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THE 
 
 CRISIS: 
 
 ORIGIN 
 
 CONSEQUENCES OF OUR POUTICAL DISSENSIONS, 
 
 TO wnica IS anhtexeii, 
 
 THE LATE TREATY BETWEEJ^ THE UJ^FfED STATES AJ^D 
 GREAT BRITAIJ^. 
 
 BY A CITIZEN OF VERMONT. 
 
 the gi'eatest eViis are not arrived at theit- utmost period until those who 
 are in power have lost all sense of shame. At such a time those who 
 should obey shake ofF all respect and subordination. Then is lethargic 
 indolence roused, but roused by convulsions. 
 
 Cxutiskjt DE Retz. 
 
 tVhat can be done to save ihe Republic ^ Time that sooths all other suffer- 
 ings will bring us no relief if we neg -^r throw away the means m our 
 hands. What are they ? Truth and x gument. They are feeble means : 
 feeble indeed, against prejudice and passion ; yet they are all we have and 
 we must try them. They will be jury-masts if we are ship-wrecked. 
 
 FiSHEB Axes, 
 
 ALBANY: 
 PRJNTED by E. 5t E. HOSFORD 
 
 1815. 
 
 [Cofiy right 8ecured.~\ 
 
0^3 
 
 'Of^ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 For twenty-five years the spirit of party has raged in this count»ryj to 
 che disturbance of its peace, the rui!> of its interest, and the dishonor of 
 its name. 
 
 The new actors in the political drama, and they are tlie principal or at 
 least the most active ones, seem to have taken it for granted, that the quar- 
 rel among tlie leaders was well begun, and it is their duty to fight en, un» 
 Ml the triumphs of party are consummatedo 
 
 Since tJie commencement of tlie present war, experience has taught us 
 that in times of great and common danger no measure can succeed, with- 
 out more union among the people : and that will never happen unless the 
 people will impartially review their political conduct, and re-examine the 
 grounds of their political prejudices. 
 
 Unless these can be removed, the Author of the ensuing pages has long 
 believed they will eventually lead to civil war and the ruin of liberty. 
 
 This to him is a sufficient apology, for an attempt at this time, to leave 
 for a moment, the contest about measures, and to call back the attention 
 of his fellow-citizens from the commotions and ruins which surround them, 
 to the^rst causes of their political prejudices : to enquire =who it was that 
 enkindled the flames of civil discord among lis, and why we are a divided 
 people. 
 
THE CRISIS 
 
 WRITTEN TOWARD THE CLOSE OF THE LATE WAR 
 
 Courage may purchase liberty, 
 
 But wisdom and virtue must perpetuate its duration. 
 
 To the People of the United States. 
 
 IpaiENDS AND Fellow Citizens, 
 
 THERE are certain periods in the course of human events, 
 
 when the affairs of civil government excite an extraordinary inte- 
 
 rest in the public mind. 
 
 Such a period has commenced. And in a free republic like 
 
 ours, when a blind confidence in rulers could never be a virtue, it 
 
 would at the present time be criminal. 
 
 When the public wealth is wasting, and its credit sinking in 
 
 tiie dust ; when the horrors of a ruinous and hopeless war are 
 spreading around us devastation and misery ; shall we, whose an- 
 
 cestors have purchased for us our libertie-s at the expense of their 
 
 blood and treasure, amidst the thunders of contending nations, 
 shall we their descendants stand still, and in stupid silence see 
 the mighty fabric of our freedom trembling to its base, without 
 one bold and manly effort to avert its ruin ? 
 
 We believe still, that among our unalienable rights are those 
 of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; and to secure these 
 rights and for this purpose only, governments are instituted among 
 men. In 1774 we remonstrated against the administration of the 
 British government because as we believed, it became destruc- 
 tive of these great ends of its institutian. And to provide for our- 
 selves a constitution which should secure to us a remedy against 
 the abuse of power, we appealed to arms, and after a conflict of 
 eight long years, we victoriously triumphed. 
 
 This mighty revolution was effected, this dreadful sacrifice of 
 Wood and treasure was suffused, to secure to the people of the 
 United States the right of changing the councils of the nation, 
 whenever their interests or happiness should require it. 
 
But we have as yet ouly learned from this event that oppressed 
 man possesses the power of becoming free : that a bold and har- 
 dy race like that which achieved oiir independence, may by a Ipng 
 aeries of abuses and usurpations, be roused from the lethargy of 
 oppression, shake off their fetters, fly to arms, destroy their op«_ 
 pressors, and rise to liberty and to glory. But to perpetuate the 
 blessings of liberty, the wisdom and the efforts of man have hi= 
 therto been exhausted in vain. 
 
 Although we have seen the long and dismal train of fallen re- 
 publics pass in awful review before us and consigned to the 
 wretched dominion of despotic power ; we yet indulge the hope 
 that a constitution written on paper, will preserve our liberties 
 entire, amidst the conflicts of contending factions, of passion, of 
 vice and error ! Vain and delusive hope. Man by his courage 
 and physical power may acquire liberty, but wisdom and virtue 
 must render its duration perpetual. 
 
 But if the seeds of dissolution arc implanted in the constitution 
 of our republic, and death must be its fate, it is a duty which we 
 owe to the memory of our illustrious fathers and heroes, who 
 purchased it for us with their blood, which we owe to ourselves, 
 our country and posterity, to strain every nerve, exhaust the last 
 power of intellect, and if necessary to surrender even life itself, 
 to protract its dying nature, and from its expiring convulsions 
 snatch the spirit of liberty, and render its reign on earth immortaL 
 The boasted liberties of Greece and Rome could not survive the 
 coiifiicts of contending faction ; they have perished, and whatever 
 remained of the spirit of real liberty in modern Europe, has found 
 an asylum only in the United States. 
 
 In the political as well as the natural or moral world, the prin" 
 ciple that like causes will produce like effects, is equally impor- 
 tant and true. And the history of republics has taught us, that 
 such a state of things as ijow exists, has always preceded, and 
 been as it v/ere the precursor of their ruin : And in every age and 
 nation in which rational liberty has existed and been lost, they 
 have proved the tocsin of civil war, its final catastrophe. 
 
 Men who are born, and educated in the same pommon country? 
 do not fall to killing each other without edtne powerful pretext* 
 A quarrel must precede; strong prejudices must be excited^ 
 the angry and. malignant passions must first be put in motion, tc/ 
 
prepare m6n to comm^ence the business of robbery, devastation 
 and murder. 
 
 These passions and prejudices have already been engendered 
 in the conflicts of party dissensions, and have so increased in mag- 
 nitude and in virulence, that their influence seems to bid defiance 
 to the dominion of reason. Cool and dispassionate disquisitions 
 have given place to the asperity and malignity of party zeal : the 
 interest and glory of our country are absorbed in the views of pri- 
 vate ambition: a spirit of hatred, of malice and revenge has ar- 
 rayed every man against his fellow : the discordant murmur of 
 the multitude swells in every breeze, and like the terrific sound 
 which precedes the earthquake, admonishes us of an approaching 
 convulsion : The last republic on earth is divided against itself 
 and trembles to its fall I 
 
 And is thei'c no remedy? Or has the history of fallen repub- 
 lies been recorded for us in vain ? Have the evils which surround 
 us, resulted from an imperious and inevitable necessity ? Many 
 of you my fellow citizens, well remember that happy period of 
 our history, when all hearts were united in the choice of the first 
 chief magistrate, who presided in the councils of the republic. 
 
 The first organization of our government was hailed by all 
 classes of our citizens, as the triumphant morning of a millennial 
 day ; never was there a more perfect union of sentiment exhibited 
 on earth, than by the freemen of the United States, in the year 
 one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, in the choice of 
 their rulers. And never did the legislators of a free people com- 
 mand more confidence from their constituents, than those who at 
 that time, administered the government. But only twenty-five 
 years have passed away, and how changed is the scene ; how por- 
 tentous the prospect before us I All confidence in our rulers 
 lost, all confidence in each other. No un\on among our citizens, 
 except in the belief of this one solemn truth, that our disunioi: 
 will soon put an end to our liberties. 
 
 Those party dissensions which palsy the arm of government 
 overwhelm the wisdom and defeat the councils of tha republic, 
 have had their origin. Tfie present distracted state of things, 
 has evidently been produced by a certain chain of events, which 
 can as easily be traced to their original cause, as our rivers to 
 tfeeir source; and it is just as absirrd, to think of changing it fo: 
 
the better without removing that cause, as to stop the flowing of 
 the stream while its source remains. 
 
 It is not necessary to consult the oracles of inspiration for proof 
 of this important truth, that a house divided against itself cannot 
 stand : or that this maxim is equally applicable to a political 
 state, as to a more domestic compact. Experience that unerring 
 precept has taught us, that the influence of party spirit has been 
 the principal cause of our present national calamities; and this it 
 IS which presents an awful barrier in the way of that relief, which 
 not only our present necessities, but the very existence of our re- 
 publican institutions imperiously demand. 
 
 The present war which has brought on our defenceless frontiers 
 on every side, an invading and powerful foe, calls for the united 
 energies of every class of citizens. To have insured to us a suc- 
 cessful and glorious termination of the present contest, the whole 
 spirit of the republic should have been wrought up to a degree qf 
 enthusiasm and ardor in support of the cause. 
 
 In a free state where every thing depends on the dispositions of 
 the people ; measures of gyeat and awful magnitude like that of 
 war, Which is to put at hazurd, life, liberty, and property, should 
 correspond with the views, and wishes of the people. 
 
 With a frontier on the shores of the Atlantic, of more than 
 fourteen hundred miles, exposed to an enemy who had at her com- 
 mand a thousand ships, completely manned and fitted for hostile 
 operations, with about the same extent of territoiy on the we*t 
 and north, bordering on numerous nations of the savage and mer- 
 ciless tribes, who might easily be engaged in the contest against 
 us ; and with a population of only about seven millions, tiiinly scat- 
 tered over an immense territory, without a navy, \vithout fortifi- 
 cations, without disciplined troops ; under such circumstaneesr to 
 declare war without an assurance that the people would unite 
 heart and hand in support of the cause, must be worse than stu- 
 pidity, it must be folly and madness in the extreme. 
 
 And had the authors of the present war this assurance ? No, 
 fellow-cititens, you well know they had not. No sooner was it 
 knov/n that war was declared against Great-BrUain, than one ge- 
 neral expression of disapprobation and of anxious solicitude for 
 the event, pervaded all classes. 
 
 An a free republic which has virtue for its base, and the generai 
 
happiness for its supreme object, the people uninfluenced oy padi* 
 Bion or prejudice, will never believe it to be wise or expedient) 
 to make war, even when the cause would justify resistance, un* 
 less there is at least some ground to hope that the injured nation 
 will be able thereby to redress her wrongs. The idea that the 
 conquest of Canada, could it be effected, would compel Great-Bri- 
 tain to yield to our claims on the ocean, is too ridiculous to ad- 
 ipit of any consideration : and no one who had much knowledge 
 of her political state, believed she would give up the right she 
 claimed to impress her native seamen when found in neutral 
 ships, to any one except her conquerors ; and to become her con- 
 querors the people had neither a disposition, nor confidence in 
 their power. 
 
 The rulers of a free people would never hazard their populari- 
 ty, by disregarding the great and fundamental maxims of their go- 
 vernment, while they believed that cool and unprejudiced reason 
 v.as predominant in the public mind. 
 
 But have we not reason to fear that happy period of our exis- 
 tence is passed, never to return, 
 
 « In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to 
 public opinion, it should be enlightened/' But when I ask were 
 the people enlightened, when consulted, when were they called 
 upon to deliberate seriously upon the expediency of making war 
 on the British nation, for the purpose of compelling her to yield 
 her right of impressment. Never until war was resolved upon, 
 was it pretended that in the year 1312, this cause would justify 
 resistance ; or even if it would, that it was wise or expedient to 
 declare war at that time. The British Orders in Council were 
 equally with the French Milan and Berlin Decrees, considered 
 by the people as the only causes which could justify resistance. 
 These obnoxious Orders and Decrees it was believed were intend- 
 ed by the two great belligerents of Europe to annoy each other, 
 lather than to be aimed at our neutral commerce. 
 
 When it was known in this country that the obnoxious Decrees 
 of France were repealed, the people believed, they had good rea- 
 »on to believe, that the British Orders in Council would soon be 
 revoked. When, therefore, the administration had recommended 
 an immediate appeal to firms, and the federalists tiieu in Con> 
 
gre&s, saw the torrent of calamities about to burst upon tlie coun- 
 try, they warned, they intreated them to delay, even for a few 
 days, until despatches from Great-Britain could arrive, ^hich 
 might announce the revocation of the Orders in Council ; and if 
 war was inevitable, they urged them to delay a measure of such 
 awful magnitude, until the country could be better prepared to 
 meet the event But in vain ; the war was proclaimed, contrary 
 to the views and wishes of the people, not of that class only who 
 are called federalists, but the great body of freemen, who have to 
 hazard their lives and property in the contest. 
 
 Before Great-Britain could have any knowledge of this e'vent, 
 and within eight days after it happened, her Orders in Council 
 were revoked, and that as soon as she had knowledge of the re- 
 peal of the Milan and Berlin decrees. This was an event which 
 our rulers must have anticipated. No sooner had a knowledge 
 of the revocation of the Orders in Council reached this country, 
 than the people expected an armistice, and an immediate end put 
 to hostilities. They did not believe the administration were se- 
 riously resolved on a war at that time, to compel the British to 
 yield their right of impressment, as they well remembered that 
 Mr. Monroe, who Mr. Madison had employed to settle that bu» 
 siness, had declared that the propositions made by the British 
 commission, and the explanation which accompanied it, was both 
 honorable and advantageous to the United States : and that it 
 contained a concession in their favour on the part of Great-Bri- 
 tain, on the great principle in 'contestation, never before made 
 by a formal and obligatory act of their government, which was 
 highly favorable to their interests. Therefore, with respect to 
 that the people did not believe all hope of settlement by treaty 
 had failed, notwithstanding what Mr. Madison had said to the con- 
 trary. 
 
 The public opinion had not been enlightened on any subject 
 relative to the causes of the war, except the Orders in Council^ 
 so far as to induce the people to indulge for a moment a confi- 
 dence, that any other cause existed at that time which could jus- 
 tify offensive hostilities. But their expectations were disappoint- 
 ed. No armistice was to take place, none was ever contemplated 
 by our rulers, but, only by the honest freemen who wished for it,, 
 who wished for peace. 
 
Tills hopeless and ruinous war must go on ; a war which has 
 already driven from our defenceless frontiers the helpless and 
 peaceable inhabitants; which has laid in ruins our flourishing; 
 towns and villages, which has filled our land with widows and or- 
 phans, with suffering, with sorrow, and with tears ; and which has 
 already entailed on posterity, a debt, which Will inflict on genera- 
 tions yet unborn, years of toil and of pain. And after all this, our 
 administration will be forced to accept of a disgraceful peace, if 
 they can get any. 
 
 I am sensible there is a large class of citizens among us, on 
 whom argument would be lost ; who would shut their eyes agaittst 
 the light, and their ears to truth ; who would rather see the last 
 vestige of republican liberty in ruin, than see their leaders forced' 
 to resign the power which they have abused ; in whose breasts the 
 interests and the love of party has extinguished every glow of 
 patriotism : To such men I do not appeal ; but to those who. 
 would yet, to the paltry views of party, prefer the durable inte- 
 rests and glory of their country ; to them I appeal, and to their 
 candid and serious consideration I submit — whether the present 
 war, and the ruinous policy which has led to it, has not been pro- 
 duced by councils founded in corruption and error. 
 
 On the nineteenth day of June 1812, could the voice of the peo- 
 ple been heard in the capitol, would it not have thundered its so- 
 lemn veto on the proceedings of that awful day ? Could they for a 
 moment have exercised the powers of legislation, would they not 
 have indignantly annulled an act, engendered in the Court of St. 
 Cloud, and recorded in letters of blood ? 
 
 It is not necessary for me at this time to present to your vision . 
 all that fornvidable array of evils, which are fast gathering around 
 us, and which have evidently been produced by the weak and cor- 
 rupt policy of the last fourteen years, to convince you that the 
 councils of the nation ought to be changed. The fact is acknow- 
 iedged : not by the authors of this policy : not by those who have, 
 or who expect to derive ertioluments from their agency in the 
 present administration : but by the honest freemen, who hold no 
 office under the administration, and who expect none. They with 
 the frankness and sincerity becoming republicans, who wish to 
 perpetuate the duration of their liberties, they now declare they 
 
believe the present policy must be changed, to save from ruiii 
 the interests and the glory of our republic. 
 
 But these good j;nd honest citizens, have not as yet discovered 
 the means by v/hich this all important change can be effected. 
 
 Tiiey have hoped, and hoped in vain, that the men or the friends 
 and advocates of these very men, who have produced the present 
 state of things will change it for the better. 
 
 A strange fatality seems always to have marked the course of 
 republics. Events happen, « and we are astonished, as if they 
 were miracles." One would suppose that our citizens had alrea- 
 dy lost sight of the great object of our republican institutions. 
 
 Recollect for a moment v.'hat were your sentiments respecting 
 a remedy for national calamities fourteen years ago. You then 
 held it as a principle that power long exercised had a corrupting 
 influence on the conduct of rulers: that whenever through cor- 
 ruption or error an administration had adopted a system of policy 
 destructive to the interests of the nation, it was expedient to 
 change that administration, by placing it in the hands of others, 
 Kot of those who had advocated and supported such destructive 
 policy, but of those who had opposed and condemned it. You 
 then professed to believe that in a republic like ours, the admin- 
 istration should have no views, no object or no interests opposed 
 to the views and wishes of the people. And you professed to 
 believe, v/hether you had or had not grounds for your belief, that 
 the federal administration had produced evils to remedy which a 
 change was necessary. You called on your friends and fellow- 
 citizens to aid you in effecting a change of rulers by their suffra» 
 ges : they gave you their aid. Thousands at that time sacredly 
 pledged themselves that they had nothing in view at that time, in 
 wishing for a change of rulers^ but the interests and glory of their 
 country. That whenever they found themselves disappointed in 
 the result of new measures, they would aid in restoring the pow- 
 er of the former administration. 
 
 And your new measures have now been tried for more than four= 
 teen years, and beyond all endurance. 
 
 And now you ask what can be done to save the republic. 
 
 The united energies and the whole resources of the country 
 Vive put in requisition, and we are a divided people. One pulls 
 
13 
 
 this way and another that: the wheels of government roll heavily 
 on and our enemies triumph. 
 
 You fellow-citizens who are advocates for the present policy, 
 •until very lately professed to believe that an opposition to the 
 Bieasures of the majority had a salutary effect on the administra- 
 tion: that it tended to keep alive the spirit of liberty, and awaken 
 the people to a sense of the dangerous encroachments of abused 
 power. Had the leaders of the party in power opposed measures 
 only, you might at this time have gloried in the privileges of an 
 elective government, and would long before this, have arrested 
 the progress of those evils which have brought us to the present 
 alarming crisis. 
 
 But their opposition was not confined to measures. Federalists 
 have been proscribed, and denounced, as dangerous men, ene- 
 mies to our republican constitution, tories and British partizans, 
 unworthy the confidence of a free people. And this accusation 
 has been repeated so many millions of times that many of the 
 honest electors really believe it must be true. They tell you 
 that it is in vain to question the truth of what has been believed 
 for twenty-five years. 
 
 It is indeed a lamentable fact, that so many of our best citizens 
 should after fighting and suffering eight years to establish an elec- 
 tive government, wish to erect on its ruins an hereditary monar- 
 chy : but our good republican rulers tell us, it is so, and we can- 
 not doubt the truth of it. 
 
 In those countries where the structure and administration of 
 the government is leased on the ignorance and abject condition of 
 the people, it is not strange that the arts of deception and false- 
 hood should prevail agdnst reason and common sense : but that 
 a majority of the enlightsned citizens of the United States, should 
 fall the victims of the most absurd and fatal delusion, in the very 
 infancy of that republic which their wisdom, their virtue and he- 
 roic deeds had but just achieved, is one of those political phe- 
 jnomenons, which prejudice alone can divest ot mystery. One 
 would suppose that many of our citizens had utterly despaired of 
 saving the republic, and seeing the road to ruin inevitable, had 
 resolved to shut their eyes against the light of tiuth, thinking that 
 like asses they can travel " best in dangerous roads with blinders 
 
 OQ," 
 
For I ask what evils may not the leaders of the party in pow- 
 er inflict with impunity, so long as they assume the name of 
 republican ? Notwithstanding they have seen Napoleon under 
 that assumed name enslave and oppress thirty millions of delu- 
 ded P'renchmen, and on the ruins of liberty, erect a despotism 
 so horrid and so stupendous, that nothing but the conflagration 
 of Moscow could stop its progress to ihe ruins of a world I 
 
 Yet in the United States this word republican has acquired a 
 magic, a resistless, charm. One who assumes that appellation 
 attaches to his character, all those admirable rjualities, which 
 constitute the pure patriot, the exclusive friend of an elective 
 government, and the rights of man. While the man who has 
 the misfortune to be called a federalist, is not only proscribed 
 as a tory and dangerous citizen, but becomes thereby absolute- 
 ly disfranchised. For as it respects the evils which may result 
 to society or individuals, by excluding from office a large por- 
 tion of our most respectable citizens, it is the same whether 
 they are excluded through the influence of fraud and delusion, 
 or by power of the constitution. 
 
 When during the French revolution, the deluded citizens of 
 that devoted country, believed there was no way to regain their 
 " long lost liberties," but by cu*,tingofi the heads of their best 
 citizens, the error proved as fatal to the poor victims of the 
 guilloiincand to the liberties of those wlio escaped it, as though 
 tiiey had suffered by virtue of authority derived from a consti- 
 tution of civil government. When prejudice becomes deep 
 rooted, so as to gain an entire ascendency over the mind, it has 
 the power of, a law upon the conduct and becomes even a more 
 invariable rule of action. For men are sometimes disposed to 
 violate the law, and when they can with impunity, will do it ; 
 whereas, they never feel disposed to act against their invete- 
 rate prejudices. 
 
 When in an elective government such prejudices have armed 
 one part of the citizens against the other, and all confidence in 
 each other is lost, the minority are thereby rendered ineligible 
 to office, they are in effect disfranchised so long as such prejudices 
 are predominant. The republic in such a state partakes of an ar- 
 istocracy, in proportion as the number of proscribed citizens, re- 
 
duces the number of those who only can administer the goverr- 
 ^ent. Suppose then we have in the United States, one million of 
 free white male citizens, about five hundred thousand of these have 
 the misfortune to be called federalists ; and are denounced as ene- 
 mies to our free constitution and to republican liberty. It is acknow* 
 ledged these men are at least equally respectable, for their talents, 
 their information, their wealth and useful habits. Among the re- 
 maining five hundred thousand, composing the party in power, 
 the leaders of that party will not select and recommend to the peo- 
 ple as candidates for office; more than one to fivp hundred, so 
 that in the present state of parties, the electors who support the 
 present policy by their suffrages, under the influence of these in- 
 veterate prejudices, which exclude federalists from a participation 
 in the administration, have to select those who are to direct and 
 controul our great national concerns, from less than one thou- 
 sandth part of the freemen. And among these it will be acknow- 
 ledged a great number are more distinguished for their party 
 zeal, than by those important qwalifications which the high re- 
 spectability of their trust requires. 
 
