."! From Sir Henry's own manuscript notes, it may be as well to insert here some further narrative of the doings of the royal arms on the Hudson. It will be recollected that, while he was "forbid to do anything offensive that could endanger New York," it was impossible for Clinton to remain indifferent to the fate of Burgoyne. In his own words : — "When Sir H. Clinton had received a reinforcement * "In this position Washington had the Rariton in front so as [to be] strongly posted, but not entirely secure: for his communi- cation niiiiht have drawn him from it." — Clinton MS. tClmton MS. Jlbid. Howe's sally into new jersey. 113 of 1700 recruits from Europe, and had determined on a move up tlie Hudson, he wrote to Sir W. Howe his inten- tion and his motives for doing it; though he considered an attempt on the forts as rather desperate, he thought the tunes required such exertions. He feared he should not succeed, but flattered himself he had nothing to appre- hend but failure without any fatal consequences to New York. Sir W. Howe in answer told him that if his object was not of the greatest consequence, and almost certain of success, and m a short time, he was ordered to return, and send to Sir W. Howe the troops he had moved with, as Washington reinforced by Putnam had been enabled to attack him on the 9th, and that if he was not joined by the troops I had moved with, or till he was, he could not open the Delaware. I mention this fact and Sir W. Howe's reasons for withdrawing the force I had moved with • had I received this letter of Sir W. Howe's before I had moved, It must have stopt me; but receiving it after- wards, by a miracle succeeded in taking the forts I should have felt myself satisfied in proceeding had I anv hopes of success I had dispatched G. Vaughan with 1/OOmentofeelforBurgoyne; cooperate with him; nay join him jf necessary. Vaughan had advanced near lOa miles and had 40 more to go to Albany, and 60 more to, join Burgoyne. He wrote me word the 19th he could h ar nothing certain of Burgoyne, but had apprehension. Alas ! Burgoyne had surrendered the 17th. Had I moved 6 days sooner I should have found McDougal there and consequently must have failed; besides I could not risla mov that sort unless Burgo,-ne had express" a Ih that I should; and I did not receive his answer accenting my offer till the 29th. Had I made the attempt of he east side, and even beaten Putnam, I had still the Hud son to pass, and I had no boats, nor no vessel to protect my landing: thus, therefore, I must have failed. Had I Ill IIFK OK MA.IOU ANDRE. dolnyod my attack after 1 had passed the Thimderberg 6 liours, Piitiiinn would have i>assed that river and i^ainod the I'orts, I'or thougli Sir Jainos Walhioe prevented his doing it from Peekskihi, he miiiht have done so by a ■detoiir, and 1 must have been foiled. 1 tried the Impos- sible: a tolerable good arrangement, good luck, and great oxertion of Oiticers and Men succeeded. From the infor- mation 1 received just as I was landing at Howe's point, and which 1 dare not comnnmicate to anybody, T liad little hopes of doing more than covering Burgoyue's retreat to Ticonderoga, which 1 had no doubt of his attempting the l'2th; for as to his supposing I could take the forts and penetrate to Albany, and keep nj) the communication af- terwarils. he could not expect it."* This interesting statement refers to Clinton's move- ment against the American works at Verplauck's and Stony Points— one of the most creditable performances of the war. These works commanded the navigation of the Hudson and impeded tlie transmission of aid to Bur- goyne. "Lord Kawdon, then aide-de-camp to Sir H. Clinton, had been sent to reconnoitre Verplauck's Point; but he could not get near enough to ascertain the practica- bility of a landing.' "t Despite this, the English set forth by water with 3,000 men, and easily made good their landing at Verplauck's, on the eastern side of the river. Alarmed lest their plan should be to push on directly to Burgoyue. Putnam hurried to secure the passes above, while Clinton adroitly circumvented him by throwing 'JlOO of his little army to the western bank, and hastening to at- tack our forts ^lontgomery anil Clinton. A dangerous and ditlicult mountain — the Donderberg— had to be surmoimt- ed ere his troops could come to the assault; and, destitute of artillery, there was nothing left for them but to storm. ♦Clinton .V5. tlbid. nPKRATIONS ON TirK TITIDSON. 1 1 f) It was late iji tii(! day when tliey drow iioar, "l)y a detour of seven miles, Iiaviug also a Jong defile to pass under a steep cliff, at tlu; end of which was Fort Montgomery, con- sisting of eight redoubts joined by an intrenchment." That post was inferior in strengtli to Fort Clinton, from which it was separated by a passable sti-eam; and both were assailed as tiu! day was closing. "Had not both these forts been attacked at the same instant, lUiither would have been cari'ied without gi-eat loss," observes Sir Henry, who himself directed the more dangei'ons on- set against Fort Clinton. "This attack was delayed till that of the left was judged to have bec-omo serious, and till it was dark, that the troops might he less exposed in moving up to it." The enterprise was successful. The forts were carried with a rush; and an iinmcnse (|uantity of military stores were captui-ed or d(;st!-oyed. Never- theless thei'e was a prodigious risk in the whole affair; and the English leader candidly owns how inucii his safety was due to the enterprise of "Sir James Wallace, who, by stopping the rel)el boats in Peekskiln, prevented Putnam fi-om passing to the forts."* But however detriirumtal these successes wei-e to our cause, they were more than atoned for by the fall of P>ur- goyne. That Clinton's object was the relief of that gen- eral is pretty certain; and to that (sxtent his expedition was a failure. "Sir H. Clinton, thinking (}. Burgoyne might want some cooperation (though he; had not call<(d for it in any of his letters), oiTcwil in his of the ]2tli September to make an attempt on the forts as soon as the expected rein- forcements should arrive from Fiiro|)e. Ocii. Burgoyne * CHnton MS. IIG LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. fought the battle of Saratoga on the 19th, and on the 21st tells Gen. Clinton that an attempt or even a menace of an attempt would be of use. Sir H. Clinton received this letter the 29th of September, and moved the 2nd of Octo- ber. On the 27th Sept., G. Gates [Burgoyne?] had re- ceived information tliat liis gallics, gunboats, &c., on Lake George iiad l)oen surprisinl and destroyed by Gen. Lin- coln, and he had consequently lost his communication with Canada. 'Tis pity he had not instantly fallen back to recover them; but thinking, 'tis presumed, he was under orders to Albany, he requests to know of me whether I can meet him there or supply him afterwards, and says he will stay to the 12th October for my answei'."* But the results of the second Saratoga battle, on the 7th October, rather modified the British plans. "On the very day of this action, by giving the enemy jealousy for the East side, Sir H. Clinton lauded on the West, gained the mountain of Thunderberg, and by a tolerably well combined move, and wonderful exertion of the troops under his command, took all the forts by as- sault."! This accomplished, the partial attempt to succor Bur- goyue and to bring him supplies was jiroceeded in, and Vaughan was embarked for that purpose— "after the chain was broken, the chevanx-de-frieze removed, and provision for 5000 men for 6 months prepared Gen- eral Vaughan had orders to proceed immediately as high as his pilots could carry him to feel for Burgoyne, coop- erate with him, and join him if required." But on the loth October, Burgoyne was compelled to open negotiations for surrender; and neither Clinton nor * Clinton MS. f Ibid. OPEEATIONS ON THE HUDSON. 117 Vaughan accomplished more for his relief than the de- struction at Esopus. Disappointed in their chief hoiae, the British presently returned to New York:— that such was mainly the motive of the expedition sufficiently ap- pears by the important private memoranda of Sir Henry himself, as above printed. CHAPTER VJ I. Tlic Hrilish t'lnbark I'or I'hihulcliiliia. — l>r;iiulv\viiu'. tho I'aoli. nnd lu'rinaiitowii. — Aiulre's Humanity. — Occiipaliou and Forlifi- calioii ol" Pliiladolpliia. — CliaraclfV of tlie (.'ity in IT;;. Hl'X'lOUS tiino was spt'ut in Iruitlfss atleinj)ts to briiii;' Wasliington to battle on eiiual u round in Jersey, ere Howe resolved to cir- t'liinvciit our army by moans of tlio floet, and to ajiproac'li i'liiiadolpliia from another quarter. This schomo, disapproved by some of his immediate subordi- nates, was oarofully eoneealod from the rest of the troops, who, on the '2'M of Juno. 1777, wore ouibarked at Amboy, in porfoot ignoranoo of thoir dostiuation.* The iitedia scieiitia of the sehoolmon tlio calculation of possible eon- soquenees of events that did not hai^pon— can alone de- tormino tho otToot of another ]ilan of tlio camiiaign. Had a powerful force marched northwardly to act in couuee- tiou with Burgoyne, the surrender at Saratoga might have been itrevented, the royal army increased in strength, and time still left to operate against Philadelphia ere the sea- son closed. A few ships of war threatening the New England coast or cannonading Boston, might have drawn to another quarter the militia that thronged to the aid of Ciatos. Nor did all his labor eventually much better Howe's situation. At Brunswick he was but sixty miles * "\ owe it to truth to say there was not, I believe, a mau in the army, exeept Loril Coi-nwallis and General Grant, who did not rep- robate the move to tlie southward, and see the necessity of a co- iijieration \\iil» General Burgoyne. .. .General Clinton told Lord G. (lennain. April '■.'Tth. — and Sir W. Howe repeatedly, after his return to .\n\eriea — his luunble opinion that Philadelphia had bet- ter close than open the cainpaisru, as it required an armv to defend it."— Clinton MS. ACTION AT BRANDYWINE. 119 froju Pliihulelpliia; at Elk, ha was seventy; and if onr army's i)osition was less strong at Jjraudywine, its spirit was better and its force increased. When lie appeared in the Chesapeake, his ))rotlier the Admiral with line and phnnmct and in seaman's garb leading the boat that guided the fleet's course, it was (lues- tioned at Philadel])iiia whether Sir William aimed at Bal- timore, or a yet higher point. All doubts vanished on the 25tli of August, when he landed. The debarkation was finislied on the 27tii ; and on the 28th, he niarciied seven miles and fixed head-quarters at the head of Elk, posting the troops two miles oft". On the 3rd of September, he led part of his army to Aickin's tavern; the light infantry and Jdgcrs skirmishing with the American advanced i)ar- ties for a mile and a half, and losing a dozen men in killed and wonndcsd. Knyi)hausen had been deta(!lied across Elk t'ei'i-y to Cecil Court-house to collect stores, and now rejoined at Aickin's; and on the Gth, Grant's division also came up. Hence, by easy stages, with Galloway in liis coacli following in the rcai', TFowc passed on through a fertile and fiiendly country; wiiih^ on Sunday, tlu; 24th of August, our army had marched through Philadeli)hia to meet him. Cheerful but half naked, their hats adorned with green boughs, and drum and fife sounding merrily, they came down Front and u}) Chestnut streets, and so over the Schuylkill. On the 11th of September, the citi- zens hearkened to the roar of i\\a artillery; and gathering by groui)S, according to their political inclinations, in the squares or ])ublie places, speculated in hope or in fear upon the results of the day. It was an unfortunate day for America, but less so than might have been. With 130()() men, and in the best [)Osi- tion the region al'forded, Washington waited the attack. He could do no better. By a larger and better force, and 120 I.IFK OF MAJOR ANDRE. by m.-uKruvres as well conooivod as executed, ho was sur- prised and driven from tlie ii,round. At four A. M., Howo and Cornwallis marched from Kennett Squai'e with their left column, led by Grey, i\Iathew, and Agnew, and cross- ing the Brandywinc above and undiscovered, fell on our right flank and rear, while Kuyi)hausen forded the stream in front. This column had advanced seven miles from Kennett Square, and coming on the field about ten A. M., began a heavy cannonade. "When it was seen that Howe had an-ived, it passed the ford, storming the breast- works we had thrown up. As Moncrieffe rushed on with the leading files, he saw an American howitzer charged with grajie, and pointed to sweep away, in a moment more, himself and all about him. The matross stood in the act of applying the burning match ere he followed his retreat- ing comrades. "I will put you to death if you fire!" shouted Moncrieffe; and the man, startled from his self- possession, dropped the match and fled. Grey's brigade, consisting of the 15tli, 17th, 44th, and two battalions of the 42nd,* was the reserve of Cornwallis 's column, and was not engaged. Its character was so high, that it was preserved intact as a recourse in case Knyphausen failed; in which event Cornwallis might have had his hands full. And but for the false intelligence of Sullivan's videttes, who were drinking at a tavern when they should have been scouring the roads, Washington would probably have turned the tables on the German, by himself crossing the Brandywine and crushing the ox^posite force before the other column came to its aid. Nightfall found our army, its artillery destroyed, in a retreat that might have easily been made a rout. Had the pursuit been pressed it must have perished. The fatigues of the day induced Howe to remain that night on the battlefield. Since daybreak, to four P. M., when the onset began, one part of his men had t Tlio famous Highlanders— the "Black Watch." ACTION AT THE PAOLI TAVEEK. 121 marched seventeen, tlie other seven miles. Of the former Grey's brigade of from 2000 to 3000 choice troops were on the spot, ready to go into action; two battalions of the guards and four of grenadiers had been astray in a wood and little engaged; nor had the 16th dragoons been em- ployed. The greater part of Knyphausen's column had borne no active part, for the retreat began almost as soon as it moved forward. It was very fortunate thus for America, that the darkness, which came on just as the whole British army was brought into possession of our position, persuaded Howe to discontinue the pursuit ; for he had at command a force which, if not perfectly fresh, was abundantly so in comparison with the fugitives, many of whom had marched as much through the day as Knyp hausen, and all would have had as long a journey as their pursuers ere they should be overtaken. An immediate pursuit would have gone far to demoralize and break up our troops, and prevented many from rejoining their reg- iments who were with them the next day.* Knyphausen's command moved on the r2th towards Chester; and on the 16th, the sick and wounded being sent to Wilmington, the army advanced to Goshen, where the Jdgers and light infantry dispersed some parties of our men. On the 18th, starting before dawn, it struck the Lancaster road, and coming two miles towards Philadel- phia, turned into that of Swedes Ford. Here an oppor- tunity rose to give Grey's division that active service it had missed on the 11th. Washington was advised on the 18th that the English thought him crushed, and were leis- *"They lost an all important nig-ht, and this was, perhaps, their greatest fault iluring a war in which they committed so many errors. —Lafaydle AutoUography. " "lis pity Sir W. Howe could not have begun his march at nightfall instead of eight o'clock in the morning."— Clinton MS. Napier's words, however, give the best comment: "Had Caesar halted because his soldiers were fatigued, rharsalia would have been but a common battle." 122 LIFE OF MAJOK ANDBE. urely bringing on their main army ; having advanced into tlie coimtry only the picked light troops. On the 19th, "Waj'ne wrote that he was closely watching thein, resolved to attack the instant they moved. He had approached within half a mile of their left flank at reveille-beat that morning, Init found them perfectly supine : "Tliere never was nor never will be a finer opportunity of giving the ene- my a fatal blow, than at present,— for God's sake, push on as fast as possible." During the day he kept on guard; and, persuaded that his position and force were unknown to the enemy, was confident of success in the movements that were to "complete Mr. Howe's business." He was encamped in the woods near the Paoli Tavern, on the Lan- caster road (which Andre had travelled before) about three miles in the rear of Howe's left. He had 1500 men and four guns ; and Smallwood with 150 Maryland mil- itia, and Gist with 700 men, were to join him the next day to harass Howe as he passed tlie Schuylkill. Of course, it was important to break up this design ; and before one A. M., of the 21st, Grey marched against him, through for- ests and a narrow defile, with the 42nd and 44th, and the 2nd light infantry. The nature of the service was dan- gerous. WajTie's corps was known through the war for its stubborn and desperate conduct in fight; and his whole own life was characterized by a "constitutional at- tachment to the arbitrament of the. sword." Surprise and speed were necessary to success, for Smallwood lay but a mile off. To insure it, the Englishman enforced a measure that he had learned in Germany, and by which he got in America the sobriquet of No-flint Grey. He made his men uncharge their pieces, and knock out the flints. Not a shot could be fired ; they were to rely entirely on the bayonet. "Wayne himself always upheld his own faith in the marvellous virtues of cold steel ; but though he was apprised of Grey's movement, and took, as he thought. GERMANTOWN. 123 every proper precaution, he had little opportunity on this occasion to practise resistance. At four A. M. his pickets were forced, and the light of his fires guided the enemy to his camp. The Americans, unable to form, and strug- gling irregularly or not at all, were instantly bayonetted. Our accounts put the killed and wounded at 150; the Eng- lish version says 300 and upwards ; two guns and seventy or eighty prisoners were taken, and while Wayne's men were in hasty flight, and Smallwood in march for their re- lief, the English with but twelve casualties returned in triumph with eight wagon-loads of arms, baggage, and stores. The army then moved towards Valley Forge, and destroyed what supplies were there that they could not remove. Thus we lost 7,000 barrels of flour for one item. Having now cleverly got between Washington and the Schuylkill, Howe passed that stream unopposed below the Forge and descended towards Philadelphia, destroying powder-mills, and taking a few prisoners and cannon on the route. On the 25th, he moved in two columns to Ger- mantown; and on the 26th, says a royal eye-witness, at eleven A. M., Cornwallis, with 3000 men, and accompanied by Harcourt, Erskine, and a cavalcade of distinguished officers, as well as Galloway, Story, the Aliens, and other leading Tories, entered the town among the loudest ac- clamations of the loyal population who had "too long suf- fered the yoke of arbitrary power. ' ' Other citizens have described the scenes of that day: the grenadiers, stead- fast and composed, splendidly equipped, with their music sounding the long-unheard strains of "God save the King," as they caught at the children's hands in passing with friendlj" greeting; the bearded Hessians, terrible in brass-fronted helmets, keeping step to wild strains that to the popular ear spoke of plunder and pillage in every note ; the closed houses ; and the throngs of citizens, clad in their best array, that lined the streets which the}'' had ^^2l LIFE OF RIA.JOR ANDRE. patroUod by night since the 23rd, in suspicion that the re- tirini>- Aiiioricans wore disposed to fire the town. A dep- utation hesought TTi>we not to give it up to plunder. On the 25th, he sent a letter to Thomas Willing, assuring the ]>eoplo that they should not be disturbed if they re- mained ti-anquil. INfeantime the main ai-my rested at Oerniantown, while strong detachments moved against tlH> American j^osts that still commanded the Delaware and prevented the arrival of the fleet. The loss of Philadelphia was grievous to the Ameri- cans, and almost nnlooked for;* and Washington de- termined, by a surprise and coup-de-main, to give Howe such a blow, ere his transports could come up, as to over- turn the plan. Germantown. where he now lay, was a long, narrow village of sombre moss-grown houses, sol- idly built of a dark stone, and each surrounded with its own enclosure, that extended for two miles along the road leading southwardly to Philadelphia. Tlie British were encamped at right angles across the town; Grey's brig- ade being on the line that stretched from the left to the Schuylkill. The people of the neighborhood were not open Tories, but they were averse to the war; and Howe apjiears to have had a warning of what was stirring. He afterwards denied that he was surprised; but it is not probable that he anticipated anything like so heavy an * Sept. 10, 1777. This moniing about 1 o'elook an express arrived to Congress giving an account of the Britisli Army having got to the Sweiles Ford on the other side of Schuylkill, whicii so much alarmed the gentlemen of the Congress, the military otliccrs. and other friends to the general cause of American Freedom, that they decamped with the utmost precipitation and in the greatest confusion ; insomuch that one of the delegates, by name of Fulsom, was obliged in a very Ful^nue manner to ride off without a saddle. Thus we have seen the men, from whom we have received, and from wliom we still expect protection, leave us to fall into the hands of (by their accounts) a barbarous, cruel and unrelenting oneniv. — Morton MS. THK MANOR-HOrSK. Oakhinkr's Island. GERMANTOWN. 125 attack as he i-eceived from our whole army at dawn o)i the 4th October. Sullivau aud Wayne k^d the advance, and encountered first the post, where with the 40tli, was tm- camped the 2nd light infantry that had given us so much trouble at Paoli. These stood their ground for nearly an hour, till their ammunition began to fail. Our men now took ample revenge. Driving all before them in their rage, they plied the bayonet furiously; and it was not until many were thus slain, that they listened to their of- ficers and gave quarter. The attack was vigorously pressed, with a promise of being successful ; but a dense fog caused everything to fall into confusion. About 120 men of the 40th threw themselves into a large stone house, from which they kept up a heavy fire; the drum heating a jiarley to summon a surrender was mistaken for a retreat; panic seized our bewildered troops; and while one band believed itself in the full tide of victory, another would be hastily retreating thinking ail was lost. Turn- ing his front to the village, (irey led his brigade to close quarters with our people there, and repulsed them. They gave way about the same time in other quarters ; and the retreat becoming general, the pursuit was maintained by the enemy's cavalry as far as the Blue Bell Tavern, full eight miles. It cannot be denied that in this action the regulars on both sides behaved with great si)irit; and that the American retreat, occurring as it did, was the sudden result of one of those circumstances that no pre- caution can guard against with new troops. But though the discipline of both armies, according to Grey, was bad, that of ours was the worst. "You have conquered Gen- eral Howe," said a foreign officer of rank to Washington, "but his troops have beaten yours." On the first and tre- mendous sound of the firing, Cornwallis 's grenadiers took the alarm. Starting from Philadeliihia at a full trot, they ran the whole way to Gerniantown, and came breathless to the field just as all was over. The Highlanders, too^ 126 LIFK OF MAJOR ANDRE. cjime on at speed, keeping pace witli tlie ea\ali-y. Tn fael, the detonations were so furious and incessant and from so many cpiarters, and the thickness of the fog so overwhehning, that while the combat lasted, it was impos- sible to tell in what force or with what success the Ameri- cans came on. At 11 A. 'SI., the prodigious clatter of bat- tle suddenly hushed, and the retreat was conducted in comparative stillness. The casualties on either side were severe. Chief among the enemy was General Agnew, whose brigade had sujiported Crey's. He is said to have been slain by an inhabitant who, lying in ambush, aimed at a decoration oh Agnew 's breast, and shot him down. Nor was our loss slight; and the next day the enemy were busily em]iloyed in burying our dead. "Don't bury them with their faces uji, and thus cast dirt in their faces," said a kindly- hearted British soldier; "for they also are mothers' sons." It is said by a distinguished American officer, who afterwards carefully examined the field, that our re- treat was providential, and the best thing that could have lia]ipened for us; since the force in opposition, and the thoroughly defensible position of the village (by reason of its numerous stone houses with enclosures, each of which could be made a stronghold by broken ]iarties of the enemy), would have brought about our annihilation with returning light. Clinton on the contrary suggests, in relation to the unliappy delay which was made befoi-e Chew's House, that the 40th occupied, and which was attacked, as the British owned at the time, with a "singu- lar intrepidity":— "Had Washington left a corps to ob- serve this house, and proceeded, there is no saying what might have been the consequence."* * CHntou MS. GEEMANTOWN. 127 During the contest, a Lieutenant Whitman,* of Read- ing, was struck down by the enemy, and left for dead. He managed to crawl from the scene to a house in Wash- ington Lane, where he was sheltered and cared for. Soon after the action, on discovering that an American officer was thus concealed within their lines, the British put both Whitman and his host under arrest. In this emerg- ency the wounded man, having had probably some knowledge of Andre during his confinement at Lancaster or Carlisle, contrived to procure an interview with him; which terminated in Andre's obtaining a withdrawal of the arrest, and permission for Whitman to remain un- molested in Germantown until he was in a condition to return to his home. Such circumstances as these present the best evidences of the nature of that disposition which so entirely endeared its possessor to all whom he en- countered. A Philadelphian who, preserving friendly relations with the English, writes nevertheless very impartially, thus describes the posture of affairs on the day after the battle, and the language then held in the royal quarters : — "Oct. 5th. This morning I went to Germantown to see the destruction and collect, if possible, a true account of the action. From the accounts of the officers, it appears that the Americans surprised the Picquet Guards of the English, which consisted of the 2nd Battalion Grenadiers, some infantry, and the 40th regiment: altogether about 500. The English sustained the fire of the Americans for near an hour (their numbers unknown) when they were obliged to retreat, the ammunition of the Grenadiers and Infantry being expended. The 40th regiment retreated * William Witnian, 3d Lieut. 9th Penn. Line, Col. Richard Butler. He had been shot throu.!;]! the body at Germantown, taken prisoner and paroled. He died Oct. 12, isOS. 128 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. to Chow's House, hoing about 120 men, and supported tlie fire of the Americans on all sides. The Americans came on with unusual firmness, came up to the doors of the house, which were so strongly barricaded they could not enter. One of the Americans went u\) to a window on the side of the house to set fire to it and just as he was putting a torch to the window he received a bayonet through his mouth which put an end to his existence. The Americans finding the fire very severe retreated from the house: a small i)arty of the Americans, which had gone in near the middle of Germantown, and had sus- tained the fire in the street for some time, perceived the British coming up in such numbers that they retreated. General Grey with 5000 men pursued them to the Swedes Ford. His men being very much fatigued and very hungry and the Americans running so fast, that the gen- eral gave over the chase, and returned to his old encamp- ment. The greatest slaughter of the Americans was at, and near to Chew's Place: most of the killed and wound- ed that lay there were taken off before I got there; but three lay in the field, opposite to Chew's Place. The Americans were down as far as Mrs. Maganet's tavern. Several of their balls reached near to Head Quarters. From all of which accounts I apprehend, with what I have heard, that the loss of the Americans is the most consider- able. After I had seen the situation. at Chew's House, which was exceedingly damaged by the balls on the out- side, I went to Head Quarters, where I saw Major Bal- foui*, one of General Howe's aide-de-camps, who is very much enraged with the people around Germantown for not giving them intelligence of the advancing of Washing- ton's army; and that he should not be surprised if Gen- eral Howe was to order the country for 12 miles round * This was Nisbet Balfour afterwards Colonel, and infamous for the legal murder of Colonel Hayne, in South Carolina. OCCUPATION AND FORTIFICATION OP PHILADELPHIA. ] 29 Germantown to be destroyed, as the people would not run any risque to give them intelligence when they were fight- ing to preserve the liberties and properties of the peace- able inhabitants. On our setting ot¥ we see His Excel- lency the General attended by Lord Cornwallis and Lord Chewton: the General not answering my expectations."* At this time the grenadier and the light infantry com- pany of each regiment was separated from its compan- ions, and marshalled respectively in battalions; which explains the appa;rent weakness of some of the English corps, thus deprived of a large part of their nominal strength. On the 19th October, the army moved at day- light for Philadelphia; McLane, and a few American light-horse disguised as British, following close on their heels to the heart of the city, picking up a few royal offi- cers and just missing the adjutant-general and Howe himself. t The General's quarters were at the house of our General Cadwalader, who was with Washington. His men, in fine condition and anxious to be led against * jrorton MS. t Allan McLane was one of the best men in our service. In the emergency of the war, he consumed all the table and household linen of his family in clothing his troopers, and throughout was as active in our cause as he was intelligent and brave. On one occa- sion he entered Philadelphia disguised as a countryman; and hav- ing transacted his business, was returning to camp, when he was overhauled by an English picket. The commanding officer ques- tioned him narrowly; but the supposed peasant was adroit in his replies, and ready to agree that Washington would not adventure an attack. The Englishman gave him meat and drink, and dis- missed him after he was thoroughly warmed at the watch-fire. McLane hurried to his own station, led out his troopers and some infantry, and presently brought away captive the whole party of the outpost that had so hospitably entertained him. Had he failed in the onset, or been taken, his fate would certainly have been the gallows. This authentic anecdote shows that a patriotic soldier will shrink from no means of helping the state at the peril of his own life. loU LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. llie Ainorioans, were oneamiu'd from below Kensington on the Delaware nearly to the Schuylkill. The cause named in despatches for this move was to obtain a more con- venient i)Osition for the reduction of our river-forts ; ])ut in camp it was attributed to the lines at Germantown be- ing too large for ready defence. The experience of the 4th was not lost. Howe's plan was now to fortify this city, so that it could be held by a small garrison, while he took the field. The troops that entered with Cornwallis had been quartered at the State House, the Bettering (or Poor) House, &c., and had at once set to fortifying the river front against our ships and galleys. The dispo- sition made of the main army placed the Hessian grena- diers on Noble and Callowhill, between 5th and 7th streets; the British grenadiers, 4th, 40th. and iloth, (S;c., on the north side of Callowhill, from 7tli to 14th streets; eight other regiments were on the high grounds of Bush Hill, from 14th Street in about a line with Vine to the upper Schiiylkill Ferry, near which was a Hessian post; while tlie Jdgcrs were on a hill at 22d Street and Pennsylvania Avenue. Infantry corps were at Sth, near Green streets and by 13th, on the Ridge Road. The 16th dragoons and three foot regiments were by a pond between Vine and Race, and Sth and 12th streets ; and a body of Jdgers at the Point House on the Delaware. Wlien winter came on, the men were quartered in the public buildings and in private houses, and in the old Britisli barracks in the Northern Liberties. The artillery were on Chestnut, from 3d to 6th streets, and their park in the State-House Yard, now Independence Square. On the north side of the town, ten redoubts, connected by strong i«ilisades, were erected, from the mouth of Conoquonoke Creek, on the Delaware near Willow Street, to the Upper or Callow- hill Street Ferry. They were thus situated:— near the junction of Green and Oak streets, where the road then CHAEACTEB OP PHILADELPHIA IN 1777. 1.31 forked for Kensington and Frankford; a little west of Noble and 2nd streets ; between Sth and 6th, and Noble and Buttonwood streets; on 8tli street, between Noble and Buttonwood ; on lOtli, between Buttonwood and Pleas- ant; on Buttonwood, between 13th and Broad; on 15th between Hamilton Street and Pennsylvania Avenue; at 18th Street and Pennsylvania Avenue ; at 21st and Callow- hill streets; and on the Schuylkill bank near the Upper Ferry. These works were begun on the 1st of October. The country before them towards the Schuylkill was hilly, l)ut towards the Delaware level and comparatively open though dotted with woods and cut up by the stout rail fences of farms. The latter were soon seized for fuel by the English, and orchard and grove went down for the palisades and abatis of the works; the lines of which were still evident in 1780, as well as the ruined houses and defaced fields they had occasioned. The work at the right, or Delaware end, was a large, square battery, with a handsome saw-shajied pai-apet, each I'edan of which held three men.* On the 23d October, a body of English brought up the floating bridge from the lower (Gray's), and established it at the Middle Ferry, where it was guarded by the camp of the 71st, and a fascine redoubt at Chestnut Street. It was thought by some, however, that the Upper Ferry, as nearer to the camp and possess- ing advantages of ground, was its proper place. It is difficult to recognize to-day the Philadelphia of 1777, though it was then the largest and, in many senses, the metroi:)olitan city of America. Its extent was from Christian Street on the south to Callowhill on the north, and its greatest width east and west was to 9th Street, between Arch and Walnut. Its legitimate population, when all were at home who were now with our army, may * The streets are named as they now exist, withoiat regard to the open lands when the works were thrown up. 132 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. have possibly approachetl 30,000. The exact returns of the city and liberties, made to Howe, in October, 1777, show 4,!»41 males nnder eighteen; 4,482 over eighteen and nnder sixty; and 12,344 females of all ages; a total of 21,7C)7. The only streets yiarallel with the river, that were closely built up, were 3d, AVater, and Front;— groves and gardens, hills and ponds, were interspersed through the greater portion of the place. Above (Jlli or 7th streets was generally open country, and the low meadows of J\Ioy- amensing and Passyunk abounded in game. The Dela- ware shore was open in places where there were not wharves ; and the better classes resided in its vicinity, in "Water, and ]Market, and below Dock in Chestnut and AN'alnut streets; after the war their mansions became the resorts of trade. Such as it was, Jefferson declares Philadelphia to have been handsomer than London, far handsomer than Paris. Social rank too was strongly marked. The gentry con- sisted as well of the original Quaker families— rich, re- spectable, but by religion averse to the gayeties of the world— as of another class, chiefly of the English church, who often were or had been connected with the proprie- tary government, and who gave its tone to the fashionable society of the day. Many of these had travelled abroad, and their houses were decorated with valuable prints, or copies of gi-eat masters. Lord Carlisle describes the good style of living among the chief people in 1778; and the pleasures of the table being almost the only carnal vanity that it was lawful for a Quaker to indulge in, we need not wonder that even then the city was famous for its choice Madeira and French wines, and its AVest India turtle. John Adams went into eestacies over the fare that was set before him. Chastellux says the formal din- ner-hour was live or six P. M., and goes into the details of the repast as minutely as Adams: the roast meat and CHARACTER OF PHILADELPHIA IN 1777. 133 warm side dishes, the sweet pastry and eonfeetionery; and, the cloth being removed, the fruit and nuts, the toast- drinking, and the coffee that warned the guests to rise. Tlie ladies he found singularly well-informed and at- tractive, and i^raises the skill with which tlie harpsichord was touched, and the pretty timidity of the songstress. They dressed, he says, with elegance. Another French- man paints them as tall and well-formed; their features regular, and complexions fair but often without color; their carriage less graceful than noble. The hair was often dressed without powder, and brought up high over the top of the head. It was the l)elles of this place and time whom Mrs. Adams characterized as "constellation of beauties." "With what ease," says another lady, "have I seen a Chew, a Penn, an Oswald, an Allen, and a thousand others, entertain a large circle of both sexes; the conversation, without the aid of cards, never flagging nor seeming in the least strained or stupid. ' ' The leaders of this circle were decidedly loyal; they rather ignored Mrs. Washington when she passed through the town in 1775-6, and were in the height of their glory during Howe's occupation; of all which the Whigs took ample revenge, by shutting them out from the assemblies, after the British had gone away. Nevertheless it may be re- marked, that probably in no other American city is there so large a proportion of the better society composed of the same families whose members constituted it a cen- tury ago as in Philadelphia.* The dress of the gentry was generally a little in arrear of the English fashions. * Burnaby, who travelled through America in 1760, particularly notices the beauty and elegance of the women of this city, and the love of pleasure and the cultivated tone that distinguished its so- ciety. The reader will be amused to hear that, in 1778, among the young ladies of Philadelphia there were no books so charming as Juliet Grenville, Caroline Melmoth, and the History of Mr. Joseph Andrews. 134 LIFE OK ]\IA,7Ult ANDKE. Powilored heads with clubs and queues; silver or gold- lacod coats of broadcloth, of almost every hue save red (which color, on auy but a soldier's back, bespoke, at this time, "a creole, a Caroliuian, or a dauciug-master") knee-breeches and stockings, low shoes and large buckles, made uji their attire. Gold watches were rare; silver were used, even by men of rauk. Every one of a certain class was at least known by appearance; a strange gen- tleman was instantly observed. Many of these large- acred men were moderate in their political views, favor- ing neither extreme, but content to abide the result. Some, indeed, embarked tlicir all on eitluM- venture. Cad- walader and Dickinson followed Washington; (Jalloway, Allen, Clifton, sided with the Crown; but the most adopt- ed the resolution of Ross, who, says Graydon, stuck to his ease and ^ladciia, and dechuvd for neutrality; let who would be King, he well knew that he should be subject. The large private houses were few, but their appearance was stately and imposing. That in High, near 6th Street, occupied as Sir AVilliam Howe's cpiarters, was subse- quently "Washington's abode. The distinction, so strictly drawn before the war, be- tween the gentlemen and the tradesmen, had not yet worn out ; and people still dressed and lived according to their station. The workman was apparelled with leather breeches, checked shirt, coarse flannel jacket, and neat's hide shoes. Porridge was the morning and evening meal. Domestic servants were iisuallv negro slaves, or German and Irish redemi)tioners, who were bought and sold for a term of years. The generality of houses were plainly furnished with rush-bottomed chairs, pewter platters, wooden trenchers, delft-ware, and the like. Sil- ver tankards and China i>unch-bowls were evidences of prosperity, as were the small mirrors in wooden frames, CHARACTER OF PHILADELPHIA IN 1777. I35 and the nialiogany tea-boards that are still to be some 0"::^;:'' " "" 1-iber-roon.s of old-time bore. Olass tmnl,lers were rarely seen; a dipper for the punoh- who did not have recourse to the vessel itself. About a dozen churches were to be found in the town; but the Americans had removed all the bells ere Howe' a xivaT lest they should be melted by the enemy. Chastollux draws a striking picture of the contrast between the n^ watchfulness of the Quaker service and the music and chanting the next place of worship he entered, which appears to have been one of the Church of England The streets were but in part paved and lighted; and bridges m several paces were thrown across Dock Creek, wMch flowed up into the very heart of the town. As for the in- clinations of the majority of the people that Howe found there it seems clear that they were loyal, though indis- blaclf t, 7' .' ?'" '" "'""^ P"^-*- "^ proposition to blacken the front of every Tory's house, that was in vogue among the ultra Whigs on the return of the city to Ihe American sway, was quietly put aside lest, it would seem, It should proclaim their strength. Just so the Romans forbade a disting-uishing livery to their slaves; quantum pencidim, immineret si servi nostri numerare nos coepis- sent. Dr. Franklin says that the Quakers, then a numer- ous and wealthy people in Pennsylvania, had given to the Revolution "every opposition their art, abilities and influ- ence could suggest;" and it is probable that the ill-usage which many of the sect received from the Whigs durino- the war would have led to armed resistance, were such a step consistent with their pacific principles. As it was their sympathies were largely with the British; nor were there wanting others who, unrestrained by conscientious scruples, were apparently ready to serve the Crown Nor, however we may condemn their actions who whether L'?6 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. passively or actively resisted American Independence, should we universally impugn their motives. The loc of the Tories of the Kevolution was cast in the same land with the Whigs ; their education was under the same po- litical and social influence; many of them were of char- acter unhlemished by aught but the final heresy, and of families honorably identified through generations with the history of the country and with its private benefac- tions; some gave their lives, others princely estates, to witness the sincerity of their belief. To the one side as to the other we may look for and find equally conduct susceptible of the imputation of pure or of impure insti- gation. That the Tories erred, was and is the conviction of our side of the house. The very act by which they thought to establish their fidelity sealed their guilt. But the standard of success, by which they are so often judged, is a poor test of truth. Weighed in this scale, another turn to affairs would have made them heroes and justified the old Jacobite paradox:— Treason doth never prosper — what's the reason? Why, if it prosper, none dare call it treason. — Sir John Harrington, (15G1-1G12). I f ..^ CHAPTER VIII. AllTiiirs at Philadelphia.— Disorders and Discontents.— Fall of Red Bank.— Andre follows Grey with Howe to Whilemarsh.— Char- acter of Sir AVilliam Howe. :N the spring of 1777, a clever Pliiladelphia writer had divided the people into five classes. The Rank Tories came first. Tlie Moderate Tories were such as preferred the English connection of 1763, vahied worldly prosperity, hated New England, and hived the Rank Tories. The Timid Whigs distrusted American power, the cost of the war, and the Continental paper-money; but were not disinclined to Independence, if it could be got. Avarice was supposed to be their mainspring. The Furious Whigs, says the writer, injure the cause of Lib- erty as much by their violence as the Timid Whigs by their fears. They think the destruction of Howe's army less important than the detection and punishment of the most insignificant Tory; that the common forms of jus- tice should be suspended towards a Tory criminal ; and that a man who only speaks against our common defence should be tomahawked, scalped, and roasted alive. They are likewise all cowards, who skulk under the cover of an office, or a sickly family, when they are called on to oppose the foe in the field. Woe to the community that is gov- erned by this class of men. Lastly, he enumerates the Staunch W^higs -temperate, firm, and true; friends to their country, but holding life and goods as less than American Independence. The three orders first named now prevailed in Philadelphia ; and it is not too much to say that a majority of them owed to this circumstance 138 LlL'i; OV -MAJOR ANDRE. their oonvovsion to opjwsito sonlinionts. Tlio comlnot of tho roynl nnny was Tar i'roiii satisrat'tory. The Quakers, hahitually heuevoleut yet teuacious of the rights of prop- erty, were shocked at once by its kioseuess of morals and its severity of diseijiliue. Their effects had been already diminished by American exactions, yet tliey were reported to have made a free gift of £G,000 to the British on their arrival, and to have subsequently been called on for £"20,- 000 more. Their lirst grievance was the inllaging to which the citizens were subjected, and to which many of the army became so accustomed during the war, that its rethu'tion on the ]u>ace was the means, according to Scott, of inundating Cireat Britain with rutlians of every de- scription; so that in Edinburgh alone six or seven dis- banded soldiers woiild be under sentence of death at tho same time. While yet at tiermantown. the 3od, though a pattern regiment in the lield, was distinguished for its light-tingers ; but the Hessians were the boldest opera- tors. Their pay, which was to come from their own sov- ereign, was not provided regularly, and their disci]iline consequently was bad enough to give Howe trouble in correcting it. With the English privates they did not get on pleasantly; arrogant, full of the idea of immediate allotments of land, and of living in free quarters with unlimited license to plunder, they incensed the inhabitants to such a degree, that many a farmer who hesitated to slay his fellow-countrymen, thought as little when he had tlie opportunity to shoot a Hessian as a hawk. Their of- ficers could not understand why war should not be waged here as they had seen it in Europe. "No American town." they said, "has been laid under contribution; and what is there to destroy? Wooden houses deserted of their inliabitants, pigs, and poiiltrv!" In the general confusion that prevailed between the arrival of the army and its tinal going into quarters, no doubt unusiial li- DISOKDF.RS AND DISCONTENTS. 139' cense prevailed; and the newspapers of tlie dav are filled with notices of robberies, several of them npon JJritish officers. Seventeen watchmen were hitherto sufficient to protect the city ; but when the army and fleet swelled the population to the neighl)orhood of 50,000, a hundred and twenty were scarce thought enough. A stringent procla- mation of the General's as to these practices was issued on the 7th November; but it proved a dead letter against the disorders that in one or another form had irritated some of the best people. The neighboring farms were freely spoiled by the soldiery. On the 28th September one of Harcourt's dragoons had four hundred lashes for such an offence, and another was hanged; and their command- er gave the utmost offence to the distressed proprietors by his peremptory refusal to listen to their intercessions to spare the backs and the lives of his troopers who had robbed the King's liegemen. About the same time a for- aging party brought in a great number of cattle from the neighborhood of Darby, to the discontent of their owners. On the 19th October a hundred Hessians went foraging, or rather robbing, among the farms where now stands the Naval Asylum. Their officer permitted them to take all the vegetables they could find. A person interested thus describes the scene:— "Being afraid they would take our cabbage, I applied for a guard for the house and garden, which was imme- diately granted, and by that means prevented our cabbage from being plundered. After they had taken all John King's cabbage they marched off. [I] brought oui' cab- bage home. It was surprising to see with what rapidity they run to and with what voraciousness they seized upon John King's cabbage and potatoes, who remained a si- lent sjoectator to their infamous depredations." The Hessians repeated their visit the next day, taking 140 ITFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. everything in tlu> \v;iy of hay. vogetahles, «S;(\, tliat they conkl hiy hands ninni, nntil a sqnad of ITarconrt's dra- goons arrived and interfered, and nnnle them go hack, lint for weeks the thing was oontinned; tlio officers sanc- tioned the i^lnnder of vegetaMos. i^c, till the people were thoronghly jn-ovoked. Thoy wore even ooniiiolled at last to remove and conceal their fences lest the British should take them for fuel and the fields were thus left open and improtected. Nov was it till the 9th January, 1778, when the ]iatrol was ordereil to stop and examine every one found in the streets without a lantern between tattoo (8.80 P. ^r.) and reveille, that a veal check was given to tlic noctuvnal housebreaker.* A succession of skirmishes had ensued along the lines ever since the British arrived. On the 27th September, a cannonade was kept up from 9 to 10 a. m.. between four guns in their shore-batteries and our little fleet of a frig- ate of 34 and a ship of 18 guns, four row-galleys, and a schooner, till the frigate grounded and struck, and the others retired. The schooner as she came down lost her foremast and was abandoned. At 3 P. M., about 100 of our men attacked about 30 British on the ground now oc- cupied by the Xaval Asylum (probably of Harcourt'.s dragoons who were posted there,) and killed or wounded * As the necessity of the case had so long failed to produce snch an order, we may suppose some personal motive now prevailed. Perhaps the affair last preceding; its appearance may luwe had an etTect. The following notice is from the Pennsylvania Ledg'.r, .Ian. 7. 1T78. It woufd be curious if the initials referred to Andre: — ''Three Guineas Eeirard. Was stolen out of a house in Walnut Street. Sunday evening last, the following articles, viz. A claret coloured ratteen siiit of clothes, lined with blue satin, with spangled gold buttons; a pair of white cassimer breeches; some siiirts marked J. A. with several other things: also a ladies black silk hat and cloak. Whoever will secure the thief and effects shall receive the above reward; and for the etfects without the thief Two Guineas upon their delivery to the Printer." HOWE S POSITION. 141 tliree of tlieir offir^ers and two men. On the 4tli October, after shots had been exchanged for an hour witliout effect, three American columns, with two field-pieces, appeared on the opposite side of the Schuylkill, at the Middle Ferry, and opened a general fire on 30 dismounted dragoons who guarded it. Reinforcements ari-iviiig to the latter, our men retreated leaving their guns by the water-side, but soon returned and bore them away. Only one man (an American) was wounded in this affair, which was wit- nessed by many of the citizens. On the 6th, 300 wounded British were brought from Germantown and lodged in the Seceders' and the Pine Street Presbyterian churches, and the old theatre ; and the worst injured in the City Hos- pital. The wounded Americans, who were already neg- lected, were placed in the Presbyterian church and in two new houses in 4th Street. On the 12th, our patrols wei-e ranging through all the vicinity, and seizing obnoxious Tories. On the night of the 6th, 300 militia had entered Chester and captured the loyal sheriff" of Sussex County, for whose arrest the Delaware government had offered $300 reward; and at 4 P. M., on the 15th, a party cut the rope of the Middle Ferry, and exchanged platoon fires with the light dragoons. On the evening of the 16th, the troops left at Wilmington, who it was supposed would have attacked Bed Bank, where our flag was hoisted that very morning, arrived at Philadelphia, leaving their sick and wounded at Gray's Ferry. A number of Hessians followed on the 20th. Howe had written to Clinton that he was not strong enough to open the Delaware, and ordered reinforcements to be sent to him. On the 21st October, Donop with 2,- 500 Hessians mai-ched against Red Bank, crossing the Delaware in flat-bottomed boats sent up by night from the fleet, and passing from Cooper's Ferry to Haddonfield, 1-i- l.IKK OF MA.IOU AXDUE. wlioro a qunntity of stores wore oapturod. This post anfl that on Mud Islaiul. oaoli about five milos holow Phila- dolpliia. tonvtlior with the clifnui.r-de-fri.osition was a simple oul-do-sao: parted frou\ his supplies, and soareity already exhibited, he rest- ed within a triangle of wliieh the Delaware and Sehuylkill were the sides and his works the base. If the attack med- itateil in the Anieriean eamp was thus made dangerous, so also was his own removal; for our army in at least equal numbers lay before him, and so long as the fleet could be shut out there was a prospect of reducing him by starva- tion, or by a ruinous and imperfect retreat across Jersey The itnportance of clearing the way was therefore well understood by "the great count." as he was called in Philadelphia, when for the especial distinction of himself and his men. Ponop applied out of turn for this commaml. For the Americans he had indeed a most sovereign con- tempt; bxit it is possible that other circumstances may have governed his conduct. There were feuds in the army; and his countrymen had been freely spoken of. The Americans with great reason regarded them with utter abhori-enco. The English Opposition, unmindful of the tivaty stipulations that sent them, perhaps against their inclinations, to this country, lavished continual con- tumely on their heads. To the sea-stock of old hock wine their chief had laid in ei-e sailing, ministers were invoked to add the in-esistible temptation of plenty of sour-krout for "the dear-bought cut-throats;" and in the coach that Pe Heister insisted on carrying with him over the ocean, it was almost wished that he might lie cofHned beneath the waves like Pharaoh in his chariot. Their servii^s were ridiculed, and an English nobleman sang, iu ivlation to officers of the Brunswick corps.— THE ASSAULT ON IIKD BANK. I43 "We shall not with much sorrow road How Sclatzon, Kiiolzoii, HlMlzdnin hlml Unless we hreak a lnolh." Howe was opposed politically 1., (|,o Ministers, an.l i(, is prohahlo these ami otiu.r diatribes reael.ed l.ead-quarters; and tliough Andre, by long residence in Germiny, was prepared to hve in friendly relations with Donop'ull of he anny were not. De lleister had already gone home m aiage; and it is not likely his subor.linates were less sensitive. A sufficient ran.part, too high and steep to be earned wi hout adders and surrounded by an abatis and ditch, constitnted the fort; it was defended by 300 valiant men On the morning of tlie 22nd October, Dono,) l,alt<.d just beyond its cannon-shot, and a dnun followed bv an oilicer brought a summons to surrender. "The Kin"- of M.gland," were the words, "orders his rebellions subfects ^0 lay down their arms; and tliey are warned that if'they stand tlie battle they shall receive no (luarter. " The --u' nson replied that they were content neitlier to give quar- ter nor to take i^t. At 4 P. M., the enemy's guns opened on he place, and the Hessians rushed to tlie storm The tirst outwork was carried; and, with shouts of triimmh and waving of hats,-as thinking the day their own -they advanced against tlie abatis. But Oonoj, seems to have now entertained no such thought of victory, iliough he saw success was almost impossible, he resolved to proceed; and giving his watch and purse to a bastard son of Lord Bute's, who was with liis party, he plunged into the thickest of the fight. It was said at the tinKTin / hiladelphia that lie considered his orders to be peremp- tory, and indeed they were so esteemed there; but Howe m his dispatch of the 25th simply observes that tliey were to proceed to the attack;" while in his Narrative Jie affirms them to have been discretionary, according to the chances of succeeding. Jt is probable that Donop's 144 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. lumglity spirit could not brook the shame, after all that had passod. of rotnrniug- alivo and unsuooossful. But the rampart was unattaiiiahlo without ladtlors or iiioneers. A front and a tlank tiro mowed down the assailants. The drmnmor that had approaolied the fort in the morn- ing heat the ohargo at their head: he was a marked man. and iVU on the tirst tire; and with him the oflioer who had brought the sununons. The leaders smote vainly with their swords on the abatis, and the men strove to tear it down; they fell by scores in the attempt. Donoi^ him- self, distinguished by his courage and by his handsome person, on which was displayed the order he bore, was strtick in the hip, swooned, and was left for dead. A few of his men sheltered themselves beneath the parapet; the rest tied. "When all was over, a feeble voice was heard among the heaps of slain, saying, "Whoever you are, draw me hence." He was extricated, and our men de- manded of him if he was still determined to give no quar- ter. "I am in your hands," he replied; "you may re- venge yourselves." Ascertaining that it was Mauduit, a French officer, who had taken him up— "Je suis con- tent," he cried; *'je meurs eutre les mains de I'honneur mome." Every care was given him, for "Washington was anxious that he should be saved ; but he died in three days. He was intimate with St. Germain, the French minister of war: and his last hours were bestowed on a letter recom- mending Maudxiit to his favor. "It is finishing a noble career early," he calmly said when the end approached; "but I die the victim of my ambition and of my sover- eign's avarice." In England, Towusheud satirically suggested that proper care and twenty pounds sterling would have provided ladders, and saved to the Treasury the cost of 600 slain Hessians at forty pounds a man. FALL OF UED BANK. 145 "Sir William's conqTiosts raise a smile. Lo, Red-Bank yields, and eke Mud Jslo, Which Hessians storiii'd— pell-mell ! The ditch was wet— they had no bladders, The wall was hi!mk. On the way to t'liestor Andre saw a few more of the liorrors of war. At the />V(U' /)(•// Tavern the Ameriean picket retreated within doors and from the windows sliot (Knvn a conple of grenadiers. 'I'licir com- railes hurst in and, ere their oilicers could inevent. hav- oneted tive of our men. The rest were taken. Plunder jn-evailed on the road, and the lionses of AVhigs were con- smued. I'y 11 A. M. the I'.rilish were crossing the IVla- ware at Thester. anil, with the troops just come from Xew York, were so rapidly pushed against Ked Bank, tiiat it was impossible to relieve it. The place was evacuated on the llOth. Oi the vessels that had Invn sheltered by its gmis some were tired, and at four A. ^[. on the 21st. came drifting up the river on the tlood-tide to witliin two miles of the city; but i-arried back by the ebb. exploded harm- lessly after (laming for five hours. In the thick fog that prevailed, the gondolas passed by, despite the heavy tiring of the Knglish frigate Ih-hiirair. It was thus known that Ked Bank had fallen; and as the design oi a forward movement hinged on that event, the loyal believed that Oornwallis was now to pass up to Burlington and thence get into Washington's rear. On the morning of Novem- ber 124th the fleet began to eome in and business to revive. Oornwallis brought 400 cattle from Jersey on the ensuing day; and on the next, while sixty-three sail were in sight between the town and Gloucester Point. Lord PI owe came on shore and the citizens made up their minds that Sir AVilliam would not pursue Washington that winter. They learned their mistake, however, on the following day; for so ill were Howe's secrets kept that it was the town-talk that the main army would march on the 2nd December. IVtacluuents were sent over Schuylkill; susixvted spies weiv seizeii: and various country-houses, some the prop- erty of Tories, were fired because the American pickets FAT J, OF IU',1) RANK. 147 liacl found Uicin ;i convenient ninhnsli wlicncc lo shoot down the enemy. Most of tlie bnildings aloii^- the lines were by tiiis time destroyed; mid it was even o.xpeeted that Germantown would soon be burned. Leaving' a fcnv resriments to guard tlie city, Ihc i'.rillsli army niarolicd forth by the Germantown toad at einiit P. M., Dcccniber lib, the van led by (!ornwallis and tiie rest by J\ny|)liausen. Howe's object was to find a weak place in the fortified camp at Whitemarsh, or to tempt our army, now strongly i-einforced, into a battle for the recov- ery of Pliiladolphia; but the ])ublic impression was that he had gonc^ out to light Wasliington wluu-ever be found bini. The camp fires wore lighted at Chestnut Hill, which, soon after, a body of Americans under Irvine* attemi)ted to occupy. They were discomfited, however, by 7\ber- cromby with the light brigade, and the gencM-al made pris- oner. Here the English remained till Ihe 7th; when, reluctant to essay W;isliington's I'ight, they moved at one A. M. towards his left, and took ])ost on Pldgebill. A sharp skirmish was created by Moi'gan, whose Rifles dis- puted the ground as long as they could, while to the left Grey encountered and easily put to flight a considerable party, chiefly of militia. Grey's night-march led him to their outjjosts. He formed with the Queen's Rangers on his left, the light infantry of the (Juards on his right, and his brigade in the centre. The Hessians and Anspach Chasseurs, with the field-pieces, were in the van. The Americans were out-flanked on either side, and outnui by the Guards, who (urned tbeii' flight across the fii-e of the centre and left. 'J'liis allair appeal's to have occurred in Cheltenham township, Montgomery county. On the 8th, Jlowe abandoned all hope of finding a vul- nerable place in our lines, and Washington restraining * (Juiil. Williiiiii Irvine — referred to in (lie Uow-Chace. 14S l.U'H OF MA.TOK ANDRE. his v>ersonal desire to go forth ami give them the meeting they sought, the British turiUHi their faces homewards. At four P. A[., Grey aud Cornwallis, whose troops were the hist to move, i-etired. At that pi'eoise time Simcoe was watehiug the entrauoe of a squad of our dragoons into a trap he had ounuingly baited, when Andre galloped up with peremptory orders to withdraw. The others ■wei-e already on the maifh ; and at nine P. M.. to the con- fusion and amazement of Philadelphia, the British in- gloriously reentered the lines.* As they came down the Old York Road, they burned, for some reason, the Bisiug Smi biiildings: but, except 700 cattle and the spoils of every farm-house that lay in a Hessian's path, there was nothing at all to show for all this eli'ort aud parade. Ere sailing for England, Coi'nwallis foraged the country be- yond Schuylkill towards Chester; routing Pottert as he went, and tinding a success veiy grievous to all who had anything to lose, and who frxiitlessly claimevi redress from head-quarters. Another h\rge foix* went to I)arby on the 22ud : and stripping it of one thoiisand tons of for- age returneil on the 2Sth with a paiwl of prisoners: of whom two offii^ei's aud thirty men had been cunningly be- guiled into ambuscade by a couple of the 17th dragoons. At seven P. M. on Christmas Eve, the city was enlivened by a brisk but imsupported cannonade with twelve-pound- ers on the lines between ord and 4th stivets ; aud this was * This failm^ is attributed to the conduct of Lydia Darrach, of r The ro\ ' ' " " 1 in the same 'o»\ ht» - them their c pdriiiularly oi\lered By aid of a friendly key'ioie his pn.vautions were frustrated; and the woman herself, without boiug sus^nvted. bore the important details to our people, vrho were consequently enabled to anticipate every move of the enemy. tThis must refer to James Potter, Brigadier General of the Pennsvlvania militia. ANDRK WITH GREY AND HOWE. 149 its last taste of battle in the year 1777. Tlie troops, on the 30th and 31st December, went into good wiuter-tjuarters. Witli the exception of a transport tliat was swept from her moorings by the ice to be stranded and i)lundered on the Jersey shore, notliing more occni'red of snlTicient note to excite attention. Tlie severities of tlie winter of 1777-8 were keenly felt by the poor of Philadelphia; and even the better classes, no longer able to procure fresh provisions by means of the river, which was obstrncted by ice on the 30th of De- cember, found additional aggravation in the spirit that permitted the Americans to hold their position at Valley Forge, and thence to restrain sui>plies from the country by severities which at this day seem hardly just. "The laws of war," said Rfarshal Conway, "sanction the inflic- tion of death on those who furnish food to an enemy only when such aids are needful to existence; not when they are matters of luxury." The army commissariat was always capable of being replenished by the fleet, and there was no longer hope or attempt to reduce Howe by starva- tion; but the inhabitants were on another footing. They remembered, in their hunger, how the officers who entered on the 26th of September, with all tiieir civility to the people, professed the most bitter d(!tormi nation to pursue our army to the last extremity; but their amazement is also recorded at the self-confidence of the English and their contempt of the Americans, whom they stigmatized as "a cowardly and insignificant set of i)eople." There were not wanting, even in Congress, men who had heard Cope's officers at Preston hold the same terms of the Scots, declaring they would never remain to face the British bayonet: yet who had seen these veiy boasters fly pusillanimously before tlie llighlanders without strik- ing a blow. The impulse that at first led to the foi-ma- tion of Loyal Associations and Provincial Corps had not IMl LIFE OP MAJOR ANDRE. beou fostered. Tlio Quakers even were nt one time ex- pected by their antagonists to appear in arms. "Thee and tliou, in Philadelphia." wrote an American oflicer (Oct. (jth, 1777), "now tind a religion will not serve that doth not turn weathercock-like. They begin to say to each other— 'AVill thee take a gun,— hope thee will appear in the tield;' "—but when tlour was at three guineas the hundred, and other things in proportion, they rather thought of obtaining assistance through Dr. Fothergill, from their friends in England, to be repaid at the end of the troubk^s, than of fuliilling the predictions of their ?nemies. Nor was a British army longer to be esteemed invincible by rebels. Bnrgoyne's was a case in point. On the 3rd of October, imperfect rimiors of the first battle at Stillwater tlew from lip to lip. Gates was beaten. A letter was in town with a postscript in Irish which told how a partial engagement on the ISth of Sei>tember had been unfavorable to Burgoyue; but that returning on the 19th to bury his dead, a general action ensned in which he was entirely successful, and was in full march on Albany. A man who had been in Albany on the 19th was at once arrested; but he of course knew nothing of Sir John's advance. His fall was known to "Washington on the 18th of October; but Howe's army scouted the story, while the citizens believed it. The Frenchman who brought in Ponop's wounded officers was qiiestioned ou the possibil- ity of such an event. "I know the fact is so." he answer- ed, "you must explain it as yon can." Foremost in ca- pacity among the local loyalists was Galloway. Sir William employed him in mnnicijial ali'airs, but in other respects gave him the cold shoulder. Galloway was not insensible of the supineness of the campaign, nor. as he believed, of the cause. His fi-iends shared in his discon- tent, and he has recorded its origin. At Philadcliihia. he says, Howe found -1482 fencible inhabitants, of whom FIRST BATTLE AT STILLWATER. 151 about 1,000 were Quakers and i)er]iai).s Miy secret foes. An eleventh of the whole population liad fled. A militia of 3500 men should have been forthwith organized ; that, with the shipping and 1000 regiihirs, eould liave held the lines against anything but Washington's main array, which Howe might thus be at liberty to attack at Valley Forge. Pie should have invited the loyal men of the Chesapeake and Delaware peninsula to rise, and supplied them with arms and ammunition, and a few regulars. In three days he would have had 2000 Tories in the field, who would soon increase to GOOO oi- 8000. A covering post at Wilmington would put Washington between it and the loyalists, should he march against them; while the army at Philadelphia would be but one day's distance by water, or two by land. He cited tlie fact tliat even with the in- sufficient means that were taken to raise men, over 1100 of the Philadelphians joined the British; but particu- larly was he sensitive of the refusal to permit liiin to raise a regiment. A warrant foi- a single trooj) was vouch- safed him; in two months it was full and efficient. The General put aside his services in tlie recruiting line, and gave the warrant to "an unpopular country tavern- kee])er, for whom he [Howe] thought his servants in the- kitchen the most proper company." Fifty gentlemen from Monmouth, New Jersey, brouglit their services to Sir William, "but the genei-al was inaccessible; they could not, after several days' attendance, procure an au- dience." Such are the charges Galloway brought for- ward; and it is no wonder he found ready listeners. Sir William and Lord Howe were the sons of the sec- ond Viscount Howe, and were in an illegitimate way kinsmen to the King. The late King William spoke of Lord Howe as "indeed a sort of connexion of the fam- ily." When that coarse, vulgar, vicious little profligate^ 152 LIFK OK lIA.IOa ANDKE. Ooorj^o Louis, tlio first of the liauoverian liuo, came over to reign in Kiigland, lie brought among liis Ciennan mis- tresses a ^laihnne Kiehnausegge, whose mother had filled a iiiiestiouahle i^osition near his own father. Ouee in Kngland, she was of course placed on the pension and the peerage rolls; and in 1721, while his wife languished out her life in a dungeon, CHeorge created her Countess of Leinstcr and of Darlington, and Baroness Brentford. By the usual means of her otlice, though her appearance was far from pleasing, she accumulatctl wealth. Wal- pole paints the fright into which his childhood was thrown by an interview with this "fat woman of Brent- ford." "The fierce, black eyes, large and rolling be- neatli two lofty arched eyebrows; two acres of cheeks s]nead with crimson, an ocean of neck, that overfiowed and was not distinguished front the lower pai-ts of her body, and no part restrained by stays,— no wonder that a child dreaded such an ogress." The child that she bore to the king was, in 171 J), nuu-ried to Lord Howe; and though she was never publicly acknowledged as George's daugh- ter, her own child was always treated by Princess Amelia, daughter of Oeorge II., as of the blood-royal. There were whispers also of a relationship of the same nature as with the Howes, between George III. and Lord North; their resemblance was so great, according to AVraxall, as to be pointed out by George's father to Lord Guil- ford.— The ill feeling between North and Howe, so natural to the royal line, would not belie this tale. John Adams asserts that the Howes were poor, brave men, who had wasted their estates in election contests and had now nothing to sell but their votes and their swords. Sir AVillian\ represented Nottingham iu the Commons; and the expenses of carrying that town in 17li8 wei^e said bv Lord Chesterfield to have been full £o0.000 to the CnARACTETl OP Sm Wfrj.TAM TfoWK. ]!S'A winner, and not less to the losing candidate. Letteis i'l-om London in 1775 avei- that both Howe and Clinton went with rehictanoe to America; but they were tohl tlicy must do tliis or .staivc. lu I'ailiaiiiciii lu! was in the chair of Committee of the Whok; House, on tiu; l^Otli of March, 1775, when the Commons considei-ed American af- fairs. Prom nine P. M. to one A. M. it was one scene of confusion and altercation, ]ish in the ('oh)nics, tliat wliciicvcr (evidence in their favor was produced, the prime minister "was either fast asleep, and did not hear it; or, if awake, was taliving so k)iid as even to prevent others fi-om hearing it." As next in command to Gage, he led tiie assault at Bunker Hill, where his "disposition was exceeding sol- dier-like; in my o])inion, it was perfect," said Hurgoyne. Others however discovered in this action his liabitual neglect to i)ress fortune to the utmost, when Clinton was vainly urging the pursuit of the Amei'icans crowded on a narrow causeway. It would sc(!iii tli;il, ministers were tlicM ]K'i'pl((xed to find a suitable^ cliicf commander. With little show of probability, I'l'ince i^'erdinand was spoken of on either side; but this nomination would never have suited Germain (who was soon to represent America in the cabinet), for it w^ould have bi'ought liiin into direct contact with the man by whose means he had been himself cashiered for misconduct at Minden. The veteran Am- herst was also mentioned; and a contemporary histoi'ian alhiges the post was even tendered to the aged Ogle- thorpe, who, in 1745, had been refused any command whatsoever. The ancient Jacobite however sturdily re- fused tlie ap))ointment, unless he were pei'mitted to com- ply with American demands; and this the ministry would not think of. Accordingly, Dartmouth informed Howe on the 2nd of August, 1775, of his prospective position, and bade him transmit a full statciinent of (everything that 1;"l+ I IKE OF MAJOR ANDRE. ho would nooil to insure success. Yet tlio nature of his politics at this time may, perhaps, be fairly deduced from an address of his constituency to the throne that was in his absence presented by his brother, the Viscount. The constitutionality of the steps against ximerica was ques- tioned, their expediency denied, and especially was re- gretted the presence, in such a service, of their represen- tative— "a descendant of that noble family which in every walk of glory has etjualled the Koman name." Howe himself averred that he accepted the command by desire of his friends in opposition; and it is not to be denied that, if his conduct in this country was detrimental to the triumph of the British arms, it was at least often stamped with sterling traits. At Bunker Hill, where he was struck by a spent ball, he would have preserved the wounded "Warren. He captured Fort "Washington in a manner to indicate that he prized the lives of his men. He might have made a more dashing attack, but not a surer or safer. To his prisoners he was not so consider- ate; and the treatment that he suti'ered them to receive would alone pollute his fame. Ethan Allen, not back- ward himself to inflict scourging or exile where a disputed land-title was concerned, lifts up his voice against Sir William's commissary of prisoners, a native of Allen's own region; and declared that "legions of infernal dev- ils, with all their tremendous horrors, were impatiently ready to receive Howe and him. with all their detestable accomplices, into the most exquisite agonies of the hot- test regions of hell-fire." -As for his provost-marshal, ^lajor Cunningham, ''a burly, ill-natured Irishman, of sixty years," humanity shrinks from the recital of his cruelties, and almost regrets that it cannot find reason to believe that the jiistice of the nation he so long disgraced did not provide him a halter. Few worse men have dangled from a gibbet. There is satisfaction in the re- CHARACTER OF SIR WILLIAM HOWE. 155 flection that, when the British evacuated New York in 1783, the insolence of office led him to a quarrel with the man who had a little prematurely hoisted the American flag; and that he was soundly belabored with a broom- stick by an indignant virago. His quarters in Phila- delphia were plundered by robbers of his own ranks; foremost among whom was a hag named Marsliall, well- known on the battle-field as the "bag and hatchet wo- man,"— a title that sufficiently indicates her horrid trade. Cunningham's prison was in Walnut Street below 6th, and the neighboring Potter's Field (now Washington Square) received his victims. It was at the time told of this human beast, that when charity supplied a vessel of broth to his starving captives, he would divert himself by kicking it over, and seeing the prisoners fall sprawling on the earth, striving to lap up the food with their tongues. As for the hulks in which our people were shut up at New York, we need not go behind the confession of Sir William Napier— "The annals of civilized nations furnish nothing more inhuman towards the captives of war than the prison-ships of England." The fact seems to be that Howe prized his own comfort too highly to disturb him- self much about his duties. Charles Lee, who long had him in the highest love and reverence, describes him as being "naturally good-humored, complaisant, but illiter- ate and indolent to the last degree, unless as an executive soldier, in which capacity ho is all fire and activity, brave and cool as Julius CiEsar." Yet his enemies also as- serted that since 1776 he had never met Washington but in force really superior; and nineteen occasions were cited in which he might have overturned the Americans. At Long Island his men wei^e hardly restrained for three days from attacking our lines. He lingered in camp, when he should have i^assed to New Rochelle and hemmed up his foe in New York. At Brandywine, by the most 156 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. judicious mauanivres, he euolosed Washington between his two oolunuis and impassable waters, lie indolently sutYored tlie defeated party to renuuu undisturl)ed all night within eight miles of the field, and, by five days' inaetivity. lost all the fruits of victory. At Germautown, it was Musgrave who saved the day; and even then there was no general pursuit. Nothing was extenuated, and not a little set down in malice. The people were discon- tented witli his private life. He appropriated to him- self Mrs. Pemberton's coach and horses; he was fond of his bottle; he kept a mistress:— even the more dis- creet among his own officers were abashed at his luxurious habits, and his inaccessibility to atTairs of imimrtance. Across the ocean. Burns caught up the story of his sloth- ful ease: Piv^r Tauuny Giige within a cage Was kept at Boston ha', man. Till Willie Howe took o"er the knowe For Philadelphia, man. Wi" swonl ami gun he thought a sin Gnivl Christian blood to draw, man: But at New- York, wi' knife and fork, Sir-loin he hacked sma'. man. The Admiral and himself, bitterly remarks a coutem- ]H->rary. had alike the sullen family gloom: but while Lord Howe was devoted to business, his brother hated and avoided it. "Their nnifonu character through life hivs been, and is to this day, haughty, morose, hard- hearted, and infiexible." This aversion to public af- faii-s, and the conse^iuent pecuniary disorders that en- siled in their management, may j>erhaps give another color to the allegation that Sir "William was privately in- toi-ested in varioiis transactions by which riches were got at the exvxnise of government. He was said to be a seoi'et ivirtner with Coftin. a large military shopkeeper who attended the army. Certainly the exj^enditui-es of his CHARACTER OF SIR Wll.l.IA.M HOWE. 157 pnm]iaigns were beyond all reasonable bounds. In every prolitable branch of the service, wrote AVedderburne, at. the time, the peculation was as enormous as indecent. Both the troops and the ti-easury were robbed: "the hos- l)itals are ])est-houses and the pi'ovisions served out are poison. Those that are to be bought are sold at the high- est prices of a monopoly." No wonder the most loyal Englishman winced at this wanton and fruitless waste of taxation, and apostrophized his country, insulted by Americans,— "Who force thee from thy native riglit Because thy heroes will not fight; — Perfidious men, who millions gain By each protracted, slow campaign!"' The French officers in Washington's cam]) were amazed at Howe's inactivity. "After Brandywine," said Du Portail, "he might have exterminated our army;" and his sluggishness while they were at Valley Forge was an ineffable blunder. "Had he moved against them in force, they could not have held their encampment," says Marshall. An opinion was (no doubt falsely) at this time attributed to Lafayette, that as any general but Howe would have beaten Washington, so any other than Wash- ington would have beaten Howe ; and Ministers trembled lest Gates should mai'ch from Saratoga and, joining the main army, subdue Philadelphia and its garrison. But Sir William was already anxious to retire. There was ill blood between Germain and himself; and not even the King could i)ersuade the Colonial Seci'etary to treat his General witli proper confidence. In -July, 1778, he re- turned to London, "richer in money than laurels," says Walpole. "The only bays he possessed," said another, "were those that drew his coach." His reception by the cabinet was not encouraging; and he endeavored to cast. 158 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. the blame of his want of success at its door. In this he but partially succeeded. A Parliamentary investigation took such a turu that it was dropped on motion of his friends. He was not reoniployed in the war; and the nation, and even his own constituents of Nottingham, seem to have been content to have done with him. General Howe is a gallant commander — There are others as gallant as he was the general conclusion. In 1799 he succeeded to his brother's Irish titles; and died childless in 1814. In per- son he was tall and portly, full six feet in height, and, to Philadelphia eyes, of stately and dignified manners. His enforced withdrawal from the field of professional service was in some measure compousatod by the social and po- litical influence which secured him a lucrative and honor- able office imder the crown. \. I Sti CHAPTER IX. The British Army in Philadelphia. — Features of the Occupation. — Sir William Erskine. — Abercromby. — Simcoe. — Lord Cath- cart. — Tarleton. — Andre's Social Eelations in the City. — Verses composed by him. — Amateur Theatricals. — Misconduct of the Eoyal Arms. — The Mischianza. — Andre's Account of it. — Howe removed from the Command. HE year 1778 found the British at Philadelphia in snug quarters, unembarrassed by the cares of the field and, except for occasional detach- ments, free from other military duties than the necessary details of garrison life. The trifling affairs that occurred during the remainder of the season, served rather as a zest to the pleasures which en- gaged them, than as a serious occupation. Our army lay the while— from the 19th December to the 18th June— at Valley Forge, on the west side of the Schuyl- Mll. The camp was placed on the rugged hill-side of a deep valley, through which flows a creek. On the east and south it was fortified with a ditch six feet wide and three feet deep, and a mound four feet high that might easily be overthrown (said Anburey, an English officer who visited the spot), by six-pounders. On the left was the Schuylkill, over which a bridge was built by the Americans to keep up their communications. On every arch was carved a general's name; that in the center bore Washington's, and the date of its erection. The rear was protected by a jH-ecipice and thick woods. From December to May, continues our authority, Howe could have readily carried these lines ; at any time in the spring he could have besieged them. The sufferings of the men were intolerable; they deserted by tens and by fifties; IGO LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. ami tlioy often apiu'arod iu Pliiladolphia almost iiaked^ without slioos, a tattorod blanket strapped to their waists — hilt with their arms. These they were always allowed liy the English to sell. It is incredible that, Imwever bad his intelligence from the eonntry-peo})le might be, Howe could not have found guides among these to lead him to our camp. It is known that there were not provisions in store to enable Washington to hold out. lie must have abandoned his lines or starved; and he had not sufficient means to remove his equipage. Sickness pre\ailed; eleven hospitals were kept up at one time. None but the Virginia trooi)S were provided with anything like enough clothing; and, to crown all, Congress was busier with schemes to supplant and remove AVashington, than to listen to the grievances of his followers and supply their just denumds.* It was for us a fortunate though a most unwarlike turn that occupied such soldiers as Abercrom- by, Tarletou, Musgrave, JSimcoe, and De Laucey with the ordering of a ball-room or the silken trappings of the stage, rather than the harsh realities of the held. In other scenes they proved themselves gallant and dangerous an- tagonists. The general demeanor of the officers billeted at Phila- delphia in private houses is described as very agreeable. * (.ieuoral Jviiox and L'aptaiu Sargent, both of the artillery, were delogatoil by thou- comrades to represent ' their necessities. The committee having heard them, one of its members took occasion to remark that mucii had been very well said about the famine and the nakedness of the soldiers; yet he had not for a long time seen a fatter man than one of the gentlemen wbo had spoken, nor one better dressed than the other. Knox, who was of corpulent habit, was mute — j>robably with indignation; but his subordinate re- joined that this eircumstanee was due to the respect his compan- ions bore not only to themselves, but to Congress. The Generars rank prescribed his appointment; but, beyond that, the corps could not hesitate to select as tlieir representatives the only man among tlunu with an ounce of superfluous flesh on his body, and the only other who possessed a complete suit of clothes. THE BRITISH ARMY IN I'lIILADELPIIIA. 161 Candles, fire, and a chamber were provided by the house- holder. The guest would return of an evening, take his candle, and after a little fire-side chat retire to his apart- ment. One unfortunate wight indeed, who had been wounded in the neck at Cerniantown and who was saddled on one of the best families in the town, used to keep the neighborhood of 2nd Street and Taylor's Alley aware of his existence by the frantic volleys of oaths that he would pour out when, as he sat by the open window, every turn of his head to watch what went on below would throw him into new pains; but such cases were exceptional. Several of them too had mistresses; and this, though of- fensive to morality, was neither disguised nor kept in the dark. Lieutenant-Colonel Birch of the dragoons— a man of high fashion at the time— was of these; and Major Crewe, whose jealousy of Tarleton was one of the es- clandres of the day. "I saw," said a distinguished citi- zen, "a grand review of 18,000 British troops, on the commons that extended from Bush Hill to South wark. They had just received their new clothing, and made a fine appearance. A very lovely English girl, the mistress of Major Williams, of the artillery, drove slowly down the line in her open carriage with handsome English horses and servants. Her dress was cut and trimmed after the fashion of the regiment's; the facings were the same, and the plumes. The woman was singularly beau- tiful." No sooner were they settled in their winter-ciuartors, than the English set on foot scenes of gayety that were long remembered, and often with regret, by the younger part of the local gentry. Weekly balls, each conducted by three officers of repute, were given in the public rooms at Smith's City Tavern, in 2nd Street. Convivial asso- ciations were formed, to dine at the Bunch of Grapes or the Indian Queen. Mains of cocks were fought at a pit 11 1(>2 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. that was oponod iu Moore's Alley. As spring came on, oriokot-inatches wore discussed. The advertisements in the newspapers give many curious hints of the levity of manners and morals thai was fast springing up in the lately staid and demure city. Thefts were not int'iotiuent; wet-nurses were in constant demand; comely white bond- women were escaping fi'om servitude. To-day Lord liawdon's spaniel is lost near Schuylkill, and is to be brought back to Mrs. Swords' in Lodge Alley; to-mor- row an exhibition of glowing pictures, or a sale of books rather more free than had usually found market there; or perchance a lecture on electricity at the college. The ]iresence of so many young officers, not a few of them distinguished by rank or by fortune, lent new life to every occasion of amusement. The Marquis of Lindsay, who in this year became Duke of Aucaster, was the nephew of Andre's old colonel. Lord Kobert Bertie; and Stop- ford, his major iu Canada, was also here, a ball-manager. Lord William Murray, Lieutenant-Colonel (afterwards Earl) llarcourt. Sir Henry Calder, Sir Thomas "Wilson, and nuuiy other men of rank were with the troops. Here too was Sir "William Erskiue, who a year or so later re- signed his quartermaster-generalcy, not for ill health, it is said, but because the General gave no heed to his recom- mendation for an ensigncy. Erskine remained long in the service, and many stories are told of him. He pro- tected the English rear at the retreat from Dunkirk, and in the midst of the confusion, with charming frankness and in the broadest Scotch, shouted to his comrade in this war. Duudas, as he passed,— "Davie, ye donnert idiot, Where's a' your peevioys (pivots) the day?"— Sir David being one of those tedious tacticians who could not take one step forward without going a dozen about. Erskine was not an able officer, as Wellington afterwards found out in the Peninsula. There, too, was the Hessian cap- LORD CATIICART. 163 tain, Frederick Miinoliansen, aide to Howe, wliose name was so ominously significant of incorrect dispatches; and Abercromby, apparently the same who later served and died so gallantly in Egypt,* and whose mortification when the British arms were finally grounded at York- town— hiding his face and gnashing his swoi'd-liilt as he turned away— is so picturesquely related by one of Ro- charabeau's staff. Of those, however, who seem to have been of Andre's more innnediate circle were iSimcoe, the famous partisan officer; Captain Battwell; Sir John AVrottesley; Captain De Lancey, afterwards his suc- cessor in the adjutant-generalcy; Major Stanley (father of the late Earl of Derby) ; and Major Lord Cathcart. This last was of an ancient Scotch family long dis- tinguished in arms, who rose to command in chief befoi'e Copenhagen in 1807 ; he was created an English Viscount and Earl, and died so lately as 1843.t *This is an ervdr. There were three brothers Abercromby in the Britisli Army iit the time, but ilie most distinguished, Kalph, who was killed at the battle of Aboukir, and whose reply about the soldier's blanket which pillowed him when dying, is historic, was in sympathy with the Americans and hence was not employed against them. The one referred to was his brother Kobert, Lieu- tenant-Colonel of the S^th Kegimcnt. The third brother, James, had been killed at the battle of Brooklyn. t Cathcart married in America (April 10, ITTO) the daughter of Andrew Kliot, once collector at Philadelpbia and uncle of the Tirst Lord j\[into, better known as author of the beautiful pastoral of Amyntas — ''My sheep 1 neglected, I brolce my sheep-hook,'" — tlian by his title. Mr. A. Eliot was one of the commissioners to procure Andi'c's release. A 21S. letter of the time thus pleasantly de- scribes the nuptials: "We live, it is true, for a little while, when Beauty strikes the strings at General Pattison's concerts: but this is only on the first day of a week that sickens before it is concluded. . . . .•Vn't you tired of moralizing? I'll tell you news: Tjoi'd Cathcart — "Poll, I heard it before!" '■However, you just beard that he was married to Miss Eliot, but the story here is that he took liimself in merely to pass the time away in winter-quarters; and because Miss E. was a lively. 164 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Another young officer at Philadelphia, whose part in the war was not unnoted, was Banastre Tarletou. Born at Liverpool, the son of an eminent merchant, he forsook, like Andre, the counting-room for the army, and when the contest began obtained a cornetcy of dragoons. Sir W. Erskine was his first patron; afterwards Clinton and Cornwallis prized and promoted him. Well but heavily made, with large muscular legs, a good soldier's face, dark comi)lexion, small, piercing, black eyes, about five feet eight inches in height, and a capital horseman, he was the very model of a partisan leader. At this time he was about twenty-one, and though Howe did not em- ploy cavalry much, was always vigorous and active; "when not riding races with Major Gwynne on the com- pretty girl, he made Tiolent love to her, wrote letters, &c. &c. Miss E. listened and believed — 'For who could think such tender looks were meant but to deceive?' Whether his Lordship flew oi? after- wards, I know not: but Mr. E. laid the letters and the whole affair before Sir Henry. Sir H. advised Cathcart to marry: Cathcart wished to be excused till the end of the war: and the General in- formed him that after having gone so far, he must marry Miss E., or quit his family. A fine girl, a good fortune, to a Scotch Lord with a moderate one, were not to be despised. You know the Peers of Scotland, having no legislative privileges, are not of that consequence that the Lords of England or even those of Ireland are. And so his Lordship married Miss Eliot, and they will soon sail for England, it is said." — Lady Cathcart appears to have had a place at court, and Peter Pindar celebrates her at Weymouth, in connection with the king's insensate manners : — "Cassar spies Lady Cathcart with a book; He flies to know what 'tis — he longs to look. ' What's in your hand, my lady? let me know.' — ' A book, an't please your majesty.' — ' Oho! Book's a good thing — good thing — I like a book. Very good thing, my lady — let me look — War of America! my lady, ha?? Bad thing, my lady! fling, fling that away.'" A sister of Cathcart's married Sir Thomas Graham, afterwards Lord Lynedoch, a distinguished cavalry officer; another was Duchess of Athol, and a third Countess of Mansfield. TARLETOJST. 165 mons, making love to the ladies." In England he had been guilty of some excesses; and a whimsical speech from the box of a theater about one of his own kindred was quoted as an evidence of his "flow of spirits and un- restrained tongue." At the Mischianza his equipage be- spoke the man. His device was a light dragoon; his motto, Swift, vigilant, and fcoZrf,— and his squire's name was Heart. On his return he was elected to Parliament by his native place, and was one of the most distinguished among the Whig circles; now jesting at Fox's swollen legs, now taking the odds from Sheridan that Pitt will not be First Lord of the Treasury on the 18th of May, 1795. Despite his distinguished services he was coldly received by George III., who less regarded how his soldiers fought than how they voted.* An ill-advised boast, in the pres- ence of a lady of influence, that he had not only slain more men in America, but had more nearly approached the feats of Proculus in Gaul than any other soldier in the royal army, so incensed his hearer that she detei'mined he should lose his seat at the next election,— and she carried her point. Tarleton's reputation for cool but reckless daring attended him in England. "When a mob threatened Devonshire House, he quietly threw up a win- dow and said,— "My good fellows, if you grow riotous, I shall really be obliged to talk to you." They imme- diately dispersed. In 1798 he married a daughter of the Duke of Ancaster, and in 1817 was a major-general, but not on active service. He always maintained, till the event falsified his judgment, that Wellington would fail in Portugal. On the coronation of George IV. he was made a Baronet and K. B. His fortunes do not seem to * Tarleton, it is said, has been honored with a private confer- ence, in which his Majesty took no other notice of his services than just to say — "Well, Colonel Tarleton, you have been in a great many actions, had a great many escapes." — MS. London, Feb. 6, 178?. 166 LIFE OF MAJOK ANDRE. have been eoutimially prosperous;— ou the oth of Sep- tember. 1798, he writes from Sussex: "1 have thought proper to proceed to Lord R. Silencer's friendly man- sion, for two purimses: to read, and to subsist for nothing— being very, very poor." The portrait by Sir Joshua Reynohis represents him in a martial attitude on the battle-fiekl. His own figure is finely drawn; but the horses are outrageously in defiance of nature, and fully warranted the contemporaneous criticism that was be- stowed upon the production: — "Lo! Tarleton dragging on his boot so tight! His liovsos iVel a godlike rage. And long with Yankees to engage — I think I hoar them snortins: for the flt\v(H>n many of the offi- cers and the towns-people; and among- those in which Andre was concerned, was that witli tlic family of Ed- ward iSliippen. which was destined to hear such an im- ]iortant part in liis career. Tn rank, character, and for- tnne i\rr. Shiiijien was among tlic first men of his time. That he was, to say the k>ast, hiUewarni in tlie war has often heen cliarged. Certainly lie was constantly fined for neglect of militia duty, in seasons when every zealous AVhig might have heen looked for in arms; hut after all was over, he was wortliily digiiitiod hy the highest ]u-o- fessional offices in the state, and at the hands of men wlio liad heen the most consyucuous supporters of the Kevo- lution.* AVith INliss Redman. Andre was also intimate; the huttons playfully severed from their coats by Stan- ley and hin\st'lf. and presented to her as jiarting-keep- sakes when they left Philadelphia, are yet preserved, as also are a number of silhouettes of himself and various of his friends, cut by him for this lad^'. For her, too, he wrote, on the Lliid of January, 1778, these pretty vers de socictv, to a (iernian air that he had iierhaps composed or picked up in his wanderings:— Return, enraptur'd hours, AVhen Delia's heart was niiiie; ^Vhen she with wreaths of ilowcrs Jly teini)les would entwine. * Fines of £() and of £13 are aflixcd to his name on various occa- sions in the returns of Capt. Pasehal's eonipanv, V'nd battalion. See Accts. Lieuts. and Sub-Lieuts. Philadelphia City: 1777-1783. AMATEUR THEATRICAT-S. 1 G9 Wlicn jealousy nor caru Corroded in my breast — ■ But visions light as air Presided o'er my rest. Now, nightly round my l)ed No airy visions play; No tlow'rets crown my head Each vernal holiday. For far from these sad ])lains My lovely Delia flies; And rack'd with jealous pains Her wretched lover dies. Some may fiud allusion in these lines to the writer's affair with Miss Sneyd. Tliere is no evidence tliat his heart was bound by new ties wliile in this country; and his freedom from tlie g-i-osser passions of his follows was especially observed. It was likewise noticed, as an instance of his courtesy, that neither while a prisoner at Lancaster, or in power as Grey's aide, did he ever join in the contemptu- ous language so often apjiliod to the Americans. He did not speak even of those in arms as rebels ; colonists was the gentler phrase by which he referred to them. During all the war, the favorite amusement of the British army was amateur theatricals. Wherever it found itself in quarters, at once a dramatic corjis s]irung up. In 1775-6, when beleaguered in Boston, Burgoyue and his fellows fitted up a playhouse (in an abandoned meeting-house, it is said) ; the roof of which, according to an English writer, was destroyed by American shells, and the wardrobe and curtain much injured. Here the officers gave Tamerlane, The Busybody, and the like. It opened with Zara, to which Sir John wrote an a])i)Osite prologue; and the bills were sent to Washington and Hancock. It might well have closed with another of Bur- goyne's bantlings— T/ie Blockade of Boston; the per- formance of which was disagreeably interrupted by prac- 17l) MI'-K OK JIAJOK ANDRE. tionl skirmishings on tlio outiH>sts. In 1779-80 the oap- tivos of Saratoga, dotaiuod at I'liarlottosvillo, erooted a theater for tiiemselves. At Phihuielphia, the royal offi- cers were more fortunate in liiuiiug one standing to tiieir hand. On the south side of South Street (to be out of the bounds of tiie I'ity, the reguhitions of which were ojiposed to tlie stage), near 4tli. was a hirge, ugly, ill-eouditioned wooden building, the third publie ])layliouse that had been opened in or about Philadelphia. It was built in 17liO. and was long disused. The scenes of war outshone the mimic ]iageantries of the sock and buskin; and one at least of the old company. Francis ^leutges, a dancer, was now an otlicer of some repute in our army.* The hoiise was not a good one. The great sipiare wooden col- umns, that supported the upper tier and the roof, in- terrupted the view from tlie boxes; the stage was lighted by plain lamps without glasses; everything betokened ill-taste and dilapidation. But any theatre was better than none; and it was without hesitation decided to make the most of this shabby barn. The stage-box on the east side was probably that occujned by Howe; it was after- wai-ds appropriated to AVashiugtou, who himself was par- tial to the drauui. and during his Presidency made a point of attending the representations of T]ie Poor Soldier. Above the entrance was the Pabelaisiau motto— Totus mimdus agit histrioucm; which the tyros translated, ""We act Mondays. "Wednesdays, and Fridays." The military auuiteurs were slow to verify this rendering in the frequency of their performances. Having resolved on their jilan. Andre and Oliver De Lancey— "a lusty, fat, ruddy-looking young fellow between 'JO and 30 years of age," went to work to prepare the needful scenery and decorations. Andre's readiness with the brush has al- * Montges was successively in the rennsvlvauin Musket Bat- talion, the 11th and Tth Peuu. ami tiually Lieutenant-Colonel of *he 5th Penn. He retired from the armv in 1TS3. AMATEUR THKATRICALS. 171 ready been declared. On this occasion he produced ef- fects that might have stood beside the scenic labors of Hogarth, De IxMitlierhourg, oi- Staiislicid liiiiiscH'. Ills foliage was unconimoiily spirited and graceful. Tlic two amateurs made several very useful and attractive addi- tions to the old stock scenery; one of which, from Andre's brush, demands, says Durang, a j^articular record : "It was a landscape presenting a distant champagne country, and a winding rivulet extending fi'om the front of the picture to the extreme distance. In the foreground and center a gentle cascade (the water exquisitely exe- cuted) was overshadowed by a group of majestic forest- trees. The pers])ectivo was excellently preserved; the foliage, verdure, and general colouring was artistically toned and glazed It was a drop-scene, and hung al>()ut the middle of the third entrance, as called in stage-direc- tions. The name of Andre was inscribed in large black letters on the back of it, thus placed no doul)t by his own hand on its completion; — sometimes a custom with scenic artists."* * Fuw persons of taste who have ever seen this drop will licsitate to confirm its praises. The "Old South," as the Uieatre came to be known, sank from the hour when playhouses nii,<,dit lawfully exist within the city limits. It became at last the resort of tiie most depraved of both sexes, and the witness of their infamies. In 1821, it was burned down; and despite every effort to save the scenery, particularly the drop painted by Andre, its contents were- consumed. Some ])art of the walls yet stand. For years pre- viously thron^rs of the vulgar had crowded the house every Fourth of July, to witness a piece well suited to their tastes and under- standings, and founded on his fate. There is still preserved at Philadelphia a figure of a British grenadier, cut out of half-inch board, six feet high, with rounded edges, and painted to the life, which tradition says was made by Andre. If so, it was probably a stage decoration. It got into American hands, and was used in practical joke to heartily frightea some of our officers. 1(_ LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. On the 24th of December, 1777, matters were sufficiently advanced for tlic nndortakors (o determine on tlie piece tliey should iirst appear in, and to advertise for an ac- countant or sub-treasurer, a swifl and clear writer for the distribution of the parts, and for practiced scene- shifters and carjienters. The play first resolved on was perhaps The ]Vo)idcr. It was advertised for as "wanted immediately for the use of the theater, to borrow or buy," on tlie ."-ird January; but if there was any one ])oint on whii'li tlie Presbyterian and Quaker agreed, it was in aversion to theatres, and the piece was not soon forth- coming. Accordingly, on the 14th January, for the bene- fit of the widows and orphans of tlie army, were given the comedies of No One's Eiientif but ]tii> Oini, and The Deuce is in Him. The characters were represented by officers of the army and navy; the doors opened at 6 P. M., and the play began at 7 ; the tickets were a dollar for box or jiit, and half a dollar for the gallery. Xo money was to be taken at the door, nor were more tickets sold than the house would hold. I have had the fortune to stumble upon a collection of s]iecimens of all these theatrical bills, tickets, notices, tS;c., with an indorsement of the number struck off of each, that had been preserved by James Hum]ihreys, the printer, together with all hand-bills of proclamations and the like issued during the Occupation. From these may be deduced some ideii of what the house held. Of notices of perfo nuance, 1,000 copies would be ]n'inted; and G60 box-tickets. And so popular did the entertainment soon become, that the doors were opened ere sunset, and they who wished places kept for them had to send their servants to the house at 4 P. ^I. The first performance was eminently successful. De- S]nte the legislative prohibition of public theatricals, anmteur I'epresentations were in great vogue with the more refined and cultivated classes in various parts of AMATEUR THKATIUCALS. 173 America. In staid (.\)nneeti('nt, the late venerable Bishop Grisvvold at the early age of seven shone as a page in Fair Rosamond in 1773, and in 1781, was great as Zanga in The Revenge. In Pennsylvania, particularly among the churchmen and moderate dissenters, a like taste i)re- vailed; and though the jMayhouse could only be reached on foot, by miry and unlighted paths (for there were no hackney-coaches in those days, and very few private coaches), the ladies did not shrink to trip thither and back home after nightfall. The house was opened for the sea- son and the play introduced by the following prologue, which there is much i-eason for attributing to Andre, both in composition and delivery: — TROLOGUE. Once inoi'e, ambitious of theatric slmT, Howe's strolling company appears before ye. O'er hills and dales and bogs, thro' wind and weather And many hair-breadth 'scape, we've scrambled hither. For we, true vagrants of the Thespian race, Whilst summer lasts ne'er know a settled place. An.xious to prove the merit of our band, A chosen squadron wanders thro' the laud. How beats each Yankie bosom at our drum — — 'Hark, Jonathan! zaunds, here's the strollers come!' Spruced up with top-knots and their Sunday dress, With eager looks the maidens round us press. — 'Jemima, see — an't this a charming sight — Look, Tabitha— Oh Lord! I wish 'twas night!' AVing'd with variety our moments fly. Each minute tinctur'd with a dilTerent dye. Balls we have plenty, and al Fresco too, Such as Soho or King-street never knew. Did you but see sometimes how we're arrayed, You'd fancy we design'd a masquerade. 'T would tire your jiatience was t to relate hero Our routs, drums, hurricanes, and Fetes Champelres. Let Kanelagh still boast her ample dome; AVhile heaven 's our canopy, the earth 's our room. Still let Vauxhall her marshall'd lamps display. And gild her shades with artificial day: 174 LIFK OK MAJOH ANDRE. In lol'ly Icriiis old v;iiiiitiiifr SiuUer's Wells Of licr tii:lil-ro]i(' and Inddcr-daiifinij tells. Hut Ciinninuiiani in luitli liy far excels. Now winter* Hark! and I must not say No — 'Rut soft, a word or two before I go.' Benevolence first nrjxed us to engage, And boldly ventured on a public stage: To guard the helpless or])han's tender years, 'J'o wipe away the afllirled jiarent's tears. To soolb the sorrows of the widow'd breast, To lull the friendless bosom's cares to rest; 'J'his our design — and sure in such a cause E'en Error's self might challenge some applause. With candor then our imperfections scan. And where (he Actor fails, absolve the ifan. The sncooss of tlio lirst night was really beyond expec- tation, and a notice was issued begging gentlemen not to bribe the door-keepers: "The Foreign (lentlemau who slipped a Cninea and a half into the hands of the box- keeper, and forced his way into the house, is requested to send to the office of the theater in Front-street, that it may be returned." Such advertisements do not occur nowadays. The performances during the rest of the sea- son were as follows: On the 26th January, The Minor, and 77a! Deuce is in Him; on the 9th February, The Minor, and Dnle and No Duke; on tlie 16th, Constant Couple, and Duke anil No Duke. The illness of a chief actor and other causes prevented any more plays till ]\rarch 2nd, when The Constant Couple and The Mock Doctor were given; on the 0th. The Inconstant and The Mock Doctor, with a display of iireworks; on the 16th, Tiic Inconstant and Lethe; on the 25th, The First Part of Kin(j Ilcnri/ IV.. and 'The Mock Doctor; on the 30th, The First Part, &c., and Lctlie. Then one of the actresses fell sick; Passion AVeek came on; and nothing was played before The Wonder and The Mock Doctor, on the * Staso-bell rings. MISCONDUCT OF THE ROYAL ARMS. 175 24tli April The Liar and A Trip to Scotland were for on the 2nd ; on the 6th were represented The Liar, and Duke and No Duke; and on the 19th, Dr. Home's play of Douglas, and the Citizen. This was the last perform- ance. When the curtain fell, the officers resorted to a sort ot a club-room that was established in the large apartments of the City Tavern, where their weekly baUs were held ; and here Charles Lee was introduced in March inti atter witnessing the evening's play. The bills o-ive no distribution of parts, and we cannot tell what charac- ters came to Andre's share; but we may well believe that m Doiiglas he appeared as the young hero whose feigned conditions so much resembled his own : Obscure aiul friendless, he the army sought llesolved to hunt for fame, and wilh Ins sword lo yam distinction which his birtli denied, in this attempt, unknown he inio-Jit have perish'd And gam d with ail his valor but oblivion Now graced by thee, his virtue serves no more Beneath despair. The soldier now of hope ' He stands conspicuous; fame and great renown Are brought witliin tlie compass of his sword. And in another passage of the same play, we find lan- guage that indeed expresses what seems to have been the key-note of Andre's character. "Living or dead, let me but be renown 'd," appears truly to have been the unal- tered wish of his soul. Without going into too many particulars, there is abundant testimony that gambling, races, plays, and gal- lantries occupied more of the attention of the royal offi- cers, durmg this winter, than was at all consistent with the good of the service. The military feats about Philadelphia, in the earlier part of 1778, were neither numerous or important. Howe aimed at little more than keeping a passage clear 17() Llt'l-: OK MAJOR ANUHE. for the ('onntvy-poo)ilo, witliin oortain bounds, to come in with itKukc'liiig. The iiK-iilont kuowii as tlie Battle of till' Kogs was celebrated by Hopkinsoii in a very amus- ing- song that, wedded to tlie air of Maggy Lauder, was long the favorite of the American military vocalists; Imt it hardly seems to have been noticed at Philadelphia, imtil the "Whig version came in. The local newspapers suy that, in .Innnary, 177S. a barrel floating down the IVlaware lieing taken ui> by some boys exploded in their hands, and killed or maimed one of them. A few days after, some of the tnuisports lirod a few gnus at several other kegs that ai)poareil on the tide; but no particular notice of the occurrence was taken. These torjjcdoes were sent down in the hope that they would damage the shipping. The Queen's Rangers and other troops were constantly employed in ]iatrols and forages, but, beyond bringing in Americans whom they caught stopping and stripping the market-people, there was little to be done. Howe, too, set on foot several loyal corps of the vicinity that ]n'oved very useful. Tlovenden. with his Philadel- phia Light Dragoons and some of Tiiomas's Bucks (.\iunty Volunteers, made a foray on the 14th of Febru- ary, and brought in a number of prisoners. On the next day 400 Americans came within (lOO yards of one of the jnckcts. "and after making a terrible howling," and ex- changing fires, retii'ed, leaving three dead. On the 18th, Hovenden and Thomas passed up to Jeuk's fulling-mill in Bucks, and thence to Newton, surprising the Ameri- cans ]iosted there to intercept market-people, and bring- ing thirty-four pi'isoners as well as two coach-loads of things from Galloway's country-seat. This was doubt- less a prinu^ object of the move; and it is thus we can account for the loss of invaluable papers (particularly Franklin's) respecting our history, that were left in Gal- loway's hands. On the l!;%rd. Hovenden went thirtv miles MISCONDUCT OF THE ROYAT. ARMS. 177 ii}) the Rldjipaok Koad, and returned on tlie 24th, witli VSO fine cattle and some prisoners. He reported the Ameri- cans as excessively severe on market-peoiile, and that La- cey had burned the mills about the city to the infinite misery of the town-folk; to whose poor, salted Ijeef was now publicly distributed. Some of the Amei-icans had great reputation as market-stoppers ; these, when caught, were decorated with their spoils— eggs, women's shoes and the like — and so pai'aded through the streets to jail; or were publicly wliii)ped in the market-place, and drummed out of town.* Simcoe very much applauds the skill with which a loyalist, pretending to be an American commissary, turned a fat drove of Washington's cattle into British beef. Such little stratagems, however, were usually crowned by our peojile with a halter. Tn these patrollings the two antagonists occasionally came in con- tact. On the 20th of March a large party of American horse were encountered beyond Schuylkill by the mounted Jiigeis, and defeated with loss. On another occasion, during the occupation, Generals Cadwalader and Reed with one follower riding and reconnoitring through the country, had stopped at the house of a (^)uaker to whom * On Saturday last, a rcl)Gl li>;lii-horseiiiaii, loaded with several wallets across liis slioulders, and a large basket on his arm, full of market-truck, of which he had robbed the country people com- ing to market, was brought in, having been taken a few miles from the lines at the very time he was plundering. The drollery of his appearance afforded no little amusement to the populace. — Penn. Ledger, Apr. '2'i, 1778. Galloway says that it was usual to give 200 lashes to the market-people caught coming to town; or to send them in to Howe, with G. H. branded on their flesh with a hot iron; and tlie local journals of March, 1778, tell of several per- sons, taken on their way to buy provisions, being court-martialled at AVilmington and sentenced, some to be hung, others to be flogged. They got off with being tied to the gallows and thus receiving 250 to 500 lashes from "wired cats that cut large jiieces from (hem at every stroke." Some enlisted witli the Americans to avoid i)unishment, and then deserted. ,So, at least, says the Ledqer, No. 1.53. 178 LIFE OF M.V.IOK ANDRE. tlioy wore kuowti. Passing on, aud being canght in a rain, tlioy luul tuinod the blue oartoiiclie cloaks tlioy wore so that the rod lining ^Yas oxposed to tho showor, aud were hastily galloping back to camp when, as they re- passed the Quaker's house, he came rushing out to them, "dontlonion, gontlomou!" he criod, mistaking thoir scar- let lor Uritish uniform, "if you will ouly turu back you will certainly catch General Reed and General Cadw^ala- der, who have just gone down that road !" His confusion at discovering his blunder may bo guessed; and it after- wards camo near to hang him when Rood was in power. For piloting Abercromliy on llio 1st of May, when Lacey's post at the Crooked Billet was broken up, John Roberts actually was hung, after Whig supremacy was established at riiilailelphia. The ojiening of tho cainiKiign of 177S found the British councils at London in great perplexity. Howe's I'ecall was a settled thing; but it was yet unknown whether the A mericans would listen to the new commissioners sent to them, or ally themselves with France. Lord Amherst, a great authority with the King, advised that in tho latter contingency the royal armies should be withdrawn from the continent to the "West Indies; aud in any event, that a retreat from Philadelphia to New York should at once be made. Meanwhile, Sir ^Villiam was looking about for an Oldening to cover his retirement with an active lustre; stimulated, perhaps, thereto by the friendly satire of his subordinates, one of whom (afterwards General Mead- ows, then the lieutenant-colonel of the 55th. Howe's own regiment) bluntly reproached his commander's slothful devotion to pleasure, and asked him if he did not think it was now time to get out of his bed and to get on his horse. On the 1st of April, the army was ordered to bo ready, with throe days' inovisiou and at a moment's warning, for an enterprise on tlie 5tli. But no large movement was OPENING OF TUE CAMPAIGN OF 1778. 179 made. A detacliniont of 1400, indeed, by a night-march relieved liilliiiyvsport, where our peoi)Ie were besiej^ing some refugees; and, on the 24th and the 2Gtli, parties (one led by De Lancey) went forth successfully against bodies of Americans. Transports wei-e now fast coining in with forage from New York, and troops and stores from Cork; on the 7th of May, Clinton was at Billingsport; and on the 8th lie arrived at Philadelphia. On the 10th, an expedi- tion sent on the 7th to Bordentown to burn the American frigates and stores there returned, having succeeded per- fectly. On the night of Ai)ril 30th, Abercromby led a party of light troojis, with which were some of James's and Ilovenden's loyalists, against Lacey near the Croohed Billet. By the British account, Lacey resisted at fii-st, but was forced to fly, and was pursued four miles. His loss was 80 to 100 killed, and fifty taken; besides ten wagons of baggage and stores. His huts, and what equipage could not be brought off were burned. No longer relying on militia, in whatever strength, to fulfil the ends required of a stout outlying force between himself and the enemy, Washington on the 18th of May ordered La Fayette, with five guns and 2500 of the flower of the army, to pass over the Valley Forge bridge, and take post in his front. The Marquis accordingly placed liimself at Barren Hill, on this side of the Schuylkill, and about midway between the two armies. But the Quaker with whom he quartered himself is said to have promptly communicated the ciiYMinistance to Howe. The news reached Phihideli.liia that La l^^ayette's "tattered retinue had abandoned their mudholes" and were advancing towards Germantown. An attack was instantly con* certed. There were plenty of men in Howe's ranks who knew every inch of the ground; some of the loyalist troopers were residents of the place itself, and were the best of guides. So inevitable appeared success that Sir 180 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. William, ere setting forth, invited ladies to meet La Fay- ette at supper on his return; while Lord Howe, wlio went along as a volunteer, prepared a frigate for the innncdiate transmission to England of the expected captive. In a war like this, where public opinion was so powerful, the effect of such an event would have been prodigious. It is pleasing to reflect, not only that the design failed, but that its failure was due to an officer who held American soldiership in the extreme of contempt, and whose whole American history, whether before or during the war, is a tissue of arrogance and shortcomings. "I was jjresent at this move," says Sir Henry Clinton; "it was made before I took the command. As Sir W. Howe was there, I gave no opinion about the plan or exe- cution."* To an unprofessional man, there seems to be room for but one opinion about either. The plan was admirable; the execution imperfect. With 5,000 men, Grant marched on the evening of the 19th by the Delaware Eoad to a sufficient distance; when, turning to the left by Whitemarsh, he was at sunrise a mile in La Fayette's rear, and between him and the Valley Forge bridge. At a later hour. Grey (and of course Andre) brought up 2,- 000 men by a more direct road on the south side of the Schuylkill, and established himself at a ford two or three miles in front of La Fayette's right flank. A force was also stationed at Chestnut Hill. Thus the Americans were so environed, that in no direction could they march without encountering an enemy, unless they could repass the river; and there was but one ford (Matson's) now available for this purpose, which was even nearer to Grant's position than their own. Howe had, by a wonder, ordered matters so cleverly that not the least whisper of his intentions reached our ♦Clinton MS. HOWe's movement against la FAYETTE. L81 people beforehand. It was ou a play-night that the expe- dition set forth, and most of the officers were witnessing Douglas when the troops were getting under arms or actually in motion. But so large a force could not leave town without the knowledge of Washington's faithful intelligencers; and by the time they reached their po- sitions, the fact was known in our camp. Grant's ad- vance was, at sunrise, halted at a spot where the road forked; one course leading to Barren Hill, another to Matson's Ford. For an hour and a half his column stood at ease; the men unfatigued, but chagrined and angry, the General in doubt what line to pursue. He was vainly urged to take possession of Matson's Ford; but thinking, probably, that his situation would enable him either to attack La Fayette by the one road, whether he moved on it or remained at Barren Hill, or to inter- cept him by the other if he tried for the ford, he re- mained idle. Nevertheless, the British advance was now no secret. Simcoe, who led Grant's column at the pre- scribed pace of two miles an hour, had just after dawn encountered a patrol that retired before him ; two officers, who had made an early start from Barren Hill to Jersey, hastened back with tidings of the enemy's approach; and an American on the road, seeing them on their way, had hastened across the country to give warning. From Val- ley Forge also alarm-gun after alarm-gun now pealed forth. The post was withdrawn from this side of the bridge ; preparations for its destruction were made ; and it was even alleged that Washington almost looked for- ward to retreating, with all he could carry, towards the Susquehanna. La Fayette proved himself adequate to the occasion. In a moment, as it were, his dangers were revealed, and the one possible means of extrication resorted to. Dispo- sitions were made in the church-yard as though to receive 182 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Grey; Iiis artillery, by a well-directed fire, encouraged the idea tlmt lie ]nirposed to onajage. Ilis real aim was of course ilight, aud by the ford; but to attain it, ho must pass withiu a short distance of Grant, wlu) was nearer to it than liimsoU'. By feigned movements as though for an attack, and an occasional display of the heads of columns, he for a time persuaded the Knglislimau that an action was imminent. Meantime his troojts, as fast as they conid come up, were hurrying across the ford, till at last the artillery only and a body of Oneida savages remained on this side of the stream. These were also now brought over, and on the high gronnds beyoud our men were se- cure. Grant at last came up, and ordered tiie advance to move on; but too late. They saw but a i)arty of our troops dotting the surface of the water, like the floats of a seine. The prey had escai>ed. Grant was hopelessly in their rear; and when (Jrey's cohmm closed in, there was nothing between tlie British lines. The only skir- mishing even that seems to have occurred was between a body of light-horse and the Oneidas. Neither had ever encountered a like foe; and when the cavalry unexiiectedly rode anunig the savages, the whooping aud scampering of the one, and the flashing swords. and curveting steeds of the other party, excited such a common terror that both tied with the utmost precipitation. Irritated and empty-handed Howe marched back to town, with no one but his own officers to blame for his ill-success.* On the i!4th of May, he surrendered the command to Clinton, and arrived in England ou the 2nd of July. One of the last *It will no doubt have struck whoever roads tliis. that La- Fayette escaped exactly by the same means tlie garrison of Fort Lee had done: with this dilTerence, that Lord Cornwallis had not been informed of the situation of Newbridge, and Sir William Erskine repeatedly entreated General Grant to march directly to Matson's Ford. Had he done so. not a man of Lafayette's corps would have escaped. — Clinton MS. THE MISCHIANZA. 183 acts of his antliority was to ordain a lottery, on tlie 15th of May, directed by substantial citizens, to raise £1,000 for tlie poor of the city. Whatever may have been his shortcomings to Minis- ters, it is certain that Howe was beloved by his troops. He was ever carefnl of them in battle, and in quarters his own indulgences were shared by them. Dissipation, gambling, relaxation of discipline, may have indeed taint- ed the army; but they knew their leader to be personally brave and eaiiable in the field; and by his very errors their own comfort was increased. It was therefore re- solved, by a nmnber of those most conspicuous in the pur- suit of pleasure and attachment to the General, to com- memorate their esteem for him by an entertaimnent not less novel than splendid. This was the famous Mischi- anza of the 18th of Maj', 1778; the various nature of which is expressed by its name, while its conception is evidently taken from Lord Derby's fete champetre at The Oaks, June 9th, 1774, on the occasion of Lord Stan- ley's marriage to the Duke of Hamilton's daughter. Burgoyne was the conductor of this elegant affair, witk its masques, fireworks, dancing, &c. ; and for it he wrote; his play,— The Maid of the Oaks. The regatta, or aquat- ic procession, in the Mischianza was suggested by a like pageant on the Thames, June 23rd, 1775. Each of these festivities— the first of the kind in England— had been, much talked of and admired at the time. Both in the plan and execution of this affair, Andre's near alliance with head-quarters led him to be much con- cerned. His brush as well as his taste was engaged in the decorations, nor was his pen idle. A mock tourna- ment— perhajis the fii'st in America— was a part of the play; and for this he selected as esquire his brother William Lewis Andre, now a lieutenant in the 7th. The 184 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. appointed scene was at the countrj^-seat of Mr. Wharton : then a fine stately mansion, surrounded with large trees m\d its grounds extending uninterruptedly to the Dela- Avare; now pent about with factory buildings and houses, and occu]iied as a public school.* Here Sir Henry Cal- der was lodged, whose name is subscribed to the invita- tions. It was not a bad season for one branch of the festivity ; remarkably fine green turtle, just arrived from New Providence, and choice Claret and Madeira wines, were then in market and doubtless contributed to the cold collation that crowned the whole. Much of the decora- tions, as the Sienna marble, &c., was on canvas, in the maimer of stage scenery. The supper-room was built however for the occasion, and at every toast given in it a flourish of music was answered with three cheers. The mirrors, lustres, &c., which adorned the scene wei-e bor- rowed, says Watson, from the town-folk, and all were returned uninjured, with tlie ornaments that had been added still appended. Nothing in short more disastrous than the loss of a silver watch, for which a guinea reward, "and no questions asked," was ollered, seems to have * Tlio proprietor of this estate is deseribed as a man of no little social importance. He was usually styled Dulr by reason of his manners. When Sir William Draper was at Philadelphia, Mr. AYliarton, in visiting him, entered hat in hand. Sir William con- desoendinglv bade him be covered: he would dispense with those marks of "respect, he said, which he knew, it was ungrateful to Friends to render. The visitor, however, coolly replied tliat he had uncovered for his own comfort, the day being warm, and that whenever he found it convenient he should certainly resume his hat. He was utterly outgeneralled though during the occupa- tion by a private soldier. The man had laid aside his musket to trespass on Mr. Wharton's grounds. The owner, possessing him- self of it, by threats of carrying it to the guard-house compelled the man toluimiliate himself thoroughly by way of jienance; but no sooner was his piece returned than he fell on the Quaker, and by menaces of wounds and death made him pass under the Cau- dine Forks in the most comprehensive sense of the term. ANDKE'S ACCOUNT OF THE MISCIIIANZA. 185 occurred The young Jadies of Philadelphia present numbered about fifty; the remainder b ing n a ed -nen. The mtended wife of Captain Montr-esor wis he eader of one rank, while the second was headed by t^ future br.de of another officer.* The ,ueen of the Muschianza however, is said to have been a lady who in descnbmg .t afterwards, represented Andre as "the TZ u/'' 77T' '''- ^^-^«- ^-' the costume: of the ladies of the Burning Mountain, and the Blended Rose, are still preserved. The latter was a Polonaise, or flowing robe of white silk, with a spangled pink sash and spangled shoes and stockings; a veil spangled and trimmed with silver lace, and a towering head-dross of pearls and jewels. The former had their white Polonaises bound with black, and sashes of the same. The wharves and house-tops towards the water were thronged with spectators as the boats, filled with these gaily dressed nymphs and not less brightly clad gallants, passed from «.e northern part of the city to the scene of pleasure. But Andre himself has given a full account of the whole proceeding. * One of David Franks' daughters was married to Captain (af- erwards General) Oliver De Lancey; and another to Colon 1 (afterward. General Sir Henry) Johnson of the 28th, who w"i urpnsed by \Vayne at Stony Point, and whom Cornwailis in Ir ! hr"id n n" f'-*^"'! ^V^'^'- "Johnson- '-although a wrong- considered as the Saracen of the South." His wife was celebrated the Americans, soniedmes found a J5ritish subjee . It was she banVfr ",:•/'''■ "•/'''■"^-,,-1-n he called on a baTroom band for Britons si nice /wmfi/"— "Britons go home, you mean " she cned.-And see Littell's Graydon, 4G9 ^ ' Iiiearod in honour of Miss Auohnuity. Then oamo in order the Knights of his l)and, each at- tended by his Squire bearing his lance and sliield. 1st. Knight, Hon. Capt. Cathcart, in honour ot Miss N. "White.— Squire, Capt. Peters.— Device, a heart and sword; Motto, Love lutd Ilouoiir. 2nd. Knight, Lieut. Bygrove, in honour of Miss Craig. —Squire, Lieut. Nichols.— Device, Cupid tracing a Circle; Motto. Without End. 3rd. Knight, Capt. Andre, in honour of Miss P. Chew.— Squire, Lieut. Andre.— Device, two Game-cocks fighting; Motto, No Riral. 4th. Knight, Capt. Horneck, in honour of Miss X. Red- man.— Squire. Lieut. Talbot. — Device, a burning Heart; Motto, Abseiuc cmuiot exti)i(juish. otli. Knight. Capt. Matthews, in honour of Miss Bond. —Squire. Lieut. Hamilton.- De^nce, a winged Heart; i\Iotto, Each Fair bi/ Turn. 6th. Knight, liieut. Sloper, in honour of Miss M. Ship- pen.— Squire. Lieut. Brown.— Device, a Heart and Sword: Motto. Uouour and tJie Fair. After they had made the circuit of the square and sa- luted the Ladies as they passed before the pavilions, they ranged themselves in a line with that in which were the Ladies of their Device; and their Herald (Mr. Beau- mont), advancing into the centre of the square, after a flourish of trumpets proclaimed the following challenge.- Andre's account of the mischianza. 191 "The Knights of the Blended Rose, by me their Her- ald, proclaim and assert that the Ladies of the Blended Rose excel in wit, beauty, and every accomplishment, those of the ivhole World; and, should any Knight or Knights be so hardy as to dispute or deny it, they are ready to enter the lists with them, and maintain tlieir as- sertions by deeds of arms, according to the laws of an- cient chivalry. ' ' At the third repetition of the challenge the sound of trumpets was heard from the opposite side of the square; and another Herald, with four Trumpeters, di'essed in black and orange, galloped into the lists. He was met by the Herald of the Blended Rose, and after a short parley they both advanced in front of the pavilions, when the Black Herald (Lieut. Moore) ordered his trumpets to sound, and then proclaimed defiance to the challenge in the following words: "The Knights of the Burning Mountain present them- selves here, not to contest by words, but to disprove by deeds, the vain-glorious assertions of the Knights of the Blended Rose, and enter these lists to maintain, that the Ladies of the Burning Mountain are not excelled in beauty, virtue, or accomplishments, by any in the uni- verse." He then returned to the part of the barrier through which he had entered, and shortly after the Black Knights, attended by their Squires, rode into the lists in the follow- ing order. Four Trumpeters preceding the Herald, on whose tunic was represented a mountain, sending forth flames.— Motto, I burn for ever. Captain Watson, of the guards, as Chief, dressed in a magnificent suit of black and orange silk, and mounted on 192 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. a black managed horse, with trappings of the same colour with his own dress, appeared in honour of Miss Franks. Ho was attended in the same manner with Lord Cathcart. Capt. Scot bore his lance, and Lieut. Lyttelton his shield. The Device, a Heart, with a Wreath of Flowers ; Motto, Love and Glory. 1st. Kniglit, Lieut. Underwood, in honour of Miss S. Shippen. — Stjuire, Ensign Haverkam.— Device, a Peli- can feeding her young; Motto, For those I Love. '2nd. Knight, Lieut. Winyard, in honour of Miss P. Shippen.— Squire, Capt. Boscawen.— Device, a Bay -leaf ; Motto, Unchangeable. 3rd. Knight. Ijieut. Deleval, in honour of IMiss B. Bond. —Squire, Capt. Thorne.— Device, a Heart, aimed at by several arrows, and struck by one; Motto, One only pierces me. 4th. Knight, ^Monsieur Montluissant, (Lieut, of the Hes- sian Chasseurs,) in honour of Miss B. Redman.— S(iuire, Capt. Campbell.— Device, a Sunflower turning towards the Sun; Motto, Je vise a vous. 5th. Knight, Lieut. Hobbart, in honour of Miss S. Chew.— Squire, Lieut. Briscoe.— Device, Cupid piercing a Coat of ^lail with his Arrow; Motto, Proof to all but Love. 6th. Knight. Brigade-Major Tarlton, in honour of Miss "\V. Smith.— Squire, Capt. Heart.— Device, a Light Dra- goon; Motto, Swift, vigilant, and bold. After they had rode round the lists, and made their obeisance to the Ladies, they drew up fronting the "White Knights ; and the Chief of these having thrown down his gavmtlet, the Chief of the Black Kniglits directed his Es- quire to take it up. The Knights then received their ANDKE's ACCOUNT OP THE MISCHIANZA. 193 lances from their Esquires, fixed tlieir shields on their left arms, and making- a general salute to each otl^e bv to take then career, and, encountering in full Dillon shivered then- spears. In the second ami th d en uS ugh' 'wittr-'^' *'"/• ''''''''■ '^ '^^ f-^-t^ "y lougnt with their swords. At length iha twn rn- / spurring forward into the centre en^ged ^^^c^t single combat, till the Marshal of Ve Fie d (m"'" the Fair Damsels of the Blended Rose and Burning Mountain were perfectly satisfied with the proofs of love' Kni^^s-lnd '^^'^ ^'.!f'^^^"' ''^'^ 'y ^'-- -iecSS avou t 'of t? ^.'Tr f ^^ *^^-' -« they prized the future delis f,ol ?";/'"'"?*^^' "^'^* ''^'y ^«"ld instantly desist fiom fur her combat. Obedience being paid by bandf^Tl ;.;%"■'? '^''' ^''^'^ their ^reipectivl to tt left tl pf Y'f-^'.' '""'^ '''"'' ^"^^^'^^ts filed otf to the left, the Black Knights to the right; and after passing each other at the lower side of the q in"" the Ladies, when they gave a general salute. A passage being now opened between the two pavilions the Knights, preceded by their Squires and the bands of music rode through the first triumphal arch, and a- ranged themselves to the right and left. This arch was elected m honour of Lord Howe. It presented two f^^nts, m the Tuscan order; the pediment was adornid with various naval trophies, and at the top was the figure of Neptune, with a trident in his right hand. In a fich on each side stood a Sailor, with a drawn cutlass. Three Plumes of Feathers were placed on the summit of each wing, and m the entablature was this inscription: Laus Uk debetur et a me gratia major. The interval between the two arches was an avenue three hundred feet Ion- 11' I I. IKK UK MA.IOU AN'DUK. illltl tliirlv rmir liioiid. II w.is lined on (•;ich side willi a lilt' of liodiis; iind tlic coliiiii-s dl' iili llic ;niiiy, |>I;iiiI(mI :it liropcr (list)iiic('s, had n liciiiitirul crfccl in dixcrsil'viiij? the scene. r>et\veen lliese ctdoiirs tlie Kni^hls and S(|nii-es look llicir slalions. The Hands ('(intinued to play soviTjil pieces of niarlial ninsic. Tiie Conipaiiy moved forward in pioccssion, witii tiie Ladies in tho 'rurkisli lialiits in front; as tli(>se ]>assed, tiiey were sa- luted liy tlicir Kni^ids, who then disuionnted and joined tliein; and in (his order we wer(> all conducled into a ;;ardcn that froided tlie house, llironi;ii the second tri- nnipiial arch, dedicaled to the (Jenei'al. Tins arcii was also Imill in llie Tuscan order. On the intei'ioi' part of the pediment was painted a I'lunie of Feathers, and va- rious military trophies. At top stood (he tiguiv of Fame, and in the entahlature this deviee,— /, hone, ([uo virtus litti te vocet; 1 pedc fousto. On the ri,<;h( hand jiiUar was |>laced a l)i>nil> shell, and on tlie left a llaminu.' heart. Tho front nc\( tlu> luuise was ailoiaied with ])repara(ions for a tire work. l''ron\ thi* garden we ascemUnl a tlijiht of steps, eoviMvd with carpets, which led inti> a spacious hall; the panels, jiainted in imitation oi' Sienna marhle, enclosing' fi'stoons of whiti' marhle: the surhase. and all lielow. was hlack. In this hall, and in the adjoinins; apartments, were i)repared tea, lemonade, and other eool- inu liipiors, to which the company seated themselves; vlnrinj;- which time the Kniiihis came in, and on (ho knoo nx'oiveil their f.noui's fron\ tlu-ir respective Ladies. One v>f those rooms was aftorwards apin-opriatod for tho use vd' tho IMiaraoh tahlo: as you entered it, you saw, on n \>anuel over (ho chimney, a Conmcoina, oxnborautly tilled with (lowers of tho richest oolours; luor tho door, as you \von( out, another presented itself, shrunk, reversed, and emptied. From those apartmeuls wo were conducted up to a hall- ANDIIK'h account ()!'• 'IHK MISCIIIANZA. 195 room, decorated in ;i lif^lit,, (jloj^nnt slilc of piiiiitin^. 'I'lio f'-|-oini(l w;is ;i |»;il(! Iiliic, paiiiii'lli'd willi a small ^^old head, and in IIk; interior filled vvilli dro|i|)inK I'dHlooiiH of now(!rH in l.licir natural colourK. iiclow 1,li(! HurhaHo tlio j^round was of ros(!-|)ink, wiUi (Jra|)(!ry CoHtoonod in hliK!. 'I'Iioho deforationH wctn; luMf^lilciicd ))y (!i;j^lit.y five iniri'onrH, dwl<(!d witli ros(!-pinl( wilk rililiand.s, and arl.ilii'ial (low(!rH; and in IJic iniciiricdial(! Hpacew wero tliirty-i'onr luanclics with wax-lif(lits, ornamented In a similar manner. On tlio Harno floor wam lour druwing-r'ooniH, wiili Huie- boards of rcifrcshrnonls, dcjcoralc!*! and llf,diied in ilio same Btlle and innUi as i\\<: hall room. 'I'lie liall was opened by tlu; Knif^liis and tlieii- Lai>roa('lied the saloon: all these, forming together the most brilliant assemblage of gay objects, and appear- ing at once as we entered by an easy ascent, exhibited a coup d'oeil beyond descrii>ti(m magnificent. Towards the end of supper, the Herald of the Blended Hose, in his habit of ceremony, attended by his trmni)e- ters, entered the saloon, and proclaimed the King's health, the Queen and Koyal Family, the Army and Na\y, with their respective Commanders, the Knights and their Ladies, the Ladies in general; each of these toasts was followed by a tiourish of nuisic. After supper we re- turned to the ball-rinnn, and confined to dance till four o'clock. Such, my dear friend, is the description, though a very faint one, of the most splendid entertainment, I believe, ever given by an army to their General. But what must be most grateful to Sir W. Howe is the spirit and motives from which it was given. He goes from this place to- morrow ; but. as I understanil he means to stay a day or two with his brother on board the Euc/le at Billingsport, VERSES COMPOSED BY ANDRE. 197 I shall not seal this letter till I see him depart from Phila- delphia. Sunday, 24tli. I am just returned from condurtini? our beloved General to the water-side, and have seen him re- ceive a more flattering testimony of the love and attach- ment of his army, than all the pomp and splendor of the Miscliianza could convey to him. I liave seen the most gallant of our officers, and those whom I least suspected of giving such instances of their affection, shed tears while they bid him farewel. The gallant and affectionate General of the Hessians, Knyphauseu, was so moved, that he could not finish a compliment he began to pay him in his own name, and that of his Officers who attended him. Sir Henry Clinton attended him to the wharf, where Lord Howe received him into his barge, and they are both gone down to Billingsport. On my return, I saw nothing but dejected countenances. Adieu, &e.* I have no hesitation in attributing to Andre two forms of a poetical address, designed to be spoken on the occa- sion in honor of Howe, but which Sir William, however gratified, wisely forbade. The first seems intended for recitation by a celestial guest : Down from the starry threshold of Jove's court A messenger I come, to grace your sport; And at your feet th' immortal wreath I lay, From chiefs of old renown, who bid me say. Like you, they once aspir'd to please the fair, With all the sportive images of war. * This letter is printed from the Gentleman's Magazine, August. 1778, collated with the version of the Lady's Magazine, 1793. It may have been addressed to Mr. Ewer; but more jjrobably to Miss Seward, to whose literary connection both with Andre and the Ladi/s Magazine I am inclined to attribute the insertion of various scraps of military intelligence from America, some of which bear marks of sources of information not always open. 198 LIFK OF MAJOR ANDRE. IJouiul Arthur's l)()iinl, wlic^n chivalry \v;is youn;;. In j\itits and tilts their manly nerves they strunj^': Scornin<; to waste the intervals of peace In sordid riot, or inj^lorious ease. Martial and bold their exercises were; Though Gothic, grand; though festive, yet severe: Design'd to fire tlie hreast to deeds of worth And call th' impatient soul to glory forth. Thus train'd to virtue, when the trumpet's sound, And red cross streaming, led to holy ground; Or violated rights, and Freedom's call, Bade them chastise the perlidy of Gaul; Each lover, mindful of his plighted vow A hero rose, inllam'd with patriot glow. The cause of beauty his peculiar care; His motto still — "The brave deserve the fair." Air, in Arta.rcr.rcs. "The soldier, tir'd of war's alarms, l-lxults to feast on beauty's charms, And drops the spear and shield: But if the brazen trumpet sound He burns with conquest to be crown'd. And dares again the field." Oh ! be th' example copied in each heart ; Let modern Britons act the ancient part; And you, great Sir, these parting rites receive Which, bath'd in tears, your hardy veterans give; A^eterans approv'd, who never knew to yield When Howe and Glory led them to the field. To other scenes your counti'y's sapred cause Now calls you hence, the champion of her laws. Your Veterans, to your brave successor true, By honouring him, will seek to honour yon. And ye, bright nymphs, who grace this hallow'd ground In all the blooming pride of beauty crown'd. Still strive to sooth the hero's generous toils, Witli what he deems his best reward, your smiles. The otlior, a little less flatteriug iu toue. is aocompaiiU'd by stagc-directious. It contains also a provident compli- ment to the rising sun: VERSES COMPOSED BY ANDRE. 199 ADDRESS In'tended to have been spoken at the Mischianza, by a HERALD holding IN HIS HAND A LAUEEL-WBEATH WITH THE FOLLOWING inscription: Mars, conquest-plmn'd, the Cyprian Queen disarms; And Victors, vanquish'd, yield to Beauty's Charms, Affer hanging the Wreath on the Front of the Pavilion, he was to have proceeded thus: Here tlien the laurel, here the palm we yield, And all the trophies of the tilted field; Here Whites and Blacks* witli blended homage pay To each Device the honours of the day. Hard were the task, and impious to decide Where all are fairest, which the fairer side. Enough for us, if by such sports we strove To grace this feast of military love; And, joining in the wish of every heart, Honour'd the friend and leader ere we part. When great in arms our brave forefathers rose. And loos'd the British Lion on his foes; When the fall'n Gauls, then perjur'd too and base, The faithless fathers of a faithless race, First to attack, tho' still the first to yield. Shrunk from their rage on Poictiers laurel'd field; Oft, while grim War suspended his alarms. The gallant bands, with mimic deeds of anns, Thus to some favourite chief the feast decreed. And deek"d the tilting Knight, th' encountering steed: In manly sports that serv'd but to inspire Contempt of death, and feed the martial fire, The lists beheld them celebrate his name Who led their steps to victory and fame. Thro' every rank the martial ardor ran; All fear'd the chieftain, but all lov'd the man: And, fired with the soul of this bright day, Pay'd to a Salishury what to Hoive we pay. Shame to the envious slave that dares bemoan Their sons degenerate, or their spirit flown; — Let maddening Faction drive this guilty land, With her worst foes to form th' unnatural band: In yon, brave crowd, old British courage glows * The Knighis so distinguished. 200 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Unconquer'd, growing as the danger grows. With hearts as bold as e'er their fathers bore Tlieir country they'll avenge, her fame restore. IJouz'd to the charge, methinks I hear them cry, Eevenge and glory sparkling from each eye, — "Chain'd to our arms while Howe the battle led. Still rouiul these files her wings shall Conquest spread. Lov'd tho' he goes, the spirit still remains That with him bore us o'er these trembling plains. On Hudson's banks* the sure presage we read Of other triumphs to our arms decreed : Nor fear but equal honours shall repay Each hardy deed whore Clinton leads the wav!" It need not be thought however, that honors such as TJome might ha^-e rendered to a ronqueror were now paid without criticism to a general who had made no eomiuests. MoLane took the occasion to beat up the lines so thor- oughly that he was pursued to the "Wissahiecon Hills ; but the i>romoters of the gala kept their fair guests tranquil. Others whose forie was the pen rather than the sword, were not so soon silenced. Galloway was never weary of the theme : —"We had seen the same General, with a vanity and presumiition unparalleled in history, after this indolence, after all these wretched blunders, accept from a few of his officers a triumph more magnificent than would have be- come the conqueror of America, without the consent of his sovereign or the approbation of his country, and that at a time when the news of war with France had just ar- rived, and in the very city, the capital of North America, the late seat of Congress, which in a few days was to be delivered up to that Congress."! * "The Xorth-river expedition from New York, last autumn." t —Galloway's Reply, &-c. See also Towne's Confession (written by Dr. Witherspoon). Philadelphia, 1783; and Strictures on the Philadelphia Mischianza, or Triumph upon leaving America un- conquerod (London printed. Philadelphia reprinted, 1783): that I am inclined to attribute to Gallowav. This tract ascribes the THE MISCHIANZA. 201 Colonel Johnson, who married Miss Franks, had liis quarters in the house of Edward Pennington, a leading Friend, at the corner of Crown and Race streets. It was thus the headquarters of the 28th, and was also the resort of a number of grave' elderly officers who, like the better class of Tories, had a high opinion of Washington. When the Mischianza was in everyone 's mouth, a young person of the family asked of an old major of artillery what was the distinction between the Knights of the Mountain and the Rose.— "Why, child," quoth he, "the Knights of the Burning Mountain are tom-fools, and the Knights of the Blended Rose are damned fools— I Imow of no other dif- ference between them." Then, placing a hand on either knee, he added in a tone of unsuppressed mortification— "What will Washington think of all this!" fete to Sir William's flatterers, "promoted by his favour, or pos- sibly enriched by his connivance." — "He bounced off with his bombs and burning hearts set upon the pillars of his triumphal arch, which, at the proper time of the show, burst out in a shower of squibs and crackers and other fireworks, to the delectable amazement of Miss Craig, Miss Chew, Miss Eedman, and all the other Misses, dressed out as the fair damsels of the Blended Rose And of the Burnino; Mountain for this farce at Knight-errantry." CHAPTER X. l']v;uu:iiiou of I'liihulelphia. — Battle of Monnunith. — D'Estaing's Arrival. — Andre accompanies Grey against New Bedford. — His Satirical \'erses ou the Investment of Newport. — Aide to Clin- ton. — Character of this General. — Andre's Verses upon an American Duel. 1110 instructions imder which Clinton was to take cominaiid had involved an early and vig- orous canii>ai,nii. and preparations at Phila- dclliliia were made accordingly. On the Llord of j\lay, however, the orders of ^larch 21st were received, which, in consideration of the hostile intervention of France, U)oked to a retreat to New York and large de- tachments thence to tiic West Indies.* A council of war was held, and the evacuation of Philadelphia provided for. The inuuense military stores, together with 3000 of tlie civil population who feared to meet the wrath of the incoming Americans, were to be sent in the fleet; the troops, with their provision-trains, &c., for lack of room ou board, were to march by land. All were busied with pi-eparations for removal. Knyphausen bade farewell to the pleasant quarters in llnd Street, where he should no more spread butter ou his bread with his thumb. Andre's lodgings were at the house of Dr. Franklin, a full descrip- tion of which, with all its furniture down to the pictures * "The first orders Sir H. Clinton had were to bring Washing- ton to action, to detach an expedition against seaports. &o., when the promised reinforcements should arrive (I'^JOOO recruits) to complete his army. On the interference of the [French.] near l-:000. instead of sent, were taken from Sir H. C. He was or- dered to embark the armv and proceed to New York, where the commissioners were to open communication, and then to detach to W. Indies, &c."— Clinton MS. EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA. 203 of the king and queen and of the Earl of Bute, "in the room for our friends," is given by Mrs. Franklin to her liusl)and, in 1765. His daughter, Mrs. Ba<'he, had aban- doned the place on Howe's approach. On her I'eturn she complained of some spoliations though not so great as she had expected "from the hands of such a rapacious crew."' "A Captain Andre also took with him the picture of you, which hung in the dining-room." One might almost fancy Andre rummaging the bales of dead letters that, while Franklin was at the head of the Amei'ican i)osi- office wei'e piled away in the garrets of this house.* Before passing from Philadelphia, mention may be made of another ghost story, about as well authenticated as such stories usually are, in which Andre and his fate were again prefigured. The Springettsbury Manor- house, in the present neighborhood of 20th and Spring- garden Streets, was then a favorite resort for rural enter- tainments. Though long disused by the Penns, its pro- prietors, the house and grounds were kept up, and officers were accustomed to provide dinner-parties there. Two ladies of the family of my informant, who had known Andre, were on their way hither, to dine with Washing- ton and some other American officers, where Andre and his comrades had often feasted before. As they passed through the groves of cedars and catalpas that sur- rounded the mansion, they perceived simultaneously a * In some severe strictures on his character published after his death, it was positively alleged that Andre took away with him from the Library Company of Philadelphia a copy of the Ency- chpklie, which had been presented by Dr. Franklin. Franklin's, benefactions to this institution were not numerous, and it is easy to discover that no such work was among them, and that there is no earthly cause to believe that Andre was guilty of any pecca- dillo of the nature imputed to him. Certainly it does not appear that any one acquainted with the affairs of the Library ever en- tertained such a thought. EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA. 205 of June 17tli, the lines were manned as usual, and the troops led out of quarters and bivouacked on ground be- yond the built-up parts of the town. This was to guard against the plunder or incendiarism of a retreating army, and to avert from Philadelphia the calamity which there is too much reason to suppose was unauthorizedly inflicted in 1776, by some of our troops, as they evacuated New York. At three A. M., on the 19th, the army marched across the commons and crossed at Gloucester Point, three miles below the centre of the city. By ten A. M. the rear-guard came over, and the march for New York began. Lord Howe supervised the water-carriage, and was the last man to embark. The chief of the fleet had already dropped down to Reedy Island; and a few of the most important of the loyalists, who had lingered to the last moment in the places that were to know them no more, now dejectedly sailed after it. "When we left Philadel- l^hia," wrote one of these, "the night of the 17th of June, the finest night 1 ever saw, was obscured by the most melancholy reflections I ever felt. ' ' They were two days and two nights to Eeedy Island, and thirteen days to the Capes. The weather was hot and calm; and visiting about was kept up among the ships. "How melancholy was the idea that the fleet might be compared to a town peopled by our friends ! Alas, it was a town founded by misfortune, and inhabitants connected by similarity of misery." The bulk of the Tories, however, went with the ai'my:— "and took their baggage with them, which was a great incumbrance during the march."* Many of the soldiers, especially of those who had mar- ried in town, hid themselves in cellars and such places and remained behind, and the deserters ere Clinton reached New York were estimated at 1000; but perhaps * Clinton MS. 206 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. tlio hist niMii to quit Philadelitliia \v;is Lord Cosmo Gor- don. He slopt at his quarters all uight and so late the next day, that the family out of kindness at length awakened him. the news of "his friends the rebels" being in town. It was as mnoh as lie could do to slip to the waterside and find a skilT to carry himself and his servant over. Two hours after (lie rcar-gunrd was gone, the American dra- goons gallo])od tlirough the streets. Nothing could have been more cleverly managed than the evacuation. So silently was it conducted, that many oi tlie inhabitants knew of it only when they went about in the morning, and found not a British regiment re- maining. "They did not go away; they vanished." But the real difficulties of the retreat were only begun. Clinton did not calculate to forage on his journey, and the tiuantities of stores and baggage that the transports could not receive or his troo]is could not dispense with, formed a line of march twelve miles long. He antici- l^ated an attack, and as he sat on a rock and reviewed the prolonged train, he was half-inclined to destroy all his incumbrances on the spot. But this, he thought, would be iiiade too great a handle for trimuph to his enemies; so he manfully resolved to contide the issue to the swoi\ls of his followers and his own skill. His retreat, neces- sarily slow, was perfectly deliberate and nothing resemb- ling tlight. The first day's uuirch was but live miles ; and though it would seem as clear that his object must have been an uninterrupted passage as that ours was to fall on his cumbered and attenuated line, the Englishman, by our l^st American judgment, rather invited a general action. He does not himself discountenance this idea. "Pei'haps ^Vashington was not qiiite mistaken," says he. "Per- haps Sir Henry Clinton was as desirous of bringing it to one decisive stroke, as AVashington seemed desirous of EVACUAIION OF PHILADELPHIA. 