 So long as the influence of these prejudices continues to blind 
 and delude so many of our citizens, the leaders of the party in 
 power may rest secure in the patronage of their constituents, un- 
 til they shall establish an aristocracy on the ruins of liberty. 
 
 If it is said the electors are not bound to regard a nomination 
 made by the leaders of a party, it may be answered, it iS equally 
 true, that under the influence of party spirit and inveterate preju- 
 dice, its usual concomitant ; it is certain they always have, and 
 always will regard it. 
 
 When therefore, it becomes an irrevocable principle with a bare 
 majority of the people to exclude from the administration, a cer- 
 tain class of citizens, to be designated by a particular appellation, 
 and comprising only a minority of the freemen, the leaders of that 
 majority, may with impunity sacrifice the interests of their constit- 
 uents, to the advancement of their own. For suppose you dismiss 
 from their places in the national legislature, the leaders of the 
 majority, and appoint others of the same party in their stead, it is 
 evident a combination may still exist among the few well inform- 
 ed and influential leaders, of the party both in and out of office, for 
 the purpose of promoting their own views, ia opposition to the 
 
16 
 
 views and wishes of the people ; for so long as they assume to 
 themselves the right name, call it republican or what you please, 
 they may rest assured that the majority will support them. 
 
 And it is generally true, that the members of the national legis- 
 lature, at the expiration of their term, if they are not re-elected, 
 are still provided with some snug office, and go out among their 
 constituents faithfully pledged to support that policy which they 
 have been instrumental in establishing. 
 
 From the nature of man and from the invariable effects of the 
 influence of party spirit on his political conduct, it will always be 
 found, that to change the policy of an administration, in an elective 
 government, where all the electors are divided into two great par- 
 ties, a revolution of those parties is absolutely necessary. Fede- 
 ral measures would never have been changed by federal men. 
 This truth you once believed. And those of you who pledged 
 yourselves to restore the power cf the federal administration, 
 whenever you found yourselves disappointed in the result of new 
 measures, would now, it is believed, gladly change the present 
 ruinous policy by restoring to power federal men, had not your 
 prejudices usurped the throne of cool and dispassionate reason. 
 
 You are convinced tliat the merits of an administration of civil 
 government shouid be adjudged by its fruits and not by a name-. 
 And yet when the policy of our present rulers has involved us in 
 scenes of calamity from which they have not power to extricate 
 us, you persist in proscribing and denouncing as unworthy of 
 your confidence one half of your fellow freemen, because they are 
 called federalists. 
 
 But there are times when the triumphs of political delusion, 
 over a minority must come to an end, when the errors of rulers can* 
 not be practised with impunity. Such are times of great national ca- 
 lamity, when life, liberty, and property are put at hazard. Then 
 it is that the errors of an administration, sheds on community its 
 dire effects and awakens the spirit of inquiry into the causes of 
 the evils which surround them. Such is the present crisis.-— Un- 
 til the commencement of the present war, the advocates for the 
 late measures of the administratian, have affected to view our po- 
 litical dissensions with great indifference : to consider a faction 
 in a free state as a necessary appendage of liberty. But no soon- 
 er were hostiruies proclaimed between this country and Great 
 
17 
 
 Britain, than the minority were called upon to join heart and hand' 
 in support of the contest, or submit to the inriputation of being 
 identified with the enemies of our country. Thus was the oppo- 
 sition to be hushed into silence, and the liberty of speech and of 
 the press, those great bulwarks of freedom, prostrated in the dust. 
 A powerful minority is no longer considered as a harmless 
 faction. The affairs of the republic have come to a crisis, in 
 which union has become indispensable to prevent a disastrous and 
 inglorious termination of the present contest. But it is in vain to 
 talk of union without just and correct views of the causes of our 
 disunion. The advocates of' the present policy are disposed at 
 last to ascribe to our political dissensioqs, the present calamitous 
 state of things, and to the federalists the first blameable cause. 
 
 If our misfortunes should lead us to retrace our stepsy and un- 
 influenced by passion to review our poliiical conduct, and impar- 
 tially to investigate the causes of our divisions, we might still 
 profit by them. The lessons of history are before us, and they 
 have taught us that thus far we have travelled step by step, the 
 downward course of fallen republics. The evils which the im? 
 mortal Washington, warned us would^'be the effects of party spi^ 
 rit, have already completed half their work of ruin. They have 
 distracted the public councils, and enfeebled the public adminis- 
 tration : they have agitated the community with ill founded jea- 
 lousies and false alarms : they have kindled the animosity of one 
 part against another : they have fermented occasional riot and in- 
 surrection : they have opened the door to foreign influence and 
 corruption, which have found a facilitated access to the govern* 
 ment itself, through the channels of party passions, and the policy 
 and will of this country has thereby been subjected to the policy 
 and will of another, 
 
 C 
 
It 
 
 Is it not then our highest wisdom, while beset on every side by 
 i foreign and powerful foe, to inquire with deep solicitude who it 
 88 that hath enkindled the flames of civil discord among ourselves. 
 
 The present war will probably come to an end, at no very dis- 
 tant period of time : And we have too much reason to fear that 
 the issye will be disastrous if not inglorious. 
 
 But the event of it or of any of our foreign relations, can never 
 secure to us durable peace and prosperity, so long as we are dis- 
 tracted with domestic animosity and dissension. 
 
 In a free republic like ours, where all may possess the same 
 means of knowing the state of public concerns, and are equally 
 interested in the general welfare, it is impossible that a mere dif- 
 ference of opinion should divide them into two great parties.— 
 Other causes have operated to create our fatal divisions. These 
 must be examined. It may hot yet be too late. 
 
 Those who lir&t excited ill founded prejudices among the citi- 
 zens were their worst enemies. Search them out then, and let 
 them know by the indignant voice of your disapprobation, that 
 you will hereafter consider those who shall without a cause, ex- 
 cite party dissensions, a% more dangerous to your liberties, and 
 more fatal to your peace and safety, than myriads of mercenary 
 troops, the miserable tools and slaves of foreign despots. 
 
 That will be the most important crisis in the history of our re- 
 public when it shall be recorded of us, that our reason and wis- 
 dom triumphed over passion and prejudice. Not that period 
 when by our courage we purchased liberty, but when by our vir- 
 tue we stamped on its existence, immortal duration 
 
if 
 
 No. 2. 
 
 That will be the most important CRISIS in the history of bur 
 republic, when it shall be recorded of us, that our reason and wis- 
 dom triumphed over passion and prejudice : not that period when 
 by our courage we purchased liberty, but when by our virtue we 
 stamped on its existence, immortal duration. 
 
 WRITTEN TOWARD THE CLOSE OF THE LATE WAR 
 
 To the citizens of the United States, 
 
 Fkiends and Fellow Ciixzeits. 
 
 IN great and important revolutions which change either the 
 form of government, or the policy of an administration, the peo- 
 ple soon lose sight of the first link in the chain of events, by which 
 it is produced^ 
 
 That ardent love of power so generally, if not universally pre- 
 dominant, operates on the passions, and disposes men to investi- 
 gate the means by which they may retain it, rather than those by 
 which they have been elevated- 
 
 But if by any means weak or corrupt men gain the ascendency 
 in the councils of the nation, no great or at least no very durable 
 evils, need be apprehended from their political errors, provided 
 their constituents seek for correct information, and remain uncor- 
 rupted by the influence of party interests. 
 
 There are men enough in every free state, who, to acquire 
 power, are ever ready to put in their claim, to the exclMsive title 
 
36 
 
 to patriotism ; who to acquire wealth, would acquire political con^ 
 sequence. 
 
 It must therefore depend pn the wisdom and virtue^ the elec-t 
 tors, composed of the great mass of useful citizens, to select such 
 rulers as will best secure the perpetuation of liberty. But it un- 
 fortunately happens in popular governments, that the electors 
 from local or other causes, are often involved in the same vor- 
 tex of error and misguided zeal, with their rulers. It is not strange 
 that men who have not much either of wisdom or virtue, to boast 
 of, should in the exercise of power commit errors, and even per- 
 severe in them, when they a^e thereby deriving immediate emol- 
 uments to themselves. 
 
 But that the electors* who derive no benefits from the adminis- 
 tration of civil government, but what result from the influence 
 of wise and equal law?, that they should persist with persevering 
 obstinacy, to support those, whose political conduct has been oppo- 
 sed to their views and wishes, and whose measures have disappoin- 
 ted their most sanguine hopes, cannot be accounted fqr in any 
 other way than by supposing they are actuated by t^ie influence of 
 delusion and prejudice. 
 
 Our error and our misfortune has been, that while we have 
 seen and suffered the effects of party dissensions, we have not re- 
 traced our steps to the first cause. According to the usual 
 course of republics, we have progressed from bad to ^yovse, un- 
 til at last, the evils resulting from the policy of thq last fourteen 
 years appear to be fast approaching to a remediless crisis. 
 
 It has been well observed by a distinguished writer, « that the 
 
 * The author would apply his remarks throughout this address, particu- 
 larly to that class of electors, who make no pretensions to the qualifications 
 TcquLsite to the duties of public ofhce, and wlio, whenever they could discern. 
 fhe best interest of theij* country, would pursue it. 
 
21 
 
 people are never in such danger as when placing a blind confi- 
 dence in their representatives ; who, acting in a body, divide the 
 sense of shame or disgrace among each other, and do things from 
 which a single individual, however dissolute, would shrink with 
 disgust." 
 
 The electors may be said to act under the influence of such a 
 confidence, when they support by their suffrages the authors of 
 measures, of which they disapprove by whatever political name 
 their representatives may be called. 
 
 But, say the supporters of the present policy, although it ap- 
 pears to us that the present war, and the measures \Vhich led to 
 it, are ruinous to the interests of the country, and might have 
 been avoided, yet our representatives have a better view of the 
 whole ground, than we can be supposed to have, and therefore 
 -we must conclude they have done what was best, although we 
 had other views of our political state; and it is our duty quietly 
 to submit to the will of the majority. 
 
 The representatives of that majority may however sanction 
 measures opposed to'your will. In that event you have but one 
 constitutional remedy ; by electing other men, who condemn such 
 measures, and will change them . This you will not do ; no matter 
 by what motives you are actuated, as it respects the evils which re- 
 suit to the minority and to our country ; unless you will remove 
 them by a wise use of your right of suffrage, they must be endu- 
 red. 
 
 By the exercise of this right, the mmority cannot remove them^ 
 although the proportion of their numbers to that of the majority 
 shall be as ninety -nine to in hundred, and although the evils re= 
 suiting Irom such measures should fall with tenfold greater 
 weight on that minority, tham on the majority. 
 
This is not a mere chimerical view o{ the wretched condition to 
 which a free republic may be reduced. For there is no degree of 
 degradation and misery, to which a minority may not be reduced 
 by a dominant party, acting under the dominion of infuriated pas- 
 sion, or inveterate prejudice. 
 
 But have you forgotten that there was a time when the leaders 
 of a minority encouraged an open and violent resistance to mea- 
 sures of which they disapproved. In 1792 under the administra- 
 tion of President Washington, the execution of the laws imposing 
 a duty on spirits distilled within the United States was resisted ; 
 and that resistance was encouraged by the very men who were 
 then the leaders of a minority, but who now direct the destinies of 
 our country. 
 
 If resistance could be justified then ; so it could at the present 
 time with equal reason. Many of you who support the men in 
 power at this time, did not then think, it was the duty of the peo- 
 ple quietly to submit to the will of the majority; if that will was 
 as you professed to believe, destructive of the great end of civil 
 government. 
 
 When you were the legitimate subjects of Great Britain in IVTSt 
 you disclaimed the right of the British parliament to tax you with- 
 out your being represented ; you would not submit to it. You 
 would no longer be subjected to the evils of an administration, 
 which you could not change. You are now represented in the 
 councils of the nation, and when your representatives tax you 
 conti-ary to your wishes, and wantonly spread around you devasta- 
 tion and misery, you presume they have done well, because they 
 are men of your own choice. 
 
 But does the right of suffrage, give impunity to the errors or 
 crimes of rulers ? 
 
23 
 
 You endured the privations and sufferings of an eight ycar'a 
 war, because you would not submit to the absurd maxim, that 
 the King can do no wrong : And by a blind confidence, by an ob- 
 stinate adherence to a certain class of citizens, you would adopt a 
 maxim equally absurd and fatal to liberty. The privileges which 
 the citizens are to derive from the right of suffrage, do not con- 
 sist in the power which the freemen possess of exercising that 
 light, but in the actual exercise of it by a majority of the elec 
 tors, in a manner best calculated to promote their political inte- 
 rest and happiness. 
 
 Suppose a bare majority of the electors have established it as 
 an irrevocable principle, that they will never elect to office, any 
 one who shall be nominated by the minority ; what benefits do 
 that minority derive from the right of suffrage ? You say they en- 
 joy the benefit of laws made by the men who are chosen by the 
 majority, which is all they can expect from an elective govern- 
 ment. But suppose that majority elect men, who pursue a poli- 
 cy ruinous to the interest and happiness of the people, and should 
 persist in supporting such men ; ought such a policy to demand 
 9ur confidence and cordial submission, because the authors of it 
 enjoy the right of suffrage ? If the rights of the people are to 
 be invaded with impunity ; if our liberties are to perish, is it a 
 privilege of which freemen should boast, and in which they ought 
 to exult, that they have the right of choosing the men who are to 
 be the instruments o£ their ruin ? 
 
 But it is said, the representatives who are chosen by a majority 
 of a free and enlightened people, will, it is to be presumed, best un- 
 derstand, and be disposed to pursue, the best means to promote 
 the public good. 
 
 This was not the reasoning of the party in power seventeen 
 
24 
 
 rears ago. At that time they arraigned at the bar of public opin- 
 ion, and condemned the measures of the representatives of a great 
 majority of the electors. 
 
 You who now advocate the present policy, had not then adopt- 
 ed the absurd maxim, that the representatives of a free people 
 can do no wrong. You then ^oried in the privileges of an elec- 
 tive government, because it authorized you to change the coun- 
 cils of the nation, by removing those who had deceived your con- 
 fidence. You then complained of the measures of federalists, bev- 
 cause they imposed unnecessary and oppressive taxes. But our 
 republican rulers have imposed a tax on lands, houses, carriages, 
 waggons, harness, licenses, auctions, stills, leather, boots, hats, 
 caps, ladies* hats, sugar, tobacco, snuff, segars, bar iron, roll'd 
 iron, pig iron, cut nails, brads, sprigs, umbrellas, furniture, pa- 
 per, candles, playing cards, saddles, bridles, ale, porter, and a 
 §tamp tax, a double postage tax, and all to support a war which 
 the people believed was unnecessary, and might with a liitle pru- 
 dence have been avoided : and you have become silent as the gi-ave 
 upon the subject of federal measures : for if they chastised us 
 ■with whips, it can no longer be concealed, that our republican ru^ 
 Jers are now chastising us with scorpions. The people there- 
 fore have exhibited some symptoms of a disposition to exercise 
 the right of suffrage, by restoring to power those men who have 
 invariably warned them, that the policy of the last fourteen years, 
 would lead to the present disastrous state of things. 
 
 But no sooner has the result of an election exhibited to public 
 view, some evidence of an inclination in the electors, to consult 
 their eyes rather than their ears, in forming their opinions of po- 
 litical characters, than the old cry of British influence, monarchist, 
 and tory, is raised with i-edoubled efforts j so glaringf is the dis- 
 
crimination between republican and federal measures, in fiivour oi; 
 the latter, that there is danger, that even the « moles will be cured 
 of their blindness/* 
 
 If the federalists committed errors in their administration four- 
 teen years ago, they are no longer considered as obstacles to their 
 restoration to power, since in that respect the little finger of Mr. 
 Madison, has become thicker than the loins of Washington or 
 Adams. 
 
 The republican leaders, twenty-five years ago, were well aware 
 tliat the test of experience might eventually expose the fallacy 
 of their new policy ; and thereby restore to confidence and to 
 power, the proscribed federalists. 
 
 It was not therefore against federal measures only, or principal- 
 ly, but against federal men, that the efforts of the first opposition 
 were directed. They were denounced as dangerotis men, attach- 
 ed to monarchical principles, and inimical to republican liberty. 
 These accusations, unceasingly urged, have excited prejudices 
 which have grown so inveterate as to become a rule df action, an 
 inviolable law. And it is no longer a question whether they ought 
 not quietly to submit to any evils which may result from the vices 
 or errors of their republican leaders, rather than trust their poli= 
 tical concerns to the controul of federalists. We now see a few 
 individuals, who claim the exclusive title to patriotism and re- 
 publican virtue, chosen from less than one thousandth part of the 
 freemen, set at the helm, exulting in the triumphs of delusion and 
 prejudice, over reason and truth : Our territory iovaded by a 
 powerful foe, and nearly one half of our citizens disfranchised, and 
 identified with the enemies of our country. Such a state of things 
 cannot long continue. Our political state must be regenerated, 
 A revolution in the public opinion is indispensable. 
 
Whatever may be the event of the present war, m the prescui 
 state of the world, we cannot expect any very long an(^ uninter- 
 rupted state of peace. 
 
 In times of common danger, we have found from recent expe- 
 rience, that union is the great bulwark of our safety. In the midst 
 of surf ounding commotions and ruins, pause then, fellow-citizens, 
 for a moment, and review the motives of your politic*\l conduct, 
 and with the integrity of virtuous freemen, examine the evidence 
 upon which you have founded your political prejudices. 
 
 In the long conflict for power which has engaged the two great 
 political parties in this country, it is evident the great mass of eiec» ^ 
 tors, who would at this time exclude from office federal men, 
 have lost sight of the origin of our political dissensions. 
 
 You now believe that those of your fellow-citizens, who are 
 called federalists, are enemies fo republican liberty, and friends 
 tp an hereditary monarchy. 
 
 But where is your evidence of the fact? There are but two 
 modes of proof, by which we can attest to the sentiments of oth- 
 ers i one of which we derive from their professions, and the other 
 from some overt act, the nature of which clearly evinces to the 
 mind, the principle which must have produced it. 
 
 And has any federalist, whose political opinions have been 
 thought to merit public consideration, ever announced to his fel- 
 low-citizens, in any communication of his political sentiments, 
 either public or private, his predilection to a monarchy, or hi» 
 attachment to the British nation ? If so, who was that federalist? 
 when and on what occasion, and to whom was such a communica. 
 tion made ? If there had been one such instance of republican 
 degeneracy, would not the fact admit of proof, and the evidence 
 have been distinctly announced to the public through the medium 
 
of the press \ But no such evidence has ever been exhibited, lor 
 this plain rciison, that it never did exist. But on the contrary, 
 whenever the sentiments of federalists on this subject have bceo 
 disclosed, they have invariably evinced a strong predilection to 
 our republican constitution as the only form of government which 
 could best promote the happiness of the people. 
 
 Fisher Ames, whose character for political science, and pure 
 morality, stands unrivalled in our history, about ten years ago 
 wrote a dissertation on the " Dangers of American Liberty,'* and 
 sent it to a friend for his perusal, who returned it with an expec* 
 tatibii that it would have been published at that time. In that in- 
 teresting work we find the following remarks which cannot be 
 thought impertinent to our present object. 
 
 "This is certain, the body of the federalists were always and 
 yet are essentially democratic in their political notions, The truth 
 Is, the American nation, with ideas and prejudices wholly demo- 
 cratic, undertook to frame, and expected tranquilly and with en- 
 ergy and success, to administer a republican government. It is^ 
 and ever has been my belief, that the federal constitution was as 
 good or very nearly as good as our country could bear; that the 
 attempt to introduce a mixed monarchy was never thought of, 
 and would have failed if it had been made ; and could have pro^ 
 ved only an inveterate curse to the nation if it had been adopted 
 cheertully, and even unanimouslyby the people," The manu- 
 script which contained these remarks, remained in the possession 
 of Mr. Ames about three years, and until his death ; which clear- 
 ly shows that he had no anxiety that it should have been publish- 
 ed. That great and good man who had no enemies but what were 
 created by party influence, never indeet believed it was necessa^ 
 ry, or yh% c^wty of ps^triotism, to use % single argument througl - 
 
the whole of his writings, to convince the people that the federal- 
 ists were friends to republican liberty: and thought as he expres- 
 sed himself, tliat the assertions to the coiitrary were « impudent 
 falsehoods,*' made only to gull the unsuspecting freemen out of 
 their confidence in fcdei*al men. 
 
 It is a fact, that since the commencement of our political dis- 
 sensions, only two men have been designated among the whole 
 body of federalists, as having publicly announced sentiments fa- 
 vorable to a monarchical government. 
 
 One of these, and the first, who was denounced as one, whose 
 sentiments had a dangerous influence was John Adams, late Pre- 
 sident of the United States. — When I say he was the first, I speak 
 in the language of those citizei-»s who have been deceived with re- 
 spect to the origin of our political dissensions. If truth can pre- 
 Tail over falsehood and prejudice, and they will hear it — it will 
 convince them that the opposers of federalism, directed their first 
 efforts against Washington and his policy. But so uncliiangeable 
 was the confidence, of the great body of the people in his talents 
 and his character, l^th as a hero and statesman, such their un- 
 bounded admiration of his wisdom, his virtue and disinterested 
 patriotism, that the torrent of calumny and abuse, which issued 
 from the democratic presses at that time, against him and his po- 
 licy, had no effect, in withdrawing the confidence of the peopld 
 iVom the man on whom they had rested their hopes through the 
 trying stenes of the revolution. 
 
 It wotjk! nave been indeed an Herculean task, to have destroy- 
 ed the credit of an administration over which Washington presid- 
 ed. It uuRt indeed have been a work of much time, and have 
 required arrangements, difficult in their execution, to operate 
 
19 
 
 with success against an administration, which commenced under 
 the most flattering auspices, and which had inspired our citizens 
 with the most flattering hopes. 
 
 A considerable time had elapsed, before those papers, which 
 were the vehicles of slander against federal men and measures,- 
 %vere extensively circulated. And those who might have early 
 discovered the calumnies against Washington, must have conclu- 
 ded they were the effect of some invisible and mysterious policy. 
 Slot founded in a disposition hostile to his character or conduct- 
 
 Although that opposition to federalists, which has ended in fix- 
 ing the present inveterate prejudices of our citizens, began with 
 the first operations of the government, certain it is, that the great 
 mass of electors, who by their suffrages support the men now in 
 power, trace the origin of their party prejudices, no farther back 
 than to the administration of Mr. Adams, who it was said, was 
 disposed to extend the influence of his principles botli by his 
 precepts and example ; that he was a dangerous man, because he 
 thought the British constitution better than our own. 
 
 Where is the evidence of this fact to be found ? Did he ever 
 make any declaration, either directly or indirectly, that such were 
 his sentiments ? You have said they were to be found in his wri- 
 tings. 
 
 It will be recollected that after the establishment of our inde- 
 pendence, the people were free to form for themselves, civil con- 
 stitutions, according to their own ideas of liberty, independent of 
 any foreign power. The then thirteen states, therefore chose 
 and established for themselves, constitutions of government, foun- 
 ded on principles similar to that which the United States have 
 
 Ince adopted. 
 
30 
 
 Mr. Turgot, a Frenchman, in a letter* to Dr. Price, acknovv* 
 hedges that he was not satisfied with those constitutions, and ob- 
 serves, that " by most of them, the customs of England were imi- 
 tated, without any particular motive. Instead of collecting all 
 authority into one centre, that of the nation* they have established 
 different bodies— a body of representatives, a council and a gover- 
 nor, because in England, there i? a house of commons, a house of 
 lords, and a king I" Against this attack of Mr. Turgot on the 
 American constitutions, Mr. Adams wrote and published a de- 
 fence ; a defence of those very principles of a republican form of 
 government, which are recognized in our present constitutions. 
 It has been the peculiar province of a few leaders of democracy iu 
 the United States, to discern in this celebrated defence of repub- 
 lican principles, a predilection in the author to an hereditary mo- 
 narchy. This work of Mr. Adams, is now before me, from which 
 it appears that those who have represented his writings-as jproof 
 of his predilection for a monarchy, have either misunderstood, or 
 misrepresented them. The question between Mr. Adams and 
 Mr. Turgot was not whether a republican form of government 
 was preferable to a monarchy, but what form of government was 
 best calculated to secure the duration of republican liberty. Both 
 
 * This letter of Mr. Turgot and the principles contained in it, had beyond 
 a doubt, a great influence on the conduct of the democratic party, in oppo- 
 gin^ the constitution in its present form- "The respective states had in tlifeir 
 constitutions provided, that there should be three departments or branches 
 of the legislature, a governor, senate, and house of representatives, and un- 
 der such constitutions, had formed their political prmciples and habits. lii 
 must be ascribed to French influence, that in forming our present constitu- 
 tion, those who professed an excessive partiality for France, were for abol- 
 ishing theoflSce of chief magistrarc and senate or council. The object of 
 Turgol*s letter was evidently to influence the conduct of the Americans in 
 forming their present constitution. Fi-ench influence is of no recent dat^ in 
 the councils of the nation, 
 
31 
 agreed that the people were the source of all legitimate powi^r, 
 and had a right to choose for themselves, such a form of govern* 
 iTient as they believed would best comport with the great ends of 
 ijs institution. 
 
 Mr. Adams contended in his book against Mr. Turgot's opin« 
 ion, that a chief magistrate, and senate or council, as provided in 
 the American constitutions are indispensable to constitute that 
 equilibrium of power, necessary to secure the rights of the peo- 
 ple in every free state. He believed that the British nation had 
 improved on the science of government, by introducing three se- 
 parate and independent branches into her constitution to support 
 that equilibrium. 
 
 But to prove him a monarchist his writings have been*misquo<« 
 ted, garbled and misconstrued. 
 
 As evidence of his predilection for a monarchy, the following 
 part of a sentence has been often quoted as his sentiment, from 
 the 70th page of the first volume of his Defence : " The Eng- 
 lish constitution is the most stupendcJus fabric of human in- 
 vention.*'* But does this prove that he prefered this stupen- 
 dous fabric to that which the American Convention erected in 
 forming our own constitution ? On the succeeding page of the 
 same volume, Mr. Adams has disclosed his sentiments relative 
 to our republican institutions, in expressions which cannot be 
 mistaken. " They, meaning the Americans, says he, have not 
 made their first magistrates hereditary, nor their senators : here 
 they differ from the English constitution and with great propri- 
 ety. The agrarian in America is divided into the hands of the 
 Common people in every state, in such a manner that nineteen- 
 
 * The whole sentence reads as follows, " I only contend that the EngKsh 
 constitution is in theory, the most stupendous fabric of human invention, 
 boifh ft>r the adjustment of the balance, and the preventioa of its vibratione . 
 
twentieths of the property would be in the hands of the com- 
 mons, let them appoint whom they could for chief magistrate 
 and senators: the sovereignty then in fact, as. well as morality, 
 must re-side in the whole body of the people ; and an hereditary 
 kin^ and nobility, who should not govern according to the pub- 
 lic opinion, would infallibly be tumbled instantly from their pla- 
 ces ; it is not only most prudent then, but absolutely necessary, 
 to avoid continual violence, to give the people a legal, cbnstitu- 
 tional, and peaceable mode of changing their rulers whenever 
 they discover improper principles or dispositions in them.'* In 
 another part of his writings* on this subject, he makes the fol- 
 lowing remarks:—*' It is become a kind of fashion among wri- 
 ters to aflniit as a maxim, that if you could be always sur^ of a 
 wise, active and virtuous prince, monarchy would be the best 
 of governments. But this is so far from being admissible, that 
 it will forever remain true, that a free government has a great 
 advantage over a simple monarchy. The best and wisest prince 
 by means of a freer communication with his people, and the 
 greater opportunities, to collect the best advice from the best of 
 his subjects, would have an eminent advantage in a free state> 
 more than in a monarchy." 
 
 But it is unnecessary to quote farther from his writings, to 
 convince my fellow-citizens, that many of them have been de- 
 ceived with respect to their import. It is true that Mr. Adams 
 like every other man who has any knowledge of the history of 
 republics, well knew that the election of chief magistrate, and 
 other great officers of state, had in every great nation, been at- 
 tended sooner or later, with violence, anarchy and every spc- 
 
 ' Vol. I. p. 8, 
 
cie3 of corruption i and was apprehensive that such mrgKt ^, 
 our misfortune, when it n>ight be necessary to resort to that 
 remedy provicl^i in the constitution, by calling a convention: 
 But even in such an event he exults in. the reftection that " such, 
 a convention may still prevent the first magistrate fromi>ecom? 
 ing absolute as well as hereditary.''* I have quoted some sen- 
 timents of his fi'om his writings, to present to the public view 
 one of those absiird falsehoods, on which that stupendous sys« 
 tern of delusion and prejudice has been erected, by which fed- 
 eral men have been driven from the councils of the nation. 
 
 The truth is, the writings of Mr. Adams have been repre- 
 sented as evidence of his monarchical principles, by those who 
 iiever read them, and who knew nothing of their contents J and 
 thousands have received such representations as truth j and 
 have therefore infered that those who would confide in him i^ 
 execute the important trust of chief magistrate, must have |)eca 
 iUached to the same principles by which he was influenced. 
 
 While he was writing his celebrated Defence of our repulJ-i 
 
 '.can institutions in England, the Convention framed our pre^ 
 
 cnt Constitution, which came to his knowledge, when he was 
 
 -ibout drawing his work to a conclusion : upon which he mad^ 
 
 he following remarks % " It is now in our power to bring this\ 
 
 vrork to a couclusion with unexpected dignity. In the course 
 
 ■'A the last summer, two authorities have appeared, greater than 
 
 ;iny that have been quoted, in which the principles we have/at- 
 
 tempted to defend, have been acknowledged. The firstly aii 
 
 ^)rdinancc of Congress of the 13lh of July, 1787, for the g^V- 
 
 srnment of tl\e Territory of the United States Northwest ^f- 
 
 " ^re Adiim?' Dpfcnce, Vo\. IIL p. 2^. 
 F 
 
thp Ohio; the second is, the feport of the Convention at Fhi 
 iadelphia, of the irth of September, 1787. The former con- 
 federation of the United States was formed upon the model and 
 example of all the confederacies, ancient and modern, in which. 
 Ijie federal council was only a diplomatic body : even the Lycian^ 
 which is thought to have been the best, was no more. The 
 magnitude of territory, the population, the wealth and com- 
 merce, and especially the rapid growth of the United States 
 have shewji such a government to be inadequate to their wants; 
 and the new system, which seems admirably calculated to unite 
 their interests and a5*ections, and bring them to an uniformity 
 of principles and sentiments, is equally well combined to unite 
 their wills and forces as a single nation. A result of accom- 
 modation cannot be supposed to reach the ideas of perfection 
 of any one ; but tlkC conception of such an idea, and the delib- 
 erate union o£ so, great and various a people in such a plan, is, 
 without all partiality or jirejudice, if not the greatest exertion 
 of human understanding, the greatest single effort of national 
 deliberation that the world has ever seen. That it may be im 
 proved is not to be doubted, and provision is made for that 
 purpose, in the report itself. A people who couM conceive, 
 and can adopt it, we need not fear will be able to amend it, 
 when by experience, its inconveniences and imperfections shall' 
 Ijie seen and felt " 
 
 Thus end tke writings, oi- IM-v. Adams, with the strongest 
 expressions of his approbation of that very constitution which 
 he was accused of wishing to subvci t.* Because he had dis,- 
 
 * It is a well known fact, that i'.ncc Mi'. Ad.irns has expressed some 
 Qpinions m favoiu' of the late measures of the present adminisiraticn, tlie 
 repubiiccvns hiive spoken of his politiciil c!:aracter in x^z strongest tc/msor 
 
-ernment to discover the dangers to which republican iibei:^^ 
 v/as exposed, and had wisdom to point us to a remedy, he has 
 Loen denounced as an enemy to republics. 
 
 The delusion which has been practised upon the honest frec» 
 raen of this country respecting the political principles of Mr. 
 Adams, may yet convince them that if they would preservfe 
 their rights, they must become their own guardians, and not 
 trust to a constitution written on paper .• nor to-a blind confidence 
 in men whose title to patriotism is evidenced only by their 
 professiotis. 
 
 Perhaps no one thing has had more agency in effecting that 
 chan^ge ©f men and measures in this country, by which the 
 pres^ent policy was introduced, than the pre valency of an opin 
 ion among the people, that Mr. Adams was hostile in his prin- 
 ciples to republican liberty, and that he hoped by the influence 
 df his measures, gradually to undermine our republican insti- 
 Hitions, antl erect on their ruins, a monarchy. 
 
 What man is there then, among us, who believes that wis- 
 dom and virtue are essential requisites, to support and perpet* 
 rate the privileges of a free coustituticn, who has not reason tc 
 be alarmed for the existence of our own ? 
 
 When it is considered that in this enlightened age, and in 
 this free republic, where the means of correct information arc 
 as well provided, as the condition of man, and the course of hu» 
 man affairs will admit ; even here it is found on a review of our 
 political state, that a large portion of the honest freemen, have 
 
 approbation : which proves that they never had any apprehension as they 
 pretended, from the dangerous influence of his monarchical principles, for 
 they mrkc no pretcriSion that these have hi any degree changed. Let a maw 
 approve of the conduct of the men in power, ?jid there is no danger of bis 
 •:re<1Uection fov a iTvOnarchy ; he is orlliodox. 
 
Aji the great concerns, which relate to the securrty fcf their dear- 
 est nght5> acted under the influence of as absurd and barefaced 
 falsehoods as were ever in>posed on the wretched and degraded 
 votaries of despotic power. And that those who have been the 
 giuthors of sQch falsehoods, and who have given them currency, 
 Vith the seal of enthusiasts, and tire malignity of fiends, have 
 'thereby become the guardians of our rights, and the disposers 
 of our national wealth, and fortunes 1 1 I 
 
 Men ^ho to acquire power would violate the truth, and si- 
 lence the voice of reason, will never fail to tyrannize and oppress 
 whenever they can do it with impunity. 
 
 Mr. Adams has remarked in his book, dh the subject of cor- 
 i-upt elections, that '' mankind have universally discovered that 
 'chance ^as preferable to a corrupt choice, and have trusted 
 providence Yather than themselves." And this, mankind aUvayis 
 Vill discover Tor this very obvious reason, that chance may 
 sofnetinies do that Torus which is best c whereas a corrupt choice 
 i^nust inevitably do that for us v/hich is worst. 
 
 But we hope and believe that the public morals are not yet 
 ■so far corrupted, that we have no longer any ground to hope, 
 chat olir elections may yet be restored to their original purity, 
 
 ff reasoV. and truth will riot convince us, our misfortunes may, 
 1:hat if we suffer ourselves to be deceived in the choice of our 
 rulefs, we shall have to pay for our folly, by a surrender of our 
 property and our rights. 
 
 Ale:j!:afid€r Hamilton whose name « would have honored Greece 
 ^n ^h^ ftge of Aristides," has been also designated from among 
 tHc federal larik? as a monarchist, and as having possessed prin- 
 '<" b!€s liostile to republican liberty, His enemies haveiittempted 
 
if 
 
 to adduce proofs of this from remarks he made -while a mcinb^r' 
 of the convention ■which framed our present constitutiot]. Dur- 
 ing the debates on that occasion he expressed opinions in favour 
 of a system of government which should render the executive 
 and senate, though elective, more permanent than they are by 
 •iiie constitution which was finally adopted by the people. Bi:t it 
 is not known that he ever escplained the extent of the duration 
 which he would have fixed upon for those depanmenfs. His ene» 
 mies have said that he would have had the president and senate 
 ]^old their offices during good behaviour. And this is the high- 
 est accusation that even his enemies have raised against him. 
 iBut even this is not true, and if it had been, it wou'd prove no- 
 thing of his predilection for a monarchy. It is well kn^.vn tha^t 
 he afterwards supported the constitution, as framed, with great 
 ability, and contributed esseutiaily to its adoption. 
 
 He migiit without the spirit of prophecy, have looked forward 
 to such a state of things as now exists : when it mii^ht oecom-e 
 :necessary that Congress shoukl possess the power more effectu- 
 ally of controuling the sovcveignties and commanding tne resour^ 
 cCs of the respective states. 
 
 There was a gjeat diversity of opinior* among tne inemoers of 
 the Convention respecting the extent and duration of the power 
 ■which should be vested in the chief magistrc t', and the senate. 
 The leaders of those who advocated these opuuon'^ were Mi\ 
 Hamilton and Mr. Jcffersono 
 
 %j°' To the difference of opinionj* which arose on this sub= 
 
 * It is not necessary to trace the ciAises oi cur polrtical futsensions far- 
 ther than to that difference of opinion bexv/een Mr, Hatti^U;!'-aM'. '^.'ir. Jef- 
 fisrson, on the subject of the constitution : to sLow the Ciigiii v/^ the two 
 parties which ^^ distinguished by ths names oi fedwai and repubkcar*; 
 
38 
 
 Ject, may be distinctly traced the organization of those tw© par* 
 ties called federal and republican, which have since agitated an^ 
 shaken the foundations of our republic to its centre. 
 
 The animosity, which might have been created on that occasion, 
 ought not to have survived the adoption of the constitution. For 
 it vas finally unanimously adopted by the convention, and the irf« 
 strument itself inclosed in a letter signed by the president : in 
 which, he remarked that the « constitution was the result of a 
 spiritof amity and of that mutual deference and concession, which 
 the peculiarity of their political situation rendered indispensable*, 
 that it will meet the full and entire approbation of every State is 
 rot to be expected : but each will doubtless consider, that had 
 her interest been alone consulted the consequences might have 
 been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others : that it is as 
 liable to as few exceptions as could have been reasonably expect- 
 ed, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare 
 of thst country so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and hap- 
 Direus, la our most ardent wish." 
 
 T h^vp: rr -ntioned this hap,py result of the convention to show 
 •a ij.tcry motives by which the members of that body, 
 
 appear to j ave been Actuated, were siicli, that they ought not, 
 t i'-' . 'J d sound policy, or any principle of real patriotism 
 for a ivicmeDt admit, that they should ever after, have been ar- 
 raigned at the "bar of public opinion. Yet notwithstanding the 
 
 ?.nd to show that tJie prejudices which were soon after excited against the 
 ff derahsls were founded entirely in falsehood and delusion. The origin of 
 o'.r dissensions may be traced to a disposition which was apparent among 
 the people soon after the termination of the revolutionary war. It is hoped 
 th;.t a full view of this important subject may yet be presented to the peo- 
 ple of the United States, before the errors which result from mistaken con- 
 ceptions of our political state shall prodace evils remediless r.nd fata! lo r-: 
 publican liberty. 
 
Jwppy result of the convention, and the subsequent adoption of 
 the constitution ; immediately after the organization of our go°, 
 vernment under President W^hington— a party made its appear- 
 ance in Congress, and uniformly opposed almost every measure 
 of great national concern ; and from the opinions of Mr. Hamil- 
 ton on the subject of the constitution, attempted to adduce argu- 
 ments, to prove that both Hamilton himself, and the advocatcji 
 for his policy, were influenced by monarchichal principles. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton, it is true, openly avowed the opinion, that tho 
 j>Teates.t danger, to which the constitution was exposed, arose 
 from its imbecility ; and that our liberty had more to fear from 
 the encroachments of the great states, than from those of the 
 j^eneral government. In the event of a foreign war which we 
 now experience, he doubtless believed, that those states which 
 might not approve of the policy which produced it, would not 
 render those essential aids, which migjht be necessary to insur* 
 its success:, and it is not impossible but that he might have pre- 
 ferred a constitution which would vest in Congress that power ty 
 command the military forces of the respective states, which they 
 have attempted to exercise in the present war, without ajiy au- 
 thority derived from the constitution. But while a member c£ 
 the convention, or on any other occasion, it is not known, that he 
 ever expressed a sentiment which evinced his predilection for an 
 hereditary government, or ^tttachment to the British nation 
 Those thousands of republicans who knew his transcendant worth 
 and had seen and fislt the influence of his wisdom and beneyolenccj 
 witnessed their love and admiration, of his personal virtue, and 
 excellence, in the effusions of their indignation against the base 
 author of his final catastrophe, and the profound respect, witi. 
 TrVhich they paid their last sad honors to his remain? 
 
4G, 
 
 Itjs true that distin^^uished men of both political parties, havt, 
 in privatf" conversation, ejfpressed their apprehensions that our. 
 repubiir an constitution would not long endure the attacks of fac= 
 tlon, of passion, of vice, and error. And such expressions when 
 utterred by federalists, have been construed into principles, and 
 represented as proofs, of a disposition to phange our government 
 for a nionarchy. 
 
 During the presidency of Mr. Jefferson, the writer of this ad- 
 dress well recollects, that Mr. Granger, late post-raaster gene- 
 ral, in a conversation relating to the dangers of republican liber 
 ty, remarked, that he did not think the period very remote, when 
 a despotic government would he established on the ruins of cur 
 republic. But that gentleman like all others, who have made 
 similar remarks, doubtless founded his opinion on his knowledge 
 of political events, the nature of man, and the usual course, ancl 
 fate of republics. But the man who would receive such opinions 
 as proofs of a predilection for a monarchy, cannot be competent 
 to exercise the right of suffrage. 
 
 Attempts are not made to practise imposition, relative to thi- 
 subject, on those who know the history of our political concern'^ 
 Mr. Jefferson at the time of his inauguration, must have known, 
 that many of the freemen throughout the Union, had receivedi 
 false impressions, respectliig the motives and principles of fede- 
 ral men. But surrounded as he was, at that time, by the officers 
 of government, and others distinguished for political science, he 
 "would not risque his reputation, by making a false discrimination 
 between the political principles of those who were his advocates 
 andopposers. A sense of the dignity and high responsibility at- 
 tached to ^be characters of those who are pbced at the head of 
 
4i 
 
 the respective departments, and who in reality direct the desti- 
 nies of our country, presents a motive too vast, too irresistible, to 
 admit the supposition that they could prevaricate in announcing 
 facts, which are to constitute a public and official document. On 
 that occasion he announced to the public and to the world the 
 truth, when he said we have called by different names, brethren of 
 the same principle. « We are all republicans, we are all fedei 
 ralists." And again, recall to your recollection fellow-citizlns, 
 his farther remarks on that occasion. « Let us then" said he,, 
 " with courage and confidence pursue our own federal and repub- 
 lican principles.** 
 
 Had a suggestion escaped him that his political 6pponents had 
 a predilection for the British government, he knew too well, the 
 ridicule and contempt to which it would have exposed him. No, 
 fellow-citizens, it is not known that Mr. Jefferson himself ever 
 pretended to any one, that a difference of opinion with respect to 
 the choice of a government, was the origin of our political dissen- 
 sions. But he well knew that great numbers of the freemen had 
 been duped by political quacks and impostors, into a belief, that 
 federalists were attached to monarchical principles ; and that to 
 those fals'e prejudices he owed his elevation. 
 
 Had he believed that certain influential leaders of the federals 
 ists, entertained principles opposed to our republican form of go- 
 vernment, and to the uuion of the States, it would have been his du- 
 ty to have publicly announced this information to Congress, and 
 to have warned the people to avoid the influence of such men, and 
 denounced them as dangerous citizens. But although such a 
 measure might have been highly gratifying to the deluded vota- 
 ries-of his power, it would have excited among the people a call 
 
on him for his proofs of the existence of such principles. The 
 
 republican chief was not to be caught in such a dilemma. The 
 
 triumphs of delusion, over truth and reason, were not thus to be 
 
 » 
 defeated^ 
 
 Let it not be forgotten, thai after every effort had been made 
 by the friends of Mr. Jefferson, which cunning or hypocrisy could 
 devise, to establish in tlie public mind a difference between the 
 principles of those who were called federalists and republicans, in 
 favour of the latter, the first act of his administration was to de- 
 clare, there was no difference. 
 
 For this act of treachery towards his copatriots, it was thought 
 at that time he might be justified, even in dispensing with the old 
 maxim, " honor among thieves," when he thereby excited such 
 flattering hopes of his intention to break down that spirit of party? 
 which had disgraced the country, and threatened the ruin of her 
 interests and happiness. But subsequent events soon taught us, 
 that the man who owed his elevation to dissensions among the 
 people, was not destined to unite them. 
 
 I have presented to your view the evidence that has been ex- 
 hibited to the public, to prove from the writings or declarations 
 of John Adams and Alexander Hamilton, that they were monar- 
 chists. 
 
 And do you, as you pretend, believe in the political character 
 and policy of Washington ? Then let me tell you that he never, 
 on any occasion, on which it was proper for him to notice their 
 principles or measures, neglected to give them his entire approba« 
 tion and perfect confidence. Mr. Hamilton, after having been falsely- 
 accused by the repubrtean party, of accumulating great wealth by 
 illicit means, was finally urged by necessity, to resign the office of 
 
43 
 
 Secretary, which he held under Washington ; having spent in the 
 public service a great part of the fruits of his former labours. 
 
 Mr. Adams, at the end of his presidential term, retired at the 
 request of the republicans, to make room for Mr. Jefferson, who 
 at that time declared the government was in the full tide of sue* 
 cessful experiment : And I need not tell you, it is now overwhel. 
 nied with suffering and disgrace. 
 
 Towards the close of the presidential term of Mr. Adams, the 
 views which Washington had at that time of his measures, and 
 the political state of the country as it respected our relations with 
 France, are concisely stated in a letter addressed by him to Mr. 
 Adams, of which the following is an extract : — 
 
 << It was not possible forme to remain ignorant of, or indifferent 
 to recent transactions. The conduct of the directory of France 
 towards our country ; their insidious hostility to its government ; 
 their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people 
 fi-om it ; the evident tendency of their arts and those of their 
 agents, to countenance and invigorate opposition ; their disregard 
 of solemn treaties and the laws of nations ; their war upon our 
 defenceless commerce ; their treatment of our ministers of peace 
 and their demand, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in 
 tne sentiments corresponding with those my countrymen have so 
 generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. Be<^ 
 lieve me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and 
 prudent measures of your administration. They ought to inspire 
 universal confidence." 
 