207 avoiding it."* He likewise Icept his own counsel, and not until June 24tli was it known, even to liis officers, what was his purposed route or destination. During May and June our army at Valley Forge had been constantly exercising and prepai'ing for coniiiat on a moment's warning. On the 22nd of June it crossed at Coryell's Ferry to the same side of the Delaware with Clinton. It was stripped of all ineffective and heavy baggage, and put into trim fighting condition, and the arms were carefully cleaned and inspected. On the 24th, two days' provision was cooked; and on the 27t]i, the troops were ordered to be provisioned till the 29tii, in- clusive, and to be kept compact and ready to move at the shortest notice. Other precautions were taken:— "The drums to beat on the march. When the rear is to come up, a common march; to quicken the march, a grenadier's march. These signals to begin in the rear under the di- rection of the brigadier of the day, and are to be repeated by the orderly drum of every battalion from rear to front. An orderly drum to be kept ready braced with each bat- talion for this purpose. When the whole line is to halt for refreshment, the first part of the General will beat, and this to be repeated by every orderly drum down to the rear. ' 'f These signals were very necessary; but it was impos- sible that in a few hours a whole army should be taught to regulate its conduct by the rattle of a bit of sheepskin, and it was a just complaint on the 28th that our regiments had no distinguishing uniforms or standards, and were deficient in instruments proper to sound a retreat, a halt, a march or a charge. Though the advice of his council was against a general * Clinton .¥,9. ^MS. Am. 0. B. June 27, 1778. 208 LIKE OF JIAJOR ANDRE. action, "Washington was now prompted liy liis own incli- nations and the circumstances of the case to steps that rendered an engagvmeut ahnost nnavoidaltle. On the 1271 li June, with our advance under La Fayette at but live miles distance. C'lintiui foresaw the coming couHict. Eu- eami>ed in a strong posititni he passed a quiet night, and by iive o'clock of the next morning Kuyphausen was on his march with all the baggage and a large part of the troops, including the Pennsylvania and Maryland Loyal- ists, and most of the Ilessiaus. That the march should have been so dangerously cumbered was, it would appear, entirely due to Clinton's military pride. He himself confesses the error of thus overloading the legitimate operations of his men:— "Sir IL Clinton was certainly to blame for permitting it. The reason was explained above, lie lost not a cart, however. "f The position of our jieojilc was well weighed by the ro>al general. Morgan hung over his right and Dick- inson over his left; while the advance of our main army was at Euglishtown, less in the rear than on the left of his abode on the night of the "JTlh, with the remainder of our people not far behind. Years of retlection served only to contirm Clinton in his original opinion that the real aim of the Americans was against his baggage.— "Washington, so little desirous does he seem to have been of risking a general action, had passed the South river and put three or four of its marshy boggy branches be- tween his army and that of the British."* It is not proposed liere to give a detailed account of the battle of Monmouth. Its story has lieen often and well told, and the circumstances that lend it a peculiar interest as liberally canvassed. In conunon justice, however, to the reputation of the turbulent and irregular Lee, whose ♦ Clinton MS. f Clinton MS. MONMOUTH. 209 prestige was on tliis daj- so fatally dainaged, f must ac- knowledge that his conduct before the enemy seems to me to liave been unworthy of tlie ceiisure it received. The flower of the King's soldiery, it will be recollected, rested with their general on tlie place of their encamp- ment till the day was well advanced, and Knypliausen fairly under way. In such a well-chosen situation, with various natural defences or impediments intervening be- tween himself and our men, it was entirely impossible. Sir Henry thought, for the Americans to gain any ad- vantage while he held the position: for it was difficult for them to traverse at all the bad ground to reach him; and the ranks would necessarily fall into such disorder in the passage as to be easily cut down as fast as they appeared. Not far away were the Middletown Plills, where he would certainly be secure; and it was evident, therefore, he must Ije attacked now or never. His own idea was that we aimed at his baggage; and accordingly he perhaps resolved to give us such a handling here as would prevent any large bodies being thrown forward on his flanks. It is difficult to get at the precise numbers of either army. Sir Henry loosely estimated his opponents at near 20,000. Washington's own force certainly amounted to 10,684 effective rank and file, exclusive of Maxwell's brigade and perhaps of Morgan's regiment of 600 men, and Cadwalader's 400 Continentals and 100 vol- unteers. If these, and Dickinson's 1000 Jersey militia, who hung on the enemy's line, are to be added, it would swell the total directed against him to 13,000 or 14,000 men. The British were less, says Marshall, than 10,000; and if we allow for the desertions, &c., that he claims, we may put them at about 9,600. A large part of these were started with the baggage under Knyphausen at daybreak : with Cornwallis and the balance, at least 5000 or 6000 of 14 1210 l.U'K OF JMA.lOi; ANDUE. the elite of tlio .-iniiv, Clinloii hiinssolf roinaiiiod until 8 A. i\r. or (ho battlo foiig-lit on Smulay, -hiiio 2Sth, 1778, 1 shall have but little to say. The circumstances of the case ap- peal' to he as follows : Between the two opposing armies stretched some very dansrovous ground. Lee's advance, ombarrassod by this and hy the jiowerfnl front jtrcsented by (he retiring enemy, quickly fell back, pursued in their own turn. Lee vindicates this policy in the declaration that the more extensively he was followed, the better for our cause it would have been: for as our main army came \xp, it would find a comparatively fruitful victory in every English regiment that had juit the morasses referred to between itself and the renuvinder of Clinton's trooi>s. The interruiition of this plan by "Washington, and the resumjition of the attack ere yet the enemy were fairly launched from their stronghold, he seems to have consid- ered capital errors; and it is certainly plain that our whole force througli the whole day elfected nothing much beyond what Lee might liave done, nor succeeded in driv- ing Clinton a rood's distance from the place he held when the fray begun. Sir Henry's own story, too, is in perfect concurrence with Lee's: — "Sir Henry Clinton had been ordered to embark the army at Philadelphia, and proceeded to Xew York. For various reasons he ventured to disobey the King's com- mands, imd by that disobedience saved both army and nav> . The principle of the British army was retreat at this period. AVashington's (Wdiit (jiuirdc jvisses to marshy boggy branches at single bridges and attacks the British rearguard; probably with no other intent than to amuse while another corps attempted the baggage. The British rearguard forces Lee back over all these branches bevoud the Lake. Lee is met by AVashington BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 211 arriving in column from Englishtown. Here of course the business would liave finished; but the ungovernable impetuosity of the light troops had drawn tliem over the morass, and till they returned it became necessary to mask the 4th ravine to prevent the enemy from passing it and cutting [off] the above corps; and the 1st Guards and 33rd regiment, under Col. Meadows and Webster, maintained the ground exposed to a ci'ossfiro, and with severe loss, till tlie liglit troo])s had retired ovci- the bog in safety. ... The great Frederick, on hearing Sir Henry Clinton's account of this action and Lee's defence at his trial, said that when two opposite gentlemen agree in de- scribing the ground and events of the day, they must both be right."* The heat was in the last degree op]iressive. Men fell dead in the ranks without a wound ; and the panting Hes- sians swore that in such an atmosphere they would fight no longer. Night at last jjronglit relief. At 10 P. M. Clinton arrayed his weaiy bands, and led them to where Knyi)hausen was halted, three miles away in the Nut Swamp. The moon setting on that night at 10.55 P. M., barely sufficed to light his path. Our army, we are told, was unaware of the march ; but it is probable that it had little desire of renewing a contest in which, it is pretty clear, it had as yet gained no solid advantage. For whether the end was to kill or capture Clinton's troops, or to get possession of his baggage, we were successful in neither. The battle was at most a drawn one; and the only interruption the baggage received was when a small party would run across the I'oad between the carts, with- out being permitted to attempt anything. There was no attack on it, and it had no losses at all. The merits, however, of the battle of Monmouth were * Clinton MS. 212 l.IKIC (IK i\lA,l(IR ANDKE. Idudly (lisi)iil('(l and vaiionsly canvassed. There were not waiitiii.n- military men in I'itiu'r army to condemn in ]H)inti'(l terms tlio character of Wasliinj^ton's strategy; Avhik' Lcc's condnct soon raised a hornet's nest al)out that general's ears. ^\'liat were the words "Washington nsed to iiim when they met on the l)attle-field are nnknown to me, hilt they were niion the victory ohtained over his Britannic ]\la,iesty's troops yesterthiy, and thanks most sincerely the gallant officers and men who distinguished themselves upon the occasion, and such others who hy their good order and coolness gave the happiest })resage of what might have been expected had they come to action. General Dickin- son and the Militia of his State are also thanked for their noble si>irit in opposing the enemy on their march from Philadelphia, and for the aid they have given by harass- ing and im]ieding their march so as to allow the conti- nental troops to come up with them.. . .A party consisting of ilOO men to parade innnediately to bury the slain of both parties; (General Woodford's brigade to cover the party. The officers of the American Army are to be buried with the military honours due to men who nobly fought and died in the cause of liberty and their Conn- er BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 213 try The several detaclnTients except those under Col. Morgan are to join tlicir resjiective brigades immedi- ately." On the other hand, Clinton's course was freely and variously criticized. On the motion for thanks to him and Cornwallis, Mi'. Coke in the Commons declared that the whole march from Pliiladclpliia to New Yoi'k "was universally allowed to be the finest thing ])erformed dur- ing the present war : ' ' while the Earl of Shelburne char- acterized it as the "shameful retreat from Philadelphia, when the General escaped with his whole army, rather by chance and the misconduct of the (>nemy, than by the nat- ural ability of the force undcu- his command." With sounder cause, military critics have questioned the wis- dom of the Britisli course. Why, when safe retreat was the manifest object, should Sir Henry have avoided the shorter route by the Rai'itan, and taken the longer road to Sandy Hook? This question Sir Henry himself has answered, by a reference to the position of his adver- saries :— " Gates in front beyond the Raritan : Washington in the rear and left behind the Milestone Creek, with the Fords of Raritan on his left, to join or be joined by Gates."* Why did he pause for two days at Monmouth, when Washington was closing on his skirts, and his para- mount object should have been to get a communication with the fleet! "No military man," quoth Clinton scornfully, "can ask this question. "t And to Stedman's recapitulation of the dangerous straits to which bis army would have been reduced had Washington turned either of the British flanks, Sir Henry tra^iuilly replies: "When the author knows the country a little better, and possible military movements in it a little better, this (|ues- * Clinton .¥^. t H^iJ- 214 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. tion iii;iy be answered. "J From the various ciroum- staiu'os of the case, and particularly from the Royal commander's evident selection of tlie i)ositiou he fought in, and his remaining on it till the encounter actually occurred, it may be presumed tliat he had, or thought lie had good cauirJo to expect at least so nuich success as he experienced. "Tell Cieneral Philips," said he to Major Clarke, "that on that day I fought upon velvet: he will fully understand me." For my own part, though I have preferred to give the story in the original language of its actors, 1 am unable to conjecture the reasons wherefrom Clinton derived such sanguine anticipations of victory in every contingency. That he should have expected to secure the preservation of his baggage by just such a check as he gave our people is plausible enough; but that his troops should liave preserved their e(iuanimity imder the very probable event that Stcdmau suggests, is not to my comprehension so plain. Probably the matter would appear in a dift'erent light to a professional eye. Once among the Middletown Hills, the English were out of danger from the Americans. Tlie marcli to Sandy Hook was easy; the baggage was trans]iorted, by aid of the fleet, over a bridge of boats; anil after delaying a little in hope of encountering our army, the rest of the enemy's force followed to Staten Island. On July 5th, the vov\ tlay that Clinton passed from the main land to Staten Island. D'Estaing's fleet appeared on the ^'irginia coast. But for an unusually long voyage it might have found Howe's vessels yet in the Delaware; and well informed writers reckon that an earlier arrival at Sandy Hook would have prevented Sir Henry's crossing. He himself was of dilfereut opinion. "U" all the enemies' combined fleet had been laj-ing at Sandy t Clinton MS. d'estaing's arrivai.. 215 Hook Sir H. Clinton, commanding with gallics a,.,! -nm boats the inner channel, could always have go tokZn IS:: '''^irLi:T-;r ^^ - ^^^^ nf ^h^ V I ^ i^-staing with twelve shins without the Hook, designing an attack on the British squaxLon in the harbor. Howe's armament w.!s con d tour of tifty guns and some smaller craft; and his vessels ovrthrcr""^''r"^'™"""'- ^"^^^ ^-d -""ii over the crews of a vast numher of transports- 2000 naval volunteers pressed forward to engage in the ex- pected action of whom at least 1000 were accepted; and the ariger and indignation that pervaded all ranks ampljr supplied any deficiencies of liis muster-rolls. Mates and masters of merchantmen sought places at the guns among tlie common sailors; and it is highly probable that had D Estaing got over the bar and into the harbor he never would have got out again in command of his own ships But there was not water, he thought, for liis larger vessels; and in the moment when, by favorable coniunc- ture of wind and tide, the whole British population were agog in anticipation of attack, he i)ut up his helm and by preconcerted arrangement with Washington bore away for Rhode Island. Scarcely was he out of sight however, when sail after sail of Byron's command came dropping in, shattered and weather-beaten; all of which must have fallen into his hands but for his withdrawal. With these, though still inferior to the French Howe sailed to find them. ' Meantime Sullivan, Greene, and Lafayette, with 10 000 Zfn ^f \f ««^bled against Pigot, well entrenched ^ith WOO at Newport. On D'Estaing's arrival success * Clinton MS. 216 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. seemed pertain; and the militia of .Massaelmsetts, led by Hauoook in person, pleased themselves with the idea of at last getting rid of so abhorred and dangerous a neighbor. But dissensions sprung up between the French and American leaders, in which the former wore chiefly to blame. Howe's fleet appeared; D'Kstaing stood out with the weatliergage to figai him ; a storm sprung up, and the French only reai)peared at Newport to notify their inten- tion of proceeding forthwith to refit at Boston. The i-emonstrances and the anger of our generals were equally vain. D'Estaing went away, and the siege was al)an- doned. Clinton, who had sailed with 4000 men to relieve Pigot, no sooner knew the French flfeet to be gone, than he endeavored either to intercept Sullivan's retreat, or to find means to fall upon Providence. Gi'ey's division was with him; and when he fomul it impossible to carry out his original ideas he dispatched this officer against New Bedford,— one of the chief among the minor sea- ports that lined the New England coast, and wrought infinite mischief to British commerce. On the 5th Sep- tember, at five P. j\r., (irey anchored in Clark's Cove, and at six, debarking with very slight loss, he ravaged the Aeushnet River for six miles. The fort was dismantled and burned, its guns demolished, and its n^agazine blown uji; ujiwards of seventy sail of privateers and their ])rizes consumed; and numbers of buildings con- taining verj' great quantities of stores reduced to ashes. From Buzzard's Bay he passed through the baffling tides of Quick's Hole (which can never be forgotten by any one who has ever sailed over them), to Martha's Vineyard; where he levied a contribution of 300 oxen, 10,000 sheep, all the arms of the militia, and £1000 in paper-money, being the sum of the public funds on hand. Taking or destroying what vessels he found there. Grey returned from the island to New York. His esteem for his aide. ANDBE'S VERSES ON THE INVESTMENT OP NEWPORT. 217 however, and his desire to leave him it ],;« . tooting at head-quarters, probably induced the .^ener-il o send by „s Iiands in the first instance a x.; brie account of his doings to Clinton. "I write in Inste- he says, "and not a little tired; therefore niustLg W to lefer you for the late plan of operations and par«cu ars to Captain Andre." The value of such language re peated froin the commander-in-chief to the inini^ter at London, and reiterated in the official gazettes can readifv be appreciated by all military men. * It wk "Xb y ^£ri^^,X::z::;T' ^^^ ^- ^-^- of YANKEE DOODLE'S EXPEDITION TO EHODE ISLAND. From Le^vis Monsieur Gerard came io ConjiTess in this town, Sir; They bow'd to him, and he to them And then they all sat down. Sir ' Chorus: Yankee Doodle, &c. Begar, said I\ronsieiir, one grand roup lou shall biotot behold, Sir Ihis was believed as Gospel true ' And Jonathan felt bold, Sir. ' So Yankee Doodle did forget The sound of British drum. Sir- tiow oft It made liim quake and sweat In spite of Yankee rum. Sir. He took his wallet on his back His rifle on his shoulder. And reoiv'd Rhode Island to attack cetore he was much older EeS's i.3, i"43G. "'''' "*^'^*^"^ ''P'^''^'^ ""-^er Grey-- 218 l.ll'K Ol- MAJOU AXDUE. In ilioiul array their tattcr'd crow Ailvaiu'M \vitl> colours sprcatl. Sir; Tiioir lH'cs jilaycd Yankee Doodle doo, Kill;; Hancock at their head. Sir. What iiuinbcrs hravely cross'd the seas 1 cannot well determine; A swarm of Kebols and of tleas And every oilier vermin. Their miglity hearts might shrink, they tho't; For all tlesh only grass is; A plenteous store they therefore brought Of whiskey and molasses. They swore they'd make boKl Pigot squeak. So did their (7i'his place (Old Tappan) Andre was executed. J Alexander Cloujih, Major 3i-d Continental Dragoons. Andre's pkomotion. 221 Paoli, was greatly censured in our camp, anis homo in 1129, was the father of i)rincely lines. In the old days, when baronies were held by tenure and not by writ, it may be supposed that the Clintons were not a house of the first magnitude, since they do not apiiear among the twenty-five great guardians of Magna Chai'ta, in the l)egiiming of the thirteenth century: not an unlucky circumstance for them in the end, as not a male descendant of the "Iron Barons" is a peer to-day. In person, Sir Henry was short and stout, with a full face and prominent nose: his manners reserved, and thoiigh polite, not popular with the world at large. He had long been accustomed to arms in the best practical schools of Europe; and Prince Ferdinand bore very honora1)le testimony to his capacity. At Bunker Hill, without waiting for orders, he flew to lead the reinforcements for Howe which were wavering in uncertainty whither to march ; and was of essential service. These officers, who "never differed in one jot of military sentiment" at this period, became afterwards rivals and foes. He was regai-ded by many, however, as more conspicuous for honesty, zeal, and courage, than for military genius. It was complained that he never knew when to strike. In our army, a plan for his seizure was canvassed and abandoned on the ground that his measure was exactly ascertained, and any change in the command would be for the worse. "I should be very sorry," wrote Living- ston at the time of Cornwallis's fall, "to have Clinton recalled through any national resentment against him, because, as fertile as that country is in the production of blockheads, I think they cannot easily send us a greater blunderbuss, unless ]>eradventure it should please his Majesty himself to do us the honour of a visit. ' ' He was CHAEACTEK OF SIR HENRY CLINTON. 223 accused, and not without appearance of reason, of an habitual indecision, that in a man vested with a great pub- lie trust often approaches imbecility. An instance of this trait occurred when he suffered the American and French armies to pass from his own vicinity to that of Corn- wallis. It was evident that they must attack either the one British commander or the other; and success in either undertaking was ruin to the cause of the crown. An abler officer would perhaps have anticipated an as- sault on New York by finding a lucky chance to strike at the enemy himself; but when it was once plain that the allies were definitely gone to Virginia, it was folly not to send instant and abundant relief to the Chesapeake ; and it was worse than folly for a commander-in-chief to con- sider personal punctilio or private jealousies, when gi-eat state interests are concerned. He seems to have had a landed estate too in America ; but all the information I have on this subject consists in his notice of the measures for confiscation of Whig estates in Carolina, established by Cornwallis in 1780 : "I Icnow no great use in this act of severity; it was not even reported to me till it had been represented to and approved by the minister; it produced retaliation, and I was the sufferer, though a British subject and born a subject. My estate was confiscated and sold, and I can get redress nowhere."* To me, Sir Henry appears as a good man, and, in many respects, as an excellent officer, but deficient in the genius necessary for the first post. In private he was amiable and humane ; the correspondent of Gibbon and the confi- dential friend of Sheffield. He died governor of Gibraltar, December 13th, 1795. The spirit of faction that per- meated through both army and navy in this war, renders * Clinton MS. 224 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. it sometimes diflicult to get at the real state of certain cases ; and liis retirement from America was respectably believed to have been less of a resignation than a removal He thus notices such a surmise: — "As this author chuses to insinuate that Sir Henry Clinton had been superceded in the coniniaud by Sir Guy Carleton, Sir H. C. takes leave to repeat what the King was pleased to say to him at the first audience he was called to after his return from America.— 'I always wished to see you, Sir Henry, in the command of my armies in America: but the Duke of Newcastle was so exceedingly ])res.sing for your return that I was obliged at last to acquiesce.' — Sir li. Clinton had asked three times every year to have leave to resign the command, but his Majesty would never before consent."* Both armies going into winter-quarters, little more occurred in this year of an active nature for Andre to bear part in. The French fleet was in the West Indies, whei'e Byron was vainly endeavoring to inveigle it to action; and the loyalists in New York were in constant hope of D'Estaing's destruction, and a consequent with- drawal of his court from the quarrel. "D'Estaing's blockade by Byron at Martinique— one of the most fortunate events of the war— must revive the spirits of the most drooping Tory in Philadelphia. The game is in our own hands, juid we may expect to hear next of the taking of D'Estaing. A treaty between England and France follows of course; and we must then shed tears of pity for poor America, laid in ruins to gratify the fatal ambition of a few artful men.f But the usual luck of "the hardy Byron" of the poet- more appropriately known as Foul-weather Jack by Ms * Clinton MS. f Loyalist MS. New York, 1778. Andre's verses upon an American duel. 225 sailors— did not desert him. D'Estaing was not taken; and all the tears Tory eyes could command were in the end wanted for their own misfortunes. Of as little real importance, (considering that one of its heroes after- wards sat in judgment on the author's life,) was the following squib, published by Andre in Rivington's Gazette. It is a perfectly fair paraphrase, so far as de- tails are concerned, of the pompous account of a duel between Lieutenant-governor Gadsden of Carolina, and Major-general Robert Howe of our army, provoked by the former's published letter reflecting injuriously upon his opponent's military conduct. As Gadsden was not in Howe's line of service, and would neither retract nor apologize for his language, a challenge passed ; and in the consequent duel Howe's ball grazed his antagonist's ear, after which an honorable reconciliation was effected by the seconds. Col. Bernard Elliot and Gen. Charles Cotes- worth Pinckney. The initials in the verses are in strict accordance with those used in the American newspapers ; but the latter would fix the date of the encounter on Sept. 5th. The introductory lines are of course a mere blind : — OX THE AFFAIli BETWEEN THE EEBEL GENEEALS HOWE AXD GADDESDEN. Charleston, S. C, Sept. 1st, 1778. We are favored with the following authentic account of the affair of honour, which happened on the 13th of August, 1778. Eleven o'clock was the hour appointed for Generals H. and G. to meet; accordingly, about ten minutes before eleven — but hold, it is too good a story to be told in simple prose. It was on Mr. Percy's land, At Squire Eugeley's corner, Great H. and G. met, sword in hand. Upon a point of honoiu'. Chorus: Yankee Doodle, doodle, doo, &e. 15 226 UFE OK MAJOR ANDRE. G. went before, witli Colonel E., Together in a carriage; Ou horseback followed 11. and P. As if to steal a marriage. On chosen ground they now alight, For battle duly harnessed; A shady place, and out of sight: It shew'd they were in earnest. They met, and in the usual way With hat in hand saluted; Which was. no doubt, to shew how they Like gentlemen disputed. And then they both together made This honest declaration, — That they came there, by honour led. And not by inclination. That if they fought, 'twas not because Of rancour, spite, or passion: But only to obey the laws Of custom and the fashion. The pistols, then, before their eyes Were fairly primed and loaded; H. wished, and so did G. likewise, The eustom were exploded. But. as they now had gone so far In such a bloody business. For action straight they both prepare With mutual forgiveness. Bnt lest their courage should exceed The bounds of moderation. Between the seconds 'twas agreed To fix them each a station. The distance, stepp'd by Colonel P,, Was only eight short paces; "Now. gentlemen." says Colonel E.. "Be sure to keep your places." Andre's verses upon an American duel. 227 Quoth H. to G., — "Sir, please to fire;" Quotli G., — "No, pray bc^in, Sir:" And truly, we must needs admire The temper tlioy were in, Sir. "We'll fire both at once," said 11. ; And so they both presented; No answer was returned by G., But silence, Sir consented. They paused awhile, these gallant foes. By turns, politely grinning; 'Till, after many cons and jmjs, IT. made a brisk beginning. H. missed his mark, but not iiis aim; The shot was well directed. It saved them both from hurt and shame; What more could be expected? Then G., to shew he meant no harm. But hated jars and jangles. His pistol fired across liis arm: From II., almost at angles. H. now was called upon by G. To fire another shot. Sir; He smiled and, "after that," (juolli he, "No, truly I cannot, Sir." Such honour did they both display They highly were commended; And thus, in short, this gallant fray Without miscliance was ended. No fresh dispute, we may suppose, Will e'er by them be started; And now the chiefs, no longer foes, Shook hands, and so they parted. Chorns: Yankee Doodle, doodle doo, &c. Through all the war, the British loved to ridicule our people with the burden of this song. Yankee Doodle was with them the most withering sarcasm. Sometimes they 228 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. met a retort in kind hardly so grateful. Percy's drums boat this air wlion lie set out for Lexington; and Gates's niusieiaus repeated it when the arms were grounded at Saratoga. The idea was not new. When Cumberland crossed the Spey against Charles Edward, it was thought a wise thing to insult the Scots with the air— -"» "Will you play me fair play, Bonnie laddie, Ilijrhland laddie?" CHAPTER XL New York in 1778. — Andre's Political Essay. — His Favor with Clinton. — Keceives the Surrender of Fort La Fayette. — Letter to Mrs. Arnold. — Commencement of Arnold's Intrigue. — Ap- pointed Deputy Adjutant-General. — Siege of Charleston. — Let- ter to Savannah. — Accused of entering Charleston as a Spy. HE city of New York, for the rest of tlie war the British head-quarters, was far in 1778-9 from its present metropolitan condition. Though about a mile in length by half a mile in width, it was inferior in population and in import- ance to Philadelphia. Its narrow, clean and well- paved streets were lined with neatly-built houses of wood or brick, and these for convenience of the harbor being chiefly clustered along the East River, were thus subjected to difficulties in the supply of fresh water. The ruin caused by the conflagration of 1776 yet subsisted, and in the "Burnt District" the blackened skeletons of 500 dwellings stretched along Broadway, from Whitehall Slip up to Rector Street. To this devastation was added that of the fire which broke out at one A. M. on the 10th of August, 1778, and consumed 300 houses. The best people then lived in Wall or Pearl streets; and to arrive at the present abodes of fashion, one must have ridden through several miles of country. Ponds, hills, and open fields extended where now is nothing but leagues of stone walls and solid pavements; and the mutilated statues of Chatham and King George bore public witness to the civic discord that had brought them from their high estate. But no dilapidation deprived the English soldier for the first time entering the port, of "the most beautiful scene that could be imagined." On the one hand were spread 230 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. the fertile shores of Long Island, abounding in game, studded with country-seats and thiiving villages, and the garden-spot of the coast; on tlie other, wide forests rose above the rougli irregularities of Staten Island, in strong and luxuriant contrast to the nakedness of that on which the city stood, whence almost every tree had been removed. Powerful works defended all parts of the town. The old fortifications at The Battery, enlarged to receive ninety- four heavy guns, were strengthened with stone with merlons of cedar joists and filled in with earth ; they com- manded alike the entrances of the North and East rivers. Along the course too of either stream a series of breast- works were raised, connecting with each other in the strong ground towards Kingsltridge by well-ordered and powerful lines that followed the heights and extended across the island. In this upper part of the works, the first British i^ost to be met after crossing from the main- land over Ilarlaem Eiver to York Island, was Fort Charles: a strong redoubt overhanging and commanding Kingsbridge. Next, as we approach New York city, were the works that rising one above the other bristled with their guns the steeps of Laurel Hill. The road to the town led through a pass on the right, where again was lofty ground, on which stood Fort Knyphausen, once Fort "Washington, and so narrow was the path between the two ascents that the British closed it with a gate. Continuing on by where is now the Central Park, the ground renuiined singularly strong; at McCowan's Pass, it was believed that a few companies properly handled could keep an army at bay. The chief difficulty with these extensive works, however, was the great force necessary to defend them. Sufficiently manned, they were perhaps imin-egnable ; but to do this compelled the detention of thousands of troops from prolonged enterprise in the field. NEW YOEK IN 1778. 231 The English had other posts without tlie limits of the island. At Sandy Hook were some heavy guns and mortar batteries. On the main-land above Morrisania was the small work called Number Four, usually garrisoned by a captain's guard and hardly capable of being preserved in a serious investment of the place. A regiment held the post where Paulus Hook stretches out from the Jersey shore into the North River. Formidable works were erected at Brooklyn Heights on that part of Long Island opposite to the city. The New Fort here woukf accom- modate 1000 to 1500 men. Brooklyn itself was then a small scattered village, with a capital tavern famous for its fish-dinners, which the royal officers were accustomed to consume to an extent that soon made a rich man of the landlord. These fish-loving gentry relate in melancholy wise the deprivation that fell upon the town by reason of the war. They tell that New York had long been depend- ent on the eastern coasts for its lobsters till a well-boat was shattered in Hell-Gate, and the escaping prey popu- lated the neighboring depths. Here they flourished in cold and in boiling water until the tremendous cannonading of the Long Island battle disturbed their retreats ; they passed away, and their accustomed haunts knew them no more. It was through this same whirlpool of Hell-Gate that Sir James Wallace, pursued by a French fleet into the eastern end of Long Island Sound, steered the Experiment in 1777. The passage was daring and peril- ous; but he brought her safely through. On Staten Island too Clinton had strong posts with 1000 or 1500 men; and here Andre, with other young officers, was in the habit of visiting Simcoe's quarters, where the land- lord's pretty daughter bloomed in rustic seclusion and tempted many a gallant across the waters and the hills. 232 I.IFE OF 1MA.T0R ANDRE. PROLOGUE U.N Ui'KNlNU TUK TilKATUE AT KKW YOUK. JAN'Y, 1779, SPOKEN BY CAPTAIN ANDRE. Well, somebody must foremost shew his face, Sure modesty's no virtue in this phice And Bnslifulness with Soldiers were disgrace. But soft, 'tis true you are a hardy band 'Gainst wliora we phiyers have to make our stand. Too well aecoutered for the dire assault Unerring Marksman at an Actor's fault, Jnein'd as skill'd to brandish Satire's dart. Unarm 'd we all appear in ev'ry part And least of all iiroteeted at the heart. Yet have we Ground, and Ground to be maintain'd; F]ion the Flanks* we're ]iretty well sustain'd And let me tell you twixt yourselves and me That ^fr. Prompter is no bad Apimi. ^^■hy shou'd we fear the foe in the Ravinef We've unnor Ground and Palisades** between And, Virat 7iV.r, none come behind the scene. Nor travers'd thus, the Perils shall we prove Of Missile Pippins from the Heights above. Shou'd all this fail, we adepts in this trade Can foil you by ^faneourre retrograde. — Of late, much prowess has thus been display'd. Yet e'er the Catcall sounds the dread alarm Can naught arrest the Critic's Vengeful arm? A plea we'll urge which Britons must admit One that shall silence all the shafts of Wit; Can Censure raise a dart against our Scene When Charity extends her hand between? Tluis when on I^atia's Shore the Sabine host ('Twas then the fashion) raged for Spouses lost Lest Bloodshed shou'd ensure, each gentle woman With Condescension took her fav'rite Roman. Nor less Compliant, to appease the strife Each Sabine, in true ton, gave up his Wife. So Charity our Compromise proclaims. And interposes like the Sabine dames. We face you here, to claim her at your hands. * General boxes, t Pit. **Orchestra. NEW YORK IN 1778. 233 Each Virtuous feeling seconds our demand; Critic and Actor, in the middle field Shall meet and parley — shall relent & yield. Give but the fair, the treaty shall prevail "We will, like Eomans, use the Lady Well. New Yuri-, Jaii'y 9, '79. If the population of New York was lessened by the migration of its Whigs, it was abundantly recruited by the incoming troops and Tories. It was well understood that Ministers were for manifold reasons resolv(;d to hold out longer here than in any other place ; and though many of the loyalists, "once lords of thousands," now lan- guished in comparative destitution at London, there were throngs at New York to supply their absence. Nor was involuntary increase wanting. "Our little half-demolished town here seems crowded to the full, and almost every day produces fresh inhabi- tants. Two or three days ago five or six wagon-loads of women and children were sent in from Albany, in imita- tion of the prudent policy of Philadelphia. It was im- possible to see them without pain, driving about the streets in the forlorn attitudes which people fatigued with travelling and riding in wagons naturally fall into, mak- ing fruitless searches for their husbands and fathers."* Dicing, drinking, fine dressing, and amateur theatricals, made New York as gay to the English as Philadelphia. Their stage was raised at the John Street Theatre, with Beaumont the surgeon-general as manager, and Major "Williams of the artillery for principal tragedian. Colonel French was the low-comedy man, and Andre, Stanley, De Lancey, &c., had various parts. Female characters, where an officer had not in his train a woman competent to the performance, were assigned to the youngest en- * Loyal MS. 234 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. signs; and Macbeth, Richard III., and the Beaux Strata- gem, were ventured upon. The bottle was not neglected: hard drinking prevailed, and it was a point of social honor to press the glass upon guests-, and during morn- ing visits the puneh-bowl was freely circulated and healths drank by the ladies. Clinton's quarters were at No. 1 Broadway; but he also maintained a country-seat in Dr. Beekman's house at the corner of 52nd Street and First Avenue, where he lived more at ease ; and every day might be seen with his staff taking his constitutional gal- lo]) up Broadway to what was then The Fields. The loy- alists, however, who found refuge here, were comforted neither with the military government of the city, nor the social eclipse into which they were thrown by "the Lords, and Sir Georges, and dear Colonels," of its garrison. The fashion of a fine gentleman's wearing two watches, which was ridiculous at Philadelphia, was esteemed highly polite in New York. The custom introduced by Admiral Digby of closing the windows for a half-past four 'clock dinner-party, and dining by candle-light, was as novel to the American stranger as the religious exacti- tude with which, through rain or snow, the New Year's calls were paid. At Philadelphia, after the evacuation, the loyal young people seem to have formed a sort of co- terie of tlieir own, that made it easy for their scrupulous parents to keep away "the lively French and the gallant Continentals"; but in New York, with half-a-dozen ad- mirers to every handsome girl, such care was hopeless. "You cannot imagine what a superfluity of danglei's there is here ; so that a lady has only to look over a list of a dozen or two when she is going to walk, or to dance, or to sleigh." The Tory manuscript from which I quote gives animated sketches of the city belles of this day. "Of those I mentioned to you before. Miss T is said to be the greatest beauty: tall, genteel, graceful in her NEW YORK IN 1778. 235> motions, with fine, light hair, dark speaking eves, a com- plexion superior to the boasted one of Mis^ K-1 X seldom fails to captivate those who see her; but to m! s bil ty of fea ures. Her sister less celebrated is more tuied, I woukl sooner, were I to offer my hand to a ladv', perso^., make choice of Miss Betsey T-- than her sLter who I ought to have called Mrs. B . " caff? \ ' "^! '^^t^^e^t^l Miss L , is tall and deli- cate features not regular, eyes not lively. There is a modest dignity in her appearance that no one could of simpUci^y' ^^"'''' "^ ''"' "^"^'^■^'^^^ ^^"«^^^^« -^d Mrs. F 's i^erson resembles N P '§• of course good, but she is not that beauty I expected to have T ■''.; of '^^"'l^le-^io^ is pale, her hair the colour of Juliet s. She appears delicate and languishing, and she has the misfortune of having a fine face ruined bv a very bad mouth, wide and unexpressive. . . . I cannot^pretend to do justice to the Miss M— s.-Mild, delicate, thought- ful, there is an air of pensive languor and unaffected modesty over the whole appearance of Miss Beulah that won d awe impudence itself into respect and s^anpathy. Neither tall, fair nor genteel, she pleases the more for be- ing the more uncommon; and with a pair of eyes that cannot strictly be called handsome, but which say every- thing that the owner pleases -a forehead open and in- genuous-cheeks that bloom continually with the softest tints of the rose, and a mouth formed bv the hands of the graces-joined to an abundance of dark flowing hair- confirms more conquests than the fluttering blaze of Mrs B— or the tall dignity of Mrs. F are ever able to produce. But Susan-the sweet, sprightly, amiable Su- san-how shall I describe thee! How shall I paint that flow of cheerfulness, that elegance, natural elegance, of 236 I>IFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. expression ; that wit, that sense, that sensibility, that mod- esty, that good-natnro. and that winning air of artless youth; every one of which thou possessest to such a su- perior degree! Still more difficult is it to describe a per- son, on which beauty and gracefulness have been lavished, but which I believe never raised in thee a vain idea ! Eyes large, full, black, and the most expressive I ever beheld: fine dark hair: a faultless nose— but it is in vain to par- ticularize every beauty where all is beauty. —Two months ago one of the plainest little mortals, all awkwardness and sim]ilicity, without a thread of super- fluity in her dress, eloped with a caiitain in the army. She was just come to town, and her parents, apprehensive that a girl of sixteen could not be safely trusted alone in a place so full of allurements, guarded her with the most peevish caution. Before they heard where she was they concluded she was locked up, miirdered, anything sooner than in the company of an officer. After much difficulty and negotiation a marriage was effected, and Mrs. C now makes her entree at public places in all the elegance of fashion. And behold the parents, whose name is P , are now 'under dealings' for consenting to the marriage of their daughter. 'TVhat would you have done in such a case?" 1 asked a plaiu-ooated Friend. 'Done'— replied the benevolent Christian— 'I would have cast her off to the contempt and beggary she deserved!' 'But could you forget she was your child?'— 'Yes, I would tear the remembrance of her from my bosom!' —We have lately had one admitted into that mysterious order: a Miss P . Yet she would not be affronted 'with the a : it was Miss P celebrated for her beauty, wit, and accomplishments ; indeed so immensely sensible, that he was thought a bold officer who ventured on her. It ■was the Hon. Capt. Smith, eldest sou of Lord Strangford NEW YORK IN 1778. 237 of Ireland. All the observation, made upon her since are that her eyes are brighter than ever. A pretty m's Sir i:f/'"'"T ^™ -^-^ <^^---' eloped with 'I ±iessian officer for want of a better. Father and nmH,..- as usna, inconsolable and inexorable: ' Parents havfln; teaits, you know, and children must be wretched.' " Under the influences that then prevailed in New York it was fashionable to be loyal; and in such social alsemb es conTeltrttt A V'"^ '\ f ^^^^^ ^"'^^^^^^^ - ---7 conceive that Andre would not fail to put forth what power of intellectual entertainment he possessed. Indeed lis pen was probably rarely idle; and though it is o pra nTd tirt Mtl "'' ''''''^'' "-'^ ^-^^^-'^ essay: I W no doubt tha he was a constant contributor to the pa-es of Rmngton's Gazette. Fortunately we are able toX tify at least one of these papers, from which a fair idea of his manner mav be infer vpri A+ +i ^ ^^t^^ luea n^nr,^ 1 • , / ; mreued. At the mansion of Mr Deane he is related to have won the praises of both sexes by an extempore upon Love and Fashion, which he deHv ered on the evening of January 6th, 1779 nor was a pI" hortlv ir i "^7."^ted in Eivington's newspape; shortly afterwards ; and it will be seen that the author was anything but sparing in his censure of those Amerdns who were signalized by severity against the TorieT Chfef Justice Mclvean, who presided at the conviction of Car- lisle and Roberts, two Philadelphia Loyalists; Livingston Portrs of"''' ""'''""''' ''' '' ^''''''''^' ^-d the sup- porters of our cause generally, were handled with litt e diSd "•' ?f •''' '^"^^"'^"^ ^''-'^'-^^^ — even dnected agamst his own former patron and late com- mander, Sir William Howe : idle com 238 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. A DREAM. "I was laU'ly in company where the Metempsychosis be- came the subject of conversation, and was ably explained by a gentleman of erudition, who traced it from the Brach- mans in the East, to Pythagoras in the "West, and very learnedly demonstrated the probability and justice of this ancient system. How was it possible to deny that when mankind degraded themselves from the character of ra- tional beings, it became proper that they should assume the figure of those beasts to whose properties they were already assimilated. On the other, how pleasing was it to trace the soul tln-ough its sevei-al stages, and to behold it rewarded or punished according to its deserts in a new state of existence. ]\Iany fanciful observations imme- diately occurred to the company. Besides several pair of turtle-doves, some cock sparrows, and one or two butter- flies whom we found among our acquaintances, we were led to take a survey of superior characters. "We enter- tained ourselves with viewing the soul of Louis XIV. transmigrated into a half-starved jackass, loaded with heaA'y* panniers, and perpetually goaded by a meagre Frenchman, who, from the most bumble of his slaves, was become the master and tormentor of this absolute and uni- versal monarch. Alexander the Great, for whose ambi- tious views this whole orb had been too confined, was changed into a little sorry horse, and doomed to spend his life in the diurnal drudgery of turning a mill to which he was constantly fixed with blinds over his eyes. Charles of Sweden made his appearance in the figure of a Russian bear, whilst his wiser competitor was placed at the head of a warlike and industrious monarchy of bees. The poeti- cal soul of Sappho continued to warble in the character of the "Love-lorn Nightingale," and that of our countryman Pope (into which those of Homer, Horace, Juvenal, and Andre's political essay, 239 Lucretius had been before blended and transfused) was again revived and admired in the melodious Swan of Twickenham. Full of the ideas which this singular conversation had suggested, I retired to my chamber, and had not long pressed the downy pillow before the following vision ap- peared to my imagination:— I fancied myself in a spacious apartment, which I soon discovered to be the hall wherein the infernal judges ad- ministered justice to the souls which had animated the bodies of men in the superior regions. To my great sur- prise, instead of those grim personages which I had been taught to exijeet, I found the judges (who were then sit- ting) to be of a mild, gentle, and complacent appearance, unlike many dispensers of justice in the vital air, who add terror to severity, and by their very aspect not only awe the guilty, but discourage the innocent. At one end of the table, after a short interval, appeared a numerous crowd of various shades, ushered in and conducted by Mercury, whose business it was to take charge of the criminals and see the sentences executed. As dreams are of an unac- countable nature, it will not (I presume) be thought strange that I should behold upon this occasion the shades of many men who, for aught I know, may be still living and acting a conspicuous part upon the worldly theatre. But let this be as it will, I shall go on to relate simply what appeared to me, without troubling myself whether it may meet with credit from others. The first person called upon was the famous Chief- Justice McKean, who I found had been animated by the same spirit which formerly possessed the memorable Jeff- ries. I could not but observe a flash of indignation in the eyes of the judges upon the approach of this culprit. His 240 ■ l.U'K OK MAJOR ANDRE. more than savage cruelty, his liorrid disregard to the many oatlis of allegianoe ho had taken, and the vile sacrifice he had iiiado of justice to the interests of rebellion, were opeuiy rehearsed. Notwithstanding his uncounnou impu- dence, for once he seemed abashed, and did not pretend to deny the charge. He was condemned to assume the shape of a blood-hound, and the souls of Koberts and Carlisle were ordered to scourge him through the infernal regions. Next aiijieared the polite and travelled Mr. Deane, who from a truckling, hypocritical, New England attorney, was metanioiplioscd into a French marquis, with all the exter- nal fripjjcry that so eminently distinguishes the most trilling characters of that trilling nation. The judges de- libei-ated for a time whether they should form their sen- tence from the badness of his heart, or the vanity of his manners; but in consideration of the many mortifications he had lately experienced, they at length determined upon the latter: and the most excellent ambassador to his most Christian majesty skipped off, with very little change, in the character of 'The monkey ivlio liad seen the n-oiid.' The celebrated Gen. Lee, whose ingratitude to his jiarent country was regarded with the utmost detestation, as- sumed (by direction of the court) the figure of an adder: a reptile that is big with veiuun. and ready to wound the hand that ]n-otects. or the bosom that cherishes it, but whose poison frequently turns to its own destruction. The black soul of Livingston, which was 'fit for treason, sacrilege and spoil,' and polluted with every species of murder and iniquity, was condonmed to howl in the body of a wolf; and i beheld, with surprise, that he retained the same gaimt, hollow, and ferocious appearance, and that his tongue still continued to be red with gore. Just at this time, Mercury touched mo with his wand, and thereby Andre's political essay. 241 bestowed an insight into futurity, wlien I saw tliis very wolf hung up at tlie door of his fold, l)y a shepherd whose innocent flock had been from time to time thinned by the murdering jaws of this savage animal. The President of the Congress, Mr. Jay, next appeared before the tribunal, and his trial was conducted with all the solemnity due to so distinjj^uished a charactei'. T heard, with emotions of astonishment and concern, that in various human forms he had been remarkable for a mixture of the lowest cunning and most unfeeling barbarity; that having, in his last shape, received from nature such abili- ties as might have rendered him useful in his jjrofession, and even serviceable to the public, he had, by a semblance of virtue, acquired the confidence of his fellow-citizens, which he afterwards abused to all the horrid purposes of the most wanton rebellion, and that being indefatigable in the pursuits of ambition and avarice, by all the ways of intrigue, perfidy, and dissimulation, he had acquired the station of a chief justice, and, in imitation of the famous Dudley, had framed and enforced statutes that destroyed every species of private security and repose. In fine, that by his whole conduct he had exemplified his own maxim that princes were not the worst and most dreadful of ty- rants,* and had given a fresh demonstration that power could never be well used when lodged in mean and im- proper hands. The court immediately thought fit to order that this criminal should transmigrate into the most insidious and most hateful of animals, a snake ; but to prevent his being able any longer to deceive, and thereby destroy, a large set of rattles was affixed to his tail, that it might warn mankind to shun so poisonous a being. * See a pamphlet called (I tliink) The Nature and Extent of Parliamentary Power Considered. 16 *J4'J l.II'K or MA.IOlt ANDIUO. Tlif wlidlc ( 'diiliiuMilal Acrny now pjisscd in rcN'icw l>c- l"oii> inc. Tlicy were Toiccd lo jml on tlio sliajio of the liniid liiiit'. whoso (lis|)osilion tlioy nlrondy possessed. Wilh (>jifs (>r(>('t, llioy sooinod walchinsjj tho lirst ai>iiroaoh ol" dan,nt>r, and ready to fly even at the apjiroach of it. l>ut ulial was very singular, a brass colhir was allixed to the neck of one ol" their h-adcis, on wliich 1 saw ilistinctly the rollowin,i>; lines: ■'riicv win lhi> li^lit, thai win tlu' nu'O.' Alhuliiii;- to the niaxini lie iiad always ])iirsiied, of making n good and timely n>tri>at. This timorous ci-cw havinj;' hastily retired, I beheld a great and magnanimons I'onnnander of antiquity, trans- formed into a game-eoek, who at onee began to erow and strut ahout as if he was meditating a eonibat, but upon the nppearnnee of a few cropple-c'rowned liens, he dismissed l>is ]Mirp(^se, anil 1 could see hiu) at some distaniv from the hall, brushing his wing, and rustling his feathers at every Pauu> Partlet in the eompany. The oddity of this ti'nus- fonnation. and of the eireumstanees attending it. excited in me siu'h a disposition to laugh, that I immediately awakeneil, and was foreed reluctantly to resign the ehar- acter of .( Ihtwucr." Andre's conspicuous merit and amiable eharacter had soon made him the most important person of Clinton's statY. and won the admiration of all who had business with the (.leneral. He would promptly inform them whether or not he could engage in their atVairs. If he deelined. his ivasons were always i>olite ami satisfaetoiy ; if he eou- sented. the applicant was snre of an answer from Sir Henry within twenty-four hours. Clinton's eoulideuee w;is evideneed. in the spring of 1779, by his appoiutiueut Andre's favor with cunton. 243 of Andre, with Colonel West Hyde of tl:e (iiiards, as com- missioners to negotiate with the Amerieans an exchanf?e of prisoners. Tlicy met Colonels William Davies and Rohort II. Harrison on our lu'liall' at Amboy, on the 12tli May, and remained till tlie 2.'!rd in a rr-nilless effort to agree uj)on tei'ins. 'IMie Americans objected in tlie first place that Clinton 's delegation of ]K)wcrs for a genei'al per- manent cartel were insufficient. Hyde and Andre thought they perceived a design to procure the introduction of terms in their commission that might confess the Inde- pendence of America, and stood on their guard. A ])res- ent exchange was then considered; but here again diffi- culties arose as to giving up officers and men together. The Americans l\new the difference between the value of their own soldiery, whose enlistmcuits were running out, and those of the enemy, who would at least serve out the war; and no terms were proi)osed by eithrovi(lence of his enemies. On the 31st May, Clinton debarked a little below Haver- straw, on the west bank of the Hudson, and approached Stony Point. As he drew near. Collier with the ]'iiltiire and other light war-shi]is.caine also in sight, and the un- finished works were with imnlly a show of opposition alian(h)iied by tlie Americans. CJuns were at once haled up by the Ilritish, and a tire ojK'ned ujion Fort La Fayette on Verplanck's, against which \'auglian liad led a column on the eastern shore. During the night, the Vulture and a gal- ley anchored above the fort, and so cut olf a retreat by water. On the following day, imable to return a tire equal to what they received, the little garrison beat a chamade. Tlie batteries were stilled, and Andre was dispatched to receive the surrender. "O.N THE Glacis of Fort Fayette, June 1st, 1779. His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton and Commodore Sir George Collier grant to the garrison of Fort La Fayette terms of safety to the persons and property (contained in tlie fort) of the garrison, they surrendering themselves prisoners of war. The officers shall be iiermitted to wear their side arms. John Anokk, Aid-de-Camp. > '» The possession of these jtosts was of no little importance to either army, and Clinton remained on the scene long * This transaction was ridiculed by an American writer (per- haps Gov. Livingston) in the yew Jersei/ Gazette, 59th Dec. 1770. "Sir William Howe could not have invested this insignificant place with mow uninoaning formality. No display of ostentatious ar- rangements was overlooked on this occasion; and Mr. Andre, your aid, as if in compliance with the taste of his General, signed a capitulation, in all the pomp of a vain-glorious solemnity on the very edge of the glacis, which he had gained under cover of a flag. What, Sir llenrv", could you intend by this farce? What excuse will a person of Mr. Andre's reputed sense find for this parade?" SURRENDER OF FORT LA FAYETTE. 245 enough to put them in condition for a stout defence. Then he left garrisons, and descended the river. On tlie night of July 15th, Stony Point was retaken by Wayne. Disci- pline, it is said, was so relaxed in the King's army, that officers entrusted the password to a countryman who sup- plied them with fruit. Having thus a guide, and all the dogs in the country round being killed on the day previous, lest their barking should betray his movements, Wayne silently advanced. The outer sentries were approaclied and gagged, and after a sharp but short resistance, the fort was stormed and over 500 prisoners taken. These, and the glory of an affair which was justly considered one of the most gallant things in the war, were all the advantages gained by the stroke. Circumstances prevented the re- duction of Fort La Fayette. Stony Point was abandoned ; and the British put a stronger garrison in it than ever. During the remainder of the campaign, Clinton led no other expedition in person. The fortification of New York was carried on vigorously, and Andre's lal)ors were cliiefly those of the pen. To his former acquaintance Miss Ship- pen, now the wife of General Arnold, he wrote as fol- lows:— "Head-Quarters, New York, the IGth Aug. 1779. Madame.— Major Giles is so good as to take charge of this letter, which is meant to solicit your remembrance, and to assure you that my respect for you, and the fair circle in which I had the honour of becoming acquainted with you, remains unimpaired by distance or political broils. It would make me very happy to become useful to you here. You know the ]\Iesquianza made me a com- plete milliner. Should you not have received supplies for your fullest equipment from that department, I shall be glad to enter into the whole detail of cap-wire, needles, gauze, &c., and, to the best of my abilities, render you in 246 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. these trifles services from which I hope you would infer a zeal to be further employed. I beg you would present my best respects to your sisters, to the Miss Chews, and to !Mrs. Shippen and Mrs. Chew. I have the honour to be, with the greatest regard. Madam, your most obedient and most humble servant, John xVndre. In March or April of this year General Arnold, com- manding at Philadelphia, had, under the feigned name of Oustavus, began a secret correspondence with Clinton; who committed the matter to the hands of Andre. The latter wrote over the signature of John Ander- son; and was replied to as "Mr. John Anderson, Mer- chant, to the care of James Osborn, to be left at the Rev- erend Mr. Odell's, New York." Though at the outset the English had no clue to their corresitondent's identity, the character and value of his informations soon led them to suspect it ; and it is supposed by some that this letter to Mrs. Arnold was written with the view of nuiking clear to her husband tlie character of its author, and to invite a return of conlidence. This may possibly have been the case ; but all my investigations show that the lady had not any suspicion of the dealings between the parties, or was ever intrusted by either side with the least Icnowledge of what was going on. Equally false, in my judgment, is the charge that she tempted her husband to treason. Her purity and elevation of character have not less weight in the contradiction of this aspersion, than the testimony of all chiefly concerned in the discovery and punishment of the crime. This correspondence must have engrossed much of Andre's time. His letters are said to have been "numer- ous and significant:" though there is no reason to believe that, so far as Mrs. Arnold was concerned, its limit ever exceeded the one just printed. To or from Arnold he at COMMENCEMENT OF ARNOLD 's INTRIGUE. 247 this period liad probably nothing of a precise nature eitlier to suggest or require. Tlie earliest communication is said to have generally recommended to the American's imita- tion the example of Monk, and urged his intervention to procure peace on a substantial basis for his unhappy country. The distresses of America, the power of Eng- land, the superiority of a British to a French and Spanish alliance were strongly drawn; and instead of the old co- lonial subserviency, it was insinuated that the continental affairs of the united provinces should be committed to a purely national council resembling the British parliament, which should be so connected with the throne that, indis- solubly bound together in the chains of equality, of com- merce, and of mutual interest, the two lands should peace- fully govern all the world.* Besides the labor and anxiety of this intrigue, Andre had a private uneasiness to employ his mind. In July, D 'Estaing had captured Grenada, an island in which much of the family estate was invested. The terms offered to Macartney were so severe, so re]iugnant to the laws of na- tions and the principles of justice, that the governor and inhabitants preferred submitting at discretion. On taking possession, D 'Estaing showed little lenity. The people were plundered and abused to an extent that persuaded the Count Dillon— the most distinguished soldier of the French command— to intervene at the head of his regiment for their protection. This course, in such direct contrast to that of De Bouille in like circumstances, threatened Andre and those nearest and dearest to him with early pov- erty. His General, however, though tenderly attached to him, and doubtless entirely s^anpathizing with his private griefs, seems not to have left him their undisputed prey. In the summer heats he resorted on occasions to the cooler * See Appendix No. I. 248 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. shores of Long Islaud. (Juoguo was one of liis haunts; where he would taste the sea breezes, and gather for his table every delieaey tluit tbe island could jiroduce. He is remembered as a jovial liver, who imslied the bottle freely; while Andre with his bright, fresh face and symmetrieal iigure, and wearing his hair unusually long, is described by an islander in wliose house he passed three nights, as presenting "the finest model of manly beauty he had ever seen." About this period, too, circumstances brought about a considerable amelioration of his professional con- dition. It would appear (hat without the knowledge or ap- probation of the Commander-in-Chief, the Minister had established ce-rtain points of provincial rank very unsatis- factorily to the regular cor]is. In bringing about this step, Innes, Drununond, and the adjutant-general Lord Rawdon —all prime favorites of Sir Henry's— were said to be con- cerned. His indignation was great, and the oflfenders were made to feel it. Rawdon was detached from head-ijuax-- ters to the South, and his duties naturally devolved on that one of the deputies of the office who enjoyed the most con- fidential relations with Clinton. This was no other than Andre. We are told that Major Stephen Kemble. the brother-in-law of General Gage, who had long filled the deputy's post, had written to some one or other in exces- sively severe terms of the conduct of Sir Henry. By some mischance those documents were made known at head- quarters. The writer of course resigned his office, and ■went to his regiment (the GOthl in the TVest Indies, where he earned promotion and distinction. The vacant deputy adjntant-generalcy was forthwith bestowed upon Andre; and thenceforward all the business at head-quarters of the department passed through his hands. It was thus about the beginning of the fall of 1779. that he connuenced the virtual discharge of the adjntant-generalcy, in which he continued till his death. When Clinton had dismissed ANDRE APPOINTED DEPUTY ADJUTANT-GENERAL. 249 Lord Rawdon, the vacant charge was pressed on Raw- don's personal friend, Lieut.-Col. Charles Stuart, of the 26th, whom delicacy forced to refuse ; wherefore, as chief deputy, Andre went on with all its duties until he was promoted to the station itself, as well as its responsibili- ties. In October, his friend Simcoe was captured, return- ing from a daring enterprise to the Raritan, in which by a forced march, without halt or refreshment, of over eighty miles, his cavalry burned a number of large flat-bottomed boats, built for an expedition against New York. Simcoe was treated with much severity, which was, by the efforts of his comrade Andre, and his courteous and particular opponent Harry Lee, at last so modified that he was ex- changed. Andre, setting aside for the time a bold but well conceived plan for his rescue, wrote proposing he might be sent to New York on parole, as by similar indulgence Colonel Baylor had been permitted to go to Virginia. Sim- coe forwarded this application from the state of New Jer- sey, in whose power he was, to Washington, and rather complains that as it had ben neglected by Governor Liv- ingston, so it was unanswered by the General ; but in a day or two after he was sent to New York. Arriving at Staten Island, December 31st, he found Clinton gone, and the chance of accompanying him lost. A letter from Andre was put into his hands— "If this meets you a free man, prepare your regiment for embarkation, and hasten to New York yourself. ' ' On the 26th, Clinton had sailed for Charleston. The war-ships and transports of this expedition were commanded by Harriot Arbuthnot, Vice- Admiral of the Blue, an old sailor, an amiable man, and a bad tactician. It is evident that Sir Henry and himself could not pull together where the King's service was concerned. He was the nephew of "Arbuthnot the polite," the friend of Pope, 250 UFK OF MAJOR ANDRE. Swift, and Gay, the famous physician of Queen Anne, the elegant author oi John Bitll;—v:as born in 1711, and died in 1794. His flag-ship was damaged by a storm on the voy- age;— instead of signalling the squadron to inu'sue its ap- pointed course, ho led the whole convoy after himself, to the great detriment of the public good. "The good old Admiral lost his bobstay in a gale of wind— bore away- obliged the fleet to follow. It got into the Gulf-stream, and bad weather did the rest."* As a conseqiaence it was not until January 31st, 1780, that a part of the armament reached Savannah, whither such of the vessels as were not lost followed. A captured transport brought into Charles- ton, on the 23rd, the first sure tidings of the expedition. Notwithstanding the peculiar importance of the city— in a manner tlie gate of the South— Wasliington was al- ways, it is said, of opinion that evacuation was preferable to an uncertain defence. He would rather lose a town than an army. The possession of Charleston had hitlierto se- cured to the Americans the control of the state ; but since Clinton's repulse from its approaches in 1776, care had not been taken to make it, as its value deserved, absolutely impregnable. Nevertheless its works were strong. Lying between the intersection of the Cooper and Ashley rivers, it could only be invested by land u]ion one of its three sides, where a chain of redoubts and batteries, mounting over eighty guns and mortars, and stretching from stream to stream, was itself further protected by a double abatis, a deep water canal flowing from Ashley to Cooper, and other fortifications. The Ashley shore was lined with bat- teries with fifty guns ; on that of the Cooper, thirty-three were mounted; and across its mouth was a boom com- posed of eight sunken vessels, with chains, cables, and spars lashed between their lower masts. Five armed ships * Clinton MS. r \ SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 251 with 124 guns, and some galleys, were arrayed behind this cheval-de-frise. The foi-tifications on the island in the liai-- bor were also strong and in good condition; and it was not thought probable that a hostile fleet could come up to the town. Having, by aid of the loyalists, obtained horses (all that he sailed with being lost at sea), Clinton on the 11th of February landed about thirty miles south of Charleston, and easily and deliberately approached the city. He waited reinforcements, and thus gave Lincoln time to in- crease his defences. "Every delay proved of use," says Sir Henry; "it induced Lincoln to collect his whole force at Charleston, and put the fate of both Carolinas on that of the town."* On the 29th of March, the British passed Ashley River, ten miles above the city, under the guidance of Captain Elphinstone of the navy; and on April 1st broke ground before our lines. The fleet meanwhile had forced its way up, shutting out relief from the sea; and on the 14th, the only communication that had still been kept open was closed by the enterprise of Tarleton.f The city was defended, as nearly as can be computed, by about 2,600 regulars and upwards of 3,000 local or other militia, among whom was perhaps Andrew Jackson, the future soldier and ruler of the Union. There were besides about 1,000 armed sailors; so that the whole defensive force was called 7,000. The enemy's strength was prob- ably but little greater. "They had 7,000,"— says Clinton, * Clinton MS. t Captain Eljihinstone had infinite merit from the hour of our startinji: from Savannah to our reduction of Charleston; at the siege of which he commanded a detachment of the royal navy .... This does infinite credit to Col. Tarleton. His officer-) ilce deci- sion gained the advantage — the only chance we had of passing the Cooper. — Clinton MS. 252 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. -"we not more than 5000. "t But he does not appear to include herein the 2,500 men that reinforced him from New York. About this time Andre wrote as follows, apparently to the adjutant of the garrison at Savannah: — "Head-Quarteus before Charleston, the 13th April, 1780. 'Rtr: I shall be muoh obliged to yoii to find out for me whether such a person as is hei'ein described has ever been prisoner in your hands, and what has become of him ; as I am requested by some of my relations to make this in- quiry. I have received your several letters, and shall in- form the General of the resignation you make of your pre- tensions to purchase Major Van Braam's commission, and also of the succession proposed of Ens. Fatio and Mr. Clark to Captain Carden. By a letter received from Col. Steil T find ]\rr. Do Crousac recommended to succeed in a vacant Lieutenancy. I fear this young gentleman has been wronged, from his never having been heard of. He may however I hope be redressed by filling the vacancy of Tjieut. ^[altey, resigned. I must bog you to observe that the Fortnight States are to be signed by the commanding officer of the troops, and not by the De.puty Adjutant General: which I request you to be kind enough to rectify in the future ones to be trans- mitted. I have the honour to be. Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant. John Andre, Dy. A. Gen. Be so good, Sir, as to omit no opportunity of sending convalescents here. A vessel may possibly be sent round to receive them— but Gen. Prevost will I dare say in the mean time dispatch what he can." t Clinton MS. SIEGE OF CHARLESTON. 255 On the 6tli of May the third parallel was finished, and the British thus enabled to sap the waters of the canal which was then made a cover for their Jdgers to gall with close rifle-shots the defenders of the lines; while balls bombs, carcasses and fireballs were showered on the town! Ihe fire-brigade was in constant service; and wherever the enemy saw by the smoke that they had kindled a house there they would drop a bomb. As provisions began to run short with the besieged, a shell filled with rice and mo- • lasses was thrown in delicate raillery into their ranks • and m the same spirit was returned charged with sulphur and hog's lard for the benefit of the Scots regiments Deser- tions were not many, though there were sufficient facili- ties tor stealing through the investments to enable Du Por- tail to be conveyed into the town after the last parallel was begun. Late as it was, this officer advised an immediate evacuation; but the wishes of the citizens and the hopes of rehet prevailed on Lincoln to hold out. On the 10th April he had refused to yield; on the 8th May he was again summoned to surrender a post that was rapidlv ceas- ing to be tenable. As he would not accept the proposed terms, he siege was continued until the 11th, when he no- tified Clinton of his willingness to receive them. Thou-h It was now, by their own opinion, optional with the English to storm the town or insist on its surrender at discretion, a milder counsel prevailed. As might be expected, the ca- pitulation was disadvantageous to the garrison Their necessities and the laws of war entitled Clinton to prescribe hard conditions; but the most bitter pill to swallow must have been the manner of surrender. Lincoln had demand- ed to march out with the honors of war-drums beating, colors flying, and shouldered arms. It was answered that when the arms were grounded his colors should not be un- cased, nor should his drums beat a British or German 254 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. march.* The garrison, consisting of every adult who liad home arms in the defence of the town, became ]5risouers of war; and on the 12tli May Clinton took possession. The fall of Charleston was a dreadful l)low to America, and its results were of the highest importance. That he did not yield till the last moment is undoubtedly true, un- less we receive Napoleon's axiom that no fortification should succumb without at least one assault ; but it ought not to have been defended at all, imless successfully. The wishes and the gallantry of the citizens and the failure of expected succor, apologized foi' Lincoln's fatal error of judgment. On the other hand, this event must always be esteemed a great credit to Clinton. The siege was well- conceived, and executed in the best vein of military judg- ment. AVith a force numerically not exceeding that of his foe, and with but trifling loss to himself, he compelled nearly 7,000 men strongly fortified to lay down their anns.t After the fall of the city, we are told that there was an opinion current in our army that Andre had been present in its lines during the siege as a spy; and in 1822 it was declaimed that two gentlemen of repute still surviving at Charleston, affirmed at least the existence of the report in 1780. One of these had been an officer of Clinton's; the other, a resident of the place through and after the siege. Another witness goes further. Edward Shrewsbury, a suspected Tory, but of good condition, was ill at his house in East Bay. His brother, a AVhig, leaving the lines to visit him, found repeatedly there a young man clad in * This severity was exactly retorted at Yorktown, when Corn- wall is's troops were compelled to march out with colors cased and drums beating neither a French or American march. t The Kelurn of ju-isoncrs to the army at the surrender, Alay l'3th, 17 SO, is signed by Andre, as Deputy Adjutant-General. Those made by the Fleet, including seamen, ic, do not figure therein. — li'cmfmbraiicer .r, TG. A SPY AT CHARLESTON. 255 homespun, to whom he was introduced as a Virginian be- longing to the troops then in the city ; and as such he con- sidered the stranger. After the capitulation, meeting tlie same person at the same place, he was again j^reseuted to him as Major Andre; and taxing his brother with tlie identity of the two characters, they were confessed to have been one and the same man. To another visitor, his son records that the stranger in homesi^un had been repre- sented "as a back-countryman, who had brought down cattle for the garrison to the opposite side of the river," — an assertion that passed unsuspected and unchallenged until months after, when Andre had been hanged and the visitor who related the story was returned from confine- ment at St. Augustine's, when the Whig Shrewsbury in- formed him that the cattle-driver he had seen with his brother was no other than Major Andre in disguise. These declarations, coming from distinct and respectable sources, seem to bear the marks of truth; and that the circum- stance, if it really occurred, was not singular, appears from the case of Col. Hamilton Ballendine, who, in the very beginning of the siege, fell into an American picket that he mistook for Clinton's. AVhen challenged, he gave his name in reply ; and being told that was not sufficient, he produced from his pockets draughts of the American works that he had made or obtained. He was informed of his error as to the party of the captors, and sent to Lin- coln, by whose orders he was instantly hanged.* It is * It is very doubtful if this be true. McCrady {History S. C. in the Revolution, N. Y., 1901) says: "It is scarcely possible that such an event would have been overlooked by all the writers and diarists of the time, and not have been preserved by local tradi- tion; and yet the particularity of the statement, and its ac- ceptance by the Animal Register at the time, would suggest that there must have been some foundation for the statement." Ham- ilton Ballentine (not Ballendine) was a real jierson in Charleston. in June, 1775, but there is no record of his subsequent career. [Ed.] 256 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. but just to add that, if this story of Andre's having been a spy at Charleston roeoivcMl orcMlenoe in respectable quar- ters, it was al'torwaixls (luestionod by gentlemen of equal character in our service. CHAPTER XII. Clinton returns to New York. — Proposed Attack on Rocham- beau. — Plans for a Loyal Uprising. — Anecdotes of Andre. — • The Cotv-Chase. URING Cliuton's absence, the unusual severity of the winter had frozen the waters about New York so firmly that the whole train of our army might safelj- liave passed over. Lest such an attempt should be made, the loyal inhabitants pe- titioned to be embodied ; and an additional force of nearly 6,000 men was thus arraj^ed for the defence of the city, of whom about 1,000 were armed and uniformed at their own cost— "many of the most respectable citizens serving in the ranks of each company." There was api^arent need for this display when the Hudson to Paulus Hook pre- sented a causeway of ice of but 2,000 yards from shore to shore ; but unfortunately the miserable state of our army prevented any advantage from the opportunity being taken. The spirits of the loyalists, however, were wonder- fully cheered by these musterings; many deserters and others came in from Jersey, where Chief-Justice Smith advised Knyphausen now to raise the royal standard, ia the idea that militia and continentals would hasten to join it, and the state be subdued before Clinton's return and without his aid. This plan was tried on June 7th, but nothing came of it ; the English returned after some plun- dering and skirmishing with a loss of 500 killed, wounded,, and missing, and closely observed by Washington's army, now reduced to but 3,000 or 4,000 men. Leaving 4,000 men with Cornwallis, and Carolina and Georgia to all appearance entirely reduced, Sir Henry hur- n 258 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. ried back to New York ; justly apprehending a design of the French armament now on the coast to make with "Wash- ington a conjoined attack on liis lines. In fact his convoy had already been in the power of the French as it passed the Chesapeake, and had only escaped by De Ternay 's mis- taking the large troop-ships for firstrates. On the 12th of July, Eoehambeau's men were in Newport harbor. Clinton's first design, to fall at once on Washington or West Point, was thwarted by the inopportune and ])ro- longed absence of Knyphansen. "This premature move in Jersey, at a time when Sir H. Clinton least expected it, prevented a combined move against Washington that might have been decisive:"— and Washington himself wrote that their combination would make the British ■"equal to almost anything they may think proper to at- tempt."* The next thought was to carry the French posi- tion at Newport by a coup-de-main. Arbuthnot was so- licited, ere yet their arrival was known, to have transports in readiness for 6,000 men. On the 18th July, news of their position was conveyed to him by Clinton, and means of embarkation pressingly called for. These, however, were so long in coming, that not till the 27th was the army em- barked on the Sound, and conveyed to Huntington Bay; where it awaited the return of a vessel despatched by Sir Henry to the Admiral blockading the French at Newport. Meanwhile Eochambeau had so strengthened his works with heavy guns and mortars, and furnaces for heating balls, that a joint attack of army and fleet was deemed out of the question, and the moment for a coup-de-main long gone by. Sorely disappointed and with not a little grumb- ling the troops on the 31st returned to Whitestone.f They * Clinton MS. Marshall, iv. e. 5. t Sterlman ii. 246. — Mr. Stedman seems totally ignorant of the object of this move. It had been proposed that 0,000 men under Sir H. Clinton should have been hmded in Escort Passage ANECDOTES OF ANDEE. 259 burned for an equal encounter with the French ; and offi- cers applied to the adjutant-general as an especial favor for such employment. "The General assures you," he re- plied to Simcoe, ' ' that the Rangers shall be pitted against a French regiment the first time he can procure a meet- ing. " These regiments were the Bourbonnais, Soisson- nais, Saintonge, and Deux Fonts ; and Lauzun's Legion. Among other objects that now commanded Andre's at- tention was a correspondence with the chief Tories of that loyal region lying between the Chesapeake and Delaware bays; which was intended to terminate in the successful uprising of several thousand men in arms for the King, under the protection of a strong British detachment. There were great hopes of this measure when matters should be ripe, for the district was populous and unques- tionably abundant in loyalists ; but it was nipped by unf or- seen events. Various anecdotes are preserved that show with what gentleness of spirit Andre bore his honors. When Lamb,* one of the Convention troops of Saratoga, escaped from his officers and from the Americans— "honourable desei-- to meet the French on their embarkation [debarkation?] : but as the Admiral was not informed of their arrival till ten days after, and that they had been reinforced and had had time to fortify, it would not have been quite so prudent for the army alone to attempt : — and if the Admiral had seen the propriety of taking an active part with the Navy, he would have accepted the pro- posal of Sir H. C. This is all that need be said, and perhaps Mr. Stedman affords us the best reason for not attempting any- thing. — Clinton MS. "It was reported some time after that the French were in such consternation at being blocked up by a superior fleet, that had we proceeded, at our arrival they would liave run their ships aground and thrown their guns over- board." — MS. Journal, Lt. Mathew, Coldstream Guards. * This may have been Sergeant K. Lamb, of the Eoyal Welsh Fusiliers, whose "Original and Authentic Journal" about the Eevolution was published in Dublin in 1809. 260 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. tions," BurgojTie called them, siuce instead of being al- lowed to go to England as the capitulation provided, Con- gress retained them prisoners for exchange— and with a party of his comrades was sheltered by the country people till he got to New York, he was received at Head-quarters by Andre, who taking him into the parlor, closely ques- tioned him of his route, his risks, the numbers of the Americans, their treatment of prisoners, &c. ; and finally rewarded himself and his comrades in Sir Henry's name, and proffered them either a free passage home or service in any regiment they chose. Of his lenity to prisoners also we have a trivial but doubtless authentic anecdote from a Mr. Drewy : "A foraging party from New York made an inroad into our settlement near that city. The neighbours soon as- sembled to oppose them; and though not above fifteen years old, I turned out with my friends. In company was another boy, in age and size nearly my own sj^eed. We had counted on a fine chase ; but the British were not to be driven so easily as we had expected. Standing their ground, they not only put us to flight, but captured several of our party; myself and the other boy among them. They presently set off with us for New York : and all the way as we were going my heart ached to think how dis- tressed my poor mother and sisters would be when night came and I did not return. Soon as they brought me in sight of the prison, I was struck with horror. The gloomy walls and frightful guards at the doors and wretched crowds at the iron windows, together with the thoughts of being locked up there in dark dungeons with disease and death, so overcame me that I bursted into tears. Instantly a richly dressed officer stepped up, and taking me by the hand, with a look of great tenderness said,— 'My dear boy, what makes you cry I ' I told him I could not help it. ANECDOTES OF ANDRE. 261 when I compared my present sad prospect with the happy one I enjoyed in the morning with my mother and sisters at home. 'Well, well, my dear child, said he, 'don't cry, don't cry any more.' Then turning to the jailer ordered him to stop till he should come back. I was struck with the wonderful difference between this man and the rest around me. He appeared to me like a brother ; they like brutes. I asked the jailer who he was. 'Wliy, that's Major Andre,' said he angrily, 'the adjutant-general of the army ; and you may thank your stars that he saw you ; for I suppose that he has gone to the general to beg you off, as he has done many of your rebel countrymen. ' In a short time he returned, and with great joy in his countenance called out— 'Well, my boys, I've good news for you ! The General has given you to me, to dispose of as I choose ; and now you are at liberty. So run home to your fond parents, and be good boys : mind what they tell you ; say your prayers ; love one another ; and God Almighty will bless you.' " The month of July, 1780, furnished Andre with an oc- casion for the best known of his verses, which seem to have been written as much to gratify his own keen perception of the ludicrous as to retaliate in kind the satirical assaults that were made by the other side upon himself and his friends. On the 20th, our army was stationed in the up- per part of Bergen county. New Jersey; and St. Clair having the light infantry during La Fayette's visit to Rochambeau, Wayne of course commanded the Pennsyl- vania line. With its two brigades, some guns of Proc- tor's artillery, and Moylan's dragoons, amounting in all, perhaps, to less than 2000 men, he started from camp on an expedition that would have long ago been forgotten but for the aomic strain in which a foeman commemorated its 202 lAVK UK MAJOR ANDIIE. rosiills.* The objoct was to hai'iy Berf!feii Nook and to break up a hlockliouse at Bull's Ferry by Fort Lee, where seventy refugees under Cuyler were posted to protect the British woodcutters; and to disperse any forces that might be found in the vicinity. But Cuyler defended liini- sclf most spiritedly, though his wooden walls were ])ierced with lifty-two cannon halls in one face only; and when Wayne retired, hung on his skirts, seizing stragglers, and rescuing some of the spoil. His loss was twenty-one killed and wounded; Wayne's being sixty-four. To the survivors of "tlu; brave Seventy" the king conveyed his especial approval of their valor and fidelity. It is hardly needful to ohsei've that this ])oem— wliich, says Mr. Sparks, with much that is crude and coarse, cou- * The composition ol' tlio Vow-Chase may have been suggested by the fact tiiat Andr6 luid boarded with John Thompson, the woodcutting agent at New York, lie also probably visited the scene of actioii with Clinton, 'i'lic piece was written at Head- quarters, No. 1 Broadway, and was given for publication to Kivington, whose (Uizetle was a thorn in the side of the Whigs of llie neigliborliood. Among his friends he was a merry, jovial, companionable person enough; but to his enemies he was a perfect pest. The Eev. Dr. Witherspoon, in his pretended recanta- tion of Towne, says: — "However, take it which way you will, there never was a lie published in I'hiladelphia that could bear the least comjiarison with those jiublished by James Kivington in New York. This, in my opinion, is to be imputed to the superiority not of the printer, but of the prompter or prom])ters. I reckon Mr. Tryon to have excel led in that- branch, and ])robably he had many coadjutors. What do you think of 40,000 Russians, and '^'0,000 Sloors, which lloors loo were said by Mr.- I\ivington to be dreadful among the women? — as also of the boats building at the forks of the I\Ionongahela to carry the Congress down the river to New Orleans? These were swingers." — He made great fun too of Governor Ijivingslon, who had imprudently taken the ])en against him. "If IJivington is taken, I nnist have one of his cars; Gov. Clinton is entitled to the other; and General Washington, if he pleases, may take his head," writes Livingston in 1780; and if the Cow-Chase was felt nowhere else, it hit hard here. Fifty years after Livingston's descendant and bio'Trapher THE COW-CHACE. 263 tains several stanzas of genuine humor and satire— is modeled on Chevy Chase. The manuscript copy as well as the original editions have several notes, that are dis- tinguished here from my own by being put in hi-arkets. In retort to the names bestowed on the airs in vogue at American festivities, a writ(ir in Eivington's paper sug- gested that the managers of the Pliilad(>lphia Assembly Balls should thenceforth add to the tunes of Burgoyne's Surrender, Clinton's Retreat, and the like, the new danc- ing-measure of A Trip to the Block-House, or The Wood- cutters' Triumph. conimonts on "the scurrilous and abusive Cow-Chase, which no one can read without lessening his sympathy i'or the unfortunate Andre/' apropos of Stirling who had interniarried witli the family. The poem was written and printed at intervals; the first canto appearing on the Kith August, the second on tfie 30tli, and the third on the 23rd Sept. 1780. Dunlap reports that Eivington said he received the last canto from the author on the day hefore he set out to meet Arnold; it was published on the very day of his capture; which must have contributed to the great vogue it has always obtained. I have j)rinfed the version in this volume from Andre's original autograph MS., collated with these editions: Cow-Chase in Three (!antos, Published on Occasion of the liebel General Wayne's Attack of the Kefugees' Block- House on Hudson's Kiver, On Friday the 21st of July, 1780. New York: Kivington, 1780, 8vo. pp. 69: — and The Cow-Chase, an Heroick I'oeni, in Three Cantos. Written at New York, 1780, by the late Major Andre, with I'Lxplanaiory Notes by the Editor. " The man who fights and runs away, " May live to fight another day," Said Butler in his deathless lay. " But he who is in battle slain " Can never rise to fight again;" As wisely thought good (^icneral Wayne. London; Fielding, 1781. 4to. pp. 32. It is also printed by Dunlap, with bis tragedy of Andre, (bond. 1770,) and in Moore's Ballads of the lievolulion. 264 LIFE OF MAJOR .VNDBE. THE COW-CHACE. CANTO I. Elizabeth-Town, August 1, 1780. To drive the kine one summer's morn The Tanner took his way ;^ The calf shall rue, that is unborn, The jumbling of that day. And Wayne descending steers shall know, And tauntingly deride ; And call to mind, in every low, The tanning of liis hide. ^ [General Wayne's legal occupation.] By the way, this order may explain the last scenes of the cattle taken: — "One of the drafts acquainted with the management of hides and tallow from each wing to be sent to the Commissary of Hides at the Magazine."— J/iS. Am. Orderly-hook, Aug. 11, 1780. THE COW-CHACE. 265 Let Bergen cows still ruminate, Unconscious in the stall Wlaat mighty means were used to get- And lose them after all. For many heroes bold and brave From New Bridge^ and Tapaan;'' And those that drink Passaick's wave," And those that eat soupaan f And sons of distant Delaware, And still remoter Shannon;' And Major Lee with horses rare. And Proctor with his cannon." All wondrous proud in arms they came ; "WTiat hero would refuse To tread the rugged path to fame Who had a pair of shoes f " The present Eiver Ed ere " f rS t ?"■ ?'^'^ r '^'^''''' ^^^' °f March. LA river m hew Jersey] ooroEVrf R°°' "'■■"'=,»'"" "'" »' I-'li"" Com.] The of suppawn or mush and milk" imentors it'trbe^'n^ner'-^M"'^' ^^ ^^' Pennsylvania line often caused mmmmm any^equal corps in the service ^''^'' *'"™' *^^° '' "They are of a thin, lonir-leoo-erJ Tnakp Tr.n<,+ r.f u -xi 2()G LIKK OK MA.IOIl ANDRE. At six, the liost with swontinar Inift* Arrived at Froodoin's Pole:" When Wayne, who Ihoiiglit he'd time enough, Thus sjieeehitied the whole: "Oh ye. whom Glory doth vmite, "Who Freedom's cause espouse; —"Whether the wing that's doomed to fight, Or that to drive the cows— Kre yet yon tentpt your fnrther way, Or into action eome; Hear, soldiers, what 1 liave to say; And take a (tint of mm. Intenip'rate valour then will string Each uervons arm the hotter: So all the land shall 10 sing. And reatl the (ieuerars letter." Know, that some paltry Refugees Whom I've a mind to light, Are playing h — 1 among the trees That grow on yonder height. " [ l"'reedom"s — i". c. Liberty Pole. — a long tree stuck in the irvoinul.] Its place was between Orangetown and Tinack — MS. Am. 0. R. .Vug. •."^. 1T80.] " This letter is probably the same printed in Almou's nemem- braiurr. x. 3!H\ and credited to the Pennsylvania Packet,, Aug. 1. 1780. It is from Washington to the President of Congress, July Ol>. 1780. and after narrating the story of the espeditiou. the failure of the attack on the block-house by reason of the cannon being "too light to penetrate the logs of which it was con- structed." and the "intemperate valor" of our men that occasioned so great loss to themselves, he concludes: "I have been thus par- ticular, lest the account of this aflfair should have reached Philadelphia nnu-h exaggerated, as is commonly the case upon such occasions." THE COW-CIIACE. 267 Tbeir fort and ])l()ek-lionses we'll level, And deal a horrid slaughter: We'll drive the scoundrels to the devil, And I, under cover of tli ' attack. Whilst you are all at blows, From English-Neighbourhood and Tinack'" Will drive away the cows. For well you know the latter is The serious operation : And fighting with the Uefugees Is only— demonstration. ' ' His daring words, from all the crowd Such great applause did gain, That every man declar'd aloud For serious work— with Wayne. Then from the cask of rum once more They took a heady gill ; When, one and all, they loudly swore They'd fight upon the hill. But here— the muse hath not a strain Befitting such great deeds : Huzza, they cried. Huzza for Wayne! And shouting CANTO 11. Near his meridian pomp, the sim Had journey 'd from th' horizon; When fierce the dusty tribe mov'd on Of heroes drunk as poison. '" [Villages in New Jersey.] Tinack was probably the present Teaneck east of Hackensack. 268 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. The sounds confiis'd of boastini? oaths Re-echo 'd through the wood: Some vow'd to sleej) in dead men's deaths, And some— to swim in 1)1 ood. At Irvine's nod 'twas fine to see The left prepared to fight; The while the drovers, Wayne and Lee, Drew off upon the right Which Irvine 'twas, Fame don't relate;" Nor can tlio INfusc assist her: Whether 'twas he that cocks a hat. Or he that gives a glister. For greatly one was signalized That fought at Chestnut Hill ; And Canada immortalized The vender of the pill. Yet the attendance upon Proctor They both might have to boast of ; For there was business for the doctor, And hats to be dispos'd of. '" Let none imeandidly infer That Stirling wanted simnk; The self-made Peer had sure been there. But that the Peer— was drunk. "It was James. — [Ed.] ^- [One of the Irvines was a liatter, the other a physician.] Dr. William Irvine, after two years' captivity in Canada, now com- manded the 2nd Pennsylvania regiment. Brit^adier James Irvine ■of the militia was, it will be recollected, taken at Chestnut Hill, Dec. 1777. THE COW-CHACE. 269' But turn we to the Hudson's banks, Where stood the modest train With purpose firm, tlio ' slender ranks, Nor ear'd a pin for Wayne. For them the unrelenting hand Of rebel fury drove, And tore from every genial band Of Friendship and of Love. And some within a dungeon's gloom, By mock tribunals laid. Had waited long a cruel doom Impending o'er their head. Here one bewails a brother's fate; There one a sire demands ; Cut off, alas ! before their date By ignominious hands. And silver 'd grandsires here appear 'd In deep distress serene; Of reverend manners, that declar'd The better days they'd seen. curs 'd rebellion ! these are thine ; Thine are these tales of woe ! Shall at thy dire insatiate shrine Blood never cease to flow I And now the foe began to lead His forces to th' attack; Balls whistling unto balls succeed. And make the blocldiouse crack. 270 LIFB OF MAJOR ANDRE. No shot could pass, if you will take The Gen'ral's word for true; But 'tis a d I)le mistake, For every shot went thro'.'' The firmer as the rebels press 'd The loyal heroes stand. Virtue had nerv'd each honest breast. And industry each hand. In valour's phrenzy'* Hamilton Rode like a soldier big, And Secretary Harrison AVitli pen stuck in his wig. But lest their chieftain Washington Should mourn them in the mumps,'^ The fate of Withringtou to shim They fought behind the stumps." '^ Wayne attributed his failure to the lightness of his pieces, Avliich he thought uuule no impression on the walls of the house. In this he was ]n'ohahly mistaken. Sparks" Washington vii. 117. Eemcmbrancer x. 2CA. " [Viile Lee's Trial.] — "When General Washington asked me if I woiild remain in front and retain the command, or he should take it, and I had answered that I undoubtedly would, and that he should see that I myself should be one of the last to leave the field: Colonel Hamilton flourishing his sword immediately exclaimed — that's riglil, my dear General, and I will stay, and we will all die here on this spot.. . — I could not but be surprized at his expres- sion, but obsei-ving bim much flustered and in a sort of phrenzy of valour, I calmly requested him,'" &c. Lee's Defence in Trial (ed. 1778), p. CO.— Harrison also mentioned in this verse had met Andr6 at Amboy: where this personal peculiarity may have been noticed. '^ [A disorder prevalent in the rebel lines.] '® [The merit of these lines, which is doubtless very great, can only be felt by true connoisseurs conversant in ancient song.] For Witherinirton needs must I wayle As one in doleful dumps; For when hi? legsres were smitten off He fought upon his stumpes. — Chenj Chase. THE COW-CHACE. 27J But all, ThadjBus Posset, why Should thy poor soul elope? And why should Titus Hooper die, Ah die— without a rope? Apostate Murphy, thou to whom Fair Shela ne'er was cruel, In death shalt hear her mourn thy doom, — "Auch, would you die, my jewel?"—'' Thee, Nathan Pumpkin, I lament, Of melancholy fate : The grey goose, stolen as he went, In his heart's blood was wet." Now as the fight was further fought. And balls began to thicken. The fray assum'd, the Gen'rals thought, The colour of a licking. Yet undismay'd the chiefs command. And, to redeem the day, Cry, Soldiers, charge!— they hear, they stand, They turn— and run away. CANTO HI. Not all delights the bloody spear. Or horrid din of battle : There are, I'm sure, who'd like to hear A word about the cattle. " See the Irish song in Smollett's Behearsal. "Against Sir Hugh Mountgomery So right the shaft he sett, The grey goose-wing that was thereon In his hearts blood was wett.—Chevy Chase. The queer American names in the text are not an unfair hit at the Zerubbabe] Fisks and Habakkuk Nutters and Determined Cocks, whose patronymics are immortalized by Irving. 272 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDKE. The Chief, wlioiu we beheld of late Near Sehralenberg haranguing, At Yan Vau Poop's'" unconscious sate Of Irvine's hearty banging. "Whilst valiant Lee, with courage wild, Most bravely did oppose The tears of woman and of child Who begg'd he'd leave the cows. But Waj-ne, of sjTnpathizing heart, Required a relief Not all the blessings could impart Of battle or of beef : For now a ]n-ey to female charms. His soul took more delight in A lovely Hamadiyad's"" arms. Than cow-driving or fighting. A Nymph, the Refugees had drove Far from her native tree. Just happen 'd to be on the move '\\Tien up came Wayne and Lee. She in mad Anthony's fierce eye The Hero saw pourtray'd; And, all in tears, she took him by The bridle of his jade.-' "Hear"— said the Nymph— "Oh great Com- mander, No human lamentations; The trees you see them cutting yonder Are all my near relations. '" [Who kept a dramshop.] "" [A deity of the woods.] -' [A New Enghmd uame for a horse.] '> ** * ^'C*. ^ - - ,; , * ^^^ j-*-^ *-» , C^.A/jy /^ /&-».. ^"^ /^-fty^^t^^y le.^/Ct-^'^ 'V<«-»<-^ /^^^^.-«. ^^xy^'/C*^^ >»^*V^ .^-^ iJ^,*.^ ANDRE'S OFFICIAL LRTTER TO COI. AHRAHAM C. CrYI.KR REGARDIJIG THE DEFENSE OF THE BLOCK Hoi'SE NEAR Hl'LL'S FekRY From the Emmet Collection. (Never before reproduc-ed ; THE COW-CHACE. 273 And I, forlorn, implore thine aid To free the sacred grove : So shall thy powers be repaid With an Immortal's love!" Now some, to prove she was a Goddess, Said this enchanting fair Had late retired from the Bodies,"'' In all the pomp of war. That drums and merry fifes had play'd To honor her retreat: And Cunningham himself convey 'd, The lady thro' the street." Great Wayne, by soft compassion sway'd, To no enquiry stoops; But takes the fair afilicted maid Right into Yan Van Poop's. So Roman Anthony, they say, Disgrac'd th' imperial banner, And for a gypsy lost the day; Like Anthony the tanner. The Hamadryad had but half Eeceiv'd redress from Wayne, Wlien drums and colours, cow and calf, Came down the road amain. " [A cant appellation given among the soldiery to the corps that has the honour to guard his Majesty's person.] ^' Tliat is, the "lady" had been drummed out of the lines as a common drunkard or thief. Cunningham was the Provost-Mar- shal. "Tliere are a number of women here of bad character, who are continually running to New York, and back again. If they were men, I would flog them without mercy."— A. Burr, com- mandmg on American lines in Westchester county, to' Gen. McDougall: Whiteplains, Jan. 21, 1779. 18 274 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDKE. All in a cloud of dust were seen The sheeji, the horse, the goat; The gentle heifer, ass obscene, The yearling and the shoat. And ])ack-horses with fowls came by, Bofoathored on each side. Like Pegasus, the horse that I And other poets ride. Sul)liine upon his stirrups rose The mighty Lee behind, And drove the 'terror-smitten cows Like chaff before the wind. But sudden, see the woods above Pour down another corps All helter-skelter in a drove, Like that I sung before. Irvine and terror in the van Canio flying all abroad; And cannon, colours, horse, and man, Ran tumbling to the road. Still as he fled, 'twas Irvine's cry, And his example too : "Eun on, my merry men all— for why? The shot will not go through!" —Five Refugees, 'tis true, were found Stiff on the blockhouse floor : But then, 'tis thought the shot went round And in at the back door.— THE COW-CHACE. 275 As when two kennels in the street, Swell 'd with a recent rain, In gushing streams together meet And seek the neighboring drain : So meet these dung-born tribes in one, As swift in their career; And so to New Bridge they ran on— But all the cows got clear. Poor Parson Caldwell, all in wonder. Saw the returning train: And mourn 'd to Wayne the lack of plunder For them to steal again."* For 'twas his rights to seize the spoil, and To share with each commander. As he had done on Staten-Island With frost-bit Alexander." ^* Eev. James Caldwell of New Jersey, an active Whig and deputy quarter-master general, whose wife was barbarously shot by a newly enlisted soldier of Knyphausen's command in the preceding summer, on no other provocation, as was alleged, than that she vituperated him from her window as he passed. In con- nection with this case. Bishop Griswold, of the diocese including Vermont, writes at Bennington in 1818: "With what detestation is frequent mention made of the British soldier's killing a woman in New Jersey. But how rarely, if ever, do we hear oJ the barbarity of Col. F , who, in the battle of Bennington, deliberately aimed at, shot through the breast, and instantly killed the wife of a British officer ?"ll Mr. Caldwell was himself killed by an American soldier, Xov. 24, 1781. In proof of his patriotic zeal, local tradition relates that when Kny])hauson came to Springfield, he collected the hymn-books of his church for wadding to the American muskets. "Put a little Watts into them,"f he said to our soldiers. t See Bret Harte's poem: Caldwell at Springfield. [Ed.] Ill cannot verify the Bishop's statement. [Ed.] -° [Calling himself, because he was ordered not to do it. Earl of Stirling, though no sterling Earl.] He led a foray into Staten Island, Jan. 1780, in which .500 of his men were frost-bitten. 276 LIFE OF ."MAJOR ANDRK. In his dismay the fraiitiok priest Begau to grow 2>i'^'l'''^'ti*': You'd swore, to see his lal)'riug breast, He'd taken an emetick. "I view a future day," said he, "Brighter thau this day dark is: And you shall see what you shall see— Ha ! ha ! one pretty Maniuis.-" And he shall come to Paulus Hook, And great atchievemeiits think on: And make a bow, and take a look, Like Satan over Lincoln. ■' And all the land around shall glory. To see the Frenchmen caper, And pretty Susan tell the story In the next Chatham paper."-* " [Lafayette.] -' There was a lantastio head or statue on Lincoln Cathedral called Satau. -* Miss Susannah Livingston (born 1748), the governor's daugliter, was suspected of political authorship. Perhaps "an intercepted epistle to Tabitha from New York," dated Aug. 27, 17S0, may be attributed to her: "Sir JIarrv, it seems, was more sullen than ever; And Andre complained of much bile on the liver." And again: " Alas, my sweet sister, I cannot but fear That somethins not good is to happen us here. The knight he is either involved in deep gloom, "When no one but Andre dare enter his room," &c. Though her father had no mercy for "the British scoundrels," his house of Liberty Hall was protected in the invasion of June, 1780, by Lt. Col. Cosmo Gordon: who on account of his sister, THE COW-CHACE. 277 This solemn i)rop]iccy of course Gave all mueli consolation ; Except to Wayne, who lost his horse Upon the great occasion. His horse that carried all his prog, His military speeches, His corn-stalk whisky for his grog. Blue stockings, and brown breeches. And now I've closed my epic strain, I tremble as I shew it ; Lest this same warrio-drover Wayne Should ever catch the poet !'" the dowager Duchess of Gordon and her liusband Gen. Morris, was always very civil to the ladies of Lord Stirling's connection. On this occasion he promised safety to the young ladies, "so amiable m appearance as to make it scarcely possible to suppose they are daughters of such an archfiend as the cruel and seditious pro- prietor of the mansion"; and in token of the same was presented with a rose from Miss Susan's hand. During the day a guard was kept at the house; nevertheless from behind it (and by a scTvant, it was charged), he himself was shot through the thigh the whole business figured in the newspapers. This was the same Gordon that slept so soundly at Philadelphia. He got into trouble m this e.xpedition ; was tried; and afterwards insisted on fighting and killing Lt. Col. Thomas of the 1st Life Guards, who had testified against him. Miss Livingston married John Cleves bymmes, the father-in-law of President Harrison Since this note was written, I have seen a statement printed in Eivington s paper, July 22nd, 1780, denying that anv musket was tired from Livingston's house, and alle-iuir that the rose was bestowed not upon Gordon, hut on Colonel Wurmb of the Hes- sian.?. =^It has been said that Wayne was brigadier of the day when Andre was taken. This was not so. Huntington had that post {Mb. Am 0. B); nor was A\ayne of the board that pronounced on his late. A biographer however tells us that he was delivered to Wayne's keeping at Tappan.f t Another error. — [Ed.] _ Though the introduction of breeches into burlesque heroicals IS sanctioned by the n.sage of poets from King Stephen's days 278 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. down to tliose ol' Tam O'Slumter, it is possible that Andre here had a particular pair as a model: "His breeches were of rugged woollen, And had been at the siege of Bullen; To old King llarrv so well known, Some writers held they were his own. Tho' they were lined with many a piece Of ammunition bread and cheese, And fat blackpuddings. proper food For warriors that delight in blood." &c. —lludibras i't. i c. i. v. 309. Under Andre's signature to a MS. of the Cow-Chace are en- dorsed, says Frank Moore, these lines: — '• When the epic strain was sung The poet by the neck was hung, And to his cost he finds too late. The dung-born tribe decides his fate." ^Jl^^U^ (The final verse iu Andre's writing.) CHAPTER XIII. ^'°S°S'>rr'f '^--'\-.Condilion of American Affairs in HL secret correspondence with Arnold, begun ni 1//9, had at an early stage been intrusted by Clinton to Andre's exclusive nmnagenient. .ff 1 ■ 1 , Information received was valuable, and from^lt' "TT'' ""■ "'-^^ '' ''^^ qnestioi^able trom v^hat quarter it came. In an elaborately disguised hand Arnold wrote over the signature of Gustavls,-^ pseudonym perhaps suggested by the romantic storC of Gustavus Vasa, m whose love of military glory, undaunted boldness, and successful revolt against the unw nt d lords of his native land, he might persuade himself his own character found a counterpart. On the other part the fictitious name of Anderson was but a transparent play upon Andre's own. The accuracy and nature^,' he ntehgence soon gave Clinton concern to know with cer- tainty Its author; and once satisfied in his mind that this was no other than Arnold, he took his cue fom cir- cumstances and delayed the final consummation untiT a period when the loss of a correspondent so valuable would be compensated by weightier gains than the individual: defection of an officer of rank. Thus he continued to re- ceive the most momentous revelations of our affairs ; and It may possibly have been that through these means a I^dTo thff.^'Vn?"?'/' ''' '"^"'^^^^ '' C-«>-'- th-t led to the fall of Charleston. It is certain that his slow ap- proaci^es after landing were as well calculated to b'lng reinforcements to the city as to himself; and it is nof 280 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. likely that Arnold roiild have borne any very great love to Lincoln, who had been raised over his head from the militia directly to a continental major-generalcy, and at a juncture when the neglect of his own claims by Con- gress amounted to little less than a positive insult. If we may believe Marbois, tidings of the expected aid from France were undoubtedly communicated to Sir Henry, with tho additional news that no plans of combined opera- tions were to be settled by Washington and Rocharabeau until its arrival. This information, concealed at the time by Congress from even its own army, was thus made known to the enemy; and if Arnold could not in advance loll him the precise force to arrive or its intended plan of action, he at least might advise him of Washington's ruse, and that La Fayette's and Rocharabeau 's invasion of Canada was but a false light hung out to beguile the foe. On August 6th, 1780, be was appointed to the command of West Point and it dependencies ; and it was forthwith concerted that his treason should be fully developed with the greatest possible advantage to the British.* The moment was truly a favorable one. The English were weary of the continued strife, and really anxious for peace with America on almost any terms that might not involve Independency. The mess-rooms no more, as in Howe's days, echoed the toast of "A glorious war and a long one!" The royal officers now pledged "A speedy accommodation of our present unnatural disputes ! ' ' On the other hand, America too was tired of the war. A cloud of witnesses of the best authority testify to the * It is curious that so long before as 1776, Colonel Zedwitz of our army entered into negotiations with the enemy almost identi- cal with those now conducted by Arnold. The delivery of the forts on the Xorth River was the ultimate design of either traitor. Zedwitz was guilty; but he was acquitted because tlic court did not think his offence merited death! PROGBESS OF ARNOLD'S TREASON. 281 probability of a majority of our people being desir- ous of accommodating the quarrel, and of reuniting with England on conditions of strict union, if not of mediated dependence. The public chest was empty. The miserable bubble by which it had hitherto been recrmted was on the verge of explosion, and the Continental paper money, always really worthless though long sustained by the force of laws and bavonets, was now rapidly approximating its ultimate value The ranks were supplied with children, whose service for nine months wa^ bought for $1500 apiece. Hundreds even of the staff officers, said Greene in May, 1780, were ruined by the pubhc charges they had been forced to incur, while every obstacle was opposed to a settlement of their ac- counts lest their demands on government should become hxed._ However important our cause, or valuable the b essmgs of liberty," he continues to Washington, "it is utterly impossible to divest ourselves of our private feel- ings wmle we axe contending for them."--It is obvious that the bulk of the people are weary of the war," said Reed m Augiist. "There never has been a stage of the war, said Washington, ' ' in which the dissatisfaction has been so general and so alarming. ' ' The army ill-paid, ill- ted, Ill-clad, avenged its sufferings and its wrongs by such means as lay in its hands. Martial law was published to procure its supplies in states that had not a hostile en- sign withm their borders. Regiment after regiment rose m mutiny; nor could the rope or the scourge check the devastation and desertion that marked the army's course At this very period, despite the repeated sentences of courts-martial, and the general orders for the officer of the day on his individual authority to flog any straggler withm the hmit of fifty lashes, we find in Washington's own words the most unwelcome evidences of the neces- sities of his followers and their consequent marauds along 28"2 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. the bauks of the Hudson.* Not until tlio eud of August was the pay due in the preceding March forthcoming. In September Hamilton found the army a demoralized, un- discipliuod mob: disliking the nation for its neglect, dreaded by the nation for its oppressions. The descrip- tion of an East Indian government, wielding with one hand a truncheon while the other was stretched forth to plunder, seemed in the fears of many about to be realized in our own land. Our chiefs with mortilication and re- gret confessed the day impending when, unless the war was carried on by foreign troops and foreign treasure, America must come to terms. "Send us troops, ships, and money," wrote Eochambeau to Vergennes; "but do not depend upon these people nor upon their means." Yet it was known that the aid of France and Spain was merely sporadic; that their finances forbade the hope of permanent subsidies. In 1774 neither fear nor flattery, we are told, could swell the taxes of France beyond $90,- * Without regard to tlio question of the soldier's right to quit a service where he is defrauded of liis pay and detained beyond the term of his enlistment, it may simply be remarked that at no time were the lash and the cord more active than in 17T9 and in 1780. The many-thonged and knotted cat which cut to the blood at every stroke, and the gauntlet, where a double file of soldiers anointed the culprit's naked body with blows from one end of their lane to the other, were in constant requisition. Flogging went beyond a hundred lashes; and sometimes the criminal was again and again remanded, that his torn and inflamed back jnight be more bitterly rent. As for the death penalty, it was necessary in 1771) when our army was in danger of dissolution by desertions, to authorize its immediate iniiiction upon any one caught in the act. Harry Lee not only hanged the first man that he detected in this otTence, but sent his lopped and bloody head to Washington. The spectacle had a happy effect on the men ; but our ofHcers dreaded the result of its being made known to the public. Its repetition was forbidden, and Washington ordered a party at once to bury the mutilated corpse ere it should fall into the hands of the enemv. — Thacher, 223; Lee on Jefferson (ed. 1839), 150; MS. American Orderly Book! CONDITION OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS IN 1780. 283 000,000, to be levied from 24,000,000 of people, and there was now reason to fear that, without some great stroke on our part, she would soon abandon us as a profitless ally, and make her own peace with Britain. Congress too, rent by faction and intrigue, no lon-er commanded the entire confidence of the Whigs Its rela tions with the states were not satisfactory, and with the army were decidedly bad. Jealousy on the one hand aversion and distrust on the other, daily widened the un- ax3knowledged breach. In August it threatened such an exercise of its j^ower as drew the warning from Wash mgton that if the deed were perpetrated, he questioned much if there was an officer in the whole line that would hold a commission beyond the end of the campaign, if he did till then. Such an act, even in the most despotic gov- ernments, would be attended with loud complaints " The party hostile to the Chief, deep-rooted in New England and pervading Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, which from the beginning of the war to its end dreaded lest the tyranny of a Coinmodus should lurk behind the wise vir- tues of a Pertinax, though foiled in a former effort to dis- place him, still retained power to hamper his movements and embarrass his designs. It was very evident that his removal would be the signal for the army's dissolution and the inevitable subjection of the infant state; but it was yet feasible to limit his powers, deny his require- ments, and m a hundred ways exhibit a distrust of his ca- pacity or integrity that would have caused many soldiers to throw up the command. Much of all this was known to the British. Their intel- ligencers appear to have existed in the most unsuspected and dangerous quarters ; and at this very epoch public officers were betraying trust and unreservedly revealing 284 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. om- affairs in Now York. Siicli was IToron,* of the Con- necticut legislature, who left West Point with a flag on the 30th of August, and was i)robably the bearer of Ar- nold's letter of that date to Andre. He dined with Ar- nold, ]iarted with him on that day, and l)rouglit to the English leaders the most im|)ortaut oral information of matters in the Highlands and of the coimtry and army generally. "Mr. Heron is confident the whole rebellion mxist fall to the ground soon from the internal weakness of the country, and the still greater weakness of the party that have hitherto fomented the troubles, who lose ground every day, and divide from each other. All subdivisions are for peace with Great Britai)i on the old foundations." The reduction of West Point had long been the hoyx; of the enemy; but to accomplish it without loss of life would indeed have been a triumph for Clinton and a most bril- liant conclusion to the campaign. Mr. Sparks has clearly maii])ed out the advantages he must have contemplated in this contingency. In the first place, the mere acquisi- tion of a fortress so important, with all its dependencies, garrison, stores, nuigazines, vessels, ifcc, was an achieve- ment of no secondary magnitude. The supplies gathered here by the Americans were very great, and once lost conld not have been readily, if at all, restored. The works were esteemed our tower of salvation; an Ameri- can Gibraltar, iminegnable to an army 20,000 strong. Even though yet imfinished, they had cost three years' labor of the army ami $3,000,000; and were thought an unfailing and secure resort in the last emergency. But the ulterior consequence of its possession were of even greater importance. It would enable Sir Henry to have checked all trade between New England and the central iind southern states. It was, in Washington's eyes, the *Williani Heron; See p. 30, Crisis, &e. PLANS FOE SURRENDERING WEST POINT. 285' bolt that locked this communieation. Tlie eastern states, chiefly dependent for their coru-stutfs on their sisters in the union, were commercial ratlier than agricultural com- munities ; and the jjower that at once commanded the sea- board and the Hudson might easily bring upon them all the horrors of famine. From Canada to Long Island Sound a virtual bai-rier would have shut out New England from its supplies, as the wall of Antonine barred the free and rugged Caledonians from the Roman colonies and the south of Britain. A modern writer, ridiculing the idea that the possession of West Point would have been really serviceable to Clinton, diverts himself with a pic- ture of the hardy New England yeomanry turning out for a week to reduce the hostile garrisons and returning to their farms in triumph; but it may well be questioned whether, with the river at its command, such a post as West Point could have been so subdued in a week, or a month, or in twenty years. But even these advantages were of less moment than those more immediate. The French under D'Estaing had already bickered with the Americans. It was hoped that similar ill-blood might arise in Rochambeau's camp, and be fanned into a flame. It was shrewdly and correctly suspected by Clinton that the allies meditated a combined attack on New York. To execute this movement with West Point strongly garri- soned by the British would be impossible; and nothing was more likely than that the French should have all their jealousies aroused by the defection of one of the most dis- tinguished American generals, and the surrender of the most important American citadel, on the very ground of repugnance to the alliance. Ignorant of the extent of the plot, it would be difficult for them to repose in confidence with an American army by their side, and a British before them and in their rear. Nations get experience by such examples as that of Count Julian on the field of Xeres^ 286 I.IFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. and the failure of tlie cami)aign was the immediate con- tingent result of Arnold's success; the dissolution of the alliance and the ruin of the American cause not a remote one. It was supposed that Washington's plan of attack was to advance himself upon the lines at Kingsbridge and per- haps menace Staten Island ; while the French, lauding on Long Island, should threaten New York from that quar- ter. To meet and counteract this scheme, Clinton intend- ed to receive the surrender of West Point in the very- moment when Washington should have fairly resolved on his designs, gathered all his necessary stores into West Point, and set his troops in motion. Under pretence of an exitedition to the Chesapeake, which the Americans believed was on foot, the English ships, with ti-ansports of a peculiar draught of water properly manned, were kept at a convenient place for immediate use; and the men destined for the service held ready for embarcation at any moment. Of these was the corps commanded by Simcoe, from whom Clinton did not conceal his real de- signs, and who was accordingly busied in procuring in- formation. "My idea of putting into execution this concerted plan with General Arnold with most efficacy, was to have de- ferred it till Mr. Washington, cooperating with the French, moved upon this place to invest it, and that the Rebel Magazines should have been collected and formed in their several Depots, particularly that at West Point. General Arnold surrendering himself, the Forts and Gar- risons, at this instant, would have given every advantage which could have been desii-ed: Mr. Washington must have instantly retired from King's bridge, and the French trooi)s upon Long Island would have been consequently left unsupported, and proljably would have fallen into our PLANS FOK SURRENDERING WEST POINT. 287 hands The consequent advantage of so great an event I need not exi^Iain."* On the 31st of August Clinton formally asked the Kings approbation of Andre as Adjutant-General - whose faithful discharge of the duties of that office for nearly a twelve-month have made me consider him as worthy of the appointment, "f There had already been some delay in changing his provincial to a regular major- ity: and ministers perhaps thought there was more of favoritism than merit at the bottom of all. To remove such inference, Dalr>miple, Mathew, and Pattison, who went over with this despatch, probably bore oral informa- tion from Clinton of what Andre was concerned in The details were not yet to be safely trusted on paper to the fortunes of the sea. Robertson refers to these generals, on the 1st of September, as able to tell everything to the min- ister that he was silent about, and on the 21st more plainly intimates that government must know what great things the General and Admiral were meditating:- "So I will only say m general that since the year 1777 I have not seen so fair a prospect for the return of the revolted prov- inces to their duty. " In London, Mathew and the others on their arrival gave out that it was all over with the Americans; that news would presently be received of an irreparable blow that would ruin them forever Their silence after tidings of Andre's death came in induces the belief that they had been trusted with and referred to Arnold's meditated treason. .; ■^^'^•/T '°''''"" *^^ ^'''''■'^^ "^^>' ^a^e been confided in the British camp, it was inviolably kept in the American; and while Clinton was waiting the motions of the allies to fMS. Clinton-s Desp. 31 Aug-. 1780. S. P. 0.; Rec. 14 Oct. 288 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. strike his blow, news of the total defeat of Gates at Cam- den induced him to suspend further steps till it appeared what "Washington's course would be. The reports of his spies and the force still reserved, convinced him that New York remained the object; and Arnold soon confirmed this conclusion. For various reasons, however, the plan already concerted of moving ujion ^^'est Point was aban- doned, and other steps resorted to. It would seem that, despite Sir. Henry's language lately quoted, there was yet much to be arranged. The time for approach and surrender might indeed be settled in the mysterious and covert phrase of the correspondence between Anderson and Gustavus; but tlie manner of attack, which was of course to turn on that of defence, and the price of the per- formance, could not be so easily hit upon. From what we can gather, it may be inferred Arnold's terms were greater than Clinton thought reasonable; and this very circumstance may have induced tlie former to insist on an agreement beforehand with an authorized agent. On the other hand, Sir Henry was desirous (inconsistent with the previously concerted arrangement as it may seem) to verify 's Arnold's identity, and to settle beyond perad- venture the hour and means of his appearance before West Point. He therefore agreed to the proposal that Andre should be sent to meet him. Meanwhile the corre- spondence had been kept up; the following is the letter that was perhaps sent in by Heron: — ARNOLD TO ANDRE. "Aiifjust 30fh 1780.— Sir: On the •24th instant I re- ceived a note from you without date, in answer to mine of the 7th of July, also a letter from your house of the 24rth July, in answer to mine of the I'lth, with a note from Mr. B , of the 30th July; with an extract of a letter from Mr. J. Osborn of the 24th. I have paid particular LETTERS BETWEEN ANDRE AND ARNOLD. 289 attention to the contents of the several letters; had they arrived earlier, yon should have had my answer sooner. A variety of cirennistances has ])revented my writing? you before. I expect to do it very fully in a few days, and to procure you an interview with Mr. M e, when you will be able to settle your commercial plan, I hope, agreeable to all parties. Mr. M--e assures me that lie is still of opinion that his first proposal is by no means unreason- able, and makes no doubt, when he has had a conference with you, that you will close with it. He expects, when you meet, that you will be fully authorized froin your House; that the risks and profits of the copartnership may be fully and clearly understood. A speculation might at this time be easily made to some advantage with ready mone;,; but there is not the quan- tity of goods at market which your partner seems to sup- pose, and the number of speculators below, I think, will be against your making an immediate purchase. I appre- hend goods will be in greater plenty, and much cheaper, m the course of the season; both dry and wot are much wanted and in demand at this juncture; some quantities are expected in this part of the country soon. Mr. M e flatters himself that in the course of ten days he will have the pleasure of seeing you; he requests me to advise you, that he has ordered a draft on you in favor of our mutual fnend S y for £300, which you will charge on account of the tobacco. 1 am, in behalf of Mi-. M e & Co., Sir, your obedient humble servant, Gustavus. Mr. John Anderson, Merchant, To the care of James Osborne, to be left at the Rever- end Mr. Odell's, New York." Translated from its commercial phraseology into plain English, this letter teaches us that on the 7th July Arnold 19 290 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. had doolarod the probability of his obtaininjr the command of "West Point, and the inspection he had just made of its defences; and had written again on the loth, when the pi'ojections connected with the arrival of the French may have been mentioned. The terms on which he was to sur- render were also doubtless named. To these Andre had replied in two notes ; and, if we may suppose that B. stood for Beverly Robinson and J. Osborn for Sir H. Clinton, conununications from these were likewise apparently con- veyed. It may be easily gathered also that the i)resent strength of the garrison both in militia and continentals was indicated; and that the feasibility of a coup-de-main, and the danger of the troops at Verplanck's retarding such an undertaking, was suggested. It will be observed that Gustavus writes as agent for Mr. M e: elide the dash, and we have ]\Ir. Me ; in other words, himself. The reader will recollect Arnold's old \\\o\io—sibi totique: it was indeed for himself that he now acted. In this letter, the demand for an interview with a con- fidential agent of Clinton's— a man of Arnold's "own meusui-ation"— with Andre in fact— was repeated: and Clinton agreed that the meeting should take place. Sev- eral fruitless efforts— two, at least— were made for this end. In November, 1780, it was said in London that Commodore Johnstone had received a letter from Rodney asserting that Andre had twice safely met Arnold, and had even acted as his valet-de-chambre : and that the mis- carriage was due to Clinton's hesitation to acquiesce in and instantly follow out the plans then arranged. There seems little foundation for this tale.* Rodney arrived at New York on the 14th September and, taking command of that station, readily listened to Sir Henry's desires: — * Absolutely none. — [Ed.] LETTERS BETWEEN ANDRE AND ARNOLD. 291 "At this period, Sir George Rodney arrived witli a fleet at New Yorlc, wliieli made it highly probable, tliat Washington would lay aside all thoughts against this place. It became therefore proper for me no longer to defer the execution of a project, which would lead to such considerable advantages, nor to lose so fair an opportun- ity as was presented, and under so good a mask as the ex- pedition to the Chesapeake, which everybody imagined would of course take place. Under this "feint I prepared for a movement up the North River. I laid my plan be- fore Sir George Rodney and General Knyphausen, when Sir Geoi-ge, with that zeal for his Majesty's service which marks his character, most handsomely promised to give me every naval assista;nce in his power. It became necessary at this instant, that the secret cor- respondence under feigned names, which had so long been carried on, should be rendered into certainty, both as to the person being General Arnold commanding at West Point, and that in the manner in which he was to surren- der himself, the forts, and troops to me, it should be so conducted under a concerted plan between us, as that the king's troops sent upon this expedition should be under no risk of surprise or counterplot; and I was determined not to make the attempt but under such particular se- curity. I knew the ground on which the forts were placed, and the contiguous country, tolerably well, having been there in 1777 ; and I had received many hints respecting both from General Arnold. But it was certainly necessary that a meeting should be held with that officer" for settling the whole plan. My reasons, as I have described them, will, I trust, prove the propriety of such a measure on my part. General Arnold had also his reasons, which must 292 lAFF. OF MAJOR ANDRE. be so very obvious, as to make it unnecessary for me to explain them. Many projects for a meeting were formed, and conse- quently several attempts made, in all of which General Arnold seemed extremely desirous, that some person, who had my particular conlideuce, might be sent to him; some man, as he described it in writing, of his oioi mensura- tion. I had thought of a person under this important descrip- tion, who would gladly have undertaken it, but that his peculiar situation at the time, from which I could not re- lease him, prevented him from engaging in it. Geuei'al Arnold finally insisted, that the person sent to confer with him should be Adjutant-Geiieral ]\Iajor Andre, who in- deed had been the person on my part, who managed and carried on the secret correspondence."* It was Arnold's wish that Andre, disguised as John Anderson, a bearer of intelligence from Xew York, should meet him at a cavalry outjiost between Salem and North Castle, on the westf side of the Hudson; and he notified Sheldon, its commander, that he hoped to encounter in this manner a valuable emissary. Of this too Andre was informed on the ord of Sejitember. But it was no part of the hitter's plan to enter our lines in disguise, and so much of the arrangement as contemplated his doing so was at once thrown aside. On the strength of Arnold's letter, however, he wrote to Sheldon that he would come with a flag to the American outposts : ANDERSON TO SHELDON. New Tork. 7 Sept. 1780.— Sir: I am told my name is *Clinton to Lord G. Germain. — Sparks' Arnold, 168. t A singular error on Mr. Sarsrent's part — these villages are in Westchester county, on the cast bank. [Ed.] PLANS FOR AN INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD. 293 made known to you, and tliat 1 may hope your iudulirence in permitting me to meet a friend near your outposts. I will endeavor to obtain permission to go out with a flag which will be sent to Dobbs' Ferry on Sunday next the 11th at 12 o'clock, when I shall be happy to meet Mr. G. Should I not be allowed to go, the officer who is to com- mand the escort, between whom and myself no distinction need be made, can speak on the affair. " Let me entreat you, Sir, to favour a matter so interest- ing to the parties concerned, and which is of so private a nature that the public on neither side can be injured by it. I shall be happy on my part of doing any act of kind- ness to you in a family or a property concern, of a similar nature. I trust I shall not be detained but should any old grudge be a cause for it, I should rather risk that than neglect the business in question or assume a mysterious charac- ter to carry on an innocent affair and as friends have ad- vised get to your lines by stealth. I am with all regard Yr. most humble sert. John Anderson. This letter rather surprised Sheldon, to whom Ander- son's name had not before been mentioned; but it an- swered its object of putting Arnold on the lookout, for it was at once transmitted to him. He artfully stated a case to disarm any suspicion, and directed that if Anderson should come to Sheldon's post, notice should be sent him by express and the supposed intelligencer escorted to his head-quarters. At the same time, on the allegation of business connected with his post, he resolved to seek Clinton's agent at the appointed time and place. He set out from West Point in his barge on the afternoon of the 10th; passedthenightat Joshua Smith's house; and on 294 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. tlio morning of the lltli descended nineteen miles to Dobbs' Ferry, where Andre waited with Robinson to re- ceive him. Beverly Robinson was a gentleman of high standing. His father, speaker of the Virginia legislature, was an early friend to Washington, whose modesty and valor he complimented in language that is yet remembered. The son was married to a great heiress of the day, the daugh- ter of Frederick Philipse, and with her acciuired large estates on the Hudson. At this house Washington had met and sought to win the younger sister and co-heiress. His country-seat in the Highlands, two miles from "West Point but on the east side of the river, was a large and handsome building surroimded by pleasant orchards and gardens and environed by sublime scenery. The Ameri- can generals, considering it public property since its owner was in arms for the Crown, were wont to use it as their own : it was now Arnold's and some time Washing- ton's head-quarters. There is a pleasant anecdote of an entertainment given at Paris by Marbois to La Fayette not long before his death. Americans and others were present who had served in our war. At supper, the guests were led into a strange, large, low a]">artmeut, like a farmhouse kitchen, with one window imd many small doors. On a rough table were arrayed large dishes of meat and pastry, bottles, glasses, silver mugs, &c. They gazed in surprise, and memory faintly struggled to recall the scene, till La Fayette suddenly cried out, "Ah. the seven doors and one window, and the silver camp-goblets such as the Marshals of France used in my yoiith! We are at Washington's head-quarters on the Hudson, fifty years ago!"* *The author is in error in placing this scene at Robinson's house. It was really at" Washinirton's quarters at Xewburgh, still stand- ing.— [Ed.] PLANS FOR AN INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD. 295 Robinson's circumspect and cautious character wore though noedtul to check the huoy.-.ncy of his comrade., and he was likewise fully acquainted witli the pending negotia- tions. Indeed it was probably through him that Arnold 's first overtures were made. T^ut the large acquaintance and interests he had in the region, and his knowledge of tlie country, made his presence additionally desirable. The interview was to occur on the east side of the river, at Dobbs' Ferry; but as Arnold drew near, one of those circumstances which the pious man calls Providence and the profane calls luck, prevented an encounter that nmst m all human probability have resulted in the consum- mation o the plot. Some British gun-boats were sta- tioned at the place, which opened such a fire on the Ameri- can barge that Arnold, though twice he strove hard to -et on board, was put in deadly peril of his life and obliged to fall back. How this came to pass without Robinson's mtervention we cannot imagine; for it is impossible but that an intimation from him would have caused the firin"- to cease. Or had he repaired with Andre and his flag to meet the solitary barge that evidently belonged to an officer of rank, an interview might at once have been ef- tected m the most plausible manner in the world The circumstances of the case would have rendered it easy for Arnold to publicly say that he would, since thev were thus thrown together, waive the prerogative of rank that otherwise might have induced him to refer the enemv's nag to an ofScer of an equal grade, and to grant an inter- view on shore. The condition of Robinson's estate was a ready pretext for even a private reception; and there was no obstacle to Andre's being of the party. In the hope of being thus followed, Arnold retired to an American post on the west shore, above the ferry, where he remained till sundown: but no flag came. It is scarcelv possible that the statement attributed to Rodney could" have had 296 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. an actual foinulation here. At all events, he went back that night to West Point, and his eoailjntor returned to New York. The failure of the meeting can only be ac- counted for by sujiposing that the English messengers were on the east bank of the ferry when Arnold was fired at, and could not interfere in season. They could hardly have been on the Vulture, since its boat was lowered to pursue the American barge, which it did so far and so vigorously as to have nearly captured it. Hitherto, these transactions had been conducted with comparative freedom, for neither Washington or any other oflScer of very high rank being on the spot, Arnold was iinder no control but a regard to a])pearances ; and he luid plausible reasons to give for every step he had taken. But a new meeting must now be arranged at a moment when it was known the Chief would be in the neighborhood on his route to meet Rochambcau at Bart- ford. On the 13th. therefore, he instructed Sheldon and Tiillmadge at North Castle to bring Anderson directly to him, should he present himself there. The caution was needless. Andre had no idea of meeting him elsewhere than on neutral ground or on a British deck. According to ^larbois* (who is not, however, confirmed by any au- * Com plot rf'-lmoM, &c. 91. Marbois was in 17S0 secretary here to Luzerne's legation, and for long after French Oonsul- General. and Charge. He was of studious and reflective habits and sound parts. John Adams thought him one of the best in- formed men in France. Gen. Cass says no foreigner ever under- stood us so well and few Americans better. His oppc.rtnnities were good: his intimacy with the leading men of the day gave him knowledge of their views about Arnold, whose business was constantly discussed by the allies. All of Arnold's papers too were seized, both at West Point and Philadelphia, and apparently scattered in various hands. Perhaps he may thus have liad access to information or documents now unknown. Certainly some of his statements are not easily reconciled with the current history cf the time; but it is incredible that he should give, with quota- PLANS FOK AN INTERVIEW WITH ARN(„,„. 297 An old that unless the engaged suiTender was sv.eedilv niade cmnnstanees vnight prevent its fuliilhnen td called at the same ti.ne for plans an<] papers nedfL If" iis guidance. Arnold replied to this eii'ect:- "Notre maitre quitte le logis le 17 de ce ,nois TI sor-i absent pendant cinq a six iours: profitons pour ar L ^e nos dfan-es du tern,>s <,„'il „ous laisse. Venez sans Si ^siisques et les profits de la s6ci6te. Tout sera pret- mais ce te entrevue est indispensable, et doit pre ddt I'expedition de notre navire."* ■'Piwxati Hardly however, had the discomfited and disappointed Andre returned to New York when events took' a new turn. There was no longer room for doubt that the ne-o- t ation would be speedily and thoroughly effected tL chosen few to whom the secret was kn^w/wf e 1 wi h not but leflect in their countenances the satisfaction of their leaders, and the belief that at length irrepanibl -jury was to fall on the American cause. "Le the Whigs enjoy their temporary triumph," wrote one of le best-informed loyalists about Clinton; "I would hTe hem indulged in, as I really think it is one of 1 e its they will enjoy." Tradition relates that there were not Ces coqums," said Conde to De Eetz Cnnfw , I'ojans. .comn.e ils auraient fait eux-n.oniesTnotre pkce " ''""''' '' '''' 298 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. a few who believed that Andre was engaged in an affair that was about to ripen to a head, and from which, if suc- cessful, he was to reap honors and reward. A baronetcy aud a brigadiership were with good show of probability reckoned among his prospective gains. There was nothing in the occurrences of the last mo- ments which Andre spent in New York to warn him of his nearly impending fate. No boding friend or weeping mistress presaged evil to his plans; and the times were vanished when sagacious attendants brought such provi- dent advices as Sir Gyron le Courtois received from his faithful squire:— "Sire, know that my heart tells me sooth that if you proceed farther you never will return; that you will either perish there, or you will remain in prison." So far from gloomy thoughts possessing his soul, he appears to have in these parting scenes entered even more freely than usual into the pleasures of the place. Madame de Riedesel chronicles briefly the visit she received from Clinton and himself on the day before his departure. Nor was this a solitary example. "Where now in New York is the unalluring and crowded neighbor- hood of Second Avenue and Tliirty-fourth Street, stood in 1780 the ancient hoiverie or country-seat of Jacobus Kip. Built in 1641 of bricks brought from Holland, en- compassed by pleasant trees and in easy view of the sparkling waters of Kip's Bay on the East River, the mansion remained even to our owfi times in possession of its founder's line. Here spread the same smiling mead- ows whose appearance had so expanded the heart of Oloffe the Dreamer in the fabulous ages of the colony; here still nodded the groves that had echoed back the thunder of Hendrick Kip's musketoon, when that mighty warrior- left his name to the surrounding waves. When Wash- ington was in the neighborhood. Kip's house had been Andre's last hours in new yoek. 299 Ms quarters; when Howe crossed from Long Island on Sunday, bej,!. loth, 1776, he debarked at the rocky poiiit hard by, and his skirmishers drove our people from their positions behind the dwelling. Since then it had known many guests. Howe, Clinton, Knyphausen, Percy, were sheltered by its roof. The aged owner with his wife and daughters remained, but they had always an officer of distinction quartered with them; and if a part of the family were in arms for Congress, as is alleged, it is certain that others were active for the Crown. Jacobus Kip of Kipsburgh led a cavalry troop of his own tenantrv with great gallantry in De Lancey's regiment; and de- spite severe wounds survived long after the war, a heavv pecuniary sufferer by the cause which with most of th^ landed gentry of New York he had espoused. On September 19th Colonel Williams of the 80th * then billeted here, gave a dinner to Clinton and his staff as a parting compliment to Andre. How brilliant soever the company, how cheerful the repast, its memory must have ever been fraught with sadness to both host and guests It was the last occasion of Andre's meeting his comrades in_ lite. Four short days gone, the hands then clasped by friendship were fettered with hostile bonds; vet nine days more, and the darling of the army, the youtliful hero o± the hour, had dangled from a gibbet. It was recollected with peculiar interest that when at this banquet the song came to his turn, Andre gave the favorite military chanson attributed to Wolfe,t who sung It on the eve of the battle where he died : *I can find no Williams of this regiment, or any othei-.-fED 1 300 LIFK OF MAJOR ANDRE. Wli}', soldiers, why Should we be melancholy, boys? Why, soldiers, why, WTiose business 'tis to die! For should next campaign Send us to Him who made us, boys. We're free from pain: But should we remain, A bottle and kind landlady Makes all well arain. -•^ 'Aft-A^ ;' / £»^-*.4i) ■«?>^1^/ -,-X^. A ^. ..C,4 r /ft.'?^* . ;? ^.^ 7^ 7 ,^^ ^.,,. ,^-i' ONE OF ARNOLD'S LAST LETTERS. From the collection of William E. Rogers, Esq. (Never before printed. ) CHAPTER XIV. Robinson sent to communicate with Arnold.— Correspondence — An^oirV^ *'-^^^j",---Correspondence with Sinton and Arnold.-Josliua Hett Smith selected as Arnold's Messenger. pE arrival of Rodney on the 14th of Septem- ' ber had been followed by the receipt of fresh communications from Arnold. On the 16th Robinson was again sent up the river on the Vulture, and that for the future there should be no un- timely interruptions from this vessel, its commander was measurably instructed in what was going on If any omen might be derived from names, the Vulture was a lortunate ship for the enterprise. She herself had been very successful against our privateers; and thirty-five years before we find a band of prisoners, some of them detained as spies, (comprising not only the celebrated Home, m whose tragedy* Andre had delighted to bear a character, but Witherspoon, now active for the Con- gress, and Barrow, in arms for the King,) had escaped from Charles Edward's hands, and flying from Doune castle by TuIIyallan, were received on board the slooij-of- war Vulture, Captain Falconer. At Teller's Point, about fourteen miles as the crow flies from Arnold's quarters, but of course more by way of the river, the Vulture came to anchor within easy view of King's Ferry and scarcely sis miles from the works ot Verplanck's and Stony Points. Hence Robinson on the 1/th dexterously conveyed information by a flag to Arnold of his presence, and his readiness to aid the nego- * Douglas. oO'J T,1FE OF MAJOR ANDRE. tiation. His lot tor was loooivod at Xfriihiuok's by Living- ston, and t'orwanlod to head-quarters several miles above. .\s liivinsiston jilayed an important though an unwitting part in the ruin of the plot, ho may briefly bo noticed hero, lie was the same officer who under MontgonuMV had borne so active a share in the capture of Andre's regiment at ('hambly; an amiable, well-informed young man, per- fectly familiar with the Frendi tongue, lie now com- manded the chief outpost of "West Point, a work of \in- usnal construction, planned by Oouviou, and hardly to be reduced without time, trouble, and heavy artillery. Hither ho was ordered with his regiment on August 4th; the next day after Arnold, under whose command he was placed, had been sent to West Point. Chastellux remarks on a breakfast the colonel gave him of beefsteaks, tea and grog: his larder being as illy supv^lied as his men's ward- robe, wlio were sent in because they were the worst clad troops in the anuy, '"so that one may form some idea of their dross." Several persons wore dining with ArnoUl wlien Kobin- son's letter was brought in. I'arolessly glancing over it, he put it in his pocket, and witliout seoi-eey mentioned its I'onfonts which nominally were to ask an interview. Among the guests was Colonel John Lamb, the secoud in eonnuand. who also had taken part in Andre's cajUure at St. Johns, and wliose jaw was broken by a nuiskot ball with Arnold before Quebec. He too was a good French linguist, and of umdi ]nofessioual skill, but of restless genius and a bad temper, said Montgomery ; brave, active, and intelligvnt, but very turbulent and quarrelsouie. He now ni-ged solid reasons for refusing Robinson's request, pointing out to Arnold the occasion such an interview would give for snsixH'ting improper communications ; and ni>t resting satisfied with a pronuse to consult "Washing- KOHINSON SKNT TO ARN()I,1). ;j();{ tononthonKm..still]unuulasoI,inson's letter to Washino.,,,,, „„ the -'o.n.g ol tlu, iStl, as tlH.y <.,.ossed to^eth.; at Kin"': l;cuy; and ftTeat must Iian- heen l.is du.^n-in at 11,,. u,^s\- tive tenns ui wl.iel, J,e was advised of the Lnproprie y of he chief commander of a post .neetin,^ any one ln,„seir He nu^^t send a trusty hand if he thoM,,-ht proper, l.nl it was better to J.ave nothi,.^. f. ,1,. with business tiiat r.er- tamcd to the e.vil authorities. " I had no nu.re suspi'ion o Arnod (haul had of myself,'' said ti,e..hi..r in n.h.lin^ tliis. tins d,s,.ourse beinj^: in the presence of others ,IIs- couraged hnn from a step so pL-,iniy disapprovvd ..f by Ins superior. -^ There were several eire.nnstanees in this b.ief voyage noticed without suspicion at the net, that were after-' wards ,,,,lied with fearful signilicaiu,; One waf Ar- nold s uneasiness when, after carefully examining f,.,- some moments the position of the Vulture, Washim-ton closed his glass and in a low tone gave an oVdcr .„ .nade to he traitor, whose heart must have quaked lest Jiis g..ilt should be their subject. Still more plalpable was li contusion when La Fayette turned to him and said- General Arnold, since you have a correspoiulence will, lu.s become of Ouichen!" The observation had a natur-d origin .n matters that had already passed between I'ns If and the company; but now to his disturbed conscience Jt was pregnant with cause for fear. In a confused and hasty manner, he abruptly demanded what La Fayette meant by Ins rema.'k; but in a moment recovering him- self, he subsided mto silence. l-]re tin. week was otit the witnesses of the scene came to the conclusion that for te 304 LiriC OF MAJOR ANDRE. instant he thonglit all was known and his arrest to occur on the spot. P)Ut no such thing was dreamed of. "Washington and his suite passed tranquilly on their way; Arnold accom- l)anying them as far as Peekskill, where he had provided for their reception and whore he and they passed the night of Monday, September ISth. The next morning they parted betimes, each on his own course— the one to Hartford, the other back to West Point. This was the last occasion of Arnold's meeting the man who had dis- cerned his merit when it was denied and obscured by his first employer, Massachusetts; who had placed him high on the ladder of preferment, and had steadily recognized, des]nte the clamor of Congress and his subordinates, the existence of shining qualities, essential indeed to a general but not of universal occurrence in our army; who had supported firmly his lawful pretensions against the injus- tice of their common masters; and to whose unwearied integrity he owed not only his rank but his command. On Arnold's part it is but fair to say that I have seen nothing save his treason to induce me to believe him one of Wash- ington's enemies and maliguers; we know who some of these were, and that Arnold was not their friend.* But human ingratitude could hardly go beyond this sacrifice he was now bent on of all the chief held dear to his own baser interests. Washington "went on his way, and he saw him no more ; ' ' and with him went happiness, honor, and fame. On the 15th, Arnold under the usual disguise had writ- ten to Andre, but there was probably a delay in the let- * In Eivington's GazelU, Dee. lOth, 1TT8, is an assertion that Arnold was engaged at that time with Mifflin. St. Clair, and Thompson, in an intrigue to remove ^Vashington; but Eivington's unsupported authority in such a matter is of little value. COREESPONDENCE. 3^5 ter's transmission. Indeed the manner in which the correspondence was all along conveyed is not yet known ; though at the time Arnold took command Moody, the well-known partisan and spy, was in duress at West Point, and his condition seems to have excited the general's attention. If relations existed between these two, there would be no difficulty in sending messages to any quarter. When he answered Robinson's letter on the 19th, however, and in general terms declined receiving any communica- tions except of a public nature, he concealed within the folds of his ostensible note two others of a very different tendency. Each of these documents is erroneously dated as of the 18th. ARNOLD TO ROBINSON. Sepiemher 18th, 1780.— Sir: I parted with his Excel- lency General Washington this morning, who advised me to avoid seeing you, as it would occasion suspicions in the minds of some people, which might operate to my injury. His reasons appear to me to be well founded; but, if I were of a different opinion, I could not with propriety see you at present. I shall send a person to Dobbs ' Ferry, or on board the Vulture, Wednesday night the 20th in- stant, and furnish him with a boat and a flag of truce. You may depend on his secrecy and honor, and that your business of whatever nature shall be kept a profound secret; and, if it is a matter in which I can officially act, I will do every thing in my power to oblige you consis- tently with my duty. To avoid censure, this matter must be conducted with the greatest secrecy. I think it \vill be advisable for the Vulture to remain where she is until the time appointed. I have enclosed a letter for a gentle- man in New York from one in the country on private business, which I beg the favor of jou to forward, and 20 306 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. make no doubt he will be particular to come at the time appointed. T am, &c. P. S. I expect General Washington to lodge here on Saturday night next, and will lay before him any matter you may wish to commimieate. GUSTAVUS TO JOHN ANDERSON. September 15th.