 Yet that party who assumed the name of republican, that party 
 which Washington called the French party, and which he said 
 were the curse of this country,, and the source of all the evils it 
 
44 
 
 had to encounter ;* liad it seems withdr?iwn their confidence from 
 Mr. Adams, and the measures of his administration, and denoun- 
 ced them as hostile to republican liberty. And your republican 
 leaders, even to this time, would have you believe, that your pre- 
 judices against federal men commenced with the administration 
 of Mr. Adams. 
 
 But let the voice of reason and truth be heard. You havB 
 been deceived; you was jealous of your liberty ; in an unguarded 
 moment you yielded to the dominion of passion; y< u did not con- 
 sider the fatal tendency of ill founded prejudices; and you have 
 arraigned and condemned the poliiical characters and principles 
 of a great portion of your fellow citizens, against reason, truth and 
 justice. 
 
 I have observed, that there are but two modes of proof by which 
 we can attest to the sentiments of others, either by their profes- 
 sions or some overt act, the nature of which clearly evinces to 
 the mind the principle which must have produced it. But feder- 
 alists from the greatest to the least, profess a strong predilection 
 
 * " The following extract of a letter from General Washington to Charles 
 Carrol of Maryland, dated Mount-Vernon, August 2d, 1798, several months 
 after passing all those laws, which seem so obnoxious to the party now in 
 power, will show wliat right they have to claim any advantage from the po- 
 pularity of his name." 
 
 "Although,'* sa}s Gen. Washington, "I higlily approve of tlie measures 
 taken by the government, to place this country in a posture of defence, and 
 even v.'isji they had hcen more energetic, and shall be ready to obey its call, 
 undei' the reservations I have made, v/henevcr it is made : yet I am not with- 
 out hope, mad and intoxicated as the French are, that they will pause before 
 they take tlie last step. That they have been deceived in their calculations 
 on the division of the people, and the powerful support they expect from 
 their party, is reduced to a certainty, though it is somewhat equivocal still, 
 whedier THAT PARTY who have been THR CURSE OF 1 HIS COUN- 
 TRY and the SOURCii OF IHE EXPENSES WE HAVE TO ENCOUN^ 
 TER, may not be able to continue THEIR DELUSlON.—WIuit a pity :t 
 Tj the expense could not be taxed upon tlicm,'" 
 
45 
 
 {or our republican constitution ; they say they are republicans, one 
 and all, and Mr. Jefferson has also said the same, and nothing 
 they have ever said or written, which has ever come to the know- 
 ledge of the public, has furnished any evidence to the contrary. 
 
 And here permit jme to ask you, who claim the exclusive title 
 to the appellation of republican, what other proofs have you to 
 evince to the mind the republicanism of your principles, than 
 your professions ? 
 
 Were you to reason with an ancient christian on this subject, 
 he would probably say to you ; shew me your principles without 
 your works, and I will shew you my principles by my works. If 
 it would not^ive offence in this enlightened age, to ask the same 
 question, the answer would be the same now as then. Principles 
 are not of themselves objects of vision, but fundarnental truths, 
 which exist in the mind, and are the source from which actions 
 are produced. It is impossible therefore to show to the world 
 that your principles are republican, except by measures, which 
 are the natural result and effect of such principles; unless the 
 name republican is to be considered as evidence of the principles 
 of him who is pleased to assume the appellation. 
 
 This kind of proof however will not pass current unless it k> 
 among mad men and ideots. 
 
 It reminds one of the limner who before he exhibited his pic. 
 turcs to public view, took care to designate the respective an= 
 imals which he would represent, by writing directly over each 
 •ne its proper name, that the spectator might not mistake the 
 lion for the lamb. If the artist wanted either skill or disposition to 
 exhibit any other evidence of the nature of the animal he would 
 represent than the name, he was blameless, provided he taxed the. 
 people nothing for his exhibition. 
 
46 
 
 Should this be considered a digression from the subject, I hope 
 it will be pardoned; for I confess I feel an irresistible inclination 
 to treat the subject of distinguishing political principles by names, 
 with contemptuous levity. If names are hereafter to be admitted 
 as evidence of principles, I would beg leave to suggest a mea- 
 sure of convenience to prevent mistakes in future. Let Mr. Mad- 
 ison appoint one or more persons in each county throughout the 
 union, whose business it shall be to go about and investigate the 
 qualifications of those who shaU assume the name of republican, 
 and baptize them only, who shall be found orthodox, in the name 
 of the God of liberty and equality ; who shall thereupon be enti- 
 tied to a red cap with the word republican, written in large capi- 
 tals on the front, to be provided at the expense of the govern- 
 ment, and direct that i. shall be worn on all days of election. This 
 would have a tendency to exclude impostors from assuming that 
 honorable title, and enable the people thereby to discern and duly 
 appreciate their real friends. Should such a regulation take 
 place, there would still be found a great number of citizens, who 
 although they profess their attachment to republican principles, 
 vet do not claim an exclusive title to that appellation, and there- 
 fore would not be entitled to the red cap. They believe that men 
 who are governed by certain principles, may be designated by a 
 ■particular name, but that name constitutes no kind of evidence 
 that such principles do exist. 
 
 I should not have made these remarks, was it not evident, tlmt 
 the plainest dictates of reason and common sense, have been dis, 
 regarded, in making political discriminations among our citizens. 
 It is time to look about us, and examine the evidence which has 
 given to names a magic influence, which in the old world has 
 
47 
 
 overwhelmed courts and cabinets and churches, and in our own 
 country, has dissolved the endearing ties, which bind together so- 
 ciety, and bless the condition of man : and like the horrid din of the 
 tocsin, arrayed the fiends of misguided passion, against the laws 
 of heaven and nature, and would erect for its votaries, a throne 
 on the ruins of liberty. 
 
 If those who are called republicans have no other or greater 
 evidence, by which they can prove themselves to be the friends of 
 our constitution and republican liberty, our party distinctions 
 at once are at an end; and the only inquiry respecting the 
 qualifications of candidates for office will in future relate only to 
 their wisdom and integrity, and not the insignificancy of a name. 
 
 If then political names do not furnish any evidence whatever, 
 that the principles they are designed to designate do in fact exist ; 
 it follows of course that the man who assumes upon himself the 
 name of republican, is entitled to no confidence in his attachment 
 to an elective government by virtue of his name. Neither docs 
 the appellationof federalist, furnish any evidence whatever, that 
 he who is called by that name, is under the influence of monarchi- 
 cal principles. And as to the professions of men, if they are to 
 be admitted as proofs of their principles: federalists have equal 
 and the same evidence that they are attached to an elective govern- 
 ment, as those who are called republicans. But the truth is, the 
 professions of men respecting their principles can no farther be 
 admitted as competent evidence to prove what are their real 
 principles, than their actions which result therefrom, correspond 
 with their professions. 
 
 If then you would form correct opinions respecting the political 
 sentiments of your fellow-citizens, you must derive your evidence 
 Tram a pure source ; from some overt act, some political measure 
 
4S 
 
 the nature of which clearly evinces to the mmd the principle 
 which must have produced it. 
 
 It will be recollected that although the members of the Con*- 
 vention which framed our constitution, were divided in opinion 
 on the subject of ihe constitution, it was finally unanimously 
 adopted. But Mr. Hamilton or any others who might at that 
 time have had objections to the constitution similar to those 
 which he had suggested, did not suppose after it was adopted, 
 they could be justified in making that instrument which had be- 
 come the great bulwiirk of our liberties, auy longer a subject of 
 political dissension. They were, and continued to be, its firm 
 and uniform supporters. 
 
 But there was a party throughout the United States who were" 
 opposed to the constitution even in its present form : they would 
 have had neither a chief magistrate cr senate, but the whole 
 legislative body to consist of an assembly of representatives 
 similar to that which was established iv. France afier the de- 
 struction of their monarchy. This party had charged the ad- 
 vocates of our present constitution with a desire to establish a 
 monarchy on the. ruins of republican liberty: and the constitu- 
 tion itself it was alledged, contained principles which would 
 prove the truth of this charge. 
 
 The leaders of that party had therefore been ready from the 
 instant the government came into operation, to discover m all 
 its measures, those monarchical tendencies, which they had 
 perceived in the instrument they opposed.* They insisted that 
 the constitution bore a strong resemblance to that of Grcu" 
 Britain : and that some of the first measures of the 5un;u 
 
 • ^- Mur^liair i TAR' of Washbg^vo?., Vol. V. p. SoC 
 
tiQii, also \^cl'C ioundfcl in a policy similar to that wliich tha; 
 country had adopted. By refering to the Journals of the Con- 
 ventions of the respective States, vhich weve called to discuss 
 the merits of the constitution, and to reject or adopt it, ^it will 
 be found, that those very men throughout the United States, 
 who were opposed to the adoption of th'e constitution, were the 
 men who commenced the opposition to the administration of 
 Washington. 
 
 The first great and principal leader of that opposition was 
 Thomas Jefferson, then Secretary of State, And between him 
 and Alexander Hamilton who was then Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury, there was a difference of opinion on those great national 
 questions, the decision of which completed the organization of 
 those two parties which at this time are agitating and confound- 
 ing the councils of the republic. 
 
 Mr. Hamilton in pursuance of the duty pertaining to his of- 
 fice, digested and reported various plans for establishing the 
 credit of the United States, by providing for the payment of the 
 public debt. These were approved of by Washington and a 
 great majority of his administration, and passed into laws, and 
 constituted what was called the Funding System, similar in somf^ 
 respects to that which existed in Great-Britain. 
 
 It should here be recollected that our ancestors who establish- 
 ed for us our republican institutions, derived all their science 
 in the policy of legislation from Great-Britain. 
 ^ In that country, as in others on the eastern continent, the bu= 
 siness of taxation has been practised in almost every possi- 
 ble ferm, no one of which ever did, or ever will give entire 
 -iatisfaction, in that or any other country> But it could not b& 
 
 Q 
 
50 
 *i_Kpccled that a syatero of taxation could ever be devisea in the 
 United States, which would not bear some strong resemblance 
 to those of Great-Britain. It is not necessary therefore Lo at- 
 :tcmpt an investigation of the nature or effects of those laws, to 
 show that no evidence whatever could be derived from them, 
 which could in any way evince a disposition in the authors, fa- 
 vourable to a monarchy, or to the British nation. If in a free 
 state laws are made whicli are unequal in their operations and 
 unnecessarily burdensome to the people, such laws may fur- 
 nish evidence that the authors of them are destitute either of 
 talents or integrity ; but the most devoted partizan, the most 
 jealous guardian of our liberties, could never believe, that such 
 laws of themselves, could furnish any proof, that the author?. 
 of them were monarchists or enemies to republican liberty ; 
 the idea is too absurd to admit of any consideration. 
 
 But the opposers of the administration, at that time, arraign- 
 ed and condemned at the bar of public opinion all those mea» 
 sures which had originated with the Secretary of the Treasury, 
 as well as many others of great national concern, alf which 
 ■were finally adopted, with the entire approbation of Washings 
 
 ton. 
 
 The authors of these measures were censured, because they, 
 m the first place, bad been instrumental in forming a constitu- 
 tion, which it was said must have been the result of monarchi- 
 cal principles, from the resemblance it had to the British con- 
 atiiution : alleging that similar powers were vested in the Pre- 
 sident, Senate and House of R ^presentatives, to those which 
 by tlie British constitution were vested in the King, Lords and 
 Commons. 
 
 There was perhaps no measure of Washington's admini&tra- 
 
.ion more pointedly and strenuously opposed than the fundir^ 
 ay stem, by which provision was made for payment of the pub- 
 lic debt which had accrued during the revolutionary war. The 
 republican party contended that the funding system furnished 
 conclusive evidence that the authors of it were actuated by mo* 
 narchical principles, and British influence ; because in Great 
 Britain they have a funding system, and the government of 
 Great Britain is a monarchy. And because our federal rulers 
 established a funding system, they must therefore have been 
 attached to a monarchy. But it was contended that this mea« 
 sure war> also founded in bad policy. The original creditors 
 many of them had parted with the certificates which contained 
 the evidence of their respective debts, at a great deduction from 
 the nominal value : and it was said those creditors had thereby 
 aianifested their willingness to add to their other sacrifices this 
 deduction from their demand upon the nation : and therefore 
 the purchasers of that debt, ought not to receive any more than 
 what they had paid the original creditor. 
 
 Those who were in favor of the system contended, that it 
 was subversive of every principle on which public contracts 
 are founded, for a legislative body to diminish a debt the amount 
 of which had been ascertained, and for the payment of which, 
 they considered the property and sacred honor of the peo.- 
 p!e of the United States was pledged. Of the justice or policy 
 of that measure let the people judge : but permit me to remind 
 you that some of those very men who opposed that measure, 
 and many others who have been the firm supporters of their po- 
 licy and power, are at thi« time, purchasing of the poor sol- 
 dier; his claims ©n the government, at prices reduced beiovr 
 
the nominal vuiuc, m proporiion to the pressure of his neces- 
 sity, occasioned by the ruin of that policy which had given to 
 the funding system life and vigor. But it was not these laws 
 only which constituted the funding system, by which the re- 
 publican party, attempted to excite prejudices against Wash- 
 ington and his administration : the opposition was soon direct- 
 ed against almost every measure, and the authors of them ac- 
 cused of being the enemies of rep^iblican liberty. " The sala- 
 ries allowed to public officers, though so low* as not to afford a 
 decent maintenance to those who resided at the seat of govern- 
 ment, were declared to be so enormously high, as clearly to 
 manifest a total disregard of that simplicity and economy, which 
 were the characteristics of republics." 
 
 "The levees of the President, and the evening parties of 
 Mrs. Washington, were said to be imitations of regal institu- 
 tions, designed to accustom the American people to the pomp 
 and manners of European courts. The Indian war they alleged 
 was misconducted and unnecessarily prolonged for the purposes 
 of expending the public money, and of affording a pretext for 
 augmenting the military establishment and increasing the re- 
 venue. All this prodigal waste of the people's money was to 
 keep up the national debt, which united with standing armies 
 and immense revenues, would enable their rulers to rivet the 
 chains which they were secretly forging/'f It was not long 
 
 • The salary of the Secretary of State which was the highest, was three 
 thousand five hundred dollars. Mr. JeflTerson himself patronized the press 
 at that time which denounced federal men for high salaries. — He and his co-r 
 patriots have doubtless', become since convinced of their error, iu that ro 
 spect, as we have heard nothing of that complaint for fourteen years. 
 
 I See Marshall's Lite of Washington, vol 5, p.S50 Sec iilso tlic .Tair- 
 *'als (tnd debater of Congress at that time 
 
53 
 
 After the commencement of Washington's administration, that 
 a clerk in the office of the Secretary of State, became the editor 
 of a certain newspaper, called the National Gazette, which was 
 patronised by Mr. Jefferson, and soon became Ihe vehicle of 
 calumny against the most important measures of the first ad- 
 ministration, and the men who proposed arid supported them. 
 
 It was through the medium of the press only, that the base 
 slanders, the most outrageous abuses of the conduct and cha^ 
 racter of Washington and his policy, came to his knowledge. 
 The republicans have been told millions of times, and they 
 have as often denied, that Washington and his political friends^ 
 were the men against whom the first efforts of democracy were 
 directed. But in this they have been deceived.* Uiey have de- 
 rived the evidence on which are founded tiieir political preju- 
 dices from an impure source. 
 
 So violent and unceasing was tlie opposiuon to the measures 
 of Washington's administration, that he was filled with the 
 most painful sensations for the event. As proof of this fiict, I 
 refer you to a letter* which he addressed to Mr. Jefferson on 
 the 23d day of August, in the third year of his administration, 
 in which he wrote as follows j 
 
 *' How unfortunate and how much is it to be regretted, that 
 while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies 
 and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be harrowing 
 and tearing our vitals. The last to me is the most serious, the 
 most alarming, and the most afflicting of the two ; and without 
 more charity for the opinions of one another, in governmental 
 matters, or some more infallible criterion by v,'hich tlie trutli 
 of speculative opinions, before they have undergone 'e h--.- 
 
 ' ^ceMwshalVs Lifpof Washinj^on, vol 5. n 1.-;" 
 
54 
 
 Qf experience, are to be forejudged, than has yet fallen to the 
 lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not impractica- 
 ble to manage the rcjins of government, or to keep the parts of 
 it together : for if instead of laying our shoulders to the ma~ 
 chine, after measures have been decided on, one pulls this way 
 and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, 
 it must be inevitably torn asunder ; and in my opinion, the fair- 
 est prospect that ever was presented to man, will be lost, per- 
 haps for ever.'* 
 
 But all his endeavours to conciliate the opposition to his mea- 
 sures, were unavailing. On the 2 1st day of July, the next year 
 after the letter of which the above is an extract was written, 
 Washington addressed a letter to Gen. Lee, then Governor of Vir^ 
 ginia, on the subject of the opposition to his administration, which 
 was made through the medium of the press — from which letter 
 the following is an extract : — ^^ The arrows of malevolence, there- 
 fore, however barbed and pointed, can never reach my most vulne- 
 rable part ; tb.ough whilst I am up as a mark, they will be con- 
 tinually aimed at me. The publications inFreneau'sandBache's* 
 papers are outrages on cc.nmon decency; and they progress in 
 that style in proportion as their pieces are treated with contempt 
 and passed over in silence by those, against whom they are di- 
 rected. Their tendency however, is too obvious to be mistaken 
 by men of cool and dispassionate minds, and in my opinion ought 
 to alarm them ; because it is difficult to prescribe bounds to their 
 i^ffect.'* 
 
 Will you ask, how do the calumnies against Washington, and 
 lie measures which he approved, furnish evidence that our pre- 
 
 * Bache was a Clerk in the office of the Secretary of State, and liis p^ipcr 
 patronized by IVTr. Jfffewon. 
 
judices against federal men are ill founded ? In answer to this, ie' 
 me enquire of you, how you came by them ? Through what chan» 
 nel did you derive your evidence that federal men are under the 
 influence of monarchical principles, and therefore dangerous 
 men ? They, as I before observed, have made no professions of 
 such principles. No : they tell you, they prefer an elective gc 
 vernraent ; and to prove it, they refer you to what they have done 
 and suffered to acquire such a government : to their blood and 
 treasure, and that of their fathers and friends, which hr-sbeen free- 
 ly expended in the acquisition : and they tell you they are stilf 
 ready to fight and to die in defence of that Constitution, whicJi by 
 their courage and wisdom they have achieved. They point yow 
 to the field of battle, to which they have flown to victory and to 
 death, that they might repel an invading foe, which your roisera- 
 bl6 policy has brought upon our borders, and which your dastard- 
 ly efforts cannot repel without their aid. 
 
 The question returns then, how came you by your prejudices ? 
 They are not the creatures of a day. That sudden impulse, by 
 which we are led to resist or to oppose another for some suppcp 
 sed offence or intended injury, is the effect of passion. Prejudice 
 is a sentiment or judgment formed without examining the groAinds 
 or evidence necessary to support it. Judgments or sentiments 
 therefore, that are founded in prejudice, can never be considered 
 as any evidence of themselves, that the facts on which they are 
 supposed to be founded do exist. That you entertain prejudices 
 against federal men, you do not deny : and that these prejudices 
 are producing serious evils among us is certainly true ; and it is 
 seriously believed that unless the differences among the people, 
 which have been created by these prejudices, can be reconciled, 
 they will end in the ruin of our republic. 
 
d6 
 
 You are tbereiore, at this alarming crisis, urged by the duty 
 which you'owe to your country and to posterity, to examine the 
 evidence on which your prejudices have been founded. And to 
 this end your attention has been invited to tiie calumniators of 
 Washington and his policy; as the men, from whom, on a revtew 
 of the subject, ypu must be convinced that you have derived the 
 evidence, to which your present prejudices, owe their origin j 
 evidence which will be found on examination, totally incompe- 
 tent, in its very nature, to decide the most unimportant civil 
 
 right. 
 
 Strictures en the administration of government are made 
 through the medium of the press, and through that channel com 
 municated to the people, by those individuals who approve them 
 Those presses which arc established at ihe seat of government, 
 where measures originate, and where it is believed the real vie^vs 
 and principles of their authors are best known, are the first to 
 eivc them currency. Tlic National Gazette to which I have al^ 
 iuded, and other papers became the vehicles of the calumnies 
 Ao-ainst Washington and his administration, soon after the govern- 
 inent went into operation ; and those, or their contents copied in 
 to other papers, were circulated among the people. 
 
 It must therefore be through the medium of democratic papoi's, 
 first published at the seat of government, that you derived your 
 first information, that your liberties had been entrusted with dan- 
 gerous men. This is evident. There is no othcT mode by which 
 the motives, views, and principles of men, so far removed from 
 the great body of the electors as those who reside at the seat of 
 government, couW be communicated. To exteud the circulation 
 of these papers, and thereby communicate what were called re- 
 publican sentiments, a democratic society was formed at Philadel- 
 
pbia, on the SOtli day of May 1793, which was tlie fifth year of 
 Washington's administration, and soon after the arrival of Mr, 
 Genet, the French minister. " Tiiese societies were the resolute 
 champions of ail the encroachments attempted by the agents of 
 the French republic on the government of tlie United States, and 
 the steady defamers of the views and measures of the American 
 executive."* 
 
 By this society a corresponding committee was appointed^ 
 through whom they might communicate with other societies es- 
 tablished on similar principles, throughout the Union. It was 
 through the aid of this society, that the calumniators of Wash- 
 ington and his measures, extended their mfluence to the great 
 body of the people. It was from this source, then, and no other, 
 that you have derived your evidence, that federal men are under 
 a dangerous influence, and Washington himself was never made 
 an exception to the number of those, who we«e marked for pro 
 scription and doomed to exile. 
 
 This is evident, if you believe what he has written on the sub- 
 ject. And of his integrity you never doubted. He was one of 
 those rare characters, whom the temptations of earth could not 
 corrupt, and who by uniting in himself, every virtue, was desiiiued 
 to bless his country by uniting every heart. By a long series of 
 illustrious actions, and by an unrivalled display of disinterested 
 patriotism, that great and good man had so eng ravened himself on 
 the affections of his fellow-citizens, that his very name palsied th^ 
 tongue of slander, and his transcendant influence rendered abo^f 
 tive the efforts of his detractors. 
 
 In that long catalogue of illustrious patriots, heroes and states- 
 men, who have adorned and blessed our country, and who would 
 have honored any age or nation, it was our lot to enjoy one, and 
 v/e have reason to exult in the proud recollection, that among that 
 number, even one could be found, who alone was destined by Hea- 
 ven to command the undivided confidence of his fellow-citizens. 
 Win you ask, who then are his enemies ? he had none. Why 
 then had he traducers I Thousands of our citizens will still indig- 
 nantly answer, he had none : he lived only to bless and serve his 
 country, and died in her service. And could that country raise 
 
 * Marshall's Life of Washingtonj v. 5. p, 427. 
 