— Sm: On the 11th at noon, agreeably to your request, I attempted to go to Dobbs' Ferry, but ■was prevented by the armed boats of the enemy, which fired upon us; and I continued opposite the Ferry till sunset. The foregoing letter was written to caution you not to mention your business to Colonel Sheldon, or any other person. I have no confidant. I have made one too many already, who has prevented some profitable speeialations. I will send a person in whom you can confide by water to meet you at Dobbs' Ferry at the landing on the east side, on Wednesday the 20th instant, who will conduct you to a place of safety, where I will meet you. It will be necessary for you to be disguised, and, if the enemy's boats are there, it will favor my plan, as the jierson is not suspected by them. If I do not hear from you before, you may depend on the person's being punctual at the place above mentioned. My partner, of whom I hinted in a former letter, has about ten thousand pounds cash in hand ready for a specu- lation if any should offer, which appears profitable. I have also one thousand pounds on hand, and can collect fifteen hundred more in two or three days. Add to this I have some credit. From these hints you may judge of the purchase that can be made. I cannot be more explicit at present. Meet me if possible. You may rest assured, CORRESPONDENCE. 307 that if there is no clanger in passing your lines, you will be perfectly safe where I propose a meeting, of which you shall be informed on Wednesday evening, if you think proper to be at Dobbs' Ferry. Adieu, and be assured of the friendship of Gustavus. September 18//..-The foregoing I found means to send by a very honest fellow, who went to Kingsbridge on the ibtJi, and I have no doubt you have received it But as there is a possibility of its miscarriage, I send a copy, and am fully persuaded that the method I have pointed out to meet you is the best and safest, provided you can obtain leave to come out.* In his formal reply to Arnold's public letter, Robinson enclosed the assurance that he would remain on board and hoped that Anderson would come up. Meantime, those received were forwarded to New York; and Rodney as it would seem was now, on the night of the 19th, called into counsel on their consideration. To his active ready-witted mind, there could have appeared little difficulty in push- ing the business through: and with some reluctance Clin- ton whose various capacities of statesman, general, and diplomatist combined to tinge with procrastination all he undertook, consented that Andre should go with a flag to Tnh?*'A^r-'''l J?""''"'"^^"" ^"' ^"'^J and "The Case of Maior 1^ .. n !l f ^Ij^t'^nt-General to the British Army, who was sented. ^Mth Remarks on the said Case. 'If there were no other Brand upon this odious and accursed Civil War tLn that s"n^5e Loss, I must be most infamous and execrable to aH Po terit ' - Lord Clarendon.- New York, Rivington, 1780, 4to. pp 27 This ZLhl '™' apparently drawn up with Clinto;'s knowledge bu probably never published. The only copy I have seen is madfup of the pnnters proofs. The above letter differs from thaT 4ven\y Mr .Sparks m containing the words by water in the third" leLn o" h "rf J:.r^Tb?" 1'""; J"^ '^°^^^^ section omlltSi * Rnffi . The preface to the tracts is dated Xov. -8, 1780 But this phrase did not refer to our Revolution.-[ED.] 308 I-HF. OF MAJOR ANDRE. Dobbs' Feny. But all parties appear to have forgotten that adoption of the Admiral's advice involved regard to his habits of action ; and it is very certain that he would never have sutTered the envoy to go on shore without a reasonable assuranee of his getting back again. Arrangements were speedily made. Andre wrote to TJobiuson and Captain Sutherland of the Vulture, bidding them fall down to the Ferry, and was in the end the bearer of his own letters. Clinton gave him his parting orders, enjoining everything that prudence could suggest, and especially charging him to preserve his uniform and to avoid receiving papers. On this last point indeed Sir Henry was ever x^iecise. In the spring of 1779, when a coimnissary was going from Xew York to the Convention prisoners at Charlottesville, he was commissioned ^vith details for Phillips of the mantruvres at Monmouth. As he related them, Clinton sketched some hasty plans of the various evolutions of the day; but recollecting himself, said— "Clark, you must not take these, for if the Ameri- cans find them on you, they'll certainly hang you; there- fore only tell General Phillips, that ou that day I fought upon velvet: he will fully iinderstand me."* In fact, so far as can be judged, no papers from Arnold were needed. His letter just given states clearly enough his own eftec- tive force and "Washington's: conversation could have settled the plan of attack ; and Kobinson and his loyal de- pendents must have furnished guides to every gorge in the neighborhood of his ancient home. Marbois gives a highly colored account of the scene be- tween Clinton and Andre ou this occasion; and whether imagination or memory supplied its facts, there is a con- sistency in this part of his story which commands our at- tention, if it does not receive our faith. The interview. * See page vl4. ANDEE GOES TO THE VULTURE. 309 he says, w.is insisted on hy Arnold as a condition prece- dent to any fiirtlier ar-tion. So far all had prospered to his wish. Tliere were heai-d none of those vague, sinister rumors tliat usually attend the explosion of a conspiracy; never had a design so prodigious more happily ap- proached its appointed term. This jirofound secrecy was owing to Arnold's care that the matter sliould r-emain concealed in his own bosom and those of Robinson and Andre; and this was one of his motives for wishing to place in no other hands the information needful to bring niatters to a head. But on the other part, lie continues, Clinton saw more danger than practical advantage in the rendezvous. He had previously refused to sanction it with his permission, and he now feared lest so many pre- cautionary measures should serve only to bring an un- luck}r end to an euterjirise that hitherto had progressed so smoothly, ))ut in so much danger. Andre, however, to whom great siiare of the glory of success must ensue, burned with impatience to play his part. He had even, says our chronicler, conceived a hope more ambitious by far than the seizure of the forts. He thought now to fix tlie surrender on the vei-y day of Washington's retui-n to West Point, and thus to crown his achievements with the capture of our main stay and chief. But apprehending tliat Clinton would not view this idea with favor, he con- tented himself with the request to meet Arnold for the purposes already discussed. The English general at length consented; and Marbois pretends to give (in trans- lation, of course) the very words he spoke: "Mon enfant, ".lui dit-il, "ton entreprise exige encore plus de sagesse que d'audace, conduis-la suivant ton desir jusqu'a ce qu'elle soit consommee; va trouver Arnold, puisque tu crois la cJiose necessaire. Je connois ton courage, et, si ta prudence y repond, je suis assure du 310 UFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. sucees. Va, mon ami, finis d'un seul coup cette guerre; ta famille est maintenant Anglaise. Tu seras done compte parnii les heros de notre pays, et eelebre cbez tons les peuples et dans tous les siecles." Eai'ly on the 20tb. Andre started for Dobbs' Ferry, whence he proposed to send his letters to the ship. The tide was with him, and he determined to push on to where the Vulture lay. rather than thwart Arnold's expressed wish by altering her position. About seven P. M. he got on board in Haverstraw Bay, a little above Teller's Point: and the night was passed in anxious expectation of the appearance of his confederate. But no signal or message came: and morning found him bitterly dis- appointed. He feared too that his absence would be noted at New York: and that— which does not appear to have been the case— he had himself missed Arnold by coming to the ship, instead of waiting at the Feny. Unwilling, however, to lose the last chance, he made an excuse to Clinton for his prolonged stay in a note that might be safely read by any of the staff: AXDRE TO CLTXTOX. On board the Vulture, 21 Sept. 17S0.— Sib: As the tide was favorable on my arrival at the sloop yesterday. I detennined to be myself the beai'er of Your Excellency's letters as far as the Vulture. I have suffered for it. having caught a very bad cold, and had so violent a return of a disorder in my stomach, which had attacked me a few days ago. that Capt. Sutherland and Col. Robinson insist on my remaining on boai^d rmtil I am better. I hope to- morrow to get down again. I have the honor, &c. With this, which was received by Sir Henry on the day of its date, was another and more important commimica- tion. C0R3ESP0NDENCE WITH CLINTON. 311 ANDRE TO CLINTON. On board the Vulture, 21 September, 1780.-Sir: I got on board the Vulture at about 7 o'clock last night; and after considering upon the letters and the answers given by Colonel Robinson, "that he would remain on board, and hoped I should be up," we thought it most natural to expect the Man I sent into the Country here, and there- fore did not think of going to the Ferry. Nobody has appeared. This is the second excursion I have made without an ostensible reason, and Colonel Rob- inson both times of the party. A third would infallibly fire suspicions. I have therefore thought it best to re- main here on pretence of sickness, as my inclosed letter will feign, and try further expedients. Yesterday the pre- tence of a flag of truce was made to draw people from the Vulture on shore. The boat was fired upon in violation of the customs of war. Capt. Sutherland with great pro- priety means to send a flag to complain of this to General Arnold. A boat from the Vulture had very nearly taken him on the 11th. He was pursued close to the float.** I shall favor him with a newspaper containing the Carolina news, which I brought with me from New York for Ander- son, to whom it is addressed, on board the Vulture. I have the honor, &c.* Andre had boarded the Vulture in the highest spirits, confident of success ; nor was even the cautious and cir- cumspect Robinson disposed to believe in a failure. In fact Robinson was placed in his present position because, among other reasons, his character for clear-headedness stood as high as his reputation for probity and honor; and it was intended that should the negotiation be con- summated by Andre rather than himself, he should at * MS.—'&iY IL Clinton's Narrative. **Slote=west shore. [Ed.} 312 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. least exercise a wholesome check over his coadjutor's buoyancy. At this moment, neither of them seem to have dreainod of leaving the ship; they thought on the con- trary that Arnold would come on board, and but for one of those unexpected occurrences which, happening from time to time to mock the wisdom of the wise and the valor of the brave, it is probable that Andre would have re- turned to New York unsuccessful but unscathed. It is by such means that we are led oftentimes to ponder the say- ing of the wise Fabius:— eren^ws stultorum magister. Traditional history relates that on the 20th of Septem- ber, some young men with their guns came to a farmer who was jiressing cider, and called for a draught from the mill. Perhaps to get rid of them, they were told that the Vtiltiire was anchored in the stream hard by. They went on to the shore, and finding it even so, concealed them- selves behind the rooks while a white flag, or its semblance, was so displayed on the strand as to invite the attention of the ship. A boat with a responsive ensign was dis- patched—doubtless through Robinson's mediation, and hope of comnuinication with Arnold — to see what was wanted. So soon as it was within range it was fii-ed on by the ambuscade that had adopted this treacherous mode of assailing the enemy, and which was enabled by its posi- tion to fly to places of security on the first sign of pursuit. It is occasion of shame to an American to be compelled to relate how treason was thus blindly fought by treason: since it was through this unjustifiable atfair that the inter- view between Andre and Arnold was induced, and their consequent detection occasioned. For besides the device of the newspaper, a complaint of the wrong, signed indeed by Sutherland but countersigned by John Anderson, sec- retary, and in his handwriting, was sent with a flag to Arnold on the morning of the 21st. SUTHERLAND TO ARNOLD. 3;|3 SUTHERLAND TO ARNOLD. Vulture off Teller's Point, 21 September. -Str- I eon sider It a duty to complain of any violation of tl elaws of arms, and I am satisfied that I now do it where I an„o you thr "'^T"; '' '' "^^^-^^^^ -t^ relucrnee Tg^^ vestel T™ '" ^r"' ''''' ' ^'S «f t--e having ifeln t' e hore tZ " "^'"""'^ ^""^' ' ''''' ^ '^'^^ ^o^ards ic ted t; "\T ^^^"^ «o^-unication was thereby solicited. The boat 's crew on approaching received a fire from several armed men, who till then hadloeen oncealed Fortunately none of my people were hurt, but the tiSch froTtrat" "" f *'^^^ "^" ^^-^^ -■« -t --d-ted tl om that circumstance. I have the honor to be, &c. Let us now turn to Arnold, and see what were his plans ::^Z. ^^"^'^""^-^-- '^^^ ^e had not dared to trust Two miles and a half below Stony Point in a snuare rawR":d rr.'^"^^ ''''' ^^"^ ^^-^« - "•^^ h ' - Sm!«i Hi' V"'" '' '"'"'^"^^ ^^^^^'^ J««l^"- Hett Smith. His general reputation was that of a warm WlnV but Lamb, whose wife was a connection, seems to have et t m down as a disaifected person, and forbade an^ nti macy between the households. In truth he appear to h^nLuhT? '' f*^-^" "^^ ^"^ -^«^ thewliid himt with the hounds. His brother the Chief-Justice, now a warm Loyalist m New York, was said by his felIo;s tl ^:^'^ till the conquest of Amerfca was deeiLd certain. Another brother at London was charged with mat :red'T" '""T ^^ "^"^'^''^ ^«— ^^ --a man of education and intelligence; and probably was ehiefly careful to keep on good terms with whom Lev tTon wT'T^'f ■ "'^'^ '" ""'''' ^^ P-^---^l - —illa- tion with Bntam on terms then offered, to a continuance 314 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. of the war for Indejiendeuoe. He was withal a timorous, yet a prying, bustling sort of character : delighted to have a hand in weighty affairs, but devoid of the nerve to carry hiiii with good assurance through their implications. Familiar in his social habits, well aciiuainteil with the country and its inliabitauts, and a landholder of some con- set^uenee. Smith had been usefully employed by the Amer- ican general Howe to bring intelligence to "West Point, and it was very natural Arnold should, on taking com- mand, be soon brought into relations with him. He was not long in sounding the character of the man. and re- solving to make of him a convenient tool. For though it is altogether likely that enoiigh of the affair was coufidevi to let Smith perceive he was engaging in an intrigue detri- mental to Congress and Independence, it is incredible that the whole of the i>ortentous seci-et should be committed to such a shallow vessel. But in the friendly intercourse that arose. Arnold conveyed to Smith the intention of em- ploying him as a go-between to bring a British agent within the American lines. "With no other evidence than his own. it is difficult to si\y how far the revelations to Smith wer^ carried : but the conflicting statements of his Trial and his Xorrafire may be accoimted for by the fact that in the one case his life was at stake, and he sought to make the best story he could for the Americans: in the other, he endeavored to vindicate his reputation with the English. "With these lights, we may grope a little less blindly in the maze of his contradictions. Thus it would seem that Arnold had already disclosed the groimd he wished to stand on. He inveighed against tlie French alliance, and dilated on the unnatural union between a destx»tic monarch and an insurgent people fight- ing for freedom. He expatiated on the reasonableness of the terms proposed by the Commissioners of 177S, which JOSHUA IlK'l"!' SMITH. 315 he averred were in'oCIVrLMl in all sinccrily aiid j^ood fail!], and were fully accej)table to the great mass of Americans. He insinuated that Jlobinson was the bearer of projtosi- tions even more favora))le, and such as could not but deserve and receive acceptance. JIc owncnl bis desire for l)eace and his weariness of a war in which he had to con- tend not only against tlie arms of the enemy, but the per- secution of the Pennsylvania govei'nment and tiie entire ingratitude of Congress. "Smith," said he, "JHire am I now, aft(U' liaving fouglit th(( battles of iny counti'y, and find myself with a ruined constitution and this limb" (holding up his wounded leg) "now rendered useless to me. At the termination of this war, where can I seek for compensation for such damages as I have sustained?" It is impossible not to recognize in this language that deep resentment of real and of fancied wrongs which had first bent Arnold's mind to his present course. Having resolved that his interview with the British messenger should be within the American lines, he fixed on Smith's house for the stage, and its owner to conduct him thither. I'y Smith's own account, this arrangement was made about the 19th or 20th September; but the moi'e probable theory of Mr. Sparks carries it back to the ]4th or 15th, when Arnold met his wife there on her arrival and escorted her up to his quarters. However this may he, the upshot of the matter was that Smith consented to all that was asked. He took his family to Fishkill, thirty miles from his residence and about eighteen from liead- quarters, that the house might be empty; and returning as directed to Robinson's house on the 19th, received, says Mr. Sparks, the necessary papers to pass to Dobbs ' Ferry or the Vulture on the evening of the 20th, and bring away the expected agent. Smith indeed asserts that Arnold himself brought them to his house at Haverstraw : but the 316 LIFE OF MAJOK ANDRE. point is of little consequence. For want of a boat or of boatmen, he did not fulfill his commission, nor indeed was lie verj- ardent to do so; but he notified his emploj'er of the omission by an express during the night. It must then liave been Arnold's scheme to have passed the day with Robinson or Andre at Smith's house, and to have sent him back on the next night; for Smith's note found him in bed at head- quarters. It would appear that he had rather wished Smith to find boatmen among his own tenantry than to employ such as jiertained to the regular service; and had also arranged for him a protection and a password by means of which he might at any time traverse our lines on land or water without hindrance. Riding down, however, after breakfast to Verplauck's Point, and finding that an order on the quartermaster to supply a light boat was un- fulfilled, he directed that his own or a barge he had sent for should be carried into the creek by Smith's house as soon as it arrived. At the same time he received from Livingston the letter that had just been brought from the Vulture to inform him of Andre's being on board. In the afternoon he crossed over to Smith's and prepared for the adventures of the night. On the preceding day Arnold had given Smith a pass : Head-Quarters, Robinson House, September 20, 1780. — Permission is given to Joshua Smith, Esquire, a gentle- man, Mr. John Anderson, who is with him, and his two servants, to pass and I'epass the guards near King's Ferry at all times. B. Arnold, M. Genl. This was intended doixbtless for his voyage to the Vul- ture. On the morning of the 21st, when he learned that the excursion had not lieen made, he conceived it possible that he might yet have to send to Dobbs' Ferry: where- fore an additional pass was given:— JOSHUA HETT SMITH. 317 Head-Quarters, Robinson House, September 21, 1780— Permission is given to Joshua Smith, Esq., to go to Dobbs' Ferry with three Men and a Boy with a Flag to carry some Letters of a private Nature for Gentlemen in New York and to return immediately. B. Arnold, M. Genl. N. B. He has permission to go at such hours and times as the tide and his business suits. B. A. Smith had relied for boatmen on a couple of his tenants, Samuel and Joseph Colquhoun : simple, honest men, he says, accustomed to the water, and possessing his confi- dence. It required, however, considerable expostulation, and the promise of a handsome reward for compliance as well as threats of punishment if they refused, ere they yielded to his wishes and Arnold's. They were wearied already, and they distrusted a night-voyage to the enemy. The watchword Congress was given, which would secure them from interruption by our guard-boats; and both Smith and themselves were assured that the business was well understood by the British officers and the American, but that it was necessary for certain reasons to keep the matter from the tongues of the vulgar. At last they yielded, and towards midnight of the 21st, the boat pushed from the creek towards the Hudson. No flag was dis- played from its bow; but the oarsmen as well as their passenger testify that they were told by Arnold and actu- ally considered it was a flag-boat to the Vulture. How far the fact that it was now an hour when a flag could not have been seen if exhibited, and the passes just given, to- gether with the ensuing letter, go to justify this assertion, the military reader must decide. Both Arnold and Smith charged the men to have nothing to say to the crew, — an injunction that was probably entirely disregarded. In returning, the boat was to make for a place at low-water 318 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. mark on the west bank of the Hudson, between King's Ferry and the ship, being the foot of a mountain called the Long Clove. This spot is about five miles from Smith's house, and two below Ilaverstraw; and hither Arnold proceeded on horseback attended by Smith's negro ser- vant also moimted. The letter sent to Eobinson was as follows: — ARNOLD TO ROBINSON. September 21, 1780.— Sir:— This will be delivered to you by ^Ir. Smith who will conduct you to a place of Safety. Neither 'Mr. Smith or any other person shall be made acquainted with your proposals. If they (which I doubt not) are of such a nature that I can officially take notice of them, I shall do it with pleasure. If not, you shall be permitted to return immediately. T take it for granted Colonel Kobinson will not propose anything that is not for the interest of the United States as well as him- self. I am, sir, &c. The art of this letter will be observed. Had it been intercepted, its writer migiit have been condemned for imprudence, but hardly compromised further. It would be easy for him to allege a conviction that Robinson was prepared to regain his estate at the cost of his honor. Their oars carefully muffled with sheepskins, the voy- agers passed noiselessly from the creek into the river. It was the tail of ebb as they glided softly and unnoticed under the shadow of the shore into full view of the works of Stony Point ; and as their boat silently speeded along with a favoring tide, they drew fresh energ^■ from the consciousness of uuinterruption. The skj' was sei'ene and clear, and everything hushed and still. Little was said on the way. The twelve miles between King's Ferry and Teller's Point were soon overpassed, and the spars Arnold's letter to robinson. 3^9 of the vtdhu-e rose in view indistinct through the gloom As they came near, they were hailed from the ship, and brought to by her side. By this time the tide was . ng flood, and the three men stood up in the boat fending oE from the T ^ature till Smith was ordered to come on board borne rude salutations were passed by the officer of the vi^'ifnvl '"^ Vrr^"* ^ '^^^^-^"^ ^VVeared, and bade the visitor descend to the captain's cabin. I CHAPTER XV. Andre leaves the Vulture. — Interview with Arnold and its Results. — Plans for Return. — Sets out with Smith by Land. N entering the oabin Smith was i^olitely received by his old acquaintance Robinson who, in full regimentals, was probably awaiting Arnold's arrival. He was presented to Sutherland, who lay ill in his bei'th; and olTered a seat. Robinson then proceeded to the perusal of tlie letter; after which, apologizing for a momentary absence and ordering re- freshments to be brought, he left the room. During the fifteen or twenty minutes that elapsed, Smith says he took the opportunity of commenting on his rough reception on deck. The captain's politeness made him amends, and the conversation then turned on indifferent subjects. Meanwhile, Robinson and Andre (who was at the time in bed) were yjondering on Arnold's letter. As the former was not named in the jjass he declined, and prob- ably did not wish, to go himself to the shore ; and Marbois says that he earnestly urged Andre not to go. For his own part, he positively refused to leave the ship; but I find no evidence that he questioned the lawfulness of his companion's doing so. The letter and passes were ex- amined by the three British officers; and they all thought that Andre at least might under them seek the shore with- out derogation to the customs of war. Nor did the feigned name by which he went alter the case in their opin- ion, since it was assumed by request of the general issuing the safe-conduct, whose authority to grant such docu- ments was in this district supreme and unquestionable. Andre was therefore not to be balked, nor willing to ANDRE LEAVES THE VULTURE. ' 321 mk the loss of so valuable a prize by refusing the last dmnce of coming to terms with the American leader. During the night of the 20th, and all through the 21st he had anxiously anticipated the expected flag, and was full ot tear lest some misadventure had occurred; and on the moment of Smith's arrival, he hurried from his bed and was impatient to be gone. He evidently considered him- self exposed to no other risk than that of being perhaps detained by Arnold or by some other American rirtainfj he was careful to refuse anything that might prevent his claiming from an enemy the privileges of his qualitv. Sutheriand suggested that he might wish to lay off his regimental coat, and offered him other apparel; but the proposal was not accepted. He had Clinton's orders he said to go m his uniform, and by no means to relinquish his character; and added that he had not the least fear tor his safety, and was ready to attend Arnold's messen- ger, when and where he pleased. It would certainly ap- pear as^ though he at least had contemplated all along the plan of going to Arnold if Arnold would not come to him. When therefore Robinson reentered the cabin he was accompanied by Andre, whom Smith had not yet seen and to whom, as Anderson, he was now introduced by Robin- son with the remark that he himself should not go on snore but that this person was authorized bv Arnold to. take his place. Andre was evidentlv equipped for the journey. Over his uniform was a large blue watch-coat, such as might ajipropriately be worn in a September night upon the water; and his large boots were visible below Whether his surtout altogether hid the clothing beneath trom the boatmen may be doubted ; it did not from Smith and It is evident they all knew themselves engaged in a business that was not without suspicion, though at the future investigation they declared the most entire igno- 322 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. ranoe of everything tliat was not already iu proof. Be- fore leaving the ship, moreover, Smith says he told the <»aptain of the size of his boat and the probable difficulty of returning, and asked for tin- h)an of two oarsmen from the crew: which request was denied. T much question whether, at the distance of time when this statement was published, its exact purport may not have become a little obscured. If the demand was made it would probably have been complied with, for Andre must have expected to return that night; and when as they were about to start, Robinson suggested that so large a boat with but two oars would be long on the way, and urged that the Vulture should send her yawl to tow them as far as con- venient. Smith declined the offer lest a water-patrol should encounter them, and consider the presence of the Englisli an infringement of the flag. In the former case, to be sure, the two new men would have been nomin- ally covered by the pass; but in either, as it turned out, it had been well for the British to have carried out the suggestion. No gunrd-boat was in the way; the Vul- iure's armed barge might have safely come and gone; and two of her seamen in Smith's boat would have brought Andre back unharmed and undiscovered. But all parties on board seem to have considered it certain that Arnold's pass protected him from danger, and that he was sure to be returned as he went ; else, says Suther- land, measures for bringing him off whenever he chose by the Vulture'fi boats could have been easily concerted and accomplished. It is indeed a marvel that on such an er- rand a man should venture into the lion's den, without taking every ])recaution to ensure a safe retreat. Had the ship's boat followed Smith's at a guarded distance, remained under the shore a few hundred yards off, and approached in due season, no suspicion would have been excited or discoverv ensued. It was known that the tide ANDRE LEAVES THE VULTURE. 323 would be Strongly against a return, and it is not lilcely th-it Snnth dKl not name the conspicuous place whither he was now to steer: a place far below the American Hnes The ateness of the nzght with these other circumstance 'wouM have almos compelled an astute officer to insist th t is own boat should appear with a sufficient crew at a con certed place and time. Happily for America tlifwas not ZIT' 'T^ '' " '"■ '^-"^^ ""l^'-«'-b»« that the hie actoi were oo much excited and confused to give suf- taldng. '' *'' """^^^ emergencies of the' under- chat w h the Colquhouns were now ordered out; and tabng l>e helm Snnth pushed away. Little was saii, and «iat b.xt about the tide and the weather, as he conveyed Andre to the Long Clove. Pie indeed alleges that he Ld mentmned that he was to bring his companion to his own house and that a horse was provided at the shore for this end; but 1 IS probable Arnold had nevertheless some no- lon of settlmg all the business at the water-side, though lie provided for another contingency, men the boat cached the strand Smith left it, and picking his way hrough the darkness found Arnold at an appofnted pS higher up the bank in the concealment of the trees- "he was hid among the firs," says Smith with emphasis. When told of the result of the mission and that Robinson's dele- gate, whose youth and gentleness had not argued the pos- session of a weighty trust, was in waiting below, he exhib- ited great agitation and expressed a regret that Robinson himself had not come; but bade the stranger to be lead to mm. Ihis done, Smith was requested to retire to the boat and leave them together. The wearied oarsmen sank into slumber while their landlord, his vanity evidently chafing at his exclusion from the conversation, and his body 324 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. treml)ling with ague, uneasily awaited on the shingle the termination of the interview. When the night began to wane he at last went back and warned the conspirators that it was time to be moving. He indeed declares that both Arnold and Andre joined with him in importuning the boatmen to return once more to the Vulture; and that they refused not only because of their fatigue, but because daybreak would overtake them ou the way, and arrange- ments had been made to cannonade the vessel as soon as it was light. "You can reach the ship, and be far enough," said Andre, by Smith's account, "before that can happen; and the same flag that carried you to the ship will make you safe on your return to General Arnold's command." This indeed may have been said by or to Smith himself; but the boatmen testified that they saw nothing of Arnold or of Andre after the land- ing: that a noise in the thicket was all they heard; and that Smith's persuasions for them to go back were very languid. It is clear that the arrangements were not yet finished, or else that Smith was ignorant of the momentous nature of the affair he was now involved in. His influence might undoubtedly have compelled the men to return; and had he fully perceived the importance of so doing, he surely would have exercised it. Even were the trip concluded in daylight, it would have been safer for him, had he known all, to have had the men detained with the boat on the Vulture till a week had elapsed and the plot fulfilled. Perhaps he was a little sullen at the cavalier treatment he had received, and indifferent to Andre's concern for re- treat. But 'Sir. Sparks is of opinion that the true reason for Andre's not going back this night was the unfinished condition of the business. I take it, however, that it was just one of those cases in which men are governed by the "THE FIRS." Meeting place of Arnold and Andr^. INTERVIEW WITH AENOLD AND ITS RESULTS. 325 circumstances of tlie moment: that were the Colquhouns willing Andre had been sent back ; but as they were not so, and as there were motives for prolonging the inter- view, Arnold did not press them. For though he might have here given Andre the papers afterwards found upon him, and the principal details of the manoeuvres to be exe- cuted by Clinton, it was impossible in the darkness to thoroughly explain the details. He had brought from head-quarters on the morning of the 21st the large official plans of the general works at West Point and of each jjarticular work, that were prepared by the engineer Du- portail. It was hardly possible, even with a dark lantern, to examine these in the place where he was. He might have had them with him to give to Andre if he returned to the Vulture: more probably they were left at Smith's house to be exhibited and explained at greater leisure. As matters now stood, therefore. Smith and his men took the boat back towards their starting-place, while the horse his negro servant had ridden was mounted by Andre, who in company with Arnold hastened to the house, three or four miles distant. As they passed from the woods by the water into the main road, the sky was still dark with that peculiar gloom which precedes the dawn. Midway on their path lay the little hamlet of Haverstraw. It must be remembered that, as we have every reason to believe, it was Andre's wish and stipulation that he should not be taken within any of our posts. Now, as he entered Haverstraw, the hoarse challenge of the sentry* was the first intimation he had that his design was to this extent thwarted. Mr. Cooper (by what authority unless La Fayette's I know * He belonged to Spencer's regiment, often called the .5th Bat- talion of the Jersey Line. The regiment furnished the sentries that night, and was at the time commanded by its Major, John Burrowes. 326 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. not) says Andre confessed afterwards that on this inter- ruption he thoiijyht liimsolf lost. La Fayette forty years Uitcr seems to have stated as an opinion current in the army at the time, that Arnold had posted guards here where none for some time were before, to give color to the declaration, should he be detected, that his only motive was to decoy and secure an enemy; and Hamilton refers to the existence of the same notion. This theory, if car- ried beyond a very narrow bound, is confuted by the other lacts of the case. Marbois remarks also on Andre's dis- pleasure at this encounter: but it was now too late to com- plain. Smothering his resentment he followed Arnold to Smith's house, where they arrived in the gray of the morning of the 22nd. Some little space after, the owner of the mansion appeared. The unusual occurrence of an enemy's ship lingering so long in their neighborhood had roused the fears and the anger of the inhabitants and the troops at Verplanck's. Her position was accurately reported to the commander. She was moored under Teller's Point, a large tongue of laud which projects from the eastern shore into the Hud- son on the north side of the mouth of the Croton River; and so near to the bank that she touched bottom at low water. Livingston therefore had applied to Arnold for two heavy guns, with which he was confident he could sink her; but the request was evasively denied. He then on his own responsibility carried a four-pounder to a lesser promontory of Teller's, known as Gallows Point;* and *It has has always been opinion (see my Crisis of the Bevohdion, note p. 13) that the attack on the Vulture was of more importance in itself, (aside from its important results) than the slight men- tion of it in any history would indicate: yet up to the present time 1 have been unable to ascertain anything new about it. Xow, through tlie kindness of Professor Basliford Dean, of Columbia University, I am enabled to present a transcript of the log-hnok of the Vttlture for the several days which concern Andre. The INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD AND ITS RESULTS. 327 at daylight of the 22nd, taking advantage of the moment ot low tide, commenced such an incessant discharge on the vessel that for a time she "appeared to be set on fire-" and had she not floated off with the flood and dropped down beyond range, she probably would have been taken. Attracted by the noise, Andre repaired to a window which commanded a view of the Vnlture, and gazed painfully at her as she passed down the stream. He did not attempt to hide from his companions his annoyance at her chan-e of place: but lireakfast being served, the three sat down together with a show of tranquillity. The conversation turned on Arbuthnot and the fleet; the royal army and its condition; nothing of a particular nature was said on any side. After breakfast, Arnold and Andre retired to an upper chamber where, secure from interruption they were closeted for hours arranging the details of their affair. Without a certain knowledge of what transpired we are still enabled to follow with comparative confidence the line of engagements entered into. On the one liand, vessel herself has an interesting history. She was a verv old craft' las th, if""'"' '""^' ^^''' ''' ''''' ^^'i ^' i« ^PP^^^^t that he wa.^actually m service up to 1814, the last entry being June 24, She arrived in the Hudson June 13, 1780, and remained there up to^ovember 7, when the log-entries by Captain Andrew Suth- erland cease, and a new commander. Captain Morgan Lancdiam appears who in his turn is followed by Charles Stirling, December entriolfn tbi" 7' -T °° 'P'""^ '""^'^''^ i^ the vessel. The entries m tne captain s log are- Wedjda,, ^^0 Sept., 1780 N. E. wind, fresh breezes and cloudv. 0,- ; VT T^^^- ^''''■'' t^^ ^''"^^'■- ^™ed sloop. People (t. «., the crew) variously employed. A. J/._emploved as be- gunJg'-lEB.]'"'' *° ^^-Pl^-^-k's Point, exerising at the Thursday 21st. Yari^able wind, do. weather. P. M. employed w thlFi; >f '' \° ''"l' '"'' ^°^t t° Verplank'sVoS . V ith a Flagg of truce. People employed as before. 328 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Arnold was perfectly aware of the value of what he was to give up, and expected to be paid handsomely. Clinton was as willing to buy as he to sell: he was, in his own words, ready to conclude the bargain "at every risk and at any cost." Long-time had circumstances separated these currents "which mounting, viewed each other from afar and strove in vain to meet;" and now when the par- It will be noticed that there is no mention of Andre at any time — nor of Beverly IJobinson. This omission is significant: prob- ably the commander considered their errand of too private a na- ture for public record. — Ed.) Friday, vJ'^d Sept. Variable wind — first and middle jiarts fresh breezes and clear — latter calm. P. M. employed as before. A. M. at 5 the Kebels opened a battery on us at Taller"s Point, and began a heavy cannonade with shot and shell, which we return'' — at ^ pt. 5 weighed [anchor]. Got the boats ahead and towed out — at | pt. (> we silenced their fire — at ^ pt. 8 came to with the best B'' [bower] Anchor in 5 fms. [fathoms] water, Taller's point bore N° Distr. 2 miles, we received six shot in the Hidl (one of which was between wind and water) and three through the Boats on the Booms — the Standing and Running Eigging shot away in many different places — two of the iron Stantions on the Gangways broke hj their shot. Several of their shells broke [exploded] over us and many of the pieces dropt on board — the Captain (only) slight- ly wounded by a splinter. Saturday 23 Sept;, j | rnunportant entries.-ED.] Sunday, 24 Sept. J Monday 25, Sept. * * * at ^ pt. 11 General Arnold in the American Service delivered himself up with a Boat's crew. Tuesday, 26 Sept. * * * p. m. at 3 weighed [anchor] and came to sail — at 11 came to with the Best B'' off Spiker's Devil Creek. * * * [The log continues, of unimportant entries, but no further mention of Arnold or of the Ameri- cans. — Kd.) The log kept by the master of the vessel (William Leake Stubbs) contains these entries: Thursday, 21 Sept. * * * at G A. M. the Rebels displayed a white flagg of truce on Taller's Point — sent our boat to answer it: when they got within 70 or 80 yards they began a heavy fire of musketry on our boat — at 7 the boat return'' without INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD AND ITS RESULTS. 329 ties were at last in contact, it is impossible that the terms of union were not agreed on. Marbois says Arnold 's suc- cess was to have been rewarded with £30,000 and the pres- ervation of his rank ; and that in his excess of caution he even wished the money put within his control in advance. The plan of attack and defence was also settled. With an eye to this contingency Arnold had more than once de- damage— Dried sails— sent a boat to Stoney Point with a Flagg of Truce. [This was the boat with Sutherland's message to Colonel Living- ston—written by Andre. It will be noticed that the Captam's log says the boat was sent to Verplanek's Point, which is probably right, as we know Livingston was there on the 25th when Arnold escaped. — Ed.] Friday, 23 Sept. * * At half past five A. M. the Eebles be- gan a heavy cannonade on us from Taller's Point, with shott and shells.— weight [anchor] and return^ the Fire— at 7 silencd their fire— at eight came to with the Best B-- in 4 fad™ [fathoms] Taller's Point bore N° [north] Distance two mile — m Consequence of their Cannonade Eeceiv'i six shots in our hull one between wind and water, three threw our boats on the Booms : the Standing and running rigging shott away in Several Parts— the Irion [iron] Stantions [stanchions] in the Gangway- several shott threw the sails— several shell Broke over us, many pieces fell on board Monday 25 Sept. * * * at a [bout] 11 A. M. came along side a reble Boat from West Point— found it to be Gen- eral Arnold— who gave himself up— the boat's crew we made Prisoners of War. y™r?i *!'^ '''°®^ interesting entries several facts appear clearly: 1. 1 hat the vessel was under fire for an hour and a half, and re- plied, probably with her whole broadside (eight guns) quite enough to make a great volume of smoke, and justify Smith's historic belief that she was afire. 2. That she was considerably damaged, and, had Livingston succeeded m oh aining from Arnold the two heavy guns he asked tor, instead of having to content himself with the pop-gun four pounder which he brought from Verplanek's Point, mi|ht have been so damaged as to be sunk or captured. 3. That the crew of Arnold's boat were made prisoners of war— liters "°* ^^^^^ ""'^^ General Heath, or with some other 330 LI1''E OF MAJOR ANDRE. elared his intention in case of assault to receive the enemy in the defiles that led to the works, and repulse them ere they approached the walls. Dearborn, Livingston and his other subordinates, who had heard not* with perfect conviction this resolution, would thus be prepared to obey on occasion without susi)i('ion. AVashington seems to have been imbued with his ideas: at all events, he di- rected him in ease of serious demonstration to abandon the posts at King's Ferry and concentrate everything at West Point. Nothing could have suited him better: for Verplanck's at least was designed and adapted to detain for some days a foe 's progress up the stream. And with a general of Arnold's character, such a line of defence had its apparent advantages; the more, since his people could always fall back into the works. But that these should be as little useful as possible, he had, by dismount- ing the heaviest gvms, throwing down parts of the ma- sonry, &c., in various ways and under the fairest pretences of adding to its sti'ength, put the fortress into such a state as even with a faithful commander it might have been in- secure.! A breach was made in the walls of Fort Put- nam through which a section could march abreast; and nothing but a few loose boards closed the aperture. No covering was provided for the troops in the redoubts. A * The "not" herem is unexplainable. — [Ed.] t In the Knickerbocker Magazine for September, 1840, ap- pears an item which seems to have escaped Mr. Sargent's notice. It is signed "E. P. T., Salem, N. J., 1840," and is said to be by a member of the West Point Board of Visitors. "Scaling-ladders with which the walls (of Fort Putnam) might he ascended, were found afterwards, concealed, ready for use — and some of them were preserved by an aged patriot, as relics, until within a few years." Richard P. Thompson of Salem, X. J., was a member of the Board in 1840. The statement is certainly curious. I give it as not having ap- peared before in any other account of the treason known to me. INTERVIEW WITH ARNOLD AND ITS RESULTS. 331 place of debarcation, known as Kosciusko's Landiuo- wa« left entirely unprotected by any of our works ; and so de- fective were tlie police arrangements that it was by no means difficult for a stranger to enter tlie post itself, or an enemy's boat to pass undetected up tlie river.* Matters being thus prepared, it was settled that Andre was to return directly to New York, and forthwith come again with Clinton and Rodney, who should advance against West Point by land and water. The route, the place of debarcation, all was agreed upon: and while' our men should be detached in various bodies to remote and separated gorges, the English through the unguarded passes were to fall on them in front and in rear, and so dis- pose of their bands as to encompass and capture in detail our betrayed soldiery. Hemmed in on every side by rug- ged acclivities or superior forces, there would be no alter- native but to yield or be mowed down. The very guns and other signals to announce Clinton's progress were pre- scribed. That no misunderstanding should occur, the large and elaborate official plans of the forts and the sur- rounding country were spread before the negotiators; and there were plenty of men in the royal camp who were competent guides to every mountain path and defile In- deed Clinton himself was well acquainted with the ground as far as King's Ferry, and, as we are told, had visited West Point Itself in 1777, ere yet the works were erected. Ihat Rodney's flotilla might meet with no difficultv Arnold had taken a most secure precaution. A mio-hty chain, each link of which weighed 240 pounds, was carried by anchors and huge buoys across the stream to obstruct sa^flTI^*' ^^'^i^ j°.C}reene; Oct. 8th, 1780. Eeturns of the same date preserved m the Heath MSS. show 125 pieces of ordnaBce of all calibres in the works at that period, together" ith 181- mu.kets and numerous other military stores. The largest guns were twenty-four pounders. a "e largest 332 lAVR OF MAJOR ANDRE. the passage of a hostile fleet; and water-batteries were so ]iLnced as to crusli any attempts to destroy or remove it. lender pretenee of necessary repairs, he had a link witlidi'awn, wliich was not to be replaced for some days: and moantiiiio a slight knot, that would yield to almost any concussion, was the only bond that held the boom to- gether and preserved the false semblance of a I'eal im- pediment. Marbois tells us that whim Clinton should be witliin throe miles of tlie place, two of his officers in Ameri- can uniforms were to come at full gallop to Arnold's quar- ters, receive his final words, and hasten back to Rodney. Then the Americans remaining in the works were to be stationed in positions that should not be attacked; for it must be borne in mind that West Point was so con- structed that the possession of its superior fortresses gave command of all the others. He also alleges that the 25th or 26tli September was assigned for the consumma- tion of the conspiracy; and seems to connect this with a proposal urged by Andre but resisted by Arnold for the seizure of "Washington and his suite, who would then be on return from Hartford. Washington and Hamilton however concur in thinking this scheme was not planned. A British subaltern gives the version of the notions enter- tained at the time in the best unofficial circles of the king's army:— "The plan, had not Major Andre been discov- ered, was that Sir Hy. Clinton on a certain day agreed upon between him and Genl. Arnold was to lay siege to Ft. Defiance. Genl. Arnold was immediately to send to Washington for a reinforcement, and before that could arrive to surrender the place. Sir Henry was then to make a disposition to surprise the reinforcement, which ]irobably would have been commanded by Genl. Washing- ton in person. Had this succeeded, it must have put an end to the war."* However this be it is very certain, as * Mathew MS. PAPEES TAKEN BY ANDRE. 333 Heath remarks, that Andre's capture was in a very crit- ical moment and prevented the most serious consequences to our cause.j We now come to the most extraordinary part of the whole transaction; the committal by Arnold, who had hitherto been so very wary, of those papers to Andre which, discovered, blasted the entire affair. These were not of a nature to be of absolute service to Clinton. They were not plans of the country or of the forts. They con- tained nothing that might not have been carried in their bearer's memory. A syllabus of their most important contents might have been conveyed in a memorandum of two lines innocent in purport or unintelligible to any but its maker. But they were documents that could not have come from any hand but Arnold's own, and their posses- sion would enable Clinton to compel a fulfilment of his engagements. My theory therefore is that they were either tendered by Arnold or exacted by Andre as a pledge of fidelity. Perhaps Andre was already distrustful by reason of his inveiglement into our lines; perhaps he dreaded in the hour of performance a betrayal of the plot such as was witnessed at Seaton-Niddrie in the Douglas Wars; but evidently the papers he now took in hand against his general's orders wei-e not necessary for his general 's instruction. They were six in number : (1.) An Estimate of the forces at West Point and its dependencies, Sept. 13th, 1780: showing a total of 308G men of all sorts. (2.) An Estimate of the number of men necessary to man the works at West Point and its vicinity, showing a total, exclusive of the artillery corps, of 2438 troops. (3.) Artillery Orders issued by Major Bauman, Sept.. t Heath Memoirs, p. 226/7 (edition 1901). 334 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. 5tb, 1780, showing the disposition of that corps in an alarm. (4.) ^lajor Banman's return of the Ordnance in the diliterent forts, batteries, &c. at West Point and its de- pendencies, Sept. 5, 1780 : showing the distribution of 100 pieces. (5.) Copy of a statement of the condition of affairs submitted by Washington to a Council of War. Sejit. 6th, 1780. (6.) "Remarks on Works at Wt. Point, a Copy to be transmitted to his Excell'y General Washington, Sep'r 1780. Fort Arnold is built of Dry Fascines and Wood, is in a ruinous condition, iucompleat, and subject to take Fire from Shells or Carcasses. Fort Putnam, Stone, AVanting great repairs, the walls on the East side broke down, and rebuilding From the Foundation; at the West and South side have been a Chevaux-de-Frise, on the West side broke in many Places. The East side open; two Bomb Proofs aud Provision Magazine in the Fort, aud Slight Wooden Barrack.— A commanding piece of ground 500 yards West, between the Fort aud No. 4— or Rocky Hill. Fort Webb, built of Fascines and Wood, a slight Work, very dry, and liable to be set on fire, as the ap- proaches are very easy, without defenses, save a slight Abattis. Fort Wyllys, built of stone 5 feet high, the Work above ]>lank filled with Earth, the stone work 15 feet, the Earth 9 feet thick.— Xo Bomb Proofs, the Batteries without the Fort. PAPERS TAKEN BY ANDRE. 335 Redoubt No. 1. On the South side wood 9 feet thick, the Wt. North and East sides 4 feet thick, no cannon in the works, a slight and single Abattis, no ditch or Pickett. Cannon on two Batteries. No Bomb proofs. Eedoubt No. 2. The same as No. 1. No Bomb Proofs. Redoubt No. 3. a slight Wood Work 3 Feet thick, very Dry, no Bomb Proofs, a single Abattis, the work easily set on fire— no cannon. Redoubt No. 4, a Wooden work about 10 feet high and fore or five feet thick, the West faced with a stone wall 8 feet high and four thick. No Bomb Proof, two six- pounders, a slight Abattis, a commanding piece of ground 500 yards Wt. The North Redoubt, on the East side, built of stone 4 feet high; above the Stone, wood filled in with Earth, very Dry, no Ditch, a Bomb Proof, three Batteries with- out the Fort, a poor Abattis, a Rising piece of ground 500 yards So., the approaches Under Cover to within 20 yards.— The Work easily fired with Faggots diptd in Pitch, &c. South Redoubt, much the same as the North, a Comand- ing piece of ground 500 yards due East— 3 Batteries with- out the Fort." These were all in Arnold's writing save the fourth, and the sixth alone was of sufficient moment to warrant more than the briefest syllabus of its contents; and even this last, one would think, might have been digested into a compact note, incomprehensible without a clue. To his having the originals, however, Andre owed his detection. But when he took them, it would seem he had expected to return by water as he came ; and to Arnold 's warning to destroy them should accident befall the bearer he replied 33G LIFi: OF MAJOR ANDRE. that such "of oouvso would bo the caso. as when lie went iuto the boat he shoukl have them tied about with a string and a stone." ^feautime Arnold made Andre take olT his boots, and conceal three of the doenments between each stocking and the sole of his foot. It is not likely these dangerous testimonials would have been received had their bearer not still believed himself destined to go to the Vulture, which was now returned to the vicinity of her former position. Before ten A. M. of the 2llnd, Arnold took his farewell and set off in his barge for head-quarters. "Before we parted," says Andre, "some mention had been made of my crossing the river and going another route; but I objected much against it. and though it was settled that in the way I came I was to return." But that it was not definitely so ar- ranged appears from Arnold's injunction that if he went by land he should exchange his uniform coat for another to be supplied by Smith. To this, though pressed pei*- emptorily, Andre yielded a reluctant consent. "I was induced to put on this wretched coat ! ' ' said he afterwards, touching the sleeve of his disguise. The following safe- conducts were also calculated for either passage: — He.u> Quarters, Robinson's House, Sep'r 2:^d, 17S0.— Joshua Smith has permission to pass with a boat and three hands and a flag to Dobbs' Ferry, on public busi- ness, and to return immediately. B. Arnold. M. Gen. Head Qu.vkters, Kobinson's House. Sep'r ;^:?assed a restless night, tossing and sighing till he robbed Smith of that repose which he could not himself enjoy ; and with the lirst glimpse of dawn w!\s up and stirring, eager to get away. He sought the negro and bade him bring out the horses; and without waiting for break- fast, the party set forth betimes. When the horses ap- peared, the haggard countenance which betrayed a sleep- less couch lightened ui> with pleasure; and a sereuer ex- pression supplanted its unmistakable dejection while the journey lessened under their feet. As the fear of detec- tion subsided, his spirits rose ]n'oportionately to their late depression. He was tilled with the sense of the awful dangers he had fallen into ; of the imminent prospect of his extrication from an unforeseen whirlpool that had in- volved his life and his fame; and of the ]irodigious results that would ensue by deliverance. Behind lay death and shame: before him, glory, happiness, and renown. Un- able to reveal to his companion the secret cause of his swelling satisfaction, he gave it vent through another channel, and burst into a tlood of animated discourse. Kvcrything that fell from his lips partook of the bright Imes of his mind; and the delighted listener was fain to note the change from his previous reticence and gloom : "T now found him highly entertaining: he was not only well informed in general history, but well aciiuainted with that of America, particularly New York, which he termed tlie residuary legattH' of the British government (for it took all the remaining lands not granted to the proprie- tary and chartei'cd provimvs). He had consulted the Muses as well as Mars, for he couversevi freely on the i elles-letti-es : music, painting, and poetry, seemed to bo andhk's journey. 340 of he authors he had read, professed groat oleganoe of onlnnont, and a n.ost pleasing manner of conveTng his n^^s^byadopt,ngti,oflovveryeo]oaringofpoeL''- agery. He la,nen(,Hl the causes wliiel, gave birth to -.nd continued the war, and said if there was'a eorrci . d to-nper on the part of the Americans, with the pr vai ng sinntoi het.rUis],Annistry,peaeewasaneve:H,„,.;"f hstant; he nitimated that measures were then in agita- on for the accomplishment of that desirable object, be- fore h ranee could accomplisli her perfidious designs He Sincerely w,shed the fate of the war could alone be deter nnned ,„ the air, open field contest, between .s n,X Bntish m number as those under the command of Count Rochambeau at Rhode Island, whose effective force "^ seemed clearly to understand; he descanted on the rich! ness of the scenery around us, and particularly admired ta.ns, bathmg then- lofty summits in the clouds from tlieir «3^n.mg watery hase at the north extremity of Ilaverstraw ±5ay J lu, pleasantry of converse, and the mildness of the weather, so insensibly beguiled the time, that we at length got half way; and T now had reason to think my fellow- t avel er a very ditierent person from the character I had at first formed of him.* As they approached Pine's I^ridge, wliich c-osses the Croton about twelve miles by their course from Ve ! P anck's, t ey paused to bait their horses and to seek food at a waysKle cottage, whose n.istress had but the nightTe fore been robbed by the Skinners or Cow-boys of all Ji, * Smith's Narrative 44. 344 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. possessed sjive a little meal and a single eow.t The good AToman's hos]ntality. however, was not measured by her larder. From her milk and her meal she prepared a sort of hmnble porridge or soupaun that the travellers, fast- ing since yesterday 's dinner, did ample justice to without regard to the contemptuous sport which one of them had so lately l>estowed on it in the Coic-Choie. During breakfast Smith informed his companion of his intention to part. His understanding with Arnold was to continue to Wliite Plains: and had he fulfilled it. Andre would have been saved. For Smith was known by and himself knew jHM'sonally most of the peoyile of this region; and had he been stopped by the captors there is little ques- tion that he would have carried the matter through and without hesitation. In truth, he was probably afraid of ooiiipromising himself by a longer stay with one who evi- dently was not what he seemed : or he may have dreaded encountering the Cow-boys lielow Pine's Bridge: for the Croton was regarded as the boundary Ivtween the Eng- lish and -\mericans of the debatable land, or, in the lan- giiage of the day, the Neutral Ground. Andre had no means of opposing this determination: nor was he ^>er- haps sorry, now that he was almost out of danger, to lie quit of his comrade. AVhile Smith was paying for the breakfast, however, he mentioned his owti condition as to funds, and borrowed one-half of the stock of pai>ei'-money in his guide's wallet. At parting, says Smith, he betrayed some emotion. He charged himself with a message to his own actpiaiutance and Smith's brother, the Chief -justice, and vainly urged the acceptan<.v of his gold watch, as a keei>-sake, on his guide, "With mutual good wishes they t Smith sjiys this was at the residence of an old Dutch frau, t\ro and a half miles before coming to the bridge. Bolton (Wfftcheslfr Co. I. 510) sjiys it was at Mrs. Underhill's of Yorktown. whose grandson still possesses the house. [Bolton is correct. — Ed.] THE SKINNERS AND COW-BOYS. 345 separated; and Smith hastened wiili his sorvjuit up the road; dined at licad-ipiaiiors with Arnohl, wiioin lie rep- resents as satisfied with liis conduct; and su|)ped on the next evening at Fishkill with Washington and his suite. Westchester County, through which Andre now pursued his solitary way, was in the beginning of the contest sig- nalized by its loyalty. Throngs of its people not only pub- licly avowed tlieir intention to stand by the King and to shoot down any who came in the name of Congress to disarm them, but even put a measurable restraint upon the Whigs; and retorted in kind many of those rude monitions of popular disi)leasure that in other places the Tories were subjected to. If a ])rominent Whig found his fences thrown down, or the manes and tails of his clioicest horses disfigured by the clipping-sliears, he knew it was a political enemy that had done this. Much of the soil, particularly towards the Hudson, was vested in large projjrietors, — the Philipses, ( 'oldens, De Lanceys, and Van Cortlandts,— and by them cultivated or leased out in small farms; so that in its extent of thirty miles, it had presented one of the most prosperous rural districts of America. The course of war, however, changed all this. The majority of the gentry sided witli the Crown, and took refuge in New York. Their dependents, and tiic; agricultural ])opulace generally whatever their political views, lost heart in an employment that rival armies alone profited by. Many who leased or owned fai'ms were sub- jected to losses which drove them to desperation ; and that class of the people who had nothing to lose and to whom honest labor was often denied, seem to have be- come thoroughly imbued with a spirit of spoil and rob- bery. Nominally, such as participated in these habits were divided into two orders : the Cow-boys robbed and cried "God save the King;" the Skinners stole for the sake of 346 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. Congress. Of course each side pretended to confine its outrages to the enemies of its own political creed; but in point of fact it pillaged indifferently friend and foe who had a cow or a pig to be carried off, or a purse of gold to be yielded. These scoundrelly partisans were often per- sonal acquaintances ; they were often in league, and play- ing into each otb.ers* hands. The Cow-boys were gener- ally refugees who had been expelled from their homes and driven to reside within the British lines. The Skinners, though abiding in our bounds and professing attachment to our cause, were in reality, says Mr. Sparks, "more un- principled, perfidious, and inhuman than the Cow-boys themselves: for these latter exhibited some symptoms of fellow-feeling for their friends, whereas the Skin- ners committed their depredations equally upon frieud and foe." An idea of their comparative merits may be obtained from their respective titles: the Cow-boys were so called from their practice of harrying the cattle of Whig farmers, and bringing them into Xew York; the Skinners got their name by reason of their stripping their victim of every thing he had in the world down to the merest trifle; not scrupling, if they thought money was to be extorted by the op- eration, to deprive his flesh of its nearest and most primitive covering. In this course, as Mr. Sparks says, they had no more hesitation in ^"isiting a wealthy AVhig than a Tory; and so great was the apjjetite for villainy, that no orders, nor even the presence of a commissioned officer could restrain them. If an American foraging party went out from the lines, as many volunteers from the country side as could join themselves to it attended and disgraced its progress: and they would return rich with horses, cattle, bed-stuffs, clothing, and whatever portable eft'ects they could bear away to divide at their leisure. "The militia volunteers excelled in this busi- THE SKINNERS AND COW-BOYS. 347 ness," said Aaron Burr. A crowd of the best Whigs in the land would follow at their heels, hoping, and some- times obtaining the restoration of their projjerty, but not often the punishment of their robbers. When the protec- tion of a regular party was wanting to these skulking thieves, they would maraud by night through the country round, and concert with their kindred the Cow-boys to take off their hands the plunder they could neither keep themselves nor sell within American jurisdiction. Then a meeting would occur, and the cows and sheep of the Whig farmer be bartered for dry goods and gold brought by the Cow-boys from New York. A mock skirmish closed the scene of inicjuity, and with pockets well lined and tongues loud in lying praise of their own bravery, the Skinners would return laden with booty which they pre- tended they had captured from a smuggling party of the enemy. Well might this state of affairs be styled a most "formidable conspiracy against the rights and claims of humanity!"* To the armies on either side, rather than to any exer- tion of the civil authorities, is due the praise for any at- tempt to suppress these banditti. The Continental officers on the lines "were constantly instructed to prevent and repress them. Yet the task was difficult. The Whig leg- islature of New York had enacted the confiscation of every man's property who refused the oath of allegiance: sup- plies of war intended for the enemy were also declared lawful prize ; and under these pretences, the sturdy rustic, who at sunset would bear down an inquisitive officer with * The Militia and Cow-boys are very busy in driving, and it is out of my power to prevent them. If I send the troops down below to prevent the Cow-boys the Militia are driving off in the rear, and if I have the troops above, the lower party are driviug downwards, and the inhabitants are left destitute without any prospect of redress. — MS. Jameson to Heath, Oct. ISth, 1780. ■348 LIFK OF MAJOR ANDRE. protestations of his utter aversion to sncli practices, would ere morning justify his i)illage of any neighbor's cattle- yard or sheepfold as a legitimate spoiling of the Egyptian. There is an undoubted rule of war in such cases, the sea- sonable application of which will always save many lives in the end. Its principles were published and practised by Napoleon and maintained by Wellington. When rival armies are in the field, it is lawful for any inhabitant to enlist under the flag of his country. If captured, he is a prisoner entitled to honorable treatment. But where peas- antry refuse to enlist, yet secretly resist,— to-day peace- fully working in their fields, to-night assaulting a picket- guard,— the general of the adversary is entirely justifiable in burning their habitations and hanging the men to the nearest tree. The army that can maintain its position in a hostile land has for the time being a right to the open opposition or the passive obedience of the inhabitants within its range. At this very period we know how Westchester county, once such a scene of rural affluence and peace, appeared to a foraging party that bore off hundreds of loads of its hay and grain. The land was in ruins. Most of the farm- holders had fled, and such as remained were not permitted to reap where they had sown. The fields were covered with the tangled harvest-growths that decayed ungathered on the ground, and in the neglected orchards the fruit rotted in great heaps beneath the trees. The sturdy American* who descrilies the scene attributes all the devastation to the enemy: for he considered Cow-boys and Skinners as renegades alike, and all villainous Tories. He recites the tortures they employed to extort from the inhabitants the revelation of hoards which perhaps did not exist. The wretch would ])e hanged till he became insensible; then cut down and revived, and again hanged. * Timothv Dwi'iht. — Travels. ANDRE ON THE TAREYTOWN ROAD. 349. The case of an aged Quaker makes it probable these luffians were nomzually Whigs; for the Quakers were money, but more was required. To be sure tha he was secretmg nothmg from them, his captors first mflieted ■ the torment of scorching: they stripped him naked Tn mersed hxm m hot ashes, and roasted him as one wouTd a potato trll the blistered skin rose from his fleTh Tl en be was thnce hung and cut down ; nor did his oppressox-s leave hnn while life appeared to remain. wSen Bu commanded the advanced lines in this county, his ind 1' nahon at all he witnessed first inspired him, he says, w th lodWr ''^''T'^rr- "I ^om gibbet half-a-'dozen good BJugs, with all the venom of an inveterate Tory." Through such a region, where none were safe with t7.o Af?' r' '''' ?"^ *^ ^^^'^^^ ''' ^-dre was now IS'- ^f ^^^^V^^ Pi^^'s Bridge, he was not long in resolymg to abandon the route he was on, and, striking to and If, as Boyd had warned him, he might find the Cow- boys upon It, he probably esteemed them less perilous op- ponents than the Skinners. It was a bright pleasant mormng on Saturday, the 23rd of September ; ^nd he looked forward to being ere sunset once more with his friends Few mcidents for a while interrupted his soli: tude. At the house of Mr. Staats Hammond* he paused to ask for water, and the little children who brought it tb liim from the well bore in mind their vision of a mounted man closely wrapt in his light-blue swan-skin cloak, with high military boots and round brimmed hat, wholeisurely walked his bay horse to their door. The incongruous ap- pearance of such a good-looking steed, with its handsome vU]?''^rr ^Ti^"^ "'' ^>perhan River, in the town of Pleasant- wi,o ^-l^l^^^e^.^^^ere David and Sallv Hammond, to tlie la eV 01 wliom he gave a sixpence, long treasured in the family 350 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. double snaffle bridle and its t;iii ;uul inane filled with l)iirrs, was not lost on tliciii. 'I'lic lad held the rein while the stranger drank. "How far is it to Tarrytown .'" he in- (luired. "Four niiios," roitlied the boy. "I did not think it was so far," said Andre, and resumed his way. At C'liap- ])aqua, near rnderliill's Tavern, he again (juestioned some (Quakers* whom lie met as to the road, and whether troops were out below. At the foot of the Chai^paqua roads he took that leading to the river; and came into the Albany post-road near the village of Sparta. As he approached what is now called the Andre Brook, he had gone over nearly eleven miles of neutral ground. He was now hard by Tarrytown, and even by his own showing, had been very lueky in his journey. ' ' Nothing, ' ' lie said to one of our officers, "occurred to disturb him in liis route until he arrived at the last i^lace, excei^tiug at Cromi)on ; he told me his hair stood erect, and his heart was in his mouth, on meeting Col. Samuel B. AVebb, of our army— an acquaintance of his. He said the Colonel stared at him, and he thought he was gone ; but they kept moving, and soon passed each other. He then thought himself ])ast all danger. Whilst ruminating on his good luck and hairbreadth escape, he was assailed by three bushmen near Tarrytown, who ordered him to stand." On tlio west of the I'oad tlowed the river; on the east rose the Greenburgh Hills, in whose bosom lies the world- renowned vale of Sleepy Hollow, with its old church, founded by the Philipse family, and the ancient bell with its legend Si Deus pro nohk^, quis contra nos. Indeed on *^Ir. Sargent has rcverseil the order of these meetings. The Quakers, Stevenson Thorne and his son Jesse, were met at the former's liouse, some distance ahove (north) of Hammond's. Nor did .\ndre go near Sparta, bnt came over the Poeantieo hills on to the "lower road" into Tarrytown. See my Crisis of the Revolu- iion. — [Ed.J o < c K z w cs w tn P O Z o 7. m o PS w a: AXDx^E ON THE TARRYTOWN ROAD. ;j5l «very hand stretched far and wide around him the fair manors of his friends the De Lanceys and those of the Philipsesm which his coadjutor Robinson was so Largely nterested. Before him, scarce half a mile north of Tan v town, a rivulet flowing from the hills crossed the road _VV ilej s Swamp ; and by a south-west course soon mingled Its waters with that part of the neighboring Hudson which bears the name of the Tappan Zee. "A few rough loc^s " says the venerable Knickerbocker, "laid side by side served for a bridge over this stream. On that side of thj road where the brook entered the wood, a group of oaks and chestnuts, matted thick with wild grape-vines, threw a cavernous gloom over it." Here, on the south or lower side of the bridge and on the west side of the path, were secreted amon^ the bushes John Paulding, Isaac Van Wart, and David Williams, whose presence';n this occa tion saved America from a mortal blow.* On the preceding day seven young men,t mostly natives of or well acquainted with the neighborhood, had agreed to waylay the road in quest of spoil. The ravages of war had deprived them of all profitable and peaceful employ- ment, and by their own account they were in hopes of * See Appendix, No. II ensiin lirZ'::; r' ''''^ '^^r^ ^ commissioned office -an wllfi . P*""^*-^ ''"''''^ members of the First reects. It was not until he had taken horse for the Clove that he interrogated his companion and keeper in regard to the treatment he was likely to receive from our hands.* Tallmadge candidly reminded him of the fate of his own classmate and friend, Xathan Hale. "Yes, he was hanged as a spy," quoth Andre: "hut surely you do not consider his case and mine alike?" ''They are precisely similar, and similar will be your fate," was the answer. It shook the prison- er's fortitude, and his lively discourse was chilled. The friendly offer of the American to conceal the deficiencies of his toilet by the loan of a dragoon cloak was declined, although it had been suggested by Andre's own comments upon the shabby apparel he was wearing; but Tall- madge 's urgency at length procured its acceptance. En- veloped in its folds, he came into our quarters.^ "W'e may gather from Tallmadge 's reminiscences that till he drew near Tappan, Andre had little doubt that the Americans, though exasperated at what had occurred, * This is an error. The conversation was in the boat. — [Ed."] fSee also Tallmadge's Letter in Appendix Xo. IV. ANDRE SENT TO TAPPAN. 385 could not fail to view him as at tlie most but a spy in ap- pearance and involuntarily; that beyond some personal discomforts, he had nothing to fear. The ominous warn- ing of Tallmadge was confirmed by the general order is- sued by Greene on the 26th, when, as senior officer in Washington's absence, he promulgated to the army the explanation of the alarm which had resounded through the camp : "TJeadquaifers, Orange Town, Sept. 26, 1780.— Trea- son of the blackest dye was yesterday discovered. Gen- eral Arnold, who commanded at West Point, lost to every sentiment of honour, of private and public obligation, was about to deliver that important post into the hands of the enemy. Such an event must have given the American cause a deadly wound, if not a fatal stab. Happily the Treason has been timely discovered to prevent the fatal misfortune. The Providential train of circumstances which led to it affords the most convincing proofs that the Liberties of America are the objects of Divine Protection^ At the same time that the Treason is to be regretted, the General cannot help congratulating the army in the happy discovery. Our enemies despairing of carrying their point by force, are practising every base art to effect, by bribery and corruption, what they cannot accomplish irt a manly way. Great honour is due to the American army that this is the first instance of Treason of the kind, where many were to be expected from the nature of the dispute. And nothing is so bright an ornament in the character of the American Soldiers as their having been proof against all tlie arts and seductions of an insidious enemy. Arnold has made his escape to the enemy, but Major Andre, the Adjutant General of the British Army, who came out- as a spy to negotiate the business, is our pris- oner. His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief has ar- 25 386 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. rived at West Point from Hartford, and is no doubt tak- ing proper measures to unravel fully so hellish a plott." This language was doubtless communicated to Andre "by some of his American companions, and must have shocked his anticipations of a more lenient interi)retation of his character. Meanwhile, however, his friends were acting with promptitude in the line their sense of duty dictated. Arnold's letter of the 25th to Washington had not touched on Andre's condition, though it averred the innocence of his aides and of Smith. It is perhaps there- fore not unfair to infer that at the moment he did not consider the prisoner in peril of life. Eobinson at the same time had assured Washington that Andre was so covered with flags and safe-conducts that even to arrest him was a violation of the laws of war. On their report, Clinton at once reclaimed his Adjutant-General, enclosing Arnold's statement of the case. CLINTOK TO WASHINGTON. Xew York, Sept. 26, 1780.— Sir: Being informed that the King's Adjutant Genl. in America has been stopt un- der Major Genl. Arnold's passports, and is detained a prisoner in your Excellency's army, I have the honor to inform you. Sir, that I permitted Major Andre to go to Major General Arnold, at the particular request of that General Officer; You will perceive. Sir, by the enclosed paper, that a flag of Truce was sent to receive Major Andre, and passports granted for his return. I there- fore can have no doubt but your Excellency will imme- diately direct that this officer has permission to return to my oi'ders in Xew York. 1 have the honor to be, (S;c. AEXOLD TO CLINTON. New York, 26 September, 1780.— Sir: in answer to your Excellency's message, respecting your Adjutant- WASHINGTON CONVENES A BOARD OF ENQUIRY. R87 General, Major Andre, and desiring my idea of the reas- ons why he is detained, being under my passports, I have the honor to inform you. Sir, that I apprehend a few hours must restore Major Andre to your Excellency's orders, as that officer is assuredly under the protection of a flag of truce sent by me to him for the purpose of a conver- sation, which I requested to hold with him relating to my- self, and which I wished to communicate through that of- ficer to your Excellency. I commanded at the time at West Point, and had an undoubted right to send my flag of truce for Major Andre, who came to me under that pro- tection, and, having held my conversation with him, I de- livered him confidential papers in my own handwriting to deliver to your Excellency; thinking it much properer he should return by land, I directed him to make use of the feigned name of John Anderson, under which he had, by my direction, come on shore, and gave him my passports to go to the White Plains on his way to New York. This officer therefore cannot fail of being immediately sent to New York, as he was invited to a conversation with me, for which I sent him a flag of truce, and finally gave him passports for his safe return to your Excellency; all of which I had then a right to do, being in the actual service of America, under the orders of General Washington, and commanding general at West Point and its depen- dencies. I have the honor to be, &c. To these communications no answer was at present given. Washington was not perhaps sorry to keep the enemy in such suspense concerning Andre's fate, as would afford ample opportunity of preparing for a vigor- ous defense at West Point ere any movement against it should be undertaken. He also probably wished to ob- tain the opinion of his generals before he replied. Ac- cordingly, having on the evening of the 28th repaired to 38S LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. camp, he caused a board of every general officer present with the army to be convened.* Smith dechires the gen- eral impression to have been that its object was rather to determine once for all the limits within which a flag should protect its bearer— for there had been some previous dif- ficulties on this point— rather than to decide on Andre's immediate fate. This assertion is manifestly absurd. There is every reason to believe that nothing less was de- signed than what is proved by the record : and besides, it must not be forgotten that from the beginning Wash- ington had apparently made up his mind respecting the prisoner's character. His own judgment we may believe would have given him to death ; but with the caution and wisdom that always characterized the commander-in- chief, he refrained from acting in so serious a matter until he had heard the best opinions at his disposal. This was a course of which justice must approve. That his anger should now be fearfully roused can hardly be questioned. The very applause which was bestowed on its restraint shows its force and strength. Long after his death, one who had studied him narrowly observed that Washing- ton's "temper was naturally irritable and high-toned, but reflection and resolution had obtained a firm and habitual ascendancy over it. If ever, however, it broke its bounds, he was most tremendous in his wrath." It should be added that the storm seldom rose without good cause; and never was there greater provocation than here. The *So it is authoritatively stated; vet where were Wayue and Irvine? Perhaps a laudable delicacy restrained these gentlemen from deciding on the fate of an enemy whose satire had so lately been personally aimed at themselves in The Cow-Chace. Sparks, in 1834, asked Tallmadge the reason for Wayne's omis- sion, and got the incisive reply: "None durst ask him (Washing- ton) the reason why A. was appointed and B. omitted." Johnson (Life of Greene) says Wayne declined. — Crisis of the Bevolution, p. 59. ANDRE BEOTJGHT BEFORE THE TRIBUNAL. 389 thought that he so long warmed in his bosom the serpent that had turned to sting him; the disagreeable uncer- tainty of the plot's extent; the public danger, and the damage his own prestige and that of the cause might re- ceive in Congress and with the French ; everything com- bined to incense him.* That he should resolve therefore, if the measure accorded as well with the sense of justice of others as with his own, to make such an example in this case as would eft'ectually prevent any further tam- pering with his subordinates, is as natural as probable. His position warrants the idea. He had hazarded every- thing — life, fortune, reputation, domestic happiness— on the risk of success; and now after five years of battling it out with the public enemy and with his own, at a mo- ment when America could hardly stagger along, when all his soul was bent on maintaining matters, to have the i^rize snatched at in this underhand manner was too much for human endurance. Had he not himself deemed Andre a spy he would not, in my opinion, have summoned the board. And indeed there is good I'eason to believe that even before they came together, some of our principal generals had learned enough of the facts of the case to satisfy them of the improbability of their arriving at any other conclusion than that the prisoner was an undoubted spy-t On Friday then, the 29th September, just one week * The correspondence between M. de Ternay and the Count de Yergennes shows how seriously, even in its lopped and mutilated state, the plot affected the opinions and estimates of our allies. The party-heats of Congress were unusually violent at this period, and its committee that attended the camp was falling into an un- popularity by reason of the tincture of "army principles" it had imbibed. See Sparks' Wash. vii. 226, 241. t "He has a great antipathy to spies, although he employs them himself, and an utter aversion to all Indians," was written of Washington in the beginning of 1780. 390 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. siuee be had started from Smith's house for Xew York, Andre was brought before the tribunal. It was assembled in an old Dutch ehiireh at Tappan. now pulled down, and consisted of fourteen officers, of whom Greene was presi- dent. The authority of the meeting was lirst read: Head-Quarters, Tappan, Sept. 29th, 1780.— Gentle- MES : Major Andre. Adjutant General to the British army will be brought before you for examination. He came within our lines in the night on an interview with Major General Arnold, and in an assumed character; and was taken within our lines, in a disguised habit, with a pass under a feigned name, and with the enclosed pai>ei"s concealed upon him. After a careful examination, you will be pleased, as speedily as possible, to report a pre- cise state of his ease, together with yom- opinion of the light, in which he ought to be considered, and the punish- ment that ought to be inllicted. The Judge Advocate will attend to assist in the examination, who has sundry other papers, relative to this matter, which he will lay before the Board. I have the honor to be Gentlemen, Tour most obedient and humble servant, G. "WASHnfGTOX. The Board of General Officers convened at Tappan. It is to be i-egretted that the task of composing this let- ter should have fallen on Hamilton, between whom and the prisoner an intercourse almost confidential was grow- ing up: and who, says La Fayette, '"was daily searching some way to save him." And whether its natui-e was that of an indictment or of a simple statement of facts, every i"eader will remark that its opening charge that Andre entered our lines in the night in an assumed character was putting a very strong construction on his own voluntary admissions, which were all the e\"idence on the point. He landed without our lines as Anderson : here his rank and ANDRE BROUGHT BEFORE THE TRIBUNAL. 391 real name became known to Arnold; and in his uniform, over which was a surtout or watchcoat, he was unwitting brought by Arnold within the lines. No one else but the sentry who challenged bis approach seems to have seen him from the time of his leaving the boat to his arrival at Smith's house: and Arnold here took all the respon- sibility of reply. Therefore technically at least Andre might have urged that in so full uniform as officers gen- erally wear by night, and with his name and quality fully known to the American commander, and the only Ameri- can officer with whom he had thus far to do, he entered our lines. Neither does it seem that he was taken within our lines, as is alleged in the letter. Tarrytown was nearer to the British post at Kingsbridge than to any of ours. The remaining statements of the letter are exactly and literally true.* * The chief authorities for the Trial are the Proceedings of the Board in the original manuscript, and also as published by Con- gress; and a letter from Hamilton to Sears. The first was sent by "Washington to Congress, Oct. 7, 1780, with a view to publication: and in pamphlet form was immediately and widely diffused. In this country the observation, appended by Congress, that all the circumstances of the ease show that the proceedings "were not guided by passion or resentment" met with general approval. In England, the Gentleman's Magazine, by no means a Ministerial journal, expressed the feelings of a very large class in a notice of the publication. "The above account, having been published by Congress, it may without any very violent strain of probability be conjectured that they thought Gen. Washington's severity to Andre stood in need of some apology. How far the Congress account justifies Gen. Washington's conduct towards the brave Andre the public will judge for themselves." It was however at Washing- ton's own desire that the account was printed. Hamilton wrote not only to Sears, btit to Miss Schuyler and to Laurens, and the details he gives of Andre's deportment during the trial and in his confinement are very interesting. One at least of these letters seems intended for a demi-publicity. La Fayette de- scribes it as "a masterpiece of literary talents and amiable sensi- bility." I have verified the Account as given by Congress by com- parison with the original MSS. preserved at Washington, and have corrected some of its errors. 392 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. The prisoner was now called to listen to the names of the officers who composed the board. These were Major- Generals Greene, Stirling, St. Clair, La Fayette. Howe, and Stenben ; Brigadiers Pai'sons. Clinton, Knox, Glover. Paterson. Hand. Hnntington. and Stark. Greene was president, and John Lanrance the Jndge-advocate-geueral. This officer's shai-e in the proceedings was limited to the preparation of the case on behalf of government, and eliciting the facts l^fore the court. He was a native of Cornwall in England, and by admission of all a man of humanity and sensibility. His age was about Andre's own, and his whole conduct evinceil his sympathy with the prisoner, whom he warned of the peril in which he stood, and exhorted to pivserve his pi-esence of mind : to be cool and deliberate in his answers ; and to except fi-eely to any interrogatory that he thought ambiguous. He promised in advance that any such should have its form fairly and justly altered. Gi-eene also ad\ised him that he was free to answer or stand mute to the questions to l>e proposed, and cautioned him to weigh well what he said. He was asked if he confessed or denied the statements of Wash- ington's letter to the board. In reply, he acknowledged as his own the letter to "Washington of Septeml^er -4Xh which the Judge-advocate had put in evidence, and fur- thermoi"e submitted this additional paper that he had drawn up: axpke's statemext. On the 20th of SeptemWr. I left Xew York to get on board the rulture. in order (as I thought) to meet Gen- eral Arnold there in the night. Xo boat, however, came oflF, and I waited on board imtil the night of the 21st. During the day. a flag of truce was sent from the Vulture to complain of the violation of a military rule in the in stance of a boat havins: been deooved on shore bv a flag. andke's statement. 393 and fired uijon. The letter was addressed to General Ar- nold, signed by Captain Sutherland, but written in my hand and countersigned "J. Anderson, Secretary." Its intent was to indicate my presence on board the Vulture. In the night of the 21st a boat with Mr. and two hands came on board, in order to fetch Mr. Anderson on shore, and if too late to bring me back, to lodge me until the next night in a i^lace of safety. I went into the boat, landed, and spoke with Arnold. I got on horseback with him to proceed to house, and in the way passed a guard I did not expect to see, having Sir Henry Clinton's directions not to go within an enemy's jiost, or to quit my own dress. In the morning A. quitted me, having himself made me put the papers I bore between my stockings and feet. Whilst he did it, he expressed a wish that in case of any accident befalling me, that they should be destroyed, which I said, of course would be the case, as when I went into the boat I should have them tied about with a string and a stone. Before we parted, some mention had been made of my crossing the river, and going by another route; but, I objected much against it, and thought it was set- tled that in the way I came I was also to return. Mr. to my great mortification persisted in his de- termination of carrying me by the other route ; and, at the decline of the sun, I set out on horseback, passed King's Ferry, and came to Crompond, where a party of militia stopped us and advised we should remain. In the morn- ing I came with as far as within two miles and a half of Pine's Bridge, where he said he must part with me, as the Cow-boys infested the road thenceforward. I was now near thirty miles from Kingsbi'idge, and left to the chance of passing that space undiscovered. I got to the neighbourhood of Tarrytown, which was far beyond the 394 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. points described as dangerous, when I was taken by tliree volunteers, who, not satistied with uiy pass, ritied nie, and, finding papers, made me a prisoner. I have omitted mentioning, that, wlien 1 found myself within an enemy's posts, I ehanged my dress. The Proceediugs as published liy Congress, being rather a manifesto than a report of llu' trial, makes no mention of this Statement. It gives however what is doubtless designed for an abstract of its contents and of his oral replies to interrogations. The italics are from the pamphlet. —"That he came on shore from Ihc Vulfure sloop-of- war in fhe uifjht of the 21st Sei>tember inst., somewhere under the Haverstraw mountain. That the boat he came on shore in carried no fag, and that he had on a surtout coat over his regimentals, and that he wore his surtout coat when he was taken. That he met General Arnold on the shore, and had an interview with him there. He also said that when he left the Vulture sloop-of-war, it was understood that he was to return that night; but it was then doubted, and if he could not return he was promised to be concealed on shore, in a place of safety, milil tlie next night, when he was to return in the same manner he came on shore; and when the next day came he was solicitous to get back, and made enquiries in the course of the day, how he should return, when he was in- formed he could not return that way, aaid must take the route he did afterwards. He also said that the first notice he had of his being within any of our outposts was, being challenged by the sentry, which was the first night he was on shore. He also said, that the evening of the 22d of September inst., he passed King's Ferry, between our posts of Stony and Verplanck's Points in the dress PROCEEDINGS OF THE COUJIT. 395 he is at present in, and ivhich he said is not his regiment- als, and which dress he proeiired after he landed from tiie Vulture, and ^A•llen he was witJiin our posts, and that he was proceeding to New York, but was taken on his way, at Tarry-town, as he has mentioned in his letter, on Satur- day the 23d of September inst. about nine o'clock in the morning." The six papers from Arnold being produced, he ac- knowledged they were found in his boots: the pass to John Anderson was also owned, and the fact that he had assumed that name. Anderson's letter to Sheldon of September 7th {aide, page 202) was also read. He avowed himself its author; but though it went to prove his intention not to enter our lines, he observed that it could not aflfect the i)resent case, as he wrote it in New York under Clinton's orders. '^riie ImiiikI liaving interrogated Major Andre about his conception of his coming on shore under the sanction of a flag, he said. That it ivas impossible for him to sup- pose he came on shore under that sanction, and added, That if he came on shore under that sanction, he certainly might have returned under it. *&' Major Andre having acknowledged the preceding facts, and being asked whether he had anytliing to say respect- ing them, answered, He left them to operate with the Board." It was probably in connection willi this jtoint of a flag that Greene asked the question:— "AVhen you came on shore fi'oin the Vulture, Major Andre, and met General Arnold, did you consider yourself acting as a private in- dividual, or as a British officer I " "I wore my uniform, ' ' was the reply, "and undoubtedly esteemed myself to be what indeed I was, a British officer." It will be recollect- 396 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. od that it was not as an officer he was acting and clad wlien lie was arrested.* His personal examination was now concluded, and the prisoner being remanded into custody, the board consid- ered Arnold's and Robinson's letters of the 25th, and Clinton's (with Arnold's statement enclosed) of the 'Jlith September to AVashingtou. Of their contents — or indeed of their existence— it does not appear that Andre was ap- prised : nor was it necessaiy that he should be. No other testimony was presented, nor indeed was there any more in the power of the board to adduce save that of Smith and the boatmen. The first was in custody; and as his jireliminary examination by AYashington was in the pres- ence of La Payette and Knox, who were of the board, as well as of Hamilton and Harrison who were not, they knew what he could saj^ respecting Andre's coming ashore from the VnUure. By their evidence afterwards, on his own trial, this briefly amounted to the asseveration that he went to the Vulture by Arnold's direction with a Hag which, despite the darkness of the night, he thought a suf- ficient protection ; that he brought away Andre in his uni- form, which was not laid aside till the next day; and that the prisoner came to laud under the assumed name of Anderson. The boatmen could only say that they were under the impression they were asked lieforelinnd to go with a flag. This testimony is not of much importance, though it shows that some persons at that day considei'ed a safe-conduct and a flag identical. *a To these details of what passed before and in the board, but a passage or two more can be added. It is recorded that Andre was profoundly sensible of the liberal and po- lite behavior that he met with from the Court, and warmly * I have this anecdote I'rom Air. Sparks. avIio veeeiveil it from La Faj-ette himself. PEOCEEDINGS OF THE COURT. 397 avowed his sense of their generous treatment. * ' I flatter myself," he said when the examination was over, "that I have never been illiberal, but if there were any remains of prejudice in my mind, my present experience must obliter- ate them." On the other hand, his own deportment was composed and dignified ; his answers oj^en, clear, and to the point, and free from all argumentive insinuation. Their frank ingenuousness is testified to by Hamilton, who says his confession was so full that the board condemned him without calling a witness. His only reserve was in re- gard to others; in all that he said, he avowed his careful- ness to avoid everything that could involve anyone else, even shunning to mention names. Thus when Greene referred to his meeting Arnold at Smith's house— "I said a house, sir, but I did not say whose house ! ' ' exclaimed Andre. ' ' True, ' ' replied Greene ; "nor have we any right to demand this of you after the conditions we have al- lowed." Though there is nothing in the published Proceedings to show that the prisoner endeavored to prove himself not a spy, we cannot doubt that he took that ground before the board. Smith's affirmation that he did may be passed by; his comment on his own letter to Sheldon and the tone of his written statements lead to the belief that he upheld himself to have been involuntarily, and without anything beyond apparent guilt, forced into that category. When all the evidence before them was put in and con- sidered, the board proceeded to collect its voices. La Fayette is authority for pronouncing the decision unani- mous ; and though Smith alleges that neither Steuben nor Howe approved it, there is good reason to believe him as incorrect here as in other places. It is probable, let us hope, that La Fayette himself was equally astray when, on the 4th of July, 1825, at his mansion in Paris, he as- 39S LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. sui-ed the sou of an offiivr who had been ptvnliarly asso- ciatoil with Andro's olosiug sceues. iu roforoiuv to the action of the board.— "that it was a painful duty, in oon- sideration of the araUantry and aoooinvilishuionts of that officer, but the court was impelled not only by the rules of war but by the examj^le of the British anny itself, in the exemition of Captain Hale ou Long Island (sic) for a similar otfence. to pass a like judgment. " This considera- tion I cannot believe at all intlueuced the determination of the board; nor will I willingly admit that La Fayette him- self was governed by it in giving his vote. Tiieir enemies have indeed said, doubtless untruly, that he and Greene being personally hostile to Arnold were the warmest ad- vocates for Andre's condemnation: and it is not unlikelv that his companions were not all as prompt as himself in coming to a conclusion. "Some of the American gen- erals too." he wrote to his wife, "himciitcd. while they kept twisting the rope that was to hang him." But Ji moment's reflection will show how great a wrong is worked to the character of our leaders by the imputation of such a motive. Hale was a man whose dis]Hisition and whose fate indeed resembled Andre's: but whose case in its characteristics was widely dissimilar. In fulfilment of "Washington's desires and with the jnirest intentions of serving his country, he pi'emeditatedly entered the Bi-itish lines as a spy. and was detected, llis own kins- man betrayed him, and he was arrested while yet the em- hers smouldered of the great fire of the 21st of September, 1776, and in the height of the excitement that this unjusti- fiable contlagratiou occasioned among the British. He was instantly hanged by order of Sir "William Howe: and the circumstances of his execution reflect disgraiv upon the English arms. But even had his case iu every par- ticiilar been parallel with Andre's, it will be borne in mind that fully four years had elapsed since its occurrence. ANDRE SENTENCED TO DICATH. 399 'I'lic English were now under anotlier chief who, as was w(!ll known, had carefully avoided putting to death those over whose lives the laws of war gave him fonti'ol ; and who hut recently had given up an acknowledged spy to Washington's intercessions. And in any case it is cer- tain that our people had hanged persons of tliat character in sufficient numliers since Hale's death to satisfy every demand of r(;taliation.* Had the lex lalionis thei'efore at all been presented for a principle of actioji to oni- gen- erals, it would undoubtedly have at once been set aside. That there was anger in tlieir hearts is not improbable; that their verdict was consciously influenced by it or any other motive; than a siini)lc disposition to decide the case before; tliem on its individual nuu-its should not be ques- tioned. They may indeed have felt, when they looked on the prisoner, what the great Pharaoh in the Arabian tale expresses:— "men are not to be reckoned as we reckon animals; one camel is worth no more than another, but the man who is before me is wortli an ai-iny. " I'ut this very reflection could only warn them to more scrupulously mete no other sentence than the law awarded. This seur tence appears in the concluding parvigraph of tiie report, which was signed by every member of the board: "The Board having considered the letter from his p]\-- cellency General Washington respecting Major Andre,- Adjutant Oencn'al to the British army, the Confession of Major Andre, and the papers produced to them, Ekpoht * 111 liiirriedly glancing over Thachcr's Military Journal, I see recorded in this single volume the executions of no less than eight British spies between the dates of Hale's death and Andre's. The fate of one who was reclaimed by Tryon, is characteristically set forth in Putnam's reply. — "Sir: Xathan Palmer, a lieutenant in your king's service, was taken in my camp as a s/ry, — he was tried as a njiy, — he was condemned as a >ect, T have a right to hope that you will order my complaint to be immediately redressed. Major Andre, who visited an officer commanding in a district, at his own desire, and acted in every circum- stance agreeably to his direction, 1 find is detained a pris- oner. ]\ly friendship for him leads me to fear he may suffer some inconvenience for want of necessaries. I wish to be allowed to send him a few, and shall take it as a favor if you will be pleased to permit his servant to de- liver them. In Sir Henry Clinton's absence it becomes a part of my duty to make this representation and request. I am. Sir, &c. This letter must have arrived early on the ."^Otli, ani with it came the servant, Peter Laune,* bringing tlu' much * An error — Laiinc came the ilav before. Andre's condition. 407 wanted necessaries of the toilet. Washington with his aides and some guards being on the spot wlion the flag landed, saw the luggage seai'ched, and then bade a soldier conduct the man to his master; whom he found "con- fined in a room, but not in fetters, under a strong guard, with double centinels, and two rebel officers in the room on duty." Tlie returning flag bore back this reply: — WASHINGTON TO ROBERTSON. Tappan, Sept. .30, 1780. — Sir: I have just receiv-ed your letter of the 29th instant. Any delay which may have attended your flags, has proceeded from accident and the peculiar circumstances of the occasion; not from intentional neglect or violation. The letter, which ad- mitted of an answer, has received one as early as it could be given with propriety, transmitted by a flag this morn- ing. As to messages, I am uninformed of any that have been sent. The necessaries for Major Andre will be de- livered to him agreeable to your request. I am, Sir, &c. Andre's condition was not yet so desperate as to shut out every hope of saving him. Mr. Sparks says that. Washington was very anxious to do so : but a victim— and an eminent one— was demanded. The magnitude of the affront called for a commensurate expiation, and there was but one person who could be substituted in the pris- oner's stead. The unanimous approval bestowed by the amiy and tlie nation on Andre's execution, though accom- panied with unrepressed regret for its cruel necessity,, arose from this conviction. None could tell where the treason was to end : and though as it turned out no others were involved, yet at the moment, so far from being as- sured upon that point, the army's confidence was shaken in various quarters, and Washington himself is seen pri- vately investigating the suspicions that pointed to the 408 LIFE OF MAJDH ANDRE. uppermost grades of the Court of Iu(]uiry itself. The only security was to act promjitly and with such decision as should effectuallj^ deter others from a like offense. We all recollect Robinson Crusoe's dealings with the birds in his cornfield. He might drive them away as often as he would; but no sooner was his back turned than their plundering was resumed: "I could easily see the thieves sitting ujion all the trees about me, as if tliey only waited till I was gone away, and the event proved it to be so." But when he liung a few of the marauders in chains and left them dangling in terrorem, it so disgusted their sur- viving comrades that ever after thoy shunned the spot in holy hoi-ror. So it was now with our troops, who feared that the next attempt at seduction or betrayal would ter- minate less fortunately. But there is no question that Arnold's death would have been more grateful than Andre's; though as Laurens justly suggested, "example will derive new force from liis conspicuous character." Hamilton, soon after the hitter's execution, summed up the dilcnnna: "There was in truth no way of saving him. Arnold or he must have been the victim; the former was out of our power." There were two ways of getting possession of Arnold ; by seizure, or by exchange. Both were tried, but the last only made any progress during Andre's life. It was sought to induce him to apply in his own name to Clinton for the exchange. A gentleman, surmising that Arnold had been prepared from the first to sacrifice Andre to his own security, and that on this score Sir Henry might be willing to give him up, opened the matter to the con- demned man, who declined the expedient. Tradition has named Hamilton as having made the overture. "If Ar- nold could—" he began. "Stop," peremptorily inter- posed the captive: "such a proposition can never come Washington's reply to clixton. 409 from me!"* But Hamilton himself, on the very day of the execution, has thus addressed his betrothed:— "It was proposed to me to suggest to him the idea of an exchange for Arnold; but I knew I should have forfeited his esteem by doing it, and therefore declined it. As a man of honor, he could not Ijut reject it ; and I would not for the world have proposed to him a thing which must have placed me in the unamiable light of supposing him capable of a meanness, or of not feeling myself the impro- priety of the measure. I confess to you, I had the weak- ness to value the esteem of a dying man, because I rever- enced his merit. ' ' The idea was nevertheless cherished at head-quarters. Greene, it will be seen, suggested it to Robertson; and Washington without committing himself ostensibly to the proposal, indirectly brought it before Clinton. Simcoe declares that among the letters between the generals, a paper was slipped in unsigned, but in Hamilton's writ- ing, saying ' ' that the only way to save Andre was to give up Arnold." The occasion of this must have been when Washington wrote to Clinton, on the .30th September, en- closing Andre's open letter of the 29th. WASHINGTON TO CLINTON. Head-Quarters, Sept. .30, 1780. — Sir: In answer to your Excellency's letter of the 26th instant, which I had the honor to receive, I am to inform you that Major Andre was taken under such circumstances as would have justi- fied the most rigorous proceedings against him. I de- termined, however, to refer his case to the examination and decision of a Board of General Officers, who have re- ported, on his free and voluntary confession and let- ters:— * Cooper, apparently ex rel. La Fayette. Trav. Bach. i. 221. 410 LIFE OF MAJOB ASDRE. '•First, that he oame on shore, from the Vul::irc sioop- of-war. in the night of the illst of September instant, on an interview with General Amokl. in a private and secret manner. Secondly, That he changed his dress within our lines; and. imder a feigned name, and in a disguised habit, passed our works at Stony and Verplauek's Points, the evening of the 22d of September instant, and was taken the morning of the 2od of September instant, at Tarrytown. in a disguised habit. l>eing then on his way to Xew York ; and. when taken, he had in his possession several papers, which contained intelligence for the enemy." From these proceedings it is evident, that Major Andre was employed in the execution of measures very foreign to the objects of flags of truce, and such as they were never meant to authorize or couuteuance in the most dis- tant degree: and this gentleman confessed, with the greatest ciindor. in the course of his examination, "that it was impossible for him to suppose, that he oame on shore imder the sanction of a flag. " ' I have the honor to be. &c.* Captain Aaron Ogden of Xew Jersey was one of the most distinguished soldiers of his grade in our ranks. * The closing part of the report of the board of officers was not quoted in the letter to Sir Henry Clinton. It was in the following words: — "The Board, having maturely considered these facts, do also report to his Excellency General Washington, that Major Andre, adjutant-general to the British army, ought to be considered as a spy from the enemy, and that, agreeably to the law and usage of nations, it is their opinion he ought to suffer death." Sparks' Washington vii. 539. The Casf of Major Andre however gives the letter as in my text, but probably took it and other matter from the publication of Congress. Yet this last work printed the letter of Washington in such a manner as to lead to the inference that the omission of the concluding paragraph was intentional : and indeed, if Clinton could have at all been brought to surrender Arnold, it was desirable that he should be afforded a pretence of ignorance that he was remanding him to the gallows. OGDEN SENT WITH DESPATCHES TO CLINTON. 411 He was of good birth, unblemished integrity, and ap- proved courage; and had been pierced by a Ijayonet in one of the characteristic niglit-marches of Andre's first pa- tron, General Grey. Though his kinsman* of the same name had followed Arnold to the gates of Quebec, it is probable that this gentleman held him in no great liking, since j\Iaxwell, his own former leader, perfectly hated him. Ogden had now a company in La Fayette's Light Infantry divL-^ion; a corps d'elite, picked from the whole army. On the evening of the 29th, when the Board had finished its deliberations, Ogden was commanded to wait upon Washington the next day at eight A. M. precisely. The chief alone met him at the door, and privateh' gave him his orders. He was to select twenty-five choice dragoons, reliable men and of good appearance, and procuring for himself the best horse he could find, to carry a flag and deliver a packet for Clinton to the commander of the near- est British post. Further, before departing he was to call for additional instructions on La Fayette, who lay with his brigade in advance of the main army and nearer to New York. The orders he received from La Fayette were that he "should if iwssible get within the British post at Powles Hook, and continue there during the night ; and that he should privately assure the commanding ofiB- cer there, without taking him aside for the purpose, that he, Captain Ogden, was instructed to say that if Sir Henry Clinton would in any way suffer Washington to get Gen- eral Arnold within his power, that Major Andre should be immediately released." Ogden therefore so contrived his march, that it was the evening of the 30th when he came to the British outpost. He was told that he might remain while his despatch was sent in ; but he replied that * Captain Matthias Ogden. ■H2 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDKK. lie had peremptory direotions to give it up to no onv hnt the officer commanding the post. The cironmstancos of tlie case— for it must have been evident tliat iiis papers had some connection with Andre— provoked a suspension of the usual customs, aud he was i)ermitted to pass in and deliver them as he was bidden. He was received with great politeness and, the evening now being advanced, ■was offered quarters for the night. No opportunity how- ever occurred for tlie fulfilinent of liis secret duties until supper was served, when, in courtesy to a stranger, he was seated by the commandant. In the course of conver- sation he was asked of Andre's probable fate, aud promptly answered that he would l)e luuig. Was tliere no means, exclaimed the P^nglishmau, of saving him? There was certainly a means, whispered Ogden in reply: let Arnold be surrendered, and he was prepared to say, though with no formal assurance from "Washington to the effect, that Andre would be yielded up. The officer at once carried this important communication to his Gen- eral. On his return he gave Ogden tlie only rei)ly that any soldier should have expected. The suggested course was totally inadmissible, and Clinton would not even con- sider it. At daybreak everything was prepared for Og- den 's departure; and it was not till this moment that he found out that his chosen sergeant* had deserted to the enemy. This evasion however was performed in obedi- ence to "Washington's own and secret arrangements, con- cealed for the time from Ogden himself,' and directed with a view to procure a sure and unsuspected spy in the Brit- ish lines, as well as an intelligent watchman over Arnold aud his every motion. ^leanwhile, intelligence of the tinding of the court and of his fate were communicated to Andre through two of- * John Champe. OGDEN SENT WITH DESPATCHES TO CLINTON. 413 ficers from Greene, one of whom was his aide, Major [Robert] Burnet. The sentence was listened to with a composure that his informants vainly strove to emulate. The prisoner had steeled himself to encounter death: "I avow no guilt," he said, "but I am resigned to my fate." Yet he shrunk from the idea of the halter. ' ' Since it was his lot to die," he said, "there was still a choice in the mode which would make a material difference to his feel- ings ; and he would be happy, if possible, to be indulged with a professional death;" and he seems to have at once vei'bally* petitioned, probably through Hamilton, that Washington would consent to his being shot. Probably anticipating no refusal to this request, he retained for some time a tranquility of spirit approaching even to cheerfulness. The arrival of his servant had enabled him to discard the slovenly raiment that had previously em- barrassed him, and he was now as neat and comely in his appearance as though he were doing duty before his sov- ereign at Windsor Castle instead of languishing in a con- demned cell. Still looking for his execution on the day originally assigned, he busied himself in farewell com- munications to his friends. To Captain Crosbief he wrote that ' ' the manner in which he was to die had at first given him some slight uneasiness, but he instantly recol- lected that it was the crime alone that made any mode of ])unishment ignominious, and that he could not think an attempt to put an end to a civil war, and to stop the effusion of human blood, a crime.— He should therefore meet death with a spirit becoming a British officer, and neither disgrace his friends nor his country." These * It is singular that Mr. Sargent should make this statement here. The prisoner made his request in writing, as is shown on page 438. fLieutenant-Colonel William Crosbie, 22d Regiment. Laune took the letter to New York. 414 LIFE OP MAJOR ANDRE. letters he confided to his servant, to be delivered when he returned to New York. In fact, every anthority testifies to the composure and dignity preserved by this unfortunate man while he was in our liands. "All the court that imjuired into his case," says La Fayette, "were filled with sentiments of admira- tion and compassion for him." "He behaved witli so much frankness, courage, and delicacy, that I could not help lamenting his unhappy fate," continues the marquis. "It is impossible to express too much respect or too deep regret for ^fajor Andre." Heath wrote that his l)e- havior "was liecomiug au officer and a gentleman, and such in his last moments as drew tears from many eyes. But it must be remembered that he who consents to l)e- corae a spy when he sets out, has by allusion a halter ]nit round his neck, and that by the usage of armies, if he be taken the other end of the halter is speedily made fast to the gallows." Tallmadge observes "that from the few days of intimate intercourse I had with him, wliich was from the time of his being remanded to the period of his execution, I became so deeply attached to Major Andre, that I could remember no instance where my affections were so fully absorbed by any man. When I saw him swing under the gibbet, it seemed for a time utterably in- supportable: all were overwhelmed with the affecting spectacle, and the eyes of many were sulTused with tears. There did not appear to be one hardened or indifferent spectator in all the multitude assembled on that solemn occasion." Thacher, Hamilton, "Washington himself, bear witness that his whole conduct to the last breath of life was that of the accomplished man and gallant offi- cer. The test applied to his character was a severe one : for neither by day nor night was he without an American officer at his side; nor, unless when busied with his pen, OKDEB OF EXECTTIOX. 415 or buying peaches from the country people of the neigh- borhood,* had he any other means of employing his thoughts than in such society. Any lai>se from the most lofty propriety would have been instantly detected and remarked on. The morning orders of Sunday, October 1st, published to the army the finding of the Board of Ofl&cers, and con- cluded with this paragraph I'i' "The Commander-in-chief directs the execution of the above sentence in the usual way, this afternoon, at five o'clock, precisely." TTe may suppose that this intelligence was not long in coming to the prisoner, and that he now saw a likelihood of his request to be shot being disregarded. It was be- lieved in our camp that Washington himself was not dis- inclined to grant it, but that the advice of his generals de- terred him. Greene, it was said, was clear that Andre was a spy and should die the death of a spy : that were he not hanged, the notion that there were grounds for this extent of leniency would be twisted into a belief that his death was entirely uncalled for. The public good, he thought, re^iuired the use of the rojye. And Greene's biographer and Idnsman seems to believe that this general was positive on the point, though "it was with a tremb- * This is manifestly impossible. There is nothing to show he ■was allowed ontside of the buOding, and eveTTthing against it. 1 1 think this an error. While I have not been able to see the order referred to, it is certain the finding was thus approved, the day before (^Sept. 30th). •■'The Commander-in-Chief approves of the opinion of the Board of General Officers respecting Major Andre, and orders that the execution of ilajor Andre take place to-morrow at five o'clock P. iL'" It will be noticed that the cus- tomary words "in the nsuarway''" are omitted: and the prisoner's words on the way to his death show that he had no intimation of its mode, other than the inference he might have drawn from Washington's faQure to answer his request on the subject. 416 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. ling hand and eyes dimmed witli tears tliat lie sij^ned the fatal deeree." Burnet deelares that Washington was convinced he could not consistently with the customs of war alter the manner of death "without subjecting him- self to the charge of instability or want of nerve." But Andre resolved on a direct appeal; and we gather from Hamilton's language but a brief moment before the fatal hour that it did not fail for lack of his mediation with Washington: — "Poor Andre suffers to-day ;— everything that is amiable in virtue, in fortitude, in delicate sentiment, and accomplished manners, pleads for him; but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacrifice. lie must die . I send you my account of Arnold's affair; and to justify my- self to your sentiments, I must inform you, that I urged a compliance with Andre's request to be shot, and I do not think it would have had an ill effect; but some i)eople are only sensible to motives of jiolicy, and, sometimes, from a narrow disposition, mistake it. Wlien Andre's tale comes to be told, and present re- sentment is over,— the refusing him the privilege of choosing the manner of his death will ho branded with too much obstinacy. ' ' On the morning of October 1st, Andre amused himself ■with some last reminiscences of that art whose pleasant exercise had so constantly attended his life. A pen-and- ink likeness of himself, drawn on this occasion without the aid of a mirror, was sketched by him in the presence of Mr. Tomlinson,* an officer of the attendant guard, to whom he gave it as a memorial. It is still preserved in the Trumbiill gallery at Yale College. He was wont to make such portraits for his friends ; and from the writing *Jabez 11. Tomlinson, Ensign Xintli Connecticut. THE EXECrXIOX DELATED. 417 materials, &e., displayed on the table, we may conjecture that this was produced when his last letter to Washing- ton was written. At this ];)eriod his air was serene, though his thoughts must have been agonizing: for say or do what he would, he could not brook the idea of a felon's death. But like the savage warrior at the stake, he felt that there was no moment, sleeping or waking, when he might privately give vent to the effusions of natural emotion ; and his composure was steadfastly pre- served. His servant was not so cahn ; and on this morn- ing, which there was no reason to believe was not Andre 's last on earth, Laime entered the chamber with his face bathed in tears. His master noticed it, and tranquilly dismissed him: "Leave me," said he, "tiU you can show yourself more manly. ' ' The day was passing away and the hour at hand that was prescribed for the execution. The gibbet was erect- ed, the grave dug, and the coflBm provided; and throngs of spectators crowded to the appointed spot. Captain Ebenezer Smith, of the [13th] Massachusetts Line, was in waiting at Andre's side as commandant of the guard appointed to escort him to the gallows. He describes the prisoner's manners on this trying occasion as highly pleasing, and his conversation intelligent : but the mental agony which convulsed his whole frame as the moment of doom came near was too much for the honest-hearted gentleman to stomach. It seemed to him, he said in terse and nervous phrase, as though the very flesh was crawl- ing upon Andre's bones as he paced the floor. Captain Smith faced all the perils, all the privations of our Rev- olutionary contest,— and he probably had his share of pleasure and of comfort in the ensuing years, — but he ever avowed that the respite which relieved him from his melancholy charge made this Sunday to be reckoned 27 418 LIFE OP MAJOR ANDRE. among tlie happiest days of his life. The occasion of the interruption was the intelligence brought by Ogden fron Clinton. He had arrived in camp that morning; but for some reason the postponement of the execution does not appear to have been announced until late in the afternoon. ■■Clinton's letter was as follows: New York, Sept. 30, 1780.-Sik: From your Excel- lency's letter of this date, I am persuaded the Board of General Officers, to whom you referred the case of Major Andre, can't have been rightly informed of all the cir- cumstances on which a judgment ought to be formed. I think it of the highest moment to humanity, that your Ex- cellency should be perfectly apprized of the state of the matter, before you proceed to put that judgment into ex- ecution. For this reason, I shall send his Excellency Lieutenant- General Robertson, and two other gentlemen, to give you a true state of facts, and to declare to you my sentiments and resolutions. They will set out to-morrow as early as the wind and tide will permit, and will wait near Uobbs' Ferry for your permission and safe-conduct, to meet your Excellency, or such persons as you may appoint, to con- verse with them on the subject. I have the honor to be, &c. P. S. The Honorable Andrew Elliot, Es*}., Lieuten- ant-Governor, and the Honorable William Smith, Esq., Chief-Justice of this province, will attend his Excellency Lieutenant-General Robertson. CHAPTER XX. Expedients of the British to procure Andre's Liberation. — Their Failure. — Correspondence in the Case. A.ULUS HOOK was only separated from New York by the Hudson, and was almost opposite Clinton's head-quarters. The papers brought by Ogden were therefore not long in coming to his hand; and he at once summoned Mr. Smith the King's Chief -Justice of New York, Mr. John Tabor Kempe the Attorney-General, and other civilians, to meet in consultation with his general officers. Having stated the circumstances of the case and submitted Washington 's letter. Sir Henry asked Smith whether in his opinion the Americans could hang Andre as a spy. The chief-justice said that a reference to the authorities on the question led him to believe they could not; and in this opinion the officers concurred. But Kempe preserving a silence, one of them put the same query to him. Without going into the law of the matter he curtly answered, "I think they will hang him." The querist turned away in disgust, and the Attorney-General presently retired. The conclusion ar- rived at by the council, however, was that as the American board could not have been possessed of full evidence in the business, a deputation should proceed forthwith to our lines, armed with satisfactory proofs of Andre's inno- cence : and that Washington should be notified by return of his own flag of the coming envoys. So soon as Andre's imprisonment was known, Simcoe had put himself in readiness to recapture him; and begged of Clinton that in any attempt of that nature his regiment should have the honor of its charge. Thinking 420 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. the prisoner might perhaps be sent on to Congress, his scouts vigilantly watched the route between our camp and Philadelphia, to give timely warning of any chance to fall on the escort. Henry Lee and himself, being par- ticular enemies on i)ublie grounds, were verj' good friends in private; and he lost no time in asking an interview with our partisan leader, of which the real object was to speak about Andre. Lee replied on the 2nd October, writing jjerhaps under the impression that prevailed in La Fayette's camp of the success of Ogden's negotiation for Clinton's consent to the surrender of Arnold: "I am happy in telling you that there is a probability of Major Andre's being restored to his country, and the customs of war being fully satisfied." But before the letter was sealed Lee had better intelligence, and he con- eludes in this wise:— "Since writing the foregoing I find that Sir Henry Clinton's offers have not come up to what was expected, and that this hour is fixed for the execution of the sentence. How cold the friendship of those high in power ! " * It would indeed have been the extreme of baseness in Clinton, under all the circumstances, to have given Arnold up in exchange for Andre ; and though the full details of what had gone before could not have been known in our * Simcoe comments that no offers were made by Clinton. In this he is right; for the proffered exchanges of American prison- ers for Andre were not such offers as Lee meant. Simcoe was, eitlier for book-learning about his profession or conduct on the field, one of the best soldiers of his day: and the extreme language he uses in his reply to Lee must therefore have interest, as show- ing the feeling of the enemy in regard to the execution: — "I am at a loss to express myself on the latter paragraphs of your letter; 1 have long accustomed myself to be silent, or to speak the lan- guage of the heart. The useless murder of Major Andre, would almost, was it possible, annihilate the wish which, consentaneous to the ideas of our sovereign and the government of Great Britain. EFFOETS FOR ANDRE 's LIBERATION. 421 camp, it is evident that there was sufficient cause to pre- vent the proposal being made to him in other than a covert manner. That it should be unhesitatingly refused is not to be wondered at. But there is some reason to suppose that in this juncture Arnold may himself have made an overture perfectly in keeping with his reckless intrepidity of character. In the beginning of 1782, he was assailed at London with a public charge of having basely left Andre to die that liis own life might be saved. On this a British officer, who appears to have enjoyed the friendship of military men of the highest social rank, came forward with a statement for the truth of which he appealed to the gentlemen who were in the fall of 1780 members of Clinton's family. He dclared that he was with the English army when Andre was captured and Arnold came in; that it was currently reported and be- lieved in the lines that Arnold himself proposed to Sir Henry that he might be permitted to go out and surrender himself, in exchange for Andre; and that the reply was— "Your proposal, sir, does you great honour; but if Andre was my own brother, I could not agree to it." This anecdote is not devoid of suj^port from what we know of the man's nature; and it is certain that both to himself and the world, his certain death under circum- aspect from that which would have followed a discovery has ever operated on the officers of the British army, the wish of a reconciliation with their revolted fellow subjects in America. Sir Henry Clinton has the warmest feelings for those under his command, and was ready to have granted for Major Andre's ex- change, whatever ought to have been asked. Though every desire I had formed to think, in some instances, favourably of those who could urge or of him who could permit the murder of this most virtuous and accomplished gentleman, be now totally eradicated; I must still subscribe myself with great personal respect, sir, your most obedient and obliged servant, J. G. Simcoe." — Simcoe's Mil. Jour. 293. 422 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. stances such as these would have worn a very different and arrest ere his flight was made good.* "Wliethor simply in decent respect to Clinton's com- munication of September 30th, or, as Lee intimates, in hope that he might consent to yield Arnold, Andre's exe- cution had been respited until noon of October 2nd. This postponement was thus entered in the orderly book of a Connecticut regiment on the 1st:— " Evening Orders. Major Andre is to be executed tomorrow, at twelve o'clock precisely. A battalion of eighty files from each wing to attend the execution. Fourteen general officers of the most honorable and unimpeachable character constituted the court martial," etc.f Leaving New York betimes, the Greyhound flag-of-truce schooner had a speedy passage to Dobbs' Ferry, within four miles of Tappan, bringing with her the dejiutation before named, and Beverly EobinsouJ who it was sup- posed would be admitted to give a statement of the manner in which Andre went ashore. This fact goes to discredit the stories that prevail and have already been referred to of Kobinson's distrust of the security under which his companion left the Vulture. The character of the gentlemen whom he now accompanied was propor- tionate to the importance of their mission. Smith, the brother of Andre's g-uide, was of high legal attainments, and passed from the chief-justiceship of New York under the crown to that of Canada. His historical writings are valuable. Eliot was "a tall, thin, Scots gentleman with a pimply face," father-in-law of Andre's friend Cathcart, and long known and respected both in Philadelphia and * See A]ipenclix, No. I. t Here follow their names. 1 1 do not Ivnow Mr. Sargent's authority for naming Eobinson as of the party. CLINTON 's DELEGATION. 423 New York, in which last city he said in 1774 that he had for ten years as Collector of Customs lived happily among the inhabitants and to the satisfaction of his superiors. His wife was of one of the chief Philadelphia families, and he had borne the circumstance in mind when chance gave an opportunity of befriending an American prisoner from her own town. But the strength of the embassy lay in Robertson, whose persuasive powers were so well known that the Tories loudly de- clared he would, had he been allowed an interview, indubi- tably have put the affair in such a way to Washington as to compel at least a reconsideration of Andre's case. He was a canny Scot from the kingdom of Fife; by nationality sagacious and brave, and by education skilled in the nature of his kind. If we may believe tradition, he wrought with other silver than what lay on his tongue; and when his eloquence failed was as ready to conquer with gold as with steel. Bred to arms, the peace of 1763 found him resident at New York with his regiment : and when the Revolution broke out he was not only jjerfectly familiar with the general character of the people of New York and New England, but was on terms of easy inter- course with many of the chief characters on the continent. He was shut up in 1775 in Boston, as appears by his letter of July 20th to Captain Montagu, thanking him for a present from the seas : "two turtles, at a time when a bit of beef or mutton is a rare feast, command my grati- tude." Later, he was commandant under Howe at New York; and passing on occasion to England, returned in 1780 much trusted by ministers, and in the double capacity of governor of the province and general thii-d in rank of the King's forces on the continent. "He is an arch-fiend, ' ' wrote Gates at this time to Reed, ' ' and knows how to make use of every knave in his government, and you and I know and believe there are as rank knaves and 424 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. traitors in that government as in any in the Union. Wliigs, take care!" lie bad set on foot secret intelli- gences with men of good standing in our army and in New England very soon after he had been sworn into his civil office on the 22nd March, by Tryon's sick-bedside; and while large parts of the heavy importations of specie that England made into New York in this epoch were con- stantly sent out of the lines, he is charged by the anony- mous translator of Chastellux with a device that took even toll of the cash ere it reached American pockets. Xot an English guinea or Portuguese moidore was suffered, says he, to pass the British lines, till it was duly clijiped or sweated. Thus depreciated, it was more acceptable tu our people than their own paper currency, which, like the enchanted coins of old, might have ever so fair ap- pearance at first, but soon shrivelled up into a heap of worthless leaves. The diminished pieces were known as Robertso}is. Divided into halves, fourths, and eighth parts, the mutilated gold, lander the apt name of sharp- shinned money, found ready circulation. It was settled that the delegates should not meet Wash- ington, and that Bobertson alone should come ashore. Eliot and Smith were civilians : Robinson was not named in Clinton's letter. Accordingly Greene, not in an official capacity but as a private gentleman, was deputed to re- ceive the English lieutenant-general. Their conversation endured through the afternoon to near nightfall: and Robertson thus describes it to his superior: ROBERTSOX TO CLINTON. Off Dobbs' Ferry, 1.^^ October, 1780.— Sib: On coming to anchor here, I sent Murray on shore, who soon returned with notice that General Green was readv to NLv-iOK John^Vnijke ,- ^:,/.. Uu,,r^o ..^. ,/,.,/. .y^,/,:./, /^,„^,„. {,.,'//. /;,. EOBEETSOn's report to CLINTON. 425 meet me, but would uot admit a conference with the otlier gentlemen. I paid mj^ compliments to his character, and expressed the satisfaction I had in treating with him on the cause of my friend, the two armies, and humanity. He said, he could not treat with me as an officer; that Mr. Washington had pennitted him to meet me as a gentleman, but the case of an acknowledged spy admitted no official discus- sion. I said that a knowledge of facts was necessary to direct a General's judgments; that in whatever character I was called, I hoped he would represent what I said candidly to Mr. AFashiugton. I laid before him the facts, and Arnold's assertions of Mr. Andre's being under a flag of truce, and disguised by his order. He showed me a low-spirited letter of Andre's, saying that he had not landed under a flag of truce, and lamenting his being taken in a mean disguise. He expresses this in language that admits it to be crim- inal. I told him that Andre stated facts with truth, but reasoned ill ujion them; that whether a flag was flying or not, was of no moment. He landed and acted as directed by their General. He said they would believe Andre in preference to Arnold. This argument held long. I told him you had ever shown a merciful dispo- sition, and an attention to Mr. Washington's requests; that in the instance of my namesake, you had given up a man evidently a spy, when he signified his wish;* that I courted an intercourse and a return of good offices; that Andre had your friendship and good wishes, and that *irere Robertson could take strong ground; for Washmgton himself had so late as the 26th July, 1780, in writing to Clinton, expressly comiDlimonted the enemy's general upon the kindness with which he had treated his American prisoners. Tliis fact by the way ought in itself to discredit the idea that our leaders felt a necessity of retaliating Hale's execution. 426 LIPE OF MAJOR AXDRE. Mr. Washington's humanity to him would be productive of acts of the same kind on our part; that if Green had a friend, or Mr. "Washington was desirous of the release of any man, if he would let mo carry home Andre, I would engage to send such a man out. He said there was no treating about spies. I said no military casuist in Europe would call Andre a spy, and would suffer death myself, if i\Ionsieur Rochambault, or General Knyphausen, would call him by that name. I added, that I depended upon General Green's candour and humanity to put the facts I had stated, and the arguments I had used in their fairest light, to Mr. Washington ; that I would stay on board all night, and hoped to carry Mr. Andre, or at least Mr. "Washington's word for his safety, along with me the next morning. Green now with a blush, that showed the task was im- posed, and did not proceed from his own thought, told me that the army must be satisfied by seeing spies executed. But there was one thing that would satisfy them— they expected if Andre was set free, Arnold should be given up. This I answered with a look only, which threw Green into confusion. I am persuaded Andre will not be hurt. Be- lieve me. Sir, &c. Beyond what is here stated, Robertson is said to have intimated that under the circumstances any harsh treat- ment to Andre would be retaliated on persons in Xew York and in Charleston, where Mr. Gadsden and several other distinguished prisoners of war were accused of engaging in a correspondence with Gates while on parole within the British lines. Greene replied that such language could neither be listened to nor understood. The gossip of the English camp reported that these gentlemen were offered for Andre; and that even the release of jMr. Laurens was suggested without effect. The American COEEESPONDENCE CONCEENING ANDRE. 427 version, as collected by Marbois, agrees witb Robertson's account so far as it goes; grounding the proposed ref- erence to Roehambeau and Knyphausen on the plea of their impartiality as strangers. He says also that Greene- took the position that the finding of the court was not to be opened, and that Robertson's suggestion of an appeal to Congress was inadmissible. He concludes with an extravagant anecdote of Greene's reading in contemijtu- ous silence the open letter of Arnold that was handed to him, and casting it at Robertson's feet when with no other word he broke up the interview.* Greene promised to repeat to Washington as well as he could bear it in mind, what Robertson had said: and the latter returned to his friends on the Greyhound well satisfied that things were now in a prosperous train. They anxiously waited a reply till the following morning, when this note was delivered : * It is barely possible tliat there may be some groundwork of truth in this anecdote, and tliat an ase'rsion to Greene and a re- luctance to sliorten the confinement of tlie President of Congress, hence grew up in Cornwallis's mind; A note in his Correspondence (i. 75), cliaracterizes Greene as "coarse in his manners and harsh in his conduct:" and I jiave before me a curious MS. letter from a loyalist of liigh cliaraeter written at London, Feb. G, 1782, which says:— "Lord Cornwallis has not yet appear'd either in the House or at Court; it is confidently reported that a proposal which was made to him at the time of his capture, and which lie rejected with the sullen dignity of a British peer, will now bo accepted at the instance of llie ministry; and that an exchange between him and Laiirens will take place. Tlie latter is returned from Bath, and tho' not yet able to use his limbs is much visited and caressed by the minority. It is added that, after the exchange effected, his Lordship will be sent to replace the discountenanced and disgraced Sir Harry. If so, Mr. Galloway has been writing to very little pur- pose, and I am afraid the friends to government out of the lines will not rejoice. But the people of England, caught by brilliant actions and too indolent for close reflection, are so prepossessed in favor of Lord Cornwallis, that it will not be an easy task to con- vince them of his incapacity or disaffection." 428 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. GREENE TO ROBERTSON. Camp, Tappan, 2 October, 1780.— Sir: Agreeablj' to youv request I communicated to General Washington the substance of your conversation in all the particulars, so far as my memory served me. It made no alteration in his opinion and determination. I need say no more, after what you have already been informed. I have the honor to be, &c. These tidings, after his previous conclusions, must have been astounding to Robertson; who forthwith addressed Washington directly: ROBERTSON TO WASniNGTON. Grei/hound Schooner, Flag of Truce, Dobhs' Ferry, 2 October, 1780.— Sir: A note I had from General Greene leaves me in doubt if his memory had served him to relate to you with exactness the substance of the conversation that had passed between him and myself on the subject of Major Andre. In an affair of so much consequence to my friend, the two armies, and humanity, I would leave no possibility of a misunderstanding, and therefore take the liberty to put in writing the substance of what I said to General Greene. I offered to prove, by the evidence of Colonel Robinson and the officers of the Vulture, that Major Andre went on shore at General Arnold's desire, in a boat sent for him with a flag of truce ; that he not only came ashore with the knowledge and under the protection of the general who commanded in the district, but that he took no step while on shore, but by the direction of General Arnold, as will -appear by the enclosed letter from him to your Excellency. Under these circumstances, I could not, and hoped you COEEESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 429' would not, consider Major Andre as a spy, for any im- proper phrase in his letter to you. The facts he relates correspond with the evidence I offer, but he admits a conclusion that does not follow. The change of cloaths and name was ordered by General Arnold, under whose directions he necessarily was, while within his command. As General Greene and I did not agree in opinion, I wished that disinterested gentlemen of knowledge of the law of war and of nations might be asked their opinion on the subject, and mentioned Mon- sieur Knyphausen and General Rochambault. I related that a Captain Robinson had been delivered to Sir Henry Clinton as a spy, and undoubtedly was such; but that, it being signified to him that you were desirous that the man should be exchanged, he had ordered him to be exchanged. I wished that an intercourse of such civilities as the rules of war admit of, might take off many of its horrors. I admitted that Major Andre had a great share of Sir Henry Clinton's esteem, and that he would be infinitely obliged by his liberation ; and that if he was permitted to return with me, I would engage you would have any person you would be pleased to name set at liberty. I added, that Sir Henry Clinton had never put any person to death for a breach of the rules of war, though he had, and now has, many in his power. Under the present circumstances, much good may arise from humanity, much ill from the want of it. If that could give any weight, I beg leave to add that your favorable treat- ment of Major Andre will be a favor I should ever be intent to return to any you hold dear. My memory does not retain with the exactness I could wish the words of the letter, which General Greene showed me, from Major Andre to your Excellency. For Sir 430 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Henry Clinton's satisfaction, I beg you will order a Copy of it to be sent to nie at New York. I have the honour to be, &c. Eobertson had brought two letters from Arnold to TTashington; one was a resignation of his commission; the other was enclosed in the communication just printed, and was as follows: — AKNOLD TO WASHINGTON. New York, 1 October, 1780.— Sir: The polite attention shown by your Excellency and the gentlemen of your family to Mrs. Arnold, when in distress, demand my grateful acknowledgment and thanks, which I beg leave to present. From your Excellency's letter to Sir Henry Clinton, I find a board of general officers have given it as their opinion, that Major Andre comes under the description of a spy. My good opinion of the candor and justice of those gentlemen leads me to believe that, if they had been made fully acquainted with every circumstance respecting Major Andre, they would by no means have considered him in the light of a spy, or even of a prisoner. In justice to him, I think it my duty to declai'e that he came from on board the Vulture at my particular request, by a flag sent on purpose for him by Joshua Smith, Esq., who had permission to go to Dobbs' Ferry to carry letters, and for other pui'poses, and to return. This was done as a blind to the spy-boats. Mr. Smith at the same time had my private directions to go on board the Vulture, and bring on shore Colonel Robinson, or Mr. John Anderson, which was the name I had reijuested Major Andre to assume. At the same time I desired Mr. Smith to inform him that he should have my protection, and a safe pass- port to return in the same boat as soon as our business was COREESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 431 completed. As several accidents intervened to prevent his being sent on board, I gave him my passport to return by land Major Andre came on shore in his uniform (without disguise), which, with much reluctance, at my particular and pressing instance, he exchanged for an- other coat. I furnished him with a horse and saddle, and pointed out the route by which he was to return And as commanding officer in the department, I had an un- doubted right to transact all these matters; which if t™^' ^""^''^ ''''^^'^ ''^' '''' '^''^''^ *^ ""^^^ 'f«^- But if, after this just and candid representation of Major Andre's case, the board of general officers adhere to their former opinion, I shall suppose it dictated by passion and resentment; and if that gentleman should suf- fer the severity of their sentence, I shall think mvself bound by every tie of duty and honor to retaliate on "such unhappy persons of your army as may fall within my power, that the respect due to flags, and to the laws of na- tions, may be better understood and preserved. I have further to observe that forty of the principal nhabitants of South Carolina have justly forfeited their ives which have hitherto been spared by the clemency of his Excellency Sir Henry Clinton, who cannot in justice extend his mercy to them any longer, if Major Andre suffers, which, in all probability, will open a scene of blood at which humanity will revolt. Suffer me then to entreat your Excellency, for your own and the honor of humanity, and the lo^'e vou have of justice that you suffer not an unjust sentence to touch the life of Major Andre. But if this warning should be disregarded, I call Heaven and earth to witness that your Excellency will be justly answerable for the torrent of 432 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. blood that may be spilt in consequence. I have the honor to be, &c. It was proper enough that ArnolJ should state the circumstances under which Andi'c had come and gone— for indeed who other could have recounted all of them— but beyond that he had no right to go. His threats of retaliation were simply impertinent to both Clinton and AVashington, and well fitted to provoke the indignation of our people. But I have no doubt that Washington, if he received the letter in time, gave due consideration to the facts it contained, albeit there was little in the way they were put that could alleviate his anger. He was not the man to punish Andre for Arnold's "consummate effrontery." But is is probable that Andre was hanged before the commimicatiou came to Washington's hand: for Robertson, we are told, when he had forwarded it, set out about noon to return to Xew York ; and this was just the hour of the execution. It does not appear that par- ticular information of the impending event was given to him; and Clinton continued anxiously to wait further intelligence from our camp and a reply to this last letter. None coming, he again prepared to address Washington, and at the same time called on Sutherland for a statement of what, as would seem, he intended him to declai'e had the commissioners been permitted to open the case. Neither letter was sent, however; for after Clinton's, but before Sutherland's was written, the news arrived of Andre's death. To preserve the connection, however, both are given here.* CLINTON TO WASHINGTON. New York, October 4rth, 1780.— Sir: I conceived I could not better or more fully explain my sentiments in answer * MS. Narrative of Correspondence respecting General Arnold: in Sir H. Clinton's of the lltli Oct. ITSO. State Paper Office, America and W. Inds. vol. 120. CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 433 to your Excellency's letter of the 30th September, re- specting Major Andre, than by sending Lieut. Gen. Robertson to converse, if possible, with you, Sir; or at least with some confidential officer from you. I cannot think Lieut. Gen. Robertson's conversation with General Green has entirely answered the purposes for which I wished the meeting. General Green's letter of the 2d instant to General Robertson, expresses that he had re- ported to you. Sir, as far as memory served, the discourse that had passed between them, and that it had not pro- duced any alteration in your opinion or determination concerning Major Andre. I have. Sir, most carefully reperused your letter of September 30th, which contains, indeed, an opinion of a Board of your General Olificers, but in no respect any opinion or determination of your Excellency. I must remain, therefore, altogether at a loss what may be, until you are so good to inform me, which I make no doubt of your Excellency's doing immediately. I will, Sir, in the mean time, very freely declare my sentiments upon this occasion, which positively are, that under no description. Major Andre can be considered as a Spy; nor by any usage of nations at war, or the customs of armies, can he be treated as such. That officer went at Major General Arnold's request from me to him, at that time in the American Service, and Commanding Officer at West- Pomt. A flag of truce was sent to receive Major Andre, with which he went on shore, and met General Arnold.' To this period he was acting under my immediate orders as a military man. What happened after, was from the entire direction and positive orders of Major General Arnold, your officer commanding at West Point: and Major Andre travelled in his way to New York, with passports from that American General Officer, who had 28 434 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. an undoubted right to grant them. And here it may he necessary to observe, that Major Andre was stopped upon the road, and on neutral ground, and made a prisoner two days prior to Major (ionoral Ai-nold's (juittiug the American service at West Point. From all which I have a right to assert, that j\Iajor Andre can merely be consid- ered as a Messenger, and not as a Spy. He visited no Posts, made no plans, held no conversation with any person save Major General Arnold ; and the papers found upon him were written in that General Officer's own liand- writing, who directed Major Andre to receive and deliver them to me. From these circumstances, I have no doubt but you, Sir, will see this matter in the same point of view with me, and will be extremely cautious of producing a precedent which may render the future progress of this unfortunate war liable to a want of that humanity, which I am willing to believe your Excellency possesses, and which I have always pursued. I trust. Sir, to your good sense, and to your liberality, for a speedy release of Major Andre, who, I am free to own, is an Officer I extremely value, and a Gentleman I very sincerely regard. I enclose to you, Sir, a list of persons, among whom is a Gentleman who acted as the American Lieutenant Governor of South Carolina. A discovered conspiracy and correspondence with General Gates 's army have been a reason for removing these persons from Charleston to St. Augustine. Being desirous to promote the release of Major Andre upon any reasonable terms, I offer to you. Sir, this Lieut. Governor, Mr. Gadson, for my Adjutant General ; or will make a military exchange for him, should you, Sir, prefer it. Lieut. Gen. Robertson, in his report to me, mentions his having requested from your Excel- lency a copy of Major Andre's letter to you, Sir, uj^ou which seems to be grounded great matter of charge CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 435 against him— given, as if tliat letter might be considered as a confession of his guilt as a spy. I have waited until this evening with some impatience for the copy of the Letter I mention, not doubting but your Excellency will send it to me. I have now to request you will, Sir, do so, and I shall pay to it every due consideration, and give your Excellency my answer upon it immediately. I have the honor to be, &c. SUTHERLAND TO CLINTON. Vulture, off Spiken Devil, October 5th, 1780.-SrR: The account Col. Kobinson has given your Excellency of our transactions, during our late excursion, is so full and just in all its particulars, that there is very little left for me to add. But as they have been attended with such fatal consequences to Major Andre, I hope it will not be held improper if I beg leave to submit my own observations on the subject :— at least so far as they relate to his leaving the Vulture, and the light I then saw him in. Your Excellency has already been informed, that on the night of the 21st Sept., a Mr. Smith came on board with a flag of truce. The substance of his order was, for himself and two servants to pass to Dobbs' Ferry and back again. He likewise had a written permission to bring up with him a Mr. John Anderson and boy, and a letter addressed to Col. Robinson: all of these papers signed B. Arnold. Most of these circumstances I had been previously taught to expect; and I had also been informed that Major Andre was the person understood by John Ander- son, and that he was to go on shore under that name,to hold a conference with General Arnold. Mr. Smith's powers appeared to me of sufficient authority; and as Major Andre's going under a fictitious name was at the particular 436 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. request of the officer from whom they were derived, I saw no reason for supposing he, from that circumstance, for- feited his chxim to the protection they must otherwise have afforded him. Clear I am that the matter must have appeared in the same light to him; for had it not, measui'es might have been concerted for taking him off whenever he pleased, which he very well knew I, at any time, was enabled to accomplish. I am likewise persuaded Mr. Smith's ideas perfectly coincided with ours;— for when on the point of setting off, Col. Robinson observed, that as they had but two men in a large boat, they would find some difficulty in getting on shore— and proposed that one of ours should tow them some part of the way: to which he objected, as it might, in ease of falling in with any of their guard-boats, be deemed an infringement of the flag. On my first learning from Major Andre, that he did not intend going on shore in his own name, it immediately occurred to me, that an alteration of dress might likewise be necessary ; and I offered him a plain blue coat of mine for that purpose, which he declined accepting, as he said he had the Commander in Chief's direction to go in his uniform, and by no means to give up his character; adding, at the same time, that he had not the smallest apprehension on the occasion, and that he was ready to attend General's Arnold's summons when and where he pleased. The night the flag was first expected, he expressed much anxiety for its arrival ; and all next day was full of fear lest anything should have happened to prevent its coming. The instant it arrived on the ensiling night, he started out of bed, and discovered the greatest impatience to be gone ; nor did he in any instance betray the least doubt of his safety or success. CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING ANDRE. 