 H 
 
iigamat herbeneractor, the voice of delraccion ? Itcoaid. Wasl*- 
 jtn^ton was traduced; by a few indeed, a despicable fe\^' of his 
 fellow-citizens. And had not his hand recorded the evidence of 
 their degeneracy, you never would have believed it. It was re- 
 served for him alone to transmit to us for the benefit of our coun- 
 try, the evidence of the degen-eracy of the c^ge in which we live, 
 as a warning against that fatal system of delusion and falsehood, 
 which he saw was prcparin.c^ to entangle us in the corrupt poji-^ 
 tics of foreign courts, and to enkindle among us the flames of civil 
 discord. 
 
 Notwithstanding every effort wliicli wa-^ mude by President 
 Washington to restore haruKmy and to reconcile his opposers, 
 the democratic party continued with ujiabating zeal, to publish the 
 grossest and most insidious misrepresentations against every act 
 of his administration. In the third year of the second term of his 
 presidency, he evidently discovered that strong sensibility which 
 the unqualified abuse of his opposers could not fail to excitCo 
 In a letter to Mr. Jefferson on this subject, he has the following 
 remarks: — ^" Until the last ^ear or two, I had no conception, that 
 parties would or ever could go the lengths I have been witness 
 to ; nor did I believe until lately, that it was within the bounds of 
 probability — hardly within those of possibility, that while 1 was 
 using my utmost exertions to establish a national character of odr 
 own, independent, as far as our obligations and justice would per- 
 mit, of every nation of the earth ; and wished, by steering a stea- 
 dy course, to preserve this country from the horrors of a deso° 
 lating war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, 
 and subject to the influence of another ; and to prove it that eve- 
 ry act of my administration would be tortured, and the grossest 
 and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made by giving 
 one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated and 
 indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero-— to a no- 
 torious defaulter, or even to a common pick-pocket." 
 
 And who were the men that tortured every act of Washington's 
 administration to prove that he v/as an enemy to France, and sub- 
 ject to the influence of Great-Britain ? They were the mjcn who 
 directed and supported th^ National Gazette and other presses 
 ivhich first denounced federal men : Tl\cy were the ntien from 
 whom you derived your evidence that Mr. Adams and Mr. HamiN 
 
59 
 
 ton were monarchists, and their political friends tories and British 
 partizans. 
 
 You say you believe in the integrity and republican virtue of 
 Washington. Well you may: no one ever doubted of them. 
 For lie appeared to belong to, (if I may be permitted to use the 
 expres'>«on) an higher order of beings t and actuated by motives 
 purely disinterested, and in this respect distmguished from any, 
 and cV€ry otherman whose life has been recorded. 
 
 I well know therefore it must be mortifying to huinan^ride, 
 to be forced to acknowledge that your political prejudices, have 
 been founded on opinions and sentiments, the evidence of which 
 you have derived from the very men who, to bring into discred^ 
 It awd disrepute, his political character and conduct, tortured 
 every act of his administration, to induce the people to believe 
 that he v/as partial to Great -Britain, and an enemy to France, 
 and who to effect their diabolical purpose, have made the most 
 insiduous misrepresentations of his measures, by giving only 
 one side of asubjectj and that too in the most exaggerated and 
 indecent terms. 
 
 But history will be faithful to posterity. And however humil- 
 iating to the pride of Americans^ and to the dignity of man, the 
 truth will be recorded, and transmitted to future generations 
 '.hrough the long annals of ages to come, that the fljimes of 
 CiVIL DISCORD were first enkindled among the people af 
 the United States by the calumniators of Washington. 
 
 But how comes it to pass that these men gained credit among 
 the people, and succeeded in all their efforts to bring into dis- 
 credit federal men and measures, except those which were di- 
 rected against Washington? For they certainly denounced him. 
 and his policy with as much zeal, and apparent pretences to sin- 
 cerity, as they did others ? 
 
 The truth is, with respect to him you could not be deceivedo 
 Your sentiments respecting his political character were im- 
 moveably fixed : you did not, you would not consult the opin- 
 ions of others respecting his integrity— his wisdom, or the pu- 
 rity of his motives. But with respect to others who were the 
 authors of federal measures, you had no other source of in- 
 formation on which you chose to rely for evidence of their pri- 
 vate views and principles, but the declarations of those whoop- 
 po'^ed these measures, or from the nature and effects of their 
 
60 
 
 political conduct. Could you have known that those who first 
 sounded the alarm, and excited your jealousy against federal 
 men and measures, were the very men who were the revilers of 
 Washington, the men who were making the most insidious 
 misrepresentations of him and his views and policy, you cer- 
 tainly would have doubted respecting, either their intogrity of 
 the correctness of their views. You must indeed have held 
 them in disrepute and utter contempt, as men without integrity, 
 without honor, and without correct views of political measures, 
 or you must have discarded Wii^hingion himself, and consider- 
 ed him as no longei entitled to your confidence, your gratitude 
 or your respect. 
 
 The authors of the present policy and its advocates, will at- 
 tempt in vain to acquit themselves of the imputation of having 
 been the political enemies of Washington and instrumental in 
 subverting Iiis policy and discarding his councils. Do they ex- 
 pect it, by saying their political prejudices originated under the 
 administration of Mr. Adams ? But Washington has publicly an- 
 nounced to them and to the world, that he most cordially approv- 
 ed of the wise and prudent measures, as he is pleased to call them, 
 of Mr. Adams' administration, and declared that, in his opinion, 
 they ought to inspire universal confidence. Discard the wisdom 
 and councils of Washington then, and erase them for ever froni 
 the record of your memory ; and to be consistent with yourselves 
 you must be forced to do it ; and tell the world, that federalists 
 lost your confidence, by the vices and errors of their political con- 
 duct, during the presidency of Mr. Adams. In what did their vi- 
 ces and errors consist ? They imposed taxes which were burden- 
 some to the people, and you then said they were unnecessary. 
 But suppose they weie ; the representatives of a majority then 
 thought otherwise. You displaced them and have introduced 
 new men called republicans, who have introduced different mea- 
 sures and a new order of things. Your new men tax the people 
 without measure, and it may almost be said without mercy. You 
 say it is necessary — the minority think otherwise : and it cannot 
 be concealed at this time, that even a majority of the electors are 
 of that opinion, although they may not openly avow it ; and our 
 republican rulers themselves acknowledge that they ha.ve indeed 
 been unfortunate in their policy, but mbhl that, if they have com- 
 
61 
 
 mitted errors, they have been honest ones ; and above all evHs 
 warn you against that of confiding your national concerns to fede- 
 ral men. They remind you of the sedition act, which in contempt 
 of its authors, has been called the gag-law ; and this ought not 
 to be passed over in silence. For in no one measure have the 
 views and principles of federalists been more perverted than in 
 the construction of this law ; and the eifect of that perversion has 
 been extensive and fatal. This was said to have for its object the 
 abridgement of the liberty of speech and of the press ; and every 
 attempt to execute it, was considered as proof of a disposition in- 
 fluenced by the principles of despotic power. The electors were 
 told by their republican leaders, that the object of that law was to 
 prevent the people from exposing the vices and errors of their 
 rulers. Barefaced as this falsehood is, it was, and even to this 
 day is believed by thousands of honest freemen, who never had 
 any knowledge of the law or its object, but what they have deriv- 
 ed from those, whose political efforts were made only to betray, 
 mislead and excite ill founded jealousies, and thereby elevate 
 themselves to power. The object of the act of congress, called 
 ihe sedition act, was so far from abridging the liberty of speech 
 and of the press, that express provision was made in the act, that 
 if any person should be prosecuted for writing or publishing 
 any libel against the goverment, it should be lawful for the 
 person who was so prosecuted, upon trial of the cause, to give 
 in evidence, in his defence, the truth of the matter contained in 
 Ihe publication, charged as a libel : And the jury who should try 
 tlie cause, had a right to determine the law and the fact, under the 
 direction of the court, as in other cases. The act made it crimi- 
 nal to publish any false, scandalous, and malicious writing against 
 the government for the purpose of destroying the confidence of 
 the people in their rulers : and of bringing them into disrepute 
 and contempt ; but prevented no one from speaking, writing and 
 publishing the truth. Since Mr. Jefferson came into office, that 
 law has not been in force ; but the old common law principle lias 
 been adopted in prosecutions for libels against the government 
 which makes it criminal to writb or publish any thing which shall 
 tend to bring the government into discredit and disrepute, how- 
 ever true the facts may be, that are thus written and published. 
 Under the ''>!»ditioft act, the citiacns had perfect liberty to \yr\f(^ «r. 
 
6<; 
 
 publish the truth respecting- their rulers ; but to do the same noNv, 
 by the common law, which is the only rule in such cases, is crim- 
 inal, and exposes those wlio shall do it, to punishment. Plad ihc 
 electors exaiiuned the nature and object of this law before they 
 had condemned it, it would have had no effect in exciting prejudi-' 
 ces against its authors ; and this may be said with truth, respect- 
 ins: all the measures of the federal administration. 
 
 It is evident the people of this country did not duly consider 
 the importance of making every effort to guard against the 
 evils of party dissensions in the infancy of our i-^pubUc. They 
 did not wisely weigh the consequences of creating against any 
 considerable portion of their fellow-citizens, prejudices, which 
 might be interminable in their duration and fatal in their effects. 
 
 Since the dominion of party spirit commenced its progress 
 over the minds of the republicans, they have been apprehensive 
 of no danger but what resulted from the possibility that the per- 
 secuted federalists might eventually prevail in the councils of 
 the nation. Never Was the world cursed with a more fatal or 
 more mysterious delusicd^ than that which has prevailed in this 
 enlightened republic, within the last 25 years. And this has 
 been the result of the abuse of that great bulwark of our liberty; 
 the freedom of speecli and of the press. The most important 
 facts relating to our national concerns have been either conceal- 
 ed, misconstrued or misrepresented. The people were at liber- 
 ty to place their confidence in such men as they chose. They 
 have placed, it is to be feared, a blind confidence in certain fa- 
 vorites who have deceived them, and who still have an interest 
 in continuing^the delusion. In the first slumbers of the revolu- 
 tion, the minds of the people seem to have been prepared for 
 the reception of that fatal system of delusion and falsehood, 
 which at that time was cunningly devised. When our govern- 
 ment first went into operaiiowj a general sentiment inspired our 
 citizens with an unconquerable attachment to an electiire go- 
 vernment, and an abhorrence of monarchy equally strong. The 
 few individuals who opposed the revolution were called tories, 
 were held in contempt and considered by the great body of thfe 
 people as traitors and enemies to their country. 
 
 The war which terminated in 1783 Uad left also in the bosorrts 
 of Americans a strong attachment to France : the services w hich 
 had been rendered us by that country iix our revolutionary 
 
aLiuggic were fresh ia cur vecollection, nnd inspired our citi 
 zcns with sentiments oi afjTection and gratitude. 
 
 But there was a difference of opinion respecting the influence 
 vvhich ought, to be allowed to those sentiments over the politi- 
 cal conduct of the nation. With such evident sentiments of 
 partiality to France and such deep-rooted enmity to Great-Bri- 
 tain, it required all the energy and wisdom of the administra- 
 tion to prevent the nation from inconsiderately precipitating 
 itself into the war which had broken out between those two 
 powers. 
 
 In such a state of the public mind, the ingenuity of man could 
 not have invented a more effectual and fatal excitement of the 
 prejudices and the malignant passions against any of our citi- 
 zens than by inducing the people to believe that they were mo* 
 narchisis, and had a predilection for the British government. 
 
 Soon after the organization of the government, it was found 
 that the opposers of the administratioii were disposed in our 
 commercial regulations, to make discriminations between France 
 and Great Britain in favor of the former ; v,'hiie the whole ca- 
 binet council except Mr. Jefferson ; and also a great majority 
 of congress were of the opinion, that no such discrimination 
 ought to be made — " that trade ought to be guided by the judg- 
 ment of individuals'* — and that it was our duly as a wise i>eople 
 *o adopt the maxim that with respect toother nations, we ought 
 ' in war only to be enemies, in peace, friends." Happily sepa- 
 rated as we are from the belligerents of Europe, by a wide 
 ocean, and having established a government on principles en- 
 tirely different from theirs, and peculiar to our own modes and 
 habits of thinking and acting, it was thought that no considera- 
 tion either of duty or interest would require us to pursue any 
 measure, which should have a tendency to " entangle our peace 
 and prosperity in the toils of European ambition — rivalship — in- 
 terest — humor or caprice." 
 
 Such were the views of the administration, with respect to 
 our relations with Great Britain and France, when the war be- 
 tween those powers commenced. Those men, therefore, who 
 had been for a discrimination in favor of France, were of the 
 opinion, that such were our obligations to that country, wt: could 
 not be 'justified in taking a neutral ^position. But subsequent 
 
64 
 
 events have taught us, how highly we ought to appreciate that 
 policy which saved us from the wretched condition, in which 
 we must inevitably have been involved by an alliance with 
 France, at that time ; or by granting to her those favors for 
 which the opposition contended. Yet no sooner was it known 
 that the administration had determined on a neutral position, 
 and the president had issued his proclamation of neutrality ; 
 than they were denounced as the enemies of republican liberty 
 —the friends of monarchy and the obsequious devotees and das- 
 tardly hirelings of despotism. 
 
 It is evident that no measure could have contributed more to 
 our national prosperity than that neutral policy, to which the 
 federal administration ever inflexibly adhered. Yet this mea^ 
 sure, as well as every effort made by the administration of Wash- 
 ington, to save us from the horrors of a foreign war, were re- 
 presented as the effect of a criminal attachment to Great Bri- 
 tain, and ungrateful hostility to France. 
 
 During the administration of Mr. Adams, the French with- 
 out any pretext of right but what they derived from their des- 
 potic power, indiscriminately captured and destroyed our ves- 
 sels, and would not even condescend to treat with us, unless 
 we would first pay them tribute money, for the privilege of 
 humbly requesting them to desist from plundering our defence- 
 less commerce, and, to add insult to injury ; ordered Mr. Pink- 
 ney, our minister then in Paris, to depart from that city, in 
 forty eight hours. This was tantamount to a declaration of 
 war ; and to defend ourselves against their aggressions, and to 
 redress our wrongs, a few troops were raised. The extraordi- 
 nary expense, which this measure rendered indispensable, was 
 represented by the democratic party as unnecessary and oppres* 
 sive ; and our differences with France at that time, which gave 
 rise to it, were ascribed to an undue attachment to Great Bri- 
 tain, and a disposition hostile to France and to republican liberty. 
 The views which Washington had, at that time, of the war with 
 France are stated in his letter* to Mr. Adams, on his accep- 
 tance of the appointment of commander in chief of the 
 armies. It will be found by an examination of this subject, 
 that our differences with France at that time^ and the evih 
 
 * See his letter page 43 
 
tvhich resulted from them, may be ascribed to the confidence 
 which the French had, in the aid ihcy expected to derive from 
 their party in this country, which was opposed- to the adminis- 
 tration, and to the neutral policy which it had endeavoi'ed to 
 maintain.* 
 
 It is a truth which cannot be concealed, that ever since the 
 first organization of the government, the opposers of federal 
 men and measures, have been disposed to palliate the injuries 
 which have been inflicted upon us by the French, while they 
 have exaggerated those of the British beyond the bounds of rea- 
 son and truth. 
 
 The efforts of both Washington's and Adams' administration 
 were exerted to counteract the effect of this unwise disposition, 
 tending in its consequences to embroil us in foreign contests, 
 and to defeat the great objects of that system of neutral policy, 
 which they had adopted and w ere determined to support. Yet 
 every effort that has been made for this purpose, has been repre- 
 sented as the effect of a dangerous British influence in the coun- 
 cils of the nation. 
 
 In the vast and complicated system of delusion, of intrigue 
 and of falsehood, by which the men in power have gained their 
 ascendency, and created those inveterate prejudices against 
 federal men, the imputation of British influence among them, 
 has had no unimportant effect. That allegation brought against 
 the federalists, with such bare-faced impudence and supported 
 with such persevering obstinacy, however glaring and improb- 
 able the falsehood, has been attended with effects pernicious 
 in the extreme. Like the pestilential mists of Hades, it has 
 blighted into deformity that which was beauteous; it has darken- 
 ed the prospects, and prostrated the energies of our once happy 
 country. It had been the firm resolution of the federal admin- 
 istration not to involve us in a war with cither of the belliger- 
 ents, until all hope of reconciling any differences, which might 
 exist had failed. 
 
 With such views the administration under Mr. Adams, did 
 not commence hostile operations against France, until that gov- 
 ernment had ordered cur minister to depart from that country, 
 under circumstance!s highly insulting to the dignity of ourgov^ 
 •ernmcnt. 
 
 • See "^Va-shin^on's letter to CLoi-Ies Carrol, p- 44. 
 
 I 
 
Tlu'ou;^li tlie wliuie itnn of Washington's administration, 
 Frarxe by her ministers and agents in this country had been 
 indefatigable in her efforts to influence our government to adopt 
 a system of policy partial to her interests. And after the war had 
 broken out between that country and Great Britain, Mr. Genet 
 the French minister, soon after his arrival in the United States 
 evinced his determination to treat this country, as one which was 
 in alliance with his own, and thereby virtually involve us in their 
 contest with Great Britain. 
 
 Immediately after his arrival, even before bein^ recognized 
 by our government as the French minister, " he undertook to 
 authorize the fitting and arming vessels in our ports, enlisting 
 men, and giving commissions to cruise, and commit hostilities on 
 nations with whom the United States were at peace.'* About 
 this time an event took place that places on the record of our 
 history the most conclusive evidence of the falsehood of the asser- 
 tion that the federal administration have been influenced by mo- 
 lives partial to the interest of Great Britain, and of their fixed 
 determination to adhere to that neutral policy which they con> 
 sidered as the surest pledge of our future peace and prosperity. 
 
 A British merchantman called the Little Sarah, had been 
 captured by a French frigate^and brought into the port of Phil- 
 adelphia where she had been armed and equipped as a privateer. 
 Being completely armed and manned, partly by Americans, she 
 was about to sail on a cruize under the name of La Petit Demo - 
 crat. In pursuance of the l^gulations which had been made by 
 the President to prevent the fitting out armed vessels in our 
 ports, Mr. Secretary Dallas was sent to prevail on Mr. Genet to 
 desist from such a proceeding, and thereby prevent the employ- 
 rnent of force to compel an acquiescence in our fixed regulations. 
 On receiving the message he peremptorily refused a compli- 
 ance with the requisition ; and said that if any attempt was made 
 to seize the vessel, she would unquestionably repel force by 
 force. In consequence of this positive refusal to comply, a suf- 
 ficient portion of the militia were ordered out by the governor foy 
 the purpose of taking possession of the vessel; and the case 
 was communicated by him to the executive. The next day- 
 Mr. Jeff*erson waited on Mr. Genet, in the hope of prevailing 
 on him, if not to desist entirely, from the prosecution of his at- 
 tempt, at least to defer it till the arrival of the President, who 
 was then at Mount Vernon. After much outrageous and abusive 
 
<5/ 
 
 language, he concluded by making some remarks which gave 
 to Mr. Jefferson an impression, that the vessel would not sail un- 
 til the arrival of the President. This interview with Mr. Ge^tjet 
 he imparted to governor Mifflin, in consequence of wh^qh he di^ 
 missed the militia. 
 
 Yet notwithstanding the favorable hopes and expectations 
 that had been excited, the Little Democrat sailed before the ar- 
 rival of the President, and before the government could inter- 
 pose its authority, and in contempt of our laws, proceeded on, 
 lier cruize. The President immediately arrived and- eonveneii 
 his cabinet, and while they were deliberating on m.easures pro- 
 per to be taken relating to the Little Democrat,. th<?y: had dqter- 
 niined to retain in pori all vessels equipt as privi^tcers, within 
 our territories by any of the belligerent powers. Among the 
 ships enumerated to be ret£^ined, was the ship Jane, a British 
 armed merchantman, declared by Mr. Genet to be a privateer. 
 An enquiry was made in relation tothisvessel, and it- was found 
 that she had considerably increased her armamen,t, by replacing 
 old gun carriages with nev/ ones, and opening two new port 
 Iioles. The British minister requested that these ^^lerations, 
 might be allowed to remain. But his request was peremptorily 
 rejected ; and in compliance^ with the requisitions of the govern^ 
 iTient, she was restored precisely :to the condition, in which she 
 entered the pori. 
 
 Thus did our goveri>ment, when adnalnistered by (edcral m^n, 
 deal with Great Britain, while tlic mi;w?ster of France insultcd^ 
 the ofncers of our government, and the majesty of the people ,:ij 
 and openly set at defiance, our laws, and regulations, with^ ijiJ^j 
 pui^Iiy. The rulers of. France iiajjg 9jUi«e been changed^ ^but^ 
 'heir policy and their object, \Yhich has been the attainment of 
 universal dominion, has never b^en changed. The same poli- 
 cy!*fihc, same unwarrantable and lawless presiimpti<^, \v,hich 
 clkaixrxtcrizcd that government, whether administered by a na- 
 tibnul Directory era consular cabinet, has marked its progress 
 5Vom the reign of the unfortunate Louis, to that of its impierial 
 tyrant. Neither has the attachment of many of our citizens, to 
 French republicans, in any degree abated. ' The object of a 
 war with England, which should end in the destruction of that 
 government and open the way to universal dominion for the 
 pretended friends of liberty in America and France has never, 
 been abandoned. And may the honest hopes of those who an- 
 
GS 
 
 ticipnte and who would perpetuate the universal dominion of re- 
 publican liberty, not be disappointed. 
 
 But it ever has been found and it is believed, that experience 
 always will teach mankind, that, althouglv by couraj^e they may 
 purchase liberty, yet without wisdom and virtue, its duration 
 cannot be perpetual. 
 
 But has wisdom, has virtue marked the course and proi^ress 
 of our republic thuds' far ? Are our liberties secure, because we 
 possess the power of remaining free ? So thout^ht Greece ; but 
 wfiere are her liberties now ? The Romans also might have 
 been free : but where arc they ? Their freedom too, has perish- 
 ed.*— Frenchmen thought they were free, and that their liber- 
 ties-were immortal :' but where are they ? ask Napoleon: and 
 lio too is a republican ! and once possessed the power of ma- 
 king millions free. Ask Frenchmen: they will tell you, that 
 they have been ruled by successive factions, until the last more 
 powerful than the rest, triumphed by the sword. And do you, 
 Illy fello\V-citiz6r»s, believe, that your republican liberties are 
 secure, because there is wisdom and virtue among the people ? 
 But'haivc our wisest and best citizens, always directed the des- 
 tinies of our country ? it will be acknowledged they have not. 
 
 And it is said, that in a frefe republic, where all enjoy equal 
 rights, those who are less wise and virtuous than others, ought 
 sometimes to participate in the exercise of the sovereign pow- 
 er j and should any evil result from a weak or vicious adminis- 
 tration, we may alwaysiind a remedy, in the good sense of the 
 nation. But suppose the majority of the people are under the 
 absolute dominion of passion and prejudice! neither good 
 bcnse, nor even common sense can prevail — -neither can the 
 voice of truth or reason be heard. While parties exist, the 
 m^jbrity will contend that their vorce is ihe good tsense of- the 
 nation. The Romans boasti^d of their liberties, while they suf- 
 fered' under the despotism of the m6sl despicable tyrants, that 
 evef cursed the condition of 'man. AndCiccro himself, with all- 
 Tils boasted tftlcnts and good sense, pleased the Roman pcoplo 
 by telling them only feix montiis before Octavius overturned the 
 commonwealth, " that it was not possible ior the people of Rome 
 to be slaves, whom the gods had destined to the command of 
 ail nations.'* 
 
 By taking a review of the history of our republic, it will ea- 
 sily be seen whether the wisdom, the virtue, or good sense ^ 
 ihe nation has prevailed thus far over foIly> vice and absurdity. 
 