437 I own I was equally confident. Nor can I now, on the most mature consideration of circumstances, find the least reason for altering my opinion. What, therefore, could possibly have given rise to so tragical an event as has unhappily befallen Major Andre, is matter of the utmost surprise and concern to me. I have the honour to be, &c. A. Sutherland. His Excellency Sir Henry Clinton. 0" itt "S CHAPTER XXL Andre applies to be Shot. — His Request denied. — He is hanged. — Various Accounts of the E.xecution. — Honors bestowed on his ifeniory. — His Heniains removed to Westminster Abbev. HE first sentence of death passed in our army was, I believe, during the Quebec expedition of 1775: the culprit was respited by Arnold at the gallows, and sent back to "Washington. The earliest military execution seems to have been that of one of the body-guards, who plotted with Tryon to seize our General and deliver him to Howe. The most interesting was not unlike this in many of its circum- stances. On the morning of the day originally fixed for his death, Andre made a moving appeal for a change of its mode : ANDRE TO WASHINGTON. Tappan, 1 October, 1780.— Sir: Buoy'd above the terror of death by the consciousness of a life devoted to honorable pursuits and stained with no action that can give me remorse, I trust that the request I make to your Excellency, at this serious period, and which is to soften my last moments will not be rejected. Sympathy towards a soldier will surely induce your Excellency and a military tribunal to adapt the mode of my deatli to the feelings of a man of honor. Let me hope, Sir, that if ought in my character ini]n'esses you with esteem towards me, if ought in my misfortunes marks me the victim of policy and not of resentment, I shall experi- ANDRE APPLIES TO BE SHOT. 439 lett^°fr'm Ge" w";}:^,Sn^' '^ {°^ ^PP''^^' f-o^red with a for the rash injustice of ^fcensurf S T" ^'^N'".?"'"^^" stf t£;.itr:t"r# t. r^^te^iiiLa s^: ^tc: General ClintoroL?/ to <1 "'■■ /T- ^''"- ^^^hington to nold, who had /ed t e BHfpr "^ ^'f'" '" ''-^■^^h'''"^'^ ^'^ Ar- was to believe hat the ano t T" f^'^'V'"" ^'''^ ^'^^•^''" ^'^^--^ English officer to VnneS ■' .if V^'f 'fP°'^^'^ ""= gallant f-npe: copvofanotCleSofS^W ^° ^^^'^^^e his own es- 'Kljurin- bin, (o state In h«/ ^^/shmgton to Major Andre, conviction of «,e ifi V rrdrortUri^''"' '^''^ unavoidable plan of disguise which ex >a ed'Andrf ^f^'take^ ?o"""t'"^' ''"* demnation as a spy when if bp l,.,! , ' *^ certain con- als, and under a Sag of tr'u J, to 1 'i^"" "^'"^-^ '" ^'' rei:iment- general, he would have been perfec h- '7 "'^^"^Pe^ting American souled answer thaiikino^ PnJ i a-' f'^'^*'' ^'OPJ of Andre's high- took in bis ts::''s^^^::^Z'i;::r''^ '°'' *^ '"^^^--^^e of General Arnold's inattention to b'/7'\"''^'' conviction gest to General Clinton invtb.ni ^''^'^^^y': ^^ could not sug- save bis less in^poV/rntli^i ' 4tteS'e "Th"'^'^ '"'^ '^ are the circumstances as f-iitbfnl /fo ^ ^"'•"^^- These, madam. 440 LIKK OF MAJOR ANDRE. There are few, I would fain believe, who can read these noble lines, in which decent self-respect contends with wounded sensibility, without regretting that the same policy that exacted the sacrifice prescribed the most rigorous fulfillment of its harshest details. The request was pronounced inadmissible by Washington's coun- sellors: and since assent was out of his power, he was unwilling to wound tlie writer by a refusal. No reply was therefore made. Letters of farewell to his mother and his nearest friends were written: and the condemned man's calmness was still evinced in the exercise of his pen. On this same evening he sketched from memory, as a memento for a friend* in New York, the striking view of the North Eiver that had presented itself to him as he looked from the window of Smith's house, and figured the position of the Vulture as she rode at anchor beyond his reach. Tra- dition also assigns to this occasion the composition of some last verses, that were long cherished on the lips of the common people. t The morning of Tuesday, October 2d, 1780, found him with his mortal duties all performed and not afraid to die. The iDrisoner's board was supplied from Washington's own table: on this day his breakfast was sent him, as usual, from the General's quarters. He ate with entire composure, and then proceeded to shave and to dress with particular care. He was fully arrayed in the habits of his rank and profession, with the exception of sash and frieud, which I slightly mentioned to yourself and Lady Eleanor, when I had the happiness of being with you last summer." The American officer referred to is supposed to liave been Colonel TTumphreys. * Lieut. -Col. William Crosbie, 22d Eegt. This sketch was sent to him. hut aJl trace of it has: been lost, ft was not made on Jlon- day, but Saturday (September 30th). t See Appendix, No. IIL PREPARATIONS FOR THE EXECUTION. 441 spurs, sword and gorget. The toilet completed, he laid his hat on the table and cheerfully said to the guard- officers deputed to lead him forth, "I am ready at any moment, gentlemen, to wait on you." Though" his face was of deadly paleness, its features were tranquil and calm; his beauty shone with an unnatural distinctness that awed the hearts of the vulgar, and his manners and air were as easy as though he was going to a ball-room rather than the grave. The spot fixed for the closing scene was in an open field belonging to the owner of the house wherein he was detained, and on an eminence that commands an extended view. It was within a mile, and in open siglit of Wash- ington 's (luarters. Here the lofty gibbet was erected, and the shallow grave of three or four feet depth was digged. The office of hangman, always an odious employment, was perhaps on this occasion more than usually so. None of our soldiers undertook it. One Strickland, a Tory of Ramapo Valley, was in our hands at the time. His threatened fate may have been hard : his years were not many;* and by the price of freedom he was procured to take on himself the necessary but revolting character. Under an elaborate disguise, he probably hoped to go through the scene, if not unnoticed, at least unknown. Besides the officers that were always in the chamber, six sentinels kept watch Ijy night and by day over every aperture of the building; and if hope of escape ever rose in Andre's breast, it could not have developed into even the vaguest expectation. To the idea of suicide as a means of avoiding his doom he never descended. The noon of this day was the hour appointed for the execution ; and at half an hour before, the cortege set forth. Andre * I find no warrant for the author's statement on this point. — [Ed.] 442 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. walked nrm-in-aini between two subalterus;* each, it is said, with drawn sword in the opposite hand. A captain's command of thirty or forty men marched im- niediately about these, wliile an outer guard of five hundred infantry environed the whole and formed a hollow square around the gibbet within which no one save the oflBcers on duty and the provost-marshal's men were suffered to enter. An immense multitude was however assembled on all sides to witness the spectacle, and every house§ along the way was thronged with eager gazers; that only of Washington excepted. Here the shutters were drawn, and no man was visible but the two sentries that paced to and fro before the door. Neither the Chief himself nor his staff were present with the troops; a cir- cumstance which was declared by our people and assented to by Andre as evincing a laudable decorum. But almost every field officer in our army with Greene at their head|i led the procession on horseback : and a number followed the prisoner on foot, while the outer guard, stretching in single file on either side and in front and rear prevented the concourse from crowding in. In addition to all those who came in from the country-side, it is unlikely that *Tliese were probably Capt. Ebcnezer Smith, 13th JIass. and Captain John Hughes, 3rd Canadian (the ''Congress regiment"). Captain John Van Dyke, of Lamb's artillery and Ensign Samuel Bowman, 3rd Mass., were right and left of them, so he was ac- companied by four officers and Colonel Israel Shreve, 'Jd Xew Jersey, commanded the outer guard of five hundred men. § There are only five houses now, on the line of march, and it is not certain that any of them, except the Dutch church par- sonage, was extant in ITSO. It is a singular error to say Wash- ington's house was one of them, for it was — and is — directly east of the prison and half a mile distant. Tlie procession moved di- rectly away from it instead of past it. II An error. Greene and the other generals, mounted, were drawn up in line aloTig the road. Wayne and Irvine may have been there, but it is noticeable neither of them left on record anv impressions of the trial, sentence, or final scene. PREPARATIONS FOR THE EXECUTION. 443. many of the army who could contrive to be present missed the sight. Every eye was fixed on the prisoner ; and every face wore such an aspect of melancholy and gloom that the impression produced on some of our officers was not only affecting but awful. Keeping pace with the melancholy notes of tlic dead- march, the procession passed along: no member of it ap- parently less troubled than he whoso conduct was its cause and whose death was its object.* In the beautiful Orientalism of Sir William Jones, he dying only smiled while all around him grieved. His heart told him that a life honorably spent in the pursuit of glory would not leave his name to be enrolled among those of the ignoble or guilty many: and his face bespoke the serenity of an approving and undismayed conscience. From time to time, as he cauglit the eye of an acquaintance, -and especially to the officers of the Court of Enquiry-he tendered the customary civilities of recognition, and re- ceived their acknowledgments with composure and grace. It seems that up to this moment he was persuaded that he was not to be hanged, but to be shot to death : and the inner guard in attendance he took to be the firing party detailed for the occasion. Not until the trooj^s turned suddenly, at a right angle with the course they had hitherto followed, and the gallows rose high before him, was he undeceived. In the very moment of wheeling with his escort, his eye rested on the ill-omened tree; and he re- coiled and paused. "Why this emotion, sir? " asked 8mith,t who held one of his arms. "I am reconciled to my fate,"— said Andre, clenching his fist and convulsively * Benjamin Alibot, a drum-major, who beat the dead-march on tins occasion, died at Nashua, N. H., in lSr,l, aged 92. Peter Besancon, who followed La Fayette hither from France, and who died at Warsaw, New York, iri 1855, was probably the last sur- viving spectator. t Or Hughes. 444 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. moAiug his arm,— "but not to the mode of it ! " "It is un- avoidable, sir," was the reply. He beckoned Tallniadge,t and inquired anxiously if he was not to be shot:— "must I then die in this manner? " Being told that it was so ordered— "How hard is my fate! " he oriod; "but it will soon be over." Ascending the hill-side, the prisoner was brought to the gibbet, while the outer guard secured the ceremony from interruption. During the brief preparations, his manner was nervous and restless— uneasily rolling a pebble to and fro beneath the ball of his foot, and the gland of his throat sinking and swelling as though he choked with emotion. His servant who had followed him to this point now burst forth with loud weeping and lamentation, and Andre for a little turned aside and privately conversed with him. He shook hands with Tall- madge, who withdrew. A baggage wagon was driven beneath the cross-tree, into which he leaped lightly, but with visible loathing; and throwing his hat aside, removed his stock, opened his shirt-collar, and snatching the rope from the clumsy hangman, himself adjusted it about his neck. He could not conceal his disgust at these features of his fate : but it was expressed in manner rather than in language. Then he boimd his handkerchief over his eyes. The order of execution was loudly and impressively read by Adjutant-General Scammell, who at its con- clusion informed Andre he might now speak, if he had anything to say. Lifting the bandage for a moment from his eyes, he bowed courteously to Greene and the attending officers, and said with firmness and dignity:— "All I request of you, gentlemen, is that you will bear witness to the world that I die like a brave man." His last words j Tallmadge and Tliaelier were near. "■M \ t _ — , TfiL e ., '•W>jO.£jdlJ«N5THE; AMERICAN tl.. :«l ,VS5^BET.H1SSWH TO SEHEIWCT AltMOtV; ;"_.-■ FOR TaE-SU«l}£tU)ER Bf VyEST^POJrST W#^.TAIO«.roiS0NEp..TRSeD_Alip CQKOEMi; V " f"' \ /Mis Mf^»' ^■' ''■ 3W)UeH ACCOROINCLTO THi STERK ct: :' " MOVED- EVEN his knauEs lo fj: . AND BOTH- ARMIES MeURNBOTHD FAT^ '/ " OF ONE ^ VOl^G AND SO BRAVE. , ■.. »h«aHis*EMAiNs ufERE reSoved TO WeSTI«INSTER'AB«^' ;•:■ ■AwjHBFiEa-YSARs^i'.Tp i.»is-txea>:u)K-, ■ ^-^ ^19 STONE (^-AS PLACED ABOVE fHE SPOT fcHtRElJ^I ^V A^CrriKNOF TNE STATED AGAU< T WniCHi^t «IUdl , . NOT TO PERPETUATE THE RECOlb-OF STTt,V£. ' , ^^ ' WT '^^-•*°'^ 'HOSEBETyEKfEEUNGS ., :• *'*^>''^^«^:'if^'> •THE PATHS OF GLORY LEAD lU'T TO THE GRAVE." VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION. 445. murmured in an undertone were,— "It will be but a momentary pang ! ' ' Everything seemed now ready, when the commanding ofiBcer on duty suddenly cried out,— " His arms must be tied! " The hangman with a piece of cord laid hold of him to perform this order: but recoiling from his touch Andre vehemently struck away the man's hand, and drew another handkerchief from his pocket with which the elbows were loosely pinioned behind his back. The signal was given ; the wagon rolled swiftly away; and almost in the same instant he ceased to exist. The height of the gibbet, the length of the cord, and the sudden shock as he was jerked from the coffin-lid on which he stood, produced immediate death. A minute account of the scene is given by a soldier who was present on the occasion.* "I was at that time an artificer in Colonel Jeduthan Baldwin's regiment, a part of which was stationed within a short distance of the spot where Andre suffered. One of our men (I believe his name was Armstrong) being one of the oldest and best workmen at his trade in the regi- ment, was selected to make his coffin, which he perf ormed,_ and painted black, agreeably to the custom in those times. *Barber and Howe: Hist. Coll. N. J., p. 77. This story is told 111 a simple and probable form: but it contains some inaccu- racies that might reasonably be looked for in the tale of a private soldier whose knowledge of all save what he saw came from the hearsay of the camp. The preceding sketch of the execution is collated from the ac- counts of Thacher, Tallmadge, and Eussell, eye-witnesses of the scene; and as nearly as possible is given in their own words Thacher, 274: N. E. Mag., vi. 363. Sparks' Am., 255: Irving's ^Yash., iv. 149, 157: MS. Mem. of Russell's account: Vind. CapL, p. 26. 446 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. At this time Andre was confined in what was called a Pntch Church, a small stone building with only one door, and closely guarded by six sentinels. "\Mien the hour api^ointed for his execution arrived, which I believe was two o'clock P. M., a guard of three hundred men were ]iaraded at the place of his confinement. A kind of pro- cession was formed, by placing a guard in single file on each side of the road. In front were a large number of American officers of high rank on horseback. These were followed by a wagon containing Andre's coffin; then a large number of officers on foot, with Andre in their midst. The procession moved slowly up a moderately rising hill, I should think about a fourth of a mile to the west. On the top was a field without any enclosure. In this was a very high gallows, made by setting up two jioles, or crotches, and laying a pole on the toyi. The wagon that contained the coffin was drawn directly under the gallows. In a short time Andre stepped into the hind end of the wagon; then on his coffin— took off his hat, and laid it down— then placed his hands upon his hips, and walked very nprightly back and forth, as far as the length of his coffin would permit; at the same time casting his eyes upon the pole over his head, and the whole scenery I)y which he was surrounded. He was dressed in what I should call a eomi^lete British uniform, his coat was of the brightest scarlet, faced or trimmed with the most beau- tiful green. His under-clothes, or vest and breeches, were bright buff, very similar to those worn by military officers in Connecticut at the present day. He had a long and beautiful head of hair; which, agreeably to the fashion, was wound with a black ribband, and hung down his back. All eyes were upon him; and it is not believed that any officer of the British army, placed in his situation, would have appeared better than this unfortunate man. Not many minutes after he took his stand upon the coffin, the execu- VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION. 447 tioner stepped into the wagon, with a halter in his hand, which he attempted to put over the head and around the neck of Andre; but by a sudden movement of his hand this was prevented. Andre took off the handkerchief from his neck, unpinned his shirt-collar, and deliberately took the end of the halter, put it over his head, and placed the knot directly under his right ear, and drew it very snugly to his neck. He then took from his coat-pocket a handkerchief, and tied it over his eyes. This done the officer that commanded (his name I have forgotten) spoke in rather a loud voice, and said that his arms must be tied. Andre at once pulled down the handkerchief he had just tied over his eyes, and drew from his pocket a second one, and gave it to the executioner ; and then replaced his hand- kerchief. His arms were tied just above the elbows, and behind the back. The rope was then made fast to the pole over head. The wagon was very suddenly drawn from under the gallows, which together with the length of the rope gave him a most tremendous swing back and forth; but in a few minutes he hung entirely still. During the whole transaction, he appeared as little daunted as Mr. John Rogers is said to have been, when he was about to be burnt at the stake ; but his countenance was rather pale. He remained hanging, I should think, from twenty to thirty minutes ; and during that time the chambers of death were never stiller than the multitude by which he was surrounded. Orders were given to cut the rope, and take him down, without letting him fall. This was done, and his body carefully laid on the ground. Shortly after, the guard was withdrawn, and spectators were permitted to come forward, and view the corpse ; but the crowd was so great, that it was some, time before I could get an op- portunity. When I was able to do this, his coat, vest, and breeches were taken off, and his body laid in the coffin, covered by some under-clothes. The top of the coffin was 448 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. not put on. I viewed the corpse more carefully than I had ever done that of any human being before. His head was very much on one side, in consequence of the manner in which the halter drew upon his neck. His face ap- peared to be greatly swollen, and very black, much re- sembling a high degree of mortification. It was indeed a shocking sight to behold. There were at this time stand- ing at the foot of the coffin two young men, of uncommon short stature. I should think not more than four feet high. Their dress was the most gaudy that I ever l)eheld. One of them had the clothes, just taken from Andre, hanging on his arm. I took particular pains to learn who they were ; and was informed that they were his servants, sent up from New York to take his clothes ; but what other business I did not learn. I now turned to take a view of the executioner, who was still standing by one of the posts of the gallows. I walked nigh enough to him to have laid my hand upon his shoulder, and looked him directly in the face. He ap- peared to be about twenty-five years of age, his beard of two or three weeks' growth, and his whole face covered with what appeared to me to be blacking taken from the outside of a greasy pot. A more frightful-looking being I never beheld ; his whole countenance bespoke him to be a fit instrument for the business he had been doing. Wishing to see the closing of the whole business, I re- mained upon the spot until scarce twenty persons were left, but the coffin was still beside the grave, which had previouslj' been dug. I now returned to my tent, with my mind deejily imbued with the shocking scene I had been called to witness." Every authentic account that we have shows how much our officers regretted the necessity of Andre's death, and how amply they fulfilled his parting adjuration. The VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION. 449 tears of thousands, says Tliaclier, fell on the spot where he lay; and no one refrained from proclaiming his sym- pathy.* Many wept openly as he died; among whom it is recorded (apparently on the testimony of Laune) was La Fayette. Certainly the marquis bore witness to the infinite regret with which the fate of such a noble and magnanimous character inspired him. It was believed in the army that Washington's soul revolted at the task, and that he could scarcely command the pen when he sub- scribed the fatal warrant. An American officer who was present and who brought the news to Burgoyne's troops detained at Winchester, asserted that our General shed tears on the execution, and would fain have changed its mode. Without depending entirely on anecdotes which, though of contemporaneous origin, are not supported by direct evidence, it is very certain that no little sorrow was felt on the occasion by both friends and foes. Bronson for instance, whose association with the prisoner con- tinued from his arrest to the gallows-foot, never recurred willingly to the event, nor without hearty regret and emo- tion. The highest testimony is that of Washington. "Andre has met his fate," wrote he, "and with that forti- tude which was to be expected from an accomplished man and gallant officer: " and again— "The circumstances under which he was taken justified it, and policy required a sacrifice; but as he was more unfortunate than criminal, and as there was much in his character to interest, while we yielded to the necessity of rigor, we could not but * Wliile these pages are going through the press, one of our most distinguished historical students and writers has obliged me with a communieation respecting Andre's death: — "I have met Bevolutionary men wlio were with him as sentinels on the day of his execution. One, Enos Eeynolds, told me more than once the sad story, as tears ran down his cheeks. 'He was the handsomest man I ever laid my eyes on,' was one of his phrases, and he said the men all around him were weeping when he met his fate." 29 •ioO LIPE OF MAJOR ANDRE. lament it." This was said a few days after Andre's death. In after-years, though he once indeed at his own table went over the details of Arnold's defection, Wash- ington is reported by his confidential attendants to have never, even by his own fireside, alluded to Andre's trial or fate. Others were not so guarded, and of course a thousand wild rumors, distorted from the truth by political bias, went flying over the land. The English reports must have originated in part with the servant Laune, for they are early and in part correct. Andre's dying words are given in jialpable error. "Remember that I die as be- comes a British officer, while the manner of my death must reflect disgrace on your commander." Another ac- count says that before signing to the hangman to proceed he thus addressed our officers: "As I sutler for the ser- vice of my cotmtry, I must consider this hour as the most glorious of my life. Remember, that I die as becomes a British officer, while the manner of my death must reflect disgrace on your counuander." "We can imderstand how a bewildered and grief -stricken valet may have confused together the incorrect recollections of what private con- solatory remarks his master may have made to him, and what he said publicly; but there was less excuse for the ostentatious manner in which the Pennsylvania Packet of Oct. 31, 17S0, made Andre exclaim to our army: "Be my witnesses, while I acknowledge the propriety of my sentence, that I die like a brave man." If he jn'otested not against it, it is certain he never acknowledged the jus- tice of his fate. The same journal however at other times gave more reasonable accounts; and thus gratified its ancient partisan feelings in a comment upon t'linton's bad bargain: — VARIOUS ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION. 451 'Twas Arnold's post Sir Harry sought; Arnold ne'er entered in his thought. How ends the bargain? let us. see; The fort is safe as safe can be: His favorite perforce must die: His view's, laid bare to ev'ry eye: His money's gone — and lo, he' gains One scoundrel more for all his pains. Andre was gen'rous, Irue, and brave — And in his place he buys a knave. 'Tis sure ordain'd that Arnold cheats All those of course with whom he treats. Now let the Devil suspect a bite. Or Arnold cheats liim of his right. The sorrow and indignation of Andre's friends gave occasion to other unfounded charges. At Southampton, where his family connections extended, it was reported that Clinton solicited "as a singular favor, after his dear friend and companion should be hung, the body might be sent to him— but Washington refused. Clinton then sent again, that since the sentence was to bury the body under the gallows, it might be taken up and brought to New York, there to be interred with the military honors due to so brave and accomplished a young man. This Washington also refused." This silly tale is sufficiently exposed by Sir Henry's own statement that he knew not of his Adjutant's being hanged till the arrival of Laune with his master's bag- gage told him all was over. When the burial at the gib- bet's foot was about to be made, the man had demanded Andre's uniform, which was accordingly removed and given him. The corpse was then laid in earth, and no monument but the usual cairn, such as rose over the spot where Gustavus fell at Lutzen "for liberty of consci- ence, ' ' marked the solitary grave. The surrounding field was cultivated, but the plough still shunned the place; for it was customary in this region for the laborers in 452 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. their tillage to spare the soil that covered a soldier; and as early as 177S the fields of Long Islaud were noticed to be checkered over with patches of wild growth that showed where men lay who were slain in the battle there. "With generous sensibility Colonel "William S. Smith of our army embraced the opportunity of purchasing the watch that the captors had taken. It was sold for their benefit for thirty guineas. He bought it; and mindful of the tender affection with which Andre had been heard to speak of his mother and sisters in England, sent it in to Kobertson to be transmitted to these ladies. The unfor- tunate man's "Will testifies with what regard his whole do- mestic circle was held. It was sworn to before Carey I.udlow, Surrogate of New York, and admitted to pro- bate October 12th, 1780. "The following is my last will and testament, and I ap- point as executors thereto ^lary Louisa Andre, my mother; David Andre, my uncle; Andrew Girardot, my uncle; John Lewis Andre, my uncle. To each of the above executors I give fifty pounds. I give to Mary Hannah Andre, my sister, seven hundred pounds. I give to Louisa Catharine Andre, my sister, seven hundred pounds. I give to '\^'illiam Lewis Andre, my brother, seven hundred poimds. But the condition on which I give the above-mentioned sums to my aforesaid brother and sisters are that each of them shall pay to Mary Louisa Andre, my mother, the sum of ten pounds yearly during her life. I give to "Walter Ewer, Jr., of Dyers Court, Al- dermanbury, one hundred pounds. I give to John Ewer. Jr., of Lincoln's Inn. one hundred pounds. I desire a ring, value fifty pounds, to be given to my friend, Peter Boissier, of the 11th Dragoons. I desire that Walter Ewer, Jr., of Dyers Court, Aldermanbury. have the in- spection of my papers, letters, uumuscripts. I moan that he have the first inspection of them, with liberty to de- ANDBE's will. 4g_^ stroy or detain whatever l,o thinks proper; and 1 desire my watch to be given to him. And I lastly give and be- queath to my brother .Tohn Lewis Andre th^ residue of StatTn tri -''^tso^'v.r. Witness my hand and seal, Staten Isknd ,n the lu-ovince of New York, North America, 7th June, 1777. JoriN Andhk, Captain in the 2(ith Regiment of Foot. N. B. The currency alluded to in this my will is ster- ling money of Great Britain. I desire nothing more than my wearing apparel to be sold by public auction." It may well be supposed tliat the news of the execution was received at New York in sorrow and in anger Joshua Smith says: "No language can describe the mingled sensations of horror, grief, sympathy, and re- venge, that agitated the whole garrison; a silent gloom overspread the genera] countenance; the whole army and citizens of the first distinction, went into mourning" Miss Seward also mentions the signs of grief tlie troops displayed m their apparel; and in November a London account censures Clinton for not employing the heated animosity of his men to strike an avenging blow "The troops at New York on hearing of his execution raised ^f i.r ."""^"''^ ^'''" ''''''Seniiee, and to be led to the attack ot Washington's camp, that the Commander-in-Cliief could hardly keep them within the bounds of discipline- and many letters mention that as Sir Henry had an army at least equal to Washington's, he ought to have indulged them: for the determined spirit with which they were actuated would have made them invincible against any superiority. On this account the military critics say he has given another convincing proof that he is a general who does not know when to act. After this, few rebel 454 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. prisoners will be taken. The universal cry of the sol- diers at Xew York is, Remember Andre!" But if Clinton would not expose his men to a doulitful enteri>rise, he was not unmindful either of the fame or the last wishes of his friend. By public orders his memory was released from any imputation that might arise from the manner of his death. Head-Quarters. Xeiv York, 8 Oct. 17S0. The Comman- der in Chief does with infinite regret inform the Army of the death of the Adjutant General Major Andre. The unfortunate fate of this Officer calls upon the Com- mander in Chief to declare his opinion that he ever con- sidered Major Andre as a Gentleman, as well as in the line of his military profession, of the highest integrity and honor, and incapable of any base action or unworthy conduct. Major Andre's death is very severely felt by the Com- mander in Chief, as it assuredly will be by the Army; and must prove a real loss to his Country and to His Majesty's ser\'ice. How far the army felt their loss may be gathered from Simcoe's orders to his own regiment, by the officers and men of which Andre was personally known. He com- manded them to wear for the future black and white feathers as mourning for a soldier "whose superior in- tegrity and imcommon ability did honour to his country and to human nature. The Queen's Rangers will never sully their glory in the field by any undue severity : they will, as they have ever done, consider those to be under their protection who are in their power, and will strike with reluctance at their unhappy fellow-subjects, who, by a series of the basest artifices, have been seduced from their allegiance; but it is the Lt. Colonel's most ardent FEELIITGS EXCITED BY THE EXECUTION. 455 hope, that on the close of some decisive victorv H •„ , the Inlnf T^^'i^' ^''^^^^ ^"^ ^""«^- «"d lasting. Despite r 3 tioa !:^' -^r ^^ ^^^-^^^^^^ «^ unimpassioned .eas n wasted on ^L^e^:'z.:.^t::^-iz::^^ ^ was even supposed in some quarters that the authoHti^ would not hesitate to strain a point to come by T "The Ministry will be glad to have vengeance for Major Andre '' quoth Lutterloh (a character who earned aZytn t^t nee by betraying all who trusted him, whethe EnSi sb 01 Fiench), as he rattled the blood-money for which he had just sworn away the life of the Baron de la Mote a suTlanSfag" ^^^^^^ ^^^^ «— was beli^L; Trumbull the artist was at the time studying his pro- ^JeZTe £ fnT;,'.,-''- . ^,Sentleinan of distinction thus tion:J'] evSeard tha M. /^' ^^''^^^^l topic of conversa- K Twn l! , 1 ^"^^ ^"'^^'^ ^«« to be inaiTied to Miss ant's z^ts^i^f "r- ^ TL"L?;™iTw the N. Y. " , ,,eer w^L^T;-' »°™ ■>"=■■»"*, to ., officer in affected .^iZ hnni ovS t^™ ;" ^^^^^'-^^ Orders: an nn- merited execution " /A if. ' ''\/°' x?"'« ^-^^essory to his un- tWashfnSn ' ^'"''' ^'"^ ^'"'k' ^ov. 8, 1780. 456 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. fession at London, whither he had come after a failure to negotiate some Connoctiriit public socnritios on the Continent. Considering tiiat his I'atlier was the governor of his native state and an active Whig through all the war; and that he himself had but recently resigned from the army, his proceeding was suspicious in the extreme. Tjike Andre, he had been aide to the commander-in-chief, and also deputy-adjutant general : and it was thought he would make a capital pendani to the Englishman. He was at once arrested on a charge of treasonable practices and thrown into jail. By his own account he was treated with humanity, and Mr. "West represented his case to the King. "I i)ity him from my soul," said the monarch.— "But, West, go to Mr. Trumbull immediately and pledge to him my royal promise that in the worst possible event of the law his life shall be safe." Really Trumbull had com- mitted no offence since his arrival: but as he had no right to be in England at all save as a prisoner, it was seven months ere he was released on surety to leave the kingdom and not return. And in October, 1782, a travelling American, awakened as he slmnbered in his carriage by the shouts of a party of armed horsemen who swore to hang some object of their wrath, avows that his first impression was that he, though in no way connected with Andre's death, was now to expiate it by his own. It is to the i^ervading interest that attaclied itself to Andre's story, and the romantic character of his career, that the origin of tlie ghost-stories about him may be attributed. There is yet another connected with him : "Miss H. B. was on a visit to Miss Andre, and being very intimate with the latter, shared her bed. One night she was awakened by the violent sobs of her companion, and upon entreating to know the cause, she said, 'I have seen my dear brother, and he has been taken prisoner.' It is scarcely necessary to inform the reader that Maj. HONORS BESTOWED ON ANDRE 's MEMORY. 457 Andre was then with the British army, during the heat of the American war. Miss B. soothed her friend, and both fell asleep, when Miss Andre once more started up, exclaiming, ' They are trying him as a spy, ' and she de- scribed the nature of the court, the proceedings of the judge and prisoner, with the greatest minuteness. Once more the poor sister's terrors were calmed by her friend's tender representations, but a third time she awoke screaming that they were hanging him as a spy on a tree and in his regimentals, with many other circumstances! — There was no more sleep for the friends ; they got up and entered each in her own pocket-book the particulars stated by the terror-stricken sister, with the dates ; both agreed to keep the source of their own i^resentiment and fears from the poor mother, fondly hoping they were built on the fabric of a vision. But, alas ! as soon as news, in those days, could cross the Atlantic, the fatal tidings came, and to the deep awe as well as sad grief of the young ladies, every circumstance was exactly imparted to them as had been shadowed forth in the fond sister's sleeping fancy, and had happened on the very day preceding the night of her dream ! The writer thinks this anecdote has not been related by Miss Seward, Dr. Darwin, or the Edgeworths, father and daughter, who have all given to the public many interesting events in the brilliant but brief career of Major Andre." It is creditable to the British Government that in con- sideration of the magnitude of Andre's attempted service, and the disastrous fate with which his efforts were crowned, nothing was wanting to testify either its care for his fame or its respect for his wishes. On the 13th November Captain St. George, Clinton's aide, delivered that general's despatches of the 12th Octolier to Lord George Germain. 458 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. "The unexpected and melancholy turn, whicli my nego- tiation witli (ioiieral Arnold took with respect to my Adjutant (ioneral, has tilled my mind with the deei)est concern. He was an active, intelligent, and useful officer; and a young gentleman of the most promising hopes. Therefore, as he has unfortunately fallen a sacrifice to his great zeal for the King's service, I judged it right to consent to liis wish, intimated to me in his letter of the 29th Se])t., of which T have the honor to inclose your lord- ship a copy, that his Company which he purchased should be sold for the benefit of his mother and sisters. But I trust, my lord, that your lordshij) will think Major Audre's misfortune still calls for some further support to his family, and 1 beg leave to make it my humble request, that you will have the goodness to recommend them in the strongest manner to the King, for some beneficial and distingiiishing mark of His Majesty's favor."* ^Miat was asked was granted. The king is said to have instantly ordered a thousand giiineas from the privy purse to be sent to Mrs. Andre, and an annual pension of £300 to be settled on her for life with reversion to her children or the survivor of them: and after knighthood was proffered, on the 24th March, 1781, in memory of his brother's services, the dignity of a baronetcy of Great Britain was conferred upon Captain "William Lewis Andre of the 26th Foot, and his heirs male forever.f A * MS. Sir H. Clinton to Lord G. Gcrniiun (Separate) New York. 13 Oct.. i:SO. S. P. 0. On the 11th. Clinton wrote the general story of his dealings with Arnold. "The particulars respecting the ill-fated ending of this serious. I may say great ail'air, shall be detailed in a Narrative — wherein all papers and letters con- nected with it shall be inserted." This Xarrative has not been printed, but 1 have freely used all its facts in the text of this work. t A tombstone in Bathham]itou church-yard, near ]>ath. has this inscrijition: "Sacred to the ilemorv of Louisa Catharine Andre, late of the Circus, Bath: Obit. Dec. 25, 1835, aged 81. Also of ilary Hannah Andre, her sister, who died March 3, 1815^ ANDKE's KEMAINS removed to ENGLAND. 459 Stately cenotaph in Westminster Abbey also preserved tlie remembrance of the life and death of Major Andre Hither Arnold was once observed to lead his wife and to peruse with her the inscription that referred to the most important scenes in his own career.* Forty years later, the pomp and ceremony with which the remains of the brave Montgomery were publicly brought from Canada to New York, called the attention of the British Consul at that city to the fact that the dust of another who too had borne the King's commission, and whose first cai)tivity had graced Montgomery's first triumph, still filled an unhonored grave in a foreign land He communicated with the Duke of York, Commander ot the Forces, and it was decided to remove Andre's corpse to England. The Rev. Mr. Demaratf who now owned the ground, gave ready assent to the consul's proposals His intentions had become known," says an American writer- 'some human brute-some Christian dog-had sought to purchase or to rent the field of Mr. Demarest, tor the purpose of extorting money for permission to re- move these relics. But the good man and true rejected the base proposal, and offered every facility in his power. " On Friday, August 10th, 1821, at eleven o'clock A. M work was commenced not without fear that it would be in vain- lor vague whispers went around that, years before, the grave was despoiled. At the depth of three feet, the spade struck the coffin-lid, and the perfect skeleton was soon exposed to view. Nothing tangible remained but the bones aged 93 years.--' Sir William Lewis Andre, the brother married- and surviving his son of the same na^e. who was a director oftt; ^0. l8ir:tZ%^'>rr< ""''' '' ''^'^'^ L--' Hants ll?h *c' T i' ^^"^° ^^^ *^^'^ became extinct. See Life of Peter VanSchaack, by H. C. VanSchaaek, p. 147 T riev. John Demarest. ^ 460 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. and a few looks of the once beautiful hair,* together with the leather cord that had bound the queue, and which was sent by ^Ir. Buchanan to the sisters of the deceased. An attentive crowd of both sexes, some of whom had probably beheld the execution, was present. "The farmers who came to witness the interesting cere- mony generally evinced the most respectful tenderness for the memory of the unfortunate dead, and many of the children wept. A few idlers, educated by militia training and Fourth of July declamation, began to murmur that the memory of General Washington was insulted by any respect shown to the remains of Andre; but the offer of a treat lured them to the tavern, where they soon became too drunk to guard the character of Washington. It was a beautiful daj', and these disturbing spirits being removed, the impressive ceremony proceeded in solemn silence, "t If this anecdote is true, these rufiBing swaggerers were all who did not cheerfully encourage the proceedings. La- dies sent garlands to decorate the bier : even the old woman who kept the turnpike-gate threw it open free to all that went and came on this errand; and six young women of New York united in a poetical address that accompanied the myrtle-t-tree they sent with the body to England. The bones were carefully uplifted, and placed in a costly * Mr. Buchanan's own narrative says only the leather string and the skeleton were found. See Christian Journal and Literary Eejrister, Vol. V. X. Y., 1821. Evenins; Post. X. Y., Aug. 11, 1831 and Oft. IT), 1879, Albion, X. Y., :\riireh 7. 1834, United Service •Tournal, London, Xov., 1833. t So repeats I\Irs. L. ]\I. Cliild (Letters from New York), who brought to the scene a solemn conviction that Andre's death was a "cool, deliberate murder," and whose account of what she saw and heard is tinctured with this feeling. t An error. Grant Thorburn sent the myrtle, wliieh was phint- €d in London, and known as "Andre's mvrtle." andke's kemains removed to ekglaxd. 461 sarcophagus of mahogany, richly decorated with gold and hnng wit^ black and crimson velvet ; and so borne to New York to be placed on board the Phaeton frigate which by a happy sigmficancy, so far as her name was concernecl had been selected for their transportation to England' Two cedars hat grew hard by, and a peach-tree bestowed b> some kind woman's hand to mark the grave, (the roots of which had pierced the coffin and turned themselves in a fibrous network about the dead man's skull,) were also taken up The latter was replanted in the King's Gardens behind Carlton House. waiuens, In his account of the exlmmation the Consul in warm phrase expressed his conviction that the body had been robbed of Its c othing by our people. It was reasonable that he should hmk so: for Thacher, an eye-witness and mmute chronicler of the transaction, believed positively tha Andre was buried in his uniform; of which not a vestige, not a solitary button, was found when the grave was opened. But there is abundant contemporaneous proof, American and English, that Laune obtained his master s regimentals after he was put in the shell, but before he was laid in earth. In correcting his own error, Thacher set Buchanan right. In gratitude for what was done, the Duke of York caused a gold-mounted snulf-box of the wood of one of the cedars that grew at the grave to be sent to Mr. Demarest; to whom the Misses Andre also presented a silver goblet, and to Mr. Buchanan a silver standish. A withered tree, a heap of stones, mark the spot where the plough never enters and whence Andre's remains were removed.'^ The sarcophagus came safely across the sea, +i,*T^''''f*^''S!"^ ^■^''''■' -''^^^^ Andre's death. Dean Stanley visited the Unied States, and was the guest of Cvrus W. fS aTlrv^l ton. At his suggestion, Mr. F. erected a monument to mark X 462 UFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. and forty-one years and more after they had l)oen laid by the Hudson its contents were reinterred in a very private manner hard by the monument in Westniinster Abbey. The Dean of AVestminster superinlendtnl the religious offices, while Major-(Jeneral Sir Herbert Taylor spot of execution. Its erection, or inscription, gave offense to some Socialists, one of whom, Hendri.x, by name, blew it up with dyna- luitc. A second met the same fate. The inscription on it reads: Here died, October 2, 1780, Major Johx Axdrk, of the British Army, who, entering the American lines on a secret mission to Benedict Arnold for the surrender of West Point, was taken prisoner, tried and condemed as a spy. His death, though according to the stern code of war, moved even his enemies to pity; and both armies mourned the fate of one so young and so brave. In 1821 his remains were removed to AVestminster Abbey. A hundred years after the execution this stone was placed above the spot where he lay, by a citizen of the United States against which he fought, not to perpetuate the record of strife, but in token of those better feelings which have since united two nations, one in race, in language and in religion, in the hope that the friendly understanding will never be broken. Arthur Pexrhtx St.^jjley, Dean of Westminster. He was more unfortunate than criminal. George Washixgtox. Sunt lachrynicC rerum et mentem mortalia tangunt. yExEiD, Book I, Line 462. (Literally translated: "Here are tears for our affections and human calamities touch the mind." In Conington's translation it is thus rendered: E'en here the tear of pity springs And hearts are touched by human things. Crisis of the Eevdhifion, pp. 84-85.) THE MONUMENT IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. BUEIED IN WESTMINSTER ABBEY. 463 appeared for the Duke of York, and Mr. Locker, Secre- tary to Greenwich Hospital, for the sisters of ihe deceased. In the south aisle of the Abbey wherein sleeps so much of the greatness Miid the glory of England shinds Andre's monument. It is of statuary marble carved by Van Gelder. It presents a sarcophagus on a moulded panelled base and plinth; the panel of which is thus inscribed: "Sacred to the memory of Major John Andre, who, raised by his merit, at an early period of life, to the rank of Adjutant-General of the British forces in America, and, employed in an important but hazardous enterprise, fell a sacrifice to his zeal for his King and Country, on the 2d of October, 1780, aged twenty-nine, universally beloved and esteemed by the army in which he served, and lamented even by his foes. His gracious Sovereign King George III., has caused this monument to be erected." On the plinth these words are added : ' ' The remains of Major John Andre were, on the 10th of August, 1821, removed from Tappan by James Buchanan, Esq., His Majesty's Consul at New York, under insti'uctions from his Royal Highness the Duke of York, and witli j)er- mission of the Dean and Chapter, finally deposited in a grave contiguous to this monument, on the 28th of November, 1821." The monument stands seven and a half feet high in relief against the wall, beneath the sixth window of the south aisle. The projecting figures of the sarcophagus represent a group in w^hich Washington and Andre are conspicuous : the former in the act of receiving from a flag of truce a letter which is variously said to signify that in which the prisoner petitioned to be shot, and more reasonably, the demand of Clinton for his release. Britannia with a very 464 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. lugubrious lion reposes on the top of the eeuotajib. On the whole, the work is not a triumph of the sculptor's art. Hard by the spot are the monuments of Koger Town- shend and of Howe, whose lives were lost in the same scenes whei'e Andre first lost his libertj': and those of Sir Cloudesley Shovel, "Wolfe, "Warren, Stuart, and other British warriors whose history is interwoven with that of America, rise under the same roof. The covert sneer with which Addison refers to many of the tombs in this Abbey can have no just relation to the funeral honors of such characters as these: "They put me in mind of several persons mentioned in battles of heroic poems, who have sounding names given them for no other reason but that they may be killed, and are celebrated for nothing but being knocked on the head." A man can hardly do more or better than die for his countrv. .1^ « A lj-.ii- iC9^ CHAPTER XXII. Considerations upon the Justice of Andre's Sentence. — Conflict- ing Opinions. — Character of our Generals. — Reflections on .\ndre"s Fate. f|AS the condemnation of Andre in accordance with the principles of the laws of war? was his execution justifiable? are questions that fourscore years have left where they were at the beginning. English authors have acquiesced in the propriety of the sentence; an American writer has pro- nounced it a deliberate murder; yet most of these appear to have known very inaccurately the facts of a case upon which they have, sometimes with much elegance and vigor expressed a decided opinion. Winterbotham an English clergyman, Hinton a painstaking annalist, are satisfied that all was done lawfully. Coke was an officer of the 45th ; yet he publishes the belief that the rules of war were not infringed. Eomilly's opinion, though that of a young man not yet admitted to the bar, is of more weight: he wrote while the Jieat occasioned by the first intelligence was at its height, and with good information; but he justifies the sentence on the plea that, though Andre was taken on neutral ground, he had nevertheless been in our lines in disguise, and the safe-conduct with which he was armed was issued by one whom he knew to be a traitor, for no other end than to bring that treason to a successful conclusion. Mackinnon, of the Coldstrearas, is also clear that Andre was a spy and entitled to his fate: and this gentleman's rank, and the summary of facts on whicli he gives his judgiiient, add additional consequence to his language. Locker's decision is particularly interesting. He was the personal friend of Andre's sisters, and repre- 30 466 LIFE OF MAJOB AXDRE. sented them at the reinterment in Westminster Abbey. He had therefore i^eouliar opportunities of hearing evi- dence in favor of Andre. Immediately after the ceremony, he published his conviction that Andre's conduct had undoubtedly fixed on him the character and exposed him to the punishment of a spy. He also justified Wash- ington's inflexibility by the circumstances of the case, and the absolute necessity to the American cause of a terrible examjile. Other critics of less note subscribe to these general sentiments, or modify their decrees to the idea of Charles Lamb, when be speaks of '"the amiable spy. Major Andre. ' ' And the books of Miss Seward and Mrs. Child, published on opposite sides of the ocean, fully justify Tallmadge 's declaration, that had the verdict been left to a jury of ladies the prisoner was sure of an acquittal. In America there has been but one leading opinion ex- pressed on the subject. The action of its authorities has never been impugned save in the instance adverted to above. It is true that the majority of writers have not investigated the point: but their inferences entirely coincide with those of Marshall. Sparks. Biddle, and Irving, who were competent as any in the land to arrive at just conclusions. And it is to be remarked that the Englishmen who, by the course of events of their own application, have attained a degree of information on the question commensurate with that possessed by our own chief historical authorities, are not less decided, albeit widely differing in their determinations. Let us first look at the views of such as by convenience of time and place got their impressions, as it were, at the fountain-head. Of the conclusions of the leaders of our own army, little need be said. The finding of the court of inquiiy and its confirmation bv Washington suflicientlv indicate the sense CLINTON'S ACCOUNT OP ARNOLD 's AFFAIR. 4G7 Of our generals. That of tbe enemy was diametrically opposite; although from Clinton's omission to puhliclv impute unsoundness of judgment or improper motives to his adversaries, it was inferred in this country that he acquiesced in the justice of the sentence. I must confess bir Henry's general orders of Oct. 8th, 1780, would prevent such a conclusion in my mind: and Lord Mahon by an extract from Clinton's MS. Memoirs, lias un- doubtedly refuted any deduction that "the opinions of bir Henry Clinton on this subject were essentially the same as those of General Wasliington." Tliou"-h it wis little known in our own days, it must have been a familiar tact to all who lived in Clinton's intimacy that in no wise nor at any time did he conceive Washington's course justifiable. When Stedman, a royal officer in our Revo- lution, published his history of the war and half admitted Andre's guilt by protestations of the absence of every intention that could have drawn him into the position of a spy, Sir Henry affixed this brief manuscript comment to the paragraph-- Ignorance of whole transaction-too tender a subject to explain upon now. See blank leaves at the end." Accordingly a written statement was after- wards inserted by Clinton at the conclusion of the book which though essentially the same with that given from his MSS. by Lord Mahon, may well be published here, it is entitled m the writings before me,— SIR HENRY Clinton's account of Arnold's affair. (From his MS. History of the War, Vol. II. p. 43.) September, 1780. About eighteen Months before the present period, Mr. Arnold (a major General in the American Service) had found means to intimate to me that having cause to be dissatisfied with many late Pro- ceedings of the American Congress, particularly their alliance with France, he was desirous of quitting them •ICJS 1.1 FK OF MAJOR ANDKE. and joiuing the oanso of Groat Britain. oonUi he be certain of personal security and indemnitication for whatever loss of projiei'ty he might thereby sustain. An overture of that sort coining from an officer of Mr. ArnoKi's ability and fame could not but attract my attention: and as I thought it possible that like another General. Monk, he might have repented of the part he had taken, and wish to make atonement for the injuries he had done his Country by rendering her some signal and adeiiuate benetit. I was of course lilvral in making him such oiYers and promises as I judged most likely to encourage him in his present temper. A correspondence was after this oix^ued lietweeu us under feigned names ; in the course of which he from time to time transmitted to me most material intelligence: and. with a view (as I supposed) of rendering us still more essential service, he obtained in July. 17S0. the command of all the Enemy's forts in the Highlands, then garrisoned by about 4000 men. The local importance of these posts has been already very fully described in the last A'olume of this History: it is therefore scarcely neivssary to observe here that the ob- taining posession of them at the present critical period would have been a most desirable circumstance: and that the advantages to be drawn from Mr. Arnold's having the command of theiu struck me with full force the instant I heard of his appointment. But the arrival of the Fi-ench armament, the consequent expedition to Rhode Island, and the weakness of my own force together with the then daily increase of Mr. "Washington's, obliged me to wait for some more favorable opportunity before I attempted to put that gentleman's sincerity to the proof. In the mean time wishing to reduce to an absolute cer- tainty whether the person I had so long corresponded with was actually Maior General Arnold commanding at West Point. I acceded to a proposal he made me to permit some CLINTON'SACCOUNTO. AKN,>,,„'s A,,,,,,,.. .|,;;, Officer in n.y confidon.o to l.avo .•. p.M-so.K.I ..onlV.v, will, hn;., wl,en ovory Uuu, uu.kt he more explieity o ^ between us than it was possible to do by le ter L] ,e requ.red that my Adjutant General, Major A nd v w , , chiefly condueted the correspondence wiM, hi,,, , signature of John Anderson, should ,„e,.t hi,,, chiefly conduetod the correspondence with',,,,,, „„d,M- ll„. signature of lohn Anderson, s],ould ,„eet hi,,, n ,■ , his domg so from ,r,y ..-eat confidence i,, t,,,,, oir,!', ., ' prudence an"DEE. having been a favorite general of the great Frederick's is all a delusion. He was an honest old soldier of fortcme, and a sLngularly accomplished disciplinarian.* His re- ^"iew of a brigade would extend to every arm and accoutre- ment of every ofiSeer and private ; blaming or praising as the case required. The surgeon's list would be examined, the disorders of the patients inquired Into, and their treatment. These inspections are sometimes the subject of precise narration, yet no annalist mentions any diffi- culty of language in comprehending or satisfying the baron. On the contrary we are expressly told that though never perfectly its master, he had like La Fayette a suf- ficiently correct knowledge of our tongue. He was not however on friendly terms with La Fayette: and in America would boast of having been in the battle of Eoss- bach, where he made the Frenchmen run. Steuben was beloved by his troops, to whom, like Trajan or Hadrian of old, he would not scruple to give himself manual in- * An inciJent at Yorktown shows his perfect acquaintance with the laws of war. in opposition to La Fayette's. He commanded in the trenches when a flag came out with proposals of capitulation. While the negotiation went on. La Fayette's tour of duty arrived; as it was of c-ourse a {x>uit of honor to plant otir flag on the enemy's fortress, there was a competition for the command that would give the right. Steuben asserted that having rec-eived the flag, he was entitled to retain his place till the negotiation was closed either by surrender or renewed hostilities. La Fayette denied this, and marched with his division to relieve the German : who would not be relieved. La Fayene appealed to Washington: the case was car- ried to Rochambeau and his chiefs, and it was decided that the baron was right, and must retain the command. The matter does not seem to have ended here. Ensign Deimy (apparently of La Fayette's division) was detailed to erect our standard when the troops entered Yorktown. and was in the act of planting it on the parapet before the three armies when Steuben galloped up, took the flag, and planted it himself. Ill blood existed on both sides, and a challenge from Butler of Wavne's brigade went to Steuben, which it required all the influence of Washington on one side and Rochambeau on the other to hush up. Hems. Hist. Soc. Penn. vii. 214. 486. CHARACTERS OP OUR GENERALS. 433 tl'S^^of ^U ^^'^^'"^f^- ^>- ^-P^-ty as superior to that of bis tellows; aud esteemed him an expert sol dier, well-skilled in adapting the science of wa o it character of his followers and the nature of the countr" Tliere was no earthly reason to suppose that he did not perfectly comprehend the circumstances of Andre's case Mm '' ^^^V'^T^''""''^- "^' '' impossible to save liim, wrote the baron. "He put us to no proof, Init in an open man y manner confessed everything but a pre- meditated design to deceive. Would to God the^retcl who diew him to death could have suffered in his place!"* Parsons was a Connecticut law>-er before the war, and a graduate of Harvard in 1756. He was of a good Mas- sachusetts family, and in 1780 was probablv about forty years of age. In 1775 he was settled in the tenth colo- nelcy of the Continental army by Washington, albeit he had headed a remonstrance of the Connecticut line to its legislature against the action of Congress that gave pre- cedence to Putnam over Spencer. They "had no objec- tion^ to the appointment of Generals Washington and i-ee, but apprehended danger to the morals and disci- * ^^fP\ Steuben, 290, 477. Thacher, 195, 517. The baron tio'" mn '° «P^^^l-dly of Arnold's misconduct after hs i c" hTs;«rl i^^Pftmg Sheldon's Dragoons, the hated name struck hib ear on the roster. He called the bearer to the front and found 1 IS equipments m capital order. "Change your name bi-other ol Cher, you are too respectable to bear the naml of a tS^r '' "What ™ t1 e ''''"Thf?"^^-"' "^^^'" ^^' °"-^ "--• Mine is a In Z ■ , ^''^ trooper s name was thenceforth Steuben- and after the war he settled on land bestowed by his new godfether I h vlTn f *''^' ^''"'.f ^'" •l""^^^ 1^^' "'-""^l h'-^ve a wife a on it: '^"f "y '°^ ^fter you, Sir." "I thank you, my friend' hat name have you given the boy?" "I called him Baron "was the answer;— "what else could I call him i" ' It Steuben's after-life was for a time clouded by pecuniary di. tress It IS grateful to know that his services at lastS nanded a romSable!'''""^'"^^'""^* '^"" ^'"^"^ which mad^rsddtge 484 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDBE. pline of the line by Putnam's superiority. Memorials of this kinil Washington had in wise aversion. Parsons was a man of parts. Clinton, born in 1737, was perhaps of the same blood with Sir Henry, in resisting whom he had been seriously wounded. He displayed an early fondness for military life, and served in the Seven Years' War. He excelled in the exact sciences, and was father of De Witt Clinton. In 1775, he was with Montgomery, and his name heads the apology by which that general was persuaded to resume the command that the insubordination of some of his of- ficers had provoked him to throw up.* Knox, born in 1750, had a good though not a collegiate education, and in youth was so fond of military pursuits that at eighteen he was chosen captain of a vohmteer company of grenadiers. He was a bookseller, and ac- quainted with the French language; and though his tal- ents were unknown to Samuel Adams, they were at once discovered in our army. The aged and incapable Gridley was ousted from the command of the artillery department, and under the direction of Knox a system of fortifications were thrown up before Boston, whose strength Howe owned at sight, without venturing to a practical test. * In 1777, one Daniel Taylor, deceived by the British imiforms which a party of our troops wore, and by the name of General Clinton, did not discover his position till he was led before our general. He then swallowed a silver bullet, but an emetic bring- ing it back, it was found to unscrew and contain this note: — "To General BrRGOvxE: — Fart Montgomery, Oct. Sth. 1777. Nous voici — and nothing between us but Gates. I sincerely hope this little success of ours may facilitate your operations. In answer to your letter of the 2Sth of September by C. C. I shall only say, I cannot presume to order, or even advise, for reasons obvious. I heartily wish you success. Faithfully yours. H. Clixtox." — Tay- lor was hanged at West Hurley, Ulster County, X. Y. : "Out of thine own mouth shalt thou be condemned," said the American officer. CHARACTERS OF Ollll GENERAr.S. 4^5 Mrs. Warren attributes his advancement to personal ratlier than military considerations; though she confesses he made an excellent officer. The testimony of Washing- ton, of Rochambeau, of Dumas, and of Rawdon to his great military qualifications, added to that of Chastellux as to his understanding and information, are sufficient to establish the real worth of his character. Glover, born about 17.3.-), was, T believe, of a wealthy family of Marblehead. lie took an early share in the con- test Diminutive in person, he was active in habit and a good soldier. He had ]H-obably been a ship-owner before the war, and the regiment that he raised in 1775 was mainly composed of seafaring men. It was one of the first filled up m Massachusetts, and when taken into Continental pay still preserved its efficiency. The roster of officers witli Its Williams and Thomases, offers a contrast to the' Jedidiahs, Abels, and Abijahs, the Fennels, Melatiahs, and Amoses, who at that time so often made a New Eng- land regimental list to savor of "a catalogue of Praise- (^od Barebones's parliament or the roll of one of old Noll's evangelical armies." In service it was especially exempted from the sweeping contempt that was visited on the shortcomings of some of its countrymen by the middle and southern soldiery. "The only exception I recollect to have seen these miserably constituted bands from New England was the regiment of Glover from Marblehead. There was an appearance of discipline in this corps; the officers seemed to have mixed with the world, and to understand what belonged to their stations, ihough deficient, perhaps, in polish, it possessed an ap- parent aptitude for the purpose of its institution, and gave confidence that myriads of its meek and lowly breth- ren were incompetent to inspire. But even in this regi- ment there were a number of negroes, which, to persons unaccustomed to such associations, had a disagreeable, 486 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. degrading eflfect."* Glover's command led the advance in the passage of the Delaware at Trenton, and its com- mander was never found remiss. Of Patersont I find nothing beyond Thacher's record of a visit to his quarters in 1781, when "the general hu- morously apologized that he could afford us nothing bet- ter than a miserable glass of whiskey grog. ' ' Hand, born in Ireland in 1744, came hither as surgeon's mate of the 18th or Royal Irish in 1774, and resigning his commission, practised medicine. He applied for the i)ost of Hospital Director when Washington (Oct. 12, 1775) wrote to Congress that he was ignorant of the merits of the respective candidates. He was named second lieu- tenant-colonel of our army (Nov. 12, 1775) in William Thompson's Pennsylvania regiment, whose courage be- fore Boston, when others behaved with backwardness, was specially noticed a week later in General Orders. He was now a brigadier of La Fayette's corps d' elite. Huntington, born in 1743 and a graduate of Harvard * Graydon, 148. "These were the lads that mijiht do some- thing!" cried the spectators, as 500 strong, it came along after the defeat of Long Island. A passage in the citation above may ren- der it necessary to remark that negroes were hardly thought worthy to share in the struggle for Independence. The Massachusetts Provincial Congress (Oct., 17 T4). being requested in its efforts to preserve its constituents from slavery, to consider the state and circumstances of the Xegro Slaves in the province, refused to en- tertain the question, and voted that "the matter now subside." Accordingly, at a Council of War, Oct. 8, IT To, present Washing- ton. Ward. Lee, Putnam, Thomas, Spencer, Heath, Sullivan. Greene, and Gates, it was unanimously resolved to eject all slaves from enlistment, and, by a great majority, to reject negroes alto- gether. At a conference of a Committee from Congress and the civil authorities of all Xew England with Washington in the same month, it was agreed that negroes should be altogether rejected from enlistment in our army. — Am. Arch, ith ser. iii. 1040, 1161. t See the life of General Paterson, by the late Prof. Thomas Egleston. — [Ed.] CHARACTERS OF OUR GENERALS. 487 in 1763, was a merchant of good estate and ancient family at Norwich, and was son-in-law of Governor Trumbull His manners were cold, but he had acknowledged sense and information; and his virtues must have been remark- able, since through the terms of four different occupants of the presidential chair he retained the collectorship of customs at New London from 1789 until he was removed by death in 1815. Stark, born in 1728, seems to have had but a rural edu- cation. But war had a charm for him, and what military knowledge could be ac(]uired by command of a partisan company in the Seven Years' War, he doubtless possessed. The assumption of superiority by the young British of- ficers drove him to resign; though his qualities had gained him the confidence of Abercrombv, nephew of the commanding general, and of the young Lord Howe. He was a hardy, honest, self-willed man, impatient of subor- dination where he did not think it due. Difficulties on this^ point sprung up as soon as he joined our armv in 1775 : and later, he resigned in discontent with being over- slaughed in promotions. He only resumed arms in the service of New Hampshire on the express condition of exemption from obedience to the orders of Congress. The public confidence in him was so great that John Langdon gave his money, his plate, and his merchandise, to set on foot Stark's opposition to Burgoyne: and the Benning- ton victory was of such moment that he was forthwith made a Continental brigadier. He felt the hardship of the case, but united with his brethren in the judgment that Andre was a spy, and should be put to death: and not long after, m his own command, hung Lovelace for a like offence. He ran a saw-mill when the war broke out; and IS described by Thacher as joining to an unspotted char- acter and great private worth, neither the habits nor the appearance of an officer. 488 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Such was the constitution of the board that pronounced on Andre's case. If some of its members may be found Wise without learning, plain and good, the greater part by far miist be confessed to have been of sufficient education and of military training.* Of Wash- ington nothing need be said : but can we suppose that if he and St. Clair, Stirling. Clinton. Howe, and Stark, had continiied to hold the King's commission from the Seven Tear's "War, and now sat in a court called by royal au- thority, their decision would not have been received in England as authoritative, especially when confirmed by the concurrent voices of Steuben and La Fayette? That the English leaders sincerely thought it erroneous in prin- ciple and colored with passion or policy may not be ques- tioned; and their public and private respectability en- forces our attention to their views. But what reason is there to suppose that prejudice or excitement should sway one party less than the other .' Indeed the case appeal's to have admitted at least of such nice distinctions that we cannot refuse the attribute of perfect sincerity- to both: for even within the last few years, the patient investiga- tion of two calm and vigorous minds on either side has left the question exactly where it was before. Lord Ma- hon is satisfied that the Americans were wrong. Major Biddle, whose own military antecedents give weight to his conclusions, is convinced they were eminently right. It might seem presumptuous for me to declare positively that either side is in error ; since after all the case was one not covered by any prescription of the text-books on the laws of nations or of war ; and therefore was apparently * My friend Major Charles J. Biddle has already so satisfactorily gone over this ground, as well as much more relative to the sub- ject of this book, that an apology is almost necessary for my treat- ing of it at all. SUMMARY OF THE CASE. 489 to be governed by the deductions of ca military tril)imal from the great general principles therein laid down. For it is not evident that Andre entered our lines in disguise, which is one of the first requisites to a spy from the ene- my : and the suborning of a hostile general, though pro- tested against by Vattel as incompatible with personal purity, is allowed to be in accordance with international law: and much more so, he says, is it fair to merely ac- cept the proposals of a traitor. The romantic interest that has always been attached to Andre's character has in a measure clouded the judgment that men would arrive at as to his fate : it will be well therefore to give a sum- mary here of the facts as they are drawn from the stoiy of not one, but all sides. Arnold volunteered to surrender West Point on suf- ficient assurance that he should lose neither in pocket nor in rank by so doing. He demanded that an agent should meet him to settle the preliminaries. By Clinton's order, Andre went in a King's ship for this end, expecting the interview would occur on board, or at least under a flag of truce and not in our lines. Arnold's emissary brought him from the Vulture in his uniform and with a safe-con- duct from that general, but under a feigned name, by night, and with a watch-coat covering his person. There is little doul)t here that Smith saw him in uniform, and that he had no intention of exposing himself to any other risk than of becoming a prisoner of war. He came ashore at a place very near to but not within our lines. Here Arnold met him, and well knowing his name and quality, under the plea that he could not possibly return to tlie ship that night, led him unawares and against his stipula- tion within our picket though not into any of our works. Andre still was attired as when he landed. He remained concealed for nearly a day, making no plans or observa- 490 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. tiout;. but possessing himself of all the informatiou Ar- nold had to give. For what end is not accurately knovru (though Arnold alleges it was his direction that they should be thus transmitted to Clinton) he took several important papers from the American general, and con- cealed them on his person. By the same orders he dis- guised himself, and abandoned his uniform; and acting in every respect by Arnold's direction, and under his safe- conduct, bearing an assumed character both in dress and in name. Here he was taken, hax-ing from before he en- tered until after he left our limits been known to and di- rected by our general there commanding. In considering these facts, it must be remembered that by Andre's own avowal he was, though involuntarily, an impostor; and that the boat cari-ied no flag, nor did he suppose he came ashore under that sanction. This last declaration may be balanced by the fact that he did not then believe he was to be Virought anywhere but to neutral ground : but the after-incidents are not thus altered. The question then arises whether Arnold had lawfully the power to secure him. by the moans employed, from the vengeance of the Americans? This is a point that mili- tary men must solve. Arnold had undoubtedly the right to issue safe-conducts that would ]n-otect their bearer from our troops, provided the business was fair to our coimtry. Had he. so far as the bearer was concerned, the right to go further? How far does the fact that Andre was inveigled, as it were, into a jiosition that left him no other means of extrication than such as Arnold prescribed affect the merits of his ease? And above all, was or was not the safe-conduct given to him in a feigned name when he came to shore, equivalent to a flag? The gist of the American opinion seems to be that a fraud of this nature taints everything it touches ; and the SUMMARY OF THt CASE. 491 parties to it, if at all they are compassed by tJie letter of the law, are justly amenable to punishment. Whether Andre therefore left the Vulture under sufficient protec- tion is an important question. Had he openly borne a flag of truce sent either from his own party or by the Americans, he could unquestionably have passed back under it at any season. A flag gives its bearer the sanc- tity of an ambassador; the violation of whose safe-con- duct has from the most polished nations of antiquity been the received signal for rancorous war. "Men of Tar- entum," said the Roman legate to the Greeks that mocked at his defiled garments; "it will take not a little blood to wash this gown. ' ' Even the wild Arabs of the desert re- spected the safety of the envoy that brought them the most insulting missives ; and beyond making him swallow the scroll, ventured on no personal aggression: and the red Indian esteems himself in perfect security when he advances with the calumet in hand. In fact, a flag of truce is the substitute for the ancient herald. In the first stages of our war, "a trumpeter or flag of truce" were correlative terms. Passing in the face of danger, they courted publicity by appeals to eye and ear. In Canada, Montgomery and Prescott employed a flag and drum: and that his flag-officer was twice fired on from the walls of Quebec Arnold regarded as a most infamous infraction of civilized warfare. So at Boston in 1775, Howe tartly intimated to Washington that our i^eople so constantly fired upon his officers returning from parleys applied for by ourselves, that he desired no intercourse between the two armies should continue, except where Washington would send his own letters in by a drummer : and in the turmoil before Yorktown, the flag that proposed surren- der was accompanied by a drum beating a parley. The after-passage of flags without a drum was especially commented on. But the drum and trumpet were lawfully 492 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. hushed wlion armies were uot met face to faoe : and then it is ]iossil)le tliat a safe-conduct may have heen equiva- lent to a flag of 1 ruce. Kobertson took this view : but it does not clearly ajipear whether Greene denied it in toto or merely held that Andre did not come ashore with any- thing in the form of a protection. To my mind it is clear that his errand was of a nature directly opposed to the end for which flags are designed, and as he was detected in an appearance of guilt, it would require a very strong case to exonerate Andre from pun- ishment. The reader must decide whether such a case was made out by his friends. If he was within our lines under a flag, why did he not return under its protection? If he was not thus guarded, in what capacity was he there! The tendency of some writers to suppose that tlie mo- ment a man becomes a spy he puts himself out of human- ity's reach has probably warped many judgments on this matter. In point of fact, there is nothing in the history of ancient or modern warfare to warrant such a theory. That in the abstract the proceeding is no more defensible than manslaying, cannot be denied: but it is with the cus- toms of this world, not with siiblimated abstractions, that we have to do. AVe will jiass over the examples of the Jews, because this people's ways in war or in jjeace were almost peculiar to themselves.* But "in the most high and palmy state of Rome" we find spies and deserters constantly encouraged. The Spaniard Balbus, the friend * Though Joshua indeed sent his spies down into the promised land, we do not want examples of the manner in which the Old Testament has taught people to deal with such characters. The Calvinist minister who urged the Eochellois to shiy the king's trumpeter bringing proposals to the revolted city found a text for even further proceedings. "If any one entice thee secretly to go and worship otlier gods, thou shalt surely kill him: thine hand shall be first upon him to put him to death, and afterwards the hand of all the people." — Merimee: Charles IX. c. 25. EMPLOYMENT OF SPIES. 493^ alike of Pompey and of Caesar, acquired unprecedented honors tlirough such secret service in a civil war: and his name is immortalized by the eloquence of Cicero. Constantine, the upholder of our faith, esteemed it no degradation to seduce his opponent's followers: and an- other CcTsar did not think the imperial purple was sullied by entering the Persian camp as a spy, and following up his explorations with a prodigious rout. By such means Alfred drove the Danes from England. Nor need we rest upon the dusty records of by-gone ages : the annals of modern warfare furnish abundant and far more valuable examples of the light in which the character and services of a spy are held. In the Peninsular War they were freely employed by all parties, and were not necessarily thought base. Wellington had a legion of them in the French lines, from the haughty grandee who boasted a sangre azul noble as the king's, to the little cobbler on the bridge of Irun, who sat on his bench and from one year's end to another kept tale of every French soldier that en- tered Spain. British officers also notably acted in the field as spies : and where double treason was not wrought Napier says all these characters were highly meritorious. Carrara did not scruple to offer honors and wealth to Ney if he would desert his standard : and Napoleon himself, not only by allurements but more unjustifiably by severi- ties, sought to bring to his own aid the professional serv- ices of persons over whom the fortunes of war gave him power.* There is one case in particular however in these times that strongly reminds us of Andre's. * Captain Colquhoun Grant was the most famous English spy in the Peninsular War, though he always kept his uniform. Being employed by Wellington to ascertain JIarmont's route, and thus his purpose, he got in front of the French and after a hard chase was run down, ilarmont received him kindly, for he was overjoyed at the capture, and sat him down to dinner. "I would have shot him on the spot." he said, "had it not been for respect to some- 494 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. lu 1809, the imperial ambition of Bonaparte excited the republican officers to look to St. Cyr or Ney as a leader in its repression. John Viana, the son of an Oporto mer- chant, brought proposals from the French ])lotters to Marshal Beresford, asking that an English officer should meet them to arrange for the i)lan of action, which in- volved the seizAire and surrender of Soult, their leader. "This was a detestable project," says Napier, "for it is not in the field, and with a foreign enemy, that sol- diers should concert the overthrow of their country's institutions. It would be idle and impertinent in a foreigner to say how much and how long men shall bear what they deem an ojipressive government; yet there is a distinct and especial loyalty due from a soldier to his general in the field; a compact of honor, which it is singularly base to violate, and so it has in all ages been considered." An English col- onel in uniform reluctantly went by night to meet them on a lake behind the French outposts. They missed each other, and returning he found ^"iana and the French Ad- jutant-Major D'Argenton in the English lines. The lat- ter boldly went on to Beresford at Lisbon, conceiving his backers too numerous and powerful for him to incur much danger in his own army. Wellesley did not give the plan very hearty encouragement; and when D'Ar- thing resembling a uniform tlmt he wore when taken."" But he look his parole not to be rescued by guerillas on the road (Welling- ton having oii'ered $"2,000 reward for his recovery) and sent him to Bayonne with secret orders to the governor there to send him in irons to Paris. Grant wormed out this secret; and eloping at Bayonne, went himself to Paris and remained there unsuspected till he heard one day that an American sailor named Jonathan Buck liad suddenly died, leaving his passport uncalled for at the Bureaii. He at once claimed it, pretending to be Buck; hastened to tlie mouth of the Loire; got a clandestine passage on a vessel: and in four months from his original capture he was again playing iiround the skirts of the French in Spain. EMPLOTMEKT OF SPIES. 495 genton came back a second time (the first essay being un- noticed or nnpunished) he gave him the good advice to avoid receiving an English safe-conduct. The warning was disregarded. D'Argenton was discovered and con- demned: but the punishment was not executed, and he finally escaped. Others, French colonels, also conferred with Sir Arthur in his campaigns: nor must we forget Don Uran de la Eosa, whom the English thought a Span- iard, the Spanish an Italian, the French no one knows what, and the mystified Alava, Cagliostro or some such wizard: and who dined alternately in the opposing camps, carrying intelligence indifferently to either side. The case of the Frenchman Perron, who came over from Scindia in 1803 on overtures from Lord Lake, was not unlike Arnold's. In our Eevolution then we need not be surprised to find that the employment of spies was practised on the most extensive scale from the very outset. In the siege of Boston, John Carnes, a grocer, is commemorated as Washington's secret intelligencer; and by handbills sent in on the wind the troops were tempted to desert and to supply our own ranks. In 1775, also, by order of Con- gress two persons were privately sent by our general to Nova Scotia, to discover its strong places and to tamper with the people. In England we had a jjerfect corps of spies ; some of them men of position. In Xew York, "Washington maintained through the war, and particu- larly in 1779 and 1780, an organization that under the guise of zealous loyalists never failed to ad\ase him in- stantly of any considerable movement. These kept their secret so well that at the evacuation he had to send Tall- madge in while yet Carleton held the town, to provide for the safety of his agents. One who had never been sus- pected was caught tempting soldiers to desert, and hanged at Brunswick. Another, whose observations j^erhaps on 496 LIFE OF MAJOR AXDRE. occasion saved Washington's life, was able by his con- nections with the West Indian house of Kortwright and Company to unsuspectedly pick up much useful informa- tion for our army. Yet his character was so little affected by these transactions that he remained the valued friend of both Hamilton and Washington; and it was perhaps to set his patriotism straight in the popular view that our general on the final entrance into the city took his first breakfast at his hoiise. Arnold had him seized and tried hard to hang him, when he came over; but there was not enough evidence.* It was believed when Clinton started to relieve Coruwallis the expedition was betrayed to the Americans by means of a white flag displayed on a roof in New York and answered by a gun about a mile from Paulus Hook. Thus the news traveled 600 miles on to Washington in forty-eight hours. Congress itself not only retained spies in that city, but through the war left no stone unturned to sap the fidelity of the enemy's army; offering particularly great pecuniary temptations to of- ficers to desert with their commands. The English did the same; and both sides had some success. A regular spy association for the enemy ramified through Norwalk, Stratford, and other Connecticut towns ; and our generals were pestered with more than one such a "sly, artful fel- low" as McKeel,t seducing the soldiers and getting re- cruits for the British. In fact. La Fayette and every other general hesitated not to use a spy; and the better * Hamilton"^ Hist. Be p. i. -16, 5'^ 7. It may have been to this person that Washington refers in his letter to Congress, Oct. 15, 1780: — "Unluckily the person in whom I have the greatest confi- dence is afraid to take any measure for communication with me just at this time, as he is apprehensive that Arnold may possibly have same knowledge of the connection, and may have him watch- ed. But as he is assured that Arnold has not the most distant hint of him, I expect soon to hear from him as usual." t Heath. EMPLOYMENT OF SPIES. 497 the man the better was the intelligence. In the same year that Andre was hanged, Washington applied to Bowdoin and Heath for some draughtsmen of superior understand- ing, firmness, and fidelity, to clandestinely make plans for him of the enemy's works ; and if he sometimes found his own secrets betrayed to Clinton, he did not scruple to mislead the go-betweens with false intelligence Such courses are sanctioned by the customs of war, and if Kush s plan of sending a German baron into Howe's lines to seduce the Hessians found favor in American eyes, the British thought it as fair to seek to allure Sullivan Moultne, Ethan Allen, and others, to exchange their serv- ice and break their faith : a severe construction of the law might even have brought Franklin, Chase, and Carroll into an awkward predicament had their Canadian mission left them m Carleton's hands. Indeed the action of Ar- nold was for the moment fondly believed in England to have been shared by his fellows; and the names of Knox and Stirling, Howe, Sullivan, and Maxwell, were ridic- ulously bandied about as of fallers-off from the cause. It may be as well to observe that our Congress had in 1//8 clearly announced the rigor with which thev would on necessity deal with any but an unimpeachable flag Lieutenant Helef was sent from New York with a flag of truce to Philadelphia, bearing copies of the Commis sioners' Manifesto addressed to Congress, the several ^gislatui-es, the clergy, the army, and the people at large His vessel was wrecked, and after some suifering and loss ot lite the crew were rescued and brought to Philadelphia Congress thereon resolved that the nature of Hele's mis- sion was not to be protected by a flag, and threatened for some time to proceed to extremes with him. It is said but with no evidence of truth, that during his prolonged t Or Healy. 498 LIFE OF MAJOR ANDRE. detention Hele avenged himself, by seducing Arnold. But this and other instances plainly showed that Congress was not to be restrained on occasion from restricting the sanctity of flags to its narrowest limits. The inflexibility with which "Washington regarded Andre's case has been the subject of severe criticism. But the public weal was in my opinion the motive as well as the measure of his conduct. Emergencies sometimes spring up in which it is difficult to decide whether the general good does or does not demand unshrinking se- verity: and it must be confessed that no oft"ence so tends to shake the stern impartiality of the sovereign authority as that which seems to threaten the subversion of all its rights and powers. Yet had Brutus failed to doom his son to death, we are well advised that the unsettled liber- ties of Rome would have perished Ln their cradle. The necessities of the State is proverbially the tyrant's plea; but how often do we see its advantages practically illus- trated in the increased welfare of the community. Every one recollects how many Sepoys in the late Indian rebel- lion were blown into fragments on this pretext; yet who ■will say that, with regard to humanity at large, real mercy did not here temper justice .' Xo civilized nation hesitates to fulfil to the bitter end the rescripts of its tribimals, when national existence is threatened with destruction by lenity. We have Mr. Fox's authority (and better is not to be obtained) for saying that the brother of the king of France— I'Homme au Masque de Fer — was by state policy the inmate of a dungeon from his cradle to his bier. If we turn to English annals we find so late as 1S15 the first jurists of the land— one might nearly say of the ■world— discussing the fate of Napoleon. Lord Ellenbor- ough. Sir "William Grant, the great Stowell.— whose in- terpretations of international law may almost be consid- ered as its text,— the Chancellor Eldon— all were ranged, REFLECTIONS ON ANDRE 's FATE. 499 a terrible show," in solemn conclave on the destiny of one whose fiat had lately made Europe tremble. A more lotty tribunal never judged a greater man ; yet the divers- ity of opinion that arose sets the conflicting Sentiments on Andre s ease utterly in the background. This man was for giving lum up to Louis XVIIL to be tried for treason; that, for setting him at perfect liberty; and the next, thai he was a mere vivate~"hostis huniani generis carryin- about with him ca/mt lupinum." The solution of" the business was, in Eldon's common-sense view,-"that the case was not provided for by anything to be found in Gro- tius or Vattel, but that the law of self-preservation would justify the keeping of him under restraint in some distant region, where he should be treated with all indulgence compatible with the peace of mankind. ' ' Here principles supplied the want of precedent as perfectly as in Andre's case. case But when all is spoken, shall we pronounce Andre's an unhappy fate? Has not the great law of compensation glided his name with a lustre that in life could never, with all his ardent longing for fame, have entered into his most sanguine hopes? If he perished by an ignominious means, he perished not ignominiously: if he died the death of a felon, it was with the tears, the regrets, the ad- miration of all that was worthy and good in the ranks alike of friend and foe. The heartiest enemies of his nation joined with its chiefs in sounding his praises and lamenting his lot. If reputation was his goal, who of his compeers has surpassed him in the race? If we turn to his own army, we see some protracting an unnoted exist- ence, some laid on the shelf and repining in obscurity, some haltingly keeping a place in the world's eye less by merit than by fortune. Abercromby it is true died hap- pily m the arms of victory; while Simcoe sunk at the mo- ment when the pathway to the glory that none more cov- 500 LXFE OF 3IAJOB JlSDEE. eted and few were so capable to attain was fairly laid open to him. Despard. his social messmate and fellow-pris- oner, succumbed to the laws of his own land. The gen- erous Rawdon,"?" his predecessor in the Adjntant-Gen- eralcy. bom to princely title and a princely estate, with talents and courage equal to the highest posts, frittered away fortune and existence in dependence on the selfish friendship of the Prince Regent : and after exiieriencing the disappointment of having the cup of power raised to his lips but to be snatched away, was dismissed into the "splendid banishment" of the Antipodes where the brave Mathew. a brother soldier in the American war. had al- ready found a death so horrid that Andre's was an en- viable fate. Xay. the very sovereign he served so faith- fully and well, might have been glad to exchange condi- tions with him. Old. mad. and blind, with a soul as dark- ened as were his organs of sense, he lingered out his weary days in a secluded and guarded chamber under the control of keepers whom his few glimpses of returning under- standing announced as men that had subjected his person to the indignity of the rod. And of the Americans with whom Andre had to do, how sad was often their career; where decrepitude and poverty came hand in hand, and the ingratitude of the empire they had cradled as it were in their bucklers and christened with their best blood, was at once their ruin and its shame.* The man among them who took the warmest interest in Andre's condition, whose efforts to save his life were equal to the affectionate praise that he gave his memory was doomed to as hard a destiny. Four and twenty years after the execution at Tappan the same river that flowed within view of the gib- bet passed the shore where Alexander Hamilton, the fore- t Marquis of Hastings, Governor General of India. * The half -pay for life, pledged by Congress to the officers that held ont in its cause, and the solitary dependence of many of them, is not paid to this day. REFLECTIONS ON ANDRE 's FATE. f)!)! most man in all this western world, was shot to death. Henry Lee, from whose intervention the amelioration of Andre's fate was so hoped for, survived to fall into the most distressing poverty, and, after lieing brutally l)eaten by the American mob, to be "cast into a loathsome jail, and subjected to the combined persecution of jiolitical rancour, personal cupidity, and vulgar malice." And Washington himself lived to hear his countrymen* deny to him the possession of either military or civil merit; to endure the necessity of relieving his character from the charge of official peculation ; to be told that his misdeeds had polluted the laresidential ermine to an extent almost irremediable; and to die not universally regretted by the American people. Surely there are as bitter crosses in the worthiest life as any which befell Andre. In the fulfilment of an enterprise which he fondly be- lieved would, if successful, crown him with the honors due to the man who had restored harmony to a divided empire, extingTiished the flames of civil war, and gilded with renewed lustre the arms of his country, Andre per- ished. His motives, inimical as they were to our cause, were eminently respectable, and no otherwise allo^^ed with personal ambition than is allowable to all human hands that seek to serve the state. He died in the morning of his life, before success had stained with envy the love that all who knew him bestowed upon his worth ; ere his illu- sions of youth were dispelled, and while the wine was yet bright in his cup and the lees untasted. His dust is laid with that of kings and heroes ; and his memory drawing as a jewel from its foil fresh brightness from his death — Of every royal virtue stands possess'd; Still dear to all the bravest and the best. His courage foes, his friends his truth proclaim, His loyalty the king, the world his fame! * Some of them, only. — [Ed.] APPENDIX No. I. BENEDICT ARNOLD. IJ: SHALL refrain from lengthening tliis note by the insertion of some curious unpublished documents respecting Arnold's earlier career, and confine myself entirely to such matters as may not be generally known relative to his history after it became connected with Andre's. The reader will find in the Life of Arnold, by Mr. Sparks, an accurate and skilfully drawn account of his general history.* Mr. Sa- bine, whose opportunities of procuring information about the Loyalists were very great, declares it certain that Ar- nold was in communication with Robinson before he went to West Point; and it is probable that the letter which Marbois says was found among his papers and was the first overture received from an agent of Clinton's, was written by Robinson. It is retranslated here from the French version: "Among the Americans who have joined the rebel standard there are very many good citizens whose only object has been the happiness of their country. Such men will not be influenced by motives of private interest to abandon the cause they have espoused. They are now offered everything which can render the colonies really happy ; and this is the only compensation worthy of their virtue. The American colonies shall have their Parliament, composed of two chambers, with all its members of Amer- ican birth. Those of the upper house shall have titles * See also Isaac N. Arnold's Life of Arnold. — [Ed.] BENEDICT AENOLD. 503 and rank similar to those of the house of peers of Eng- land. All their laws, and particularly such as relate to money matters, shall be the production of this assembly, with the concurrence of a Viceroy. Commerce, in every part of the globe subject to British sway, shall be as free to the people of the thirteen colonies as to the English of Europe. They will enjoy, in every sense of the phrase, the blessings of good government. They shall be sus- tained, in time of need, by all the power necessary to up- hold them, without being themselves exposed to the dan- gers or subjected to the expenses that are always insepar- able from the condition of a State. Such are the terms proffered by England in the very moment when she is displaying extraordinary efforts to conquer the obedience of her colonies. Shall America remain without limitation of time a scene of desolation— or are you desirous of enjoying Peace and all the blessings of her train.? Shall your provinces, as in former days, flourish under the protec- tion of the most puissant nation of the world! Or will you forever pursue that shadow of liberty which still es- capes from your hand even when in the act of grasping it?' And how soon would that very liberty, once obtained, turn into licentiousness, if it be not under the safeguard of a great European power? Will you rely upon the guaranty of France? They among you whom she has se- duced may assure you that her assistance will be generous and disinterested, and that she will never exact from you a servile obedience. They are frantic with joy at the al- liance already established, and promise you that Spain will immediately follow the example of France. Are they ignorant that each of these States has an equal interest in keeping you under, and will combine to accomplish their end? Thousands of men have perished; immense re- 504 APPENDIX. sources have l)een exhausted; and yet, since that fatal alliance the dispute has become more embittered than ever. Everything urges us to put a conclusion to dissen- sions not less detrimental to the A-ictors than to the van- quished : but desirable as peace is, it cannot be negotiated and agreed upon between us as between two independent powers ; it is necessary that a decisive advantage should put Britain in a condition to dictate terms of reconcilia- tion. It is her interest as well as her policy to make these as advantageous to one side as the other ; but it is at the same time advisable to arrive at it without an unnecessary waste of that blood of which we are already as sparing as though it were again our own. There is no one but General Arnold who can surmoimt obstacles so great as these. A man of so much courage will never desjiair of the republic, even when every door to a reconciliation seems sealed. Eender then, brave general, this important service to your country . The colonies cannot sustain much longer the unequal strife. Your troops are perishing in misery. They are badly armed, half naked, and crying for bread. The efforts of Congress are futile against the languor of the people. Your fields are untilled, trade languishes, learning dies. The neglected education of a whole genera- tion is an irreparable loss to society. Your youth, toi'n by thousands from their rustic pursuits or useful employ- ments, are mown down by war. Such as survive have lost the vigour of their prime, or are maimed in battle: the greater part bring back to their families the idleness and the corrupt manners of the camp. Let us put an end to so many calamities; you and ourselves have the same origin, the same language, the same laws. "\Ye are inac- cessible in our island; and you, the masters of a vast and fertile territory, have no other neighbours than the peojile BENEDICT ARNOLD. 505 of our loyal colonies. We possess rich establishments in every quarter of tlie globe and reign over the fairest por- tions of Hmdostan. The ocean is our home, and we pass across it as a monarch traversing his dominions. From the northern to the southern pole, from the east to the west, our vessels find everywhere a neighbouring harbor belonging to Great Britain. So many islands, so many countries acknowledging our sway, are all i-uled by a uni- form system that bears on every feature the stamp of lib- erty, yet IS as well adapted to the genius of dilferent na- tions and of various climes. While the Continental powers ruin themselves bv war and are exhausted in erecting the ramparts that separate them from each other, our bulwarks are our ships. They ennch us; they protect us; they provide us as readilv with the means of invading our enemies as of succouring our friends. ° Beware then of breaking forever the links and ties of a friendship whose benefits are proven by the experience of a hundred and fifty years. Time gives to humln insti- tutions a sti-englh which what is new can only attain, in IS turn by the lapse of ages. Eoyaltv itself experiences the need of this useful prestige: and the race that has reigned over us for sixty years has been illustrious for ten centuries. United in equality we will rule the universe: we will hold it bound, not by arms and violence, but bv the ties of conmierce; the lightest and most gentle bands that humankind can wear. " By the kindness of Mr. Bancroft I am able to give the precise sum that Arnold received in satisfaction of his alleged losses through his defection. It was £6315- of which he remitted £5000 to London to be invested in 506 APPEXDIX. stocks, and procured therefrom £7000 four per cent, con- sols. It must be recollected that such compensation was customary when an officer went over by previous arrange- ment from one standard to another. In the beginning of the war, when Lee's capacity was held of the chief est importance to our cause, he refused to give up his British rank by entering our sei-A'iee till a committee of one from every colony in Congress had heard his statement of prob- able losses, and agreed to indemnify him therefor. Ar- nold also got a brigadiership from the English. "Had the scheme succeeded," wrote an officer of the Cold- streams, "no rank would have overpaid so important a service"; and I am told on good authority that the pre- vailing sentiment of the royal army esteemed his proceed- ings a proper return to right principles and conduct. The money he got however was a scoff to our friends. The banker's receipt of his remittance was found in a cap- tured vessel, and Franklin wrote of it to La Fayette: "Judas sold only one man. Arnold three millions. Judas got for his one man thirty pieces of silver, Arnold not a halfpenny a head." Mr. Sparks says a pension was after the war given to each of Arnold's children: and in 1782, "William Lee wrote to our Secretary for Foreign Affairs : —"The late British Ministry died as they had lived, for one of their last official acts was to give the traitor Ar- nold, by patent, one thousand pounds sterling pension per annum for his and his wife's lives." Arnold was active enough in the British cause. It was reported, though apparently untruly, that he had fifty of the warmest AMiigs in Xew York seized immediately on his arrival. On the 2Sth Oct. 1780, he wrote Lord George Germain, ad^•ising England to assimae the arrears of pay, at most £500,000, of our soldiers enlisted for the war, or to offer a bounty of fifteen or twenty guineas to every de- serter, half down, the rest at the end of the contest. He BENEDICT ARNOLD. 507 tliouglit the offer of a title to Washington would have a good effect : and if arms instead of seduction were to be pursued, pointed out how he might be brought to action and beaten. His own sacrifices swell the remainder of this letter. {MS. State Paper Office K. 30 Nov.) The hatred of the Americans, however, went far beyond the praise of the English. It reminds us of that of the Persians for Omar: and if the Caliph's name signified the devil, Ar- nold's became synon\anous with everything that is bad in our political vocabulary. "May this arrow go the heart of Omar!" said the Persians when they bent the bow: and no effort of our leaders was spared to get the de- faulter in their hands, where short rope, short shrift would have been his doom. Washington set on foot a plan for his seizure: La Fayette ordered that he should, if captured, be expressly i^revented from surrendering as a prisoner of war: Jefferson thought a bribe of 5000 guineas would ensure a succcessful kidnapping dash into his camp. Of Washington's enterprise, in which Harry Lee and sergeant Champe figure so romantically, little need be said here, since the story has already been well told and roundly criticized. Jefferson calls it an his- torical romance, bitt there is no doubt that its main facts are generally true: that Chamije was induced to desert and enter the English service under Arnold, with the de- sign of kidnapping him. A Mr. Baldwin of Newark was procured to see Champe daily in New York, and aid him in the project: for which he was to receive 100 guineas, 500 acres of land, and three slaves. The story was origi- nally told by General Henry Lee himseslf. I was in- formed by the late Edward D. Ingraham, Esq., a most accomplished historical student and book-collector, that a Mr. Beresford, compositor and foreman in the printing- house where Lee's vohmies were struck off, had told him that the materials for the book came to them in a very un- 508 APPENDIX. digested form aud that they were put into public shape by one Lewis P. Franks, who was also employed in the office: in confinnation of which Beresford added that the copy was kept by them at their discx-etion, and that Franks and himself had still possession of many of its original letters of Washington. iS:c. As Gen. Lee was in duress when he sent his memoirs to press, this anecdote seems plausible enough: and Mr. Ingraham was inclined to be- lieve that the disci-ejiaucios in Lee's account might thus be accounted for. However, all attempts were fruitless to get hold of Arnold : though he led daring and destruc- tive forays to Connecticut and to ^'irginia. It was at Philadeljihia. where Congress sat and where ]H">litical antagonism among the TTliigs ran fiercest, that Arnold was most bitterly condemned. He was attainted as a traitor, and his eflfects forfeited and sold. He had fonnerly opposed the %-iews of the party there in power: the state government had brought him before a co\irt- martial: and on his trial he had imputed to President Reed, with whom he was on most angry terms, precisely the same intentions of defection that he then nursed in his own bosom. To the natural expression of hatred of his crime was now Joined too open an opportunity to be lost of hitting his fonner friends and revenging political scores. The Paclet. the organ of the dominant section of Whigs, was loud and bitter in its indignation. It called on Congress and on the public to offer a free par- don and £100,000 to any one that would deliver him up dead or alive. This it urged would make him distrust his companions, and "at least send Arnold sooner to the in- fernal regions." As we can hardly believe that had cir- cumstances put it in his power, Arnold woiild have spared his mortal foes, it is not surprising they pursued this course. "Wlien he marched through Montreal he passed a stately old mansion, with a stone dog and bone sunnoimt- BENEDICT ARNOLD. 5091 ing tlie door, and this legend that may liave served him in stead in his hours of rage : Je suis le ehien qui ronge I'os, Sans en perdre un seul morceaii: Le temps viendra, qui n'est pas venu Je niordrai cclui qui m'aura mordu. Wounded pride and the prospect of revenge had doubt- less much to do with his behavior. The journal went on however to denounce him, and to call attention to those who had once supported him: and his wife's share in his guilt was suggested. The state government, Sept. 27, 1780, seized his and her papers. There was nothing to criminate her; but there were letters found reflecting harshly on the French Minister. These were secured by a member of the government— a restless zealot, says Mar- bois, who to serve his own party scrupled at no rigor to- wards its opponents— and sent to the ambassador who magnanimously thrust them unread into the fire. The Packet alleged also an understanding to have existed be- tween Charles Lee and Arnold when the first came back from captivity to Valley Forge, and in proof cited from a Cork newspaper of Jan. 14, 1779, a paragraph intimat- ing that Lee was bribed by Clinton to annoy him as little as possible in the march by Monmouth and through Jer- sey. It is proper here to correct an error flagrantly made by Marbois, who had every opportunity of knowing bet- ter, and repeated by Lord Mahon, respecting the lenity bestowed on 'Mm. Arnold. She received none at all, unless it was in refraining to attaint her without any forthcom- ing evidence. At camp indeed she was believed innocent, and permitted to choose her destination. She came to her father at Philadelphia, and was anxious to remain with him; offering security to write no letters to her hus- band during the war and to send all received from him at once to government. The ci\al authorities refused her 510 APPENDIX. appeal, and enforced their order of exile during the war. She was compelled to go to New York, where her dis- tressed and dejected air was very observable for a time, ^lien her spirits however were restored she shone, we are told, in society as "a star of the tirst magnitude," and expectation even in London was excited by the assevera- tions of Tarleton and other returning officers "that she was the handsomest woman in England." On his own arrival, tlioiigh well received at court where leaning on Carleton's arm he was presented by Sir Walter Stirling, and in the Cabinet where he was consulted by Germain and regarded as a very sensible man, Arnold had some pretty hard raps to receive from the Opposition. In the Commons Lord Surrey is said to have sent word to him that he would move the House to be cleared imless he withdrew, and only consented to his remaining for that once because he was introduced by a member and prom- ised never to come again. It is difficult to believe some of the anecdotes, pointed or pointless, that are told of his rebuffs. But it appears that he was once hissed at a play- house: and that party raillery was not withheld from him. Burke and Fox protested against his employment; and it was rumored that the King had promised not to confide to him the charge of British troops. A noble satirist in 1777 had reproached him with the reports of his early misdeeds about horses : One Arnold too shall feel our ire; By horses torn, let him expire Amidst an Indian screech! Xor by his death let vengeance cease. The jockey's ghost can't rest in peace, If Burgo)Tie forge his speech! "Mr. Arnold," quoth the writer, "is understood to have been originally a dealer in horses, and to have had his conduct severely criticised, as being the reverse of BENEDICT ARNOLD. 511 Saul, in respect to cei"tain strayed asses; for instead of finding them before they were lost, he was unable to re- cover them after. (See 1st Sam. ix. 3.) " The same bard now again made him his theme. AN ODE. ADDRESSED TO GENERAL ARXOLD. AVelcome, "one Arnold," to our shore! Thy deeds on Fame's strong pinions bore Spread loyalty and reason : 0! had success thy projects crown'd, Proud Washington had bit the ground, And Arnold punish'd treason. Around you ]iress the sacred band, Germain will kneel to kiss your hand, Galloway his plaudits blend: Sir Hugh will hug you to his heart; The tear of joy from Twitcher start; And Cockburn hail his friend. Since you the royal levees grace, Joy breaks through Denbigh's dismal face. Sir Guy looks brisk, and capers; Grave Amherst teems with brilliant jests: The refugees are Stormont's guests; His wine's a cure for vapors. llild Abingdon shouts out your praise: Burgoyne himself will tune his lays. To sing your skill in battle; Greater than Han's, who scal'd the Alps, Or Indian chief's, who brought him scalps Instead of Yankee cattle. For camp or cabinet you're made: A Jockey's half a courtier's trade. And you've instinctive art; Although your outside's not so drest. Bid Mansfield dive into your breast. And then report your heart. 512 APPENDIX. What think you of this rapid war? Perhaps you'll say we've march 'd too far. And spar'd when we should kill : Was it by coursing to and fro That Sackville beat the daring foe Or bravely standing still? Heroic Sackville. calm and meek — Tho' Ferdinando smote his cheek. He never shook his spear; (That spear, in Gallic blood fresh dyed;) But like Themistoeles, he cryed, Frappez, mon prince'. — but hear. As yet we've met with trifling crosses. And prov'd our force e'en by our losses; (Conquest or death's the word:) Britons, strike home I Be this your boast. After two gallant armies lost. Sir Henry — has a third. Worn out with toils and great designs, Germain to you the seals resigns. Your worth superior o\vns; Would rev'rend Twitcher now retreat. We stUl might keep a greater fleet By bribing o'er Paul Jones. O'er Twitcher's breast, and Germain's too, Fix Edward's star and ribbon blue. To ravish all beholders; That when to heaven they get a call, Their stars ( like Eli's cloak) may fall On Paul's and Arnold's shoulders. Carmarthen, ope yotir sacred gates. The gen'rous, valiant Germain waits. Who held the Atlantic steerage: (He'll shine a jewel in the crown) When Arnold knocks all traitors down, He too shall have a Peerage! Should faithless Wedderbume decline To rank his name, Germain, with thine, This truth (unfee'd) I'll tell you; Rise a Scotch Peer — right weel I ween. You'll soon be chose — one of sixteen — Dare Grafton then expel you? BENEDICT ARNOLD. 513 A more interesting tirade, inasmuch as it lets in more light on Arnold's history was made by a Mr. Robert Mor- ris, a Welshman, who had been left in a confidential re- lation by Lord Baltimore to his natural daughter. The girl had property, and he married her while she was yet very young. In two years she separated from him. He published his transactions about Arnold in a pamphlet of which I know of but one copy. It is entitled "Morris, Arnold and Battersby. Account of the Attack I made on the character of General Arnold, and the dispute which ensued between me and Captain Battersby. R. Morris. London, 1782." 8vo. pp. .32. The fray began by Morris publishing, Feb. 9, 1782, a letter in the General Advertiser, in which he says Arnold had been transported from England to America for horse- stealing and was thus exposed in both countries to be hanged. But he should not be averse to the rope, since he left Andre to be hung, to spare himself the risk of send- ing him back as he came. "He sent him off to run every hazard by himself, secure of his own flight in case Andre- was stopt." The bribe was all he wanted: "£8000,. which he was sure to touch, was a capital sum for such an original beggar." He is indignant at Arnold's recep- tion at Court. "A\aien Sir H. Clinton was trying every negotiation and manoeuvre to save his Aid-de-Camp, when whole battalions were turning out to make an offer of their blood in one desperate attempt to rescue him from the midst of the American Army, this inglorious fellow who had brought him into and left him in all this scrape, made no offer of the surrender of his person back to the Ameri- cans, which he knew was a sacrifice that would at once be- accepted, and would be a sure preservation to Major Andre from his impending fate. ' ' He concludes with the wish that Arnold would resent his letter; but unfortu- nately, liberal as he is of assertion, he had made one here 38 514 tiiat did not serve his turn. A Captain James Battersby. of tibe 29th Foot, who had sailed from Chatham. Feh. 2S. 1776. for ihe r^ef of Qnebeo, and was caprured with Bursoyne ar " = - - ----- ^ pj^^ : - : :: ^^.^ England in : - 17S1. 'i. m- ing Herald that he Terily believed Arnold did offer to surrender himself. Morris's reply evaded this jx>inT, and generally ab-n- ' '"""-nton and Arnold: on which Banersby wrote a sha. : . suggesting that he had already of- fered to fight Morris and now repeats the challenge: that Arnold will not notice snch a low fellow: — "were he dis- posed to resent andaeions and unprovoked insolenoe, there are a few braying asses of rank whom he would first chastise*':— but the captain has ordered one of his negro line and the cooperation of the civil authorities, which punished severely all who did not i)rofess devotion to America. The militia s]>read around the camj) at least served to intercept deserters and prevent marauds. Many of the generals are roughly handled; La Fayette, Sullivan, Stirling, and Greene among the ninnber. "Waj-ne has some ]iraise; "if he should ever read my account of the Marquis de la Fay- ette, he will enjoy it. and say it is true." Lee, Mifflin, and Gates are spoken of more kindly. Reed is spoken of with severity; and what are alleged to be particular facts in connection with the imputed defection that .Vrnold on his trial brought up against him are recited. Of Washing- ton the writer observes:— "I have no resentment to that general ; his virtues and his vices are now out of the ques- tion; and whether he continues a land-jobber in Vii-- ginia, or the president of Congress, is totally indifferent. The exposition of truth is all my design. Success animates a mercenary army; Mr. AVashiugton had no hold on this chain of union. The capture of Lord Cornwallis's army was the effect of joint operation and French artillery. The surprise of Washington at Brandywine and defeat at Germantown, have not added to his reputation ; and the terming his repulse at Monmouth a defeat of the British army, proved, that having assumed French politics, he was intoxicated with their manners. The Congress called it a victory, the army knew the term to be a 'dishonour- able gasconade.' " liENEDICT ARNOLD. 519 Arnold's affairs could not have been bad in England, but they were not good to his wisli. In the s])i-ing of 1785, he was so disappointed at not getting a hearing be- fore the Board on Lojalist Claims that he resolved to withdraw his suit and retire into the country. Iic:lor in the year, he proposed going into trade again. "General Arnold is gone out to America too," wrote Adams to Jay. "From this, some persons have conjectured that war is determined on, or at least thought not improbal)]e. He went to Halifax in a vessel of his own, with a cargo of his own, upon a trading voyage, as is given out. I'his I can scarcely believe. It would hardly be permitted a general officer to go upon such a trade. He said himself he had a young family to provide for, and could not bear an idle life. This is likely enough. I rather tliink then that he has obtained leave to go out and purchase himself a settlement in Nova Scotia or Canada, that he may be out of the way of feeling the neglect and comtempt in which he is held by not only the army, but the worUI in general." The same military spirit, the same intolerance of inac- tive subordination that marked his character in our ser- vice followed Arnold into that of the British. Great as were his crimes, he can neither be accused of a lack of per- sonal intrepidity, nor of a cringing subservience that prized slothful prosperity a])ove the hazards of the field. In 1780 an English writer, commenting on his general's neglecting or refusing to disturb our military arrange- ments, uses these words:— "General Arnold, in beseech- ing Clinton to march out and attack Washington and Rochambeau, and on his refusal offering to do it himself with 6000 or even 5000 men, must have ruined himself completely with Sir Henry. It would be much better now for General Arnold to be in London than at Xew York." It must not, however, be forgotten that his defection en- countered from many quarters as severe censure in Eng- 520 APPENDIX. land as it had received iu America. To the samples of this opinion alreadj' cited I will add but one other, which is curious as showing how Andi'e was by some still styled St. Andre. arxold: or, a qvestiox answered. Our tron])s by Arnold thoroujrhly were bang'd. And poor St. Andre was by Arnold haug'd; To George a rebel, to the Congress traitor. Pray what can make the name of Arnold greater? By one bold treason, more to gain his ends. Let him betray his new adopted friends! No. II. THE CAPTORS. HERE has been for some years a controversy about the character and motives of the men who arrested Andre. On the one hand is the contemporaneous eulogj- bestowed on their conduct by "Washington, and the sense in which it has generally been regarded by the public. New York gave each of them a farm. Congress ordered silver med- als inscribed Fidelity and Vincit Amor Patriae to be made for Paulding, Williams, and Van Wart; and also voted each a yearly pension of two hundred silver dollars for life. On the other side is the assertion of several weighty evidences that tliey were marauders, whose object was simply spoil. On the L'ltli .January, 1817, Paulding's petition for an increased pension was debated in the House of Represent- atives. Tallmadge opposed the prayer earnestly, going with minuteness into the details of the event from which it arose. He said the ca]itors only brought their prisoner THE CAPTORS. 521 in because they thought they would get more for his sur- render than for his release: that he fully believed in An- dre's assertions that their object was to rob him, and that they would have let him go if he could have satisfied their demands. They took off his boots in quest of plunder, not to detect treason ; and were, he said, men of that sus- picious class who passing between both armies were as often in one camp as the other; and whom he himself should xn-oliably have apprehended, as was always his custom, had he fallen on them. His wishes prevailed with the House, and the petition was rejected by a large majority: but out of doors his language was strongly criticized and his conduct condemned. Van Wart and Paulding came forth with affidavits declaring the imputa- tions untrue: and a sort of autobiography of Williams confirms the statement that it was no idea of the captors to negotiate with their prisoner. Van Wart swears he had not, nor did he believe his comrades had, any intent of plundering Andre while Paulding alleges they took evei-ything he had. The testimony on Smith's trial in 1780 shows that the proposal of releasing Andre for money first came from Williams and was put a stop to by Paulding: but we may suppose the former to have been insincere in his proffer, though it was promptly accepted bj^ the captive. In support of Tallmadge's view, King, who had the earliest charge of Andre, suggests that the time and place where the arrest occurred made the character of the cap- tors questionable. "The truth is, to the imprudence of the man, and not to the patriotism of any one of them, is to be attributed the capture of Major Andre." Major Shaw too, Washington's aide, who was present in all the proceedings attendant on the discovery of the treason, calls them "militia, or rather a species of freebooters who live by the plunder they pick up between the lines." A 522 APPENDIX, distinguished English frieud, whose father served at the time with Clinton, has favored me with what we may sup- pose was the opinion derived at New York from Andre's letters,— "I must frankly say that my father has rejjeat- edly told me he was taken by some marauders lying as was commonly the case, on the Neutral Ground for pil- lage. That thej' told him if he could make good his offers anywhere without going within the lines, they would free him— but on recent occasions young officers had made promises and had handed the delinquents over to the Provost-Marslial on arriving. This, and the magnitude of his offers, led them to decide on turning north in lieu of south:— nothing else." Thus it is established that what the captors deny was maintained by Andre himself and by well-informed officers of our army. Now the rep- utation of Tallmadge, King, and Shaw is just as good in our eyes as that of Paulding, Van Wart, and Williams : and it certainly was a great deal better in their own day. The only reason why their declarations do not weigh down the others is that they were not eye-witnesses of the scene. It is fair therefore to look further into the ante- cedents of the Captors. John Paulding their leader was a lusty youth, six feet high and just turned of manhood, and of active spirit. Twice had he already been taken to New York a prisoner,^ and each time escaped. He returned from his second captivity but four days before he stopped Andre. His grandfather Joseph Paulding was a tenant of the great landholder Philipse at the beginning of the war, and pro- fessing neutrality was not disturbed. His sons however are represented as Whigs ; though I take it that Joseph, the captor's father, was one of those who, April 11, 1775, protested their abhorrence of Congress and their devotion to "King and Constitution." The old man died: the farm was pillaged: the young men had nothing to do;. THE CAPTORS. 523; and on Paulding's second escape in the dress of a Ger.nan .lager that he got m New York, he joined this party ta waylay the road and intercept the returning cUboys. The act of legislature of 24th June, 1780, made it lawful for any man to seize for his own use cattle going to the enemy: under this it is said they were sanctioned in the r admitting a certain undisciplined wildness of youth it seems from his own statements that Paulding was in his propensities decidedly a Wliig. Isaac Van Wart in his old days most solemnly protested hat he never held unlawful intercourse with the nemy or V sited their camp. In opposition to this is the asser io^ of one of the Tory Pines of Pine's Bridge that he ""w tlld Tot 7" \f'1f- ^^^^^«— ' f-- l^e "had been told so by Van AVart himself." There is also an omi- nous comp amt preserved in Ohio among the family pap A of General Putnam. "Mrs. Hannah Sniffen sav X Gabrie Joseph, and Abraham Riquard,* David H nt S; o?';; "^^J' r ^^^^^^ Buningham, did, on^ night of the 2.th ult., take from Mr. James Sniffen an jnhabi ant of mite Plains, without civil or militfiv^r thoiity, three milch cows, which they have converted to their own private use. Crom Pond, July 9th ITSO Hannah Sniffen, in behalf of her father." ser^t^'l-^^'"-'^'''' *'"' "' ^"'^^^^^ ^" ^« know of him- he served for six months with Montgomery at St John's and was till 1779 in the militia of Westchestei: countv! He narrates the marauds he shared in while in this sei-;. his friends "worked for their board on jLnnucal^ and ,„ , ^^.^, ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^a Van Wart was his cousin: and twice in the summer thej^ * Requa. 524 APPENDIX. made seizni-es of people and cattle. The Amerifan civil autliorities interfered in both instances and compelled restitution. Then came the adventure with Andre. A moiumient on the spot commemorates this last event: nor are honorable memorials wanting to the several graves of the three captors. Mr. Headley thinks Paulding alone was free from the charge of seeking to bargain with their prisoner. The public at large believe them pure alike, and honorable. I cannot for my own part but confess that there was at least colorable ground for the conclusion of Tallmadge; but the encouragement of Washington and Congress and their own solemn affidavits are two serious obstacles to an implicit faith in its truth.* No. III. VERSES CONNECTED WITH ANDRE'S EXECU- TION. IIETHER or not Andre composed a sort of fare- well song before he died, it is certain he has had the reputation of doing so. The doughty Sergeant Lamb, of the Fusiliers, in his Jour- nal of the American War (p. 338), gives a hjonn of nine verses as having been written bj' Andre in his coutine- ment.** The opening stanza will I fancy be sufficient: Hail, sovereign love, which first began The scheme to rescue fallen man! Hail matchless, free, eternal grace "^liich gave my soul a hiding place ! * See the Crisis of the Revolution for an interesting statement about Van Wart and Williams. ** It was really written by Eev. Jehoaida Brewer (1752-1817), of England. VEKSES CONNECTED WITH ANDRE 's EXECUTION. 525 The jiliilosopher of the kitchen, the accomplished Brillat- Savarin, evidently did not refer to this piece in his Phi/s- iologie du Gout. In October, 1794, he visited his friend Mr. Bulow,* a Revolutionary officer at Hartford, Con- necticut; and was overjoyed at killing "une dinde sauvage." After the toils of the chase were ended, says he:— "Pour reposer la conversation, M. Bulow disait de temps a autre a sa fiUe ainee: 'Maria! give us a song.' Et elle nous chanta sans se faii'e prier, et avec un embar- ras charmant, la chanson nationale Yanl-ee chidden la com- plainte de la reine Marie et eelle du major Andre, qui sont tout a fait populaires en ee pays." The words and music of these last two pieces are given in The American Musi- cal Miscellany: Northampton, 1798. I find Andre's Lament also in a large collection of broadsides, made by the late Isaiah Thomas of Worcester and preserved in the American Antiquarian Society. It is entitled— "Ma- jor Andre : written while he was a prisoner in the Ameri- can camp;" and was "printed by Nathaniel Coverly, Jr.,, Milk-street, corner Theatre- Alley, Boston." A very rude and unmeaning woodcut adorns or disfigures the head of the sheet: and the lines are given here less as Andre's own than as a matter of curiosity: Ah, Delia! see the fatal liour! farewell, my soul's delight. But how can wretched Damon live, thus banish'd from thy sight? To my fond heart no rival joy supplies the loss of thee; But who can tell if thou, ray dear, will e'er rememljer me? Yet while ray restk^ss, wand'ring tho'ts pursue their lost repose,. Unwearied raay they trace the path where'er my Delia goes; Forever Damon sliall be there attendant still on thee. But who can tell cfr. Alone, thro' unfrequented wilds, with pensive steps I rove, I ask the rocks, I ask the trees, where dwells my distant love? The silent eve, the rosy morn, my constant searches see. But who can tell, c(-o. * Proljahly Aaron Barlow, brother of Joel. — [Ed.] 526 APPENDIX. Oft ni review the smiling scenes, each fav'rite brook and tree. Where gaily pass'd those happy hours, those hours 1 pass'd with thee. What painful, fond memorials rise from every place I see! Ah ! who can tell, i&c. How many rival votaries soon their soft address shall move; Surround thee in thy new abode, and tempt thy soul to Love: Ah, who can tell what sighing crowds their tender homage pay; Ah, who can tell, cfr. Think, Delia, with how deep a wound the sweetly painful dart, "Which thy remembrance leaves behind has pierc'd a hopeless heart: Think on this fatal, sad adieu, which severs me from thee: Ah, who can tell, tfr. How can I speak the last farewell; what cares distress my mind; How can 1 go to realms of bliss and leave my love behind! When Angels wing me to the skies I'd fain return to thee: But who can tell, &c. The concluding verse is not to be found in the version of the Repertory. What Andre may have neglected himself, other hands supplied. The Liieranj MiscelUuiy (Stourport: ,T. Nich- olson; 1812), vol. vii., declares the lines to Delia begin- ning "Return, enraptured hours" were composed in his imprisonment. Others formed his praises into a Glee, wherewith to compose the souls of aldermen at corpora- tion feasts. A 4 YOC. PAXTON. (Hobler's Glees, as suug at the Crown and Anchor Tavern- London, 1704.) Eound the hapless Andre's urn lie the cypress foliage spread; Fragrant spice profusely burn. Honours grateful to the dead: Let a soldier's manly form Guard the vase his ashes bears; Truth, in living sorrow warm, Pav a niournin? nation's tears. VERSES CONNECTED WITH ANDRE 's EXECUTION. 527 Fame, his praise upon thy wing. Through the world dispersing tell; In the service of his King, In his Country's cause he fell ! But it was his friend Miss Seward who at greatest length and witli most applause brought Poetry to lament Andre's fate. From the beginning to the end this lady was au coiirant as to the army in America; and I have heard that from her Scott got the premises of The Tap- estried Chamber. She had for several years been accus- tomed to pour fortli her verses among a party of poets of quality who thus amused themselves under the auspices of Lady Miller, and whose bantlings were printed in four volumes in 1781 as Poetical Amusements at a Villa near Bath. Walpole so inimitably describes the whole as- sembly that we will trespass a little to give their account in his own words:— "You must know, Madam that near Bath is erected a new Parnassus, composed of three laurels, a myrtle-tree, a weeping-willow, and a view of the Avon, which has been new-christened Helicon. Ten years ago there lived a Madam Riggs, an old rough humourist who passed for a wit; her daughter, who passed for nothing, married to a Captain Miller, full of good-natured officiousness. These good folks were friends of Miss Rich, who carried me to dine with them at Batheaston, now Pindus. They caught a little of what was then called taste, built and planted, and begot children, till the whole caravan were forced to go abroad to retrieve. Alas! Mrs. Miller is returned a beauty, a genius, a Sappho, a tenth Muse, as romantic as Mademoiselle Scuderi, and as unsophisticated as Mrs. Vesey. The Captain's fingers are loaded with cameos, his tongue runs over with virtu, and that both may contribute to the improvement of their own country, they have introduced bouts-rimes as a new discovery. They hold a Parnassus-fair every Thurs- 528 APPENDIX. day, give out liiyiues aud themes, and all the flux of quality at Bath contend for the prizes. A Koman vase dressed with pink ribbons and myrtle receives the poetry, which is drawn out every festival ; six judges of these OljTnpic games retire and select the brightest composi- tions, which the respective successful acknowledge, kneel to Mrs. Calliope Miller, kiss her fair hand, and are crowned by it with myrtle, with 1 don't know what. You may think this is fiction, or exaggeration. Be dumb, unbelievers! The collection is printed, published.— Yes, on my faith, there are bouts-rimes on a buttered muffin, made by her Grace the Duchess of Northumberland ; re- ceipts to make them by Corydon the venerable, alias George Pitt; others very pretty by Lord Palmerston; some by Lord Carlisle ; many by ^Irs. Miller herself, that have no fault but wanting metre ; and immortality prom- ised to her without end or measure. In short, since folly which never ripens to madness but in this hot climate, ran distracted, there never was anything so entertaining or so dull— for you cannot read so long as I have been telling." Lender such friendly auspices Miss Seward wrote her Monody on Andre, a poem of considerable merit, which has possessed greater popularity than any other of her writings and has gone through numerous editions. Its objurgations of Washington were regarded as just cen- sure by many of her admirers, who considered his reputa- tion snuffed out like a candle by Miss, Seward's eloquence : Thy pen, more jiotent than Ithuriel's spear Strips from the ruthless Chief his corselet's pride, Aud shews his heart of Xero's colour dy"d. And indeed she herself esteemed it highly. To com- memorate the death of Lady Miller, she invoked the same Muse that had befriended her:— VERSES CONNECTED WITH ANDRE 's EXECUTION. 529 Ye, who essay'd to weave the golden thread. And gem with flow'rs the woof of high applause The pious veil o'er shroudless Andre spread. O'er Andre, murdor'd in his country's cause. That his memory might rest in literature like Garrick in the picture between the Tragic and the Comic Muse, James Smith has added his mite to Miss Seward's labors, in a pretended volume of letters from America called Milk and Honey, or the Land of Promise: Letter vii. ; Mr. Eiehard Barrow to Mr. Robert Briggs. — Boh, Jonathan's queer: he is mizzled a ration, He does not half-stomach a late exhumation; Some culls, here, have taken to grubbing the clay That tucks up the body of Major Andre. With you resurrectionists, that is not very Unusual, who dig up as fast as you bury. And charge iron coffins the devil's own fee — (Lord Stowell there buried the poor patentee,) But here, Bob, the f/ahies have not come to that. Would you fancy it? Jonathan's yet such a flat As to think, when a corpse has been waked by a train Of mourners, 'tis wicked to wake it again. Methinks you're for asking me who Andre was? (Book-learning and you. Bob, ain't cronies, that's pes.) I'll tell you, Andre, urged by arguments weighty, Went out to New York Anno Domini "80. He quitted the land of his fathers to bleed In war, all along of his love for Miss Sneyd; But, finding his name not enroll'd in a high line Of rank for promotion, he took to the Spy-line. He sew'd in his stockings a letter from Arnold : A sentinel naWd it — why didn't the darn hold? Or why, when he stiteh'd it up, didn't he put The letter between his sole-leather and foot? By mashing it, then, he had 'scaped all disaster, As Pipes mash'd the letter of Pickle, his master. Within the lines taken, a prisoner brought off. They troubled him with a line more than he thought of; For, finding the young man's despatches not trim, To shorten my storj'. Bob, they despatch'd him. 34 530 APPENDIX. Ho long might have slept with the ci-devant crew. As soundly as heix other buried men do; But fashion, as somebody says on the stage, In words and in periwigs will have her rage. The notion of bringing dead people away Began upon Paine, and went on to Andre; The Yankees thought Cobbctt was digging for dibs, But when out he trundled a thighbone and ribs. They did not half-like it; and cried with a groan, "Since poor Tom's a-cold. why not leave him alone?" American writers have also made the story their fic- titious tlieme. The tragedy of Arnold, that of Andre, and the verses of Mr. Willis and Mr. ]\Iiller have at va- rious times been given to the pu])lie. No. IV. COLONEL BENJAMIN TALLMADGE TO GENERAL HEATH. [From the Heath MSS.] JNE'S BRIDGE, Oct. 10th, 1780. -Dear Gener- al : Since my return from Head Quarters a few days since, I have been honored with your agreeable favor of the 21st ult. with its en- closed from Mr. Broome, as also another of the 30th ult. I am much oljliged to you for your kind attention in for- warding my letters to Mr. Broome as well as his Returns to me. Before this reaches you, the information of Major An- dre's execution must undoubtedly have been received. Thro' the course of his Tryal and Confinement (during which I had the charge of him a great jiart of the time) he behaved with that fortitude wliich did him great honor. He made every confession to the Court which was neces- sary to convict him of being a Sjiy, but said nothing of COLONEL TALLMADGE TO GENERAL HEATPI. 531 his accomplices. During his confinement I l^ecame inti- mately acquainted with him; and I must say (nor am 1 alone in the opinion) that he was one of the most accom- plished young gentlemen I ever was acquainted with. Such ease and affability of manners, polite and genteel deportment, added to an enlarged understanding, made him the idol of General Clinton and the B. army. On the day of his execution he was most elegantly dressed in his full regimentals, and marched to the destined ground with as much ease and cheerfulness of countenance as if he had been going to an Assembly room. Tho' his fate was just, yet to see so promising a youth brought to the gallows drew a tear from almost every spectator. He seemed, while with me, to be almost unmindful of his fate, and only regretted his disappointment. Since Arnold has been at New York, he has flung into the Provost many of our friends whom he will have pun- ished if possible. I fear it will injure the chains of our intelligence, at least for a little time, till the present tu- mult is over. I am happy that he does not know even a single link in my chain. His Excellency General Wash- ington has undoubtedly given you the particulars of the whole hellish plot, which was laid to have nearly over- thrown the liberties of this country. So providential, I had almost said miraculous a detection of such deep-laid villainy can hardly be found in the history of any people. Joshua Smith, an accomplice with Arnold, was under arrest when I left Head Quarters a few days since, and will doubtless be punished capitally. Oct. 11th.— 1 have this moment received information from my agents at New York, but no letters. The con- duct of that infamous Arnold has been such since his ar- rival at New York that our friends, who were not even suspected, are too much agitated at the present juncture 532 APPENDIX. to favor with intelligence as usual. 1 hope in a little time the storm will blow over. I have two accounts from New York, but neither thro' my old channel; one of which is that the enemy have embarked a considerable body of troops and were put to sea; another that their embark- ation goes on very slowly. The letter herewith sent please to forward to Mr. Broome. "With com])liraents to the gentlemen of your family, I am, &c. P. S. His Excellency General Washington, with the Light Infantry, the Pennsylvania, Connecticut, and Mas- sachusetts Lines, has moved lower down New Jersey, near Posaick falls. General Greene with the New Jersey, New York and New Hampshire Lines, has gone to West Point. MISS SEWARD'S MONODY. ON THE DEATH OF MAJOR ANDRE. Oh, Washington! I thought thee great and good, Nor knew thy Nero-thirst for guiltless blood ; Severe to use the power that fortune gave. Thou cool, determined murderer of the brave ; Lost to each fairer virtue, that inspii-es The genuine fervor of the patriot fires ; And you, the base abettors of the doom That sunk his blooming honors to the tomb, The opprobrious tomb your hardened hearts decreed, TMiile all he asked was as the brave to bleed ; No other boon the glorious youth implored Save the cold mercy of the warrior's sword; 0, dark and pitiless! your mission's hate O'erwhelmed the hero in the ruffian's fate; Drapt with the felon-cord the rosy breath And venom 'd with disgrace the darts of death. Eemorseless Washington! the day shall come MISS Seward's monody. 533 Of deep repentance for the barb'rous doom, Wlien injured Andre's memory sliall inspire A kindling army with resistless fire; Each falchion sharpen that the Britons wield, And lead the fiercest lion to the field; Then when each hope of thine shall set in night, When dubious dread and unavailing flight Impel thy host, thy guilt-upbraided soul Shall wish imtouehed the sacred life thou stole; And when thy heart appalled and vamiuished pride Shall vainly ask the mercy thou denied With horror shalt thou meet the fate thou gave, Nor pity gild the darkness of thy grave; For infamy, with livid hand, shall shed Eternal mildew on thy ruthless head ; Less cruel far than thou on Ilium's plain Achilles, raging for Patroclus slain; When hapless Priam bends the aged knee To deprecate the victor's dire decree. The generous Greek in melting pity spares The lifeless Hector to his father's prayers. Fierce as he was— 'tis cowards only know Persisting vengeance o'er a fallen foe. But no entreaty wakes the soft remorse. Oh, murdered Andre, for thy sacred corse; Vain were an army, vain its leader's sighs. Damp in the earth on Hudson's shore it lies Unshrouded, welters in the wintry stonn. And gluts the riot of the Tappan worm ; But oh! its dust like Abel's blood shall rise. And call for Justice from the angry skies. What though the tyrants, with malignant pride. To thy pale corse each decent rite denied ; Thy graceful limbs in no kind covert laid. Nor with the Christian recjuiem soothed thy shade; 534 APPENDIX. Yet on thy grass-green bier soft April showers Shall earlier wake the sweet spontaneous flowers. Bid the blue hare-bell and the snow-drop there Hang their cold cup, and drop the pearly tear; And oft at pensive eve's ambiguous gloom, Imperial Honor bending o 'er thy tomb, With solemn strains shall lull thy deep repose, And with his deathless laurels shade thy brow. Lamented youth ! while with inverted spear The British legions pour the indignant tear, Round the drapt arm the funeral-scarf entwine And in their heart's deep core thy worth enshrine, AYhile my w^eak muse, in fond attempt and vain But feebly pours a perishable strain. Oh! ye distinguished few, whose glorious lays Bright Phoebus kindles with his purest rays, Snatch from its radiant source the living fire, And light with vestal flame your Andre's funeral pyre.* * Mr. Charles B. Carlisle in Potters American ^fonthh/, April. 187'), says: "This envenomed phillipie was published in n89, and at tliat time so agreeably coincided with English prejudices and feelings that it spread its shafts for nearly thirty years. At that time Miss Seward"s literary works were re-published, and we find a note appended by her which is a contradiction of the spirit of the Monody — but still conveys a partial censure of Washington, and it remained for licr to make a full recantation in her Letters. When Sir Walter Scott edited her Poetical Worls he omitted any mention of these — and it was reserved for Edmund Wigley, Esq., to place them before the public. In a letter addressed to the celebrated Ladies of the Vale,* in 1793 she refers to a letter from Washington to herself on tlie subject, and says she was filled with contrition for the rush injustice of her words." — [Ed.] (*]\[iss Butler and Miss Ponsonby.) POEMS Ax\I) BALLADS IJKLATING TO MAJOJi ANDRE. 1. Andre. By MacDon.kl Clarke ((he ",nad poef). The Go.dp. (Gray & Bunce, N. Y., 1823.) 2. Andre. Charles W. Upham. The Bowdoin Poels. Joseph Griffiu, Brunswick, Me., 1840. 3. Andre. John Anketell. Ce>ile>!nial Souvenir. Tarrvlown N. Y., 1881. 4. Andre's Request to Washinoton. N. 1'. Willis. Poems. 5. Arnold, and other I'oems. .T.R.Orion. Parlrid^^e & Brittan, fi. Arnold's^ Treason. TI. W. Uurlhert. Life of Frank Forrester. ^ ol. IL 0. Judd & Co., N. Y., 188y. 7. At tlu. Andre Monument. Minna Irving. Sunnyside Press i arrytown, N. Y., 1880. 8. Brave Paulding and the Spy. Songs and Ballads of Am Revo (F. Moore), p. 310. !». British JJero in Captivity, The.— Pu(hlifonil>e, 4to 1783 10. Coniine.noration of the Capture of Andre. "Elfr'ide " Bol- ton s Weskhesler Comdy, 2nd Edition, N. Y 1881 11. David \Villian,s. Alfred B. Street. Centennial Celebrations of .Stale of N. Y. A. C. Ik-ach, Albany, 1879 12. I • ; 18. Major Andre's Ride. Thos. H. Farnham. Sunnyside Press Tarrytown, N. Y., Feb. 23, 1889. 536 DKAMAS RELATING TO MAJOR ANDRE. 19. Memoires. Count e) 1798. 4. Arnold, a Tragedy. Horatio Hubbell. Philadelphia, 1847. 5. Arnold and Andre. George H. Calvert. , 1840. 6. Highland Treason, The. Elihn G. Holland, Essays. Phil- lips, Sampson & Co., Boston, 1802. 7. Washington, a Drama. Ingersoll Lockwood. N. Y., 1875. 8. Washington, a Drama. Martin F. Tupper. James Martin, N. Y., 1876. ^,^ ADDENDA. By a singular error General James Irvine is mentioned on page 268 as concerned in tlie attaels on the Bull's Ferry block-house; the note should read William Irvine, who at the time commanded the Second Pennsylvania regiment. I am indebted to Porter P. Cope, Esq , of Philadelphia, great-grand- son of Caleb Cope of Lancaster, for reference to the introductory note to the AndrS letters printed in John Jay Smith's American Historical and Literary Curiosities (186U). Here it is pointed out that the only reason Caleb Cope did not accept Andr6'8 offer to take his son John to England, was that the Lancaster Friends' Meeting diiiapproved of the plan after having considered it, according to the Friends' custom. It is an interesting speculation as to what changes in our history might have occurred had Andrfi sold his commission, as he then desired to, returned to England, and hence never met Arnold. The decision of the Friends' Meeting had greater consequences than any of its mem- bers could have foreseen. INDEX. Page. Andre, David, 10 " Johann, 2 " Ernest, q " William Lewis, 10 458-9 " Louisa, 10, 458 " Mary, 10, 458 " Anne, 10 " Nicholas, St o.q " Major. Journal lOi) " " Memorial, 109 " Ghost of, 44^ 204 " His "Dream," 338-42 " At Charleston, 252-5 " At Philadelphia, ". . .'.'.'.'.'.'. 49 And the boj' prisoner, 260-1 Meets Arnold, 323-337 " Journey towards New York, 337-353 " Capture 353-00 " Detention, 3U1-390 " Trial 390-400 " Execution, 441-450 " Will, ::::::. .453.3 " Body removed to England, 459-62 " Dream of "Miss H. B.," 456-7 " Monument in Westminster Abbey, 462-3 " Letters to Washington, 365, 438 Arnold, Major Benedict. Corespondence with Clin- . ton, 246, 279, 293, 386 Considerations on his sentence, 465-501 " In England, 510, 519 " And Robinson 303, 305 " Parting with his wife, 370 Letter to Washington, 430 " Letter (Marbois), Appendix No. 1 , ., " Mrs., 369-70, 509-10 Adams, John, 152 " Samuel, 72 Abercromby, '.V.'.16'3^ 499 Agnew, General, 12g 53S IXDEX. Pa.ce. Arbuthiiot. Admiral C4;i-.'S(> Allen, Lieut. Solomon Mi'i " Ethan SO. 154 Abbot, Benjamin 443 "Balilwin" account 445-4S Battcrsbv, Captain Jamos: 513-14 Branilynine 119-20 Besancon. Peter 443 Balfour, Major Nisbet, 1-38 Birch, Lieut. Col IGl Barren Hill, i;9-lS-2 Battle of the Kegs 17(i Bache. Mrs, 203 Bull's Ferry block-house, 2(51-2 Boyd, Captain Ebenezer, 341 Bowman, Captain Samuel 358, 443 Boston and Massachusetts in 1TT4 61-75 Board of General Officers, 390-400 Ballantine. Hamilton, 255 Burke. Edmund. 480-81 Byron. Admiral 224-5 Bronson. Dr. Isaac, 3t!7. 449 Burnet, Major Kobert 413. 41(i Buchanan. James (Consul), 4(53 Brillat-Savarin, 525 Beekman. Mrs. Cornelia 337 Carleton, Sir Guy, 77. 79, 81 Carnes, John, 495 Cornwallis. Lord, 472-(> Cooper, Feuimore, 371! '•Cow-Chace," 264-278 Chambly, Fort, 79, 81, 85, 86 Chastellux, '-Remarks on," 515-18 Cope, Caleb 96-98. 103-5 Chestnut Hill, 147 Carlisle, Pa., 100 Cruaer. Henry 52 Chew, ^liss, 246 Chew's House, 128 Cunningham, Mr.. 44-5 " Provost ^Marshal, 154-5 INDEX. 539. Pago. Clinton, Sir llem-y, ...Il'^-IG, 2-il-22[, 308, ;S,S(;, -US, 432, 454, u 1, , 458,407-72 « ^°'-t' ••• 114-115 (lOncral .lames, ,|j^,| Captors, TIr. " ' ' ' ' 'Ai-iKindix' No. 2 Conj^rress at Pliihidelpliia, 4i)-51, ,55-(; C'ol(|ulioini hrotliurs, " ;{|rj, Crewe, Major, ............'.'.'.. ](;\ Cathcart, Lord, \i;:]-.\ Cadwiiladcr, General ' 177-8 Ji'';Y''''l""' ^'"^^ «'■' '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. !250-255 Caldwell, Kev. James, 273 Cedars, The, '.■.■■.■.■.■.■.■;.■. 100- 101 Coe, John, .jgg Crosbie, Lieut. Col., .413 440 Day, Thomas, 22 34,3^; Darwin, Erasmus, ..."'.. 13 DeFleury, Count Louis, | ] 333 Despard, Lieut. John, oj ' 93.9 Demarest, ilev. Joiui, ' '459 Donop Count '.'.■■■.■.■.■.■. ■.■.■.■■. 141-144 Darraeli, Lydia ^43 DiiPortail, Ceneral, -^y^ l^urang, .......'..'.'.'.'.'.['. 171 Dut'oudray, , ic Draper, Sir William, , 284 D'Kstaing . .' ; .' ." ■ ; .'^isJ^iV, 219 J )uke of 1 ork, ^r^(y Dumas, Count Mathieu, 473 Dobbs' Ferry, 2!J5-G 305-r Dean, John, '.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'.'. ."'sol d secj. Edgeworth, ilichard Lovell, 12 32-34 Erskine, Sir William, V.'.'. IG2', 182 Egg Harbor, 22q Elliot, Lieul. (!ov. Andrew, 432 Easton, Col., 80 Fort Montgomery, 114-115 " Clinton, ..lU-Ury " La Fayette, 244-5 Franks, Major David S., 79 379 " Eebecea, '. V. V. '.'.'.'. '. . .' iss 540 INDEX. Page. Gage, General 64, 65, 66. 68, 70 ■Grey, General, 110, 111 Grei/liiiund schooner, 4"^S-39 Germantown, 125-6 Grant, Colonel, 52 " Capt. Colquhoun 493-4 Gliost of Andro (Phila.) 204 Gordon, Lord Cosmo 20(i, 277 Gadsden, Lieut. Gov. C, 235-6, 426 Greene, General, 281, 424-6, 476-8 " " liis proclamation, 385 Glover, General, 485 Gardiner's Island, 105-6 Hale, Xathan 384, 398 Hamilton, Alexander, 373-4, 401, 403, 408-9, 416 Harris. Lord 70 Hand. General, 486 Hoo^land, Captain 378 Huijhes, Captain John. 442 Howe, General Sir William, 106, 151-8 " ■ Eobert, 226, 481 and Gadsden (Andre's poem), 225-7 Hammond, Staals, 349 Huntinijtou, General 486 Hele, Lieutenant, . 497 Indians. Stockbrid.se 73, 74 Hvine, General James, 147, 442 Jackson, ^lajor William 402 Jameson. Colonel John, 347. 3(>2-3 Justice of Andre"s Sentence, 465-501 Knox, General, : 92-3, 375, 484 Knvphausen, General, 426 Ki|'rs Mouse 298-99 K ing's Ferrv 338-340 Kinjr, Lieut. Joshua, 356-7, 364, 378 Kempe, Attorney-General, 419 Livingston, James, 85, 302, 326-7, 371 Governor, 277 Miss Susanna 277 INDEX, 541 Page. JjOg-book of Uic Vulture, 320-9 Lancaster, Pa., 93 Lee, Gen. Charles, ] 07 " Henry, '.'.'.' .2CA, 420, 501 Luzerne, M. do, 308 Lacey, General John ] 7<) Lafayette, ;{0;3, .^(nS, .'570, .3!)0. 414, 449, 480, 483 Lamb, Col. John, 3O2 374 Larvey, J;inies 370-73 Laiininco, Col. John, 3();> Tjiiurens, John, ,] 10 Laune, Peter, VlO(i, 417, 1.11 ]j0cker, Frederick, 4(;3 405 Martha's Vineyard, 210 Marbois, .290-7,' 308-9 Mischianza, 183-201 poems, by Andre, 197-200 Montgomery, General, 83, 85, 90, 459 I'^rt, 114 Slontagu, Admiral, 72 Morris, Gouverneur r^<) ,, " R> ::::;::;;;:;5i3-i4 Monmoutli, Battle of, 209-213 Aliller, Lady, 527-8 Monody, by Miss Seward, 532-4 McLane, Allan, ]2g MacKinnon, 4f;5 New York, British in, 239 257-9 " " Society in, 234-37 Newport, 215-217 New Bedford, yjf; Ogden, Captain Aaron, 410-13 Otis, James, (j2 Parsons, General, 433 Paulding, John, 351 c< saq. Paoli Massacre, 122-3 Pine's Bridge, 343-4 Putnam, Israel, 399 Proctor, Colonel, 264 Preston, Major, 83, 87 Philadelphia, Capture of, 123-4 542 INDEX. Paga. Philadelphia, Fortified 130-33 Society in, 132-3G Occupation of, 137-140, 149-150, loO-lT!) Evacuated, 202-206 Paterson, General, 486 Palmer, Xathan (spy), 399 Pennsylvania Packet, 450 Proloirue spoken by Andre, 173, 232 Eamsev, Mrs 98 Robinson, Beverly, 294, 301, 307, 311-12, 3-?0-22, 373 House," 294 Ped liank, 142-147 "Phode Island"' (Andre's poem), 217-lS Eivington, James, 263 Eodnev, Admiral, 307 Pobertson, General, 406, 424-26 Pochambeau, 426 Peynolds, Enos, 449 RaVdon, Lord, 248-9, 476, 500 Eomer, James, 351 Eomilly, 465 Schuyler, General, 82-3, 95, 380 Seward, Anna, 11, 12, 16, 18-22, et seq., 91, 439 " " her Monody on Andre, 532-4 Steuben, Baron, ". 481-3 Scammell, Colonel A., 444 Snevd, Honora 13-27, 31-36. 39-40 Shippen Edward, 94, 168 See, Isaac, 351 Sargent, (Captain, 160 Stirling, Lord, 478-9 Stopford. Major, 84 Simcoe, Col. J. G., 249, 420, 454, 474 St. Johns, 83. 86-7 St. Clair, General, 380, 479 Smith, Joshua Hett, 93, 313-326, 337-44, 379 " Colonel W. S., 452-453 " Chief Justice William 418-19 " Captain Ebenezer, 417, 442 Shieldon, Col. E., 293, 306 Stony Point, 244-5 Stariv, General, 487 INDEX. 543 Page. Suthprlaiul, Captain A 308, 311, 313 Letter to Clinton, 435-7 Smith, James, 531) Tarleton, Lieut. Col., 104-06 Tappan, 3110-400 Old, ■-'•-'0 Ticonderoga, 80, 88 Thaclier, Dr. James 449 Theatre, in Philadelphia, 109-175 " Xew York 231-34 Tarrytown, 351 Tallmadge, Major, 290, 358, 302-3, 383-4, 414 " " warns Andre of fate, 384 " " to Heath, Appendi.\ No. 4 Tomlinson, Ensign Jabez H., 41 Trumbull, Colonel John, 455 Taylor, Daniel, 484 Thome, Stevenson and Jesse, 350 Van AVart, Isaac 351 d seq. Van Dyke, Captain John, 442 Van Sehaaek, Peter, 459 Verses on Andre's Execution, Appendix No. 3 Vulture, sloop of war, 301, 305, 320, 372 Log-book of, 326-9 Washington, 302-4, 307-8, 374, 378, 389-90, 400, 409-10, 449 Wolfe's Song, 300 Wooster, General, 84 Whitemarsh, 147-8 Wayne, General 442 Witherspoon, Rev. Dr., 262 Westchester County, condition of, 345-9 Wharton, Mr., ..".'. 184 Witman, Lieut. W., 127 Webb, Colonel S. B., 350 AVilliams. Major, 101 '•' ' DaVid 351 et seq. West Point 331 et seq. " " plans of, given Andre, 333-6 Williams, Abraham, 351 Walpole, Horace, 527-8 "Yankee Doodle's Expedition," 217-218 Yerks, John, 351 KEY TO MAP OF ANDRE'S ROUTE EXPLANATION OF THE MAP. This map having been made to accompany my Crisis of the Eevoluhon, the various numbers printed on it at different points refer to various incidents or places not mentioned, oi- slightly so, in the present work. I have therefore thought' it advisable to add as a key to its better understanding— 1. Joshua Hett Smith's house. 2. Andreas Miller's house. 3. Boyd's quarters. (Here the party were halted by Cap- tain Boyd's sentry.) 4. Presbyterian church, Crompond Corner. 5. Strang's (or Mead's) Tavern. C. Major Strang's house. 7. Mrs. Underbill's house. 8. Stevenson Thome's house. 9. Sylvanus Brundage's house. 10. Mekeel's Corners. 11. Staats Hammond's house. 13. Scene of the Capture, Tarrytown. 13. Isaac Eeed's house. East Tarrytown. 14. Foshay house. 15. John Bobbins house, Kiensico. 16. Sands' Mills. (The present Armonk.) 17. John Gilbert's house. South Salem. 18. The Bed Mills (Putnam County). 19. The Cox (or Odell) House, Mahopac Falls 20. St. Peter's Church, North Peekskill. 21. The Hollman House, North Peekskill. 22. The Eobinson House. 23. Fort Putnam, West Point. 24. John Coe's house. 25. The Mabie Tavern, Tappan.