69 
 
 Some evidence has been adduced in the preceding^ pages, t© 
 show that the charge of British influence against federalists is 
 false and absurd. For proof of this, it might have been sufficient 
 to appeal to the common sense and reason of tiiankind. That 
 the very men, who achieved our independence, and who, in the 
 acquisition of it, had patiently endured the privations and suf- 
 fering's of a long and bloody conflict — who had also made eve- 
 ry eff*ort in their power, to form a constitution of civil govern- 
 ment, agreeable to their own views and wishes, and which was 
 itself the surest pledge for the security of their dearest rights 
 and those of their posterity : that these men should, without 
 any discoverable motives, at once lose their attachment to those 
 principles, which they had so strenuously labored to defend, 
 and become the devoted partizans of that monarchy from which 
 they had solemnly absolved themselves, is contrary to the plain- 
 est dictates of reason and common sense. And yet thousands 
 of our honest citizens have believed, and even yet believe it to 
 be true. 
 
 But in this monstrous tissue of deception and absurdity, who 
 are the witnesses ? The very men who bring forward the accu- 
 sation ; — and it is evident, from subsequent events, that those 
 men had a deep interest in bringing into discredit, those they 
 accused ; that they might, thereby acquire to themselves, the 
 emoluments of office. 
 
 You, fellow-citizens, who have believed, that federalists were 
 monarchists and British partiz^s, have never had any other 
 evidence of the fact, than that which you have derived from 
 the declarations of those who have brought forward the accu- 
 sation. Those who have spread ill founded jealousies and false 
 alarms against the federalists, and thereby enkindled the flames 
 of civil discord among the people to elevate themselves to pow- 
 er, must have been destitute of both wisdom and virtue. You, 
 who haA'e been the honestiind unsuspecting dupes of this gross 
 and fatal delusion, are indeed the subjects of compassion— 
 And it is to you that we would most cheerfully lend our aid in 
 yoxxc attempts to break through the thick, dark cloud of error 
 and falseheod, which has long intercepted your view of the 
 truth ; and which even now threatens with destruction your fair- 
 est hopes and your best interests, in the final extermination of 
 republican liberlf; 
 
For it ii> QU )'uu, icUow-cilizcns, that \vc iciy, foi the, cieva- 
 tion of ir.en to office, who possess wisdom and virtue ; without 
 v/hicl;, it is believed, republican liberty cannot be long perpe- 
 tuated. ,. . 
 
 And can you, on cxainination of the subject, believe that it, 
 i|5 in such men, that you have placed your confidence and con- 
 fided the destinies of your country : You have already. seen 
 from facts, which cannot be doubted and from, evidence, which 
 is irresistible, that the men to whom, by your sufTragcs, you 
 have entrusted the sovereign power, have grossly deceived and 
 v/ickcdly betrayed you. You every day witness the evils, whicn 
 their miserable policy has inflicted on your suflfering,, bleeding 
 country — You see your government, in consequence of that 
 policy, alreadv far advanced in the downward road of fallen re- 
 publics. And can you yet think that these men possess that 
 wisdom and virtue, so necess'ary to the preservation of our 
 safety, and llie perpetuity of our civil institutions ? You must 
 indignantly answer, No, they are not only unworthy of our con- 
 fidence, but they merit our execration. 
 
 That one half of our citizens should array themselves against, 
 the other, and with-the most inveterate prejudices, excited by 
 falsehoods the most improbable and absurd, an^d should reward 
 the authors of those falsehoods by their most unbounded cpnfi-. 
 dencc, in bestov/ing upon them, the first offices of rcspor^sibili- 
 tv and trust, can be ascribed to nothing but tlie power of a 
 delusion, the most mysterious and fatal. Striking is this delu- 
 £>ion in its resen^blancc, and more fatal in its effects^ than that 
 ^vhich doomed to an ignominious death, thv^ wretched iuhabj- 
 tants of Saleni, for the supposed crime, of w^tqhcraft., It,>yili 
 doubtless be recollected by some Of cur, reader^, tha.tii) an.e^r-, 
 iy.pericd of our history, .'soil^e of the, good people,p,fr,^ale|3^^ 
 in the then colony of Massachusetts, discgyered that that, town 
 was infested Aviiii witches-r— and to^prevc it, sai/i they had seen 
 them, and sufi'eredv by their v/itchcpfis. 
 
 In that period, of, our history , it- -appears, that the evidence of 
 die accuser was admitted as competent on the trial of these un- 
 fortunate victims of delusion ; am] on such evidence only, great 
 numbers of the most respectable citizens of that town were con- 
 signed to death for the supposed crime of witchcraft. But so of- 
 ten and so indiscriminately were these strange accusations made, 
 ■^^lat it led to an apprehension, that, in. that mysterious business. 
 
ilierc might be « something rotten in the e,tatc of !:)eniT/ark ;' 
 and on a review of the origin and progress of liiat event, it was 
 found that no evidence but that of the accuser had ever been ex- 
 hibited against the unfortunaie victims who had suffered, and thar, 
 no other person had ever seen witches in Salem. The scales fell 
 from the eyes of the judges, the people were enlightened, and 
 tlie delusion and horrors of Salem witchcraft came to an end. 
 Neither has any other evidence ever been exhibited, to prove that 
 our country is infested with monarchy -loving federalists, but that of 
 those by whom these unfortunate citizens have been accused ; on 
 the evidence of those, whom subsequent events have shewn, liad 
 an interest in denouncing them : neither has any other persou 
 ever discovered them. 
 
 I would not be thought disposed to treat the great concerns 
 which relate to the public peace and welfare, with the leas:t degree 
 of leyity. But it is a duty which we owe to the honor of our 
 country, and to the dictates of reason and truth, to expose in all 
 their deformity, the absurd falsehoods of those who have distract- 
 ed and ruined the councils of tr.is once happy republic, by the ri- 
 diculous story of British influence. 
 
 The vices and errors which have marked the course of our re- 
 public thus i'c.v, must be abandoned, or we are lost. If we disre- 
 gard the great and immutable principles, to which republics ne- 
 cessarily owe their existence, and duration, we cannot expect to 
 perpetuate our own. 
 
 It was an unparalleled display of v^^isdom and virtue that gavt; 
 to the constitution of our republic, its existence ; and v/hen 
 ever that wisdom and virtue shall become extinct, or yield their 
 influence to the dominion of vice and error, the ties which hi^^d 
 that constitution to the affections of the people will instantly diL 
 solve, and anarchy will succeed, and despotism finally triumpii. 
 
 It has been, observed thai thus far we have travelled step by 
 step the downward course of fallen republics. To the truth of 
 this let history attest. No republic has ever fallen, without being 
 first torn asunder by party dissensions. 
 
 Washington, when he made his last, address to his country was 
 deeply impressed with this truth, and warned the people in the- 
 most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of party spirit. 
 It is evident he had seen and felt the mischiefs resulting fron* 
 party dissensions, when, in his letter to Mr. Jefferson, written five 
 years before, he remarked that. « if instead of laying our shoui- 
 
dcrs to the miichine after measures are decided on, one pulls thrs 
 way, and anoihcr that, before the utility of the thing ib icurly 
 tried, it must inevitably be tol'n asunder ; and in my opinion the 
 fairest prospect that ever was presented to man, will be lost per- 
 haps for ever."* Thus it is that the administration is enfeebled 
 and exposed to foreign influence, corruption, and eventual ruin. 
 When a party, to gain popularity, and acquire the ascendency in 
 the councils of the nation, have arraigned and condemned the 
 measures of government, to be consistent with their professions, 
 after they have succeeded in getting the power of the state into 
 their hands, they must change the policy of their predecessors : 
 Thus, before the utility of former measures are fairly tried, and 
 which perhaps have been adopted at great expense, a new policy 
 must be introduced, equally expensive, and uncertain too with 
 respect to its operation, and always liable io be ruined in its very 
 infancy, by the next successful faction, which is continually ex- 
 erting itself to defeat its operatjoas. Such a state of things en- 
 courages foreign aggression, insult and violence ; and in the event 
 of a foreign war, one party will always be charged with the crime 
 of adhering to the common enemy ; and if accused wrongfully, 
 they will be impelled by a just sentiment of indignation to bring 
 into contempt and discredit their accusers : and their efforts to 
 effect this, if their numbers are considerable, will obstruct, if not 
 entirely defeat the operations of government against the common 
 enemy. Suth events have ever marked the course of fallen re* 
 publics, and thus far have marked our own. 
 
 From the first moment our government went into operation, 
 the political conduct of the party in power, has throughout been 
 distinguished by one prominent feature which has imposed an in- 
 fluence, resistless thus far in its progress, and fatal to the peace, 
 the happaiess, and glory of our infant republic. 
 
 Those who have directed the anti-federal administration, have 
 from the beginning evinced a disposition to favor the views of the 
 French nation against her enemies ; to justify this disposition 
 they have sought for motives in considerations of gratitude for 
 her services rendered us in the revolutionary war : in a union of 
 sentiments and pursuits, between that country and our own, and 
 as resulting from these, a just and interminable hostility against 
 Great Britain, her most formidable rival. 
 
 This disposition the federalists never have, for a moment indul- ' 
 * See ^aqfo '^''•, 
 
ged, but ever have, and will, while tliey have life and reason, Op* 
 pose by all lawful mtans within their power. 
 
 None of these motives, ought to influence the political views 
 of an American, who understands, <Jind would promote the inte- 
 rest of his country. What debt of gratitude do we owe to 
 France ? She offered us her Services on certain stipulations with 
 which we have complied. She doubtless wished to cripple the 
 power of Great Briiuin, by lopping off from her empire the Ame* 
 rican colonies ; but it is evident by her interference, in our nego- 
 ciations with that country, she intended we should be so mangled 
 and moddled by the incision, that we should eventually adhere to 
 iier own. She had 2Ji interest in aiding us ; we never had, Jind 
 probably never shall, have any interest in hazarding our peace and 
 safety, in her contests for dominion. It is indeed folly for any na- 
 tion to expect disinterested favors from another. " There can be 
 no greater error tlian to exnector calculate upon real favors from 
 nation to nation. It is an illusion which exj^erience must cure, 
 v/'hich a just pride ought to discard."* 
 
 Neither do the federalists believe, that there is any resemblance 
 between the pursuits and sentiaients of Frenchmen, and those of 
 Americans, or any other nation, who have any just ideas of ration- 
 al liberty. Every one wlio knows any thing of the history of that 
 country, well knows, that, from the commencement of their revo-? 
 lution, to that of the imperial dynasty, successive factions have 
 enslaved and oppressed the people, until Napoleon seized the 
 throne and sceptre, and triumphed by the sword. 
 
 We therefore can have no motive, from considerations of sym- 
 pathy and affection for France, to hate Great Britain, or make war 
 upon her, because France would have it so. And experience has 
 taught us the folly of consulting the views of a foreign despot, 
 with respect to the expediency of making war on Great Britain, 
 to compel her to respect our neutral rights. 
 
 The declaration of war against Great Britain, was itself a most 
 base and servile surrender of these neutral rights to France. Al^ 
 though France was the first to violate our neutral rights, yet our 
 government tamely submitted to her depredations on our com- 
 merce for more than a year ; and no sooner had Great Britain 
 by her Orders in Council committed a similar act of aggression^ 
 than France is told by our administration, that if she will do u* 
 ihe justice to desist from plundering us. \ye would enter the list? 
 * Sec Washin^on's FiirewcU Address, 
 
Mrith her against Great Britain. This looks like French inftu- 
 ence I The plain language of that shameful business is this. If 
 France will permit us to enjoy our neutral rights, we will, sub- 
 mit to a much greater evil, by involving ourselves in a war with 
 England. You may talk of the abuses of British power, as long, 
 and as loud as you please, they never will surrender their mari- 
 time rights to an administration which, are the most devoted and 
 servile partizans of her enemy. 
 
 There is foreign influence in the councils of the nation, but it 
 is purely French, and ever has been. There never was through 
 the whole course of the federal administration, a single measure, 
 which was in any degree controuled or eifected by British in- 
 fluence. The policy which Washington and his political friends 
 had marked out, was intended to exclude foreign influence, en- 
 tirely from the councils of the nation, as one of the most fatal 
 foes of republican liberty. And with these views, they had wisely 
 adopted that system of neutrality, which, has perhaps been pro- 
 ductive of more blessings to the United States, than any one mea- 
 sure since the organization of our government. Yet every effort 
 to carry this system into effect, has been ascribed to British in- 
 fluence. 
 
 It is a truth, which the history of our political state will clear- 
 ly demonstrate, that ever since the commencement of the war be- 
 tween Great Britain and France, the republican party, at least the 
 most influential and active leaders, have evinced by their political 
 conduct, a disposition to entangle us in an alliance with France. 
 
 Excessive hatred to Great Britain, and partiality for France, 
 has been the most prominent feature, in the republican adnvinis- 
 tration. While the blood of the best citizens in France was sa- 
 crificed to the rage of an infuriated mob, our republicans were 
 celebrating her victories, and exulting in her emancipation from 
 the tyranny of kings.* She was represented as the great nation 
 
 * On the first day of May 1795, at a civic feast in f*hiladelphia, whicL. 
 v;as attended by a great number of American citizens, to celebrate the vic- 
 tories of France, and which was honoured by the presence of tlie Minister 
 and Consul of the French Republic, and the Consul of Holland then subdued 
 by tlie arms of France ; the following toasts among others were given, which- 
 \vill famish a just idea of the prevailing spirit of those times. 
 
 The Republic of France—Msiy the shores of Great-Britain soon hail the 
 tri-colourcd standard, and the people vend the air witli sliouts long live the 
 repxiblic. 
 
 This shows that the object of French and American republjcajis at thai 
 time was, the conquest of Great-Britain : that object has not been abandoned* 
 
 T/ic Republic of Francs^Mzy all free nations learn of her to transfer 
 
iestined by heaven) not only to burst asunder her own chains^, 
 but to complete and perpetuate the triumphs of liberty through" 
 out the world. 
 
 When application was made to our government by the French 
 minister for anticipation of an instalment of the French debt, be- 
 fore it was due, and there was no money in the United Statestrea- 
 sury to pay more than the current expenses and the interest of the 
 public debt ; a democratic member on the floor of Congress said, 
 there would be no merit in paying only when it was due and when 
 it was convenient to pay ; he rejoiced, he said, that America could, 
 strain her means, and hazard something to shew her gratitude. 
 
 There was at that time, among the democrats, apparently much 
 more solicitude for the welfare of the French republic, than for our 
 own. Nothing but an inflexible adherence to the policy of neuj- 
 
 their attachment from men to principles, and from individuals to the peo^ 
 pie. 
 
 Since the commencement of the French revolution, republican principles 
 have never prevailjsd in that country against tlie most i-elentless tyranny of a 
 few individuals. 
 
 The Republic of Frame— M^y tier example in the abolition of titles an4 
 splendor, be a lesson to all republics to destroy those leavens of corruption. 
 
 Old titles have been abolished in France since the revolution, but new 
 ones created equally mconsistent with republicaji liberty. 
 
 The Republic of Holland— May her two sisters the republics of France 
 and America, form with her an invmcible triumvirate in the cause of liberty. 
 
 The Republic of Holland— May that govei'nment which they are about es- 
 tablisiiing have neither the balances of aristocracy, nor the checks of mon- 
 archy. 
 
 In this may be discovered the hostility to our present constitution, on ac- 
 count of the senate and chief magistrate which I have before noticed : — ^the 
 balance of aristocracy has peference to the senate, and the checks of monar- 
 chy to the office of president. 
 
 The Republic of yhaerica—Msiy the aristocracy of wealth founded upon 
 the virtues, the toils., and the blood of her revolutionary armies soon vanish 
 and like the baseless fabric of a dream leave not a wreck behind. 
 
 The aristocracy of wealth, alludes to the funding system, by which, the 
 wealth of many individuals was inereased, who had purchased public secu- 
 rities at (i discount : this wealth could not be taken from these individuals 
 without violating the fundamental principles of justice and public faith. 
 
 The Republic if Am^nca.—'M.o.y her government have j>ablic good for its 
 object, and be purged of the dregs of sophisticated republicanism. 
 
 V%« Republic of ^neiica^M-Jiy the alliance formed between her and 
 France acquire vigor with age, and that man be branded as the enemy of 
 Jiberty who shall en<ieavour to weaken ©r unhinge it. 
 
 Federalists ever have opposed an alliance with France-^how justly this 
 * should brand them with tlie imputation of being the enemies of Jiberty let 
 the people judge. 
 
 The Republic of ^/nenca—May her administration have virtue enough to 
 defy the ordeal of patriotic societies, and patriotism enough to cherish iJt' 
 £tead of denouncing them. 
 
 Patriotic societies ; these were the democratic societies formed a uhovt 
 '.imc before itfidsr tU^ dJjSQtJgnof M^. |S«n«t the fr^nch minister. 
 
tralitf, wotiM have toved us from the horrors of that war m which 
 t'rance was engaj^ed against the conobined powers of Europe. 
 
 For the most fl igrant abuses, and lawless depredations confimit- 
 ted by France on our defenceless conmmerce, scarcely a complaint 
 has been uttered by our republican rulers; and whenever it har. 
 been, it has been easy to discover from the cautious mode o; ex 
 pression on that subject, that it was done only to saye appcaran- 
 ^ces, and preserve their popularity ; rather than the result of ^. 
 sentiment of just indignation, for unmerited wrongs, while our 
 language has been ransacked and tortured, to find words expres 
 sive of their contempt and hatred of the British government. 
 
 For such a discrimination between these two nations, the fede- 
 ralis's could i^ever find motives, either in reason or sound policy. 
 They have therefore opposed it, ar.d wanied the people of its 
 fatal tendency, to prevent a reconciliation \yith Great Britian, if 
 not to involve us eventually in a war. 
 
 But for their warnings they have been reproached, and every 
 effort which they have made to establish a national character, in= 
 dependent of every nation of the eiirth, and to preserS'e the coun 
 try from the horrors of a desolating war, has been ascribed to 
 ^British influence. This pitiful story of British influence has ex» 
 cited prejudices which have now been so long predominant, that 
 the honest electors can give no account of theil* origin or pro- 
 gress. 
 
 Yet to this strange delusion we may ascribe our fatal divisions s 
 which while they have encouraged foreign aggression, have by 
 distracting the councils of the republic, enfeebled the means, if 
 not rendered the power of resistance ineffectual. 
 
 And now when at last all are convinced of the baneful conse= 
 quences of our political dissensions, we find that our republican 
 rwlers are even more clamorous than ever ia their efforts to ex- 
 cite the prejudice^, the ;iassions and the jealousy of the people 
 against federal pien. They call on them to aid in fighting the 
 British nation I 
 
 But can they expect federalists will fight and destroy those they 
 so ardently love : and to whose government they have, as they 
 are represented, such an invincible attachment ? You, fellow-citi- 
 zens, have been told millions of times, that the federalists wish- 
 ed to become recolonized : or to establish a government in NeW" 
 England, similar to that of Great-i3ritain. If this is true, why 
 do they not at this time make an effort to do it ? There certainly 
 ,5rseyer was, and probably never will be a more favorable opportu- 
 
'}7 
 
 Lity to effect suth a purpose. Were the federalists to unite their 
 force to the Canadian provinces and the other armies of Great 
 Britain, \\\ey would stand the tug; of war, at least beyond the du- 
 ration of Mr. Madison's life or enerp;ies. But if shame had not 
 lost its power on these declaimers of British influence, the con- 
 <Juctof the federalists, would strike them dumb with confusion. 
 
 Instead of aiding the enemy, you see them braving death and 
 danger in the field of battle, that they may expel from our bor- 
 ders, the hirelings and subjects of that nation by whose influence 
 you say federalists ave governed ! ! 
 
 And if this country is ever saved from the tyranny of Great 
 Britain or France, if it is ever saved from the miserable degraded 
 condition to which it has been reduced, by intrig\ie, by falsehoodi 
 by cowardice, by hypocrisy, and viUany, it will be saved by fede- 
 ral men: Not all the efforts of a weak or deluded faction, aided 
 by the hirelings, tools and sycophants of the imperial tyrant, can 
 ever extinguish in them the fire which-glowed in the breasts of 
 their illustrious ancestors : they will yet exhaust the last power 
 of nature, that they may transmit unimpaired to posterity our 
 free constitution and all those privileges of freemen purchased 
 by the courage, the toil and blood of their fathers t they are the 
 men who achieved our independence, who fought and suffered 
 >yith Washington, and who are Still ready to fight and to die, in 
 support of that policy which he recommended. And while they 
 « at the call of the law, would fly to the standard of the law, and 
 would meet invasions of the public order as their own personal 
 concern,'* they will with equal zeal oppose by all lawful means, 
 the weak or wicked policy ot our own rulers whenever it shall 
 tend to subvert the great ends of government, and bring misery 
 and ruin on the present and future generations. 
 
 The policy of the last fourteen years has been gradually though 
 «nceash)gly drauiing the sources of our wealth, reducing the 
 strength, and impairing the credit of the nation. But since the 
 commencement of the present war, it has progressed to our ruin 
 •with bold and rapid strides : and the toil and wealth of an age has 
 been sav rificed to the administration of a year. Yet such a sacri- 
 fice great as it is» would cheerfully be made to advance the glory 
 and interest of the republic. 
 
 When federalists humbly ask, in what way present measures 
 are to advance this interest of our country, our rulers tauntingly 
 reply, we are not accountable to the mmority : when they ask 
 what gloi^ is to be <leriTed from a war without lome probable 
 
7S 
 
 ground to hope that the ostensible object for which it is declared, 
 will thereby be attained, we are insultingly told, that if it is not 
 attained, the failure will be ascribed to the partizans of the ene- 
 my, the federalists. 
 
 So long as every evil which may result from the vices or errors 
 of rulers, is to be ascribed to a large portion of the citizens and 
 to them only, it is in vain to anticipate the blessings, or the dura« 
 tion of republican liberty. 
 
 It has long been believed, that nothing would lave us froln 
 the dangers which result from a blind confidence in rulers, but 
 actual suffering inflicted by their folly or vices. Then it is that 
 « lethargic indolence is roused," and if it is not roused by con- 
 vulsions, we have reason to hope that reason and virtue may tri- 
 ximph over passion and prejudice. 
 
 The policy of the last fourteen years has been founded in error 
 and delusion, and it must be totally renounced ; and you, my fel- 
 low-citizens, must go back to the days of Washington and com- 
 mence anew your political career. You must go back to that hap- 
 py period, when your only enquiry, your only solicitude, respec- 
 ting candidates for office, were respecting their wisdom and their 
 integrity, and not the insignificancy of a name : and as in the 
 presence of your God and under thatig^wful influence imposed by 
 the fate of millions and millions yet unborn, make a final sacri- 
 fice of your passions and your prejudices on the altar of patriot- 
 ism. And with the stern integrity of virtuous freemen, you must 
 resolve that your future effbrts shall be devoted to the interests 
 of your country, and not to the paltry views of any political sect, 
 by whatever specious name, it may be called. Remember that 
 republican liberty is on its last and final trial. Republican virtue 
 has been corrupted by the baneful influence of party spirit, and 
 it must be regenerated. 
 
 That wise, firm, independent, and patriotic policy, which was 
 recommended both by the precept and example of Washington, 
 is the only system which can encourage us even to hope with con- 
 fidence for any great duration to our republic. And in this it is 
 believed you liave placed your most sanguine hopes, your firm- 
 est confidence. 
 
 Your leaders, while they have claimed the popularity of his 
 name, have induced many of you to believe that he was their po- 
 litical friend : while they have been elevated to power on the 
 ruins of that very policy which he approved and which you once 
 fondly hoped would stand against the rage of faction, and of p^J.- 
 tion, and eadurc ferever^ 
 
70 
 
 It will be found on a candid review of our political state, that 
 the leaders of the party in power, have falsely ascribed that poli- 
 cy to British influence, and thereby succeeded by the power of 
 delusion only, in subverting it, and driving its authors from the 
 councils of the nation. 
 
 To prove that the political conduct of the leaders of the party 
 in power was opposed to the views and policy of Washington, 
 you have been referred to his own testimony, contained in letters* 
 written by him to the officers of government, as well as to his 
 private friends. And if you doubt their authenticity, make a 
 pilgrimage to Mount Vernon, that sacred deposit, where you 
 may find the truth recorded by that hand which withered in the 
 service of his country. Go to that venerable mansion, once the 
 abode of him, who lived only that you might be free and happy, 
 and whose spirit has ascended to heaven : and from that pure 
 source, search for truth : and if your prejudices are not veiled 
 with darkness impenetraple as adamant, a light as from heaven's 
 own altar, wilHlissipate the clouds of error, of falsehood, and de- 
 hision, which have bewildered your long and dreary way, through 
 the course of the last fourteen years. And had not the laws of 
 God, and of nature, imposed on the tomb an inviolable silence, 
 the voice of Washington would warn you in thunders, to restore 
 his councils, if you would perpetuate your liberties. 
 
 Those councils are contained in his last affectionate address to 
 his fellow-citizens. And that man who would not devote every 
 effort in his power to restore them must be dead to sensibility, 
 to patriotism, to the interest, the honor and glor)' of his coun- 
 try. 
 
 * " The following extract from a letter written to general Knox the day 
 before the termination of his office, exhibits tlie sentiments with which he 
 <5ontemplated this event, and wilii which he viewed the unceasing calumnies 
 with which his whole administration continued to be aspersed. 
 
 ** To the weaned traveller who sees a resting place, and is bending his 
 body to lean thereon, I now compare myself; but to be suffered to do this 
 in peace, is too much to be endured by some. To misrepresent my motives ; 
 to reprobate my politics ; and to weaken the confidence which has been re- 
 posed in my administration ;..r.are objects which cannot be relinquished by 
 those who will be satisfied with nothing short of a change in our political 
 system. The consolation, however, which results from conscious rectitude, 
 and the approving voice of my country unequivocally expressed by its re- 
 presentatives....deprives theu' sting of its poison, and places m the same point 
 of view both the weakness and malignity of their efforts. 
 
 " Although the prospect of retu-ement is most grateful to my soul, and 
 1 have not a wisli to mix again in the great world, or to partake in'its politics, 
 yet I am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to 
 meet) the few intimates whom I love. Among these, ba assured you are one" 
 
No. 3. 
 
 Wanton and unnecessary wars have in every age and natioa 
 been the horrid instruments, in the hands of government, of sub- 
 verting liberty and reducing to wretchedness the condition of man, 
 
 t»OLlTlGAL DELUSION TFtlUMPHANT. 
 
 The horrible agitations which have distracted the councils and 
 threatened the safety of the republic, have at length subsided. 
 
 The joy at the return of peace results from the irresistible im- 
 piilse of nature and humanity. 
 
 We rejoice because the blood of our slaughtered piti?ens no 
 longer flows in vain. 
 
 We rejoice because the ruin of our national wealth and credit 
 is arrested in its fatal progress : and that the countless blessings 
 of peace have succeeded the horrors of a ruinous and hopeless 
 war. 
 
 But could not these blessings have been preserved, could they 
 not have been as well enjoyed without this dreadful sacrifice of 
 blood and treasure I Are our citizens wiser or more happy, or 
 are their rights better secured than they were at the commence- 
 jnent of the late war I These arc serious questions and they must 
 be answered. 
 
 History has taught us that in every age and nation wanton and 
 unnecessary wars have been the horrid instruments of subvertr 
 ing liberty, and reducing to wretchedness the condition of man. 
 Does it not become our duty then as a v/ise people to inquire with 
 deep selicitudc whether the evils resulting from the late war have 
 produced any good ? and if not, why they have been inflicted ? 
 An ottensive war should be the last resort of injured nations, and 
 to which recourse should not be had except in extreme cases, 
 when the peace, the safety and rights of the people are put in 
 jeopardy. 
 
 But it cannot be considered expedient by a wise and virtuous 
 people in any circumstances to declare war even when the cause 
 would justify resistance, unless there is at least some ground to 
 hope, thai the injured nation will be able thereby to redress hei 
 wrongs. 
 
 This last proposition is denied by modern politicians both ir 
 
hi 
 
 Europe and America. Who contend that iriflependent n^itions^ 
 ought to fight, when their national honor is assailed, however? 
 it may affect the interests or liappiness of the people. Under 
 the influence of this principle, the rulers of Europe hate for 
 ^ges compelled their miserable subjects to fight for the blessings 
 of national honor. But on v/hom do these blessings rest ? not 
 on the wretched multitude v/ho fight and die, but on the few lord- 
 ly tyrants who direct the war : and who prate continually about, 
 national honor. 
 
 But whenever the rulers of a free people declare a war which 
 is more destructive to their interest and happiness than the injury 
 complained of, for which resistance is made : or when there is 
 no probable ground to hope that the injured nation will be able 
 thereby to redress her wrongs; such rulers, could never in thr 
 event of such a war, expect either success or glory. Such were 
 the circumstances attending the commencement of the late war, 
 that no one but the most blind and stupid votary of present mear. 
 tires could presage, in its event, any thing better than disgrace 
 and defeat. 
 
 At that fatal crisis, such was the sif'ation of the United States., 
 and that of the beliigerents of Euro))e, that we could expect nf> 
 advantage, but had much to fear from taking a part in their con 
 test. France equally with Great-Britain had violated our neu- 
 tral rights. Those rights we shamefully surrendered to France; 
 by selecting the latter for our enemy, and thereby violated the 
 pure maxim " equal and exact justice to all nations." Besides 
 n doing it wc could not avoid an entangling alliance with France 
 
 But supposing by uniting our efforts with France, wc had sue- 
 -.ceded, even in subjugating the power of Great-Britain, and Na- 
 poleon had taken possession of her thousand ships. Would ho 
 have given liberty to the seas, and peace to our country i Praised 
 je the ruler of the universe, that we have escaped the horrible 
 :^rasp of his iron hand. 
 
 But when it is considered that the unbounded ambition of Na- 
 j.oleon, had driven the nations of Europe to madness, it was not 
 difficult to foresee that the event of his downfall was more than 
 probable, and that, in such an event, we should be left to contend 
 alone, with the most powerful nation on the globe. Such was the 
 rondilion to which we were reduced. 
 
 00 you not see then, feilovz-citizens, that our administration 
 Lad staked tlic success of their arms eventually} on the success 
 
 L 
 
o£ Napoleon, and thereby entangled us in the destructive policy 
 of the belligerents of Europe ? Of this you ir^ust be convinced 
 when you recollect the fact, that Mr. Madison rejected rhf prof- 
 fer of dn armistice made by Greai-Briuin, on any other terms 
 than that she would first yield the very point in issue with regard 
 40 impressment ;* a point which he well knew she would not 
 
 • There is no daiibt but that the subjects of thegovernmentof GreatBritarn^ 
 in many instances abuse the right wh ich they claim, to impi'ess then native sea- 
 men, when found m neutral sh^ps. — But the great qucs'aon is, how far the exer- 
 cise of the right of impressment in the sense they contend for is an intV.nge- 
 mentof our national sovere.gnt) and mdepiendence. Great Brniimfoun<i their 
 right of unpressment on two principles ; one is, that all the members of 
 the civil community are boimd to each other by compact ; the other ja, that 
 one of the parties to this compact cannot dissolve it by his own -.ex. When 
 therefore one of her native citizens attempts to expatriate himself, without 
 the consent of the government, they contend that they have a nght to re- 
 mand such citizen, and compel him to submit to the sc^rvice and reg> JcAions 
 of his native country. And in this the government of the United Siates, oi" 
 Great Britain, and France concur. There has been one case in which chis 
 principle has been the subject of legal adjudication, in the Supreme Court 
 of the United States. "In 1792, one Wilhams was commissioned by the 
 French Consul-General residing m America, as a lieutenant on board the 
 3<ipit€r, a French seventy-four. The Jupiter sailed m the autumn of the 
 same year for Rochetort, where Williams was naturalized, renouncing- his 
 alievfir-uce to the United States. After his naturalization, he was commis- 
 sioned by the French Republick a second lieutenant on board the French 
 frigate, the Caront. He eentmued in the commission and service oi France 
 until the 2rth of February, 1797, when he was seized and arrested for ;;c- 
 cepting a commission from the French Republick, to commit acts of vio- 
 lence against the king of Great Britain, and his subjects, with wbom wc 
 were at peace. Williams pleaded in justification his natuiidization in France, 
 and his renunciation of his allegiiuice to the United States. Chief Justice 
 Ellsworth gave the following opinion. 
 
 *• The common law of tliis co<mt?y remains the same as it was before tl)-^ 
 revolution. The present question is to be decided by tv/o great princi- 
 ples ; one is that" all the members of the civil community are bound to each 
 other by compact, the other is, that one oT the parties to this compact can- 
 not dissolve it by his own act. The compact between our community and 
 its members is, that tl>.e community shall protect its members, and on the 
 part of the membcr.s, that they will at all times be obedient to the laws of 
 tlie community and faithful in its defence. Tins corapdct disfmguishes our 
 g-overnment from tliose which are founded in violence or fraud. It necessa- 
 rily results that a member cannot d>ssohe tJiis- compact, without the consent 
 or default of the community. There has been lio consent— no default. 
 Default is not pretended. Express consent is not claimed; but it has beeu 
 argued that the consent of the community is imjilied by its policy — its con- 
 dition — and its acts, iiv countries so crowded with inhabitants, that the 
 means of subsistenc? are diiScuk to be obtaincc3> it is reason and poLcy to 
 permit emigi-atioii ; but our policy is diOerent ; for our country is but scarce*- 
 ly settled, and we have no inhabitants to spare- 
 
 " CoNsiiNT has been luvued from the condition of the country, because w-.^ 
 were in a state of peac^. Rut though we were in peace, the w'ar had ooir.- 
 menced in Europe.— W^e ^vished to have ijptliiiig to do with the war ; bu" 
 the war would liave soniething to do with us. It hus been cxtrojoely difii 
 cult for us to keep out of this war ; the progress of it has threatened to in- 
 "olve us. It tias hrc^. nfccssary fcr our government to be vigilant in re- 
 
yield to any but her conquerors: and that this very point was 
 yielded by him, this mighty sine qua non, this insurmountable 
 obstacle to peace was removed on the 27th day of June, about one 
 week after the news of Bonaparte *s abdication had reached this 
 country v) a shape so authentic, that it could no longer admit of 
 a doubt. 
 
 At the event of Napoleon's defeat, the federalists rejoiced, be- 
 cause they saw through it the approaching termination of an ex- 
 ecrable war. 
 
 Federalists have no pretensions to the powers of prophecy,but 
 they have firmly believed and predicted, that the excessive par- 
 tiality to France and hostility to Great-Britain which has been the 
 distini^uisliing feaiure through every per. d of the republican 
 administration, would eventually end in disaster and disgrace. 
 
 straining: our own citizens from those nets which would involve us in ho»» 
 tilit;e3. Tiie most viyionary writers on this subject do not contend for the 
 principle m the unlimited extent, that. a citizen may at any, and at all times, 
 renounce his own, and join himself to a foreig-n country. 
 
 " CoxsKSThas beenarg-ued, from the acts of our g-overnment permitting 
 the naturalization of foreigners. When a foreigner presents himself here, 
 and proves himself to be of a good raorul character, well affected to thft 
 constitution and government of the United States, and a friend to the good 
 order and happiness of civil society , if he has resided here the lime pre- 
 scribed by law, we grant him ; he privileges of a citizen. We do not en- 
 qua-e what his i-elation is to his own country ; wc have. not the means of 
 knowincT, '"nd tlie enquiry would be indelicate ; we leave him to judge of 
 tlrnt. if h'^ embarrasses himself by contracting- contradictory obLgaiions, 
 :.he fault and the folly are his own ; but this implies no consent of tlie go- 
 . e-rnmeut, that our own citizens should expatriate themselves. 
 
 ** It Is therefore my opinion, that the facts which the prisoner offers to 
 
 rove in his defence, are totally irrelevant ; they can have no opendion in 
 
 law, .and the jury ought not to be embarrassed or troubled with them ; 
 
 h\it ty tile constitution of the court, the evidence must go to the jury.'' 
 
 " The cause and the evidence were accordingly committed to the jury. 
 riic jury soon agreed on a verdict, and found the prisoner GUILT V. 
 
 " Tlie court sentenced him to -pay a fine of 1000 dollars, and to suffer 
 'bur months imprisonment," 
 
 IJut it is said that when a citizen of Great Britain becomes natui-alized by 
 our laws, her right to claim the services of such citizen ceases. Our law 
 relative to naturalization bad its origin subsequent to that by which Great 
 Britain claims the right to the service?; of !ier natiAc subjects. How far one 
 independent nation has a riglit by a Riunicipal regulation to interfere with 
 a pre-existing national right, of any other indei>endent nation, although 
 such national right as claimed, may be tliought an infringement of natural 
 right, is a great national question. I have made these renuirks, and cited 
 tivc case of Williams, to shew tliat it is not certain that even the Britisli 
 right of impressment which our administration woukl resist, at the hazard 
 of our peace and happiness, would readily be yielded by our own govern- 
 ment, was our condition similar to that of Great Britain. — Federalists would 
 not sanction tlie abiise of power, in any other nation, when it infringes on 
 the rights of tiieir own : neither would they sacrifice theii- national wealth 
 i.-r^ pro.spcrit}^ in a hopeless pursuit of what is falsely caVled national honor. 
 
B4, 
 
 And to complete the climax of insult, of abuse, of suffering, 
 .iind of delusion, we are told that,, from tkis war threat and import- 
 ant advalitat^es have been derived to the country ! I And what is 
 niore a matter of astonishment, many of our good and honest 
 electors, either do, or at least pretend, to believe what is thus 
 told them ! ! ! 
 
 It has been truly remarked that " the greatest evils arc not ar- 
 rived at their utmost period, until those who are in poM'cr have 
 lost all sense of shame; at such a time, those who should obey 
 shake off all respect and subordination ; then is lethargic indo- 
 lence roused, but roused by convulsions." Andhave we not rea- 
 son to fear that such a period has already commenced. After a 
 ■war of more than two years, declared by our own government, in 
 Nvhich thousands and thous?.nd3 of our fellow-ciilzeus have fal- 
 len by the sword and by pestilence : have been subjected to disr 
 case and to death : in which our land has been filled with widows, 
 with orphans, with sufferings and with tears. And a debt oi mil- 
 lions entailed en posterity which cac be paid only by years of toil 
 and pain, and when every object of this war had been yielded to 
 the enemy, we have seen our chief magistrate in an official and 
 public cotnmunication,* congratulating the representatives of the 
 peoplCj that peace was restored at a period when the causes of 
 v/ar had ceased, and under circumstances that the nation could 
 review its conduct without regret, and that thereby the govcm- 
 ment had demonstrated the ehiciency of its power of defence : 
 and recommending to the beneficence of the people the military 
 and naval departments, which a.s he asserts, had contributed es- 
 sentially to the restoration of peace I ! 
 
 At the time this communication was made, neither at any 
 time since, has the British practice of impressment, nor the 
 cause which produced it ever ceased. Neither could it be said 
 that the achievements of our armies contributed essentially to the 
 
 * See President INfr Jison's ^Messag-e to Congress Feb. 20lh, 1815. 
 
 The foUowin!^ is an extract from Mr. Madison's instructions to our minis- 
 ters, before Bonaparte's defeat—" But the busnicss of impi-essments cannot 
 be waved, nor postponed, nor informally arranged. It cannot be waved, be^ 
 cause it involves an infringement of the national sovereignty and indepen- 
 dence. It cannot be postponed, because being one of the main grounds of 
 the \yar, the government cannot answer to the people, since the rejection of 
 Admiral Warren's proposition for a suspension of Hostilities, upon the basis 
 of the repeal of the Orders in Council. It cannot be the subject of an in- 
 formal arrangement, because the experience of Messrs. Monroe and Pinck- 
 ne.y*s an'angemcnt has taught us, that such un understanding cannot be re- 
 aicd upoH; i'oT any practical purpose.'^ 
 
85 
 
 3ioratioii of peace, when our peace is not better secured or bet- 
 ter enjoyed than before the war. To say nothing of the incalcula- . 
 ble miseries which this war has occasioned. 
 
 And is it no matter of regret, that these miseries have been in- 
 :-icted without any adequuie object^and to no purpose ? 
 
 And is it matter of congratulation that in a war declared by 
 our own government, we have evinced our pov/ers of defence 
 against the enemy ? But the necessity ot caUhig these powers of 
 defence into exercise, we imposed on ourselves by commencing 
 hostJiities. 
 
 Nothing which relates to the war can be a cause of congratu- 
 lation, unless it is the attainment of some object of the war : one 
 of which was, if Mr. Madison is correct, toevince, that we were 
 able to defend ourselves against the enemy 1 ! And suppose vrc; 
 havf proved by tlie late war, that we are able, to defend, and have 
 actually defended ourselves against the power of Great Britain, 
 at the expense only of about ten thousand of the lives of our fel- 
 low-citizens, and one or two hundred millions of dollars. No one 
 wh.o has much knowledge oi our resources, or the character of 
 Americans, ever doubted of our ability to do this, without ma^ 
 king this dreadful sacrifice to prove it. And could the chief ma- 
 gistrate of a free and enlightened people atiempt this imposition 
 on the common sense of tl;c people, had he noi lost all sense of 
 shame ? Or can rulers v/ho are thus insensible of shame, and re- 
 gardless of the honor ?.nd interest of their country, expect still to 
 command the people's respect ^-^-Is it not rather to be feared, 
 that the time is not far distant, v.'hcn an injured and indignant peo- 
 ple will throw off all respect, and till subordination to men, who 
 under the specious name of republican, would thus abuse their 
 confidence and sport with their dearest rights. Why does the 
 chief magistrate attempt to make a false impression on the public 
 mind with respect to the event of the late v/ar ? Why did he not 
 in the frank and honest language of a real republican, tell the 
 people that the defeat of the ruler of France had disappointed iris 
 hopes >vith respect to the powerful aid he expected to derive from 
 that country, and that thereby the objects of the war had been de- 
 feated and the country unhappily involved in difficulties and dis- 
 tress, from which their virtue and patriotism alone could extri- 
 cate them ? 
 
 Can patriotism or sound policy, can the best interests of our 
 
. ouniry require, that the people should be deceived with respect 
 ro the object or tendency of measures, with respect to the impor- 
 tant concerns which relate to the welfare of the country ? And has 
 -t become necessary, in order to secure the confidence of a wise 
 and free people, to betray them into a belief that real injuries, 
 that the most teyrible national calamities are blessings in embryo, 
 in which they should exult. Is this the policy which is to light 
 our way to the millennial glories which Columbus saw in vision ? 
 
 Whither, O my fellow-citizens, whither has fled that stern in- 
 tegrity, that firm and disinterested patriotism, that once seemed 
 to win a short lived popularity, at the expense of our immortal 
 glory ? Is this the country in which republican virtue has claimed 
 the triumphs of an immortal existence ? 
 
 Yes, in this once happy country, destined by heaven, as we had 
 fondly hoped, to illustrate the splendid achievements of her he- 
 rocs, and the wisdom of her sages, in the examples of their sons, 
 we have seen that duplicity, hypocrisy and intrigue, have consti- 
 tuted ^he only effectual passports to preferment and to power ! ! 
 
 "' Unprized ai-e, her sons, till they Jearn to betray, 
 Undistinguish'd they live, if they shame not their sires ; 
 And the torch that would light them to dignity's way, 
 Must be caught from the -pile where their country expires/' 
 
 Xhe people in this country well know what were the pretended 
 libjccts of the war ; and those who have read the late treaty of 
 t>eacc* between this country and Great Britain, know also that not 
 GUI e of those objects ha\e been thereby obtained. And many of 
 the electors v/ho support the men in power, have even had the 
 honest CiiiKlor to acknowledge, that they could discover nothing 
 b-ut disaster in the event of the present war. 
 
 But no sooner was the magic influence of Mr. Madison's mes- 
 sage diffused among the people, than, this war of misery and dis- 
 grace, is at once transformed into a national blessing ! their optics 
 are endued at once with nev/ powers.: the scales fall from their 
 eyes, and they see advantages resulting from the war, of which be- 
 ibre they had no conceptions. 
 
 There is not at this time a country on earth, however despotic, 
 
 * For the benefit of those who liave not read the late treaty, it is hereto 
 nunexed. It is hoped the people will read and judge fcr thcnsclves hoA^" 
 ?Ruch caise of congratulution it ccatain?. 
 
•*?'l\erc rulers have a more absoiutQ contrcul over the rights r-' 
 the people, than in our own. 
 
 The popularity with which they have conducted the late war, 
 renders it evident, that there are no evils which they may not in 
 flict upon the people with impunity. 
 
 The federalists can neither controul nor change the councils cV 
 the nation, and the republicans with their present prejudices wiyl 
 not. Should Napoleon again re-establish himself in power, wr 
 may well conclude his continental system would be revived, anxT 
 ;ve again involved in the vortex of his policy. 
 
 With our present rulers at helm, our peace cannot be durable. 
 By tlie late treaty nothing has been settled. The officers of the 
 late army are urging their claims on the gratitude and patronage 
 of the government ; and arc dissatisfied with the late peace. A 
 host of the unfortunate sufferers in the late war are also putting 
 in their claims for pensions, and will doubtless, obtcin tiiein to an 
 enormous amount, which the people must pay : and they are al- 
 ready taxed to the extent of their abilities, and even beyond. 
 But if you would duly estimate the result of the late war, if you 
 would know what we have lost by it, lay aside For a moment Mr. 
 Madison's message, and ask the thousands of weeping widows, 
 and mothers who have been thereby left destitute and comfortless, 
 to a merciless world : ask the thousands of orphan children who 
 have been theieby deprived of their only protector and support °. 
 ask the miserable beings, mangled and maimed by wounds, and 
 remlered useless to themselves jaid to the world, and who must 
 either starve, or subsist on the scanty pittance of a pension ! go 
 to the hospitals, those abodes of misery ; and ask the wretched 
 beings who have been transferred thither from the field of battle, 
 covered with blood and distorted with the agony of their wounds - 
 ask them ; ask the poor fugitives who have been driven from their 
 burning dwellings, and reduced in an hour, from a state of com- 
 iortablc competency, to want, and even beggary : and while you 
 reflect en this miseraole assemblage of suffering humanity, ascer- 
 tain if you can, the millions of expense at v/hich these evils have; 
 bec'.^ purchased. Lock then at the late treaty with Great Britain., 
 and compare the end and object of the war, and its final event with 
 the means which have been employed in its prosecution, and thf- 
 policy which has kd to it ; and if you will then give the sanction 
 of your approving voice to the political conduct of those who direct 
 
S8 
 
 the public concerns of our country, it may indeed be said, it vvu'. 
 be sau) by an impartial world, that in the United States, political 
 delusion is triumphant. This is at present our condition. Such' 
 scenes of suffering, so wantonly inflicted on a free, and generous 
 people, were never before exhibited on earth ! 
 
 What then can be done to save the republic ? Truth and argu- 
 ment are our only mei\ns : with these the present policy, and the 
 authors of it will be opposed by federalists while they have life and 
 reason. If our republic must fall, as it certainly must, under such 
 an administration as the present, and probably very soon ; " Let the 
 federalists clinij; to it, while it has life in it, and even longer than 
 there is hope. Let ihem be auxiliary to its virtues ;" and if death 
 must be its fate, let them strain every nervfe,and exhaust the last 
 power of intellect, and if necessary, surrender even life itself, that 
 they may protract its dying nature, and from its expiring convul- 
 sions snatch the spirit of liberty, and render its reign on earth im- 
 niortaL 
 
 District of J'^'ew-Yorh, ss. 
 
 BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the seventli day of Aii-ust, in Iht. 
 iortleth yea:- of tiie indepeiKlejice of the United States of Amciica, E. and 
 E. IIosFORD, of the said District, hath deposited in tliis oiTce tlie tiUe of ;• 
 ijook, the rijrl^.t whereof they claim as proprietors, in the Vv'ords followmg, 
 ^o wit : 
 
 " The Crisis : on the origin and consequences of our political dissensio7i.-- 
 To which is annexed, tlie late treaty between the United States and Great 
 Bi'itain. By a Citizen of Vermont. 
 
 In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, entitled 
 "■'■ An Act lor the encouragement of Leai-ning-, by securmg the co])ies of 
 Maps, Chai'ts, and Books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, 
 during the time thei ein mentioned." And aiGO to an Acl , entitled " an 
 Act, supplementary to an Act, entitled an Act for tlic cncour.agement of 
 I/carning, by securing the copies of Maps, Charts, ic^nd Books to the au- 
 Uiox-s and proprietors of sucli copies, during' tlie times therein mentioned, 
 raid extending the benefit.s thfer^of to the arts" of designing^- engraving and 
 "(chMig hi^i.oricnl xnd other prints." 
 
 TIIEROX RUDD, 
 C'rrw of i^v. fiov.tJiern District fif ^'ezs-Yorlr 
 
: 40 
 
 JAMES MADISON^ 
 
 President of the Ujiited States of AmericQ. 
 
 To all and singular to whom these presents shall came, -erecting : 
 
 WHEREAS a treaty of Peace and Amity between the 
 United States of America, and his Britannic Majesty was signed at 
 Irhenl, on the 24th day of December, one thousand eight hundred 
 and fourteen, by Plenipotentiaries respectively appointed Ic r tiiat 
 purpose ; and the suid Treaty having been by and with the advice ^ 
 and consent of the Senate ofthe United Scutes, duly accepted, rati- ^ 
 Sed and confirmed, on the seventeenth day of February, one thou- 
 sand eit^ht hundred and fifteen, and ratified copies thereof having 
 been exchanged agreeably to the tenor of the said treaty, which Is 
 in the words following to wit. 
 
 TJREATY OF PEACE AKD AMITY, 
 
 BETWEEN 
 
 HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY 
 
 AND 
 THE UNITED STATES OP AMERICA:.^ 
 
 His Britannic M jesty and the United States of America, desi- 
 rous of terminating the war which has unhappliy subsisted be- 
 tween the two countries, and of restoring, upon priiiciplts of per- 
 fect reciprocity, peace, friendship and good undersiiinding, be- 
 tween them, have, for that purpose, appointed their respective 
 Plenipotentiaries, that is to say : 'His Britannic Majesty, on his 
 part, has appointed the Right Honorable James Lord Gaivibier, 
 late admiral of the white, now admiral of the red squadron of His 
 Mi'.jesty's fleet, Henry Goulburn, Esquire, a Member of the 
 Imperial Parliament and under Secretary of State, and William 
 Adams, Esquire, Doctor of Civil Laws : — And the Prtsidtnt of 
 tht United States, by and with the advice and consent of ih^ Sen- 
 ate thereof, has appointed John Quincy Adams James A Bay- 
 ard, Henry Clay, Jonathan Russel. and Albert Gallatin, 
 citizens of the U^nited States, who, a^ter a reciprocal communicdtiom 
 of their respective full powers, have agreed upon the following ar- 
 ticles \ 
 
 article the first. 
 
 • 
 
 There shall be a firm and universal ^eace between His Britan- 
 nic Majesty and the United States, and between their respective 
 countries, territories, cities, towns, and people, of every degree, 
 without exception of places or persons. All hostilities, both by- 
 sea and land, shall cease as soon as this Treaty shall have been ra- 
 tified by both parties, as hereinafter mentioned. All territory, 
 places, and possessions, whatsoever, taken from either party, by 
 the Other, during the war, or whiph may be taken after the signing 
 
 M 
 
90 
 
 of this Treaty, excepting only, the Islands hereinafter mentioned^ 
 shall be restored without delay, and without c using any destruc- 
 tion, or c rrying away any of the artillery or other public property 
 originally captured in the said forts or places, and which shall re- 
 main therein upon the exchange of the ratificati6n of this Treaty, 
 or jny slaves or other private property. — And all archives, re- 
 cords, deeds and papers, either of a public nature, or belonging to 
 private persons which in the course of the war, may have fallen in- 
 to the hands of the officers of either pariy, shall be as far as may 
 be practicable, forthwith restored and delivered to the proper au- 
 thorities and persons to whom they respectively belong. Such 
 of the Islands in the Bay of Passamaquoddy as are claimed by 
 both parties shall remain in the possession of the party in whose 
 occupation tliey may be at the time of the exchange of the ratifi- 
 cations of this treaty, until the decision respecting the title to the 
 said islands shall have been made in conformity with the 4th arti- 
 cle of this treaty. No disposition made by this treaty, as to such 
 possession of the islands and territories claimed by both parties, 
 shall in any manner whatever, be construed to affect the right of 
 either. 
 
 ARTICLf; THE SECOND. 
 
 Immediately after the ratification of this treaty by both parties, 
 as herein mentioned orders shall be sent to the armies, squadrons, 
 officers, subjects and citizens, of the two powers to cease from all 
 hostilities: And to prevent all cause of complaint which might arise 
 on account of the prizes which may be taken at sea after the said 
 ratification of this treaty; it is reciprocally agreed, that all vessels 
 and effects which may be taken after the space of twelve days 
 from the said ratificatioiis upon all parts of the coast of North 
 America, from the latitude of twenty-three degrees north, to the 
 latitude of fifty degrees north, and as far eastward in the Atlan- 
 tic ocean, as the thirty-sixth degree of west longitude from the 
 meridian of Greenwich, shall be restored on each side : That the 
 time shall be thirty da) sin all other pans of the Atlantic ocean j 
 north of the equinoctial \me or equator, and the same time for 
 the British and Irish Channels, for the Gulf of Mexicoj and all 
 parts of the West-Indies : >orty days for the North Seas, for the 
 Baltic, and for all parts of the Mediteri'anean : Sixty days for the 
 Atlantic ocean south of the 'equator as far as the latitude of the 
 Cape of Good Hope : Ninety days for every part of the world 
 south of the equator : And one hundred and twenty days for all 
 other parts of the world, without exception. 
 
 ARTICLE THE THIRD. 
 
 All prisoners of war taken on either side, as vD'ell by land as by 
 sea, shall bo restored as scon as practicable after the ratificatioti 
 
9i 
 
 oi' this treaty, as hereinafter mentioned, on their paying the debts 
 %vhich they may have contracted during their captivity. — The two 
 contracting parties respectively engage to discharge in specie, the 
 advances which may have beei^made by the other for the suste- 
 nance and maintenance of such prisoners. 
 
 ARTIpJLE THE yOURTH, 
 
 Whereas, it was stipulated by the second article of the treaty 
 of peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, be- 
 tween his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, 
 that the boundary of the United States should comprehend all 
 islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the 
 United States, and lying between lines to be drawn due east from 
 the points where the aforesaid boundaries, between Nova Scotia, 
 on the one part, and East Florida, on the other, shall respectiv-e- 
 ly touch the Bay of Fundy, and the Atlantic Ocean, excepting 
 such islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the li- 
 mits of Nova Scotia; and whereas, the several islands in the Bay 
 of Passamaquoddy, which is part of the Bay of Fundy, and the 
 island of Grand Menan, in the said Bay of Fundy, are claimed by 
 the United States as being compre^.ended within their aforesaid 
 boundaries, which said islands are claimed as belonging to his 
 Britannic Majesty, as having been at the time of, and previous 
 to, the aforesaid treaty of one thoi^and seven hundred and eigh- 
 ty-three, within the limits of the province of Nova Scotia. — In 
 order, therefore, finally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed 
 that they shall be referred to two commissioners, to ,be appointed 
 in the following manner, viz: One commissioner shall be ap> 
 pointed by his Britannic Majesty, aini one by the President of the 
 United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate 
 thereof, and the said two commissioners, so appointed, shall be 
 sworn, impartially to examine and decide upon the said claims 
 according to such evidence as shall be laid before them on the 
 part of his Britannic Mujesty and of the United States respec- 
 tively. The said commissioners shall meet at St. Andrews, in 
 the province of New-Brunswick, and shall have power to adjourn 
 to such other place or places.as they shall think fit. The said 
 Commissioners shall, by a declaration or report, under their 
 hands and seals, decide to which of the two contracting parties 
 the several islands aforesaid do respectively belong in conformity 
 with the true intent of the said treaty of peace ot one tiiousand 
 seyen hundred and eighty-three. And if the said commissioners 
 shall agree in their decision, both parties shall consider such de- 
 cision as final and conclusive. It is further agreed, that in the 
 event of the two commissioners difieiing upon all or any of the 
 iSiatters so referred to them, or in the event of both or either of 
 the said commiesioners refusing, or declining, or wl^ullv cmFt- 
 
ting to act as such, tliey shall make jointly dr separately, a report, 
 or reports, as well to the government of his Britannic Majesty as 
 to that ot the United States, statinjr in detail the points on which 
 they differ, and the grounds upon which their respective opinions 
 have been formed, or the grounds on which they, or either of 
 
 them, have so refused, declined, or omitted to act And His 
 
 Britannic Majesty, and the Government of the United States, 
 Leieby agree to refer the report, or reports, of the said commis- 
 aioners, to some friendly sovereign or state, to be then named for 
 that purpose, and who shall be requested to decide on the differ= 
 ences which may be stated in the said report or reports, or then 
 the report of one commissioner together with the grounds upon 
 ■which the other commissioner shall have refused, declined, or 
 omitted to act, as the case may be. And if the commissioner so 
 refusing, declining, or omitting to act, shall also wilfully omit 
 to state the grounds upon which he has so done, in such manner 
 that the said statement may be referred to such friendly sovereign 
 or state together with the report of such other commissioner, 
 then such sovereign or state shall decide ex-part upon the said 
 report alone. And his Britannic Majesty and the Government of 
 the United States, engage to consider the decision of some friend- 
 ly sovereign or state to be such and conclusive on all the mattera 
 zo referred. 
 
 ARTICLj; THE FIFTH. 
 
 Whereas neither that point of the high lands lying due north 
 from the source of the river St. Croix, and designated in the for- 
 mer treaty of peace between the tvv© powers as the north-west 
 angle of Nova Scotia, now the north-westernmost head of Con- 
 necticut river, has not yet been ascertained ; and whereas that 
 part of the boundary line between the dominion of the two pow- 
 ers, which extends from he source of the river St. Croix di- 
 rectly north to the abo-ementioned north-west angle of Nova ScO" 
 lia, thence along the said highlands which divide those rivers 
 which empty themselves into the river Si. Lawrence from those 
 -whicli fall into the Atlantic ocean to the nortn-wcstermost head 
 of ConnecUcut river, thence down along the middle of that river 
 to the forty -fifth degree of north latitude ; thence by a line due 
 west on said latitude until it strikes the river Iroquois or Catara*- 
 gu)', has not yet been surveyed ; it is agreed that for these seve- 
 ral purposes, two commissioners shall be appointed, sworn, and 
 authorised, to act exactly in the manner directed vvith respect t6 
 those mentioned in the next precedmg article, unless otherwise 
 specified in the present article. The said commissioners shall 
 meet at St. Andrews in the province of New Brunswick, and 
 shall have power to adjourn to such other place as tliey shall 
 think fil. The said commissioners shall have power to ascertain 
 and determine the points aboyementioned, in conformity wjth the 
 
9:^ 
 
 jDvovisions of the said treaty of peace of one thousand seven huti" 
 dred and cighty-thice, and shall cause the boundary aforesaid, 
 from the source; of the river Si. Croix to the river Iroquois or 
 Cataraguy, to be surveyed and marked according to the said j ro- 
 visions. The said commissioners shall make a map of the said 
 boundary, and annex to it a declaration under their hands and 
 seals, certifying it to be the true 'map of the said boundary, and 
 particularizing the latitude and longitude of the nortrwest angle 
 of Nova Scotia, of the northwesternmost head of Connecticut 
 river, and of such other points of the said boundary as they may- 
 deem proper. And both parties agree to consider such map and 
 declaration as finally and conclusively fixing the said boundary. 
 And in the event of the said two commissioners dift'ering, or both 
 or either of them, refusing or declining, or wiifuily omitting to 
 act, such reports, declarations, or statements, shall be mad*; by 
 them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sove- 
 reign or state, shall be made, in all respects as in the latter part 
 of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a manner as if the 
 same was herein repeated. 
 
 ARTICLE THE SIXTH. 
 
 Whereas by the former treaty of peace, that portion of the 
 boundary of the United States from the point where the fort} -fifth 
 degree of nor.h latitude strikes the river Iroquois or Cataraguy, 
 to the Lake Superior, v^^as declared to be " along tne midulc of 
 said rivei into Lake Ontario, tnrough the middle of said lake, 
 until it strikes the comaiunicatioa by water between that lake and 
 Lake Erie, thence along the middle oi said communication into 
 Lake Erie, througn the middle of said lake until it arrives at the 
 ■water communication into the L ke Huron, tiience thiocrgh the 
 middle of said lake to the water communication between that lake 
 and Lake Superior." And whereas, doubts have arisen what Avas 
 the middle of said river, lakes and water communications, and 
 whether certain islands lying in the same, were within tue domi- 
 nions of his Britannic Majesty or of the United Siates : In oriK;r, 
 therefore, finally to decide these doubts, they siiail be reterred 
 to two commissioners, to i)e appointed, sworn, and authorised loifc 
 act exactly in the manner directed with respect to thos\. mcciun- 
 ed in the next preceding article, unless otherwise specihed in liiis 
 present article. The said comuiissioners shail meet in tiiC hist 
 instance, at Albany, in the S.aie ot New-York, and shail h«ve 
 power to adjourn to such other place or pxaccb, as they shaii iM.ik 
 £t: the said commissioners shaii by a rtrport or deciaiatirni, \[i\~ 
 di^r their hands and seais, desii^na-c tnc boundaiy throu.^n liie 
 said river, lakes, and water comuiuiiiv.aiions, diiu uecide ^^ \-i.ich 
 of the two contracant^ panics tlic bevtial isiai.cs iyi>ig vvIl.v- the 
 said river, lakes and water commumcations, do respeciiveiy be- 
 
94 
 
 )ong:, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of one 
 thousand seven hundred and eighty-three. And both parties 
 agree to consider such designation and decisions as final and can- 
 clusive. And in the event of the said two commissioners differ- 
 ing, or both, or either of them, refnsing, declining, or wilfully 
 omitting ""to act, such reports, declarations or statements, shall 
 l3e made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a 
 friendly sovereign or state shall be made in all respects as in the 
 latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in as full a man-» 
 ner as if the same was herein repeated. 
 
 ARTICLE THE ^SEVENTH. 
 
 It is further agreed that the said two last mentioned commis- 
 sioners, after they shall have executed the duties assigned to them 
 in the preceding articiC, shall, be, and they are hereby authorized, 
 upon their oaths, impartially to fix and determine, according to 
 the true intent of the said Treaty of Peace, of one thousand seven 
 Iiundred and eighty-three, that part of the boundary between the 
 dominions of the two powers, which extends from the water com- 
 munication between Lake Huron and Lake Superior, to the most 
 north-western point of the Lake of the Woods, to decide to which 
 of the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, water 
 communications, and rivers, forming the said boundary, do re- 
 spectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said 
 Treaty of Peace, of one thousand seven hundred and eighty- 
 three ; and to cause such parts of the said boundary, as require 
 it, to be surveyed and marked. The said commissioners shall, 
 by a report or declaration under their hands and seals, designate 
 the boundary aforesaid, state their decision on the points thus re- 
 ferred to them, and particularize the latitude and longitude of the 
 iripst north western point of the Lake of the Woods, of such other 
 part of the said boundary as they may, deem proper. And both 
 parties agree to consider such designation and decision as final 
 am: onpxlusive. And^ in the event of the said two commissioners 
 differi'ig, or both, or cither of them refusing, declining, or wilful- 
 ly omitting to act, sucii reports, deciarAlions, or statements, shaU 
 be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a 
 friendly sovereign or slate, shall be made in all respects, as in the 
 latter part of the fourth article i& contained, and in as full a man- 
 ner as if the same was herein repeated. 
 
 ARTICLJi: THE EJGHTH. 
 
 The several boards of two commissioners mentioned in the four 
 preceding articles, shaU respectively have power to appoint a se- 
 cretary, and to employ such surveyors or other pciscjns as r!..cy 
 shall judge necessary. Duplicates of all their respective reports, 
 declarations, siatements and decisions, jtid of their accounr:., and 
 of the journal ot their procee4iings shall be delivered by tncm to 
 
9^ 
 
 the agents of his Britannic majesty, and to the agents of thfe Uni- 
 ted States, who may be respectively appointed and authc vized t© 
 manage the business on behalf of their respective ^overrments. 
 The said commissioners shall be respectively paid in sixh iran- 
 ner as shall be agreed between the two contracting parlies, such 
 agreement being to be settled at the time t.f the exchange of the 
 ralificationsof the treaty. And all other expenses attending the 
 said commissioners shall be defrayed equally by the two parties. 
 And in the case of death, sickness, resignation or necessary ab- 
 sence, the place of every such commissioner respectively shall be 
 supplied in the same manner as such commissioner was first ap» 
 pointed, and the new commissioner sh^ll take the same oath or 
 affirmation, and do the same duties. It is fui ther agreed between 
 the two contracting parties, that in case any of the islands men- 
 tioned in any of the preceding articles, which were in the pos- 
 session of one of the parties prior to the commencement of the 
 present war between the two countries, should, by the: decision 
 of anv of the beards of commissioners aforesaid, or of the sove- 
 reign or state so referred to, as ia the four next preceding articles 
 contained, fall within the oominions of the other party, all grants 
 of land made previous to the commencement of tlie war by the 
 party having had such possession, shall be as valid as if such island 
 or islands, had by such decision or decisions, been adjudged to be 
 within the dominions of the party having such possession. 
 
 ARTICLE THE NINTH. 
 
 The United States of America engage to put an end fmme- 
 diately after the ratification of the present treaty to hostilities 
 with all the tribes or nations of Indians, with whom they may be 
 at war at the time of such ratification ; and forthwith to restore to 
 such tribes or nations, respectively, ail the possessions, rights, 
 and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in 
 one tho\isand eight hundred and eleven, previous to such hostili- 
 ties ; Provided alivaya, that such tribes or nations shall agree to 
 desist from all hostilities against the United States of America, 
 their citizens and subjects, upon the ratification of the present 
 treaty uenig notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist 
 accordingly And his Britannic Majesty engages, on his part, to 
 put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, 
 to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians with whom 
 he may be at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwhh to 
 restore to such tribes or nations respectively, all the possessions, 
 Tights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been enti- 
 tleu to, in one thousand eight hundred and eleven, previous to 
 such hostilities: Provided always^ that such tribes or nations 
 shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic Ma- 
 jesty, and his subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty- 
 being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accord- 
 ingly- 
 
&iJ 
 
 ARTICLE THE TENTH. 
 
 Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcileable with the princi- 
 ples of humanity and justice, and whereas both his Majesiy aud 
 the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to pro- 
 mote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that both the con- 
 tracting parties shall use their best endeavours to accomplish so 
 desirable an object. 
 
 ARTICLE THE ELEVENTH. 
 
 This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified on both 
 sides, without alteration by either of the contractin ^ parties, and 
 the ratifications nnutuaily exchanged, shall be bindinp^ onbctb -par- 
 ties, and the ratifications sliall be exchanged at WashingtE.n, in 
 the space of four months from this day or sooner if practicable. 
 In faith whereof, we the respective Phiinpotentiaries iiave 
 
 signed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed our s-als. 
 Done, in triplicate, at Ghent, the twent> -fourth day of De*- 
 ceraber, one thousand eight hundred and fourteen. 
 (l. s.) GAMBIER, 
 
 (L. s.) HENDRY GOULBURN-, 
 
 (l s.) WILLIAM ADAMS, ;^:-^ 
 
 (L. s.) JOHN -QULNCY AUA%S> 
 
 (l. s.) J. A. BAYARD, 
 
 (L. s.) H. CLAY, 
 
 (l. s.) JON A. RUSSELL, 
 
 (L s.) .. ALBERT GALLATIN. 
 
 Now, therefore, to the end that the said Treaty of Peace and 
 Amity may be observed with good faith, on tne pan of the United 
 States, I, James Madison, President as aforesaid, have caused the 
 premises to be made public; and I do hereby enjoin ail persons 
 bearing office, civil or military, within the United Stat s, and all 
 other citizens and inhabitants thereof, or bemg within the same> 
 faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty and every clause and 
 article thereof. 
 
 In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United 
 (seal) States to bo affixed to these presents, and signed the 
 same ^ith my hand. 
 Done at the city of Washington, this eighteenth day of Fe- 
 bruary, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and fifteen, and of the sovereignty and indepen- 
 dence of the United States the thirty-ninth. 
 
 JAMES MADISON 
 3y the President, 
 
 JAMES MONROE, 
 
 Jcting Secretary of Siate> 
 
 ». 89 f 
 

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